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LIBRARY CATALOGUE SLIPS.


Series title.

Smithsonian institution. _Bureau of ethnology._

Tenth annual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to the |
secretary of the Smithsonian institution | 1888-’89 | by | J. W.
Powell | director | [Vignette] |

Washington | government printing office | 1893

8^o. xxx, 742 pp. 54 pl.


Author title.

Powell (John Wesley).

Tenth annual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to the |
secretary of the Smithsonian institution | 1888-’89 | by | J. W.
Powell | director | [Vignette] |

Washington | government printing office | 1893

8^o. xxx, 742 pp. 54 pl.

[SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. _Bureau of ethnology._]


Title for subject entry.

Tenth annual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to the |
secretary of the Smithsonian institution | 1888-’89 | by | J. W.
Powell | director | [Vignette] |

Washington | government printing office | 1893

8^o. xxx, 742 pp. 54 pl.

[SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. _Bureau of ethnology._]




    TENTH ANNUAL REPORT
    OF THE
    BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

    TO THE
    SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION

    1888-’89

    BY
    J. W. POWELL
    DIRECTOR

    [Illustration]

    WASHINGTON
    GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
    1893


REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR.




CONTENTS.


                                                                    Page.

  Letter of transmittal                                               VII

  Introduction                                                         IX

  Publications                                                          X

  Field work                                                            X
    Mound explorations                                                  X
      Work of Mr. Cyrus Thomas                                          X
      Work of Mr. Gerard Fowke                                         XI
      Work of Mr. J. D. Middleton                                      XI
      Work of Mr. H. L. Reynolds                                       XI
      Work of Mr. J. W. Emmert                                        XII
    General field studies                                             XII
      Work of Col. Garrick Mallery                                    XII
      Work of Mr. W. J. Hoffman                                      XIII
      Work of Mr. H. W. Henshaw                                       XIV
      Work of Mr. James Mooney                                         XV
      Work of Mr. Jeremiah Curtin                                     XVI
      Work of Mr. A. S. Gatschet                                     XVII
      Work of Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt                                    XVII
      Work of Mr. Victor Mindeleff                                   XVII
      Work of Mr. A. M. Stephen                                      XVII

  Office work                                                       XVIII
      Work of Major J. W. Powell                                    XVIII
      Work of Mr. H. W. Henshaw                                     XVIII
      Work of Col. Garrick Mallery                                  XVIII
      Work of Mr. J. Owen Dorsey                                    XVIII
      Work of Mr. A. S. Gatschet                                      XIX
      Work of Mr. Jeremiah Curtin                                     XIX
      Work of Mr. James Mooney                                        XIX
      Work of Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt                                      XX
      Work of Mr. J. C. Pilling                                        XX
      Work of Mr. W. H. Holmes                                        XXI
      Work of Mr. Cyrus Thomas                                       XXII
      Work of Mr. H. L. Reynolds                                     XXII
      Work of Mr. Victor Mindeleff                                   XXII
      Work of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff                                   XXII
      Work of Mr. J. K. Hillers                                     XXIII
      Work of Mr. Franz Boas                                        XXIII
      Work of Mr. Lucien M. Turner                                   XXIV

  Necrology                                                          XXIV
    Mr. James Stevenson                                              XXIV

  Accompanying paper                                                  XXV
    Picture-writing of the American Indians, by Garrick Mallery      XXVI

  Financial statement                                                 XXX




LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL.


    SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY,
                  _Washington, D. C., October 1, 1889_.


SIR: I have the honor to submit my Tenth Annual Report as Director of
the Bureau of Ethnology.

The first part of it presents an exposition of the operations of the
Bureau during the fiscal year 1888-’89; the second part consists of a
work on the Picture-writing of the American Indians, which has been in
preparation for several years.

I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and your valuable
counsel relating to the work under my charge.

I am, with respect, your obedient servant,

[Illustration: signature]

    _Director_.

    Prof. S. P. LANGLEY,
          _Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution_.




    TENTH ANNUAL REPORT
    OF THE
    BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

BY J. W. POWELL, DIRECTOR.


INTRODUCTION.

Research among the North American Indians, in obedience to acts of
Congress, was continued during the fiscal year 1888-’89.

The explanation presented in several former annual reports of the
general plan upon which the work of the Bureau has been performed
renders a detailed repetition superfluous. The lines of investigation
which from time to time have appeared to be the most useful or the
most pressing have been confided to persons trained in or known to be
specially adapted to their pursuit. The results of their labors are
presented in the three series of publications of the Bureau which are
provided for by law. A brief statement of the work upon which each one
of the special students was actively engaged during the fiscal year is
furnished below; but it should be noted that this statement does not
specify all the studies made or services rendered by them.

The assistance of explorers, writers, and students who are not and may
not desire to be officially connected with the Bureau is again invited.
Their contributions, whether in suggestions or extended communications,
will always be gratefully acknowledged and will receive proper credit.
They may be published as Congress will allow, either in the series of
annual reports or in monographs or bulletins. Several valuable papers of
this class have already been contributed and published.

The report now submitted consists of three principal divisions. The
first relates to the publications made during the fiscal year; the
second, to the work prosecuted in the field; the third, to the office
work, which chiefly consists of the preparation for publication of the
results of field work, with the corrections and additions obtained from
exhaustive researches into the literature of the subjects discussed and
by correspondence relative to them.


PUBLICATIONS.

The publications actually issued and distributed during the year were as
follows, all octavo:

Bibliography of the Iroquoian Languages, by James C. Pilling; pages i-vi
+ 1-208. Facsimile reproductions, at pages 44 and 56, of title pages of
early publications relating to Indian languages, and, at page 72, of the
Cherokee alphabet.

Textile Fabrics of Ancient Peru, by William H. Holmes; pages 1-17, Figs.
1-11.

The Problem of the Ohio Mounds, by Cyrus Thomas; pages 1-54, Figs. 1-8.


FIELD WORK.

The field work of the year is divided into (1) mound explorations
and (2) general field studies, the latter being directed chiefly to
archeology, linguistics, and pictography.


MOUND EXPLORATIONS.


WORK OF MR. CYRUS THOMAS.

The work of exploring the mounds of the eastern United States was, as in
former years, under the superintendence of Mr. Cyrus Thomas. The efforts
of the division were chiefly confined to the examination of material
already collected and to the arrangement and preparation for publication
of the data on hand. Field work received less attention, therefore,
than in previous years, and was mainly directed to such investigations
as were necessary to elucidate doubtful points and to the examination
and surveys of important works which had not before received adequate
attention.

The only assistants to Mr. Thomas whose engagements embraced the entire
year were Mr. James D. Middleton and Mr. Henry L. Reynolds. Mr. Gerard
Fowke, one of the assistants, ceased his connection with the Bureau
at the end of the second month. Mr. John W. Emmert was engaged as a
temporary assistant for a few months.


WORK OF MR. GERARD FOWKE.

During the short time in which he remained with the division, Mr. Fowke
was engaged in exploring certain mounds in the Sciota valley, Ohio, a
field to which Messrs. Squier and Davis had devoted much attention.
Its reexamination was for the purpose of investigating certain typical
mounds which had not been thoroughly examined by those explorers.


WORK OF MR. J. D. MIDDLETON.

Mr. Middleton was employed from July to the latter part of October in
the exploration of mounds and other ancient works in Calhoun county,
Illinois, a territory to which special interest attaches because it
seems to be on the border line of different archeologic districts. From
October until December he was engaged at Washington in preparing plats
of Ohio earthworks. During the next month he made resurveys of some of
the more important inclosures in Ohio, after which he resumed work in
the office at Washington until the latter part of March, when he was
sent to Tennessee to examine several mound groups and to determine, so
far as possible, the exact locations of the old Cherokee “over-hill
towns.” The result of the last-mentioned investigation was valuable, as
it indicated that each of these “over-hill towns” was, with possibly one
unimportant exception, in the locality of a mound group.


WORK OF MR. H. L. REYNOLDS.

Near the close of October Mr. Reynolds, having already examined the
inclosures of the northern, eastern, and western sections of the mound
region, went to Ohio and West Virginia to study the different types
found there, with reference to the chapters he was preparing on the
various forms of ancient inclosures in the United States. While thus
engaged he explored a large mound connected with one of the typical
works in Paint creek valley, obtaining unexpected and important results.
The construction of this tumulus was found to be quite different from
most of those in the same section examined by Messrs. Squier and Davis.


WORK OF MR. J. W. EMMERT.

Mr. Emmert devoted the few months in which he was employed to the
successful exploration of mounds in eastern Tennessee. Some important
discoveries were made and additional interesting facts were ascertained
in regard to the mounds of that section.


GENERAL FIELD STUDIES.


WORK OF COL. GARRICK MALLERY.

Early in the month of July Col. Garrick Mallery proceeded to Maine, Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick to continue investigation into the pictographs
of the Abnaki and Micmac Indians, which had been commenced in 1887. He
first visited rocks in Maine, on the shore near Machiasport, and on Hog
island, in Holmes bay, a part of Machias bay. In both localities pecked
petroglyphs were found, accurate copies of which were taken. Some of
them had not before been reported. They are probably of Abnaki origin,
of either the Penobscot or the Passamaquoddy division, the rocks lying
on the line of water communication between the territories of those
divisions. From Maine he proceeded to Kejemkoojik lake, on the border
of Queens and Annapolis counties, Nova Scotia, and resumed the work
of drawing and tracing the large number of petroglyphs found during
the previous summer. Perfect copies were obtained of so many of them
as to be amply sufficient for study and comparison. These are incised
petroglyphs, and were made by Micmacs. The country of the Malecites, on
the St. Johns river, New Brunswick, was next visited. No petroglyphs
were discovered, but a considerable amount of information was obtained
upon the old system of pictographs on birch bark and its use.
Illustrative specimens were gathered, together with myths and legends,
which assisted in the elucidation of some of the pictographs observed
elsewhere.


WORK OF MR. W. J. HOFFMAN.

Mr. W. J. Hoffman proceeded in July to visit the Red Lake and White
Earth Indian reservations in Minnesota. At Red lake he obtained copies
of birch bark records pertaining to the Midē'wiwin or Grand Medicine
Society of the Ojibwa, an order of shamans professing the power to
prophesy, to cure disease, and to confer success in the chase. The
introductory portion of the ritual of this society pertains particularly
to the Ojibwa cosmogony. At the same place he secured several birch
bark records of hunting expeditions, battles with neighboring tribes of
Indians, maps, and songs. He also investigated the former and present
practice of tattooing, and the Ojibwa works of art in colors, beads, and
quills.

At White Earth Reservation two distinct charts of the Grand Medicine
Society were obtained, together with full explanations by two of the
chief midé or shamans, one of whom was the only fourth-degree priest in
either of the reservations. Although a considerable difference between
these three charts is apparent, their principles and the general course
of the initiation of the candidates are similar. The survival of archaic
forms in the charts and ritual indicates a considerable antiquity. Some
mnemonic songs were also obtained at this reservation. In addition to
the ritual, secured directly from the priests, in the Ojibwa language,
translations of the songs were also recorded, with musical notation.
On leaving the above reservations, Mr. Hoffman proceeded to Pipestone,
Minnesota, to copy the petroglyphs upon the cliffs of that historic
quarry.

He then returned to St. Paul, Minnesota, to search the records of the
library of the Minnesota Historical Society for copies of pictographs
reported to have been made near La Pointe, Wisconsin. Little information
was obtained, although it is known that such pictographs, now nearly
obliterated, existed upon conspicuous cliffs and rocks near Lake
Superior, at and in the vicinity of Bayfield and Ashland.

Mr. Hoffman afterward made an examination of the “pictured cave,”
eight miles northeast of La Crosse, Wisconsin, to obtain copies of the
characters appearing there. These are rapidly being destroyed by the
disintegration of the rock. The colors employed in delineating the
various figures were dark red and black. The figures represent human
beings, deer, and other forms not now distinguishable.


WORK OF MR. H. W. HENSHAW.

Mr. H. W. Henshaw spent the months of August, September, and October on
the Pacific coast, engaged in the collection of vocabularies of several
Indian languages, with a view to their study and classification. The
Umatilla Reservation in Oregon was first visited with the object of
obtaining a comprehensive vocabulary of the Cayuse. Though there are
about four hundred of these Indians on the reservation, probably not
more than six speak the Cayuse tongue. The Cayuse have extensively
intermarried with the Umatilla, and now speak the language of the
latter, or that of the Nez Percé. An excellent Cayuse vocabulary was
obtained, and at the same time the opportunity was embraced to secure
vocabularies of the Umatilla and the Nez Percé languages. His next
objective point was the neighborhood of the San Rafael Mission, Marin
county, California, the hope being entertained that some of the Indians
formerly gathered at the mission would be found there. He learned that
there were no Indians at or near San Rafael, but subsequently found a
few on the shores of Tomales bay, to the north. A good vocabulary was
collected from one of these, which, as was expected, was subsequently
found to be related to the Moquelumnan family of the interior, to the
southeast of San Francisco bay. Later the missions of Santa Cruz and
Monterey were visited. At these points there still remain a few old
Indians who retain a certain command of their own language, though
Spanish forms their ordinary means of intercourse. The vocabularies
obtained are sufficient to prove, beyond any reasonable doubt, that
there are two linguistic families instead of one, as had been formerly
supposed, in the country above referred to. A still more important
discovery was made by Mr. Henshaw at Monterey, where an old woman was
found who succeeded in calling to mind more than one hundred words and
short phrases of the Esselen language, formerly spoken near Monterey,
but less than forty words of which had been previously known. Near the
town of Cayucas, to the south, an aged and blind Indian was visited
who was able to add somewhat to the stock of Esselen words obtained at
Monterey, and to give valuable information concerning the original home
of that tribe. As a result of the study of this material Mr. Henshaw
determines the Esselen to be a distinct linguistic family, a conclusion
first drawn by Mr. Curtin from a study of the vocabularies collected by
Galiano and Lamanon in the eighteenth century. The territory occupied by
the tribe and linguistic family lies coastwise, south of Monterey bay,
as far as the Santa Lucia mountains.


WORK OF MR. JAMES MOONEY.

On July 5 Mr. James Mooney started on a second trip to the territory
of the Cherokee in North Carolina, returning after an absence of
about four months. During this time he made considerable additions
to the linguistic material already obtained by him, and was able to
demonstrate the former existence of a fourth, and perhaps even of a
fifth, well-marked Cherokee dialect in addition to the upper, lower, and
middle dialects already known. The invention of a Cherokee syllabary
which was adapted to the sounds of the upper dialect has tended to make
that dialect universal. A number of myths were collected, together with
a large amount of miscellaneous material relating to the Cherokee tribe,
and the great tribal game of ball play, with its attendant ceremonies
of dancing, conjuring, scratching the bodies of the players, and going
to water, was witnessed. A camera was utilized to secure characteristic
pictures of the players. Special attention was given to the subject
of Indian medicine, theoretic, ceremonial, and therapeutic. The most
noted doctors of the tribe were employed as informants, and nearly
five hundred specimens of medicinal and food plants were collected
and their Indian names and uses ascertained. The general result of
this investigation shows that the medical and botanical knowledge of
the Indians has been greatly overrated. A study was made of Cherokee
personal names, about five hundred of which were translated, being
all the names of Indian origin now remaining in that region. The most
important results of Mr. Mooney’s investigations were the discovery of a
large number of manuscripts containing the sacred formulas of the tribe,
written in Cherokee characters by the shamans for their own secret use,
and jealously guarded from the knowledge of all but the initiated. The
existence of such manuscripts had been ascertained during a visit in
1887, and several of them had been procured. This discovery of genuine
aboriginal material, written in an Indian language by shamans for
their own use, is believed to be unique in the history of aboriginal
investigation, and was only made possible through the invention of
the Cherokee syllabary by Sequoia in 1821. Every effort was made by
Mr. Mooney to obtain all the existing manuscripts, with the result of
securing all of that material which was in the possession of the tribe.
The whole number of formulas obtained is about six hundred. They consist
of prayers and sacred songs, explanations of ceremonies, directions for
medical treatment, and underlying theories. They relate to medicine,
love, war, hunting, fishing, self-protection, witchcraft, agriculture,
the ball play, and other similar subjects, thus forming a complete
exposition of an aboriginal religion as set forth by its priests in
their own language.


WORK OF MR. JEREMIAH CURTIN.

Early in October Mr. Jeremiah Curtin left Washington for the Pacific
coast. During the remainder of the year he was occupied in Shasta and
Humboldt counties, California, in collecting vocabularies and data
connected with the Indian system of medicine. This work was continued in
different parts of Humboldt and Siskiyou counties until June 30, 1889.
Large collections of linguistic and other data were gathered and myths
were secured which show that the whole system of medicine of these
Indians and the ministration of remedies originated in and are limited
to sorcery practices.


WORK OF MR. A. S. GATSCHET.

The field work of Mr. Albert S. Gatschet during the year was short.
It had been ascertained that Mrs. Alice M. Oliver, now in Lynn,
Massachusetts, formerly lived on Trespalacios bay, Texas, near the homes
of the Karánkawa, and Mr. Gatschet visited Lynn with a view of securing
as complete a vocabulary as possible of their extinct language. Mrs.
Oliver was able to recall about one hundred and sixty terms of the
language, together with some phrases and sentences. She also furnished
many valuable details regarding the ethnography of the tribe. Ten days
were spent in this work.


WORK OF MR. J. N. B. HEWITT.

Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt was occupied in field work from August 1 to November
8, as follows: From the first of August to September 20 he was on the
Tuscarora reserve, in Niagara county, New York, in which locality
fifty-five legends and myths were collected. A Penobscot vocabulary
was also obtained here, together with other linguistic material. From
September 20 to November 8 Mr. Hewitt visited the Grand River reserve,
Canada, where a large amount of text was obtained, together with notes
and other linguistic material.


WORK OF MR. VICTOR MINDELEFF.

Mr. Victor Mindeleff left Washington on October 23 for St. John’s,
Arizona, where he examined the Hubbell collection of ancient pottery
and secured a series of photographs and colored drawings of the more
important specimens. Thence he went to Zuñi and obtained drawings
of interior details of dwellings and other data necessary for the
completion of his studies of the architecture of this pueblo. He
returned to Washington December 7.


WORK OF MR. A. M. STEPHEN.

Mr. A. M. Stephen continued work among the Tusayan pueblos under the
direction of Mr. Victor Mindeleff. He added much to the knowledge
of the traditionary history of Tusayan, and made an extensive study
of the house lore and records of house-building ceremonials. He
also reported a full nomenclature of Tusayan architectural terms as
applied to the various details of terraced-house construction, with
etymologies. He secured from the Navajo much useful information of the
ceremonial connected with the construction of their conical lodges or
“hogans,” supplementing the more purely architectural records of their
construction previously collected by Mr. Mindeleff. As opportunity
occurred he gathered typical collections of baskets and other textile
fabrics illustrative of the successive stages of their manufacture,
including specimens of raw materials and detailed descriptions of the
dyes used. These collections are intended to include also the principal
patterns in use at the present time, with the Indian explanations of
their significance.


OFFICE WORK.

Major J. W. POWELL, the Director, devoted much time during the year
to the preparation of the paper to accompany a map of the linguistic
families of America north of Mexico, the scope of which has been alluded
to in previous reports. This report and map appear in the Seventh Annual
Report of the Bureau.

Mr. HENSHAW was chiefly occupied with the administrative duties of the
office, which have been placed in his charge by the Director, and with
the completion of the linguistic map.

Col. MALLERY, after his return from the field work elsewhere mentioned,
was engaged in the elaboration of the new information obtained and
in further continued study of and correspondence relating to sign
language and pictography. In this work he was assisted by Mr. HOFFMAN,
particularly in the sketches made by the latter during previous field
seasons, and in preparing a large number of the illustrations for the
paper on Picture-writing of the American Indians which appears in the
present volume.

Mr. J. OWEN DORSEY did no field work during the year, but devoted much
of the time to original investigations. Samuel Fremont, an Omaha
Indian, came to Washington in October, 1888, and until February,
1889, assisted Mr. Dorsey in the revision of the entries for the
Ȼegiha-English Dictionary. Similar assistance was rendered by Little
Standing Buffalo, a Ponka Indian from the Indian Territory, in April and
May, 1889. Mr. Dorsey also completed the entries for the Ȼegiha-English
Dictionary, and a list of Ponka, Omaha, and Winnebago personal names. He
translated from the Teton dialect of the Dakota all the material of the
Bushotter collection in the Bureau of Ethnology, and prepared therefrom
a paper on Teton folklore. He also prepared a brief paper on the camping
circles of Siouan tribes, and in addition furnished an article on the
modes of predication in the Athapascan dialects of Oregon and in several
dialects of the Siouan family. He also edited the manuscript of the
Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnography, written by the late Rev. Dr. S.
R. Riggs, which has been published as Volume VII, Contributions to North
American Ethnology. In May, 1889, he began an extensive paper on Indian
personal names, based on material obtained by himself in the field, to
contain names of the following tribes, viz: Omaha and Ponka, Kansa,
Osage, Kwapa, Iowa, Oto and Missouri, and Winnebago.

Mr. ALBERT S. GATSCHET’S office work was almost entirely restricted to
the composition and completion of his Ethnographic Sketch, Grammar,
and Dictionary of the Klamath Language of Oregon, with the necessary
appendices. These works have been published as Parts 1 and 2, Vol. II,
of Contributions to North American Ethnology.

Mr. JEREMIAH CURTIN during the year arranged and copied myths of various
Indian families, and also transcribed Wasco, Sahaptin, and Yanan
vocabularies previously collected.

Mr. JAMES MOONEY, on his return from the Cherokee reservation in 1888,
began at once to translate a number of the prayers and sacred songs
obtained from the shamans during his visit. The result of this work has
appeared in a paper in the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau entitled
“Sacred formulas of the Cherokees.” Considerable time was devoted also
to the elaboration of the botanic and linguistic notes obtained in
the field. In the spring of 1889 he began the collection of material
for a monograph on the aborigines of the Middle Atlantic slope, with
special reference to the Powhatan tribes of Virginia. As a preliminary,
about one thousand circulars, requesting information in regard to local
names, antiquities, and surviving Indians, were distributed throughout
Maryland, Delaware, Virginia, and northeastern Carolina. Sufficient
information was obtained in responses to afford an excellent basis for
future work in this direction.

Mr. JOHN N. B. HEWITT, from July 1 to August 1, was engaged in arranging
alphabetically the recorded words of the Tuscarora-English dictionary
mentioned in former reports, and in the study of adjective word forms
to determine the variety and kind of the Tuscarora moods and tenses.
After his return from the field Mr. Hewitt classified and tabulated all
the forms of the personal pronouns employed in the Tuscarora language.
Studies were also prosecuted to develop the predicative function in
the Tuscarora speech. All the terms of consanguinity and affinity as
now used among the Tuscarora were recorded and tabulated. Literal
translations of many myths collected in the field were made, and free
translations added to four of them. In all appropriate instances
linguistic notes were added relating to etymology, phonesis, and verbal
change.

Mr. JAMES C. PILLING gave much time to bibliographies of North American
languages. The bibliography of the Iroquoian languages was completed
early in the fiscal year, and the edition was issued in February. In the
meantime a bibliography of the Muskhogean languages was compiled, the
manuscript of which was sent to the Public Printer in January, 1889,
though the edition was not delivered during the fiscal year. Early in
March, 1889, Mr. Pilling went to Philadelphia to inspect the manuscripts
belonging to the American Philosophical Society, the authorities of
which gave him every facility, and much new material was secured. In
June he visited the Astor, Lenox, and Historical Society libraries in
New York; the libraries of the Boston Athenæum, Massachusetts Historical
Society, American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, and
the Boston Public Library, in Boston; that of Harvard University, in
Cambridge; of the American Antiquarian Society, in Worcester; and the
private library of Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, in Hartford. In Canada he
visited the library of Laval University, and the private library of Mr.
P. Gagnon, in Quebec, of St. Mary’s College and Jacques Cartier School
in Montreal, and various missions along the St. Lawrence river, to
inspect the manuscripts left by the early missionaries. The result was
the accumulation of much new material for insertion in the Algonquian
bibliography.

Mr. WILLIAM H. HOLMES continued to edit the illustrations for the
publications of the Bureau, and besides was engaged actively in his
studies of aboriginal archeology. He completed papers upon the pottery
of the Potomac valley, and upon the objects of shell collected by the
Bureau during the last eight years, and he has others in preparation.
As curator of Bureau collections he makes the following statement of
accessions for the year: From Mr. Thomas and his immediate assistants,
working in the mound region of the Mississippi valley and contiguous
portions of the Atlantic slope, the Bureau has received one hundred and
forty-six specimens, including articles of clay, stone, shell, and bone.
Mr. Victor Mindeleff obtained sixteen specimens of pottery from the
Pueblo country. Other collections by members of the Bureau and the U. S.
Geological Survey are as follows: Shell beads and pendants (modern) from
San Buenaventura, California, by Mr. Henshaw; fragments of pottery and
other articles from the vicinity of the Cheroki agency, North Carolina,
by Mr. Mooney; a large grooved hammer from the bluff at Three Forks,
Montana, by Mr. A. C. Peale; a large series of rude stone implements
from the District of Columbia, by Mr. De Lancey W. Gill. Donations have
been received as follows: An important series of earthen vases from a
mound on Perdido bay, Alabama, given by F. H. Parsons; ancient pueblo
vases from southwestern Colorado, by William M. Davidson; a series of
spurious earthen vessels, manufactured by unknown persons in eastern
Iowa, from C. C. Jones, of Augusta, Georgia; fragments of pottery,
etc., from Romney, West Virginia, given by G. H. Johnson; fragments
of a steatite pot from Ledyard, Connecticut, by G. L. Fancher; an
interesting series of stone tools, earthen vessels, etc., from a mound
on Lake Apopka, Florida, by Thomas Featherstonhaugh; fragments of gilded
earthenware and photographs of antiquities from Mexico, by F. Plancarte;
fragments of gold ornaments from Costa Rica, by Anastasio Alfaro.
Important specimens have been received as follows: Articles of clay from
a mound on Perdido bay, Alabama, loaned by Mrs. A. T. Mosman; articles
of clay from the last mentioned locality, by A. B. Simons; pottery from
the Potomac valley, by W. Hallett Phillips, by S. V. Proudfit, and by H.
L. Reynolds; articles of gold and gold-copper alloy from Costa Rica, by
Anastasio Alfaro, Secretary of the National Museum at San Jose.

Mr. THOMAS was chiefly occupied during the year in the preparation of
the second and third volumes of his reports upon the mounds. He also
prepared a bulletin on the Circular, Square, and Octagonal Earthworks
of Ohio, with a view of giving a summary of the recent survey by the
mound division of the principal works of the above character in southern
Ohio. A second bulletin was completed, entitled “The Problem of the Ohio
Mounds,” in which he presented evidence to show that the ancient works
of the state are due to Indians of several different tribes, and that
some, at least, of the typical works were built by the ancestors of the
modern Cherokees.

Mr. REYNOLDS after his return from the field was engaged in the
preparation of a general map of the United States, showing the area
of the mounds and the relative frequency of their occurrence. He also
assisted Mr. Thomas in the preparation of the monograph upon the
inclosures.

Mr. VICTOR MINDELEFF, assisted by Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, was engaged
in preparing for publication a “Study of Pueblo Architecture” as
illustrated in the provinces of Tusayan and Cibola, material for which
he had been collecting for a number of years. This report has appeared
in the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau.

Mr. COSMOS MINDELEFF with the force of the modeling room at the
beginning of the fiscal year completed the exhibit of the Bureau for the
Cincinnati Exposition, and during the early part of the year he was at
Cincinnati in charge of that exhibit. Owing to restricted space it was
limited to the Pueblo culture group, but this was illustrated as fully
as the time would permit. The exhibit covered about 1,200 feet of floor
space, as well as a large amount of wall space, and consisted of models
of pueblo and cliff ruins, models of inhabited pueblos, ancient and
modern pottery, examples of weaving, basketry, etc.; a representative
series of implements of war, the chase, agriculture, and the household;
manikins illustrating costumes, and a series of large photographs
illustrative of aboriginal architecture of the pueblo region, and of
many phases of pueblo life. Upon Mr. Mindeleff’s return from Cincinnati
he resumed assistance to Mr. Victor Mindeleff upon the report on pueblo
architecture, and by the close of the fiscal year the two chapters which
had been assigned to him were completed. They consist of a review of
the literature on the pueblo region and a summary of the traditions of
the Tusayan group from material collected by Mr. A. M. Stephen. Work
was also continued on the duplicate series of models, and twelve were
advanced to various stages of completion. Some time was devoted to
repairing original models which had been exhibited at Cincinnati and
other exhibitions, and also to experiments in casting in paper, in order
in find a suitable paper for use in large models. The experiments were
successful.

Mr. J. K. HILLERS has continued the collection of photographs of
prominent Indians in both full-face and profile, by which method all
the facial characteristics are exhibited to the best advantage. In
nearly every instance a record has been preserved of the sitter’s status
in the tribe, his age, biographic notes of interest, and in cases of
mixed bloods, the degree of intermixture of blood. The total number
of photographs obtained during the year is 27, distributed among the
following tribes, viz: Sac and Fox, 5; Dakota, 6; Omaha, 6, and mixed
bloods (Creeks), 10.

Mr. FRANZ BOAS was employed from February to April in preparing for
convenient use a series of vocabularies of the several Salish divisions,
previously collected by him in British Columbia.

Mr. LUCIEN M. TURNER was for two years stationed at the Hudson Bay
Company’s post, Fort Chimo, near the northern end of the peninsula of
Labrador, as a civilian observer in the employ of the Signal Service, U.
S. Army. He was appointed to that position at the request of the late
Prof. Baird, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, in order that
his skill might be made available in a complete investigation of the
ethnology and natural history of the region. Mr. Turner left Washington
in June, 1882, and returned in the autumn of 1884. During the last year
he was engaged in the preparation of a report which will appear in one
of the forthcoming annual reports of the Bureau.




NECROLOGY.

MR. JAMES STEVENSON.


The officers of the Bureau of Ethnology and all persons interested in
researches concerning the North American Indians were this year called
to lament the death of Mr. James Stevenson, who had made regular and
valuable contributions to the publications and collections of the Bureau.

Mr. Stevenson was born in Maysville, Kentucky, on the 24th of December,
1840. When but a boy of 16 he became associated with Prof. F. V.
Hayden, and accompanied him upon expeditions into the regions of the
upper Missouri and Yellowstone rivers. Although the main objects of
these expeditions were geological, his tastes led him chiefly to
the observation of the customs and dialects of the Indians, and the
facilities for such study afforded him by the winters spent among the
Blackfoot and Dakota Indians excited and confirmed the anthropologic
zeal which absorbed the greater part of his life.

After military service during the civil war he resumed, in 1866, the
studies which had been interrupted by it, and accompanied Prof. Hayden
to the Bad Lands of Dakota. From this expedition and the action of the
Congress of the United States in 1866-’67, sprang the Hayden survey, and
during its existence Mr. Stevenson was its executive officer. In one
of the explorations from 1868 to 1878, which are too many to be here
enumerated, he climbed the Great Teton, and was the first white man
known to have reached the ancient Indian altar on its summit.

In 1879 the Hayden survey was discontinued, the Bureau of Ethnology
was organized, and the U. S. Geological Survey was established. Mr.
Stevenson, in addition to his duties as the executive officer of the
new survey, was detailed for research in connection with the Bureau of
Ethnology. In the subsequent years he devoted the winters--from the
incoming of the field parties to their outgoing in the spring--chiefly
to business of the survey; his summers to his favorite researches.
He explored the cliff and cave dwellings of Arizona and New Mexico;
he unearthed in the Canyon de Chelly two perfect skeletons of its
prehistoric inhabitants; he investigated the religious mythology of the
Zuñi, and secured a complete collection of fetich-gods, never before
allowed out of their possession; he studied the history and religions
of the Navajo and the Tusayan, and made an invaluable collection of
pottery, costumes, and ceremonial objects, which are now prominent in
the U. S. National Museum. But in the high mesas which were the field
of his explorations in 1885 he was attacked by the “mountain fever” in
its worst form. It was his first serious illness, and his regular and
temperate life saved him for the time. But a visit to the same region
in 1887 brought on a second attack of this peculiar and distressing
disease. He came home prostrated, with symptoms of serious heart failure.

He died at the Gilsey House, in New York city, on the 25th of July,
1888, and was buried in the cemetery of Rock Creek church, near
Washington.




ACCOMPANYING PAPER.


For the first time in the series of the Annual Reports of this Bureau a
single paper is submitted to exhibit the character of the investigations
undertaken and the facts collected by its officers, with the results
of their studies upon such collections. But while the paper is single
in form and in title, it includes, in its illustrations and the text
relating to them, nearly all topics into which anthropology can properly
be divided, and therefore shows more diversity than would often be
contained in a volume composed of separate papers by several authors.
Its subject-matter being essentially pictorial, it required a large
number of illustrations, twelve hundred and ninety-five figures being
furnished in the text, besides fifty-four full-page plates, which, with
their explanation and discussion, expanded the volume to such size as to
exclude other papers.


PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS, BY GARRICK MALLERY.

The papers accompanying the Fourth Annual Report of this Bureau,
which was for the fiscal year 1882-’83, included one under the title
“Pictographs of the North American Indians, a Preliminary Paper,
by Garrick Mallery.” Although that work was of considerable length
and the result of much research and study, it was in fact as well
as in title preliminary. The substance and general character of the
information obtained at that time on the subject was published not
only for the benefit of students already interested in it, but also
to excite interest in that branch of study among active explorers in
the field and, indeed, among all persons engaged in anthropologic
researches. For the convenience of such workers as were invited in
general terms to become collaborators, suggestions were offered for
the examination, description, and study of the objects connected with
this branch of investigation which might be noticed or discovered by
them. The result of this preliminary publication has shown the wisdom
of the plan adopted. Since the distribution of the Fourth Annual Report
pictography in its various branches has become, far more than ever
before, a prominent feature in the publications of learned societies, in
the separate works of anthropologists, and in the notes of scientific
explorers. The present paper includes, with proper credit to the authors
quoted or cited, many contributions to this branch of study which
obviously have been induced by the preliminary paper before mentioned.

The interest thus excited has continued to be manifested by the
publication of new information of importance, in diverse shapes and in
many languages, some of which has been received too late for proper
attention in this paper.

Col. Mallery’s studies in pictography commenced in the field. He was
stationed with his military command at Fort Rice, on the upper Missouri
river, in the autumn of 1876, and obtained a copy of the remarkable
pictograph which he then called “A Calendar of the Dakota Nation,” and
published under that title, with interpretation and explanation, in
Vol. III, No. 1, of the series of bulletins of the U. S. Geological
and Geographical Survey of the Territories, issued April 9, 1877. This
work attracted attention, and at the request of the Secretary of the
Interior he was ordered by the Secretary of War, on June 13, 1877,
to report for duty, in connection with the ethnology of the North
American Indians, to the present Director of this Bureau, then in
charge of the Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain
Region. Upon the organization of the Bureau of Ethnology, in 1879,
Col. Mallery was appointed ethnologist, and has continued in that duty
without intermission, supplementing field explorations by study of all
accessible anthropologic literature and by extensive correspondence.
His attention has been steadily directed to pictography and to
sign-language, which branches of study are so closely connected that
neither can be successfully pursued to the exclusion of the other, but
his researches have by no means been confined to those related subjects.

The plan and scope of the present work may be very briefly stated as
follows:

After some introductory definitions and explanations general remarks
are submitted upon the grand division of petroglyphs or pictures upon
rocks as distinct from other exhibitions of pictography. This division
is less susceptible of interpretation than others, but it claims special
interest and attention because the locality of production is fixed, and
also because the antiquity of workmanship may often be determined with
more certainty than can that of pictures on less enduring and readily
transportable objects. Descriptions, with illustrations, are presented
of petroglyphs in North America, including those in several provinces of
Canada, in many of the states and territories of the United States, in
Mexico, and in the West Indies. A large number from Central and South
America also appear, followed by examples from Australia, Oceanica,
Europe, Africa, and Asia, inserted chiefly for comparison with the
picture-writings in America, to which the work is specially devoted, and
therefore styled extra-limital petroglyphs. The curious forms called
cup sculptures are next discussed, followed by a chapter on pictographs
considered generally, which condenses the results of much thought. The
substances, apart from rocks, on which picture-writing is found are next
considered, and afterwards the instruments and materials by which they
are made. The subjects of pictography and the practices which elucidate
it are classified under several headings, viz: _Mnemonic_, subdivided
into (1) Knotted cords and objects tied, (2) Notched or marked sticks,
(3) Wampum, (4) Order of songs, (5) Traditions, (6) Treaties, (7)
Appointment, (8) Numeration, (9) Accounting; _Chronology_, in which the
charts at first called calendars, but now, in correct translation of
the Indian terms, styled winter-counts, are discussed and illustrated
with the care required by their remarkable characteristics; _Notices_,
which chapter embraces (1) Notice of visit, departure, and direction,
(2) Direction by drawing topographic features, (3) Notice of condition,
(4) Warning and guidance; _Communications_, including (1) Declaration
of war, (2) Profession of peace and friendship, (3) Challenge, (4)
Social and religious missives, (5) Claim or demand; _Totems, titles,
and names_, divided into (1) Pictorial tribal designations, (2) Gentile
and clan designation, (3) Significance of tattoo marks, which topic is
discussed at length, with ample illustration, and (4) Designations of
individuals, subdivided into insignia or tokens of authority, signs of
individual achievements, property marks, and personal names. Some of the
facts presented are to be correlated with the antique forms of heraldry
and others with proper names in modern civilization.

The topic _Religion_, considered in the popular significance of that
term, is divided into (1) Symbols of the supernatural, (2) Myths and
mythic animals, (3) Shamanism, (4) Charms and amulets, (5) Religious
ceremonies, and (6) Mortuary practices. _Customs_ are divided into (1)
Cult associations, (2) Daily life and habits, (3) Games. The chapter
entitled _Historic_ presents (1) Record of expeditions, (2) Record of
battle, which includes a highly interesting Indian pictured account
of the battle of the Little Big Horn, commonly called the “Custer
massacre,” (3) Record of migration, (4) Record of notable events. The
_Biographic_ chapter gives too many minutiæ for particularization here,
but is divided into (1) Continuous record of events in life and (2)
Particular exploits or events. _Ideography_ permeates and infuses all
the matter under the other headings, but is discussed distinctively and
with evidential illustrations in the sections of (1) abstract ideas
expressed objectively, and (2) symbols and emblems. In the latter
section the author suggests that the proper mode of interpretation of
pictographs whose origin and significance are unknown is that they are
to be primarily supposed to be objective representations, but may be,
and often are, ideographic, and in a limited number of cases may have
become symbolic, but that the strong presumption without extrinsic
evidence is against the occult or esoteric symbolism often attributed to
the markings under discussion. The significance of colors is connected
with ideography and examples are given of the colors used in many parts
of the world for mere decoration, in ceremonies, for death and mourning,
for war and peace, and to designate social status. The depiction of
gesture and posture signs is next discussed, showing the intimate
relation between a thought as expressed without words by signs, and a
thought expressed without words by pictures corresponding to those signs.

_Conventionalizing_ is divided into conventional devices, which were the
precursors of writing, and the syllabaries and alphabets evolved. The
pictographic origin of all the current alphabets of the world, often
before discussed, receives further explanation.

While comparison by the reader between all the illustrations and the
facts recorded and the suggestions submitted about them is essential
to the utility of the work, the author gives, as representing his own
mode of study, found to be advantageous in use, a chapter on _Special
Comparison_, divided into (1) Typical style, (2) Homomorphs and
symmorphs, (3) Composite forms, (4) Artistic skill and methods. This
chapter is followed by one with which it is closely connected, styled
_Means of Interpretation_, divided into (1) Marked characters of known
significance, (2) Distinctive costumes, weapons, and ornaments, (3)
Ambiguous characters with known meanings, the latter being chiefly a
collection of separate figures which would not be readily recognized
without labels, but which are understood through reliable authority.
Finally, under the rather noncommittal title of _Controverted
Pictographs_, the subjects of fraud and error are discussed with
striking examples and useful cautions.

From this brief paraphrase of the table of contents, it is obvious
that nearly all branches of anthropology are touched upon. It is also
to be remarked that the work is unique because it presents the several
anthropologic topics recorded by the Indians themselves according to
their unbiased conceptions, and in their own mode of writing. From this
point of view the anonymous and generally unknown pictographers may be
considered to be the primary authors of the treatise and Col. Mallery a
discoverer, compiler, and editor. But such depreciative limitation of
his functions would ignore the originality of treatment pervading the
work and the systematic classification and skillful analysis shown in it
which enhance its value and interest.




FINANCIAL STATEMENT.

_Classification of expenditures made from the appropriation for North
American ethnology for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1889._


  Amount of appropriation 1888-’89                            $40,000.00
                                                             ===========
                            EXPENSES.

  Services                                                    $29,546.20
  Traveling expenses                                            3,243.45
  Transportation of property                                      128.05
  Field supplies                                                   47.00
  Instruments                                                      16.00
  Laboratory material                                              95.60
  Photographic material                                            44.20
  Books for library                                               202.39
  Stationery and drawing material                                  59.36
  Illustrations for report                                        114.00
  Office furniture                                                 92.50
  Office supplies and repairs                                     218.75
  Correspondence                                                    4.17
  Specimens                                                       500.00
  Bonded railroad accounts forwarded to Treasury for settlement    61.19
  Balance on hand to meet outstanding liabilities               5,627.14
                                                             -----------
      Total                                                    40,000.00




ACCOMPANYING PAPER.




    SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

    PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS.

    BY

    GARRICK MALLERY.




CONTENTS.


                                                                   Page.

  Introduction                                                        25
  Chapter I. Petroglyphs                                              31
  Chapter II. Petroglyphs in North America                            37
    Section 1. Petroglyphs in Canada                                  37
      Nova Scotia                                                     37
      Ontario                                                         42
      Manitoba                                                        43
      British Columbia                                                44
    Section 2. Petroglyphs in the United States                       45
      Alaska                                                          47
      Arizona                                                         48
      California                                                      52
        Owens Valley                                                  56
      Colorado                                                        72
      Connecticut                                                     75
      Georgia                                                         76
      Idaho                                                           77
      Illinois                                                        77
      Iowa                                                            80
      Kansas                                                          80
      Kentucky                                                        81
      Maine                                                           81
      Maryland                                                        83
      Massachusetts                                                   86
      Minnesota                                                       87
      Montana                                                         90
      Nebraska                                                        90
      Nevada                                                          92
      New Mexico                                                      96
      New York                                                        98
      North Carolina                                                  99
      Ohio                                                           101
      Oregon                                                         104
      Pennsylvania                                                   106
      Rhode Island                                                   113
      South Dakota                                                   114
      Tennessee                                                      114
      Texas                                                          115
      Utah                                                           116
      Virginia                                                       121
      Washington                                                     122
      West Virginia                                                  124
      Wisconsin                                                      126
      Wyoming                                                        128
    Section 3. Petroglyphs in Mexico                                 131
    Section 4. Petroglyphs in the West Indies                        136
      Puerto Rico                                                    136
      The Bahama islands                                             137
      Guadeloupe                                                     139
      Aruba                                                          139
  Chapter III. Petroglyphs in Central and South America              141
    Section 1. Petroglyphs in Central America                        141
      Nicaragua                                                      141
      Guatemala                                                      142
    Section 2. Petroglyphs in South America                          142
      United States of Colombia                                      143
      Guiana                                                         144
      Venezuela                                                      147
      Brazil                                                         150
      Argentine Republic                                             157
      Peru                                                           157
      Chile                                                          159
  Chapter IV. Extra-limital petroglyphs                              161
    Section 1. Petroglyphs in Australia                              161
    Section 2. Petroglyphs in Oceanica                               165
      New Zealand                                                    165
      Kei islands                                                    167
      Easter island                                                  169
    Section 3. Petroglyphs in Europe                                 171
      Great Britain and Ireland                                      171
      Sweden                                                         173
      France                                                         175
      Spain                                                          177
      Italy                                                          178
    Section 4. Petroglyphs in Africa                                 178
      Algeria                                                        178
      Egypt                                                          179
      South Africa                                                   180
      Canary islands                                                 183
    Section 5. Petroglyphs in Asia                                   185
      China                                                          185
      Japan                                                          185
      India                                                          186
      Siberia                                                        186
  Chapter V. Cup sculptures                                          189
  Chapter VI. Pictographs generally                                  201
  Chapter VII. Substances on which pictographs are made              205
    Section 1. The human body                                        205
    Section 2. Natural objects other than the human body             205
      Stone                                                          205
      Bone                                                           206
      Skins                                                          206
      Feathers and quills                                            207
      Gourds                                                         208
      Shells                                                         209
      Earth and sand                                                 210
      Copper                                                         212
      Wood                                                           213
    Section 3. Artificial objects                                    215
      Fictile fabrics                                                215
      Textile fabrics                                                215
  Chapter VIII. Instruments and materials by which pictographs
  are made                                                           218
    Section 1. Instruments for carving                               218
    Section 2. Instruments for drawing                               219
    Section 3. Coloring matter and its application                   219
  Chapter IX. Mnemonic                                               223
    Section 1. Knotted cords and objects tied                        223
    Section 2. Notched or marked sticks                              227
    Section 3. Wampum                                                228
    Section 4. Order of songs                                        231
    Section 5. Traditions                                            250
      The origin of the Indians                                      255
    Section 6. Treaties                                              256
    Section 7. Appointment                                           257
    Section 8. Numeration                                            258
    Section 9. Accounting                                            259
  Chapter X. Chronology                                              265
    Section 1. Time                                                  265
    Section 2. Winter counts                                         266
      Lone-Dog’s winter count                                        273
      Battiste Good’s winter count                                   287
  Chapter XI. Notices                                                329
    Section 1. Notice of visit, departure and direction              329
    Section 2. Direction by drawing topographic features             341
    Section 3. Notice of condition                                   347
    Section 4. Warning and guidance                                  353
  Chapter XII. Communications                                        358
    Section 1. Declaration of war                                    358
    Section 2. Profession of peace and friendship                    359
    Section 3. Challenge                                             362
    Section 4. Social and religious missives                         362
      Australian message sticks                                      369
      West African aroko                                             371
    Section 5. Claim or demand                                       374
  Chapter XIII. Totems, titles, and names                            376
    Section 1. Pictorial tribal designations                         377
      Iroquoian                                                      377
      Eastern Algonquian                                             378
      Siouan and other designations                                  379
        Absaroka, or Crow                                            380
        Arapaho                                                      381
        Arikara, or Ree                                              381
        Assiniboin                                                   381
        Brulé                                                        382
        Cheyenne                                                     382
        Dakota, or Sioux                                             383
        Hidatsa, Gros Ventre or Minitari                             384
        Kaiowa                                                       384
        Mandan                                                       385
        Mandan and Arikara                                           385
        Ojibwa                                                       385
        Omaha                                                        385
        Pawnee                                                       386
        Ponka                                                        386
        Shoshoni                                                     387
    Section 2. Gentile and clan designations                         388
    Section 3. Significance of tattoo                                391
      Tattoo in North America                                        392
        On the Pacific coast                                         396
      Tattoo in South America                                        407
      Extra-limital tattoo                                           407
      Scarification                                                  416
      Summary of studies on tattooing                                418
    Section 4. Designations of individuals                           419
      Insignia, or tokens of authority                               419
      Signs of individual achievements                               433
      Property marks                                                 441
      Personal names                                                 442
        Objective                                                    447
        Metaphoric                                                   453
        Animal                                                       455
        Vegetable                                                    458
  Chapter XIV. Religion                                              461
    Section 1. Symbols of the supernatural                           462
    Section 2. Myths and mythic animals                              468
      Thunder birds                                                  483
    Section 3. Shamanism                                             490
    Section 4. Charms and amulets                                    501
    Section 5. Religious ceremonies                                  505
    Section 6. Mortuary practices                                    517
  Chapter XV. Customs                                                528
    Section 1. Cult societies                                        528
    Section 2. Daily life and habits                                 530
    Section 3. Games                                                 547
  Chapter XVI. History                                               551
    Section 1. Record of expedition                                  552
    Section 2. Record of battle                                      554
      Battle of the Little Bighorn                                   563
    Section 3. Record of migration                                   566
    Section 4. Record of notable events                              567
  Chapter XVII. Biography                                            571
    Section 1. Continuous record of events in life                   571
    Section 2. Particular exploits or events                         575
  Chapter XVIII. Ideography                                          583
    Section 1. Abstract ideas expressed pictorially                  584
      After; age--old and young; bad; before; big; center;
      deaf; direction; disease; fast; fear; freshet; good; high;
      lean; little; lone; many, much; obscure; opposition;
      possession; prisoner; short; sight; slow; tall; trade;
      union; whirlwind; winter, cold, snow                       585-606
    Section 2. Signs, symbols, and emblems                           607
    Section 3. Significance of colors                                618
      Decorative use of color                                        619
      Ideocrasy of colors                                            622
      Color in ceremonies                                            623
      Color relative to death and mourning                           629
      Colors for war and peace                                       631
      Color designating social status                                633
    Section 4. Gesture and posture signs depicted                    637
      Water                                                          642
      Child                                                          643
      Negation                                                       644
  Chapter XIX. Conventionalizing                                     649
    Section 1. Conventional devices                                  650
      Peace; war; chief; council; plenty of food; famine;
      starvation; horses; horse stealing; kill and death;
      shot; coming rain                                          650-662
      Hittite emblems                                                662
    Section 2. Syllabaries and alphabets                             664
      The Micmac “hieroglyphics”                                     666
      Pictographs in alphabets                                       674
  Chapter XX. Special comparison                                     676
    Section 1. Typical style                                         676
    Section 2. Homomorphs and symmorphs                              692
      Sky; sun and light; moon; day; night; cloud; rain;
      lightning; human form; human head and face; hand;
      feet and tracks; broken leg; voice and speech; dwellings;
      eclipse of the sun; meteors; the cross                     694-733
    Section 3. Composite forms                                       735
    Section 4. Artistic skill and methods                            738
  Chapter XXI. Means of interpretation                               745
    Section 1. Marked characters of known significance               745
    Section 2. Distinctive costumes, weapons, and ornaments          749
    Section 3. Ambiguous characters with ascertained meaning         755
  Chapter XXII. Controverted pictographs                             759
    Section 1. The Grave creek stone                                 761
    Section 2. The Dighton rock                                      762
    Section 3. Imitations and forced interpretations                 764
  Chapter XXIII. General conclusions                                 768
  List of works and authors cited                                    777




ILLUSTRATIONS.


                                                                   Page.

  PL. I-XI. Petroglyphs in Owens Valley, California                56-76
  XII. Petroglyph in Maine                                            82
  XIII. Petroglyphs in Nebraska                                       92
  XIV. The Stone of the Giants. Mexico                               134
  XV. Powhatan’s mantle                                              210
  XVI. Peruvian quipu and birch-bark drawings                        226
  XVII. Order of songs. Ojibwa                                       232
  XVIII. Mnemonic songs. Ojibwa                                      236
  XIX. Mnemonic songs. Ojibwa                                        244
  XX. Lone-Dog’s winter count                                        266
  XXI. Battiste Good’s cycles. A. D. 901-1000                        290
  XXII. Battiste Good’s cycles. A. D. 1141-1280                      292
  XXIII. Battiste Good’s cycles. A. D. 1421-1700                     294
  XXIV. Haida double thunder-bird                                    400
  XXV. Haida dog-fish                                                402
  XXVI. Oglala chiefs                                                420
  XXVII. Oglala subchiefs                                            422
  XXVIII. Mexican military insignia                                  432
  XXIX. Mexican military insignia                                    434
  XXX. Hidatsa dancers, bearing exploit marks                        440
  XXXI. Petroglyph in rock shelter, West Virginia                    476
  XXXII. Wasko and mythic raven, Haida                               480
  XXXIII. Mantle of invisibility                                     504
  XXXIV. Mexican treatment of new-born children                      542
  XXXV. Education of Mexican children. Three to six years            544
  XXXVI. Education of Mexican children. Seven to ten years           546
  XXXVII. Education of Mexican children. Eleven to fourteen years    548
  XXXVIII. Adoption of profession and marriage. Mexican              550
  XXXIX. Map of Little Bighorn battlefield                           564
  XL. Battle of Little Bighorn. Indian camp                          566
  XLI. Battle of Little Bighorn. Soldiers charging Indian camp       568
  XLII. Battle of Little Bighorn. Sioux charging soldiers            570
  XLIII. Battle of Little Bighorn. Sioux fighting Custer’s battalion 572
  XLIV. Battle of Little Bighorn. The dead Sioux                     574
  XLV. Battle of Little Bighorn. The dead Sioux                      576
  XLVI. Battle of Little Bighorn. Custer’s dead cavalry              578
  XLVII. Battle of Little Bighorn. Indians leaving battle-ground     580
  XLVIII. Battle of Little Bighorn. Indians leaving battle-ground    582
  XLIX. Mexican symbols                                              614
  L. Tablets at Ancon, Peru                                          706
  LI. Thruston tablet, Tennessee                                     734
  LII. Pictures on Dōtaku, Japan                                 736
  LIII. German knights and Apache warriors                           740
  LIV. Dighton rock                                                  762
  FIG. 1-2. Palimpsests on Fairy rocks, Nova Scotia                40-41
  3. Petroglyph on Vancouver island                                   44
  4. Petroglyphs in Alaska                                            47
  5-8. Petroglyphs in Arizona                                      48-50
  9. Petroglyph in Shinumo canyon, Arizona                            51
  10. Petroglyph in Mound canyon, Arizona                             52
  11. Petroglyphs near Visalia, California                            53
  12-16. Petroglyphs at Tule river, California                     54-57
  17. View of Chalk grade petroglyphs, Owens valley, California       59
  18. Petroglyphs in Death valley, California                         60
  19. Rattlesnake rock, Mojave desert, California                     61
  20. Petroglyph near San Marcos pass, California                     62
  21-22. Petroglyphs near San Marcos pass, California              62-63
  23-28. Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California                  63-67
  29-30. Petroglyphs near Santa Barbara, California                67-68
  31. Petroglyphs in Azuza canyon, California                         69
  32-33. Petroglyphs in Santa Barbara county, California           70-71
  34-35. Petroglyphs on the Rio Mancos, Colorado                      73
  36-37. Petroglyphs on the Rio San Juan                           74-75
  38. Petroglyphs in Georgia                                          76
  39. Petroglyphs in Idaho, Shoshonean                                77
  40-41. The Piasa Petroglyph                                      78-79
  42. Petroglyph on the Illinois river                                79
  43. Petroglyph near Alton, Illinois                                 80
  44. Petroglyphs in Kansas                                           81
  45. Bald Friar rock, Maryland                                       84
  46. Slab from Bald Friar rock                                       85
  47. Top of Bald Friar rock                                          85
  48. Characters from Bald Friar rock                                 86
  49. Dighton rock, Massachusetts                                     86
  50. Petroglyphs at Pipestone, Minnesota                             88
  51. Petroglyphs in Brown’s valley, Minnesota                        89
  52-53. Characters from Nebraska petroglyphs                      91-92
  54. Petroglyphs on Carson river, Nevada                             92
  55. Petroglyphs at Reveillé, Nevada                                 94
  56. Petroglyphs at Dead mountain, Nevada                            95
  57. Inscription rock, New Mexico                                    96
  58-59. Petroglyphs at Ojo de Benado, New Mexico                  97-98
  60. Petroglyph at Esopus, New York                                  98
  61. Paint rock, North Carolina                                     100
  62. Petroglyphs on Paint rock, North Carolina                      100
  63. Newark Track rock, Ohio                                        101
  64. Independence stone, Ohio                                       102
  65. Barnesville Track rock, Ohio                                   103
  66. Characters from Barnesville Track rock                         103
  67. Barnesville Track rock, No. 2                                  104
  68. Petroglyphs, Wellsville, Ohio                                  104
  69. Petroglyphs in Lake county, Oregon                             106
  70. Big Indian rock, Pennsylvania                                  107
  71. Little Indian rock, Pennsylvania                               108
  72. Petroglyph at McCalls ferry, Pennsylvania                      108
  73. Petroglyph near Washington, Pennsylvania                       109
  74. Petroglyphs on “Indian God Rock,” Pennsylvania                 110
  75. Petroglyph at Millsboro, Pennsylvania                          111
  76. Petroglyphs near Layton, Pennsylvania                          112
  77-78. Glyphs in Fayette county, Pennsylvania                  112-113
  79. Petroglyphs in Roberts county, South Dakota                    114
  80. Petroglyphs near El Paso, Texas                                116
  81. Petroglyphs near Manti, Utah                                   118
  82-85. Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah                     118-120
  86. Petroglyphs at Pipe Spring, Utah                               120
  87-88. Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah                         120
  89. Petroglyphs in Shinumo canyon, Utah                            121
  90. Petroglyphs in Tazewell county, Virginia                       121
  91. Petroglyphs in Browns cave, Wisconsin                          126
  92. Petroglyphs at Trempealeau, Wisconsin                          127
  93-95. Petroglyphs in Wind river valley, Wyoming               128-129
  96-97. Petroglyphs near Sage creek, Wyoming                        130
  98. Petroglyphs in Mexico                                          132
  99. The emperor Ahuitzotzin                                        134
  100-102. Petroglyphs in the Bahamas                            138-139
  103. Petroglyph in Guadeloupe                                      140
  104. Petroglyphs in Nicaragua                                      141
  105. Petroglyphs in Colombia                                       144
  106. Shallow carvings in Guiana                                    145
  107. Sculptured rock in Venezuela                                  147
  108. Rock near Caïcara, Venezuela                                  148
  109. Petroglyphs of Chicagua rapids, Venezuela                     149
  110. Petroglyphs on the Cachoeira do Ribeirão, Brazil              151
  111. The rock Itamaraca, Brazil                                    151
  112. Petroglyphs on the Rio Negro, Brazil                          152
  113. Petroglyphs at Caldierão do Inferno, Brazil                   152
  114. Petroglyphs at the falls of Girão, Brazil                     153
  115. Petroglyphs at Pederneira, Brazil                             153
  116. Petroglyphs at Araras rapids, Brazil                          154
  117. Petroglyphs at Ribeirão, Brazil                               154
  118. Character at Madeira rapid, Brazil                            155
  119. Petroglyphs at Pao Grande, Brazil                             155
  120. Petroglyph in Ceará, Brazil                                   156
  121-122. Petroglyphs in Morcego, Brazil                            156
  123. Petroglyphs in Inhamun, Brazil                                157
  124. Petroglyphs Pedra Lavrada, Brazil                             158
  125. Inscribed rock at Bajo de Canota, Argentine Republic          158
  126. Petroglyphs near Araquipa, Peru                               159
  127. Petroglyph in Huaytara, Peru                                  159
  128. Sculptured boulder in Chile                                   160
  129. Petroglyph in Cajon de los Cipreses, Chile                    160
  130. Petroglyph on Finke river, Australia                          162
  131. Petroglyph in Depuch island, Australia                        163
  132. Petroglyph at Bantry bay, Australia                           164
  133. Petroglyph in New Zealand                                     166
  134. Petroglyphs in Kei islands                                    168
  135. Petroglyphs in Easter island                                  169
  136. Tablet from Easter island                                     170
  137-138. Petroglyph in Bohuslän, Sweden                        174-175
  139. Petroglyph in Épone, France                                   176
  140. Petroglyphs at Tyout, Algeria                                 179
  141. Petroglyphs at Moghar, Algeria                                180
  142. Petroglyph in Léribé, South Africa                            182
  143. Petroglyphs in Basutoland, South Africa                       183
  144-145. Petroglyphs in the Canary islands                     183-184
  145_a_. Petroglyph in Yezo, Japan                                  185
  146. Petroglyphs at Chandeshwar, India                             187
  147. Types of cup sculptures                                       190
  148. Variants of cup sculptures                                    191
  149. Cup sculptures at Auchnabreach, Scotland                      192
  150. Cup sculptures at Ballymenach, Scotland                       193
  151. Cup sculptures in Chiriqui                                    194
  152-153. Cup sculptures in Venezuela                               195
  154-155. Cup sculptures in Brazil                              195-196
  156. Cup sculptures in India                                       197
  157. Comanche drawing on shoulder blade                            206
  158. Quill pictograph                                              208
  159. Pictograph on gourd                                           208
  160. Pictographs on wood, Washington                               214
  161. Haida basketry hat                                            216
  162. Tshimshian blanket                                            217
  163. Wampum strings                                                228
  164. Penn wampum belt                                              230
  165. Song for medicine hunting                                     247
  166. Song for beaver hunting                                       249
  167. Osage chart                                                   251
  168. Midē' record                                                  252
  169. Midē' records                                                 253
  170. Minabō'zho                                                    254
  171. Midē' practicing incantation                                  254
  172. Jĕssakkī'd curing a woman                                     254
  173. The origin of the Indians                                     256
  174. Record of treaty                                              257
  175-177. Shop account                                          259-261
  178-180. Book account                                              262
  181. Notched sticks                                                263
  182. Device denoting the succession of time. Dakota                265
  183-196. Lone-Dog’s Winter Count                               273-276
  197. Whooping-cough. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1813-’14            276
  198. Whooping-cough. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1813-’14             276
  199-255. Lone-Dog’s Winter Count                               276-286
  256. Battiste Good’s Revelation                                    289
  257-436. Battiste Good’s Winter Count                          293-328
  437. Petroglyphs at Oakley Springs, Arizona                        329
  438. Hunting notices                                               331
  439. Alaskan notice of hunt                                        332
  440. Alaskan notice of departure                                   332
  441. Alaskan notice of hunt                                        333
  442-444. Alaskan notice of direction                           333-334
  445. Abnaki notice of direction                                    335
  446. Amalecite notice of trip                                      336
  447-448. Ojibwa notice of direction                            337-338
  449. Penobscot notice of direction                                 338
  450. Passamaquoddy notice of direction                             339
  451. Micmac notice of direction                                    341
  452. Lean-Wolf’s map. Hidatsa                                      342
  453. Chart of battlefield                                          343
  454. Topographic features                                          344
  455. Greenland map                                                 345
  456-458. Passamaquoddy wikhegan                                348-350
  459. Alaskan notice of distress                                    351
  460. Alaskan notice of departure and refuge                        351
  461. Alaskan notice of departure to relieve distress               351
  462. Ammunition wanted. Alaskan                                    352
  463. Assistance wanted in the hunt. Alaskan                        352
  464-465. Starving hunters. Alaskan                             352-353
  466. No thoroughfare                                               354
  467. Rock paintings in Azuza canyon, California                    354
  468. Site of paintings in Azuza canyon, California                 355
  469. Sketches from Azuza canyon                                    355
  470. West African message                                          361
  471. Ojibwa love letter                                            363
  472. Cheyenne letter                                               364
  473. Ojibwa invitations                                            365
  474. Ojibwa invitation sticks                                      366
  475. Summons to Midé ceremony                                      367
  476. Passamaquoddy wikhegan                                        367
  477. Australian message sticks                                     370
  478-479. West African aroko                                        371
  480-481. Jebu complaint                                            375
  482. Samoyed requisition                                           375
  483. Eastern Algonquian tribal designations                        379
  484-487. Absaroka tribal designations                          380-381
  488. Arapaho tribal designation                                    381
  489-490. Arikara tribal designations                               381
  491. Assiniboin tribal designation                                 381
  492-493. Brulé tribal designations                                 382
  494-497. Cheyenne tribal designations                          382-383
  498. Dakota tribal designation                                     383
  499. Hidatsa tribal designation                                    384
  500-501. Kaiowa tribal designations                                384
  502. Mandan tribal designation                                     385
  503. Mandan and Arikara tribal designations                        385
  504-506. Omaha tribal designations                                 385
  507-509. Pawnee tribal designations                                386
  510-512. Ponka tribal designations                             386-387
  513. Tamga of Kirghise tribes                                      387
  514. Dakota gentile designations                                   389
  515. Kwakiutl carvings                                             390
  516. Virginia tattoo designs                                       393
  517. Haida tattooing. Sculpin and dragon-fly                       397
  518. Haida tattooing. Thunder-bird                                 398
  519. Haida tattooing. Thunder-bird and tshimos                     399
  520. Haida tattooing. Bear                                         399
  521. Haida tattooing. Mountain goat                                400
  522. Haida tattooing. Double thunder-bird                          401
  523. Haida tattooing. Double raven                                 401
  524. Haida tattooing. Dog-fish                                     400
  525-526. Tattooed Haidas                                       402-403
  527. Two forms of skulpin. Haida                                   404
  528. Frog. Haida                                                   405
  529. Cod. Haida                                                    405
  530. Squid. Haida                                                  405
  531. Wolf. Haida                                                   405
  532. Australian grave and carved trees                             408
  533. New Zealand tattooed head and chin mark                       409
  534. Tattoo design on bone. New Zealand                            409
  535. Tattooed woman. New Zealand                                   410
  536. Tattoo on Papuan chief                                        411
  537. Tattooed Papuan woman                                         412
  538. Badaga tattoo marks                                           413
  539. Chukchi tattoo marks                                          414
  540. Big-Road                                                      421
  541. Charging-Hawk                                                 422
  542. Feather-on-his-head                                           422
  543. White-Tail                                                    423
  544. White-Bear                                                    423
  545. Standing-Bear                                                 423
  546. Four horn calumet                                             424
  547. Two-Strike as partisan                                        424
  548. Lean-Wolf as partisan                                         425
  549. Micmac headdress in pictograph                                425
  550. Micmac chieftainess in pictograph                             426
  551. Insignia traced on rocks, Nova Scotia                         427
  552. Chilkat ceremonial shirt                                      428
  553. Chilkat ceremonial cloak                                      429
  554. Chilkat ceremonial blanket                                    430
  555. Chilkat ceremonial coat                                       430
  556. Bella Coola Indians                                           431
  557. Guatemala priest                                              431
  558. Mark of exploit. Dakota                                       433
  559. Killed with fist. Dakota                                      433
  560. Killed an enemy. Dakota                                       434
  561. Cut throat and scalped. Dakota                                434
  562. Cut enemy’s throat. Dakota                                    434
  563. Third to strike. Dakota                                       434
  564. Fourth to strike. Dakota                                      434
  565. Fifth to strike. Dakota                                       434
  566. Many wounds. Dakota                                           434
  567-568. Marks of exploits. Hidatsa                                437
  569. Successful defense. Hidatsa                                   438
  570. Two successful defenses. Hidatsa                              438
  571. Captured a horse. Hidatsa                                     438
  572. Exploit marks. Hidatsa                                        438
  573. Record of exploits                                            439
  574. Record of exploits                                            439
  575. Exploit marks as worn                                         439
  576. Scalp taken                                                   440
  577. Scalp and gun taken                                           440
  578. Boat paddle. Arikara                                          442
  579. African property mark                                         442
  580. Owner’s marks. Slesvick                                       442
  581. Signature of Running Antelope. Dakota                         445
  582. Solinger sword makers’ marks                                  445
  583-613. Personal names. Objective                             447-453
  614-621. Personal names. Metaphoric                            453-454
  622-634. Personal names. Animal                                455-458
  635-637. Personal names. Vegetable                                 458
  638. Loud-Talker                                                   459
  639. Mexican names                                                 460
  640-651. Symbols of the supernatural                           462-466
  652. Dream. Ojibwa                                                 466
  653. Religious symbols                                             467
  654. Myth of Pokinsquss                                            469
  655. Myth of Atosis                                                470
  656. Myth of the Weasel girls                                      471
  657. The giant bird Kaloo                                          472
  658. Kiwach, the strong blower                                     473
  659. Story of Glooscap                                             474
  660. Ojibwa shamanistic symbols                                    474
  661. Baho-li-kong-ya. Arizona                                      476
  662. Mythic serpents. Innuit                                       476
  663. Haida wind-spirit                                             477
  664. Orca. Haida                                                   477
  665. Bear mother. Haida                                            478
  666. Thunder-bird grasping whale                                   479
  667. Haokah. Dakota giant                                          480
  668. Ojibwa mánidō                                                 480
  669. Menomoni white bear mánidō                                    481
  670. Mythic wild cats. Ojibwa                                      482
  671. Winnebago magic animal                                        482
  672. Mythic buffalo                                                482
  673-674. Thunder-birds. Dakota                                     483
  675. Wingless thunder-bird. Dakota                                 483
  676-677. Thunder-birds. Dakota                                     484
  678. Thunder-bird. Haida                                           485
  679. Thunder-bird. Twana                                           485
  680. Medicine-bird. Dakota                                         486
  681. Five-Thunders. Dakota                                         486
  682. Thunder-pipe. Dakota                                          486
  683. Micmac thunder-bird                                           487
  684. Venezuelan thunder-bird                                       487
  685. Ojibwa thunder-birds                                          487
  686. Moki rain-bird                                                488
  687. Ahuitzotl                                                     488
  688. Peruvian fabulous animals                                     488
  689. Australian mythic personages                                  489
  690. Ojibwa Midē' wigwam                                           493
  691. Lodge of a Midē'                                              493
  692. Lodge of a Jĕssakkī'd                                         493
  693-697. Making medicine. Dakota                                   494
  698. Magic killing                                                 495
  699. Held-a-ghost-lodge                                            495
  700-701. Muzzin-ne-neence. Ojibwa                              495-496
  702. Ojibwa divination. Ojibwa                                     497
  703. Shaman exorcising demon. Alaska                               497
  704. Supplication for success. Alaska                              499
  705. Skokomish tamahous                                            498
  706. Mdewakantawan fetich                                          500
  707. Medicine bag, as worn                                         501
  708. Medicine bag, hung up                                         502
  709-711. Magic arrows                                              503
  712. Hunter’s charm. Australia                                     504
  713. Moki masks traced on rocks. Arizona                           506
  714. Shaman’s lodge. Alaska                                        507
  715. Ah-tón-we-tuck                                                509
  716. On-sáw-kie                                                    510
  717. Medicine lodge. Micmac                                        510
  718. Juggler lodge. Micmac                                         511
  719. Moki ceremonial                                               511
  720. Peruvian ceremony                                             513
  721-723. Tartar and Mongol drums                               515-517
  724. Votive offering. Alaska                                       519
  725-726. Grave posts. Alaska                                       520
  727. Village and burial ground. Alaska                             520
  728. Menomoni grave post                                           521
  729. Incised lines on Menomoni grave post                          522
  730. Grave boxes and posts                                         523
  731. Commemoration of dead. Dakota                                 523
  732. Ossuary ceremonial. Dakota                                    523
  733. Kalosh grave boxes                                            524
  734. New Zealand grave effigy                                      525
  735. New Zealand grave post                                        526
  736. Nicobarese mortuary tablet                                    526
  737. The policeman                                                 529
  738. Ottawa pipestem                                               530
  739-740. Shooting fish. Micmac                                     531
  741. Lancing fish. Micmac                                          531
  742. Whale hunting. Innuit                                         531
  743. Hunting in canoe. Ojibwa                                      532
  744. Record of hunting. Ojibwa                                     532
  745. Fruit gatherers. Hidatsa                                      533
  746. Hunting antelope. Hidatsa                                     533
  747. Hunting buffalo. Hidatsa                                      534
  748. Counting coups. Dakota                                        534
  749-750. Counting coup. Dakota                                     535
  751-752. Scalp displayed. Dakota                               535-536
  753. Scalped head. Dakota                                          536
  754. Scalp taken. Dakota                                           536
  755-757. Antelope hunting. Dakota                              536-537
  758. Wife’s punishment. Dakota                                     537
  759. Decorated horse. Dakota                                       537
  760. Suicide. Dakota                                               537
  761. Eagle hunting. Arikara                                        537
  762. Eagle hunting. Ojibwa                                         538
  763. Gathering pomme blanche                                       538
  764. Moving tipi                                                   538
  765. Claiming sanctuary                                            538
  766-769. Raising war party. Dakota                                 540
  770. Walrus hunting. Alaska                                        541
  771. Records carved on ivory. Alaska                               541
  772-773. Haka game. Dakota                                         547
  774. Haida gambling sticks                                         548
  775. Pebbles from Mas d’Azil                                       549
  776-781. Records of expeditions. Dakota                        553-554
  782-783. Records of battles                                        556
  784. Battle of 1797. Ojibwa                                        557
  785. Battle of Hard river. Winnebago                               559
  786. Battle between Ojibwa and Sioux                               559
  787. Megaque’s last battle                                         560
  788-795. Records of battles. Dakota                            561-563
  796. Record of Ojibwa migration                                    566
  797. Origin of Brulé. Dakota                                       567
  798. Kiyuksas                                                      568
  799-802. First coming of traders                                   568
  803. Boy scalped                                                   568
  804. Boy scalped alive                                             569
  805. Horses killed                                                 569
  806-808. Annuities received                                        569
  809. Mexican blankets bought                                       569
  810. Wagon captured                                                570
  811. Clerk killed                                                  570
  812. Flagstaff cut down                                            570
  813. Horses taken                                                  570
  814. Killed two Arikara                                            571
  815. Shot and scalped an Arikara                                   572
  816. Killed ten men and three women                                572
  817. Killed two chiefs                                             573
  818. Killed one Arikara                                            573
  819. Killed two Arikara hunters                                    574
  820. Killed five Arikara                                           574
  821. Peruvian biography                                            575
  822. Hunting record. Iroquois                                      575
  823. Martial exploits. Iroquois                                    576
  824. Cross-Bear’s death                                            576
  825. A dangerous trading trip                                      577
  826. Shoshoni raid for horses                                      578
  827. Life risked for water                                         578
  828. Runs by the enemy                                             579
  829. Runs around                                                   579
  830. Goes through the camp                                         579
  831. Cut through                                                   579
  832. Killed in tipi                                                579
  833. Killed in tipi                                                579
  834. Took the warpath                                              579
  835. White-Bull killed                                             580
  836. Brave-Bear killed                                             580
  837. Brave-man killed                                              580
  838. Crazy Horse killed                                            580
  839. Killed for whipping wife                                      580
  840. Killed for whipping wife                                      580
  841-842. Close shooting                                            581
  843. Lean-Wolf’s exploits. Hidatsa                                 581
  844. Record of hunt. Alaska                                        581
  845. Charge after                                                  585
  846. Killed after                                                  585
  847. Old-Horse                                                     585
  848. Old-Mexican                                                   585
  849. Young-Rabbit                                                  585
  850. Bad-Boy                                                       585
  851. Bad-Horn                                                      585
  852. Bad-Face                                                      586
  853. Bad. Ojibwa                                                   586
  854. Got-there-first                                               586
  855-860. Big                                                   586-587
  861. Center-Feather                                                587
  862. Deaf Woman                                                    587
  863-867. Direction                                                 588
  868. Whooping cough                                                588
  869. Measles                                                       589
  870. Measles or smallpox                                           589
  871. Ate buffalo and died                                          589
  872. Died of “whistle”                                             589
  873-874. Smallpox                                                  589
  875. Smallpox. Mexican                                             589
  876. Died of cramps                                                589
  877-878. Died in childbirth                                        590
  879. Sickness. Ojibwa                                              590
  880. Sickness. Chinese                                             590
  881. Fast-Horse                                                    590
  882. Fast-Elk                                                      590
  883-887. Fear                                                      591
  888-890. River freshet                                         591-592
  891. Good-Weasel                                                   592
  892-897. High                                                  592-593
  898-903. Lean                                                  593-594
  904-915. Little                                                594-595
  916. Lone-Woman                                                    595
  917. Lone-Bear                                                     596
  918. Many shells                                                   596
  919. Many deer                                                     596
  920. Much snow                                                     596
  921. Great, much                                                   596
  922. Ring-Cloud                                                    597
  923. Cloud-Ring                                                    597
  924. Fog                                                           597
  925. Kills-Back                                                    597
  926. Keeps-the-Battle                                              597
  927. Keeps-the-Battle                                              597
  928. His-Fight                                                     597
  929. River fight                                                   598
  930. Owns-the-arrows                                               598
  931. Has-something-sharp                                           598
  932. Prisoner. Dakota                                              598
  933. Takes enemy                                                   598
  934. Iroquois triumph                                              599
  935. Prisoners. Dakota                                             599
  936. Prisoners. Iroquois                                           600
  937. Prisoners. Mexico                                             600
  938. Short bull                                                    600
  939-944. Sight                                                 600-601
  945. Slow bear                                                     601
  946-954. Tall                                                  601-602
  955-956. Trade                                                     603
  957. Brothers                                                      603
  958. Same tribe                                                    603
  959. Husband and wife                                              604
  960. Same tribe                                                    604
  961. Same tribe                                                    604
  962-966. Whirlwind                                             604-605
  967-975. Winter, cold, snow                                    605-606
  976. Peruvian garrison                                             607
  977. Comet. Mexican                                                613
  978. Robbery. Mexican                                              613
  979. Guatemalan symbols                                            614
  980. Chibcha symbols                                               616
  981. Syrian symbols                                                616
  982. Piaroa color stamps                                           621
  983. Rock painting. Tule river, California                         638
  984-998. Gesture signs in pictographs                          639-641
  999. Water symbols                                                 642
  1000. Gesture sign for drink                                       642
  1001. Water. Egyptian                                              642
  1002. Gesture for rain                                             643
  1003. Water signs. Moki                                            643
  1004. Symbols for child and man                                    644
  1005. Gestures for birth                                           644
  1006. Negation                                                     645
  1007. Hand                                                         645
  1008. Signal of discovery                                          645
  1009. Pictured gestures. Maya                                      646
  1010. Pictured gestures. Guatemala                                 647
  1011-1019. Peace                                               650-651
  1020-1022. War                                                 651-652
  1023. Chief-Boy                                                    652
  1024. War chief. Passamaquoddy                                     652
  1025-1029. Council                                             653-654
  1030-1037. Plenty of food                                      654-655
  1038-1043. Famine                                              655-656
  1044-1046. Starvation                                              656
  1047-1051. Horses                                              656-657
  1052-1060. Horse stealing                                      657-658
  1061-1069. Kill and death                                      658-660
  1070. Killed. Dakota                                               660
  1071. Life and death. Ojibwa                                       660
  1072. Dead. Iroquois                                               660
  1073. Dead man. Arikara                                            660
  1074-1078. Shot                                                    661
  1079. Coming rain                                                  662
  1080. Hittite emblems of known sound                               663
  1081. Hittite emblems of uncertain sound                           664
  1082. Title page of Kauder’s Micmac Catechism                      668
  1083. Lord’s Prayer in Micmac “hieroglyphics”                      669
  1084-1085. Religious story. Sicasica                               672
  1086. Mo-so MS. Desgodins                                          673
  1087. Pictographs in alphabets                                     675
  1088. Algonquian petroglyph, Hamilton farm, West Virginia          677
  1089. Algonquian petroglyphs, Safe Harbor, Pennsylvania            677
  1090. Algonquian petroglyphs, Cunningham’s Island, Lake Erie       679
  1091. Algonquian petroglyphs, Wyoming                              680
  1092. Shoshonean petroglyphs, Idaho                                680
  1093. Shoshonean petroglyphs, Utah                                 681
  1094. Shoshonean rock painting, Utah                               681
  1095-1096. Arizona petroglyphs                                 682-683
  1097-1098. Petroglyphs in Lower California                         683
  1099. Haida totem post                                             684
  1100. New Zealand house posts                                      685
  1101. New Zealand tiki                                             686
  1102-1103. Nicaraguan petroglyphs                                  686
  1104. Deep carvings in Guiana                                      687
  1105-1106. Venezuelan petroglyphs                                  688
  1107. Brazilian petroglyphs                                        689
  1108. Spanish and Brazilian petroglyphs                            690
  1109-1111. Brazilian petroglyphs                               690-691
  1112. Brazilian pictograph                                         691
  1113-1114. Brazilian petroglyphs                                   692
  1115. Tree                                                         693
  1116. Grow                                                         693
  1117. Sky                                                          694
  1118. Sun. Oakley Springs                                          694
  1119. Sun. Gesture sign                                            695
  1120. Devices for sun                                              695
  1121. Sun and light                                                695
  1122. Light                                                        695
  1123. Light and sun                                                696
  1124. Sun. Kwakiutl                                                696
  1125. Sun mask. Kwakiutl                                           696
  1126. Suns                                                         696
  1127. Gesture for moon                                             696
  1128. Moon                                                         697
  1129. Stars                                                        697
  1130. Day. Ojibwa                                                  697
  1131. Morning. Arizona                                             698
  1132. Day                                                          698
  1133. Days. Apache                                                 698
  1134. Clear, stormy. Ojibwa                                        699
  1135-1139. Night                                                   699
  1140. Night. Ojibwa                                                699
  1141. Sign for night                                               700
  1142. Night. Egyptian                                              700
  1143. Night. Mexican                                               700
  1144. Cloud shield                                                 700
  1145. Clouds. Moki                                                 700
  1146. Cloud. Ojibwa                                                700
  1147. Rain. Ojibwa                                                 701
  1148. Rain. Pueblo                                                 701
  1149. Rain. Moki                                                   701
  1150. Rain. Chinese                                                701
  1151-1153. Lightning. Moki                                     701-702
  1154. Lightning. Pueblo                                            702
  1155-1158. Human form                                              703
  1159. Human form. Alaska                                           704
  1160. Bird man. Siberia                                            704
  1161. American. Ojibwa                                             704
  1162. Man. Yakut                                                   704
  1163. Human forms. Moki                                            704
  1164. Human form. Navajo                                           705
  1165. Man and woman. Moki                                          705
  1166. Human form. Colombia                                         705
  1167. Human form. Peru                                             707
  1168. Human face. Brazil                                           708
  1169-1170. Human faces. Brazil                                     708
  1171. Double-faced head. Brazil                                    708
  1172. Funeral urn. Marajo                                          709
  1173. Marajo vase                                                  709
  1174. Marajo vases                                                 710
  1175. Human heads                                                  711
  1176. Hand. Ojibwa                                                 711
  1177. Joined hands. Moki                                           712
  1178. Cave-painting. Australia                                     713
  1179. Irish cross                                                  715
  1180. Roman standard                                               715
  1181-1185. Tracks                                                  716
  1186. Feet                                                         716
  1187-1192. Broken leg. Dakota                                  716-717
  1193. Broken leg. Chinese                                          717
  1194-1198. Voice                                               717-718
  1199. Speech. Ojibwa                                               719
  1200. Talk. Mexican                                                719
  1201. Talk. Maya                                                   719
  1202. Talk. Guatemala                                              720
  1203. Dwellings                                                    720
  1204-1210. Dwellings. Dakota                                       721
  1211. Dwellings. Moki                                              721
  1212. Dwelling. Maya                                               722
  1213. House. Egyptian                                              722
  1214. Eclipse of the sun                                           722
  1215-1223. Meteors                                             722-723
  1224. Meteors. Mexican                                             724
  1225. Cross. Dakota                                                725
  1226. Cross. Ohio mound                                            725
  1227. Dragon fly                                                   725
  1228. Crosses. Eskimo                                              727
  1229. Cross. Tulare valley, California                             727
  1230. Crosses. Owens valley, California                            728
  1231. Cross. Innuit                                                729
  1232. Crosses. Moki                                                729
  1233. Crosses. Maya                                                729
  1234. Crosses. Nicaragua                                           730
  1235-1236. Crosses. Guatemala                                  730-731
  1237. Crosses. Sword-makers’ marks                                 732
  1238. Cross. Golasecca                                             733
  1239-1251. Composite forms                                     735-736
  1252. Wolf-man. Haida                                              737
  1253. Panther-man. Haida                                           737
  1254. Moose. Kejimkoojik                                           739
  1255. Hand. Kejimkoojik                                            740
  1256. Engravings on bamboo. New Caledonia                          743
  1257. Typical character. Guiana                                    745
  1258. Moki devices                                                 746
  1259. Frames and arrows. Moki                                      746
  1260. Blossoms. Moki                                               746
  1261. Moki characters                                              748
  1262. Mantis. Kejimkoojik                                          749
  1263. Animal forms. Sonora                                         749
  1264-1278. Weapons and ornaments. Dakota                       750-752
  1279. Weapons                                                      753
  1280. Australian wommera and clubs                                 754
  1281. Turtle. Maya                                                 756
  1282. Armadillo. Yucatan                                           756
  1283. Dakota drawings                                              756
  1284. Ojibwa drawings                                              757
  1285-1287. Grave creek stone                                   761-762
  1288. Imitated pictograph                                          765
  1289. Fraudulent pictograph                                        767
  1290. Chinese characters                                           767




PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS.

BY GARRICK MALLERY.




INTRODUCTION.


An essay entitled “Pictographs of the North American Indians: A
Preliminary Paper,” appeared in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau
of Ethnology. The present work is not a second edition of that essay,
but is a continuation and elaboration of the same subject. Of the
eighty-three plates in that paper not one is here reproduced, although
three are presented with amendments; thus fifty-one of the fifty-four
plates in this volume are new. Many of the text figures, however, are
used again, as being necessary to the symmetry of the present work, but
they are now arranged and correlated so as to be much more useful than
when unmethodically disposed as before, and the number of text figures
now given is twelve hundred and ninety-five as against two hundred and
nine, the total number in the former paper. The text itself has been
rewritten and much enlarged. The publication of the “Preliminary Paper”
has been of great value in the preparation of the present work, as it
stimulated investigation and report on the subject to such an extent
that it is now impossible to publish within reasonable limits of space
all the material on hand. Indeed, after the present work had been
entirely written and sent to the Public Printer, new information came to
hand which ought to be published, but can not now be inserted.

It is also possible to give more attention than before to the
picture-writing of the aboriginal inhabitants of America beyond the
limits of the United States. While the requirements of the acts of
Congress establishing the Bureau of Ethnology have been observed by
directing main attention to the Indians of North America, there is
sufficient notice of Central and South America to justify the present
title, in which also the simpler term “picture-writing” is used instead
of “pictographs.”

Picture-writing is a mode of expressing thoughts or noting facts by
marks which at first were confined to the portrayal of natural or
artificial objects. It is one distinctive form of thought-writing
without reference to sound, gesture language being the other and
probably earlier form. Whether remaining purely ideographic, or
having become conventional, picture-writing is the direct and durable
expression of ideas of which gesture language gives the transient
expression. Originally it was not connected with the words of any
language. When adopted for syllabaries or alphabets, which is the
historical course of its evolution, it ceased to be the immediate
and became the secondary expression of the ideas framed in oral
speech. The writing common in civilization may properly be styled
sound-writing, as it does not directly record thoughts, but presents
them indirectly, after they have passed through the phase of sound. The
trace of pictographs in alphabets and syllabaries is discussed in the
present work under its proper heading so far as is necessary after the
voluminous treatises on the topic, and new illustrations are presented.
It is sufficient for the present to note that all the varied characters
of script and print now current are derived directly or mediately from
pictorial representations of objects. Bacon well said that “pictures are
dumb histories,” and he might have added that in the crude pictures of
antiquity were contained the germs of written words.

The importance of the study of picture-writing depends partly upon the
result of its examination as a phase in the evolution of human culture.
As the invention of alphabetic writing is admitted to be the great
step marking the change from barbarism to civilization, the history
of its earlier development must be valuable. It is inferred from
internal evidence, though not specifically reported in history, that
picture-writing preceded and generated the graphic systems of Egypt,
Assyria, and China, but in America, especially in North America, its
use is still current. It can be studied here without any requirement
of inference or hypothesis, in actual existence as applied to records
and communications. Furthermore, the commencement of its evolution
into signs of sound is apparent in the Aztec and the Maya characters,
in which transition stage it was arrested by foreign conquest. The
earliest lessons of the genesis and growth of culture in this important
branch of investigation may, therefore, be best learned from the
western hemisphere. In this connection it should be noticed that
picture-writing is found in sustained vigor on the same continent where
sign language has prevailed and has continued in active operation to an
extent historically unknown in other parts of the world. These modes
of expression, i. e., transient and permanent thought-writing, are so
correlated in their origin and development that neither can be studied
to the best advantage without including the other. Unacquainted with
these facts, but influenced by an assumption that America must have
been populated from the eastern hemisphere, some enterprising persons
have found or manufactured American inscriptions composed of characters
which may be tortured into identity with some of the Eurasian alphabets
or syllabaries, but which sometimes suggest letters of indigenous
invention. This topic is discussed in its place.

For the purposes of the present work there is no need to decide whether
sign-language, which is closely connected with picture-writing, preceded
articulate speech. It is sufficient to admit the high antiquity of
thought-writing in both its forms, and yet it is proper to notice a
strong current of recent opinions as indicated by Prof. Sayce (_a_) in
his address to the anthropologic section of the British Association for
the Advancement of Science, as follows:

    I see no escape from the conclusions that the chief distinctions
    of race were established long before man acquired language. If the
    statement made by M. de Mortillet is true, that the absence of
    the mental tubercle, or bony excrescence in which the tongue is
    inserted, in a skull of the Neanderthal type found at La Naulette,
    indicates an absence of the faculty of speech, one race at least of
    palæolithic man would have existed in Europe before it had as yet
    invented an articulate language. Indeed it is difficult to believe
    that man has known how to speak for any very great length of time.
    * * * We can still trace through the thin disguise of subsequent
    modifications and growth the elements, both lexical and grammatical,
    out of which language must have arisen. * * * The beginnings of
    articulate language are still too transparent to allow us to refer
    them to a very remote era. * * * In fact the evidence that he is a
    drawing animal * * * mounts back to a much earlier epoch than the
    evidence that he is a speaking animal.

When a system of ideographic gesture signs prevailed and at the same
time any form of artistic representation, however rude, existed, it
would be expected that the delineations of the former would appear in
the latter. It was but one more and an easy step to fasten upon bark,
skins, or rocks the evanescent air pictures that still in pigments or
carvings preserve their ideography or conventionalism in their original
outlines. A transition stage between gestures and pictographs, in which
the left hand is used as a supposed drafting surface, upon which the
index draws lines, is exhibited in the Dialogue between Alaskan Indians
in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (_a_). This device
is common among deaf-mutes, without equal archeologic importance, as it
may have been suggested by the art of writing, with which, even when not
instructed in it, they are generally acquainted.

The execution of the drawings, of which the several forms of
picture-writing are composed, often exhibits the first crude efforts of
graphic art, and their study in that relation is of value.

When pictures are employed for the same purpose as writing, the
conception intended to be presented is generally analyzed and only its
most essential points are indicated, with the result that the characters
when frequently repeated become conventional, and in their later form
cease to be recognizable as objective portraitures. This exhibition of
conventionalizing has its own historic import.

It is not probable that much valuable information will ever be obtained
from ancient rock carvings or paintings, but they are important as
indications of the grades of culture reached by their authors, and
of the subjects which interested those authors, as is shown in the
appropriate chapters following. Some portions of these pictures can
be interpreted. With regard to others, which are not yet interpreted
and perhaps never can be, it is nevertheless useful to gather together
for synoptic study and comparison a large number of their forms from
many parts of the world. The present collection shows the interesting
psychologic fact that primitive or at least very ancient man made the
same figures in widely separated regions, though it is not established
that the same figures had a common significance. Indications of priscan
habitat and migrations may sometimes be gained from the general style or
type of the drawings and sculptures, which may be divided into groups,
although the influence of the environing materials must always be
considered.

The more modern specimens of picture-writing displayed on skins, bark,
and pottery are far more readily interpreted than those on rocks, and
have already afforded information and verification as to points of
tribal history, religion, customs, and other ethnologic details.

A criticism has been made on the whole subject of picture-writing by the
eminent anthropologist, Dr. Andree, who, in Ethnographische Parallelen
und Vergleiche (_a_), has described and figured a large number of
examples of petroglyphs, a name given by him to rock-drawings and now
generally adopted. His views are translated as follows:

    But if we take a connected view of the petroglyphs to which the
    rock pictures, generally made with red paint, are equivalent, and
    make a comparison of both, it becomes evident that they are usually
    made for mere pastime and are the first artistic efforts of rude
    nations. Nevertheless, we find in them the beginnings of writing,
    and in some instances their transition to pictography as developed
    among North American Indians becomes evident.

It appears, therefore, that Dr. Andree carefully excludes the
picture-writings of the North American Indians from his general censure,
his conclusion being that those found in other parts of the world
usually occupy a lower stage. It is possible that significance may yet
be ascertained in many of the characters found in other regions, and
perhaps this may be aided by the study of those in America; but no doubt
should exist that the latter have purpose and meaning. The relegation to
a trivial origin of such pictographs as are described and illustrated
in the present work will be abandoned after a thorough knowledge of the
labor and thought which frequently were necessary for their production.
American pictographs are not to be regarded as mere curiosities. In some
localities they represent the only intellectual remains of the ancient
inhabitants. Wherever found, they bear significantly upon the evolution
of the human mind.

Distrust concerning the actual significance of the ancient American
petroglyphs may be dispelled by considering the practical use of similar
devices by historic and living Indians for purposes as important to them
as those of alphabetic writing, these serving to a surprising extent the
same ends. This paper presents a large number of conclusive examples.
The old devices are substantially the same as the modern, though
improved and established in the course of evolution. The ideography
and symbolism displayed in these devices present suggestive studies in
psychology more interesting than the mere information or text contained
in the pictures. It must also be observed that when Indians now make
pictographs it is with intention and care--seldom for mere amusement.
Even when the labor is undertaken merely to supply the trade demand
for painted robes or engraved pipes or bark records, it is a serious
manufacture, though sometimes only imitative and not intrinsically
significant. In all other known instances in which pictures are made
without such specific intent as is indicated under the several headings
of this work, they are purely ornamental; but in such cases they are
often elaborate and artistic, not idle scrawls.

This paper is limited in its terms to the presentation of the most
important known pictographs of the American Indians, but examples
from other parts of the world are added for comparison. The proper
classification and correlation of the matter collected has required more
labor and thought than is apparent. The scheme of the work has been
to give in an arrangement of chapters and sections some examples with
illustrations in connection with each heading in the classification.
This plan has involved a large amount of cross reference, because in
many cases a character or a group of characters could be considered
with reference to a number of different characteristics, and it was
necessary to choose under which one of the headings it should be
presented, involving reference to that from the other divisions of the
work. Sometimes the decision was determined by taste or judgment, and
sometimes required by mechanical considerations.

It may be mentioned that the limitation of the size of the present
volume required that the space occupied by the text should be
subordinated to the large amount of illustration. It is obvious that a
work on picture-writing should be composed largely of pictures, and to
allow room for them many pages of the present writer’s views have been
omitted. Whatever may be the disadvantage of this omission it leaves to
students of the work the opportunity to form their own judgments without
bias. Indeed, this writer confesses that although he has examined and
studied in their crude shape, as they went to the printer, all the
illustrations and descriptions now presented, he expects that after
the volume shall be delivered to him in printed form with its synoptic
arrangement he will be better able than now to make appropriate remarks
on its subject-matter. Therefore he anticipates that careful readers
will judiciously correct errors in the details of the work which may
have escaped him and that they will extend and expand what is yet
limited and partial. It may be proper to note that when the writer’s
observation has resulted in agreement with published authorities or
contributors, the statements that could have been made on his own
personal knowledge have been cited, when possible, from the printed or
manuscript works of others. Quotation is still more requisite when there
is disagreement with the authorities.

Thanks for valuable assistance are due and rendered to correspondents
and to officers of the Bureau of Ethnology and of the United States
Geological Survey, whose names are generally mentioned in connection
with their several contributions. Acknowledgment is also made now and
throughout the work to Dr. W. J. Hoffman, who has officially assisted
in its preparation during several years, by researches in the field, in
which his familiarity with Indians and his artistic skill have been of
great value. Similar recognition is due to Mr. De Lancey W. Gill, in
charge of the art department of the Bureau of Ethnology and the U. S.
Geological Survey, and to Mr. Wells M. Sawyer, his assistant, specially
detailed on the duty, for their work on the illustrations presented.
While mentioning the illustrations, it may be noted that the omission
to furnish the scale on which some of them are produced is not from
neglect, but because it was impossible to ascertain the dimensions of
the originals in the few cases where no scale or measurement is stated.
This omission is most frequently noticeable in the illustrations of
petroglyphs which have not been procured directly by the officers of
the Bureau of Ethnology. The rule in that Bureau is to copy petroglyphs
on the scale of one-sixteenth actual size. Most of the other classes of
pictographs are presented without substantial reduction, and in those
cases the scale is of little importance.

It remains to give special notice to the reader regarding the mode
adopted to designate the authors and works cited. A decision was
formed that no footnotes should appear in the work. A difficulty in
observing that rule arose from the fact that in the repeated citation of
published works the text would be cumbered with many words and numbers
to specify titles, pages and editions. The experiment was tried of
printing in the text only the most abbreviated mention, generally by the
author’s name alone, of the several works cited, and to present a list
of them arranged in alphabetic order with cross references and catch
titles. This list appears at the end of the work with further details
and examples of its use. It is not a bibliography of the subject of
picture-writing, nor even a list of authorities read and studied in the
preparation of the work, but it is simply a special list, prepared for
the convenience of readers, of the works and authors cited in the text,
and gives the page and volume, when there is more than one volume in the
edition, from which the quotation is taken.




CHAPTER I.

PETROGLYPHS.


In the plan of this work a distinction has been made between a
petroglyph, as Andree names the class, or rock-writing, as Ewbank called
it, and all other descriptions of picture-writing. The criterion for
the former is that the picture, whether carved or pecked, or otherwise
incised, and whether figured only by coloration or by coloration and
incision together, is upon a rock either in situ or sufficiently large
for inference that the picture was imposed upon it where it was found.
This criterion allows geographic classification. In presenting the
geographic distribution, prominence is necessarily (because of the
laws authorizing this work) given to the territory occupied by the
United States of America, but examples are added from various parts
of the globe, not only for comparison of the several designs, but to
exhibit the prevalence of the pictographic practice in an ancient form,
though probably not the earliest form. The rocks have preserved archaic
figures, while designs which probably were made still earlier on less
enduring substances are lost.

Throughout the world in places where rocks of a suitable character
appear, and notably in South America, markings on them have been found
similar to those in North America, though until lately they have seldom
been reported with distinct description or with illustration. They are
not understood by the inhabitants of their vicinity, who generally
hold them in superstitious regard, and many of them appear to have
been executed from religious motives. They are now most commonly found
remaining where the population has continued to be sparse, or where
civilization has not been of recent introduction, with exceptions such
as appear in high development on the Nile.

The superstitions concerning petroglyphs are in accord with all
other instances where peoples in all ages and climes, when observing
some phenomenon which they did not understand, accounted for it by
supernatural action. The following examples are selected as of interest
in the present connection.

It must be premised with reference to the whole character of the
mythology and folk-lore of the Indians that, even when professed
converts to Christianity, they seem to have taken little interest in the
stories of the Christian church, whether the biblical narratives or the
lives and adventures of the saints, which are so constantly dwelt upon
throughout the Christian world that they have become folk-lore. The
general character of the Christian legends does not seem to have suited
the taste of Indians and has not at all impaired their affection for or
their belief in the aboriginal traditions.

Among the gods or demigods of the Abnaki are those who particularly
preside over the making of petroglyphs. Their name in the plural, for
there are several personages, is Oonagamessok. They lived in caves
by the shore and were never seen, but manifested their existence by
inscriptions on the rocks. The fact that these inscribed rocks are
now very seldom found is accounted for by the statement that the
Oonagamessok have become angry at the want of attention paid to them
since the arrival of the white people and have caused the pictures to
disappear. There is no evidence to determine whether this tradition
should be explained by the fact that the ingenious shamans of the last
century would sometimes produce a miracle, carving the rocks themselves
and interpreting the marks in their own way, or by the fact that the
rock inscriptions were so old that their origin was not remembered and
an explanation was, as usual, made by ascription to a special divinity,
perhaps a chieftain famous in the old stage of mythology, or perhaps one
invented for the occasion by the class of priests who from immemorial
antiquity have explained whatever was inexplicable.

At a rock near the mouth of the Magiguadavic river, at the time
immediately before the Passamaquoddy Indians chose their first governor
after the manner of the whites, the old Indians say there suddenly
appeared a white man’s flag carved on the rocks. The old Indians
interpreted this as a prophecy that the people would soon be abandoned
to the white man’s methods, and this came to pass shortly after.
Formerly they had a “Mayouett” or chief. Many other rock carvings are
said to have foretold what has since come to pass. Strange noises have
also been heard near them.

The Omaha superstition is mentioned on pages 91-92 infra.

The Mandans had an oracle stone on which figures appeared on the morning
after a night of public fasting. They were deciphered by the shaman, who
doubtless had made them.

Mr. T. H. Lewis (_a_) gives the following tradition relating to the
incised bowlders in the upper Minnesota valley:

    In olden times there used to be an object that marked the
    bowlders at night. It could be seen, but its exact shape was
    indistinct. It would work making sounds like hammering, and
    occasionally emit a light similar to that of a firefly. After
    finishing its work it would give one hearty laugh like a woman
    laughing and then disappear. The next morning the Indians would find
    another pictured bowlder in the vicinity where the object had been
    seen the night previous.

Mr. J. W. Lynd (_a_) says of the Dakotas:

    The deities upon which the most worship is bestowed, if, indeed,
    any particular one is nameable, are Tunkan (Inyan) the Stone God and
    Wakinyan, the Thunder Bird. The latter, as being the main god of
    war, receives constant worship and sacrifices; whilst the adoration
    of the former is an every-day affair. The Tunkan, the Dakotas say,
    is the god that dwells in stones or rocks, and is the oldest god. If
    asked why it is considered the oldest, they will tell you because it
    is the hardest.

Mr. Charles Hallock, on the authority of Capt. Ed. Hunter, First
Cavalry, U. S. A., furnishes the following information respecting the
Assiniboin, Montana, rock pictures, which shows the reverence of these
Indians for the petroglyphs even when in ruins:

    Some of the rocks of the sculptured cliff cleaved off and
    tumbled to the ground, whereupon the Indians assembled in force,
    stuck up a pole, hung up some buffalo heads and dried meat, had a
    song and dance, and carefully covered the detached fragments (which
    were sculptured or painted) with cotton cloth and blankets. Jim
    Brown, a scout, told Capt. Hunter that the Indians assembled at this
    station at stated times to hold religious ceremonies. The pictures
    are drawn on the smooth face of an outcrop or rocky projection.

Marcano (_a_) gives an account in which superstition is mixed with
historic tradition. It is translated as follows:

    The legend of the Tamanaques, transmitted by Father Gili, has
    also been invoked in favor of an ancient civilization. According
    to the beliefs of this nation, there took place in days of old a
    general inundation, which recalls the age of the great waters of
    the Mexicans, during which the scattered waves beat against the
    Encaramada. All the Tamanaques were drowned except one man and one
    woman, who fled to the mountain of Tamacu or Tamanácu, situated
    on the banks of Asiveru (Cuchivero). They threw above their heads
    the fruits of the palm tree, Mauritia, and saw arising from their
    kernels the men and women who repeopled the earth. It was during
    this inundation that Amalavica, the creator of mankind, arrived on
    a bark and carved the inscription of Tepumereme. Amalavica remained
    long among the Tamanaques, and dwelt in Amalavica-Jeutitpe (house).
    After putting everything in order he set sail and returned “to
    the other shore,” whence he had come. “Did you perchance meet him
    there?” said an Indian to Father Gili, after relating to him this
    story. In this connection Humboldt recalls that in Mexico, too, the
    monk Sahagun was asked whether he came from the other shore, whither
    Quetzalcoatl had retired.

    The same traveler adds: “When you ask the natives how the
    hieroglyphic characters carved on the mountains of Urbana and
    Encaramada could have been traced, they reply that this was done in
    the age of the great waters, at the time when their fathers were
    able to reach the heights in their canoes.”

    If these legends and these petroglyphs are proof of an extinct
    civilization, it is astonishing that their authors should have
    left no other traces of their culture. To come to the point, is it
    admissible that they were replaced by savage tribes without leaving
    a trace of what they had been, and can we understand this retrograde
    march of civilization when progress everywhere follows an ascending
    course? These destructions of American tribes in place are very
    convenient to prop up theories, but they are contrary to ethnologic
    laws.

The remarkable height of some petroglyphs has misled authors of good
repute as well as savages. Petroglyphs frequently appear on the face
of rocks at heights and under conditions which seemed to render their
production impossible without the appliances of advanced civilization,
a large outlay, and the exercise of unusual skill. An instance among
many of the same general character is in the petroglyphs at Lake Chelan,
Washington, where they are about 30 feet above the present water level,
on a perpendicular cliff, the base of which is in the lake. On simple
examination the execution of the pictographic work would seem to
involve details of wharfing, staging, and ladders if operated from the
base, and no less elaborate machinery if approached from the summit.
Strahlenberg suggests that such elevated drawings were made by the
ingenious use of stone wedges driven into the rock, thus affording
support for ascent or descent, and reports that he actually saw such
stone wedges in position on the Yenesei river. A very rough geological
theory has been presented by others to account for the phenomena by the
rise of the rocks to a height far above the adjacent surface at a time
later than their carving.

But in the many cases observed in America it is not necessary to propose
either the hypothesis involving such elaborate work as is suggested or
one postulating enormous geological changes. The escarpment of cliffs
is from time to time broken down by the action of the elements and the
fragments fall to the base, frequently forming a talus of considerable
height, on which it is easy to mount and incise or paint on the
remaining perpendicular face of the cliff. When the latter adjoins a
lake or large stream, the disintegrated débris is almost immediately
carried off, leaving the drawings or paintings at an apparently
inaccessible altitude. When the cliff is on dry land, the rain, which
is driven against the face of the cliff and thereby increased in volume
and force at the point in question, also sweeps away the talus, though
more slowly. The talus is ephemeral in all cases, and the face of the
cliff may change in a week or a century, as it may happen, so its aspect
gives but a slight evidence of age. The presence, therefore, of the
pictures on the heights described proves neither extraordinary skill
in their maker nor the great antiquity which would be indicated by
the emergence of the pictured rocks through volcanic or other dynamic
agency. The age of the paintings and sculptures must be inferred from
other considerations.

Pictures are sometimes found on the parts of rocks which at present
are always, or nearly always, covered with water. On the sea shore at
Machias bay, Maine, the peckings have been continued below the line of
the lowest tides as known during the present generation. In such cases
subsidence of the rocky formation may be indicated. At Kejimkoojik
lake, Nova Scotia, incisions of the same character as those on the
bare surface of the slate rocks can now be seen only by the aid of a
water glass, and then only when the lake is at its lowest. This may be
caused by subsidence of the rocks or by rise of the water through the
substantial damming of the outlet. Some rocks on the shores of rivers,
e. g., those on the Kanahwa, in West Virginia, show the same general
result of the covering and concealment of petroglyphs by water, except
in an unusual drought, which may more reasonably be attributed to the
gradual elevation of the river through the rise of the surface near its
mouth than to the subsidence of the earth’s crust at the locality of the
pictured rocks.

It must be admitted that no hermeneutic key has been discovered
applicable to American pictographs, whether ancient on stone or modern
on bark, skins, linen, or paper. Nor has any such key been found
which unlocks the petroglyphs of any other people. Symbolism was of
individual origin and was soon variously obscured by conventionalizing;
therefore it requires separate study in every region. No interpreting
laws of general application to petroglyphs so far appear, although
types and tendencies can be classified. It was hoped that in some lands
petroglyphs might tell of the characters and histories of extinct
or emigrated peoples, but it now seems that knowledge of the people
who were the makers of the petroglyphs is necessary to any clear
understanding of their work. The fanciful hypotheses which have been
formed without corroboration, wholly from such works as remain, are now
generally discarded.

There is a material reason why the interpretation of petroglyphs is
attended with special difficulty. They have often become so blurred by
the elements and so much defaced where civilized man has penetrated that
they cease to have any distinct or at least incontrovertible features.
The remarks relating to Dighton rock, infra, Chap. XXII, are in point.

Rock-carving or picture-writing on rocks is so old among the American
tribes as to have acquired a nomenclature. The following general remarks
of Schoolcraft (_a_) are of some value, though they apply with any
accuracy only to the Ojibwa and are tinctured with a fondness for the
mysterious:

    For their pictographic devices the North American Indians have
    two terms, namely, _Kekeewin_, or such things as are generally
    understood by the tribe, and _Kekeenowin_, or teachings of the
    _medas_ or priests and _jossakeeds_ or prophets. The knowledge of
    the latter is chiefly confined to persons who are versed in their
    system of magic medicine, or their religion, and may be deemed
    hieratic. The former consists of the common figurative signs, such
    as are employed at places of sepulture or by hunting or traveling
    parties. It is also employed in the _muzzinabiks_, or rock-writings.
    Many of the figures are common to both and are seen in the drawings
    generally; but it is to be understood that this results from the
    figure alphabet being precisely the same in both, while the devices
    of the nugamoons or medicine, wabino, hunting, and war songs are
    known solely to the initiates who have learned them, and who always
    pay high to the native professors for this knowledge.

In the Oglala Roster mentioned in Chapter XIII, Section 4, infra, one of
the heads of families is called Inyanowapi, translated as Painted (or
inscribed) rock. A blue object in the shape of a bowlder is connected
with the man’s head by the usual line, and characters too minute for
useful reproduction appear on the bowlder. The name is interesting as
giving the current Dakota term for rock-inscriptions. The designation
may have been given to this Indian because he was an authority on
the subject and skilled either in the making or interpretation of
petroglyphs.

The name “Wikhegan” was and still is used by the Abnaki to signify
portable communications made in daily life, as distinct from the rock
carvings mentioned above, which are regarded by them as mystic.

One of the curious facts in connection with petroglyphs is the meager
notice taken of them by explorers and even by residents other than the
Indians, who are generally reticent concerning them. The present writer
has sometimes been annoyed and sometimes amused by this indifference.
The resident nearest to the many inscribed rocks at Kejimkoojik Lake,
Nova Scotia, described in Chapter II, Section 1, was a middle-aged
farmer of respectable intelligence who had lived all his life about 3
miles from those rocks, but had only a vague notion of their character,
and with difficulty found them. A learned and industrious priest, who
had been working for many years on the shores of Lake Superior preparing
not only a dictionary and grammar of the Ojibwa language, but an account
of Ojibwa religion and customs, denied the present existence of any
objects in the nature of petroglyphs in that region. Yet he had lived
for a year within a mile of a very important and conspicuous pictured
rock, and, on being convinced of his error by sketches shown him, called
in his Ojibwa assistant and for the first time learned the common use of
a large group of words which bore upon the system of picture-writing,
and which he thereupon inserted in his dictionary, thus gaining from the
visitor, who had come from afar to study at the feet of this supposed
Gamaliel, much more than the visitor gained from him.




CHAPTER II.

PETROGLYPHS IN NORTH AMERICA.


SECTION 1.

CANADA.

The information thus far obtained about petroglyphs in Canada is meager.
This may be partly due to the fact that through the region of the
Dominion now most thoroughly known the tribes have generally resorted
for their pictographic work to the bark of birch trees, which material
is plentiful and well adapted for the purpose. Indeed the same fact
affords an explanation of the paucity of rock-carvings or paintings
in the lands immediately south of the boundary line separating the
United States from the British possessions. It must also be considered
that the country on both sides of that boundary was in general heavily
timbered, and that even if petroglyphs are there they may not even yet
have been noticed. But that the mere plenty of birch bark does not
evince the actual absence of rock-pictures in regions where there was
also an abundance of suitable rocks, and where the native inhabitants
were known to be pictographers, is shown by the account given below of
the multitudes of such pictures lately discovered in a single district
of Nova Scotia. It is confidently believed that many petroglyphs will
yet be found in the Dominion. Others may be locally known and possibly
already described in publications which have escaped the researches of
the present writer. In fact, from correspondence and oral narrations,
there are indications of petroglyphs in several parts of the Dominion
besides those mentioned below, but their descriptions are too vague for
presentation here. For instance, Dr. Boas says that he has seen a large
number of petroglyphs in British Columbia, of which neither he nor any
other traveler has made distinct report.


NOVA SCOTIA.

The only petroglyphs yet found in the peninsula of Nova Scotia are
in large numbers within a small district in Queens county, and they
comprise objects unique in execution and in interest. They were
examined by the present writer in the field seasons of 1887 and 1888,
and some were copied by him, but many more copies were taken in the
last-mentioned year by Mr. George Creed, of South Rawdon, Nova Scotia,
who had guided the writer to the locality. Attention was at first
confined to Fairy lake and its rocks. This lake is really a bay of
a larger lake which is almost exactly on the boundary line between
Annapolis and Queens counties, one of those forming the chain through
which the Liverpool river runs, and called Cegemacaga in More’s History
of Queens County (_a_), but according to Dr. Silas Rand in his Reading
Book in the Micmac Language (_a_), Kejimkoojik, translated by him as
“swelled parts,” doubtless referring to the expansion of the Maitland
river at its confluence with the Liverpool river.

The Fairy rocks, as distinct from others in the lake, are three in
number, and are situated on the east side of Kejimkoojik lake and south
of the entrance to Fairy lake. The northernmost of the three rocks is
immediately at the entrance, the westernmost and central rock showing
but a small surface at high water and at the highest stage of the water
being entirely submerged. Three other inscribed rocks are about 2 miles
south of these, at Piels (a corruption of Pierre’s) point, opposite an
island called Glodes or Gload island, so named from a well-known Micmac
family. These rocks are virtually a continuation of the same formation
with depressions between them. Two other localities in the vicinity
where the rocks are engraved, as hereafter described, are at Fort Medway
river and Georges lake. As they are all of the same character, on the
same material, and were obviously made by the same people, they are all
classed together, when referred to in this paper, as at Kejimkoojik
lake. All of these rocks are of schistose slate of the Silurian
formation, and they lie with so gentle a dip that their magnitudes vary
greatly with a slight change in the height of the water. On August 27,
1887, when, according to the reports of the nearest residents, the water
was one foot above the average summer level, the unsubmerged portion of
the central rock then surrounded by water was an irregular oval, the
dimensions of which were 47 by 60 feet. The highest points of the Fairy
rocks at that date were no more than three and few were more than two
feet above the surface of the water. The inclination near the surface is
so small that a falling of the water of one foot would double the extent
of that part of the surface which, by its smoothness and softness,
is adapted to engraving. The inclination at Piels point is steeper,
but still allows a great variation of exposed surface in the manner
mentioned.

Mr. Creed first visited the Fairy rocks in July, 1881. His attention
was directed exclusively to the northernmost rock, which was then more
exposed than it was in September, 1887, and much of the inscribed
portion seen by him in 1881 was under water in 1887. The submerged
parts of the rocks adjoining those exposed are covered with incisions.
Many inscriptions were seen in 1881 by Mr. Creed through the water, and
others became visible through a water glass in 1887. His recollection of
the inscribed dates seen in 1881 is that some with French names attached
were of years near 1700, and that the worn appearance of the figures and
names corresponded with the lapse of time indicated by those dates. A
number of markings were noticed by him which are not found in the parts
now exposed, and were evidently more ancient than most of the engravings
on the latter. From other sources of information it is evident that
either from a permanent rise in the water of the lake or from the
sinking of the rocks, they formerly showed, within the period of the
recollection of people now living, a much larger exposed surface than
of late years, and that the parts long since permanently submerged were
covered with engravings. The inference is that those engravings were
made before Europeans had visited the locality.

It is to be specially remarked that the exposed surfaces where the rocks
were especially smooth were completely marked over, no space of 3 inches
square being unmarked, and over nearly all of those choice parts there
were two, and in many cases three, sets of markings, above one another,
recognizable by their differing distinctness. It also seemed that the
second or third marking was upon plane surfaces where the earlier
markings had been nearly obliterated by time. With pains and skill the
earlier markings can be traced, and these are the outlines which from
intrinsic evidence are Indian, whereas the later and more sharply marked
outlines are obviously made by civilized men or boys, the latest being
mere initials or full names of persons, with dates attached. Warning
must be given that the ancient markings, which doubtless were made by
the Micmacs, will probably not only escape the attention of the casual
visitor, but even that an intelligent expert observer who travels to the
scene with some information on the subject, and for the express purpose
of finding the incisions, may fail to see anything but names, ships,
houses, and similar figures of obviously modern design. This actually
occurred within the week when the present writer was taking copies of
the drawings by a mode of printing which left no room for fancy or
deception. Indeed, frequently the marks were not distinctly apparent
until after they had been examined in the printed copies.

The mode in which the copies were taken was by running over and through
their outlines a blue aniline pencil, and then pressing a wetted sheet
of ordinary printing paper upon them, so that the impression was
actually taken by the process of printing. During the two field seasons
mentioned, with the aid of Mr. Creed, three hundred and fifty different
engravings and groups of engravings were thus printed. Some of these
prints were of large dimensions, and included from ten to fifty separate
characters and designs.

On the parts exposed in 1887 there were dates from 1800 to the current
year, the number for the last year being much the greatest, which was
explained by the fact that the wonderfully beautiful lake had been
selected for a Sunday-school excursion. Over the greater part of the
surface visible in 1887 there were few levels specially favorable for
marking, and when these were found the double or treble use was in some
instances noticed.

After the writer had inspected the rocks and discovered their
characteristics, and learned how to distinguish and copy their markings,
it seemed that, with the exception of a few designs recently dug or
chipped out by lumbermen or visitors, almost always initials, the only
interesting or ancient portions were scratchings which could be made
on the soft slate by any sharp instrument. The faces of the rocks were
immense soft and polished drawing-slates, presenting to any person who
had ever drawn or written before an irresistible temptation to draw or
write. The writer, happening to have with him an Indian stone arrow
which had been picked up in the neighborhood, used its point upon the
surface, and it would make as good scratches as any found upon the rocks
except the very latest, which were obviously cut by the whites with
metal knives.

As is above suggested, the peculiar multiplication of the characters
upon the most attractive of the slates affords evidence as to their
relative antiquity superior to that generally found in petroglyphs.
The existence of two or three different sets of markings, all visible
and of different degrees of obliteration or distinctness, is in itself
important; but, in addition to that, it is frequently the case that the
second and third in the order of time have associated with them dates,
from which the relative antiquity of the faintest, the dateless, can be
to some extent estimated. Dates of the third and most recent class are
attached to English names and are associated with the forms of English
letters; those of the second class accompany French names, and in some
cases have French designs. Figs. 1 and 2, about one-fourth original
size, are presented to give an idea of these peculiar palimpsests.

[Illustration: FIG. 1.--Palimpsest on Fairy rocks, Nova Scotia.]

For examples of other copies printed from the rocks at Kejimkoojik
lake, see Figs. 549, 550, 654, 655, 656, 657, 658, 717, 718, 739, 740,
741, 1254, 1255, and 1262. These offer intrinsic evidence of the Micmac
origin of the early class of engravings.

[Illustration: FIG. 2.--Palimpsest on Fairy rocks, Nova Scotia.]

The presence of French names and styles of art in the drawings is
explained by a story which was communicated by Louis Labrador, whose
great-grandfather, old Ledore, according to his account, guided a body
of French Acadians who, at the time of the expulsion, were not shipped
off with the majority. They escaped the English in 1756 and traveled
from the valley of Annapolis to Shelbourne, at the extreme southeast
of the peninsula. During that passage they halted for a considerable
time to recruit in the beautiful valley along the Kejimkoojik lake,
on the very ground where these markings appear, which also was on the
ancient Indian trail. Another local tradition, told by a resident of the
neighborhood, gives a still earlier date for the French work. He says
that after the capture of Port Royal, now Annapolis, in 1710, a party of
the defeated Frenchmen, with a number of Indians as guides, went with
their cattle to the wide meadows upon Kejimkoojik lake and remained
there for a long time. It is exceedingly probable that the French would
have been attracted to scratch on this fascinating smooth slate surface
whether they had observed previous markings or not, but it seems evident
that they did scratch over such previous markings. The latter, at least,
antedated the beginning of the eighteenth century.

A general remark may be made regarding the Kejimkoojik drawings, that
the aboriginal art displayed in them did not differ in any important
degree from that shown in other drawings of the Micmacs and the Abnaki
in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology. Also that the rocks there
reveal pictographic tendencies and practices which suggest explanations
of similar work in other regions where less evidence remains of intent
and significance. The attractive material of the slates and their
convenient situation tempted past generations of Indians to record
upon them the images of their current thoughts and daily actions.
Hence the pictographic practice went into operation at this locality
with unusual vigor and continuity. Although at Kejimkoojik lake there
is an exceptional facility for determining the relative dates of the
several horizons of scratchings, the suggestion there evoked may help to
ascertain similar data elsewhere.


ONTARIO.

Mr. Charles Hallock kindly communicates information concerning
pictographs on Nipigon bay, which is a large lake in the province of
Ontario, 30 miles northwest of Lake Superior, with which it is connected
by Nipigon river. He says:

    The pictographs, which are principally of men and animals,
    occupy a zone some 60 feet long and 5 feet broad, about midway of
    the face of the rock; they are painted in blood-red characters, much
    darker than the color of the cliff itself.

He also, later, incloses a letter received by himself from Mr. Newton
Flanagan, of the Hudson Bay Company, an extract from which is as follows:

    About the dimensions of the red rock in Nipigon bay, upon which
    appear the Indian painted pictures, as near as I can give you at
    present, the face of the rock fronting the water is about 60 feet,
    rising to a greater height as it runs inland. The width along the
    water is something like 900 yards, depth quite a distance inland.
    The pictures are from 10 to 15 or perhaps 20 feet above the water;
    the pictures are representations of human figures, Indians in
    canoes, and of wild animals. They are supposed to have been painted
    ages ago, by what process or for what reason I am unable to tell
    you, nor do I know how the paint is made indelible.

    As far as I can gather, the Indians here have no traditions
    in regard to those paintings, which I understand occur in several
    places throughout the country, and none of the Indians hereabouts
    nowadays practice any such painting.


MANITOBA.

Mr. Hallock also furnishes information regarding a petroglyph, the
locality of which he gives as follows: Roche Percée, on the Souris
river, in Manitoba, near the international boundary, 270 miles west of
Dufferin, and nearly due north from Bismarck. This is an isolated rock
in the middle of a plain, covered with pictographs of memorable events.
It stands back from the river a half mile.

Mr. A. C. Lawson (_a_) gives an illustrated account of petroglyphs
on the large peninsula extending into the Lake of the Woods and on
an island adjacent to it. Strictly speaking this peninsula is in the
district of Keewatin, but it is very near the boundary line of Manitoba,
to which it is attached for administrative purposes. The account is
condensed as follows:

    On the north side of this peninsula, i. e., on the south shore
    of the northern half of the lake, about midway between the east and
    west shores, occurs one of the two sets of hieroglyphic markings.
    Lying off shore at a distance of a quarter to a half a mile, and
    making with it a long sheltered channel, is a chain of islands,
    trending east and west. On the south side of one of these islands,
    less than a mile to the west of the first locality, is to be seen
    the other set of inscriptions. The first set occurs on the top of
    a low, glaciated, projecting point of rock, which presents the
    characters of an ordinary roche moutonnée. The rock is a very soft,
    foliated, green, chloritic schist, into which the characters are
    more or less deeply carved. The top of the rounded point is only a
    few feet above the high-water mark of the lake, whose waters rise
    and fall in different seasons through a range of ten feet. The
    antiquity of the inscriptions is at once forced upon the observer
    upon a careful comparison of their weathering with that of the
    glacial grooves and striæ, which are very distinctly seen upon the
    same rock surface. Both the ice grooves and carved inscriptions are,
    so far as the eye can judge, identical in extent of weathering,
    though there was doubtless a considerable lapse of time between the
    disappearance of the glaciers and the date of the carving.

    The island on which were found the other inscriptions is
    one of the many steep rocky islands known among the Indians as
    Ka-ka-ki-wa-bic min-nis, or Crow-rock island. The rock is a hard
    greenstone, not easily cut, and the inscriptions are not cut into
    the rock, but are painted with ochre, which is much faded in places.
    The surface upon which the characters are inscribed forms an
    overhanging wall protected from the rain, part of which has fallen
    down.

    The Indians of the present day have no traditions about these
    inscriptions beyond the supposition that they must have been made by
    the “old people” long ago.

The sketches published as copies of these glyphs show spirals,
concentric circles, crosses, horseshoe forms, arrow shapes, and other
characters similar to those found on rocks in the southwestern part of
the United States, and also to petroglyphs in Brazil, examples from both
of which regions are presented in this work, under their appropriate
headings.


BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Dr. Franz Boas (_a_) published an account of a petroglyph on Vancouver
island (now presented as Fig. 3) which, slightly condensed, is
translated as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 3.--Petroglyph on Vancouver island.]

The accompanying rock picture is found on the eastern shore of Sproat
lake, near its southern outlet. Sproat lake lies about 10 kilometers
north of the upper end of the Alberni fiord, which cuts deep into the
interior of Vancouver island. In former times this region was the
territory of the Hōpetschisāth, a tribe of the Nootka or Aht, who even
now have a village some miles below the lake, at the entrance of Stamp
river into the main river. That tribe, according to the statement of
some of its older members, was a branch of the Kowitchin, who occupy
the east side of Vancouver island, some kilometers northeast of the
upper end of Alberni fiord. At that time the Ts’ēschāáth, another
tribe of the Nootka, are said to have ascended the fiord and mixed
with the Hōpetschisāth. The present inhabitants of the region know
nothing concerning the origin of the rock picture. According to their
legend, the rock on which it is carved was once the house of Kwótiath.
Kwótiath is the wandering divinity in Nootka mythology, and corresponds
approximately to the raven of the Tlinkit and Haida, the Qäls of the
Kowitchin. The picture is found on a perpendicular rock wall about
7 meters high, which drops directly into the lake, so that it was
necessary to make the copy while standing in the water. The rock is
traversed in the middle by a broad cleft, narrowing below, from which
blocks have fallen out which bore part of the drawing. To the north and
south of the rock wall the shore rises gently, but rocky portions are
found everywhere. The lines of the drawing are flat grooves, about two
or three fingers’ breadth, and in many places are so weathered as to be
hardly recognizable. They have been scraped into the rock probably by
the points of sticks rubbing moist sand against it. No marks of blows
of any kind are found. The figures are here given in the same relative
position in which they are found on the rock, except that the upper one
on the right hand is at a distance from all the others, at the southern
end of the rock. The objects represented are evidently fishes or marine
monsters. The middle figure to the left of the cleft may be a manned
boat, the fore part of which is probably destroyed.

Dr. Boas says that the copy as found in the Verhandlungen is incorrect.
The design on the right hand is reversed and is now corrected.

Mr. G. M. Sproat (_a_) mentions this petroglyph:

    It is rudely done and apparently not of an old date. There are
    half a dozen figures intended to represent fishes or birds--no
    one can say which. The natives affirm that Quawteaht made them.
    In their general character these figures correspond to the rude
    paintings sometimes seen on wooden boards among the Ahts, or on the
    seal-skin buoys that are attached to the whale and halibut harpoons
    and lances. The meaning of these figures is not understood by the
    people; and I dare say if the truth were known, they are nothing but
    feeble attempts on the part of individual artists to imitate some
    visible objects which they had strongly in their minds.


SECTION 2.

UNITED STATES.

Drawings or paintings on rocks are distributed generally over the
greater part of the territory of the United States.

They are found on bowlders formed by the sea waves or polished by ice
of glacial epochs; on the faces of rock ledges adjoining lakes and
streams; on the high walls of canyons and cliffs; on the sides and roofs
of caves; in short, wherever smooth surfaces of rock appear. Yet, while
they are so frequent, there are localities to be distinguished in which
they are especially abundant and noticeable. They differ markedly in
character of execution and apparent subject-matter.

An obvious division can be made between the glyphs bearing characters
carved or pecked and those painted without incision. There is also a
third, though small, class in which the characters are both incised
and painted. This division seems to coincide to a certain extent
with geographic areas and is not fully explained by the influence of
materials; it may, therefore, have some relation to the idiosyncrasy or
development of the several authors, and consequently to tribal habitat
and migrations.

In examining a chart of the United States in use by the Bureau of
Ethnology, upon which the distribution of the several varieties of
petroglyphs is marked, two facts are noticeable: First, the pecked and
incised characters are more numerous in the northern and those expressed
in colors more numerous in the southern areas. Second, there are two
general groupings, distinguished by typical styles, one in the north
Atlantic states and the other in the south Pacific states.

The north Atlantic group is in the priscan habitat of the tribes of the
Algonquian linguistic family, and extends from Nova Scotia southward to
Pennsylvania, where the sculpturings are frequent, especially on the
Susquehanna, Monongahela, and Alleghany rivers, and across Ohio from
Lake Erie to the Kanawha river, in West Virginia. Isolated localities
bearing the same type are found westward on the Mississippi river and
a few of its western tributaries, to and including the Wind river
mountains, in Wyoming, the former habitat of the Blackfeet Indians. All
of these petroglyphs present typical characters, sometimes undefined
and complicated. From their presumed authors, they have been termed the
Algonquian type. Upon close study and comparison they show many features
in common which are absent in extra-limital areas.

Immediately south of the Kanawha river, in West Virginia, and extending
southward into Virginia, Tennessee, and North Carolina, the pecked
or sculptured petroglyphs are replaced by painted figures of a style
differing from the Algonquian. These are in the area usually designated
as Cherokee territory, but there is no evidence that they are the work
of that tribe; indeed, there is no indication of their authorship. The
absence of pecked characters in this area is certainly not due to an
absence of convenient material upon which to record them as the country
is as well adapted to the mode of incision as is the northern Atlantic
area.

Upon the Pacific slope a few pecked as well as colored petroglyphs occur
scattered irregularly throughout the extreme northern area west of
the Sierra Nevada, but on the eastern side of that range of mountains
petroglyphs appear in Idaho, which have analogues extending south to
New Mexico and Arizona, with remarkable groups at intervals between
these extremes. All of these show sufficient similarity of form to be
considered as belonging to a type which is here designated “Shoshonean.”
Tribes of that linguistic family still occupy, and for a long time have
occupied, that territory. Most of this Shoshonean group consists of
pecked or incised characters, though in the southern area unsculptured
paintings predominate.

On the western side of the Sierra Nevada, from Visalia southward,
at Tulare agency, and thence westward and southward along the Santa
Barbara coast, are other groups of colored petroglyphs showing typical
features resembling the Shoshonean. This resemblance may be merely
accidental, but it is well known that there was intercourse between the
tribes on the two sides of the Sierra Nevada, and the Shoshonean family
is also represented on the Pacific slope south of the mountain range
extending from San Bernardino west to Point Conception. In this manner
the artistic delineation of the Santa Barbara tribes may have been
influenced by contact with others.

Petroglyphs have seldom been found in the central area of the United
States. In the wooded region of the Great lakes characters have been
depicted upon birch bark for at least a century, while in the area
between the Mississippi river and the Rocky mountains the skins of
buffalo and deer have been used. Large rocks and cliffs favorably
situated are not common in that country, which to a great extent is
prairie.

In the general area of these typical groups characters are frequently
found which appear intrusive, i. e., they have a strong resemblance not
only to those found in other American groups, but are nearly identical
with characters in other parts of the world. This fact, clearly
established, prevents the adoption of any theory as to the authorship
of many of the petroglyphs and thwarts attempts to ascertain their
signification.


ALASKA.

Ensign Albert P. Niblack, U. S. Navy, (_a_) gives a brief account, with
sketches, reproduced here as Fig. 4, of petroglyphs in Alaska, which
were taken from rocks from the ancient village of Stikine, near Fort
Wrangell. Others were found on rocks just above high-water mark around
the sites of ruined and abandoned villages.

[Illustration: FIG. 4.--Petroglyphs in Alaska.]

In the upper character the Alaskan typical style of human faces is
noticeable. The lower gives a representation of the orca or whale
killer, which the Haida believe to be a demon called Skana, about which
there are many mythic tales. Mr. Niblack remarks:

    In their paintings the favorite colors used are black, light
    green, and dark red. Whether produced in painting, tattooing, or
    relief carving, the designs are somewhat conventional. However rude
    the outline, there are for some animals certain conventional signs
    that clearly indicate to the initiated what figure is meant. With
    the brown bear it is the protruding tongue; with the beaver and wolf
    it is the character of the teeth; with the orca, the fin; with the
    raven, the sharp beak; with the eagle, the curved beak, etc.


ARIZONA.

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, gives the following
information concerning petroglyphs observed by him in the vicinity of
San Francisco mountain, Arizona:

    The localities of the sketches Figs. 5, 6, and 7 are about 35
    miles east and southeast of San Francisco mountain, the material
    being a red sandstone, which stands in low buttes upon the plain.
    About these are mealing stones, fragments of pottery and chipped
    flints, giving evidence of the residence of sedentary Indians.
    So many localities of petroglyphs were seen that I regard it as
    probable that a large number could be found by search. The drawings
    in every case but one were produced by blows upon the surface of the
    rocks, breaking through the film of rock discolored by weathering
    so as to reveal (originally) the color of the interior of the rock.
    The single exception is the first pattern in Fig. 6, similar to the
    patterns on pottery and blankets, produced by painting with a white
    pigment on red rock. The original arrangement of the drawings upon
    the rock was not as a rule preserved, but they have approximately
    the original arrangement. I neglected to record the scale of the
    drawings, but the several pictures are drawn on approximately the
    same scale.

[Illustration: FIG. 5.--Petroglyph in Arizona.]

[Illustration: FIG. 6.--Petroglyph in Arizona.]

All of these figures partake of the general type designated as the
Shoshonean, and it is notable that close repetitions of some of the
characters appear in petroglyphs in Tulare valley and Owens valley,
California, which are described and illustrated in this section.

The object resembling a centipede, in Fig. 6, is a common form in
various localities in Santa Barbara county, California, as will be
observed by comparing the illustrations given in connection with that
locality. In other of the Arizona and New Mexican petroglyphs similar
outlines are sometimes engraved to signify the maize stalk.

[Illustration: FIG. 7.--Petroglyph in Arizona.]

Mr. Paul Holman, of the U. S. Geological Survey, reports that eight
miles below Powers butte, on a mesa bordering on the Gila river and
rising abruptly to the height of 150 feet, are pictographs covering
the entire vertical face. Also on the summit of a spur of Oatman
mountain, 200 yards from the Gila and 300 feet above it, are numbers
of pictographs. Many of them are almost obliterated where they are on
exposed surfaces.

Lieut. Col. Emory (_a_) reports that on a table-land near the Gila
bend is a mound of granite bowlders, blackened by augite and covered
with unknown characters, the work of human hands. On the ground near
by were also traces of some of the figures, showing that some of the
pictographs, at least, were the work of modern Indians. Others were
of undoubted antiquity. He also reports in the same volume (_b_) that
characters upon rocks of questionable antiquity occur on the Gila river
at 32° 38′ 13″ N. lat. and 190° 7′ 30″ long. According to the plate,
the figures are found upon bowlders and on the face of the cliff to the
height of 30 feet.

Lieut. Whipple (_a_) remarks upon petroglyphs at Yampais spring,
Williams river, as follows:

    The spot is a secluded glen among the mountains. A high shelving
    rock forms a cave, within which is a pool of water and a crystal
    stream flowing from it. The lower surface of the rock is covered
    with pictographs. None of the devices seem to be of recent date.

Many of the country rocks lying on the Colorado plateau of northern
Arizona, east of Peach springs, bear petroglyphs of considerable
artistic workmanship. Some figures, observed by Dr. W. J. Hoffman in
1872, were rather elaborate and represented the sun, human beings in
various styles approaching the grotesque, and other characters not
understood. All of those observed were made by pecking the surface of
basalt with a harder variety of stone.

Mr. Gilbert also obtained sketches of etchings in November, 1878, on
Partridge creek, northern Arizona, at the point where the Beale wagon
road comes to it from the east. He says: “The rock is cross-laminated
Aubrey sandstone and the surfaces used are faces of the laminæ. All
the work is done by blows with a sharp point. (Obsidian is abundant
in the vicinity.) Some inscriptions are so fresh as to indicate that
the locality is still resorted to. No Indians live in the immediate
vicinity, but the region is a hunting ground of the Wallapais and
Avasupais (Cosninos).”

Notwithstanding the occasional visits of the above named tribes, the
characters submitted more nearly resemble those of other localities
known to have been made by the Moki Pueblos.

Rock drawings are of frequent occurrence along the entire extent of the
valley of the Rio Verde, from a short distance below Camp Verde to the
Gila river.

Mr. Thomas V. Keam reports drawings on the rocks in Canyon Segy, and in
Keam’s canyon, northeastern Arizona. Some forms occurring at the latter
locality are found also upon Moki pottery.

Petroglyphs are reported by Lieut. Theodore Mosher, Twenty-second
Infantry, U. S. Army, to have been discovered by Lieut. Casey’s party
in December, 1887, on the Chiulee (or Chilalí) creek, 30 or 40 miles
from its confluence with San Juan river, Arizona. A photograph made by
the officer in charge of the party shows the characters to have been
outlined by pecking, the designs resembling the Shoshonean type of
pictographs, and those in Owens valley, California, a description of
which is given below.

A figure, consisting of two concentric circles with a straight line
running out from the larger circle, occurs, among other carvings, on one
of the many sculptured bowlders seen by Mr. J. R. Bartlett (_a_) in the
valley of the Gila river in Arizona. His representation of this bowlder
is here copied as Fig. 8. His language is as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 8.--Petroglyph in Arizona.]

    I found hundreds of these bowlders covered with rude figures of
    men, animals, and other objects of grotesque forms, all pecked in
    with a sharp instrument. Many of them, however, were so much defaced
    by long exposure to the weather and by subsequent markings, that it
    was impossible to make them out. Among these rocks I found several
    which contained sculptures on the lower side, in such a position
    that it would be impossible to cut them where they then lay. Some
    weighed many tons each and would have required immense labor to
    place them there, and that, too, without an apparent object. The
    natural inference was that they had fallen down from the summit of
    the mountain after the sculptures were made on them. A few only
    seemed recent; the others bore the marks of great antiquity.

In the collections of the Bureau of Ethnology is an album or sketch
book, which contains many drawings made by Mr. F. S. Dellenbaugh, from
which the following sketches of petroglyphs in Arizona are selected,
together with the brief references attached to each sheet.

Fig. 9 is a copy of characters appearing in Shinumo canyon, Arizona.
They are painted, the middle and right hand figures being red, the human
form having a white mark upon the abdomen; the left-hand figure of a man
is painted yellow, the two plumes being red.

[Illustration: FIG. 9.--Petroglyph in Shinumo canyon, Arizona.]

The petroglyphs in Fig. 10 are rather indistinct and were copied from
the vertical wall of Mound canyon. The most conspicuous forms appear to
be serpents.

[Illustration: FIG. 10.--Petroglyph in Mound canyon, Arizona.]


CALIFORNIA.

In the foothills of California, wherever overhanging and rain-protected
rocks occur, they are covered with paintings of various kinds made
by Indians. Those on Rocky hill, some 15 miles east of Visalia, are
especially interesting. The sheltered rocks are here covered with images
of men, animals, and various inanimate objects, as well as curious
figures. The paint used is red, black, and white, and wherever protected
it has stood the ravages of time remarkably well. In many places the
paintings are as vivid as the day they were laid on. Deer, antelope,
coyotes, birds, and turtles are figured quite frequently, and may
indicate either names of chiefs or tribes, or animals slain in the hunt.
Here are also circles, spirals, crowns or bars, etc., signs the meaning
of which is yet doubtful.

Mr. H. W. Turner, in a letter dated June 3, 1891, furnishes sketches
(Fig. 11) from this locality, and a description of them as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 11.--Petroglyphs near Visalia, California.]

    I send herewith a rough sheet of drawings of figures on the
    sheltered face of a huge granite cropping in Tulare county,
    California. One-half of the cropping had split off, leaving a nearly
    plane surface, on which the figures were drawn in red, white, and
    black pigments. The locality is known as Rocky point. They are now
    quarrying granite at the place. It lies about 12 miles nearly due
    east of Visalia, in the first foothills and south of Yokall creek.
    The figures appear to have been drawn many years ago, and numbers of
    them are now indistinct.

During the summer of 1882 Dr. Hoffman visited the Tule river agency,
California, where he found a large rock painting, of which Fig. 983,
infra, is a copy made by him. His description of it is as follows:

“The agency is upon the western side of the Sierra Nevada, in the
headwater canyons of the branches of the south fork of Tule river.
The country is at present occupied by several tribes of the Mariposan
linguistic stock, and the only answer made to inquiries respecting the
age or origin of the painting was that it was found there when the
ancestors of the present tribes arrived. The local migrations of the
various Indian tribes of this part of California are not yet known with
sufficient certainty to determine to whom the records may be credited,
but all appearances with respect to the weathering and disintegration
of the rock upon which the record is engraved, the appearance of the
coloring matter subsequently applied, and the condition of the small
depressions made at the time for mixing the pigments with a viscous
substance, indicate that the work was performed about a century ago.

“The Indians now at Tule river have occupied that part of the state for
at least one hundred years, and the oldest now living state that the
records were found by their ancestors, though whether more than two
generations ago could not be ascertained.

“The drawings were outlined by pecking with a piece of quartz or other
siliceous rock, the depth varying from a mere visible depression to
a third of an inch. Having thus satisfactorily depicted the several
ideas, colors were applied which appear to have penetrated the slight
interstices between the crystalline particles of the rock, which had
been bruised and slightly fractured by hammering with a piece of stone.
It appears probable, too, that to insure better results the hammering
was repeated after application of the colors.

“Upon a small bowlder, under the natural archway formed by the breaking
of the large rock, small depressions were found which had been used as
mortars for grinding and mixing the colors. These depressions average
2 inches in diameter and about 1 inch in depth. Traces of color still
remain, mixed with a thin layer of a shining substance resembling a
coating of varnish and of flinty hardness. This coating is so thin that
it can not be removed with a steel instrument, and appears to have
become a part of the rock itself.

“From the animals depicted upon the ceiling it seems that both beaver
and deer were found in the country, and as the beaver tail and the hoofs
of deer and antelope are boiled to procure glue, it is probable that the
tribe which made these pictographs was as far advanced in respect to the
making of glue and preparing of paints as most other tribes throughout
the United States.

“Examination shows that the dull red color is red ocher, found in
various places in the valley, while the yellow was an ocherous clay,
also found there. The white color was probably obtained there, and
is evidently earthy, though of what nature can only be surmised, not
sufficient being obtainable from the rock picture to make satisfactory
analysis with the blow-pipe. The composition of the black is not known,
unless it was made by mixing clay and powdered charcoal. The latter is a
preparation common at this day among other tribes.

“An immense granite bowlder, about 20 feet in thickness and 30 in
length, is so broken that a lower quarter is removed, leaving a large
square passageway through its entire diameter almost northwest and
southeast. Upon the western wall of this passageway is a collection of
the colored sketches of which Fig. 983 is a reduced copy. The entire
face of the rock upon which the pictograph occurs measures about 12 or
15 feet in width and 8 in height. The largest human figure measures 6
feet in height, from the end of the toes to the top of the head, the
others being in proportion as represented.

[Illustration: FIG. 12.--Petroglyph at Tule river, California.]

“Upon the ceiling are a number of well executed drawings of the beaver,
bear, centipede (Fig. 12), and bald eagle (Fig. 13). Many of the other
forms indicated appear to represent some variety of insects, several of
which are drawn with exaggerated antennæ, as in Fig. 14. It is curious
to note the gradual blending of forms, as, for instance, that of the
bear with those resembling the human figure, often found among the
Shoshonean types in Arizona and New Mexico, some of which are described
and figured infra.

[Illustration: FIG. 13.--Petroglyph at Tule river, California.]

[Illustration: FIG. 14.--Petroglyph at Tule river, California.]

“Fig. 15 embraces a number of characters on the ceiling. The left hand
upper figure is in black, with a narrow line of red surrounding it. The
drawing is executed neatly and measures about 18 inches in length. The
remaining characters are in dull red, probably ocher, though the two on
the left hand, beneath the one just mentioned, are more yellowish.

[Illustration: FIG. 15.--Petroglyph at Tule river, California.]

“The first three forms in Fig. 16 are copies of human-like figures
painted on the ceiling. They are each about 12 inches in length. The
other form in Fig. 16 is white and is on the southern vertical wall of
the passageway facing the north. It resembles some of the human forms
occurring elsewhere in the same series of petroglyphs.”

[Illustration: FIG. 16.--Petroglyph at Tule river, California.]


OWENS VALLEY.

In the range of mountains forming the northwestern boundary of Owens
valley are extensive groups of petroglyphs, apparently dissimilar to
those found west of the Sierra Nevada. Dr. Hoffman, of the Bureau of
Ethnology, hastily examined them in 1871 and more thoroughly in the
autumn of 1884. They are now represented in Pls. I to XI. So large
a space is given to these illustrations because of their intrinsic
interest, and also because it is desirable to show for one locality what
is true of some others, viz, the very large number of petroglyphs still
to be found in groups and series. Even with the present illustrations,
the petroglyphs in Owens valley are by no means exhaustively shown.

Dr. Hoffman’s report is as follows:

    One of the most important series of groups is that in the
    northern portion of Owens valley, between the White mountains on the
    east and the Benton range on the west. On the western slope of the
    latter, at Watterson’s ranch, is a detached low butte or mesa, upon
    the blackened basaltic bowlders and cliffs of which are numerous
    deeply cut characters, the most interesting of which are reproduced
    in Pls. I and II. The illustrations are, approximately, one-twelfth
    real size. The designs of footprints, in the lower left-hand corner
    of Pl. I, vary in depth from half an inch to 1-1/2 inches. They
    appear to have been pecked and finally worked down to a uniform and
    smooth surface by rubbing, as if with a piece of stone or with wood
    and sand.

    In almost all, if not all, instances throughout the entire
    series referred to in this description the sculptured surfaces
    have assumed the same shining blackened luster as the original and
    undisturbed surface of the bowlder, caused by gradual oxidation of
    the iron present. This would seem to indicate considerable antiquity
    of the petroglyphs.

    On the northeast angle of the mesa referred to were found the
    remains of an old camp, over which were scattered large quantities
    of arrowheads, knives, and flakes of obsidian. This in itself would
    be insignificant, but the fact that many of the specimens of this
    material have been lying exposed to the elements until the upper
    surface has undergone change in color, so as to become bleached
    and friable, in some instances to the depth of from one-tenth to
    one-fourth of an inch, warrants the inference that the relics may
    have been made by the same people who made the petroglyphs, as the
    worked relics generally differ from those of the present Indians by
    being larger and less elaborately finished.

    At the lower end of the southeastern slope of the mesa are a
    number of flat rocks bearing mortar holes, which have no doubt been
    used in grinding grass seed and other grains.

    In general type these petroglyphs correspond very closely to
    those of other areas, in which the so-called Shoshonian types
    occur, the most common, apart from those presented in Pls. I and
    II, consisting of concentric circles, rings, footprints of the bear
    and of man, and various outlines of the human form, beside numerous
    unintelligible forms.

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. I

    PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.]

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. II

    PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.]

    Southeastward of this locality there is a low divide leading
    across the Benton range into the broad, arid, sloping sand desert
    of Owens valley proper, but it is not until a point 12 miles
    south of Benton, along the line of the old stage road, is reached
    that petroglyphs of any consequence are met with. From this
    point southward, for a distance of 6 miles, large exposures and
    bowlders of basalt are scattered, upon which are great numbers of
    petroglyphs, pecked into the rock to depths of from half an inch to
    1-1/2 inches, and representing circles, footprints, human forms, etc.

    The first series of illustrations, selected from numerous
    closely-connected bowlders, are here presented on Pls. III to VII.
    The designs marked _a_ on Pl. III resemble serpents, while that at
    _d_ is obviously such. This device is on the horizontal surface, and
    is pecked to the depth of about 1 inch. The scale of the drawing is
    one-thirtieth of the original petroglyph. The characters indicating
    the human form in _e_, _g_, and _h_ resemble the ordinary Shoshonian
    type, and are like those from various localities in Arizona and
    southern Utah and Colorado.

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. III

    PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.]

    The upper characters in A on Pl. IV represent the trail of a
    grizzly bear--as indicated by the immense claws--followed by a
    human footprint. The original sculpturings are clearly cut, the
    toes of the man’s foot being cup-like, as if drilled with a blunt
    piece of wood and sand. The tracks average 15 inches in length and
    vary in depth from half an inch to more than an inch. The course of
    direction of the tracks, which are cut upon a horizontal surface, is
    from north-northeast to south-southwest.

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IV

    PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.]

    In E is the semblance of an apparently two-headed snake, as also
    in _a_ on Pl. VII. It is possible that this was pecked into the
    rock to record the finding of such an anomaly. The occurrence of
    double-headed serpents is not unique, five or six instances having
    been recorded, one of which is from California, and a specimen may
    be seen in the collection of the U. S. National Museum.

    In Pl. V, _c_, _e_, _g_ are characters resembling some from
    the Canary islands [see Figs. 144 and 145], as well as many of the
    cupstones and dumb-bell forms from Scotland [see Figs. 149 and 150].

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. V

    PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.]

    An interesting specimen is presented in _d_, on Pl. VI,
    resembling the Ojibwa thunder bird, as well as etchings of Innuit
    workmanship to denote man [as shown in Fig. 1159]. The figures
    presented in Pl. III are the northernmost of the series, of which
    those on Pl. VII form the southernmost examples, the distance
    between these two points being about 2 miles.

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VI

    PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.]

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VII

    PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.]

    For the space of 4 miles southward there are a few scattered
    petroglyphs, to which reference will be made below, and the greatest
    number of characters are not found until the southernmost extremity
    of the entire series is reached. These are over the surface of
    immense bowlders lying on the east side of the road where it passes
    through a little valley known locally as the Chalk grade, probably
    on account of the whitened appearance of the sand and of some
    of the embankments. A general view of the faces of the bowlders upon
    which the chief sculpturings occur is presented in Fig. 17. The
    petroglyphs are represented in Pls. VIII to XI.

    [Illustration: FIG. 17.--View of Chalk grade petroglyphs, Owens
    valley.]

    The figures presented in Pl. VIII are, with one exception, each
    about one-thirtieth the size of the original. The animal character
    in _e_ is upon the top of the largest bowlder shown on Fig. 17,
    and is pecked to the depth of from one-fourth to one-half an inch.
    Portions of it are much defaced through erosion by sand blown by the
    strong summer winds. The characters in _g_ are only one-tenth of the
    original size, but of depth similar to the preceding.

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VIII

    PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.]

    On Pl. IX, _a_ is one-twentieth the size of the original, while
    the remaining sculpturings are about one-tenth size. The cross in
    _a_ is singularly interesting because of the elaborateness of its
    execution. The surface within the circle is pecked out so as to have
    the cross stand out bold and level with the original surface. This
    is true also of _f_ on Pl. VIII. Pl. IX, _b_, contains some animal
    forms like those reported from New Mexico and Arizona, and Brazil
    [and presented in this work], especially that character to the right
    resembling a guanaco couchant, although, from its relationship
    to the figure of an antelope, in the same group, it no doubt is
    intended to represent one of the latter species.

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IX

    PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.]

    On Pl. X, as well as on others of this collection, are found
    many forms of circles with interior decoration, such as lines
    arranged by pairs, threes, etc., zigzag and cross lines, and other
    seemingly endless arrangements. They are interesting from the fact
    of the occurrence of almost identical forms in remote localities,
    as in the Canary islands and in Brazil. [These are figured and
    described infra.]

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. X

    PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.]

    It is probable that they are not meaningless, because the
    disposition of the Indian, as he is to-day, is such that no time
    would be spent upon such laborious work without an object, and only
    motives of a religious or ceremonial nature would induce him to
    expend the time and labor necessary to accomplish such results as
    are still presented. On Pl. XI, _a_, are more footprints and animal
    forms of the genus _cervus_ or _antelocapra_. The figures in _b_ and
    _d_, having an upright line with two crossing it at right angles,
    may signify either a lizard or man, the latter signification being
    probably the true one, as similar forms are drawn in petroglyphs of
    a Shoshonian type, as in Arizona. [See supra.]

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XI

    PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.]

    The country over which these records are scattered is arid
    beyond description and destitute of vegetation. Watterson’s ranch
    group is more favorably located, there being an abundance of springs
    and a stream running northward toward Black lake.

    The only Indians found in this vicinity are Pai Utes, but they
    are unacquainted with the significance of the characters, and
    declare that they have no knowledge of the authors.

    As to the age of the sculpturings nothing can be learned. The
    external surface of all the bowlders, as well as the surface of the
    deepest figures, is a glistening brownish black, due, possibly, to
    the presence of iron. The color of a freshly broken surface becomes
    lighter in tint as depth is attained, until at about one-half or
    three-fourths of an inch from the surface the rock is chocolate
    brown. How long it would take the freshly broken surface of this
    variety of rock to become thoroughly oxidized and blackened it
    is impossible even to conjecture, taking into consideration the
    physical conditions of the region and the almost entire absence of
    rainfall.

    Upon following the most convenient course across the Benton
    range to reach Owen valley proper drawings are also found, though in
    limited numbers, and seem to partake of the character of indicators
    as to course of travel. By this trail the northernmost of the
    several groups of drawings above mentioned is the nearest and most
    easily reached.

    The pictures upon the bowlders at Watterson’s are somewhat
    different from those found elsewhere. The number of specific designs
    is limited, many of them being reproduced from two to six or seven
    times, thus seeming to partake of the character of personal names.

In a communication dated Saratoga Springs, at the lower part of Death
valley, California, February 5, 1891, Mr. E. W. Nelson says that about
200 yards from the springs, and on the side of a hill, he found several
petroglyphs. He also furnished a sketch as an example of their general
type, now presented as Fig. 18. The locality is in the lower end of
Death valley. Mr. Nelson says:

[Illustration: FIG. 18.--Petroglyphs in Death valley, California.]

    The spring here is in a basin some 60 to 80 acres in extent in
    which are ponds and tule marsh. Close by is an extensive ancient
    Indian camping ground, over which are scattered very many “chips”
    made from manufacturing arrow points from quartz crystal, chert,
    chalcedony, flint, and other similar material.

    The figures in the sketch inclosed are situated relatively,
    as to size and location, as they occur on the rock. The latter is
    cracked and slopes at different angles, but the figures are all
    visible from a single point of view. There are several other figures
    in this group that are too indistinct to copy owing to age, or
    weather wearing. The group copied is the most extensive one seen,
    but many smaller groups and single figures are to be found on the
    rocks near by.

    The Shoshoni inhabit this region and a few families of Shoshoni
    live about the Panamint mountains at present.

Dr. C. Hart Merriam, of the Department of Agriculture, on his return
from the exploration of Death valley, kindly furnished a photograph of
a ledge in Emigrant canyon, Panamint mountains, which was received too
late for insertion in this work. This is much regretted, as a large
number of petroglyphs are represented in groups. The characters are of
the Shoshonean type. Among them are “Moki goats,” tridents, the Greek Φ,
many crosses, and other figures shown in this chapter as found in the
same general region.

In the Mojave desert, about 2 miles north of Daggett station, according
to the Mining and Scientific Press (_a_) is a small porphyritic butte
known as “Rattlesnake rock,” “so named by reason of the immense
number of these reptiles that find shelter in this mass of rock.” The
accompanying Fig. 19 is a reproduction of that given in the paper
quoted. The author states that “the implement used in making these
characters was evidently a dull-pointed stone, as the lines are not
sharp, and the sides of the indentation show marks of striation.”

[Illustration: FIG. 19.--Rattlesnake rock, Mojave desert, California.]

Lieut. Whipple reports the discovery of pictographs at Piute creek,
about 30 miles west of the Mojave villages. These are carved upon a
rock, “are numerous, appear old, and are too confusedly obscured to
be easily traceable.” They bear great general resemblance to drawings
scattered over northeast Arizona, southern Utah, and western New Mexico.

From information received from Mr. Alphonse Pinart, pictographic records
exist in the hills east of San Bernardino, somewhat resembling those at
Tule river in the southern spurs of the Sierra Nevada, Kern county.

Mr. Willard J. Whitney, of Elmhurst, Lackawanna county, Pennsylvania,
gives information regarding nearly obliterated pecked petroglyphs upon
two flat granite rocks, or bowlders, on the summit of a mountain 4 miles
directly west of Escondido, San Diego county, California. The designs
are not colored, and are not more than one-eighth or one-fourth of an
inch in depth. There is a good lookout from the eminence, but there are
no indications of either trails or burials in the vicinity.

This may be the locality mentioned by Mr. Barnes, of San Diego, who
furnished information relating to petroglyphs in San Diego county.

Dr. Hoffman reports the following additional localities in Santa Barbara
and Los Angeles counties. Fifteen miles west of Santa Barbara, on the
northern summit of the Santa Ynez range, and near the San Marcos pass,
is a group of paintings in red and black. Fig. 20 resembles a portion of
a checker-board in the arrangement of squares.

[Illustration: FIG. 20.--Petroglyph near San Marcos pass,
California.]

Serpentine and zigzag lines occur, as also curved lines with serrations
on the concave sides; figures of the sun; short lines and groups of
short parallel lines, and figures representing types of insect forms
also appear, as shown in Figs. 21 and 22.

[Illustration: FIG. 21.--Petroglyphs near San Marcos pass, California.]

[Illustration: FIG. 22.--Petroglyphs near San Marcos pass, California.]

These paintings are in a cavity near the base of an immense bowlder,
over 20 feet in height. A short distance from this is a flat granitic
bowlder, containing twenty-one mortar holes, which had evidently
been used by visiting Indians during the acorn season. Oaks are very
abundant, and their fruit formed one of the sources of subsistence.

Three miles west-northwest of this locality, in the valley near the base
of the mountain, are indistinct figures in faded red, painted upon a
large rock. The characters appear similar, in general, to those above
mentioned.

Forty-three miles west of Santa Barbara, in the Najowe valley, is a
promontory, at the base of which is a large shallow cavern, the opening
being smaller than the interior, upon the roof and back of which are
many designs, some of which are reproduced in Fig. 23, of forms similar
to those observed at San Marcos pass. Several characters appear to have
been drawn at a later date than others, such as horned cattle, etc. The
black used was a manganese compound, while the red pigments consist
of ferruginous clays, abundant at numerous localities in the mountain
canyons.

[Illustration: FIG. 23.--Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California.]

Some of the human figures are drawn with the hands and arms in the
attitude of making the gestures for _surprise_ or _astonishment_, and
_negation_, as in Fig. 24.

[Illustration: FIG. 24.--Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California.]

The characters in Fig. 25 resemble forms which occur at Tulare valley,
and in Owens valley, respectively, and insect forms also occur as in
Fig. 26.

[Illustration: FIG. 25.--Petroglyphs, Najowe valley, California.]

[Illustration: FIG. 26.--Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California.]

Other designs abounding at this locality are shown in Figs. 27 and 28.

[Illustration: FIG. 27.--Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California.]

[Illustration: FIG. 28.--Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California.]

One of the most extensive groupings, and probably the most elaborately
drawn, is in the Carisa plain, near Mr. Oreña’s ranch, 60 or 70 miles
due north of Santa Barbara. The most conspicuous figure is that of
the sun, resembling a human face, with ornamental appendages at the
cardinal points, and bearing striking resemblance to some Moki masks and
pictographic work. Serpentine lines and anomalous forms also abound.

Four miles northeast of Santa Barbara, near the residence of Mr.
Stevens, is an isolated sandstone bowlder measuring about 20 feet high
and 30 feet in diameter, upon the western side of which is a slight
cavity bearing designs shown in Fig. 29, which correspond in general
form to others in Santa Barbara county. The gesture for negation appears
in the attitude of the human figures.

[Illustration: FIG. 29.--Petroglyphs near Santa Barbara, California.]

Half a mile farther east, on Dr. Coe’s farm, is another smaller bowlder,
in a cavity of which various engravings appear shown in Fig. 30. Parts
of the drawings have disappeared through disintegration of the rock,
which is called “Pulpit rock,” on account of the shape of the cavity,
its position at the side of the narrow valley, and the echo observed
upon speaking a little above the ordinary tone of voice.

[Illustration: FIG. 30.--Petroglyphs near Santa Barbara, California.]

Painted rocks also occur in the Azuza canyon, about 30 miles northeast
of Los Angeles, of which Fig. 31 gives copies.

[Illustration: FIG. 31.--Petroglyphs in Azuza canyon, California.]

Just before his departure from the Santa Barbara region, Dr. Hoffman
was informed of the existence of eight or nine painted records in that
neighborhood, which up to that time had been observed only by a few
sheep-herders and hunters.

Mr. L. L. Frost, of Susanville, California, reports the occurrence of
pictographs (undoubtedly petroglyphs) 15 miles south of that town, on
Willow creek, and at Milford, in the lower end of the valley. No details
were furnished as to their general type and condition.

On Porter creek, 9 miles southwest of Healdsburg, on a large bowlder of
hornblende syenite, petroglyphs similar to those found in Arizona and
Nevada are to be seen. They are generally oblong circles or ovals, some
of which contain crosses.

Figs. 32 and 33 are reduced copies 1/32 of original size of colored
petroglyphs found by Dr. Hoffman in September, 1884, 12 miles
west-northwest of the city of Santa Barbara, California. The locality
is almost at the summit of the Santa Ynez range of mountains; the gray
sandstone rock on which they are painted is about 30 feet high and
projects from a ridge so as to form a very marked promontory extending
into a narrow mountain canyon. At the base of the western side of this
bowlder is a rounded cavity, measuring on the inside about 15 feet in
width and 8 feet in height. The floor ascends rapidly toward the back
of the cave, and the entrance is rather smaller in dimensions than the
above measurements of the interior. About 40 yards west of this rock
is a fine spring of water. One of the four old Indian trails leading
northward across the mountains passes by this locality, and it is
probable that this was one of the camping places of the tribe which
came south to trade, and that some of its members were the authors of
the paintings. The three trails beside the one just mentioned cross the
mountains at several points east of this, the most distant being about
15 miles. Other trails were known, but these four were most direct to
the immediate vicinity of the Spanish settlement which sprang up shortly
after the establishment of the Santa Barbara mission in 1786. The
appearance and position of these and other pictographs in the vicinity
appear to be connected with the several trails. The colors used in the
paintings are red and black.

[Illustration: FIG. 32.--Petroglyph in Santa Barbara county, California.]

The circles figured in _b_ and _d_ of Fig. 32, and _c_, _r_, and _w_
of Fig. 33, together with other similar circular marks bearing cross
lines upon the interior, were at first unintelligible, as their forms
among various tribes have very different signification. The character
in Fig. 32, above and projecting from _d_, resembles the human form,
with curious lateral bands of black and white, alternately. Two similar
characters appear, also, in Fig. 33, _a_, _b_. In _a_ the lines from the
head would seem to indicate a superior rank or condition of the person
depicted.

At the private ethnologic collection of Mr. A. F. Coronel, of Los
Angeles, California, Dr. Hoffman discovered a clue to the general import
of the above petroglyphs, as well as the signification of some of their
characters. In a collection of colored illustrations of old Mexican
costumes he found blankets bearing borders and colors nearly identical
with those shown in the circles in Fig. 32, _d_, and Fig. 33, _c_, _r_,
_w_. It is probable that the circles represent bales of blankets which
early became articles of trade at the Santa Barbara mission. If this
supposition is correct, the cross lines would seem to represent the
cords used in tying the blankets into bales, which same cross lines
appear as cords in _l_, Fig. 33. Mr. Coronel also possesses small
figures of Mexicans, of various conditions of life, costumes, trades,
and professions, one of which, a painted statuette, is a representation
of a Mexican lying down flat upon an outspread serape, similar in
color and form to the black and white bands shown in the upper figure
of _d_, Fig. 32, and _a_, _b_, of Fig. 33, and instantly suggesting
the explanation of those figures. Upon the latter the continuity of
the black and white bands is broken, as the human figures are probably
intended to be in front, or on top, of the drawings of the blankets.

[Illustration: FIG. 33.--Petroglyph in Santa Barbara county, California.]

The small statuette above mentioned is that of a Mexican trader, and
if the circles in the petroglyphs are considered to represent bales of
blankets, the character in Fig. 32, _d_, is still more interesting,
from the union of one of these circles with a character representing
the trader, i. e., the man possessing the bales. Bales, or what appear
to be bales, are represented to the top and right of the circle in
_d_, in that figure. In Fig. 33, _l_, a bale is upon the back of what
appears to be a horse, led in an upward direction by an Indian whose
headdress and ends of the breechcloth are visible. To the right of the
bale are three short lines, evidently showing the knot or ends of the
cords used in tying a bale of blankets without colors, therefore of less
importance, or of other goods. Other human forms appear in the attitude
of making gestures, one also in _j_, Fig. 33, probably carrying a bale
of goods. In the same figure _u_ represents a centipede, an insect found
occasionally south of the mountains, but reported as extremely rare in
the immediate northern regions. For remarks upon _x_ in the same figure
see Chapter XX, Section 2, under the heading The Cross.

Mr. Coronel stated that when he first settled in Los Angeles, in 1843,
the Indians living north of the San Fernando mountains manufactured
blankets of the fur and hair of animals, showing transverse bands of
black and white similar to those depicted, which were sold to the
inhabitants of the valley of Los Angeles and to Indians who transported
them to other tribes.

It is probable that the pictographs are intended to represent the
salient features of a trading expedition from the north. The ceiling of
the cavity found between the paintings represented in the two figures
has disappeared, owing to disintegration, thus leaving a blank about 4
feet long, and 6 feet from the top to the bottom between the paintings
as now presented.


COLORADO.

Petroglyphs are reported by Mr. Cyrus F. Newcomb as found upon cliffs
on Rock creek, 15 miles from Rio Del Norte, Colorado. Three small
photographs, submitted with this statement, indicate the characters to
have been pecked; they consist of men on horseback, cross-shaped human
figures, animals, and other designs greatly resembling those found in
the country of the Shoshonean tribes, examples of which are given infra.

Another notice of the same general locality is made by Capt. E. L.
Berthoud (_a_) as follows:

    The place is 20 miles southeast of Rio Del Norte, at the
    entrance of the canyon of the Piedra Pintada (Painted rock) creek.
    The carvings are found on the right of the canyon or valley and
    upon volcanic rocks. They bear the marks of age and are cut in, not
    painted, as is still done by the Utes everywhere. They are found
    for a quarter of a mile along the north wall of the canyon, on
    the ranches of W. M. Maguire and F. T. Hudson, and consist of all
    manner of pictures, symbols, and hieroglyphics done by artists whose
    memory even tradition does not now preserve. The fact that these
    are carvings done upon such hard rock invests them with additional
    interest, as they are quite distinct from the carvings I saw in
    New Mexico and Arizona on soft sandstone. Though some of them
    are evidently of much greater antiquity than others, yet all are
    ancient, the Utes admitting them to have been old when their fathers
    conquered the country.

Mr. Charles D. Wright, of Durango, Colorado, in a communication dated
February 20, 1885, gives an account of some “hieroglyphs” on rocks and
upon the walls of cliff houses near the boundary line between Colorado
and New Mexico. He says:

    The following were painted in red and black paints on the wall
    (apparently the natural rock wall) of a cliff house: At the head
    was a chief on his horse, armed with spear and lance and wearing
    a pointed hat and robe; behind this character were some twenty
    characters representing people on horses lassoing horses, etc. In
    fact the whole scene represented breaking camp and leaving in a
    hurry. The whole painting measured about 12 by 16 feet.

Mr. Wright further reports characters on rocks near the San Juan river.
Four characters represent men as if in the act of taking an obligation,
hands extended, and wearing a “kind of monogram on breast, and at their
right are some hieroglyphics written in black paint covering a space 3
by 4 feet.”

The best discussed and probably the most interesting of the petroglyphs
in the region are described and illustrated by Mr. W. H. Holmes (_a_),
of the Bureau of Ethnology. The illustrations are here reproduced in
Figs. 34 to 37, and the remarks of Mr. Holmes, slightly condensed, are
as follows:

    The forms reproduced in Fig. 34 occur on the Rio Mancos, near
    the group of cliff houses. They are chipped into the rock evidently
    by some very hard implement and rudely represent the human figure.
    They are certainly not attempts to represent nature, but have the
    appearance rather of arbitrary forms, designed to symbolize some
    imaginary being.

    [Illustration: FIG. 34.--Petroglyphs on the Rio Mancos,
    Colorado.]

    The forms shown in Fig. 35 were found in the same locality, not
    engraved, but painted in red and white clay upon the smooth rocks.
    These were certainly done by the cliff-builders, and probably while
    the houses were in process of construction, since the material used
    is identical with the plaster of the houses. The sketches and
    notes were made by Mr. Brandegee. The reproduction is approximately
    one-twelfth the size of the original.

    [Illustration: FIG. 35.--Petroglyphs on the Rio Mancos,
    Colorado.]

    The examples shown in Fig. 36 occur on the Rio San Juan about
    10 miles below the mouth of the Rio La Plata and are actually in
    New Mexico. A low line of bluffs, composed of light-colored massive
    sandstones that break down in great smooth-faced blocks, rises from
    the river level and sweeps around toward the north. Each of these
    great blocks has offered a very tempting tablet to the graver of the
    primitive artist, and many of them contain curious and interesting
    inscriptions. Drawings were made of such of these as the limited
    time at my disposal would permit. They are all engraved or cut
    into the face of the rock, and the whole body of each figure has
    generally been chipped out, frequently to the depth of one-fourth or
    one-half of an inch.

    [Illustration: FIG. 36.--Petroglyphs on the Rio San Juan, New
    Mexico.]

    The work on some of the larger groups has been one of immense
    labor, and must owe its completion to strong and enduring motives.
    With a very few exceptions the engraving bears undoubted evidence
    of age. Such new figures as occur are quite easily distinguished
    both by the freshness of the chipped surfaces and by the designs
    themselves. The curious designs given in the final group have a
    very perceptible resemblance to many of the figures used in the
    embellishment of pottery.

    The most striking group observed is given in Fig. 37 A, same
    locality. It consists of a great procession of men, birds, beasts,
    and fanciful figures. The whole picture as placed upon a rock is
    highly spirited and the idea of a general movement toward the right,
    skillfully portrayed. A pair of winged figures hover about the train
    as if to watch, or direct its movements; behind these are a number
    of odd figures, followed by an antlered animal resembling a deer,
    which seems to be drawing a notched sledge containing two figures
    of men. The figures forming the main body of the procession appear
    to be tied together in a continuous line, and in form resemble one
    living creature about as little as another. Many of the smaller
    figures above and below are certainly intended to represent dogs,
    while a number of men are stationed about here and there as if to
    keep the procession in order.

    [Illustration: FIG. 37.--Petroglyphs on the Rio San Juan, New
    Mexico.]

    As to the importance of the event recorded in this picture,
    no conclusions can be drawn; it may represent the migration of a
    tribe or family or the trophies of a victory. A number of figures
    are wanting in the drawing at the left, while some of those at the
    right may not belong properly to the main group. The reduction is,
    approximately, to one-twelfth.

    Designs B and C of the same figure represent only the more
    distinct portions of two other groups. The complication of figures
    is so great that a number of hours would have been necessary for
    their delineation, and an attempt to analyze them here would be
    fruitless.

It will be noticed that the last two petroglyphs are in New Mexico, but
they are so near the border of Colorado and so connected with the series
in that state that they are presented under the same heading.


CONNECTICUT.

The following account is extracted from Rafn’s Antiquitates Americanæ
(_a_):

    In the year 1789 Doctor Ezra Stiles, D. D., visited a rock
    situated in the Township of Kent in the State of Connecticut, at a
    place called Scaticook, by the Indians. He thus describes it: “Over
    against Scaticook and about one hundred rods East of Housatonic
    River, is an eminence or elevation which is called Cobble Hill.
    On the top of this stands the rock charged with antique unknown
    characters. This rock is by itself and not a portion of the
    Mountains; it is of White Flint; ranges North and South; is from
    twelve to fourteen feet long; and from eight to ten wide at base and
    top; and of an uneven surface. On the top I did not perceive any
    characters; but the sides all around are irregularly charged with
    unknown characters, made not indeed with the incision of a chisel,
    yet most certainly with an iron tool, and that by pecks or picking,
    after the manner of the Dighton Rock. The Lacunae or excavations are
    from a quarter to an inch wide; and from one tenth to two tenths of
    an inch deep. The engraving did not appear to be recent or new, but
    very old.”


GEORGIA.

Charles C. Jones, jr., (_a_) describes a petroglyph in Georgia as
follows:

    In Forsyth county, Georgia, is a carved or incised bowlder of
    fine grained granite, about 9 feet long, 4 feet 6 inches high, and 3
    feet broad at its widest point. The figures are cut in the bowlder
    from one-half to three-fourths of an inch deep. It is generally
    believed that they are the work of the Cherokees.

The illustration given by him is here reproduced in Fig. 38. It will
be noted that the characters in it are chiefly circles, including
plain, nucleated, and concentric, sometimes two or more being joined
by straight lines, forming what is now known as the “spectacle shaped”
figure. The illustrations should be compared with the many others
presented in this paper under the heading of Cup Sculptures, see Chapter
V, infra.

[Illustration: FIG. 38.--Petroglyphs in Georgia.]

Dr. M. F. Stephenson (_a_) mentions sculptures of human feet, various
animals, bear tracks, etc., in Enchanted mountain, Union county,
Georgia. The whole number of sculptures is reported as one hundred and
forty-six.

Mr. Jones (_b_) gives a different résumé of the objects depicted, as
follows:

    Upon the Enchanted mountain, in Union county, cut in plutonic
    rock, are the tracks of men, women, children, deer, bears, bisons,
    turkeys, and terrapins, and the outlines of a snake, of two deer,
    and of a human hand. These sculptures--so far as they have been
    ascertained and counted--number one hundred and thirty-six. The
    most extravagant among them is that known as the footprint of the
    “Great Warrior.” It measures 18 inches in length and has six toes.
    The other human tracks and those of the animals are delineated with
    commendable fidelity.


IDAHO.

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, has furnished a small
collection of drawings of Shoshonean petroglyphs from Oneida, Idaho,
shown in Fig. 39. Some of them appear to be totemic characters, and
possibly were made to record the names of visitors to the locality.

[Illustration: FIG. 39.--Petroglyphs in Idaho (Shoshonean).]

Mr. Willard D. Johnson, of the U. S. Geological Survey, reports
pictographic remains observed by him near Oneida, Idaho, in 1879. The
figures represent human beings and were on a rock of basalt.

A copy of another petroglyph found in Idaho appears in Fig. 1092, infra.


ILLINOIS.

Petroglyphs are reported by Mr. John Criley as occurring near Ava,
Jackson county, Illinois. The outlines of the characters observed by him
were drawn from memory and submitted to Mr. Charles S. Mason, of Toledo,
Ohio, through whom they were furnished to the Bureau of Ethnology.
Little reliance can be placed upon the accuracy of such drawing, but
from the general appearance of the sketches the originals of which they
are copies were probably made by one of the middle Algonquian tribes of
Indians.

The “Piasa” rock, as it is generally designated, was referred to by the
missionary explorer Marquette in 1675. Its situation was immediately
above the city of Alton, Illinois.

Marquette’s remarks are translated by Dr. Francis Parkman (_a_) as
follows:

    On the flat face of a high rock were painted, in red, black, and
    green, a pair of monsters, each “as large as a calf, with horns like
    a deer, red eyes, a beard like a tiger, and a frightful expression
    of countenance. The face is something like that of a man, the body
    covered with scales; and the tail so long that it passes entirely
    round the body, over the head, and between the legs, ending like
    that of a fish.”

Another version, by Davidson and Struvé (_a_), of the discovery of the
petroglyph is as follows:

    Again they (Joliet and Marquette) were floating on the broad
    bosom of the unknown stream. Passing the mouth of the Illinois,
    they soon fell into the shadow of a tall promontory, and with great
    astonishment beheld the representation of two monsters painted on
    its lofty limestone front. According to Marquette, each of these
    frightful figures had the face of a man, the horns of a deer, the
    beard of a tiger, and the tail of a fish so long that it passed
    around the body, over the head, and between the legs. It was an
    object of Indian worship and greatly impressed the mind of the pious
    missionary with the necessity of substituting for this monstrous
    idolatry the worship of the true God.

A footnote connected with the foregoing quotation gives the following
description of the same rock:

    Near the mouth of the Piasa creek, on the bluff, there is a
    smooth rock in a cavernous cleft, under an overhanging cliff, on
    whose face, 50 feet from the base, are painted some ancient pictures
    or hieroglyphics, of great interest to the curious. They are placed
    in a horizontal line from east to west, representing men, plants,
    and animals. The paintings, though protected from dampness and
    storms, are in great part destroyed, marred by portions of the rock
    becoming detached and falling down.

Mr. McAdams (_a_), of Alton, Illinois, says “The name Piasa is Indian
and signifies, in the Illini, ‘The bird which devours men.’” He
furnishes a spirited pen-and-ink sketch, 12 by 15 inches in size and
purporting to represent the ancient painting described by Marquette.
On the picture is inscribed the following in ink: “Made by Wm. Dennis,
April 3d, 1825.” The date is in both letters and figures. On the top of
the picture in large letters are the two words, “FLYING DRAGON.” This
picture, which has been kept in the old Gilham family of Madison county
and bears the evidence of its age, is reproduced as Fig. 40.

[Illustration: FIG. 40.--The Piasa petroglyph.]

He also publishes another representation (Fig. 41) with the following
remarks:

    One of the most satisfactory pictures of the Piasa we have
    ever seen is in an old German publication entitled “The Valley of
    the Mississippi Illustrated. Eighty illustrations from nature, by
    H. Lewis, from the Falls of St. Anthony to the Gulf of Mexico,”
    published about the year 1839 by Arenz & Co., Düsseldorf, Germany.
    One of the large full-page plates in this work gives a fine view of
    the bluff at Alton, with the figure of the Piasa on the face of the
    rock. It is represented to have been taken on the spot by artists
    from Germany. We reproduce that part of the bluff (the whole picture
    being too large for this work) which shows the pictographs. In the
    German picture there is shown just behind the rather dim outlines of
    the second face a ragged crevice, as though of a fracture. Part of
    the bluff’s face might have fallen and thus nearly destroyed one of
    the monsters, for in later years writers speak of but one figure.
    The whole face of the bluff was quarried away in 1846-’47.

[Illustration: FIG. 41.--The Piasa petroglyph.]

Under Myths and Mythic Animals, Chapter XIV, Section 2, are
illustrations and descriptions which should be compared with these
accounts, and Chapter XXII gives other examples of errors and
discrepancies in the description and copying of petroglyphs.

Mr. A. D. Jones (_a_) says of the same petroglyph:

    After the distribution of firearms among the Indians, bullets
    were substituted for arrows, and even to this day no savage presumes
    to pass the spot without discharging his rifle and raising his shout
    of triumph. I visited the spot in June (1838) and examined the image
    and the ten thousand bullet marks on the cliff seemed to corroborate
    the tradition related to me in the neighborhood.

Mr. McAdams, loc. cit., also reports regarding Fig. 42:

[Illustration: FIG. 42.--Petroglyph on the Illinois river.]

    Some twenty-five or thirty miles above the mouth of the Illinois
    river, on the west bank of that stream, high up on the smooth
    face of an overhanging cliff, is another interesting pictograph
    sculptured deeply in the hard rock. It remains to-day probably in
    nearly the same condition it was when the French voyagers first
    descended the river and got their first view of the Mississippi.
    The animal-like body, with the human head, is carved in the rock in
    outline. The huge eyes are depressions like saucers, an inch or more
    in depth, and the outline of the body has been scooped out in the
    same way; also the mouth.

    The figure of the archer with the drawn bow, however, is
    painted, or rather stained with a reddish brown pigment, over the
    sculptured outline of the monster’s face.

Mr. McAdams suggests that the painted figure of the human form with the
bow and arrows was made later than the sculpture.

The same author (_b_) says, describing Fig. 43:

[Illustration: FIG. 43.--Petroglyph near Alton, Illinois.]

    Some 3 or 4 miles above Alton, high up beneath the overhanging
    cliff, which forms a sort of cave shelter on the smooth face of a
    thick ledge of rock, is a series of paintings, twelve in number.
    They are painted or rather stained in the rock with a reddish brown
    pigment that seems to defy the tooth of time. It may be said,
    however, that their position is so sheltered that they remain almost
    perfectly dry. We made sketches of them some thirty years ago and on
    a recent visit could see that they had changed but little, although
    their appearance denotes great age.

    These pictographs are situated on the cliff more than a hundred
    feet above the river. A protruding ledge, which is easily reached
    from a hollow in the bluff, leads to the cavernous place in the rock.

Mr. James D. Middleton, formerly of the Bureau of Ethnology, mentions
the occurrence of petroglyphs on the bluffs of the Mississippi river, in
Jackson county, about 12 miles below Rockwood. Also of others about 4 or
5 miles from Prairie du Rocher, near the Mississippi river.


IOWA.

Mr. P. W. Norris, of the Bureau of Ethnology, found numerous caves on
the banks of the Mississippi river, in northeastern Iowa, 4 miles south
of New Albion, containing incised petroglyphs. Fifteen miles south of
this locality paintings occur on the cliffs. He also discovered painted
characters upon the cliffs on the Mississippi river, 19 miles below New
Albion.


KANSAS.

Mr. Edward Miller reports in Proceedings of the American Philosophical
Society, vol. X, 1869, p. 383, the discovery of a petroglyph near the
line of the Union Pacific railroad, 15 miles southeast of Fort Harker,
formerly known as Fort Ellsworth, Kansas. The petroglyph is upon a
formation belonging to No. 1, Lower Cretaceous group, according to the
classification of Meek and Hayden.

The parts of the two plates VII and VIII of the work cited, which bear
the inscriptions, are now presented as Fig. 44, being from two views of
the same rock.

[Illustration: FIG. 44.--Petroglyphs in Kansas.]


KENTUCKY.

Mr. James D. Middleton, formerly of the Bureau of Ethnology, in a
letter dated August 14, 1886, reports that at a point in Union county,
Kentucky, nearly opposite Shawneetown, Illinois, petroglyphs are found,
and from the description given by him they appear to resemble those in
Jackson county, Illinois, mentioned above.

Mr. W. E. Barton, of Wellington, Ohio, in a communication dated October
4, 1890, writes as follows:

    At Clover Bottom, Kentucky, on a spur of the Big Hill, in
    Jackson county, about 13 miles from Berea, is a large rock which
    old settlers say was covered with soil and vegetation within their
    memory. Upon it are representations of human tracks, with what
    appear to be those of a bear, a horse, and a dog. These are all in
    the same direction, as though a man leading a horse, followed the
    dog upon the bear’s track. Crossing these is a series of tracks of
    another and larger sort which I can not attempt to identify. The
    stone is a sandstone in the subcarboniferous. As I remember, the
    strata are nearly horizontal, but erosion has made the surface a
    slope of about 20°. The tracks ascending the slope cross the strata.
    I have not seen them for some years.

    The crossing of the strata shows that the tracks are the work of
    human hands, if indeed it were not preposterous to think of anything
    else in rocks of that period. Still the tracks are so well made that
    one is tempted to ask if they can be real. They alternate right and
    left, though the erosion and travel have worn out some of the left
    tracks. A wagon road passes over the rock and was the cause of the
    present exposure of the stone. It can be readily found a fourth of a
    mile or less from the Pine Grove schoolhouse.


MAINE.

A number of inscribed rocks have been found in Maine and information of
others has been obtained. The most interesting of them and the largest
group series yet discovered in New England is shown in Pl. XII.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XII

PETROGLYPHS IN MAINE.]

The rock upon which the glyphs appear is in the town of Machiasport,
Maine, at Clarks point, on the northwestern side of Machias bay, 2
miles below the mouth of Machias river. The rock or ledge is about 50
feet long from east to west and about fifteen feet in width, nearly
horizontal for two-thirds its length, from the bank or western end at
high water, thence inclining at an angle of 15° to low-water mark.
Its southern face is inclined about 40°. The formation is schistose
slate, having a transverse vein of trap dike extending nearly across
its section. Nearly the entire ledge is of blue-black color, very dense
and hard except at the upper or western end, where the periodical
formation of ice has scaled off thin layers of surface and destroyed
many figures which are remembered by persons now living. The ebb and
flow of tides, the abrasion of moving beach stones or pebble wash and
of ice-worn bowlders, have also effaced many figures along the southern
side, until now but one or two indentations are discernible. Visitors,
in seeking to remove some portion of the rock as a curiosity or in
striving to perpetuate their initials, have obscured several of the
most interesting, and until recently the best defined figures. It was
also evident to the present writer, who carefully examined the rock in
1888, that it lay much deeper in the water than once had been the case.
At the lowest tides there were markings seen still lower, which could
not readily have been made if that part of the surface had not been
continuously exposed. The depression of a rock of such great size, which
was so gradual that it had not been observed by the inhabitants of the
neighboring settlement, is an evidence of the antiquity of the peckings.

The intaglio carving of all the figures was apparently made by repeated
blows of a pointed instrument--doubtless of hard stone; not held as
a chisel, but working by a repetition of hammerings or peckings.
The deepest now seen is about three-eighths of an inch. The amount
of patient labor bestowed upon these figures must have been great,
considering the hardness of the rock and the rude implement with which
they were wrought.

There is no extrinsic evidence of their age. The place was known to
traders early in the seventeenth century, and much earlier was visited
by Basque fishermen, and perhaps by the unfortunate Cortereals in 1500
and 1503. The descendants of the Mechises Indians, a tribal branch of
the Abnaki, who once occupied the territory between the St. Croix and
Narraguagus rivers, when questioned many years ago, would reply in
substance that “all their old men knew of them,” either by having seen
them or by traditions handed down through many generations.

Several years ago Mr. H. R. Taylor, of Machias, who made the original
sketch in 1868 and kindly furnished it to the Bureau of Ethnology,
applied to a resident Indian there (Peter Benoit, then nearly 80 years
old) for assistance in deciphering the characters. He gave little
information, but pointed out that the figures must not all be read “from
one side only,” thus, the one near the center of the sketch, which seen
from the south was without significance, became from the opposite
point a squaw with sea fowl on her head, denoting, as he said, “that
squaw had smashed canoe, saved beaver-skin, walked one-half moon all
alone toward east, just same as heron wading alongshore.” Also that
the three lines below the figure mentioned, which together resemble a
bird track or a trident, represent the three rivers, the East, West,
and Middle rivers of Machias, which join not far above the locality.
The mark having a rough resemblance to a feather, next on the right of
this river-sign, is a fissure in the rock. Most of the figures of human
beings and other animals are easily recognizable.

Peckings of a character similar to those on the Picture rock at Clarks
point, above described, were found and copied 600 feet south of it at
high-water mark on a rock near Birch point. Others were discovered and
traced on a rock on Hog island, in Holmes bay, a part of Machias bay.
All these petroglyphs were without doubt of Abnaki origin, either of
the Penobscot or the Passamaquoddy divisions of that body of Indians.
The rocks lay on the common line of water communication between those
divisions and were convenient as halting places.


MARYLAND.

In the Susquehanna river, about half a mile south of the state line,
is a group of rocks, several of the most conspicuous being designated
as the “Bald Friars.” Near by are several mound-shaped bowlders of the
so-called “nigger-head” rock, which is reported as a dark-greenish
chlorite schist. Upon the several bowlders are deep sculpturings,
apparently finished by rubbing the depression with stone, or wood and
sand, thus leaving sharp and distinct edges to the outlines. Some of
these figures are an inch in depth, though the greater number are
becoming more and more eroded by the frequent freshets, and by the
running ice during the breaking up in early spring of the frozen river.

The following account is given by Prof. P. Frazer (_a_):

    Passing the Pennsylvania state line one reaches the southern
    barren serpentine rocks, which are in general tolerably level for a
    considerable distance.

    About 700 yards, or 640 meters, south of the line, on the river
    shore, are rocks which have been named the Bald Friars. French’s
    tavern is here, at the mouth of a small stream which empties into
    the Susquehanna. About 874 yards (800 meters) south of this tavern
    are a number of islands which have local names, but which are
    curious as containing inscriptions of the aborigines.

    The material of which most of these islands are composed is
    chlorite schist, but as this rock is almost always distinguished by
    the quartz veins which intersect it, so in this case some of the
    islands are composed of this material almost exclusively, which
    gives them a very striking white appearance.

    One of these, containing the principal inscriptions, is called
    Miles island.

    The figures, which covered every part of the rocks that were
    exposed, were apparently of historical or at least narrative
    purport, since they seemed to be connected. Doubtless the larger
    portion of the inscription has been carried away by the successive
    vicissitudes which have broken up and defaced, and in some instances
    obliterated, parts of which we find evidence of the previous
    existence on the islands.

    Every large bowlder seems to contain some traces of previous
    inscription, and in many instances the pictured side of the bowlder
    is on its under side, showing that it has been detached from its
    original place. The natural agencies are quite sufficient to account
    for any amount of this kind of displacement, for the rocks in their
    present condition are not refractory and offer no great resistance
    to the wear of weather and ice; but in addition to this must be
    added human agencies.

    Amongst other things, they represent the conventional Indian
    serpent’s head, with varying numbers of lines.

    Some of the signs next frequently recurring were concentric
    circles, in some cases four and in other cases a lesser number.

[Illustration: FIG. 45.--Bald Friar rock, Maryland.]

Fig. 45 is a reproduction of Prof. Frazer’s illustration.

This region was also referred to by Dr. Charles Rau (_a_), his cut from
the specimen in the collection of the Smithsonian Institution (Mus. No.
39010) being here reproduced as Fig. 46.

[Illustration: FIG. 46.--Slab from Bald Friar rock, Maryland.]

During the autumn of the years 1888 and 1889 Dr. Hoffman visited these
rocks, securing sketches and measurements, the former of which are
reproduced in Figs. 47 and 48. The figures are deeply cut, as if rubbed
down with sand and a round stick of green wood. The deepest channels,
varying from three-fourths to 1-1/4 inches across and almost as deep
as they are wide, appear as if cut out with a gouge, and for this
reason bear a strong resemblance to the petroglyphs in Owens valley,
California. In whatever manner these sculpturings were made, it is
evident that much time and great labor were expended upon them, as this
variety of rock, locally termed “Nigger-head,” is extremely hard.

[Illustration: FIG. 47.--Top of Bald Friar rock, Maryland.]

Fig. 45 represents a bird’s-eye view of the top of the rock, bearing the
greater amount of workmanship. The petroglyphs cover a surface measuring
about 5 feet by 4 feet 6 inches. The extreme ends of the figures extend
beyond the irregular horizontal surface and project over the rounded
edge of the rock, so that the line, at the left-hand lower part of the
illustration, dips at an angle of about 45°. The two short lines at the
extreme right are upon the side of the upper edge of the rock, where the
surface inclines at an angle of 30°.

Some of the figures are indefinite, which is readily accounted for by
the fact that the rock is in the river, a considerable distance from
shore, and annually subjected to freshets and to erosion by floating
logs and drift material. The characters at the right end of the upper
row resemble those near Washington, Lancaster county, Pennsylvania. (See
Fig. 73.)

Fig. 48 presents three characters, selected from other portions of the
rock, to illustrate the variety of designs found. They are like some
found at Owens valley, California, as will be observed by comparing them
with the descriptions and plates under that heading in this section. The
left-hand figure is 4 inches in diameter, the middle one 6 inches wide
and about 15 inches in height, and the third, or right-hand, is composed
of concentric rings, measuring about 10 inches across.

[Illustration: FIG. 48.--Characters from Bald Friar rock, Maryland.]


MASSACHUSETTS.

The following description of the much-discussed Dighton rock is taken
from Schoolcraft (_b_), where it is accompanied with a plate, now
reproduced as Fig. 49:

[Illustration: FIG. 49.--Dighton rock, Massachusetts.]

    The ancient inscription on a bowlder of greenstone rock lying in
    the margin of the Assonet or Taunton river, in the area of ancient
    Vinland, was noticed by the New England colonists so early as 1680,
    when Dr. Danforth made a drawing of it. This outline, together with
    several subsequent copies of it, at different eras, reaching to
    1830, all differing considerably in their details, but preserving
    a certain general resemblance, is presented in the Antiquatés
    Americanes [_sic_] (Tables XI, XII), and referred to the same
    era of Scandinavian discovery. The imperfections of the drawings
    (including that executed under the auspices of the Rhode Island
    Historical Society in 1839, Table XII), and the recognition of some
    characters bearing more or less resemblance to antique Roman letters
    and figures, may be considered to have misled Mr. Magnusen in his
    interpretation of it. From whatever cause, nothing could, it would
    seem, have been wider from the purport and true interpretation of
    it. It is of purely Indian origin, and is executed in the peculiar
    symbolic character of the Kekeewin.

A number of copies of the inscriptions on this rock, taken at different
times by different persons, are given below in Chapter XXII, sec. 2,
with remarks upon them.

Dr. Hoffman visited the locality in 1886, and found that the surface was
becoming rapidly destroyed from the frequent use of scrubbing with broom
and water to remove the film of sand and dirt which is daily deposited
by every tide, the rock being situated at a short distance inshore.
Visitors are frequent, and the guide or ferryman does not interfere with
them so long as he can show his passengers the famous inscription.

The resemblance between the characters on this rock and those found in
western Pennsylvania, near Millsboro, Fig. 75, and south of Franklin, on
the “Indian God rock,” Fig. 74, will be noted.

In Rafn’s Antiq. Amer. (_b_) is the following account:

    A large stone, on which is a line of considerable length in
    unknown characters, has been recently found in Rutland, Worcester
    county, Massachusetts; they are regularly placed, and the strokes
    are filled with a black composition nearly as hard as the rock
    itself. The Committee also adds that a similar rock is to be found
    in Swanzy, county of Bristol and Commonwealth of Massachusetts,
    perhaps ten miles from the Dighton Rock.


MINNESOTA.

The late Mr. P. W. Norris, who was connected with the Bureau of
Ethnology, reported large numbers of pecked totemic characters on the
horizontal faces of the ledges of rock at Pipestone quarry in Minnesota,
and presented some imitations of the peckings. There is a tradition
that it was formerly the custom for each Indian who gathered stone
(catlinite) for pipes, to inscribe his totem (whether clan or tribal
or personal totem is not specified) upon the rock before venturing to
quarry upon this ground. Some of the cliffs in the immediate vicinity
were of too hard a nature to admit of pecking or scratching, and upon
these the characters were placed in colors. Mr. Norris distinguished
bird tracks, the outline of a bird resembling a pelican, deer, turtle, a
circle with an interior cross, and a human figure.

Examples of so-called totemic designs from this locality are given in
Fig. 50, which are reproduced from the work of R. Cronau (_a_):

[Illustration: FIG. 50.--Petroglyphs at Pipestone, Minn.]

The same petroglyphs and also others at the Pipestone quarry are
described and illustrated by Prof. N. H. Winchell (_a_). A part of his
remarks is as follows:

    On the glaciated surface of the quartzite about the “Three
    Maidens,” which is kept clean by the rebound of the winds, are a
    great many rude inscriptions, which were made by pecking out the
    rock with some sharp-pointed instrument or by the use of other
    pieces of quartzite. They are of different sizes and dates, the
    latter being evinced by their manner of crossing and interfering
    and by the evident difference in the weight of the instruments
    used. They generally represent some animal, such as the turtle,
    bear, wolf, buffalo, elk, and the human form. The “crane’s foot”
    is the most common; next is the image of men; next the turtle. It
    would seem as if any warrior or hunter who had been successful and
    happened to pass here left his tribute of thanks to the great spirit
    in a rude representation of his game and perhaps a figure of himself
    on the rocks about these bowlders, or perhaps had in a similar way
    invoked the good offices of the spirits of his clan when about to
    enter on some expedition. In some cases there is a connection of
    several figures by a continuous line, chipped in the surface of the
    rock in such a manner as if some legend or adventure were narrated,
    but for the most part the figures are isolated. This is the “sacred
    ground” of the locality. Such markings can be seen at no other
    place, though there is abundance of bare, smooth rock. (Similar
    inscriptions are found on the red quartzite in Cottonwood county).
    The excavation of the surface of the rock is very slight, generally
    not exceeding a sixteenth of an inch, and sometimes only enough to
    leave a tracing of the designed form. The hardness of the rock was
    a barrier to deep sculpturing with the imperfect instruments of the
    aborigines; but it has effectually preserved the rude forms that
    were made. The fine glacial scratches that are abundantly scattered
    over this quartzite indicate the tenacity with which it retains all
    such impressions, and will warrant the assignment of any date to
    these inscriptions that may be called for within the human period.
    Yet it is probable that they date back to no very great antiquity.
    They pertain, at least, to the dynasty of the present Indian tribes.
    The totems of the turtle and the bear, which are known to have been
    powerful among the clans of the native races in America at the time
    of the earliest European knowledge of them, and which exist to this
    day, are the most frequent objects represented. The “crane’s foot,”
    or “turkey foot,” or “bird track,” terms which refer perhaps to the
    same totem sign--the snipe--is not only common on these rocks, but
    is seen among the rock inscriptions of Ohio, and was one of the
    totems of the Iroquois, of New York.

In June, 1892, Mr. W. H. Holmes, of the Bureau of Ethnology, visited the
Pipestone quarry and took a number of tracings of the petroglyphs, which
unfortunately were received too late for insertion in the present work.
Some of his remarks are as follows:

    The trouble with the figures copied and published by Prof.
    Winchell is that they are not arranged in the original order. It
    will now be impossible to correct this entirely, as most of the
    stones have been taken up and removed. * * * The Winchell drawings
    were evidently drawn by eye and have a very large personal equation;
    besides, they are mixed up while appearing to be in some order.
    The few groups that I was able to get are, it seems to me, of more
    interest than all the single figures you could put in a book. There
    can be little doubt that in the main this great group of pictures
    was arranged in definite order, agreeing with the arrangements
    of mythical personages and positions usual in the aboriginal
    ceremonials of the region. It is a great pity that the original
    order has been destroyed, but the inroads of relic hunters and
    inscription cranks made it necessary to take up the stones. One
    large stone was taken to Minneapolis by Prof. Winchell. There are
    a few pieces still in place. All were near the base of one of the
    great granite bowlders, and it is said here that formerly, within
    the memory of the living, the place was visited by Indians who
    wished to consult the gods.

The following description is extracted from the account of Mr. James W.
Lynd (_b_):

    Numerous high bluffs and cliffs surround it; the Pipestone
    quarry and the alluvial flat below these, in which the quarry is
    situated, contains a huge bowlder that rests upon a flat rock of
    glistening, smooth appearance, the level of which is but a few
    inches above the surface of the ground. Upon the portions of this
    rock not covered by the bowlder above and upon bowlder itself are
    carved sundry wonderful figures--lizards, snakes, otters, Indian
    gods, rabbits with cloven feet, muskrats with human feet, and other
    strange and incomprehensible things--all cut into the solid granite,
    and not without a great deal of time and labor expended in the
    performance. * * *

    A large party of Ehanktonwanna and Teetonwan Dakotas, says
    the legend, had gathered together at the quarry to dig the stone.
    Upon a sultry evening, just before sunset, the heavens suddenly
    became overclouded by a heavy rumbling thunder and every sign of an
    approaching storm, such as frequently arises on the prairie without
    much warning. Each one hurried to his lodge, expecting a storm, when
    a vivid flash of lightning, followed immediately by a crashing peal
    of thunder, broke over them, and, looking towards the huge bowlder
    beyond their camp, they saw a pillar or column of smoke standing
    upon it, which moved to and fro, and gradually settled down into the
    outline of a huge giant, seated upon the bowlder, with one long arm
    extended to heaven and the other pointing down to his feet. Peal
    after peal of thunder, and flashes of lightning in quick succession
    followed, and this figure then suddenly disappeared. The next
    morning the Sioux went to this bowlder and found these figures and
    images upon it, where before there had been nothing, and ever since
    that the place has been regarded as wakan or sacred.

Mr. T. H. Lewis (_b_) gives a description of Fig. 51.

[Illustration: FIG. 51.--Petroglyphs in Brown’s valley, Minnesota.]

    This bowlder is in the edge of the public park, on the north
    end of the plateau at Brown’s valley, Minnesota. The bowlder has a
    flat surface with a western exposure, is irregular in outline, and
    is about 5 feet 8 inches in diameter, and firmly imbedded in the
    terrace.

    The central figure, _a_, undoubtedly represents a man, although
    the form is somewhat conventional; _b_ represents a bird; _c_
    represents a tortoise; _d_ is a cross and circle combined, but the
    circle has a groove extending from it; _e_, _f_, and _g_, although
    somewhat in the shape of crosses, probably represent bird tracks;
    _h_ and _i_ are nondescript in character, although there must be
    some meaning attached to them; _k_ and _l_ are small dots or cups
    cut into the bowlder.

    The figures as illustrated are one-eighth of their natural size,
    and are also correct in their relative positions one to the other.
    The work is neatly done although the depth of the incisions is very
    slight.


MONTANA.

Mr. Charles Hallock, of Washington, D. C., reports the occurrence of
pictured rocks near Fort Assiniboin, Montana, but does not mention
whether they are colored or incised, and also fails to describe the
general type of the characters found.


NEBRASKA.

The following (condensed) description of petroglyphs found in Dakota
county, Nebraska, is furnished by Mr. J. H. Quick, of Sioux City, Iowa:

    The petroglyphs are found upon the face of a sandstone cliff in
    a deep ravine at a point where two watercourses (dry for the most
    part), meet about 20 miles south of Sioux City, Iowa, but in Dakota
    county, in the State of Nebraska. At this point the range of bluffs
    which bounds the Missouri river bottom is deeply cut through by the
    above-mentioned ravine, which runs in a northerly direction towards
    the Missouri. Another ravine coming from the southwest leaves this
    narrow point of land between the two ravines, rising to a height of
    50 to 75 feet above the bottom of the ravines. For some distance
    from the point this cape, if I may so term it, shows ledges of
    sandstone cropping out on both sides. And exactly at the point and
    for some rods back on the east side are found the pictographs under
    consideration.

    The rocks are of two kinds, a few feet of hard jasperous
    sandstone superimposed on about the same thickness of sandstone so
    soft that it can be crumbled to pieces in the fingers. The lower
    soft strata have been worn away, leaving the upper harder layers
    jutting out to a distance of several feet over and completely
    sheltering them. And on the smooth surface of these lower soft
    strata, protected by the overhanging ledge above, shut in by bluffs
    200 feet high on the east and sheltered from the winds by dense
    underwood and scrubby forest trees, are carved these pictographs.
    These safeguards, combined with the advantage of a very secluded
    situation, have combined to preserve them, very little marred by
    careless and mischievous hands.

    The eagle or “thunder-bird” figures are quite numerous. There
    are also many of the “buffalo track” and of the “turkey track”
    figures. I call them “turkey tracks” because they all show a spur
    and seem to represent some of the large _gallinaciæ_.

    In one of the groups, which I will call the “bear-fight group,”
    we are at a loss to determine whether the figure of the small animal
    was a part of the original design or a subsequent interpolation. It
    seemed genuine, but was not so deeply carved as the other figures.
    The same may be said of the diagonal bars across the figure of the
    bear.

    In the other group, which I will term the “turkey-track group,”
    there are some figures of which we could not even imagine the
    meaning. But they are undoubtedly genuine, and seem to belong to the
    same design as the other figure.

    The “bear-track” figures are very numerous and of several
    different sizes. A cat-like figure, which we call a panther, shows
    faintly. It is about effaced by time. Other figures reminded us of a
    crab or crawfish, but we were unable to determine whether the line
    running back just below belongs to it or not.

    I am informed by the same gentleman who saw these petroglyphs in
    1857 that there were at one time many more some 3 or 4 miles from
    this place, near Homer, Nebraska, in the vicinity of a large spring,
    but he also said that as it is a favorite picnic ground for the
    country people the carvings are probably destroyed. I presume others
    may be found in these bluffs.

    I surmise that the almost cave-like nature of the place where
    the carvings I have above attempted to describe are situated
    rendered it a favorite camping ground and resting place; and also
    that the ravines above mentioned made easy trails from the Missouri
    bottom up to the higher grounds farther from the river, because it
    obviated the ascent of the very steep bluffs.

    The Winnebago Indian reservation is a few miles south of this
    locality, but they were placed here by the Government as late as
    from 1860 to 1865. Previous to that time I think this ground was
    occupied by the Omahas. I have been unable to gain any information
    as to the Indians who carved these figures or as to their meaning.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIII

PETROGLYPHS IN NEBRASKA.]

The most instructive of the petroglyphs, copies of which are kindly
furnished by Mr. Quick, is presented as Pl. XIII, and selected sketches
from that and the other petroglyphs copied are shown as Figs. 52 and 53.

[Illustration: FIG. 52.--Characters from Nebraska petroglyphs.]

Frank La Flèche, of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, in February, 1886,
communicated the following:

    Ingna^nχe gikáχa-ina is the Omaha name of a rock ledge on the
    banks of the Missouri river, near the Santee agency, Nebraska.
    This ledge contains pictographs of men who passed to the happy
    hunting grounds, of life size, the sandstone being so soft that the
    engravings would be made with a piece of wood. They are represented
    with the special cause (arrow, gun, etc.), which sped them to hades.
    The souls themselves are said to make these pictographs before
    repairing “to the spirits.”

[Illustration: FIG. 53.--Characters from Nebraska petroglyphs.]

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, of the Bureau of Ethnology, says that the probable
rendering of the term when corrected is, “Spirit(s) they-made-themselves
the (place where).”


NEVADA.

Petroglyphs have been found by members of the U. S. Geological Survey
at the lower extremity of Pyramid lake, Nevada, though no accurate
reproductions are available. These characters are mentioned as incised
upon the surface of basalt rocks.

Petroglyphs also occur in considerable numbers on the western slope
of Lone Butte, in the Carson desert. All of these appear to have been
produced on the faces of bowlders and rocks by pecking and scratching
with some hard mineral material like quartz.

A communication from Mr. R. L. Fulton, of Reno, Nevada, tells that
the drawing now reproduced as Fig. 54 is a pencil sketch of curious
petroglyphs on a rock on the Carson river, about 8 miles below old
Fort Churchill. It is the largest and most important one of a group of
similar characters. It is basaltic, about 4 feet high and equally broad.

[Illustration: FIG. 54.--Petroglyphs on Carson river, Nevada.]

Mr. Fulton gives the following description:

    The rock spoken of has an oblong hole about 2 inches by 4 and 16
    inches deep at the left end, which has been chipped out before the
    lines were drawn, if it was not some form of the ancient mill which
    is so common, as it seems to be the starting point for the whole
    scheme of the artist. The rock lies with a broad, smooth top face
    at an angle towards the south, and its top and southeast side are
    covered with lines and marks that convey to the present generation
    no intelligence whatever, so far as I can learn.

    A line half an inch wide starts at the hole on the left and
    sweeping downward forms a sort of border for the work until it
    reaches midway of the rock, when it suddenly turns up and mingles
    with the hieroglyphics above. Two or three similar lines cross at
    the top of the stone, and one runs across and turns along the north
    side, losing itself in a coating of moss that seems as hard and
    dry and old as the stone itself. From the line at the bottom a few
    scallopy looking marks hang that may be a part of the picture, or
    it may be a fringe or ornament. The figures are not pictures of any
    animal, bird, or reptile, but seem to be made up of all known forms
    and are connected by wavy, snake-like lines. Something which might
    be taken for a dog with a round and characterless head at each end
    of the body, looking towards you, occupies a place near the lower
    line. The features are all plain enough. A deer’s head is joined
    to a patchwork that has something that might be taken for 4 legs
    beneath it. Bird’s claws show up in two or three places, but no bird
    is near them. Snaky figures run promiscuously through the whole
    thing. A circle at the right end has spokes joining at the center
    which run out and lose themselves in the maze outside.

    The best known and largest collection of marks that I know of
    covers a large smooth ledge at Hopkins Soda Springs, 12 miles south
    of the summit on the Central Pacific railroad. The rock is much the
    same in character as those I have described, but the groundwork in
    this case is a solid ledge 10 feet one way and perhaps 40 the other,
    all closely covered with rude characters, many of which seem to
    point to human figures, animals, reptiles, etc. The ledge lies at an
    angle of 45°, and must have been a tempting place for a lazy artist
    who chanced that way.

    Many other places on the Truckee river have such rocks all very
    much alike, and yet each bearing its own distinct features in the
    marking. Near a rock half a mile east of Verdi, a station on the
    Central Pacific railroad, 10 miles east of Reno, lie two others,
    the larger of which has lines originating in a hole at the upper
    right-hand corner, all running in tangents and angles, making a
    double-ended kind of an arrangement of many-headed arrows, pointing
    three ways. A snail-like scroll lies between the two arms, but does
    not touch them. Below are blotches, as if the artist had tried his
    tools.

    This region has been roamed over by the Washoe Indians from a
    remote period, but none of them know anything of these works. One
    who has gray hair and more wrinkles than hairs, who is bent with
    age and who is said to be a hundred years old, was led to the spot.
    He said he saw them a heap long time ago, when he was only a few
    summers old, and they looked then just as they do now.

    Mr. Lovejoy, a well-known newspaper man, took up, in 1854, the
    ranche where the rocks lie, and said just before his death that they
    were in exactly the same condition when he first saw them as they
    are to-day. Others say the same, and they are certainly of a date
    prior to the settlement of this coast by Americans and probably by
    the Spanish.

    They are very peculiar in many respects, and the rock is
    wonderfully adapted to the uses to which it has been put. Wherever
    the surface has been broken the color has changed to gray, and no
    amount of wear or weather seems to turn it back. The indentation is
    so shallow as to be imperceptible to sight or touch, and yet the
    marks are as plain as they could be made, and can be seen as far as
    the rock can be distinguished from its fellows.

    It is hardly likely that the work was done without some motive
    besides the simple love of doing it, and it was well and carefully
    done, too, showing much patience and doubtless consumed a good deal
    of time, as the tools were poor.

    A large ledge is marked near Meadow lake in Nevada county, and
    in the state of Nevada the petroglyphs cover a route extending
    from the southeast to the northwest corner of the state, crossing
    the line into California in Modoc county, and leaving a string of
    samples clear across the Madeline plains.

    Eight miles below Belmont, in Nye county, Nevada, an immense
    rock which at some time has fallen into the canyon from the porphyry
    ledge above it has a patch of marks nearly 20 feet square. It is so
    high that a man on horseback can not reach the top.

    A number at Reveillé, in the same county, are also marked. On
    the road to Tybo every large rock is marked, one of the figures
    being a semicircle with a short vertical spoke within the curve.
    At Reno a heavy black rock a couple of feet across is beautifully
    engraved to represent a bull’s eye of 4 rings, an arrow with a very
    large feather, and one which may mean a man. In a steep canyon 15
    miles northeast of Reno, in Spanish Spring mountains, several cliffs
    are well marked, and an exposed ledge, where the Carson river has
    cut off the point of a hill below Big Bend, is covered with rings
    and snakes by the hundred. Several triangles, a well-formed square
    and compass, a woman with outstretched arms holding an olive branch,
    etc., are there.

    Humboldt county has its share, the best being on a bluff below
    the old Sheba mine. Ten miles south of Pioche are about 50 figures
    cut into the rock, many of them designed to represent mountain
    sheep. Eighty miles farther south, near Kane’s Spring, the most
    numerous and perfect specimens of this prehistoric art are found.
    Men on horseback engaged in the pursuit of animals are among the
    most numerous, best preserved, and carefully executed.

    The region I have gone over is of immense size, and must impress
    everyone with the importance of a set of symbols which extends in
    broken lines from Arizona far into Oregon.

Fig. 55 exhibits engravings at Reveillé, Nevada. Great numbers of
incised characters of various kinds are also reported from the walls of
rocks flanking Walker river, near Walker lake, Nevada. Waving lines,
rings, and what appear to be vegetable forms are of frequent occurrence.
The human form and footprints are also depicted.

[Illustration: FIG. 55.--Petroglyphs at Reveillé, Nevada.]

Fig. 56 is a copy of a drawing made by Lieut. A. G. Tassin, Twelfth U.
S. Infantry, in 1877, of an ancient rock-carving at the base and in the
recesses of Dead mountain and the abode of dead bad Indians according
to the Mohave mythology. This drawing and its description is from a
manuscript report on the Mohave Indians, in the library of the Bureau of
Ethnology, prepared by Lieut. Tassin.

[Illustration: FIG. 56.--Petroglyphs at Dead mountain, Nevada.]

He explains some of the characters as follows:

    (_a_) Evidently the two different species of mesquite bean.

    (_b_) Would seem to refer to the bite of the cidatus, and to the
    use of a certain herb for its cure.

    (_c_) Presumably the olla or water cooler of the Mohaves.

The whole of this series of petroglyphs is regarded as being Shinumo or
Moki. They show a general resemblance to drawings in Arizona, known to
have been made by the Moki Indians. The locality is within the territory
of the Shoshonean linguistic division, and the drawings are in all
probability the work of one or more of the numerous tribes comprised
within that division.


NEW MEXICO.

On the north wall of Canyon de Chelly, one-fourth of a mile east of
its mouth, are several groups of petroglyphs, consisting chiefly of
various grotesque forms of the human figure, and also numbers of
animals, circles, etc. A few of them are painted black, the greater
portion consisting of rather shallow lines, which are in some places
considerably weathered. Further up the canyon, in the vicinity of the
cliff dwellings, are numerous small groups of pictographic characters,
consisting of men and animals, waving or zigzag lines, and other odd
figures.

Lieut. James H. Simpson (_a_), in his Journal of a Military
Reconnoissance, etc., presents a number of plates bearing copies of
inscriptions on rocks in the northwestern part of New Mexico, among
which are those on the so-called “Inscription rock” at El Moro, here
reproduced as Fig. 57. The petroglyphs are selected from the south face
of the rock. Lieut. Simpson states that most of the characters are no
higher than a man’s head, and that some of them are undoubtedly of
Indian origin.

[Illustration: FIG. 57.--Inscription rock, New Mexico.]

Among the many colored etchings and paintings on rock discovered by the
Pacific railroad expedition in 1853-’54, Lieut. Whipple (_c_) notes
those at Rocky dell creek, New Mexico, which were found between the edge
of the Llano Estacado and the Canadian river. The stream flows through
a gorge, upon one side of which a shelving sandstone rock forms a sort
of cave. The roof is covered with paintings, some evidently ancient, and
beneath are innumerable carvings of footprints, animals, and symmetrical
lines. He also remarks (_d_) that figures cut upon a rock at Arch
spring, near Zuñi, present some faint similarity to those at Rocky dell
creek.

Near Ojo Pescado, in the vicinity of the ruins, are petroglyphs, also
reported by Lieut. Whipple (_d_), which are very much weather-worn and
have “no trace of a modern hand about them.”

Mr. Edwin A. Hill, of Indianapolis, in a letter, notes petroglyphs on
the Denver and Rio Grande railroad, between Antonite and Espanola. Below
Tres Piedras and near Espanola are rude sculptures, lining the valley
on both sides of the road for a long distance, at least several miles.
The canyon has a slope of about 45° and contains many bowlders, and on
every available face pictographs are cut. Figures of arrows, hatchets,
circles, triangles, bows, spears, turtles, etc., are outlined as if with
some cutting-tool. The country had two years before been occupied by
Apaches, but far greater age is attributed to the petroglyphs.

Other petroglyphs actually within the geographical area of New Mexico
are so near the border that they are treated of in connection with those
of Colorado.

Prof. E. D. Cope (_a_) gives a copy of figures which he found on the
side of a ravine near Abiquiu, on the river Chama. They are cut in
Jurassic sandstone of medium hardness, and are quite worn and overgrown
with the small lichen which is abundant on the face of the rock.

Mr. Gilbert Thompson, of the U. S. Geological Survey, reports his
observation of petroglyphs at San Antonio springs, 30 miles east of
Fort Wingate, New Mexico. The human figure, in various forms, occurs,
as well as numerous other characters, strikingly similar to those
frequent in the country farther west occupied by the Moki Indians. The
peculiarity of these figures is that the outlines are incised and that
the depressions thus formed are filled with red, blue or white pigments.
The interior of the figures is simply painted with one or more of the
same colors.

Figs. 58 and 59 are reproductions of drawings of petroglyphs from
Ojo de Benado, south of Zuñi, New Mexico. The manuscripts which once
accompanied them, and which were forwarded to the Bureau of Ethnology
in the usual official manner, have become separated from the sketches,
and on those there are no indications of the collectors’ names.

[Illustration: FIG. 58.--Petroglyphs at Ojo de Benado, New Mexico.]

The characters are very like others from several localities in the
territory and in the adjacent region. The type is that of the Pueblos
generally.

Mr. Bandelier, in conversation, reported having seen and sketched a
petroglyph at Nambe, in a canyon about 2 miles east of the pueblo, also
another at Cueva Pintada, about 17 miles by the trail northwest of
Cochiti.

[Illustration: FIG. 59.--Petroglyphs at Ojo de Benado, New Mexico.]


NEW YORK.

The following is extracted from Schoolcraft (_c_):

    There is a pictographic Indian inscription [now obliterated]
    in the valley of the Hudson, above the Highlands, which from
    its antiquity and character appears to denote the era of the
    introduction of firearms and gunpowder among the aboriginal tribes
    of that valley. This era, from the well-known historical events of
    the contemporaneous settlement of New Netherlands and New France,
    may be with general accuracy placed between the years 1609, the
    date of Hudson’s ascent of that stream above the Highlands, and the
    opening of the Indian trade with the Iroquois at the present site of
    Albany, by the erection of Fort Orange, in 1614. * * *

    In a map published at Amsterdam, in Holland, in 1659, the
    country, for some distance both above and below Esopus creek, is
    delineated as inhabited by the Waranawankongs, who were a totemic
    division or enlarged family clan of the Mohikinder. They spoke a
    well-characterized dialect of the Mohigan, and have left numerous
    geographical names on the streams and physical peculiarities of that
    part of the river coast quite to and above Coxsackie. The language
    is Algonquin.

    Esopus itself appears to be a word derived from Seepu, the
    Minsi-Algonquin name for a river.

    * * * The inscription may be supposed, if the era is properly
    conjectured, to have been made with metallic tools. The lines are
    deeply and plainly impressed. It is in double lines. The plumes from
    the head denote a chief or man skilled in the Indian medico-magical
    art. The gun is held at rest in the right hand; the left appears to
    support a wand. [The position of the arm may be merely a gesture.]

The reproduction here as Fig. 60 is from a rock on the western bank of
the Hudson, at Esopus landing. It is presented mainly on account of the
frequent allusions to it in literature.

[Illustration: FIG. 60.--Petroglyph at Esopus, New York.]


NORTH CAROLINA.

Mr. James Mooney, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports petroglyphs upon
a gray gneissoid rock, a short distance east of Caney river, on the
north side of the road from Asheville to Burnsville, North Carolina.
The face of the surface is at an angle of 30° toward the south, and the
sculptured area covers about 10 feet square. The characters consist
chiefly of cup-shaped depressions, some about 2 inches deep, some being
also connected. There are a few markings which appear to have been
intended to represent footprints. The characters resemble, to some
extent, those at Trap Rock gap, Georgia, and at the Juttaculla rock,
North Carolina, on a branch of the Tuckasegee river, above Webster.

The above-described sculptured rock is on the property of Ellis Gardner,
and is known as Gardner’s, or the “Garden rock.”

Mr. Mooney also reports that at Webster, North Carolina, there is one
large rock bearing numerous petroglyphs, rings, cup-shaped depressions,
fish-bone patterns, etc. He further states, upon the authority of Dr. J.
M. Spainhour, of Lenoir, that upon a light gray rock measuring 4 feet by
30 are numerous cup-shaped petroglyphs, he having counted 215. The rock
is on the Yadkin river, 4 miles below Wilkesboro, and is at times partly
under water.

Dr. Hoffman, who in 1886 visited western North Carolina, gives the
following account of colored pictographs found there by him.

“The locality known as ‘Paint rock’ is situated on the east or right
bank of the French Broad river, about 100 yards above the Tennessee
and North Carolina state line. The limestone cliff, which terminates
abruptly near the river, measures about 100 feet in height and covers
an area from side to side of exposure of at least 100 yards. The
accompanying view (Fig. 61), taken from across the river, presents the
wall of limestone rock and the position of the petroglyph, which is
delineated in proper proportion nearly in the center of the illustration.

[Illustration: FIG. 61.--Paint rock, North Carolina.]

“The property belongs to Mr. J. W. Chockley, who has been living in
the vicinity for about fifteen years. He states that during this
time the pictograph has undergone some change on account of gradual
disintegration or fracture of the rock. The first knowledge of the
pictograph, according to local tradition, dates back about sixty years,
and no information as to its import could be learned, either from the
white residents, who are few in number, or the straggling Cherokee
Indians who visit the railway station at odd intervals.”

The pictograph is peculiar in design, no animal forms being apparent but
an indefinite number of short, straight lines at right angles to one
another, as shown in Fig. 62. One-thirty-sixth actual size.

[Illustration: FIG. 62.--Petroglyphs on Paint rock, North Carolina.]

The characters are in dark red, probably a ferrous oxide, quantities
of which are found in the neighborhood. The color appears to have
penetrated the softer portions of the limestone, though upon the harder
surfaces it has been removed by exposure to the elements. The lowermost
figure appears to resemble a rude outline of a human form, with one arm
lowered and reaching forward, though this is only a suggestion.

Upon the face of the rock, a few yards to the right of the above, are
indistinct outlines of circles, several of which indicate central spots,
and one, at least, has a line extending from the center downward for
about 8 inches.


OHIO.

A large number of petroglyphs are reported from this state. It is
sufficient to present the following examples extracted, with reproduced
illustrations and abbreviated descriptions, from the Report of the
Committee of the State Archæological Society, published in the Report of
the Ohio State Board of Centennial Managers.

Fig. 63 is a copy of the petroglyph on the Newark Track rock.

[Illustration: FIG. 63.--Newark Track rock, Ohio.]

It is described in the volume cited, pages 94, 95, as follows:

    The inscriptions near Newark, in Licking county, Ohio,
    originally covered a vertical face of conglomerate rock, 50 or 60
    feet in length, by 6 and 8 feet in height. This rock is soft and,
    therefore, the figures are easily erased * * *. About the year 1800
    it became a place where white men sought to immortalize themselves
    by cutting their names across the old inscription * * *.

    On the rock faces and detached sandstone blocks of the banks of
    the Ohio river there are numerous groups of intaglios, but in them
    the style is quite different from those to which I have referred,
    and which are located in the interior. Those on the Ohio river
    resemble the symbolical records of the North American Indians,
    such as the Kelley Island stone, described in Schoolcraft by Capt.
    Eastman, the Dighton rock, the Big Indian rock of the Susquehanna,
    and the “God rock” of the Allegheny river. In those the supposed
    bird track is generally wanting. The large sculptured rock near
    Wellsville, which is only visible at low water of the Ohio, has
    among the figures one that is prominent on the Barnesville stones.
    This is the fore foot of the bear, with the outside toe distorted
    and set outward at right angles.

    Other sculptured rocks of a similar character have been found in
    Fairfield, Belmont, Cuyahoga, and Lorain counties.

    That the ancient bird-track character belonged to the
    mound-builders is evident from the fact that it is found among their
    works, constructed of soil on a large scale.

    One of these bird-track mounds occurs in the center of the
    large circular inclosure near Newark, Ohio, now standing in the
    Licking county fair grounds. Among the characters will be noticed
    the human hand. In one instance the hand is open, the palm facing
    the observer, and in the other the hand is closed, except the index
    finger which points downward to the base of the cliff. Of the
    bird-track characters there are many varieties. There is also a
    character resembling a cross and another bearing some resemblance to
    an arrow.

Fig. 64 is an illustration of the Independence stone, which is described
in the same volume, pp. 98, 99, as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 64.--Independence stone, Ohio.]

    Great care has been taken to obtain a correct sketch of what
    remains of this inscription. A very rude drawing of it was published
    in Schoolcraft’s great work upon the Indian tribes, in 1854.

    The rock here described only contains a portion of the
    inscription. The balance was destroyed in quarrying. The markings
    on the portion of the rock preserved consist of the human foot,
    clothed with something like a moccasin or stocking; of the naked
    foot; of the open hand; of round markings one in front of the great
    toe, of each representation of the clothed foot; the figure of a
    serpent, and a peculiar character which might be taken for a rude
    representation of a crab or crawfish, but which bears a closer
    resemblance to an old-fashioned spearhead used in capturing fish.

Fig. 65 is a copy of the drawings on the Track rock, near Barnesville,
Belmont county, Ohio, the description of which is in the same volume,
pp. 89-93.

[Illustration: FIG. 65.--Barnesville Track rock, Ohio.]

The rude cuts of the human faces, part of the human feet, the rings,
stars, serpents, and some others, are evidently works of art, as in the
best of them the marks of the engraving instrument are to be seen. In
all cases, whether single or in groups, the relative dimensions of the
figures are preserved. The surface of this block is 8 by 11 feet.

At the south end of the petroglyphs occurs a figure of several
concentric rings, a design by no means confined to Ohio. The third
figure right of this resembles others in the same group, and evidently
indicates the footprints of the buffalo. Human footprints are generally
indicated by the pronounced toe marks, either detached as slight
depressions or attached to the foot, and are thus recognized as
different from bear tracks, which frequently have but slight indications
of toes or perhaps claw marks, and in which also the foot is shorter
or rounder. The arrow-shaped figures are no doubt intended for turkey
tracks, characters common to many petroglyphs of the middle and eastern
Algonquian area.

Fig. 66 gives several of the above characters enlarged from the
preceding figure.

[Illustration: FIG. 66.--Characters from Barnesville Track rock.]

In Fig. 67, referring to another block mentioned in the same report,
lying 20 feet south of the one first mentioned, there is a duplication
of the characters before noted--human footprints, bear and turkey
tracks, and the indication of what may be intended to represent a
serpent.

[Illustration: FIG. 67.--Barnesville Track rock, No. 2.]

Fig. 68, from p. 105 of the same volume, gives copies of sketches from
the rocks near Wellsville, Ohio, with remarks as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 68.--Petroglyphs, Wellsville, Ohio.]

    On the Ohio side of the river, 1 mile above Wellsville, there is
    a large group of sculptures on a flat sand rock of the coal series,
    scarred by floating ice and flood wood. They are only visible in
    low water, as they are only 2 or 3 feet above the extreme low stage
    of the river. * * * They are made in double outline and not by a
    single deep channel. The outlines are a series of dots made with a
    round-pointed instrument, seldom more than half an inch deep.

    The upper design is a rattlesnake with a fancy head and tail.
    Its length is 4-1/2 feet, a very clumsy affair, but intended for
    the common yellow rattlesnake of the West. The head of the snake,
    which occupies a space 6 inches square, is represented in the second
    character, which is reduced from a tracing size of nature. It brings
    to mind the horned snake of the Egyptians, which was an object of
    worship by them.

    The character at the left hand of the lower line may be an
    uncouth representation of a demon or evil spirit. The right-hand
    character is probably an otter carrying a vine or string in his
    month.

It is more probable that the lines from the mouth of the animal indicate
magic or supernatural power, of which many examples appear in this
paper, as also of the device in the region of the animal’s heart, from
which a line extends to the mouth. These characteristics connect the
glyph with the Ojibwa drawings on bark.


OREGON.

Many bowlders and rock escarpments at and near the Dalles of the
Columbia river, Oregon, are covered with incised or pecked glyphs. Some
of them are representations of human figures, but characters of other
forms predominate.

Mr. Albert S. Gatschet, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports the
discovery by him, in 1878, of rock etchings 4 miles from Gaston, Oregon,
and 2-1/2 miles from the ancient settlement of the Tuálati (or Atfálati)
Indians. These etchings are about 100 feet above the valley bottom on
six rocks of soft sandstone, projecting from the grassy hillside of
Patten’s valley, opposite Darling Smith’s farm, and are surrounded with
timber on two sides.

This sandstone ledge extends for one-eighth of a mile horizontally along
the hillside, upon the projecting portions of which the inscriptions
are found. These rocks differ greatly in size, and slant forward so
that the inscribed portions are exposed to the frequent rains of that
region. The first rock, or that one nearest the mouth of the canyon,
consists of horizontal zigzag lines and a detached straight line, also
horizontal. On another side of the same rock is a series of oblique
parallel lines. Some of the most striking characters found upon other
exposed portions of the rock appear to be human figures, i. e., circles
to which radiating lines are attached, and bear indications of eyes and
mouth, long vertical lines running downward as if to represent the body,
and terminating in a furcation, as if intended for legs, toes, etc.
To the right of one figure is an arm and three-fingered hand (similar
to some of the Moki characters), bent downward from the elbow, the
humerus extending at a right angle from the body. Horizontal rows of
short vertical lines are placed below and between some of the figures,
probably numerical marks of some kind.

Other characters occur of various forms, the most striking being an
arrow pointing upward, with two horizontal lines drawn across the shaft,
and with vertical lines having short oblique lines attached thereto.

Mr. Gatschet remarks that the Tuálati tell a trivial story to explain
the origin of these pictures, the substance of which is as follows: The
Tillamuk warriors living on the Pacific coast were often at variance
with the several Kalapuya tribes. One day, passing through Patten’s
valley to invade the country of the Tuálati, they inquired of a woman
how far they were from their camp. The woman, desirous not to betray
her own countrymen, said they were yet at a distance of one (or two?)
days’ travel. This made them reflect over the intended invasion, and,
holding a council, they decided to withdraw. In commemoration of this
the inscription, with its numeration marks, was incised by the Tuálati.

Dr. Charles Rau received from Dr. James S. Denison, physician at the
Klamath agency, Lake county, Oregon, a communication relative to the
practice of painting figures on rocks in the territory of the Klamath
Indians in Oregon. There are in that neighborhood many rocks bearing
painted figures; but Dr. Rau’s (_b_) description refers specially to
a single rock, called Ktá-i Tupákshi (standing rock), situated about
50 yards north of Sprague river and 150 yards from the junction of
Sprague and Williamson rivers. It is about 10 feet high, 14 feet long,
and 12 or 14 feet deep. Fig. 69, drawn one-twelfth of the natural size,
illustrates the character of the paintings seen on the smooth southern
surface of this rock. The most frequent designs are single or concentric
circles, like Fig. 69, _a_, which consists of a dark red circle
surrounded by a white one, the center being formed by a round red spot.
Fig. 69, _b_, painted in dark red and white colors, exhibits a somewhat
Mahadeo-like shape; the straight appendage of the circle is provided on
each side with short projecting lines, alternately red and white, and
almost producing the effect of the so-called herring-bone ornament.

[Illustration: FIG. 69.--Petroglyphs in Lake county, Oregon.]

Fig. 69, _c_ and _d_, executed in dark red, are other designs seen on
the standing rock above mentioned. The colors, which, as the informant
thinks, are rubbed in with grease, appear quite distinct on the dark
surface of the rock.


PENNSYLVANIA.

Along the river courses in northern and western Pennsylvania many
rocks are found bearing traces of carvings, though, on account of
the character of the geological formations, some of them are nearly
obliterated.

In 1875 Mr. P. W. Shafer published in a historical map of Pennsylvania
several groups of pictographs. These had before appeared in a rude and
crowded form in the Transactions of the Anthropological Institute of New
York, 1871-’72, page 66, where the localities are mentioned as “Big”
and “Little” Indian rocks, respectively. One of these rocks is in the
Susquehanna river, below the dam at Safe harbor, and the drawing clearly
shows its Algonquian origin. The characters are nearly all either
animals or various forms of the human body. Birds, bird tracks, and
serpents also occur. A part of this pictograph is presented below, Fig.
1089.

Dr. W. J. Hoffman visited this place during the autumn of 1889 and made
sketches of the petroglyphs. The Algonquian type of delineation of
objects is manifest.

The rock known as “Big Indian rock” is in the Susquehanna river,
three-fourths of a mile below the mouth of Conestoga creek and about 400
yards from the eastern bank of the Susquehanna. It is one of many, but
larger than any other in the immediate vicinity, measuring about 60 feet
in length, 30 feet in width, and an average height of about 20 feet. The
upper surface is uneven, though smoothly worn, and upon this are pecked
the characters, shown in Fig. 70.

[Illustration: FIG. 70.--Big Indian rock, Pennsylvania.]

The characters, through exposure to the elements, are becoming rather
indistinct, though a few of them are pecked so deep that they still
present a depression of from one-fourth to one-half an inch in depth.
The most conspicuous objects consist of human figures, thunder birds,
and animals resembling the panther.

“Little Indian rock” is also situated in the Susquehanna river,
one-fourth of a mile from the eastern bank and a like distance below
the mouth of Conestoga creek. This rock, also of hard micaceous schist,
is not so large as the one above mentioned, but bears more interesting
characters, the most conspicuous being representations of the thunder
bird, serpents, deer and bird tracks, etc.

[Illustration: FIG. 71.--Little Indian rock, Pennsylvania.]

Prof. Persifor Frazer, jr., (_b_) remarks upon the gradual obliteration
of these pictographs, and adds:

    In addition to these causes of obliteration it is a pity to
    have to record another, which is the vandalism of some visitors to
    the locality who have thought it an excellent practical joke to
    cut spurious figures alongside of and sometimes over those made by
    the Indians. It is not unlikely, too, that the “fish pots” here,
    as in the case of the Bald Friar’s inscriptions, a few miles below
    the Maryland line, may have been constructed in great part out of
    fragments of rock containing these hieroglyphics, so that the parts
    of the connected story which they relate are separated and the
    record thus destroyed.

    Others have cut their initials or full names in these rocks,
    thus for an obscure record whose unriddling would award the
    antiquarian, substituting one, the correct deciphering of which
    leads to obscurity itself.

At McCalls ferry, on the Susquehanna river, in Lancaster county, and
on the right shore near the water’s edge, is a gray gneissoid flat
rock, bearing petroglyphs that have been pecked upon the surface. It
is irregular in shape, measuring about 3-1/2 by 4 feet in superficial
area, upon which is a circle covering nearly the entire surface, in the
middle of which is a smaller circle with a central point. On one side of
the inner space, between the outer and inner circles, are a number of
characters resembling human figures and others of unintelligible form.
The petroglyph is represented in Fig. 72.

[Illustration: FIG. 72.--Petroglyph at McCalls ferry, Pennsylvania.]

The resemblance between these drawings and those on Dighton rock is to
be noted, as well as that between both of them and some in Ohio. All
those localities are within the area formerly occupied by tribes of the
Algonquian stock.

Near Washington, Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, on “Mill stream,”
one-fourth of a mile above its junction with the Susquehanna river, is
a large bowlder of gray sandstone (Fig. 73), the exposed portion of
which bears several deeply incised lines which appear to have served as
topographic indicators, as several others of like kind occur farther
downstream. The longest incision is about 28 inches in length, the
next one parallel to it, about 14 inches, while the third character is
V-shaped, one arm of which is about 10 inches in length and the other
12. The apex of this character points in a southeast direction.

[Illustration: FIG. 73.--Petroglyph near Washington, Pennsylvania.]

One-eighth of a mile farther down is another bowlder, also near the
water, which bears shorter lines than the preceding, but in general
pointing almost southeast and northwest.

The workmanship is similar to that at Conowingo, Maryland, at the site
of the Bald Friar rocks. The marks appear to have been chipped to a
considerable depth and then rubbed with sand and some hard substance so
as to present a smooth and even surface, removing all or nearly all of
the pecked surface.

Mr. P. W. Shafer, on the same historical map of Pennsylvania before
mentioned, presents also a group of pictures copied from the originals
on the Alleghany river, in Venango county, 5 miles south of Franklin,
on what is known as the Indian God rock. There are but six characters
furnished in his copy, three of which are variations of the human form,
while the others are undetermined.

This rock was visited in 1886 by Dr. Hoffman, who made a number of
drawings of objects represented, of which only those in Fig. 74 are here
reproduced. The face of the bowlder bearing the original petroglyphs has
been much disfigured by visitors who, in endeavoring to display their
skill by pecking upon the surface names, dates, and other designs, have
so injured it that it is difficult to trace the original characters.

[Illustration: FIG. 74.--Petroglyphs on “Indian God rock.”]

Fig. 74, _a_, represents, apparently, a panther. Above and beneath it
are markings resembling wolf tracks, while farther down is a turkey
track, and in the left-hand lower corner is a human form, such as is
usually found upon rocks in the areas represented by Shoshonian tribes.

The design at _b_ is much mutilated and eroded, and may originally have
been a character like _a_, the first of this series.

The characters at _c_ and _d_ are evidently human faces, the former
representing that of the sun, the latter being very much like a mask.
That at _e_ is found upon other Algonquian rocks, notably those called
“Bald Friar,” Maryland, in the Susquehanna river, immediately below the
state line of Pennsylvania.

The bowlder upon which these petroglyphs are engraved lies at the
water’s edge, and during each freshet the lower half of the surface
and sometimes even more is under water. At these times floating logs,
impelled according to the curve in the river immediately above, are
directed toward this rock, which may explain the worn surface and the
eroded condition of the sculpture.

Mr. J. Sutton Wall, of Monongahela city, describes in correspondence
a rock bearing pictographs opposite the town of Millsboro, in Fayette
county, Pennsylvania. This rock is about 390 feet above the level of the
Monongahela river, and belongs to the Waynesburg stratum of sandstone.
It is detached and rests somewhat below its true horizon. It is about 6
feet in thickness, and has vertical sides; only two figures are carved
on the sides, the principal inscriptions being on the top, and all are
now considerably worn. Mr. Wall mentions the outlines of animals and
some other figures formed by grooves or channels cut from an inch to
a mere trace in depth. No indications of tool marks were discovered.
The footprints are carved depressions. The character marked z, near
the lower left-hand corner, is a circular cavity 7 inches deep. A copy
of the inscription made in 1882 by Mr. Wall and Mr. William Arison is
reproduced as Fig. 75.

[Illustration: FIG. 75.--Petroglyph at Millsboro, Pennsylvania.]

Again the resemblance between these drawings, those on Dighton rock,
and some of those in Ohio, introduced above, is to be noted, and the
fact that all these localities are within the area formerly occupied by
tribes of the Algonquian stock.

Mr. Wall also contributes a group of glyphs on what is known as the
“Geneva Picture rock,” in the Monongahela valley, near Geneva. These are
footprints and other characters similar to those from Hamilton farm,
West Virginia, which are shown in Fig. 1088.

Mr. L. W. Brown, of Redstone, Fayette county, Pennsylvania, mentions a
rock near Layton, in that county, which measures about 15 by 25 feet in
area, upon the surface of which occur a number of petroglyphs consisting
of the human figure, animals, and footprints, some of which are
difficult to trace. From a rough sketch reproduced as Fig. 76, made by
Mr. Brown, these appear to be Algonquian in type.

[Illustration: FIG. 76.--Petroglyphs near Layton, Pennsylvania.]

Mr. Brown also submitted for examination two pieces of
chocolate-colored, smooth, fine grained slate, of hard texture, bearing
upon the several sides outlines of incised figures. The specimens were
found in Indian graves in Fayette county, Pennsylvania. The outline
of the incisions, although they are not strictly petroglyphs, are
reproduced in Figs. 77 and 78.

[Illustration: FIG. 77.--Glyphs in Fayette county, Pennsylvania.]

The designs are made in delicate lines, as if scratched with a sharply
pointed piece of quartz, or possibly metal. The character _d_ on Fig.
78 is the representation of a fish, which has been accentuated by
additional cutting since found. The characters resemble the Algonquian
type, many of them being frequently found among those tribes living
along the Great Lakes.

[Illustration: FIG. 78.--Glyphs in Fayette county, Pennsylvania.]


RHODE ISLAND.

In C. C. Rafn’s Antiq. Amer. (_c_), is the following account:

    _Portsmouth rocks._--The rocks, for there are several of them,
    are situated on the western side of the island of Rhode Island, in
    the town of Portsmouth, on the shore, about 7 miles from Newport,
    taking the western road, and 4 miles from Bristol ferry. * * * They
    are partially, if not entirely, covered by water at high tide; and
    such was the state of the tide and the lateness of the hour when
    the location was ascertained, that I was unable to make a thorough
    examination of them. I saw sufficient, however, to satisfy me that
    they were formerly well covered with characters, although a large
    portion of them have become obliterated by the action of air and
    moisture, and probably still more by the attrition of masses of
    stone against them in violent storms and gales, and by the ruthless
    ravages of that most destructive power of all, the hand of man.

    _Tiverton rocks_ [op. cit. _d_].--Their situation may be thus
    known: by tracing along the east side of the map of Rhode Island
    until you strike Tiverton, and then following along to the southwest
    extremity of that town, the Indian name Puncoteast, also the English
    names Almy and High Hill, will be seen. The inscriptions are on
    masses of Graywacke. * * * We can only state they were occupied with
    some kind of characters.

These two inscriptions are pictured, op. cit., Table XIII.


SOUTH DAKOTA.

Mr. T. H. Lewis (_c_), gives a description of Fig. 79 as follows:

    This bowlder is on a high terrace on the west side of the
    Minnesota river, 1-1/2 miles south of Browns valley, and is in
    Roberts county, South Dakota. It is oblong in form, being 3-1/2 feet
    in length, 2 feet in width, and is firmly imbedded in the ground.

    Of the characters _a_ and _b_ are undoubtedly tortoises; _c_
    is probably intended to represent a bird track; _d_ represents a
    man, and is similar to the one at Browns valley, Minnesota, [Fig.
    51, supra;] _e_ is a nondescript of unusual form; _f_ is apparently
    intended to represent a headless bird, in that respect greatly
    resembling certain earthen effigies in the regions to the southeast.

    The figures are about one-fourth of an inch in depth and very
    smooth, excepting along their edges, which roughness is caused by a
    slight unevenness of the surface of the bowlder.

The same authority, op. cit., describes Fig. 79, _g_.

[Illustration: FIG. 79.--Petroglyphs in Roberts county, South Dakota.]

    This bowlder, 4 miles northwest of Browns valley, Minnesota, is
    in Roberts county, South Dakota.

    The figures here represented are roughly pecked into the stone,
    and were never finished; for the grooves that form the pictograph
    on other bowlders in this region have been rubbed until they are
    perfectly smooth. The face of the bowlder upon which these occur is
    about 2 feet long and 1-1/2 feet in width.


TENNESSEE.

Mr. John Haywood (_a_) gives the following account:

    About 2 miles below the road which crosses the Harpeth river
    from Nashville to Charlotte is a large mound 30 or 40 feet high.
    About 6 miles from it is a large rock, on the side of the river,
    with a perpendicular face of 70 or 80 feet altitude. On it, below
    the top some distance and on the side, are painted the sun and moon
    in yellow colors, which have not faded since the white people first
    knew it. The figure of the sun is 6 feet in diameter; that of the
    moon is of the old moon. The sun and moon are also painted on a high
    rock on the side of the Cumberland river, in a spot which several
    ladders placed upon each other could not reach, and which is also
    inaccessible except by ropes let down the summit of the rock to
    the place where the painting was performed. * * * The sun is also
    painted on a high rock on the side of the Cumberland river, 6 or 7
    miles below Clarksville; and it is said to be painted also at the
    junction of the Holston and French Broad rivers, above Knoxville,
    in East Tennessee; also on Duck river, below the bend called the
    Devil’s Elbow, on the west side of the river, on a bluff; and on a
    perpendicular flat rock facing the river, 20 feet below the top of
    the bluff and 60 above the water, out of which the rock rises, is
    the painted representation of the sun in red and yellow colors, 6
    feet in circumference, yellow on the upper side and a yellowish red
    on the lower. The colors are very fresh and unfaded. The rays, both
    yellow and red, are represented as darting from the center. It has
    been spoken of ever since the river was navigated and has been there
    from time immemorial. * * *

    The painting on Big Harpeth, before spoken of, is more than
    80 feet from the water and 30 or 40 below the summit. All these
    paintings are in unfading colors, and on parts of the rock
    inaccessible to animals of every description except the fowls of
    the air. The painting is neatly executed, and was performed at an
    immense hazard of the operator.

Mr. W. M. Clarke, in Smithsonian Report for 1877, page 275, says:

    On the bluffs of the Big Harpeth many pictures of Indians, deer,
    buffalo, and bows and arrows are to be seen. These pictures are
    rudely drawn, but the coloring is as perfect now as when first put
    on.

Haywood (_b_) says:

    At a gap of the mountains and near the head of Brasstown creek,
    which is toward the head of the Hiawassee, and among the highlands,
    is a large horizontal rock on which are engraved the tracks of deer,
    bears, horses, wolves, turkeys, and barefooted human beings of all
    sizes. Some of the horses’ tracks appear to have slipped forward.
    The direction of them is westward. Near them are signs of graves.

He also (_c_) gives the following account:

    On the south bank of the Holston, 5 miles above the mouth of
    French Broad, is a bluff of limestone opposite the mounds and a
    cave in it. The bluff is 100 feet in height. On it are painted in
    red colors, like those on the Paint rock, the sun and moon, a man,
    birds, fishes, etc. The paintings have in part faded within a few
    years. Tradition says these paintings were made by the Cherokees,
    who were accustomed in their journeys to rest at this place.
    Wherever on the rivers of Tennessee are perpendicular bluffs, on
    the sides, and especially if caves be near, are often found mounds
    near them, inclosed in intrenchments, with the sun and moon painted
    on the rocks, and charcoal and ashes in the smaller mounds. These
    tokens seem to be evincive of a connection between the mounds, the
    charcoal and ashes, the paintings and the caves.


TEXAS.

Mr. J. R. Bartlett (_b_) gives the following account:

    About 30 miles from El Paso del Norte, in Texas, very near the
    boundary line of Mexico, there is an overhanging rock, extending
    for some distance, the whole surface of which is covered with rude
    paintings and sculptures, representing men, animals, birds, snakes,
    and fantastic figures. The colors used are black, red, white, and
    a brownish yellow. The sculptures are mere peckings with a sharp
    instrument just below the surface of the rock. The accompanying
    engravings [reproduced in Fig. 80] show the character of the figures
    and the taste of the designers. Hundreds of similar ones are painted
    on the rocks at this place. Some of them, evidently of great age,
    had been partly defaced to make room for more recent devices.

    The overhanging rock, beneath which we encamped, seemed to have
    been a favorite place of resort for the Indians, as it is at the
    present day for all passing travelers. The recess formed by this
    rock is about 15 feet in length by 10 in width. Its entire surface
    is covered with paintings, one laid on over the other, so that it is
    difficult to make out those which belong to the aborigines. I copied
    a portion of these figures, about which there can be no doubt as to
    the origin. They represent Indians with shields and bows, painted
    with a brownish earth; horses, with their riders; uncouth looking
    animals, and a large rattlesnake. Similar devices cover the rock in
    every part, but are much defaced. Near this overhanging rock is the
    largest and finest tank or pool of water to be found about here. It
    is only reached by clambering on the hands and knees 15 or 20 feet
    up a steep rock. Over it projects a gigantic bowlder, which, resting
    on or wedged between other rocks, leaves a space of about 4 feet
    above the surface of the water. On the underside of this bowlder are
    fantastic designs in red paint, which could only have been made by
    persons lying on their backs in this cool and sheltered spot.

[Illustration: FIG. 80.--Petroglyphs near El Paso, Texas.]

Mr. Charles Hallock, of Washington, District of Columbia, gives
information that there is a locality termed the Painted caves, “on
the Rio Grande, near Devil’s river, in Crockett county, Texas, on the
line of the ‘Sunset’ railroad. Here the rock is gray limestone and the
petroglyphs are for the most part sculptured. They are in great variety,
from a manifest antiquity to the most recent date; for these cliff
caverns have been from time immemorial the refuge and resort of all
sorts of wayfarers, marauders, and adventurers, who have painted, cut,
and carved in every geometrical and grotesque form imaginable.”


UTAH.

Carvings and paintings on rocks are found in such numbers in the
southern interior of Utah that a locality there has been named
Pictograph rocks.

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, collected in 1875 a
number of copies of inscriptions in Temple creek canyon, southeastern
Utah, and noted their finding as follows:

    The drawings were found only on the northeast wall of the
    canyon, where it cuts the Vermillion cliff sandstone. The chief
    parts are etched, apparently by pounding with a sharp point. The
    outline of a figure is usually more deeply cut than the body. Other
    marks are produced by rubbing or scraping, and still others by
    laying on colors. Some, not all, of the colors are accompanied by a
    rubbed appearance, as though the material had been a dry chalk.

    I could discover no tools at the foot of the wall, only
    fragments of pottery, flints, and a metate.

    Several fallen blocks of sandstone have rubbed depressions
    that may have been ground out in the sharpening of tools. There
    have been many dates of inscriptions, and each new generation has
    unscrupulously run its lines over the pictures already made. Upon
    the best protected surfaces, as well as the most exposed, there are
    drawings dimmed beyond restoration and others distinct. The period
    during which the work accumulated was longer by far than the time
    which has passed since the last. Some fallen blocks cover etchings
    on the wall, and are themselves etched.

    Colors are preserved only where there is almost complete
    shelter from rain. In two places the holes worn in the rock by
    swaying branches impinge on etchings, but the trees themselves have
    disappeared. Some etchings are left high and dry by a diminishing
    talus (15 to 20 feet), but I saw none partly buried by an increasing
    talus (except in the case of the fallen block already mentioned).

    The painted circles are exceedingly accurate, and it seems
    incredible that they were made without the use of a radius.

In the collection contributed by Mr. Gilbert there are at least fifteen
series or groups of figures, most of which consist of the human form
(from the simplest to the most complex style of drawing), animals,
either singly or in long files--as if driven--bird tracks, human feet
and hands, etc. There are also circles, parallel lines, and waving or
undulating lines, spots, and other characters.

Mr. Gilbert also reports the discovery, in 1883, of a great number of
pictographs, chiefly in color, though some are only incised, in a canyon
of the Book cliff containing Thompson’s spring, about 4 miles north of
Thompson’s station, on the Denver and Colorado Railroad, Utah. He has
also furnished a collection of drawings of pictographs at Black rock
spring, on Beaver creek, north of Milford, Utah. A number of fallen
blocks of basalt at a low escarpment are filled with etchings upon the
vertical faces. The characters generally are of an “unintelligible”
nature, though the human figure is drawn in complex forms. Footprints
and circles abound.

Mr. I. C. Russell, of the U. S. Geological Survey, furnished rude
drawings of pictographs at Black rock spring, Utah (see Fig. 1093). Mr.
Gilbert Thompson also discovered pictographs at Fool creek canyon, Utah
(see Fig. 1094).

Mr. Vernon Bailey, in a letter dated January 18, 1889, reports that in
the vicinity of St. George “all along the sandstone cliffs are strange
figures like hieroglyphics and pictures of animals cut in the rocks, but
now often worn dim.”

Mr. George Pope, of Provo city, Utah county, in a letter, kindly gives
an account of an inscription on a rock in a canyon at the mouth of Provo
river, about 7 miles from the city named. There is no paint seen, the
inscription being cut. A human hand is conspicuous, being cut (probably
pecked) to a depth of at least one-third of an inch, and so with
representations of animals.

Dr. Rau (_c_) gives the design of a portion of a group carved on a cliff
in the San Pete valley at the city of Manti, Utah, now reproduced as
Fig. 81. He says:

[Illustration: FIG. 81.--Petroglyphs near Manti, Utah.]

    A line drawn horizontally through the middle of the parallel
    lines connecting the concentric circles would divide the figure into
    two halves, each bearing a close resemblance to Prof. Simpson’s
    fifth type of cup stones. A copy of the group in question was made
    and published by Lieut. J. W. Gunnison, in The Mormons or Latter-Day
    Saints, etc., Philadelphia, 1853, p. 63. The illustration is taken
    from Bancroft’s Native Races (Vol. IV, p. 717). In accordance with
    Lieut. Gunnison’s design, the position of the grotesque human figure
    is changed to the left of the concentric circle. He also says that
    the Mormon leaders made this aboriginal inscription subservient
    to their religion by giving the following translation of it: “I,
    Mahanti, the second king of the Lamanites, in five valleys of the
    mountains, make this record in the twelve hundredth year since we
    came out of Jerusalem. And I have three sons gone to the south
    country to live by hunting antelope and deer.” * * * Schoolcraft
    attempts (Vol. III, p. 494) something like an interpretation which
    appears to me fanciful and unsatisfactory.

The following extract is made from The Shinumos by F. S. Dellenbaugh
(_a_).

    Some of the least disintegrated ruins are situated on the
    Colorado river, only a short distance below the mouth of the Dirty
    Devil river. * * * A level shelf varying from about 6 to 10 feet
    in width ran along for 150 feet or more. In most places the rocks
    above protruded as far as the edge of the lower rocks, sometimes
    farther, thus leaving a sort of gallery, generally 7 or 8 feet high.
    Walls that extended to the roof had been built along the outer edge
    of the natural floor, and the inclosed space being subdivided by
    stone partitions to suit the convenience of the builders, the whole
    formed a series of rather comfortable rooms or houses. The back
    walls of the houses--the natural rock--had on them many groups of
    hieroglyphics, and farther along where there was no roof rock at all
    the vertical faces had been inscribed with seeming great care. Some
    of the sheltered groups were painted in various dull colors, but
    most of them were chiseled.

    The figure [82] gives a chiseled group. It is easy to see that
    these are signs of no low order. Considering their great age, their
    exposure, many of the delicate touches must be obliterated.

    [Illustration: FIG. 82.--Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.]

    The inscriptions on this ruin might possibly be the history of
    the defense of the crossing, the stationing of the garrison, the
    death of officers of rank, etc.

The following sketches of petroglyphs, with the references attached, are
taken from the sketch book of Mr. F. S. Dellenbaugh, before referred to.

The petroglyph, of which Fig. 83 is a copy, appears on a horizontal rock
5 miles below the mouth of the Dirty Devil river, Utah.

[Illustration: FIG. 83.--Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.]

The characters in Fig. 84 from rocks near the preceding group are
painted red, with the imprint of a hand (on the larger figure) in white.

[Illustration: FIG. 84.--Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.]

The petroglyphs reproduced in Fig. 85 are copied from the vertical walls
near the two groups immediately before mentioned.

[Illustration: FIG. 85.--Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.]

The characters presented in Fig. 86 are copied from a vertical surface
10 by 16 feet in area and halfway up the ascent to the geodetic point
west of “Windsor castle,” Pipe Spring. The human forms are similar in
general design to the greater number of such representations made by the
Shinumo Indians.

[Illustration: FIG. 86.--Petroglyphs at Pipe Spring, Utah.]

The human forms represented in Fig. 87 are from the vicinity of
Colorado river, 5 miles below the mouth of the Dirty Devil river. Mr.
Dellenbaugh notes that the darkest portions of the figures indicate a
chiseled surface.

[Illustration: FIG. 87.--Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.]

Fig. 88 represents a number of petroglyphs obtained at the same locality
as the one last mentioned. The greater number of the characters appear
to represent snakes.

[Illustration: FIG. 88.--Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.]

Fig. 89 shows characters from the Shinumo canyon, which, according to
the draftsman’s general notes, are painted.

[Illustration: FIG. 89.--Petroglyphs in Shinumo canyon, Utah.]


VIRGINIA.

In 1886 Dr. Hoffman visited a local field 9 miles southwest of Tazewell,
Tazewell county, Virginia, which can be designated as follows: The range
of hills bounding the western side of the valley presents at various
points low cliffs and exposures of Silurian sandstone. About 4 miles
below the village, known as Knob post-office, there is a narrow ravine
leading up toward a depression in the range, forming a pass to the
valley beyond, near the summit of which is a large irregular exposure
of rock facing west-southwest, upon the eastern extremity of which are
a number of pictographs, many of which are still in good preservation.
Fig. 90 is a representation. The westernmost object, i. e., the one on
the extreme left, appears to be a circle about 16 inches in diameter,
from the outer side of which are short radiating lines giving the whole
the appearance of a sun. Beneath and to the right of this is the outline
of an animal resembling a doe.

[Illustration: FIG. 90.--Petroglyphs in Tazewell county, Virginia.]

Other figures, chiefly human, follow in close succession to the eastern
edge of the vertical face of the rock, nearly all of which present the
arms in various attitudes, i. e., extended or raised as in extreme
surprise or adoration. Concentric rings appear at one point, while a
thunder-bird is shown not far away. About 12 feet east of this place are
several figures resembling the thunder-bird.

All of the characters, with one exception, are drawn in heavy or solid
lines of dark red paint, presumably a ferruginous coloring material
prepared in the neighborhood, which abounds in iron compounds. The
exception is one object which appears to have been black, but is now so
faded or eroded as to seem dark gray.

The following account of the Tazewell county, Virginia, pictographs is
taken from Coale’s Life, etc., of Waters: (_a_)

    In August, 1871, the writer went to visit Tazewell county by
    way of the saltworks. Upon this place are found those strangely
    painted rocks which have been a wonder and a mystery to all who have
    seen them. The grandfather of Gen. Bowen settled the cove in 1766,
    one hundred and ten years ago, and the paintings were there then,
    and as brilliant to-day as they were when first seen by a white
    man. They consist of horses, elk, deer, wolves, bows and arrows,
    eagles, Indians, and various other devices. The mountain upon which
    these rocks are based is about 1,000 feet high, and they lie in a
    horizontal line about halfway up and are perhaps 75 feet broad upon
    their perpendicular face.

    When it is remembered that the rock is hard, with a smooth white
    surface, incapable of absorbing paint, it is a mystery how the
    coloring has remained undimmed under the peltings of the elements
    for how much longer than a hundred years no one can tell. This paint
    is found near the rocks, and Gen. Bowen informed the writers that
    his grandmother used it for dyeing linsey, and it was a fadeless
    color.

    As there was a battle fought on a neighboring mountain, between
    1740 and 1750, between the Cherokees and Shawnees for the possession
    of a buffalo lick, the remains of the rude fortifications being
    still visible, it is supposed the paintings were hieroglyphics
    conveying such intelligence to the red man as we now communicate to
    each other through newspapers.

    It was a perilous adventure to stand upon a narrow, inclined
    ledge without a shrub or a root to hold to, with from 50 to 75 feet
    of sheer perpendicular descent below to a bed of jagged bowlders
    and the home of innumerable rattlesnakes, but I didn’t make it. I
    crawled far enough along that narrow slanting ledge with my fingers
    inserted in the crevices of the rocks to see most of the paintings,
    and then “coon’d” it back with equal care and caution.

Five miles east of the last-noted locality and 7 west of Tazewell, high
up against a vertical cliff of rock, is visible a lozenge-shaped group
of red and black squares, known in the locality as the “Handkerchief
rock,” because the general appearance of the colored markings suggests
the idea of an immense bandana handkerchief spread out. The pictograph
is on the same range of hills as the preceding, but neither is visible
from any place near the other. The objects can not be viewed upon
Handkerchief rock excepting from a point opposite to it and across the
valley, as the locality is so overgrown with large trees as to obscure
it from any position immediately beneath. The lozenge or diamond-shaped
figure appears to cover an area about 3 feet in diameter.


WASHINGTON.

Capt. Charles Bendire, U. S. Army, in a letter dated Fort Walla-walla,
Washington, May 18, 1881, mentions a discovery made by Col. Henry C.
Merriam, then lieutenant-colonel Second United States Infantry, as thus
quoted:

    While encamped at the lower end of Lake Chelan, lat. 48° N.,
    he made a trip to the upper end of said lake, where he found a
    perpendicular cliff of granite with a perfectly smooth surface,
    from 600 to 1,000 feet high, rising out of the lake. On the cliff he
    found Indian picture-writings, painted evidently at widely different
    periods, but evidently quite old. The oldest was from 25 to 30 feet
    above the present water level, and could at the time they were
    executed only be reached by canoe. The paintings are figures, black
    and red in color, and represent Indians with bows and arrows, elk,
    deer, bear, beaver, and fish, and are from 1 foot to 18 inches in
    size. There are either four or five rows of these figures, quite a
    number in each row. The Indians inhabiting this region know nothing
    of the origin of these pictures, and say that none of their people
    for the past four generations knew anything about them.

Since the preceding letter was written a notice of the same rock has
been published, together with an illustration, by Mr. Alfred Downing, of
Seattle, Washington, in “The Northwest,” VII, No. 10, October, 1889, pp.
3, 4. The description, condensed, is as follows:

    In that part of Washington territory until recent years known as
    the Moses Indian reservation lies the famous Lake Chelan, 70 miles
    in length with an average width of 2 miles.

    About half a mile from its head, on the western shore and rising
    from the water, as an abrupt and precipitous wall of granite, stands
    “Pictured rock.”

    The most remarkable feature of the Chelan picture is that the
    figures representing Indians, bear, deer, birds, etc., are painted
    upon the surface of the smooth granite, nearly horizontal, but about
    17 feet above the lake; the upper portion of the picture being about
    2 feet higher. The figures depicted are 5 to 10 inches long.

    The difference between high and low stage of water at any
    period during the year does not exceed 4 feet, and this high-water
    mark being well defined along the shore, it becomes self-evident
    that these signs were placed there ages ago, when the water was
    17 feet higher than it is now. The granite bluff or walls in this
    instance are smooth, being weather and water worn, and afford no
    hold for hand or foot either from above or below, and from careful
    observation it would appear to be a physical impossibility for
    either a white or red man to show his artistic skill on those rocks
    unless at the ancient stage of water and with the aid of a canoe or
    a “dugout.”

    The paint or color used was black and red, the latter resembling
    venetian. How wonderfully the color has stood the test in the face
    of the storms to which the lake is subject is apparent; only in
    one or two instances does it to-day show any signs of fading or
    weather-wearing. The signs impressed me as intending to convey the
    idea of the prowess of an Indian chief in the hunt, or as being a
    page in the history of a tribe, the small perpendicular strokes seen
    in the lower portion indicating probably the number of bear, deer,
    or other animals slain.

When referring, in Pacific Railroad Report, vol. I, page 411, to a
locality on the Columbia river in Washington, between Yakima and
Pisquouse counties, Mr. George Gibbs mentioned pecked and colored
petroglyphs which he found there as follows:

    It was a perpendicular rock, on the face of which were carved
    sundry figures, most of them intended for men. They were slightly
    sunk into the sandstone and colored, some black, others red, and
    traces of paint remained more or less distinctly on all of them.
    These also, according to their [the Indians’] report, were the work
    of the ancient race; but from the soft nature of the rock, and the
    freshness of some of the paint, they were probably not of extreme
    antiquity.

For another example of petroglyphs from Washington see Fig. 679.


WEST VIRGINIA.

Mr. John Haywood (_d_) gives the following account:

    In the county of Kenhaway [Kanawha] about 4 miles below the
    Burning spring, and near the mouth of Campbell’s creek, in the state
    of Virginia, is a rock of great size, on which, in ancient times,
    the natives engraved many representations. There is the figure of
    almost every indigenous animal--the buffalo, the bear, the deer,
    the fox, the hare, and other quadrupeds of various kinds; fish of
    the various productions of the western waters, fowls of different
    descriptions, infants scalped, scalps alone, and men as large as
    life. The rock is in the river Kenhaway, near its northern shore,
    accessible only at low water unless by the aid of water craft.

The following notice of the same locality, but perhaps not of the same
rock, was published by James Madison (_a_), bishop of Virginia, in 1804:

    I cannot conclude this letter without mentioning another curious
    specimen of Indian labour, and of their progress in one of the arts.
    This specimen is found within 4 miles of the place whose latitude
    I endeavoured to take, and within 2 of what are improperly called
    Burning springs, upon a rock of hard freestone, which sloping to the
    south, touching the margin of the river, presents a flat surface of
    above 12 feet in length and 9 in breadth, with a plane side to the
    east of 8 or 9 feet in thickness.

    Upon the upper surface of this rock, and also upon the side, we
    see the outlines of several figures, cut without relief, except in
    one instance, and somewhat larger than the life. The depth of the
    outline may be half an inch; its width three-quarters, nearly, in
    some places. In one line ascending from the part of the rock nearest
    the river there is a tortoise; a spread eagle, executed with great
    expression, particularly the head, to which is given a shallow
    relief, and a child, the outline of which is very well drawn. In
    a parallel line there are other figures, but among them that of a
    woman only can be traced. These are very indistinct. Upon the side
    of the rock there are two awkward figures which particularly caught
    my attention. One is that of a man with his arms uplifted, and hands
    spread out as if engaged in prayer. His head is made to terminate
    in a point, or rather, he has the appearance of something upon the
    head of a triangular or conical form; near to him is another similar
    figure suspended by a cord fastened to his heels. I recollected the
    story which Father Hennepin relates of one of the missionaries from
    Canada who was treated in a somewhat similar manner, but whether
    this piece of seemingly historical sculpture has reference to
    such an event can be only a matter of conjecture. A turkey, badly
    executed, with a few other figures may also be seen. The labour and
    the perseverance requisite to cut those rude figures in a rock so
    hard that steel appeared to make but little impression upon it, must
    have been great; much more so than making of enclosures in a loose
    and fertile soil.

Another petroglyph, a copy of which is presented in Fig. 1088, is thus
described in a letter from Morgantown, West Virginia:

    The famous pictured rocks on the Evansville pike, about 4 miles
    from this place, have been a source of wonder and speculation for
    more than a century, and have attracted much attention among the
    learned men of this country and Europe. The cliff upon which these
    drawings exist is of considerable size and within a short distance
    of the highway above mentioned. The rock is a white sandstone,
    which wears little from exposure to the weather, and upon its
    smooth surface are delineated the outlines of at least fifty [?]
    species of animals, birds, reptiles, and fish, embracing in the
    number panthers, deer, buffalo, otters, beavers, wildcats, foxes,
    wolves, raccoons, opossums, bears, elk, crows, eagles, turkeys,
    eels, various sorts of fish, large and small, snakes, etc. In the
    midst of this silent menagerie of specimens of the animal kingdom is
    the full length outline of a female form, beautiful and perfect in
    every respect. Interspersed among the drawings of animals, etc., are
    imitations of the footprints of each sort, the whole space occupied
    being 150 feet long by 50 feet wide. To what race the artist
    belonged or what his purpose was in making these rude portraits must
    ever remain a mystery, but the work was evidently done ages ago.

The late P. W. Norris, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reported that he
found petroglyphs in many localities along the Kanawha river, West
Virginia. Engravings are numerous upon smooth rocks, covered during high
water, at the prominent fords in the river, as well as in the niches
or long shallow caves high in the rocky cliffs of this region. Rude
representations of men, animals, and some characters deemed symbolic
were found, but none were observed superior to, or essentially differing
from those of modern Indians.

On the rocky walls of Little Coal river, near the mouth of Big Horse
creek, are cliffs which display many carvings. One of the rocks upon
which a mass of characters appear, is 8 feet in length and 5 feet in
height.

About 2 miles above Mount Pleasant, Mason county, on the north side of
the Kanawha river, are numbers of characters, apparently totemic. These
are at the foot of the hills flanking the river.

On the cliffs near the mouth of the Kanawha river, opposite Mount
Carbon, Nicholas county, are numerous pictographs. These appear to be
cut into the sandstone rock.

Pictographs were lately seen at various points on the banks of
the Kanawha river, both above and below Charleston, but since the
construction of the Chesapeake and Ohio railroad some of the rocks
bearing them have been destroyed. About 6 miles above Charleston there
was formerly a rock lying near its water’s edge upon which, it is
reported by old residents, were depicted the outline of a bear, turkey
tracks, and other markings. Tradition told that this was a boat or canoe
landing, used by the Indians in their travels when proceeding southward.
The tribe was not designated. From an examination of the locality it
was learned that this rock had been broken and used in the construction
of buildings. It is said that a trail passing there led southward, and
at a point 10 miles below the Kanawha river stood several large trees
upon which were marks of red ocher or some similar pigment, at which
point the trail spread or branched out in two directions, one leading
southward into Virginia, the other southwest toward Kentucky.

On a low escarpment of sandstone facing Little Coal river, 6 or 8
miles above its confluence with Coal river and about 18 miles south
of the Kanawha river, are depicted the outlines of animals, such as
the deer, panther (?), etc., and circles, delineated in dark red, but
rather faint from disintegration of the surface. The characters are
similar in general appearance to those in Tazewell county, Virginia,
and appear as if they might have been made by the same tribe. There are
no peculiarities in the topography of the surrounding region that would
suggest the idea of their having served as topographic indications, but
they rather appear to be a record of a hunting party, and to designate
the kinds of game abounding in the region.

Mr. L. V. McWhorter reports pictographs in a cave near Berlin, Lewis
county, West Virginia. No details are given.

A petroglyph found in a rock shelter in West Virginia is also presented
in Pl. XXXI.


WISCONSIN.

A large number of glyphs are incised on the face of a rock near Odanah,
now a village of the Ojibwa Indians, 12 miles northeast from Ashland,
on the south shore of lake Superior, near its western extremity. The
characters were easily cut on the soft stone, so were also easily
worn by the weather, and in 1887 were nearly indistinguishable. Many
of them appeared to be figures of birds. An old Ojibwa Indian in the
vicinity told the present writer that the site of the rock was formerly
a well-known halting place and rendezvous, and that on the arrival of a
party, or even of a single individual, the appropriate totemic mark or
marks were cut on the rock, much as white men register their names at a
hotel.

[Illustration: FIG. 91.--Petroglyphs in Brown’s cave, Wisconsin.]

The Pictured cave of La Crosse valley, called Brown’s cave, is described
by Rev. Edward Brown (_a_) as follows:

    This curious cavern is situated in the town of Barre, 4 miles
    from West Salem and 8 miles from La Crosse. * * *

    Before the landslide it was an open shelter cavern, 15 feet
    wide at the opening and 7 feet at the back end; greatest width, 16
    feet; average, 13; length, 30 feet; height, 13 feet, and depth of
    excavation after clearing out the sand of the landslide, 5 feet. The
    pictures are mostly of the rudest kind, but differing in degree of
    skill. Except several bisons, a lynx, rabbit, otter, badger, elk,
    and heron, it is perhaps impossible to determine with certainty what
    were intended or whether they represented large or small animals, no
    regard being had to their relative sizes.

    [Examples of the figures are here presented as Fig. 91.]

    Perhaps _a_ indicates a bison or buffalo, and is the best
    executed picture of the collection. Its size is 19 inches long by
    15-1/2 inches from tip of the horns to the feet.

    _b_ represents a hunter, with a boy behind him, in the act
    of shooting an animal with his bow and arrow weapon. The whole
    representation is 25 inches long; the animal from tip of tail to
    end of horn or proboscis 12 inches, and from top of head to feet 7
    inches; the hunter 11 inches high, the boy 4-1/2.

    _c_ represents a wounded animal, with the arrow or weapon near
    the wound. This figure is 21-3/4 inches from the lower extremity of
    the nose to the tip of the tail, 8-3/4 inches from fore shoulders to
    front feet, and 8 inches from the rump to the hind feet. The weapon
    is 4-1/2 inches long by 5 inches broad from the tip of one prong or
    barb to that of the other.

    _d_ represents a chief with eight plumes and a war club, 11
    inches from top of head to the lower extremity, and 6-3/4 inches
    from the tip of the upper finger to the end of the opposite arm; the
    war club 6-1/2 inches long.

Dr. Hoffman made a visit to this cave in August, 1888, to compare the
pictographic characters with others of apparently similar outline and
of known signification. He found but a limited number of the figures
distinct, and these only in part, owing to the rapid disintegration of
the sandstone upon which they were drawn. Many names and inscriptions
had been incised in the soft surface by visitors, who also, by means of
the smoke of candles, added grotesque and meaningless figures over and
between the original paintings, so as to seriously injure the latter.

Mr. T. H. Lewis (_d_) describes the petroglyphs, a part of which is
reproduced in Fig. 92, as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 92.--Petroglyphs at Trempealeau, Wisconsin.]

    Last November my attention was called to some rock sculptures
    located about 2-1/2 miles northwest from Trempealeau, Wisconsin.
    There is at the point in question an exposed ledge of the Potsdam
    sandstone extending nearly one-eighth of a mile along the east side
    of the lower mouth of the Trempealeau river, now known as the bay.
    Near its north end there is a projection extending out about 7 feet
    from the top of the ledge and overhanging the base about 10 feet.
    The base of the ledge is 40 feet back from the shore, and the top of
    the cliff at this point is 30 feet above the water. On the face of
    the projection, and near the top, are the sculpture figures referred
    to.

    The characters designated _a_ _a_ are two so-called canoes,
    somewhat crescent-shaped, but with some variation in outline; _b_
    has the same form, but the additional upright portion overlaps it;
    _c_ and _d_ are also of the same form as _a_, but _c_ is cut in the
    bottom of _d_; _e_ probably represents a fort, and its length is
    18-1/2 inches; _f_ is a nondescript, and it partly overlaps _d_;
    _g_ is a nondescript four-legged animal, its length in a straight
    line from the end of the nose to the tip of the tail being 10-1/2
    inches; _h_ may be intended to represent a foot, but possibly it may
    be a hand; it is 7-1/2 inches in length; _i_ is an outspread hand, a
    little over 13 inches long; _j_ undoubtedly represents a foot and is
    4-1/2 inches long; _k_ _k_ are of the same class as _a_.

The figures are not mere outlines, but intaglio, varying in depth from
a quarter of an inch to fully 1 inch. Although the surface of the rock
is rough the intaglios were rubbed perfectly smooth after they had been
engraved by pecking or cutting.


WYOMING.

Several pictographs in Wyoming are described by Capt. William A. Jones,
U. S. Army (_a_). They are reproduced here as Figs. 93, 94, and 95.

Fig. 93, found in the Wind river valley, Wyoming, was interpreted by
members of a Shoshoni and Banak delegation to Washington in 1880 as “an
Indian killed another.” The latter is very roughly delineated in the
horizontal figure, but is also represented by the line under the hand of
the upright figure, meaning the same dead person. At the right is the
scalp taken and the two feathers showing the dead warrior’s rank. The
arm nearest the prostrate foe shows the gesture for killed; concept, to
put down, flat.

[Illustration: FIG. 93.--Petroglyph in Wind river valley, Wyoming.]

The same gesture appears in Fig. 94, from the same authority and
locality. The scalp is here held forth, and the numeral (1) is indicated
by the lowest stroke.

[Illustration: FIG. 94.--Petroglyph in Wind river valley, Wyoming.]

Fig. 95, from the same locality and authority, was also interpreted
by the Shoshoni and Banak. It appears from their description that a
Blackfoot had attacked the habitation of some of his own people. The
right-hand upper figure represents his horse, with the lance suspended
from the side. The lower figure illustrates the log house built against
a stream. The dots are the prints of the horse’s hoofs, while the two
lines running outward from the upper inclosure show that two thrusts
of the lance were made over the wall of the house, thus killing the
occupant and securing two bows and five arrows, as represented in the
left-hand group. The right-hand figure of that group shows the hand
raised in the attitude of making the gesture for kill.

[Illustration: FIG. 95.--Petroglyphs in Wind river valley, Wyoming.]

The Blackfeet, according to the interpreters, were the only Indians in
the locality mentioned who constructed log houses, and therefore the
drawing becomes additionally interesting, as an attempt appears to have
been made to illustrate the crossing of the logs at the corners, the
gesture for which (log house) is as follows:

Both hands are held edgewise before the body, palms facing, spread the
fingers, and place those of one hand into the spaces between those of
the other, so that the tips of each protrude about an inch beyond.

Another and more important petroglyph was discovered on Little
Popo-Agie, northwestern Wyoming, by members of Capt. Jones’s party in
1873. The glyphs are upon a nearly vertical wall of the yellow sandstone
in the rear of Murphy’s ranch, and appear to be of some antiquity.
Further remarks, with specimens of the characters, are presented below
in this paper. (See Fig. 1091.)

Dr. William H. Corbusier, U. S. Army, in a letter to the writer,
mentions the discovery of drawings on a sandstone rock near the
headwaters of Sage creek, in the vicinity of Fort Washakie, Wyoming, and
gives a copy which is presented as Fig. 96. Dr. Corbusier remarks that
neither the Shoshoni nor the Arapaho Indians know who made the drawings.
The two chief figures appear to be those of the human form, with the
hands and arms partly uplifted the whole being inclosed above and on
either side by an irregular line.

[Illustration: FIG. 96.--Petroglyph near Sage creek, Wyoming.]

The method of grouping, together with various accompanying appendages,
as irregular lines, spirals, etc., observed in Dr. Corbusier’s drawing,
show great similarity to the Algonquian type, and resemble some
engravings found near the Wind river mountains, which were the work
of Blackfeet (Satsika) Indians, who, in comparatively recent times,
occupied portions of the country in question, and probably also sketched
the designs near Fort Washakie.

Fig. 97 is also reported from the same locality.

[Illustration: FIG. 97.--Petroglyph near Sage creek, Wyoming.]


SECTION 3.

MEXICO.

No adequate attention can be given in the present paper to the
distribution and description of the petroglyphs of Mexico. In fact
very little accurate information is accessible regarding them. The
distinguished explorer, Mr. A. Bandelier, in a conversation mentioned
that he had sketched but not published two petroglyphs in Sonora. One,
very large and interesting, was at Cara Pintada, 3 miles southwest
of Huassavas, and a smaller one was at Las Flechas, 1 mile west of
Huassavas. He also sketched one in Chihuahua on the trail from Casas
Grandes to the Cerro de Montezuma. From the accounts of persons met in
his Mexican travels he gave it as his opinion that a large number of
petroglyphs still remained in the region of the Sierra Madre.

The following mention of the paintings of the ancient inhabitants of
Lower California is translated from an anonymous account, in Documentos
para la Historia de Mexico (_a_), purporting to have been written in
1790:

    Throughout civilized California, from south to north, and
    especially in the caves and smooth rocks, there remain various rude
    paintings. Notwithstanding their disproportion and lack of art, the
    representations of men, fish, bows and arrows, can be distinguished
    and with them different kind of strokes, something like characters.
    The colors of these paintings are of four kinds; yellow, a reddish
    color, green and black. The greater part of them are painted in high
    places, and from this it is inferred by some that the old tradition
    is true, that there were giants among the ancient Californians. Be
    this as it may, in the Mission of Santiago, which is at the south,
    was discovered on a smooth rock of great height, a row of hands
    stamped in red. On the high cliffs facing the shore are seen fish
    painted in various shapes and sizes, bows, arrows, and some unknown
    characters. In other parts are Indians armed with bows and arrows,
    and various kinds of insects, snakes, and mice, with lines and
    characters of other forms. On a flat rock about 2 yards in length
    were stamped insignia or escutcheons of rank and inscriptions of
    various characters.

    Towards Purmo, about 30 leagues beyond the Mission of Santiago
    del Sur, is a bluff 8 yards in height and on the center of it is
    seen an inscription which resembles Gothic letters interspersed with
    Hebrew and Chaldean characters [?].

    Though the Californian Indians have often been asked concerning
    the significance of the figures, lines, and characters, no
    satisfactory answer has been obtained. The most that has been
    established by their information is that the paintings were
    their predecessors, and that they are absolutely ignorant of the
    signification of them. It is evident that the paintings and drawings
    of the Californians are significant symbols and landmarks by which
    they intended to leave to posterity the memory, either of their
    establishment in this country, or of certain wars or political or
    natural triumphs. These pictures are not like those of the Mexicans,
    but might have the same purpose.

Several petroglyphs in Sonora are described and illustrated infra in
Chapter XX on Special Comparisons. The following copies of petroglyphs
are presented here as specimens and are markedly different from those in
the northwestern states of Mexico, which represent the Aztec culture.

The description of Fig. 98 is extracted from Viages de Guillelmo Dupaix
(_a_):

[Illustration: FIG. 98.--Petroglyphs in Mexico.]

    Going from the town of Tlalmanalco to that of Mecamecan, at a
    distance of a league to the east of the latter and in the confines
    of the estate of Señor Don José Tepatolco, is an isolated rock of
    granitic stone artificially cut into a conical form with a series
    of six steps cut in the solid rock itself on the eastern side, the
    summit forming a platform or horizontal section suitable for the
    purpose of observing the stars at all points of the compass. It is,
    therefore, most evident that this ancient monument or observatory
    was employed solely for astronomical observations, and it is further
    proved by various hieroglyphs cut in the south side of the cone;
    but the most interesting feature of this side is the figure of
    a man standing upright and in profile directing his gaze to the
    east with the arms raised, holding in the hands a tube or species
    of optical instrument. Beneath his feet is seen a carved frieze
    with six compartments or squares and other symbols of a celestial
    nature are engraved on their surfaces, evidently the product of
    observation and calculation. Some of them have connection with those
    found symmetrically arranged in circles on the ancient Mexican
    calendar, exposed in this capital to general admiration. In front of
    the observer is a rabbit seated and confronted by two parallel rows
    of numerical figures; lastly two other symbols relating to the same
    science are seen at the back.

Prof. Daniel G. Brinton (_a_), gives an account of the illustration here
produced on Pl. XIV A, which may be thus condensed:

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIV

THE STONE OF THE GIANTS, MEXICO.]

    The “Stone of the Giants” at Escamela near the city of Orizaba,
    Mexico, has been the subject of much discussion. Father Damaso
    Sotomayor sees in the inscribed figures a mystical allusion to the
    coming of Christ to the Gentiles and to the occurrences supposed
    in Hebrew myth to have taken place in the Garden of Eden. This
    stone was examined by Capt. Dupaix in the year 1808 and is figured
    in the illustrations to his voluminous narrative. The figure he
    gives [now presented as B on Pl. _XIV_] is, however, so erroneous
    that it yields but a faint idea of the real character and meaning
    of the drawing. It omits the ornament on the breast and also the
    lines along the right of the giant’s face, which as I shall show are
    distinctive traits. It gives him a girdle where none is delineated,
    and the relative size and proportions of all the three figures are
    quite distorted.

    The rock on which the inscription is found is roughly triangular
    in shape, presenting a nearly straight border of 30 feet on each
    side. It is hard and uniform in texture and of a dark color. The
    length or height of the principal figure is 27 feet, and the incised
    lines which designate the various objects are deeply and clearly cut.

    I now approach the decipherment of the inscriptions. Any one
    versed in the signs of the Mexican calendar will at once perceive
    that it contains the date of a certain year and day. On the left of
    the giant is seen a rabbit surrounded with ten circular depressions.
    These depressions are the well-known Aztec marks for numerals, and
    the rabbit represents one of the four astronomic signs by which
    they adjusted their chronologic cycles of fifty-two years. The
    stone bears a carefully dated record, with year and day clearly set
    forth. The year is represented to the left of the figure and is that
    numbered “ten” under the sign of the rabbit; the day of the year is
    number “one” under the sign of the fish.

    These precise dates recurred once, and only once, every
    fifty-two years, and had recurred only once between the year of
    our era, 1450, and the Spanish conquest of Mexico in 1519-’20.
    Within the period named the year “ten rabbit” of the Aztec calendar
    corresponded with the year 1502 of the Gregorian calendar. It is
    more difficult to fix the day, but it is, I think, safe to say that,
    according to the most probable computations, the day, “one fish,”
    occurred in the first month of the year 1502, which month coincided
    in whole or in part with our February.

    Such is the date on the inscription. Now, what is intimated to
    have occurred on that date? The clew to this is furnished by the
    figure of the giant. It represents an ogre of horrid mien with a
    death’s-head grin and formidable teeth, his hair wild and long, the
    locks falling down upon the neck. Suspended on the breast as an
    ornament is the bone of a human lower jaw, with its incisor teeth.
    The left leg is thrown forward as in the act of walking, and the
    arms are uplifted, the hands open, and the fingers extended as at
    the moment of seizing the prey or the victim. The lines about the
    umbilicus represent the knot of the girdle which supported the
    _maxtli_ or breechcloth.

    There is no doubt as to which personage of the Aztec
    pantheon this fear-inspiring figure represents. It is _Tzontemoc
    Mictlantecutli_, “the Lord of the Realm of the Dead, He of the
    Falling Hair,” the dread god of death and the dead. His distinctive
    marks are there, the death’s-head, the falling hair, the jaw bone,
    the terrible aspect, the giant size.

    We possess several chronicles of the empire before Cortes
    destroyed it, written in the hieroglyphs which the inventive genius
    of the natives had devised. Taking two of these chronicles, one
    known as the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, the other as the Codex
    Vaticanus, I turn to the year numbered “ten” under the sign of the
    rabbit and I find that both present the same record which I copy in
    the following figure.

[Illustration: FIG. 99.--The Emperor Ahuitzotzin.]

The figure so copied is entitled “Extract from the Vatican Codex,” which
is a slight error. It is a copy from the Codex Telleriano-Remensis,
Kingsborough, I, Pt. 4, p. 23, year 1502, which is here reproduced as
Fig. 99. The record in the Vatican Codex, Kingsborough, II, p. 130,
differs in some unimportant details. It may also be noted that in the
text relating to the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, Kingsborough, VI, p.
141, the word Ahuitzotl is given as “the name of an aquatic animal
famous in Mexican mythology.” The present opportunity is embraced to
recognize the acumen displayed by Prof. Brinton in his interpretation of
the petroglyph. He proceeds as follows:

    The sign of the year (the rabbit) is shown merely by his head
    for brevity. The ten dots, which give its number, are beside it.
    Immediately beneath is a curious quadruped, with what are intended
    as water-drops dripping from him. The animal is the hedgehog, and
    the figure is to be constructed _iconomatically_; that is, it must
    be read as a rebus through the medium of the Nahuatl language. In
    that language water is _atl_, in composition _a_, and hedgehog is
    _uitzotl_. Combine these and you get _ahuitzotl_, or, with the
    reverential termination, _ahuitzotzin_. This was the name of the
    ruler or emperor, if you allow the word, of ancient Mexico before
    the accession to the throne of that Montezuma whom the Spanish
    _conquistador_, Cortes, put to death.

    Returning to the page from the chronicle, we observe that the
    hieroglyph of Ahuitzotzin is placed immediately over a corpse
    swathed in its mummy cloths, as was the custom of interment with
    the highest classes in Mexico. This signifies that the death of
    Ahuitzotzin took place in that year. Adjacent to it is the figure
    of his successor, his name iconomatically represented by the
    headdress of the nobles, the _tecuhtli_, giving the middle syllables
    of “_Mo-tecuh-zoma_.” No doubt is left that _La Piedra de los
    Gigantes_ of Escamela is a necrologic tablet commemorating the death
    of the Emperor Ahuitzotzin, some time in February, 1502.

Mr. Eugène Boban (_a_) mentions manuscript copies, dating from the
beginning of the century, of various sculptured stones in Mexico. These
sculpturings represent native ideographic characters, among them the
_teocalli_, the _tepetl_, the sign _ollin_, etc.

On several of the plates which compose this collection are notes
indicating the place where the monument, fragment, or ruin is found,
from which the characters are copied; for example, one of them bears the
note: “de la calle R^l de la villa de Cuernabaca.” Several others bear
annotations which show that they have been copied in the cemetery, in
the streets of that town, or in its environs.

Aside from these notes the plates are not accompanied by any information
which could give a trace of the person who drew them, or the purpose for
which they were intended.

The same author (_b_) describes a large sculptured stone of Mexico, the
designs on which have been reproduced in paintings on deerskin. After
giving a detailed description of the copied MS. he speaks of the stone
as follows:

    We deem it of interest to give some notes concerning the famous
    cylindrical stone, both sculptured and painted, known by the name
    _Teocuauhxicalli_ (the sacred drinking vase of the eagles) on which
    are found the themes of all the designs which have been above
    described. This stone, buried at the time of the Spanish Conquest,
    was discovered in the first half of this century at the close of a
    series of excavations made in the soil of the Place d’Armes, Mexico.
    The director of the national museum, who was then M. Rafael Gondra,
    contented himself with taking the dimensions and making a hurried
    sketch of it. It was then reinterred, as the necessary funds were
    lacking to exhume it entirely and transport it to the museum.

    The name Teocuauhxicalli is composed of: _Teotl_, god;
    _cuauhili_, eagle, and _xicalli_, hemispherical vase formed from the
    half of a gourd. It may be translated by, “The vase of god and the
    eagles,” or, rather, “The sacred drinking cup of the eagles.”

    “The Mexican monarch Axayacatl, jealous of his predecessor
    Motecuhzoma I, took down the Teocuauhxicalli which was in the upper
    part of the Great Temple of Mexico, and replaced it by another,
    sculptured by his order;” so says the eminent Mexican archæologist
    and historian, Don Manuel Orozco y Berra, in his excellent work,
    Historia Antigua y de la Conquesta de Mexico (t. III, p. 348). This
    monument was also dedicated to the god of war, Huitzilopochtli.

    According to Duran and Tezozomoc, those stones on which gods
    were represented were designated by the name Teocuauhxicalli; i. e.,
    divine cuauhxicalli. They belonged to the class of painted stones,
    for they were covered with several colors.

    Orozco y Berra adds the following: “It is evident that the
    figures sculptured and painted do not represent armed warriors
    preparing for combat. On the contrary, we see that they represent
    gods. Among them is found Huitzilopochtli (god of war) with his arms
    and attributes, having before him another deity or high priest who
    holds in his hands the emblems of the holocaust.

    “The figures of the upper part are not fighting and could not
    have known how to fight, if we judge by their positions; the chest
    is turned back, the face raised toward the sky, in which appears an
    object which resembles the astronomical sign _cipactli_.

    “Everywhere on the surface of this stone are noticed symbols,
    birds, quadrupeds, fantastic reptiles, signs of the sun, days,
    months, and a quantity of objects whose character is imitated in
    manuscripts and rituals. There can be no doubt that we are in the
    presence of a monument devoted to the gods and bearing legends
    relative to their worship. M. the minister of Fomento, D. Vicente
    Rivera Palacio, in 1877 made several attempts at excavation in the
    Plaza Mayor of Mexico, to recover this important monument, but all
    search remained unfruitful.”

    This stone is supposed to be buried beneath the Place d’Armes at
    Mexico.

Mexican petroglyphs are also discussed and figured by Chavero (_a_).

It would seem from these and other descriptions of and allusions to
petroglyphs in Mexico, that at the time of the Spanish conquest they
were extant in large numbers, though now seldom found. Perhaps the
Spaniards destroyed them in the same spirit which led them to burn up
many of the Mexican pictographs on paper and other substances.

A number of illustrations of the Mexican pictographic writings are given
below under various headings.


SECTION 4.

WEST INDIES.

The valuable paper of A. L. Pinart (_a_), giving a description of the
petroglyphs found by him in the Greater and Lesser Antilles, is received
too late for reproduction of the illustrations. He explored a number
of the groups of the West Indies with varying success, but found that
the island of Puerto Rico was the one which now furnishes the greatest
amount of evidence of development in the pictographic art. His marks
translated with condensation appear below.


PUERTO RICO.

    The first petroglyph to be mentioned is found at la Cueva del
    Islote, on Punta Braba, about 5 leagues east from Arecibo and on the
    north side of the island of Puerto Rico. The grotto is found in an
    immense blackish mass of igneous rock, forming a point projecting
    into the sea, which beats furiously against it; it communicates with
    the sea at the foot, and the water entering this passage, which
    is quite narrow, produces a terrific roaring followed soon after
    by veritable thunder claps. The people of the neighborhood have
    a superstitious fear of it, and it is only with great difficulty
    that anyone can be found to accompany one there. The entrance on
    the land side is toward the east--a yawning crevasse, filled partly
    with rubbish and partly by the stunted vegetation of the coast.
    On penetrating to the interior we find, after following a short
    but wide passage, a pyriform chamber 20 meters in diameter. In the
    ceiling a very narrow crack admits a ray of light which, reflected
    in the water of the sea, filling the bottom of the cave, produces a
    bluish twilight. Notwithstanding this twilight, we are obliged to
    carry torches to distinguish objects. All around us, but especially
    over the point where the sea enters in, are to be seen the
    inscriptions represented here. The incisions are very deep, and the
    edges are generally dulled by the blows of the hammer; in certain
    spots, toward the lower part of the grotto, several inscriptions are
    partially effaced by the action of the sea, but those of the upper
    part are in a remarkable state of preservation. Beneath certain
    principal figures of the groups are little circular basin-like
    depressions cut in the rock with a trench running down toward the
    bottom.

    I will not attempt here to give a formal explanation of these
    inscriptions, but may we not regard the spot in which they are found
    as having served for a rendezvous for the ancient Borrinqueños
    where they performed their sacrifices or the ceremonies of their
    religion? On the other hand, the appearance of these inscriptions
    is very peculiar. One of them might be considered a representation
    of those little figurines and statuettes of stone found in Mexico,
    in Mixteca, and in the country to the south. In another a head
    is curiously decorated with a diadem of feathers, and apparently
    represents one presiding at a feast served in the small circular
    basin set before him. The most noticeable thing in this group of
    inscriptions is the frequency of the grinning faces in a circle,
    often alone, often accompanied by two others placed at the sides,
    which are universally met with in every inscription found in the
    Greater and Lesser Antilles. The same may be said of the human
    figure apparently swaddled in cloths like a very young infant, the
    head and body more or less decorated, which is also very frequently
    found.

    Following these petroglyphs of Islote, we present a list of
    others discovered at Puerto Rico, hastily describing them and giving
    a particular description only of those which are of the greatest
    interest.

    In the above-mentioned grotto of Cueva de los Archillas, near
    the village of Ciales, we observed the curious figures bearing
    traces of a crown and peculiar ear ornaments. In la Cueva de los
    Conejos, some distance from Arecibo, on the road from Utauado, we
    found a figure partly incised and partly painted in a dark red; it
    is very artistically fashioned, and represents the famous “guava,”
    the monster spider of the Greater Antilles, of which the natives
    have a great dread. It is probable that the ancient Borrinqueños
    also considered it with a certain awe, and we find images of the
    same animal in la Cueva del Templo on the coast of Haiti, at Santo
    Domingo. A solitary rock of a reddish color, in a field of the
    hacienda of Don Pedro Pavez at la Carolina, a short distance from
    the Rio Pedras, bears a series of grimacing faces in circles. On a
    granitic rock of large dimensions, superimposed on a heap of rocks
    of the same character, in the midst of a grove of Indian trees
    and at the entrance of the Cano del Indio into Rio la Ceiba, near
    Fajardo, on the east side, are found three swaddled human figures,
    the heads decorated with various ornaments. On a black rock in
    the Rio Arriba, one of the branches of the Rio de la Ceiba, is a
    petroglyph which presents but little that is of interest.

    On the Loma Muñoz, near the Rio Arriba above mentioned, and
    on the summit of the hill, stands a dark rock with smooth face
    protected by another mass of rock, forming a sort of shelter on
    which is an inscription composed of a number of incised grinning
    faces. At the confluence of the Rio Blanco and the Rio de la Ceiba,
    in the district of Fajardo, is a series of violent rapids formed
    by immense rocks of a granitic character, on which are cut a large
    number of other grimacing faces and also some swaddled figures, and
    other incisions which are not of interest.


BAHAMA ISLANDS.

Lady Edith Blake, wife of Sir Henry Arthur Blake, formerly governor
of the Bahama islands, has kindly furnished the following information
and sketches (Figs. 100, 101, and 102), relating to petroglyphs in the
Bahama islands. Lady Blake says:

    The carvings are on the walls of an “Indian hole,” also called
    Hartford cave, in the northern shore of a small island in Rum Cay,
    one of the Bahama group. Rum Cay measures 5 miles from north to
    south and about 8 or 9 from east to west. It lies 20 miles northwest
    of Watlings island, the San Salvador of Columbus.

    The cave is situated on the seashore about a mile and a half
    from the western point of the island to the eastward of a bluff,
    close to which is a “puffing hole,” through which the waves blow
    when the seas roll in from the north. The cave is semicircular in
    shape and about 20 yards in depth, and is partially filled with
    debris of rocks, earth, and sand.

    [Illustration: FIG. 100.--Petroglyphs in the Bahamas.]

    Like all rocks of which the Bahamas are formed, those in
    Hartford cave are a mixture of coral, detritus, and shell, very
    rough and full of cracks and indentations, and in this cave, from
    the constant damp of filtration and spray, the walls were coated
    with a deposit of lime and salt, so that it would be impossible
    to say if the carvings had been colored. If ever they had been,
    any traces of coloring must long have disappeared. Besides the
    markings copied there were others scattered over the walls of the
    cave, most of which were circles apparently resembling human faces.
    Unfortunately, we neglected to measure the carvings, but I should
    judge the circles or faces to be 10 inches or more across, while
    others of the figures must have been a foot and a half in length,
    and the markings must have been nearly half an inch in depth, cut
    into the face of the rock, and seemed to us such as might have been
    made with a sharp stone implement. Although we visited numerous
    caves in the various islands of the Bahamas, in no other did we find
    any appearance of markings or carvings on the walls, nor could we
    hear of any reported to have such markings.

    [Illustration: FIG. 101.--Petroglyphs in the Bahamas.]

    The absence of any traces of carvings in other caves whose
    situation was better adapted for the preservation of markings,
    had such ever existed, and the proof that their contents afforded
    that most of those caves had been known to the Lucayans and used
    by them as burying places or otherwise, and the close proximity of
    Hartford cave to the sea, taken in connection with the great number
    of markings on its walls, led me to think that possibly this cave
    had been the resort of the marauding tribes whom the Lucayans gave
    Columbus to understand were their enemies, and who were in the habit
    of making war upon them; and if so, the Caribs, or whatever tribe
    it may have been, had left these rock markings as mementos of their
    various expeditions and guides to succeeding ones.

[Illustration: FIG. 102.--Petroglyphs in the Bahamas.]

The above-mentioned petroglyphs bear a remarkable similarity to those
in British Guiana figured and described below, and the authorship would
seem to relate to the same group of natives, the Caribs.


GUADELOUPE.

In the Guesde collection of antiquities, described in the Smithsonian
report for 1884, p. 834, Fig. 208, here reproduced as Fig. 103, is an
inscribed slab found in Guadeloupe. It weighs several tons and it is
impossible to remove it. In the vicinity are to be seen many other rocks
bearing inscriptions, but this is the most elaborate of the group.

The inscriptions may be compared with those from Guiana presented in
this work.

[Illustration: FIG. 103.--Petroglyph in Guadeloupe.]


ARUBA.

Pinart (_b_) gives the following account, translated and condensed:

    The island of Aruba forms one of the group of the islands of
    Curaçao, on the north coast of Venezuela. This group consists
    of three principal islands, Curaçao, Buen Ayre, Aruba, and some
    isolated rocks. It belongs to Holland.

    Aruba is the most western island of the group and is situated
    opposite the peninsula of Paraguana, on the mainland. The distance
    between the two is about 10 leagues, and from the island the shores
    of the continent can be seen very distinctly.

    These islands, at the time of the discovery by the Spaniards,
    were inhabited by an Indian race which has left numerous traces
    of its occupancy; pottery, stone objects, petroglyphs, etc., are
    met with in large numbers in Aruba and in a less quantity on Buen
    Ayre and Curaçao. * * * These petroglyphs are quite different in
    character from those which I have recently described in a brief
    study of the Greater and Lesser Antilles, and their appearance
    brings to mind those found in Orinoco, in Venezuela, in the
    peninsula of Paraguana, on the border of the Magdalena river,
    and as far as Chiriqui. They differ from these, however, in
    several respects, and especially in that they are almost always
    multi-colored. The colors usually employed are red, blue, a
    yellowish white, and black. They are, moreover, painted and not cut
    in the rock. They show the same degree of variance as I have already
    noticed in North America--in Sonora, Arizona, and Chihuahua--between
    the petroglyphs which I have designated as Pimos, which are always
    incised, and those in the mountains which I designated as Comanche,
    and which are always painted and in many colors. The petroglyphs
    are, as has already been said, very numerous on the island of Aruba.
    I have personal knowledge of thirty, but, according to my friend
    Père van Kolwsjk, there must be more than fifty. The most important
    groups are as follows:

    (1) _Avikok._ An enormous dark rock forms the summit of a wooded
    knob, and in this rock are two large cavities, one above the other,
    on the walls of which are the petroglyphs represented.

    (2) _Fontein._ On the border of a fresh-water lagoon, a short
    distance from the northeast part of the island, near the sea, is a
    grotto of coralline origin, whose walls are of remarkable whiteness.
    This grotto is composed of a principal passage, quite wide, cut off
    toward the lower end by a row of stalactites and stalagmites, which,
    joining together, form a curious grimacing figure. On the wall to
    the left, as we look toward the bottom of the grotto, are found some
    petroglyphs. They are well preserved, thanks to their situation and
    the shelter from inclement weather, and they show no indication of
    painting, being distinctly traced on the walls.

    (3) _Chiribana._ On some granitic spurs of a hill of the same
    name are found curious petroglyphs.

    (4) At Lero de Wajukan, near Avikok, and at the foot of a hill,
    petroglyphs are found on some blocks of granite. I notice specially
    the human figure which in the original is outlined in red and bears
    on the shoulder a hatchet of the Carib type with a haft.

    (5) At Ayo I discovered petroglyphs with figures in blue and red.

    (6) At Woeboeri inscriptions are found on the wall of an immense
    mass of granite.

    (7) Some petroglyphs on the walls of a grotto at Karasito.




CHAPTER III.

PETROGLYPHS IN CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA.


Some writers have endeavored to draw definite ethnic distinctions
between the pre-Columbian inhabitants of North America and those farther
south. The opinions and theories which have favored such discriminations
have originated in error and ignorance. Until lately there has been but
scanty scientific investigation of the peoples of Central and South
America and but a limited exploration of the regions now or formerly
occupied by them. The latest opinion of the best ethnologists is that
no sufficient reason can be shown for separate racial classification of
the aborigines of the three Americas. The examples of petroglyphs now
presented from Central and South America, all of which are selected as
typical, show remarkable similarity to some of those above illustrated
and described, especially to those in California, New Mexico, and
Arizona. This topic is further discussed under the heading of Special
Comparison, Chapter XX, infra.


SECTION I.

PETROGLYPHS IN CENTRAL AMERICA.


NICARAGUA.

Dr. J. F. Bransford (_a_) gives the following account:

    On a hillside on the southern end of the island of Ometepec,
    Nicaragua, about 1-1/2 miles east of Point San Ramon, are many
    irregular blocks of basalt with marks and figures cut on them. The
    hillside faces east, and is about half a mile from the lake. There
    were similar markings on many of the shore rocks, which, in May,
    were partially covered with water, notwithstanding that that was
    about the driest season. These markings were excavated about half
    an inch in depth and a little more in width. Human faces and spiral
    lines predominated. There was also a crown, a representation of a
    monkey, and many irregular figures.

Several illustrations from these rocks are presented, infra, in Figs.
1102 and 1103, and one is reproduced in this connection as Fig. 104.

[Illustration: FIG. 104.--Petroglyphs in Nicaragua.]


GUATEMALA.

The following extract is taken from the work of Dr. S. Habel (_a_):

    Santa Lucia is a village in the Republic of Guatemala, in the
    Department of Esquintla, near the base of the Volcano del Fuego,
    at the commencement of the inclined plane which extends from the
    mountain range to the coast of the Pacific Ocean. * * *

    The sculptured slabs are in the vicinity of the village. The
    greater number of them form an extended heap, rendering it probable
    that there are others hidden from view that more extended researches
    would reveal. * * * All the sculptures, with the exception of three
    statues, are in low relief, nearly all being in cavo-relievo, that
    is, surrounded by a raised border, the height of which indicates the
    elevation of the relief. The same kind of relief was practiced by
    the ancient Assyrians and Egyptians.

    In seven instances the sculpture represents a person adoring
    a deity of a different theological conception in each case. One
    of these seems to represent the sun, another the moon, while in
    the remaining five it is impossible to define their character. All
    these deities are represented by a human figure, of which only the
    head, arms, and breast are correctly portrayed, proving that the
    religious conceptions had risen to anthropomorphism, while the idols
    of the nations of Central America and Mexico, which have previously
    come to our knowledge, are represented by disfigured human forms or
    grotesque images.

    Four of the other sculptures represent allegorical subjects; two
    of them the myth of the griffin, the bird of the sun.

    The slabs on which the low reliefs are sculptured are of various
    sizes; the greater number of these, like those representing the
    deities, are 12 feet in length, 3 feet in width, and 2 feet in
    thickness. Nine feet of the upper part of these stones are occupied
    by the sculptures, while the lower 3 feet appear to have served as a
    base.

Several illustrations of these rock sculptures are presented, infra, as
Figs. 1235 and 1236. It is evident that these very large slabs received
their markings when they were in the locality in which they are now
found so can be classed geographically.


SECTION 2.

SOUTH AMERICA.

Alexander von Humboldt (_a_) gives general remarks, now condensed, upon
petroglyphs in South America:

    In the interior of South America, between the second and fourth
    degrees of north latitude, a forest-covered plain is inclosed by
    four rivers, the Orinoco, the Atabapo, the Rio Negro, and the
    Cassiquiare. In this district are found rocks of granite and of
    syenite, covered with colossal symbolical figures of crocodiles and
    tigers, and drawings of household utensils, and of the sun and moon.
    The tribes nearest to its boundaries are wandering naked savages,
    in the lowest stages of human existence, and far removed from any
    thoughts of carving hieroglyphics on rocks. One may trace in South
    America an entire zone, extending through more than 8° of longitude,
    of rocks so ornamented, viz, from the Rupuniri, Essequibo, and the
    mountains of Pacaraima, to the banks of the Orinoco and of the
    Yupura. These carvings may belong to very different epochs, for
    Sir Robert Schomburgk even found on the Rio Negro representations
    of a Spanish galiot, which must have been of a later date than the
    beginning of the sixteenth century; and this in a wilderness where
    the natives were probably as rude then as at the present time. Some
    miles from Encaramada there rises in the middle of the savannah
    the rock Tepu-Mereme, or painted rock. It shows several figures of
    animals and symbolical outlines which resemble much those observed
    by us at some distance above Encaramada, near Caycara. Rocks thus
    marked are found between the Cassiquiare and the Atabapo and, what
    is particularly remarkable, 560 geographical miles farther to the
    east, in the solitudes of Parime. Nicholas Hortsmann found on the
    banks of the Rupunuri, at the spot where the river winding between
    the Macarana mountains forms several small cascades, and before
    arriving at the district immediately surrounding lake Amucu, “rocks
    covered with figures,” or, as he says in Portuguese, “de varias
    letras.” We were shown at the rock of Culimacari, on the banks of
    the Cassiquiare, signs which were called characters, arranged in
    lines, but they were only ill-shaped figures of heavenly bodies,
    boa-serpents, and the utensils employed in preparing manioc meal. I
    have never found among these painted rocks (piedras pintadas) any
    symmetrical arrangement or any regular even-spaced characters. I am
    therefore disposed to think that the word “letras,” in Hortsmann’s
    journal, must not be taken in the strictest sense.

    Schomburgk saw and described other petroglyphs on the banks of
    the Essequibo, near the cascade of Warraputa. Neither promises nor
    threats could prevail on the Indians to give a single blow with
    a hammer to these rocks, the venerable monuments of the superior
    mental cultivation of their predecessors. They regard them as the
    work of the Great Spirit, and the different tribes whom we met with,
    though living at a great distance, were nevertheless acquainted with
    them. Terror was painted on the faces of my Indian companions, who
    appeared to expect every moment that the fire of heaven would fall
    on my head. I saw clearly that my endeavors to detach a portion of
    the rock would be fruitless, and I contented myself with bringing
    away a complete drawing of these memorials. Even the veneration
    everywhere testified by the Indians of the present day for these
    rude sculptures of their predecessors show that they have no idea of
    the execution of similar works. There is another circumstance which
    should be mentioned. Between Encaramada and Caycara, on the banks of
    the Orinoco, a number of these hieroglyphical figures are sculptured
    on the face of precipices at a height which could now be reached
    only by means of extraordinarily high scaffolding. If one asks the
    natives how these figures have been cut, they answer, laughing, as
    if it were a fact of which none but a white man could be ignorant,
    that “in the days of the great waters their fathers went in canoes
    at that height.”


UNITED STATES OF COLOMBIA.

Mr. W. H. Holmes (_b_), of the Bureau of Ethnology, gives this account
of petroglyphs in the province of Chiriqui, state of Panama:

    _Pictured rocks._--Our accounts of these objects are very
    meager. The only one definitely described is the “piedra pintal.” A
    few of the figures engraved upon it are given by Seemann, from whom
    the following paragraph is quoted:

    “At Caldera, a few leagues (north) from the town of David, lies
    a granite block known to the country people as the piedra pintal or
    painted stone. It is 15 feet high, nearly 50 feet in circumference,
    and flat on the top. Every part, especially the eastern side, is
    covered with figures. One represents a radiant sun; it is followed
    by a series of heads, all with some variations, scorpions, and
    fantastic figures. The top and the other side have signs of a
    circular and oval form, crossed by lines. The sculpture is ascribed
    to the Dorachos (or Dorasques), but to what purpose the stone was
    applied no historical account or tradition reveals.”

    These inscriptions are irregularly placed and much scattered.
    They are thought to have been originally nearly an inch deep, but in
    places are almost effaced by weathering, thus giving a suggestion of
    great antiquity. Tracings of these figures made recently by Mr. A.
    L. Pinart show decided differences in detail, and Mr. McNiel gives
    still another transcription.

In Fig. 105 Mr. McNiel’s sketch of the southwest face of the rock is
presented.

[Illustration: FIG. 105.--Petroglyphs in Colombia.]

Other illustrations from Colombia appear as Figs. 151 and 1166, infra.


GUIANA.

The name of Guiana has been applied to the territory between the rivers
Amazon, Orinoco, Negro, and Cassiquiare. It was once divided into the
French, British, Dutch, Portuguese, and Spanish Guianas. The Portuguese
Guiana now belongs to Brazil and Spanish Guiana is part of Venezuela.
Many petroglyphs have been found in the several Guianas. They appear
throughout the whole of the part belonging to Venezuela, but they are
more thickly grouped in parts of the valley of the Orinoco.

The subject is well discussed in the following extract from Among the
Indians of Guiana, by im Thurn (_a_):

    The pictured rocks of Guiana are not all of one kind. In all
    cases various figures are rudely depicted on larger or smaller
    surfaces of rocks. Sometimes these figures are painted, though such
    cases are few and of but little moment; more generally they are
    graven on the rock, and these alone are of great importance. Rock
    sculptures may, again, be distinguished into two kinds, differing
    in the depth of incision, the apparent mode of execution, and, most
    important of all, the character of the figures represented.

    Painted rocks in British Guiana are mentioned by Mr. C.
    Barrington Brown. He says that in coming down past Amailah fall,
    on the Cooriebrong river, he passed “a large white sandstone rock
    ornamented with figures in red paint.” * * * Mr. Wallace, in his
    account of his Travels on the Amazons, mentions the occurrence of
    similar drawings in more than one place near the Amazons. * * *

    The engraved rocks must be of some antiquity; that is to
    say, they must certainly date from a time before the influence
    of Europeans was much felt in Guiana. As has already been said,
    the engravings are of two kinds and are probably the work of two
    different people; nor is there even any reason to suppose that the
    two kinds were produced at one and the same time.

    These two kinds of engravings may, for the sake of convenience,
    be distinguished as “deep” and “shallow,” respectively, according
    as the figures are deeply cut into the rock or are merely scratched
    on the surface. The former vary from one-eighth to one-half of an
    inch, or even more, in depth; the latter are of quite inconsiderable
    depth. This difference probably corresponds with a difference in the
    means by which they were produced. The deep engravings seem cut into
    the rock with an edged tool, probably of stone; the shallow figures
    were apparently formed by long continued friction with stones and
    moist sand. The two kinds seem never to occur in the same place or
    even near to each other; in fact, a distinct line may almost be
    drawn between the districts in which the deep and shallow kinds
    occur, respectively; the deep form occurs at several spots on the
    Mazeruni, Essequibo, Ireng, Cotinga, Potaro, and Berbice rivers. The
    shallow form has as yet only been reported from the Corentyn river
    and its tributaries, where, however, examples occur in considerable
    abundance. But the two kinds differ not only in the depth of
    incision, in the apparent mode of their production, and in the place
    of their occurrence, but also--and this is the chief difference
    between the two--in the figures represented.

Fig. 106 is a typical example of the shallow carvings.

[Illustration: FIG. 106.--Shallow carvings in Guiana.]

Fig. 1104, infra, is a similar example of the deep carvings.

    The shallow engravings seem always to occur on comparatively
    large and more or less smooth surfaces of rock, and rarely, if
    ever, as the deep figures, on detached blocks of rock, piled
    one on the other. The shallow figures, too, are generally much
    larger, always combinations of straight or curved lines in figures
    much more elaborate than those in the deep engravings; and these
    shallow pictures always represent not animals, but greater or less
    variations of the figure which has been described. Lastly, though I
    am not certain that much significance can be attributed to this, all
    the examples that I have seen face more or less accurately eastward.

    The deep engravings, on the other hand, consist not of a single
    figure but of a greater or less number of rude drawings. * * * These
    depict the human form, monkeys, snakes, and other animals, and also
    very simple combinations of two or three straight or curved lines
    in a pattern, and occasionally more elaborate combinations. The
    individual figures are small, averaging from 12 to 18 inches in
    height, but a considerable number are generally represented in a
    group.

    Some of the best examples of this latter kind are at Warrapoota
    cataracts, about six days’ journey up the Essequibo.

    * * * The commonest figures at Warrapoota are figures of men
    or perhaps sometimes monkeys. These are very simple and generally
    consist of one straight line, representing the trunk, crossed by
    two straight lines at right angles to the body line; one about
    two-thirds of the distance from the top, represents the two arms as
    far as the elbows, where upward lines represent the lower part of
    the arms; the other, which is at the lower end, represent the two
    legs as far as the knees, from which point downward lines represent
    the lower part of the legs. A round dot, or a small circle, at the
    top of the trunk line, forms the head; and there are a few radiating
    lines where the fingers, a few more where the toes, should be.
    Occasionally the trunk line is produced downwards as if to represent
    a long tail. Perhaps the tailless figures represent men, the
    tailed monkeys. In a few cases the trunk, instead of being indicated
    by one straight line, is formed by two curved lines, representing
    the rounded outlines of the body; and the body thus formed is
    bisected by a row of dots, almost invariably nine in number, which
    seem to represent vertebræ.

    Most of the other figures at Warrapoota are very simple
    combinations of two, three, or four straight lines similar to the
    so-called “Greek meander pattern,” which is of such widespread
    occurrence. Combinations of curved and simple spiral lines also
    frequently occur. Many of these combinations closely resemble the
    figures which the Indians of the present day paint on their faces
    and naked bodies.

The same author (pp. 368, 369) gives the following account of the
superstitious reverence entertained for the petroglyphs by the living
Indians of Guiana:

    Every time a sculptured rock or striking mountain or stone is
    seen, Indians avert the ill will of the spirits of such places by
    rubbing red peppers (_Capsicum_) each in his or her own eyes. * *
    * Though the old practitioners inflict this self-torture with the
    utmost stoicism, I have again and again seen that otherwise rare
    sight of Indians children, and even young men, sobbing under the
    infliction. Yet the ceremony was never omitted. Sometimes, when by
    a rare chance no member of the party had had the forethought to
    provide peppers, lime juice was used as a substitute; and once, when
    neither peppers nor limes were at hand, a piece of blue indigo-dyed
    cloth was carefully soaked, and the dye was then rubbed into the
    eyes.

The same author (_b_) adds:

    It may be as well briefly to sum up the few facts that can be
    said, with any probability, of these rock pictures in Guiana. The
    engravings are of two kinds, which may or may not have had different
    authors and different intention. They were still produced after the
    first arrival of Europeans, as is shown by the sculptured ship. They
    were, therefore, probably made by the ancestors of the Indians now
    in the country; for, from the writings of Raleigh and other early
    explorers, as well as from the statements of early colonists, it is
    to be gathered that the present tribes were already in Guiana at
    the time of the first arrival of Europeans, though not perhaps in
    the same relative positions as at present. The art of stone-working
    being destroyed by the arrival of Europeans, the practice of
    rock-engraving ceased. Possibly the customary figures were for a
    time painted instead of engraved; but this degenerated habit was
    also soon relinquished. As to the intention of the figures, that
    they had some seems certain, but what kind this was is not clear.
    Finally, these figures really seem to indicate some very slight
    connection with Mexican civilization.

The following extract from a paper on the Indian picture-writing in
British Guiana, by Mr. Charles B. Brown (_a_), gives views and details
somewhat different from the foregoing:

    These writings or markings are visible at a greater or less
    distance in proportion to the depth of the furrows. In some
    instances they are distinctly visible upon the rocks on the banks
    of the river at a distance of 100 yards; in others they are so
    faint that they can only be seen in certain lights by reflected
    rays from their polished surfaces. They occur upon greenstone,
    granite, quartz-porphyry, gneiss, and jasperous sandstone, both in
    a vertical and horizontal position, at various elevations above
    the water. Sometimes they can only be seen during the dry season
    when the rivers are low, as in several instances on the Berbice
    and Cassikytyn rivers. In one instance, on the Corentyn river,
    the markings on the rock are so much above the level of the river
    when at its greatest height, that they could only have been made
    by erecting a staging against the face of the rock, unless the
    river was at the time much above its usual level. The widths of the
    furrows vary from half an inch to 1 inch, while the depth never
    exceeds one-fourth of an inch. * * * The furrows present the same
    weather-stained aspect as the rocks upon which they are cut. * * *

    The Indians of Guiana know nothing about the picture-writing by
    tradition. They scout the idea of their having been made by the hand
    of man, and ascribe them to the handiwork of the Makunaima, their
    great spirit. * * *

    As these figures were evidently cut with great care and at much
    labor by a former race of men, I conclude that they were made for
    some great purpose, probably a religious one, as some of the figures
    give indications of phallic worship.


VENEZUELA.

Prof. R. Hartmann (_a_) presented a pencil drawing of a South American
rock, covered with sculptures, sketched by Mr. Anton Goering, a painter
in Leipzig, which is here reproduced as Fig. 107. The rock is situated
not far from San Esteban, a village in the vicinity of Puerto Cabello,
in Venezuela. C. F. Appun, in Unter den Tropen, I, p. 82, remarks as
follows in reference to this “Piedra de los Indios” (Indians’ stone), a
large granite block lying by the side of the road:

[Illustration: FIG. 107.--Sculptured rock in Venezuela.]

    These drawings, cut in the stone to a depth of half an inch,
    mostly represent snakes and other animal forms, human heads and
    spiral lines, and differ from those which I afterward saw in Guiana,
    on the Essequibo and Rupununi, in characters and forms, but
    their execution, like that of the latter, is rude. Though greatly
    weathered by the influence of rain and the atmosphere, the figures
    can still be perfectly distinguished and gigantic patience, such as
    none but Indians possess, was surely needed to carve them in the
    hard granite mass by means of a stone.

Dr. G. Marcano (_a_) gives an account translated as follows, which is
connected with Fig. 108:

[Illustration: FIG. 108.--Rock near Caïcara, Venezuela.]

    A tradition, the legend of the rock of Tepumereme, has been
    preserved by Father Gili. Some old writers, adhering to the Tamanak
    acceptation of the word, say indifferently tepumeremes or rocas
    pintadas (painted rocks). Usage has converted Tepumereme into a
    proper noun. At the present day it is applied exclusively to the
    rock situated some leagues from Encaramada, in the midst of the
    savanna, this rock having been the Mount Ararat of the Tamanaks.

    Supposing that it is authentic, this legend, which we will
    relate further on [see page 33, supra], yields no information that
    might aid us in interpreting hieroglyphs, and so we are reduced to
    describing its principal characters.

    Not all our pictographs correspond to the region of the Raudals,
    but in our ignorance of the peoples who carved them we see no harm
    in bringing them together so long as they all come from the banks
    of the Orinoco, and so long as the localities where they exist are
    indicated. The copies which we give of them have been very carefully
    made and reduced to one-tenth.

    The first thing that strikes one on looking at them is that,
    despite differences in detail, the design presents a general common
    character. In fact, there is question not of figures with undecided
    forms, but with sure lines perfectly traced and combined in one and
    the same style. They are geometric designs rather than objective
    representations. The illustration [Fig. 108] came from a rock in
    the vicinity of Caïcara, a town situated on the right bank of the
    Orinoco, close to its last great bend. It represents three jaguars,
    one large and two small, the former being separated from the latter
    by an ornamented sun placed at the level of their feet. The spotting
    of their hides is rendered by means of angular lines arranged in so
    regular a manner that one might take them to be tigers did he not
    know that these felines never existed in these regions. The jaguars
    differ in insignificant details which, however, must have a purpose,
    in view of the general regularity. The largest shows six radiating
    lines on the muzzle and a circle in one of the ears. The second
    shows two hooks on the lower part of the body. The third is preceded
    by an isolated head, which is unfinished, without ears, inclined
    differently from the others. Some differences are also noted in the
    limbs.

    Placed in the attitude of marching, these animals seem to
    descend from a height and to follow the same direction. Perhaps
    there is question here of a mnemonic whole, and, we might add, of a
    totem, if we knew that that system had been employed by the Indians
    of the region.

The same author (p. 205) gives a description of the petroglyphs of the
rapids of Chicagua, here presented as Fig. 109.

[Illustration: FIG. 109.--Petroglyphs of Chicagua rapids, Venezuela.]

    This interesting collection includes the most varied ideographs.

    Alongside of representations analogous to the preceding there
    appear new characters and partial groupings which we had not
    yet found. On running over them one passes successively from
    simple points to figures made up of tangled lines, to objective
    representations, and even to letters of the alphabet, a resemblance
    which, of course, is fortuitous.

    The first group begins by three points similar to those in Fig.
    19 [of Marcano, occurring in Fig. 1105 in this paper], followed by
    two circles with central dots, and terminates below in a plexus of
    broken lines. The second group, placed at the right, is composed of
    regular figures of great variety. Among them we note the two lowest,
    one of which resembles a K and the other a reversed A. A spiral, two
    circles, one of which has two appendices, and a figure in broken
    lines make up the third group. Below is seen a coiled serpent. Its
    head is characteristic; it is found in other pre-Columbian carvings
    of the Orinoco. As regards design e, we will merely call attention
    to the sign analogous to the E of our alphabet. It is found at times
    in the United States of America. [For this remark the author refers
    to the ideograph for pain, in Figs. 824 and 872, infra.]

    Design _f_ is an animal difficult to characterize; its head and
    tail may be guessed at. The body is covered with ornaments and the
    legs, very incomplete, are in the attitude of running. Design _g_
    represents probably a tree with an appendix of undulating lines;
    design _h_, a head surmounted by a complicated headgear. This is
    the first distinctly human representation that we have found in
    the country. The strange combinations of designs _j_, _k_, and _l_
    exhibit the dots at the end of the lines which we have already
    spoken of. Design _m_ resembles an M; design _n_ shows a circle with
    plane face.

    Thus we see that the statements of some travelers concerning
    mysterious hieroglyphic combinations are far from being realized.
    As regards the exaggerations of Humboldt, they arise from the fact
    that he did not content himself with describing what he had seen.
    This is illustrated by the following sentence: “There is even seen
    on a grassy plain near Uruana an isolated granite rock on which,
    according to the account of _trustworthy people_, there are seen
    at a height of 80 feet deeply carved images which appear arranged
    in rows and represent the sun, the moon, and different species of
    animals, especially crocodiles and boas.” Elsewhere he speaks of
    kitchen and household utensils and of a number of objects which he
    can only have seen with the eyes of his imagination.

Other illustrations of pictographs in Venezuela are presented as Figs.
152, 153, 1105 and 1106, infra.


BRAZIL.

Remarks of general applicability to this region are made by Mr. J.
Whitfield (_a_), an abstract of which follows:

    The rock inscriptions were visited in August, 1865. Several
    similar inscriptions are said to exist in the interior of the
    province of Ceará, as well as in the provinces of Pernambuco and
    Piauhy, especially in the Sertaōs, that is, in the thinly-wooded
    parts of the interior, but no mention is ever made of their having
    been seen near the coast.

    In the margin and bed only of the river are the rocks inscribed.
    On the margin they extend in some instances to 15 or 20 yards.
    Except in the rainy season the stream is dry. The rock is a
    silicious schist of excessively hard and flinty texture. The marks
    have the appearance of having been made with a blunt, heavy tool,
    such as might be made with an almost worn-out mason’s hammer. The
    situation is about midway between Serra Grande or Ibiapaba and
    Serra Merioca, about 70 miles from the coast and 40 west of the
    town Sobral. The native population attribute all the “Letreiros”
    (inscriptions), as they do everything else of which they have no
    information, to the Dutch, as records of hidden wealth. The Dutch,
    however, only occupied the country for a few years in the early part
    of the seventeenth century. Along the coast numerous forts, the
    works of the Dutch, still remain; but there are no authentic records
    of their ever having established themselves in the interior of the
    country, and less probability still of their amusing themselves
    with inscribing puzzling hieroglyphics, which must have been a work
    of time, on the rocks of the far interior, for the admiration of
    wandering Indians.

Mr. Franz Keller (_a_) narrates as follows regarding Fig. 110:

[Illustration: FIG. 110.--Petroglyphs on the Cachoeira do Ribeirão,
Brazil.]

    I found a “written rock” covered with spiral lines and
    concentric rings, evenly carved in the black gneiss-like material,
    and similar to those of the Caldeirão. Looking about for more, I
    discovered a perfect inscription, whose straight orderly lines can
    hardly be thought the result of lazy Indians’ “hours of idleness.”
    These characters were incised on a very hard smooth block 3 feet
    4 inches in length, and 3-1/4 feet in height and breadth. It lay
    at an angle of 45°, only 8 feet above low water, and close to the
    water’s edge of the second smaller rapid, the Cachoeira do Ribeirão.
    The transverse section of the characters is not very deep, and
    their surface is as worn as that of the inscription farther down.
    In some places they are almost effaced by time and are to be seen
    distinctly only with a favorable light. A dark brown coat of glaze,
    found everywhere on the surface of the stones, laved at times by
    the water, covers the block so uniformly well on the concave glyphs
    as on the parts untouched by instrument, that many ages must have
    elapsed since some patient Indian spent long hours in cutting them
    out with his quartz chisel. As the lines of the inscription run
    almost perfectly horizontally, and as the figures near the Caldeirão
    and the Cachoeira and the Cachoeira das Lages are so little above
    low-water mark, the present position of the block seems to have been
    the original one. * * * On the rocky shores of the Araguaya, that
    huge tributary of the Tocantino, there are similar rude outlines of
    animals near a rapid called Martirios, from the first Portuguese
    explorers fancying they recognized the instruments of the Passion
    in the clumsy representation.

Dr. Ladisláu Netto (_a_) gives the illustration, reproduced as Fig.
111, of an inscription discovered by Domingos S. Ferreira Penna on the
rock called Itamaraca, on the Rio Xingu. Dr. Netto’s description is
translated as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 111.--The rock Itamaraca, Brazil.]

    This whole inscription seems to represent one idea, figuring
    a collection of villages of vast proportions, inclosed by
    fortifications on two sides, at which it seems most accessible.
    On these same sides this collection of villages has external
    constructions or means of security, a kind of meanders or symbolic
    figures, which perhaps signify difficulties besetting the
    communication of the inhabitants with the surrounding fields.

    In the lower part of the left-hand side there is a group of
    figures which seem to represent residences of chiefs, war houses, or
    redoubts, built near the principal entrance to the villages or to
    the city for its defense. There are found three figures of saurians,
    one with a large tail, on the side of the redoubts or fortified
    houses, as if representing the population, and two with small tails,
    which seem strange, and which walk toward the first.

    This inscription is evidently the most perfect and the most
    notable of those found till now in all America [?], not only by its
    perfect condition and dimensions, but also by the mode in which a
    series of ideas has here been brought together.

The same author, on p. 552, furnishes copies of inscriptions carved on
stones in the valley of the Rio Negro, and remarks: “In this series
there are notable the two crowned personages [represented here in Fig.
112], one of whom holds a staff in the right hand, and below and under
them there are two figures of capibars (sea-hogs) facing each other,
and whose representation in black color resembles some figures from the
inscriptions of North America.”

[Illustration: FIG. 112.--Petroglyphs on the Rio Negro, Brazil.]

The following account is in Dr. E. R. Heath’s (_a_) Exploration of the
River Beni:

    Hieroglyphics were found on rocks at the falls and rapids of the
    rivers Madeira and Mamoré. * * * By accident we found some at the
    rapids at the foot of Caldierão do Inferno. Designs _d_ and _b_ are
    figures on the same rock side by side. _a_ is another face of the
    same rock 10 feet across. _e_ and _f_ are on the upper surface of
    a rock, and _c_ on one of its sides near the bottom; _g_ is upon a
    rock 15 feet above the surface of the river. Many more were on the
    other rocks, but our time did not permit further copying. Mr. T. M.
    Fetterman, my companion, and myself sketched as fast as possible.

Fig. 113 is a reproduction of the illustration given.

[Illustration: FIG. 113.--Petroglyphs at the Caldierão do Inferno,
Brazil.]

    The moment we arrived at the falls of Girão we searched for
    stone carvings, finding a few, and several repetitions of circles
    similar to those already found. Designs _a_ and _d_ are on the
    west and east side of the same rock, which is 9 feet in length.
    The figure is 21 inches high, the five circles 1 foot across. The
    east side was almost obliterated. Designs _b_ and _c_ are on loose
    stones; _b_, facing west, is 16 inches long; the rock is 50 inches
    long and 35 wide; _c_ is 22 inches long; the rock 70 inches long by
    27 inches broad, and was 30 feet above the river at date. The rocks
    are basaltic, dipping north at an angle of 86°. Many small stones,
    1 and 2 feet in diameter, lie about, with marks on them nearly
    defaced.

Fig. 114 is a reproduction of the illustration.

[Illustration: FIG. 114.--Petroglyphs at the falls of Girão, Brazil.]

    At Pederneira all the rocks on the right side at the foot of
    the rapids are literally covered with figures. Fig. 115 _a_ is on a
    large bowlder facing the south; _b_ has joined to its right side,
    _c_; _d_, _e_, and _f_ are on the same stone. Most of these rocks
    are only a few feet above low water and are covered at least eight
    months each year.

    [Illustration: FIG. 115.--Petroglyphs at Pederneira, Brazil.]

    At Araras rapids the river is very wide, [containing] two
    islands and a rocky ledge crossing the river from the rapid. Nearly
    all the rocks on the right bank are covered with figures.

These are reproduced in Fig. 116.

[Illustration: FIG. 116.--Petroglyphs at Araras rapids, Brazil.]

    Having no small canoe we could not pass a small channel so as
    to gather copies of the figures we could see at a distance. The
    approaches both above and below the rapids and falls are many times
    as difficult to pass as the rapid or fall itself, giving rise to the
    division into “head,” “body,” and “tail.” Some not only have these
    divisions, but also have these subdivided into “head, body, and
    tail.” One is constantly hearing “el rabo,” “el rabo del rabo,” “el
    rabo del cuerpo,” or “cabeza,” and so on.

    Ribeiráo.--The tail of the rapid is 3 miles in length, a
    continuous broken current and fields of rocks. It is here, on a rock
    but a foot or two above the river, that the hieroglyphic shown in
    F. Keller’s “Amazon and Madeira” is found. As both Mr. Fetterman
    and myself made copies of it, unknown to the other till finished,
    our copies may be relied on, although differing from Keller’s. The
    length of the upper part is 45 inches and of the lower 36 inches,
    with 13 inches depth of each.

The copy mentioned is given here as Fig. 117.

[Illustration: FIG. 117.--Petroglyphs at Ribeiráo, Brazil.]

[Illustration: FIG. 118.--Character at Madeira rapid, Brazil.]

    The character of the lower right-hand corner was at one time as
    clearly cut as we represent it, some of the edges being yet clear
    and distinct.

    At the rapid of Madeira there were a number of circles similar
    to 15 and 16 at Ribeiráo. On a ridge of rocks in the middle of the
    river, just above Larges rapids, are figures, and we had only time
    to sketch one, Fig. 118.

    At Pao Grande we had a better harvest, showing evidently a later
    period than the former. One could easily believe these were made at
    the time of the Spanish conquest, the anchors, shields, and hearts
    being so often found in Spanish religious rites. Without doubt these
    were notices for navigators, as they were only out of water and seen
    when that passage was dangerous. Where projecting points of rock
    gave a face both up and down stream the same figure was on both
    faces. These rocks are syenitic granite and are cut to a depth of a
    half inch.

Fig. 119 is a reproduction of the copy published.

[Illustration: FIG. 119.--Petroglyphs at Pao Grande, Brazil.]

Senhor Tristão de Alencar Araripe (_a_) gives a large number
of descriptions with illustrations, a selection of which, with
translations, is as follows:

    In the province of Ceará district of Inhamun, on the plantation
    of Carrapateira, is a small hill (or mound). On the face of one of
    its rocks, on the eastern side, near the edge of the road, is the
    inscription given in Fig. 120 painted in red.

    [Illustration: FIG. 120.--Petroglyph in Ceará, Brazil.]

    In the district of Inhamun, on the plantation of Carrapateira,
    in Morcego, on the top of a mound, is a semicircular stone bearing
    on the face toward the mound the four characters which appear in
    Fig. 121.

    [Illustration: FIG. 121.--Petroglyph in Morcego, Brazil.]

    In Inhamun, on the plantation of Carrapateira, in Morcego, is a
    large stone mound, the stones being piled up in a form of a tower;
    and in the inside of this tower, on the south or southwest side, are
    the characters given in Fig. 122 painted in bright, cochineal color.

    [Illustration: FIG. 122.--Petroglyphs in Morcego, Brazil.]

    Near the road from Cracará to Favelas, Inhamun, is a large
    rock, on the face of which, at the top of the western side, is the
    inscription [given on the upper part of Fig. 123,] all in red paint,
    as is also that following.

    [Illustration: FIG. 123.--Petroglyphs in Inhamun, Brazil.]

    The under part of this rock forms a shelter, and on the roof of
    this shelter are all the remaining characters of the figure.

    To the right or south of the shelter containing the inscription
    is a stone, with the form of the figure represented in the third
    place in the lower row of characters, counting from left to right,
    on a small heap, with the rear end raised up and the sharp point
    toward the east, its side inclining toward the west, in such a way
    that it can be climbed to the end which is erect.

    On the same side, at the south, but beyond this, on the top of
    a rise, is a mound in sight, which is represented by the figure
    [delineated in the lower part of Fig. 123 at the extreme right,]
    resembling an inclosure (corral) with the 21 small lines before it.

Fig. 124 is a copy of an inscription at Pedra Lavrada, Province of
Parahiba, published loc. cit., but the description by Senhor de Alencar
Araripe is very meager, amounting in substance to the following:

    This is an inscription of vast proportions on a large rock in
    the town of Pedra Lavrada, which takes its name from that of the
    rock.

[Illustration: FIG. 124.--Petroglyphs at Pedra Lavrada, Brazil.]

Other petroglyphs in Brazil are copied in Figs. 1107, 1108, 1109, 1110,
1111, 1113, 1114, and also under the heading of Cup Sculptures, Chapter
V, infra.


ARGENTINE REPUBLIC.

F. P. Moreno (_a_), Museo de La Plata, Catamarca, gives an illustration
of an inscribed rock at Bajo de Canota, Mendoza, reproduced as Fig. 125.

[Illustration: FIG. 125.--Inscribed rock at Bajo de Canota, Argentine
Republic.]


PERU.

The following account is furnished by Messrs. de Rivero and Von Tschudi
(_a_):

    Eight leagues north of Arequipa there exist a multitude of
    engravings on granite which represent figures of animals, flowers,
    and fortifications, and which doubtless tell the story of events
    anterior to the dynasty of the Incas.

The illustration presented is copied here as Fig. 126.

[Illustration: FIG. 126.--Petroglyphs near Arequipa, Peru.]

The account is continued as follows:

    In the province of Castro-Vireyna, in the town of Huaytara,
    there is found in the ruins of a large edifice, of similar
    construction to the celebrated palace of old Huanuco, a mass of
    granite many square yards in size, with coarse engravings like
    those last mentioned near Arequipa. None of the most trustworthy
    historians allude to these inscriptions or representations, or
    give the smallest direct information concerning the Peruvian
    hieroglyphics, from which it may possibly be inferred that in the
    times of the Incas there was no knowledge of the art of writing
    in characters and that all of these sculptures are the remains
    of a very remote period. * * * In many parts of Peru, chiefly
    in situations greatly elevated above the sea are vestiges of
    inscriptions very much obliterated by time.

The illustration is copied here as Fig. 127.

[Illustration: FIG. 127.--Petroglyph in Huaytara, Peru.]

Charles Wiener (_a_), in Pérou et Bolivie, gives another statement, viz:

    The archeologists of Peru have only found a single
    point--Tiahuanaco--where there were a limited number, though very
    interesting, of signs on rocks or stones which seemed to all
    observers to be symbolic. While there are a few petroglyphs found in
    Peru there are a large number of inscriptions properly so called on
    the tissues which cover or are found in connection with remains in
    the graves.

A number of pictographs from Peru are described and illustrated infra
(see Figs. 688, 720, and 1167).


CHILE.

Prof. Edwyn C. Reed, of Valparaiso, Chile, presented through A. P.
Niblack, ensign U. S. Navy, a photograph of a large bowlder bearing
numerous sculpturings. No information pertaining to the locality at
which the rock is situated or details respecting the characters upon it
were furnished. The photograph is reproduced in Fig. 128.

[Illustration: FIG. 128.--Sculptured bowlder in Chile.]

Mr. R. A. Philippi, of Santiago, a corresponding member, made a
communication to the Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, session
of January 19, 1876, page 38, from which the following is extracted and
translated:

    I made a visit to the valley “Cajon de los Cipreses” in order to
    see the glacier giving rise to the Rio de los Cipreses, a tributary
    of the Cachapoal, and on that occasion had a cursory view of a rock
    with some pictures. I send you herewith a drawing of the rock and
    some of the figures cut on it. The rock, a kind of greenstone, lies
    at an altitude of about 5,000 feet above sea level, and the surface
    covered with figures, gently inclined down to the ground, may be
    8 feet long and 5 or 6 feet high. The lines are about 4 mm. broad
    and 1 to 1/2 mm. deep. The carved figures on the stone are without
    any sort of order. When I spoke before a meeting of our faculty
    of physical and mathematical sciences concerning this stone which
    the shepherds of the region called piedra marcada, I learned that
    similar stones with carved figures are found in various places.

The figure mentioned is here reproduced as Fig. 129.

[Illustration: FIG. 129.--Petroglyph in Cajon de los Cipreses, Chile.]




CHAPTER IV.

EXTRA-LIMITAL PETROGLYPHS.


The term “extra-limital,” familiar to naturalists, refers in its present
connection to the sculptures, paintings, and drawings on rocks beyond
the continents of North and South America, which are now introduced for
comparison and as evidence of the occurrence throughout the world of
similar forms in the department of work now under examination.


SECTION 1.

AUSTRALIA.

Mr. Edward G. Porter (_a_), in “The Aborigines of Australia,” says:
“Their rock carvings are only outline sketches of men, fish, animals,
etc., sometimes seen on the top of large flat rocks. Two localities are
mentioned, one on Sydney common and another on a rock between Brisbane
water and Hawkesbury river.”

Much more detailed information is given by Thomas Worsnop, viz:

    At Chasm island, which lies 1-1/2 miles from “Groote Eylandt,”
    in the steep sides of the chasms, were deep holes or caverns
    undermining the cliffs, upon the walls of which are found rude
    drawings, made with charcoal and something like red paint, upon the
    white ground of the rock. These drawings represented porpoises,
    turtle, kangaroos, and a human hand, and Mr. Westall found the
    representations of a kangaroo with a file of thirty-two persons
    following after it.

    In the MacDonnell ranges, 6 miles from Alice springs, in a large
    cave, there were paintings made by the aborigines, well defined
    parallel lines, intersected with footprints of the emu, kangaroo
    rat, and birds, with the outlines of iguana, hands of men, well
    sketched and almost perfect.

    The parallel lines were of deep red and yellow colors, with
    brown and white borders; the footprints of light red, light
    yellow, and black; the outlines of the animals and hands were of
    red, yellow, white, black, wonderfully (considering it was done
    by savages) displayed and blended. All the paintings were in good
    preservation and evidently touched up occasionally, as they looked
    quite fresh.

    I can only conjecture that these paintings were left as a
    record, a life-long charm, against the total destruction of the
    above animals. The paintings were seen by Mr. S. Gason, of Beltana,
    in the year 1873.

    Very interesting groups of native drawings are to be seen in the
    caves of the Emily gorge in the MacDonnell ranges. Many of these
    drawings represent life-size objects.

The same author, page 20, describes the petroglyph copied in Fig. 130 as
follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 130.--Petroglyph on Finke river, Australia.]

    Mr. Arthur John Giles in the year 1873 discovered, at the
    junction of Sullivan’s creek with the Finke river, carvings on
    rocks. The sketch represents a smooth-faced rock, portion of a rock
    cliff about 45 feet high, composed of hard metamorphic slate. The
    lower portion of the sculptured face has been worn and broken away,
    forming a sort of cave. From the level of the creek to the lower
    edge of the sculptured rock is about 15 feet. The perpendicular
    lines are cut out, forming semicircular grooves about 1-1/2 inches
    in diameter, cut in to a depth of nearly half an inch; all remaining
    figures are also carved into the solid rock to a depth of one-fourth
    of an inch.

The same author, page 14, gives the following description of some
pictures discovered between 1831 and 1840 by Capt. Stokes on Depuch
island, one of the Forestier group in Dampier archipelago, on the
western coast of Australia:

    Depuch island would seem to be their favorite resort, and
    we found several of their huts still standing. The natives are
    doubtless attracted to the place partly by the reservoirs of water
    they find among the rocks after rain; partly that they may enjoy
    the pleasure of delineating the various objects that attract their
    attention on the smooth surface of the rocks. This they do by
    removing the hard red outer coating and baring to view the natural
    color of the greenstone, according to the outline they have traced.
    Much ability is displayed in many of these representations, the
    subject of which could be discovered at a glance. The number of
    specimens are immense, so that the natives must have been in the
    habit of amusing themselves in this innocent manner for a long
    period of time.

    These savages of Australia, who have adorned the rocks of Depuch
    island with their drawings, have in one thing proved themselves
    superior to the Egyptian and the Etruscan, whose works have elicited
    so much admiration and afforded food to so many speculations,
    namely, there is not in them to be observed the slightest trace of
    indecency.

[Illustration: FIG. 131.--Petroglyphs in Depuch island, Australia.]

Fig. 131 shows a number of the characters drawn on these rocks. They are
supposed to represent objects as follows:

    _a_, a goose or duck; _b_, a beetle; _c_, a fish, with a
    quarter moon over, considered to have some reference to fishing by
    moonlight; _d_, a native, armed with spear and wommera or throwing
    stick, probably relating his adventures, which is usually done by
    song and accompanied with great action and flourishing of weapons,
    particularly when boasting of his powers; _e_, a duck and a gull;
    _f_, a native in a hut, with portion of the matting with which
    they cover their habitations; _g_, shark and pilot fish; _h_, a
    corroboreeo or native dance; _i_, a native dog; _j_, a crab; _k_, a
    kangaroo; _l_, appears to be a bird of prey, having seized upon a
    kangaroo rat.

The same author, page 5, describes another locality as follows:

    In New South Wales, in the neighborhood of Botany bay and port
    Jackson, the figures of animals, of shields and weapons, and even
    of men, have been found carved upon the rocks, roughly, indeed,
    but sufficiently well to ascertain very fully what was the object
    intended. Fish were often represented, and in one place the form
    of a large lizard was sketched out with tolerable accuracy. On top
    of one of the hills the figure of a man, in the attitude usually
    assumed by them when they begin to dance, was executed in a still
    superior style.

The figure last mentioned was probably the god Daramūlŭn, see Howitt,
Australian Customs of Initiation (_a_).

A special account of the aboriginal rock carvings at the head of
Bantry bay is furnished by R. Etheridge, jr. (_a_), as follows, the
illustration referred to being presented here as Fig. 132:

[Illustration: FIG. 132.--Petroglyphs at Bantry bay, Australia.]

    Of the numerous traces of aboriginal rock carvings to be seen
    on the shores of Port Jackson, none probably equal in extent or
    completeness of detail those on the heights at the head and on the
    eastern side of Bantry bay, Middle harbor, Australia.

    The table of sandstone over which the carvings are scattered
    measures 2 chains in one direction by 3 in the contrary, and has a
    gentle slope of 7 degrees to the southwest. The high road as now
    laid out passes over a portion of them. * * *

    The figures are represented in their present state in outline
    by a continuous indentation or groove from 1 to 1-1/2 inches broad
    by half an inch to 1 inch in depth. Some are single subjects
    scattered promiscuously over the surface; others form small groups,
    illustrating compound subjects, but all appear to have been executed
    about one and the same time. * * *

    An advance on the other sculptures existing at this place seems
    to be made in the originals of the designs _a_ and _b_, from the
    fact that an attempt was apparently made to represent a compound
    idea in the form of a single combat between two warriors. The
    figures are quite contiguous to one another. The individual marked
    _a_ seems to be holding in his right hand a body similar to that
    represented as _c_, and the position in which it is held would lend
    color to the belief in its shield-like nature. In the opposite hand
    are a bundle of rods which have been suggested to be spears, and
    this explanation for the want of a better may be accepted. On the
    other hand, we are confronted with the fact that these weapons of
    offense and defense are held in the wrong hands, unless the holder
    be regarded as sinistral; otherwise it must be conceived that the
    warrior’s back is presented to the observer, which is contrary to
    the other evidence existing in the carving. The opponent, marked as
    _b_, with legs astride and arms outstretched much in the position of
    an aboriginal when throwing the boomerang, is equally definitive. I
    conceive it quite possible that the position of the boomerang close
    to the right hand conveys the idea that this man has just thrown the
    missile at the subject of _a_, allowing, of course, for the want of
    a knowledge of perspective on the part of the aboriginal artist. * *
    *

    In several other figures the head is a mere rounded outline, but
    in _b_ it is presented with a rather bird-like appearance. Another
    peculiarity is the great angularity given to the kneecap: this is
    visible both in _a_ and _b_. It is further exemplified in the elbow
    of the left arms of both _a_ and _b_.


SECTION 2.

OCEANICA.

The term “Oceanica” is used here without geographic precision, to
include several islands not mentioned in other sections of the present
work, in different parts of the globe, where specially interesting
petroglyphs have been found and made known in publications. Although
more such localities are known than are now mentioned, the pictographs
from them are not of sufficient importance to justify description or
illustration, but it may be remarked that they show the universality of
the pictographic practice.


NEW ZEALAND.

Dr. Julius von Haast (_a_) published notes, condensed as follows,
descriptive of the illustration produced here as Fig. 133:

    The most remarkable petroglyphs found in New Zealand are
    situated about 1 mile on the western side of the Weka Pass road
    in a rock shelter, which is washed out of a vertical wall of rock
    lining a small valley for about 300 feet on its right or southern
    side. The whole length of the rock below the shelter has been used
    for painting, and it is evident that some order has been followed in
    the arrangement of the subjects and figures. The paint consists of
    kokowai (red oxide of iron), of which the present aborigines of New
    Zealand make still extensive use, and of some fatty substance, such
    as fish oil, or perhaps some oily bird fat. It has been well fixed
    upon the somewhat porous rock and no amount of rubbing will get it
    off.

    Some of the principal objects evidently belong to the animal
    kingdom, and represent animals which either do not occur in New
    Zealand or are only of a mythical or fabulous character. The
    paintings occur over a face of about 65 feet, and the upper end of
    some reaches 8 feet above the floor, the average height, however,
    being 4 to 5 feet. They are all of considerable size, most of them
    measuring several feet, and one of them even having a length of 15
    feet.

    Beginning at the eastern end in the left-hand corner is the
    representation _a_ of what might be taken for a sperm whale with its
    mouth wide open diving downward. This figure is 3 feet long. Five
    feet from it is another figure _c_, which might also represent a
    whale or some fabulous two-headed marine monster. This painting is 3
    feet 4 inches long. Below it, a little to the right in _d_, we have
    the representation of a large snake possessing a swollen head and a
    long protruding tongue. This figure is nearly 3 feet long, and shows
    numerous windings.

    It is difficult to conceive how the natives in a country without
    snakes could not only have traditions about them but actually
    be able to picture them, unless they had received amongst them
    immigrants from tropical countries who had landed on the coasts of
    New Zealand.

    Between the two fishes or whales is _b_, which might represent a
    fishhook, and below the snake _d_ a sword _e_ with a curved blade.

    Advancing toward the right is a group which is of special
    interest, the figure _i_, which is nearly a foot long, having all
    the appearance of a long-necked bird carrying the head as the
    cassowary and emu do, and as the moa has done. If this design should
    represent the moa, I might suggest that it was either a conventional
    way of drawing that bird or that it was already extinct when
    this representation was painted according to tradition; in which
    latter case _k_ might represent the taniwha or gigantic fabulous
    lizard which is said to have watched the moa. _h_ is doubtless a
    quadruped, probably a dog, which was a contemporary of the moa
    and was used also as food by the moa hunters. _j_ is evidently a
    weapon, probably an adz or tomahawk, and might, being close to the
    supposed bird, indicate the manner in which the latter was killed
    during the chase. The post, with the two branches near the top _l_,
    finds a counterpart in the remnant of a similar figure _g_ between
    the figures _c_ and _i_. They might represent some of the means by
    which the moa was caught or indicate that it existed in open country
    between the forest. _m_, under which the rock in the central portion
    has scaled off, is like _f_, one of the designs which resemble
    ancient oriental writing.

    [Illustration: FIG. 133.--Petroglyph in New Zealand.]

    Approaching the middle portion of the wall we find here a
    well-shaped group of paintings, the center of which _n_ has all
    the appearance of a hat ornamented on the crown. The rim of this
    broad-brimmed relic measures 2 feet across. The expert of ancient
    customs and habits of the Malayan and South Indian countries might
    perhaps be able to throw some light upon this and the surrounding
    figures, _o_ to _r_.

    From _q_, which is altogether 3 feet high, evidently issues fire
    or smoke; it therefore might represent a tree on fire, a lamp or an
    altar with incense offering. * * * The figure _o_ is particularly
    well painted, and the outlines are clearly defined, but I can make
    no suggestion as to its meaning. In _s_ we have, doubtless, the
    picture of a human being who is running away from _q_, the object
    from the top of which issues fire or smoke. I am strengthened in my
    conviction that it is meant for a man by observing a similar figure
    running away from the monster _aa_. _p_, which has been placed
    below that group, might be compared to a pair of spectacles, but is
    probably a letter or an imitation of such a sign.

    A little more to the right a figure 6 feet long is very
    prominent. It is probably the representation of a right whale in the
    act of spouting. Above it, in _v_, the figure of a mantis is easily
    recognizable, whilst _u_ and the characters to the right below the
    supposed right whale again resemble cyphers or letters. _w_ and _y_,
    although in many respects different, belong doubtless to the same
    group, and represent large lizards or crocodiles. * * * _w_ is 4
    feet long; it is unfortunately deficient in its lower portion, but
    it is still sufficiently preserved to show that besides four legs it
    possesses two other lower appendages, of which one is forked and the
    other has the appearance of a trident. I wish also to draw attention
    to the unusual form of the head. _y_ is a similar animal 3 feet
    long, but it has eight legs, and head and tail are well defined.
    The head is well rounded off, and both animals represent, without
    doubt, some fabulous animal, such as the taniwha, which is generally
    described as a huge crocodile, of which the ancient legends give so
    many accounts.

    _aa_, a huge snake-like animal 15 feet long, is probably a
    representation of the tuna tuoro, a mythical monster. It is evident
    that the tuna tuoro is in the act of swallowing a man, who tries to
    save himself by running away from it.


KEI ISLANDS.

Mr. A. Langen (_a_) made a report on the Kei islands and their Ghost
grottoes, with a plate now reproduced as Fig. 134. He says:

    The group of the small Kei islands, more correctly Arue islands
    [southwest from New Guinea], is a sea bottom raised by volcanic
    forces and covered with corals and shells. The corals appear but at
    a few points. They are in the main covered with a layer of shells
    cemented together, whose cement is so hard and firm that it offers
    resistance to the influence of time even after the shell has been
    weathered away.

    [Illustration: FIG. 134.--Petroglyphs in Kei islands.]

    On the whole, all the figures in similar genre are represented
    in thousands of specimens. [They may be divided into three series,
    the first including letters _a_ to _k_; the second, letters _l_
    to _t_; the third, letters _u_ to _cc_.] Many are effaced and
    unrecognizable, only letter _k_, series 1; letters _n_, _o_, _s_,
    _t_, series 2; and letters _cc_, series 3, stand isolated and seem
    to have a peculiar meaning. The popular legend ascribes the greatest
    age to the characters of series 1 and series 2, and it is said that
    the signs record a terrible fight in which the islanders lost many
    dead, but yet remained victors. It is stated that the signs were
    produced by the ghosts of the fallen. The signs of series 3 are said
    to be the work of a woman named Tewaheru, who was able to converse
    with ghosts as well as with the living. But, when on one occasion
    she helped a living man to recover his dead wife by betraying to
    him the secret of making the spirit return to the body, she is said
    to have been destroyed by the ghosts and changed into a blackbird,
    whose call even at this day indicates death. Since that time no
    medium is said to exist between the living and the dead, nor do any
    new signs appear on the rock.

    Investigation in place showed me that the color of series 3
    consists of ocher made up with water. The very oldest drawings
    seem to have been made with water color, as the color has nowhere
    penetrated into the rock. Most of the figures are painted on
    overhanging rocks in such a way as to be protected as much as
    possible against wind and weather; whether they bear any relation to
    the signs on the rocks of Papua, and what that relation may be, I am
    not yet able to judge.

    It may safely be assumed that the caves as abodes of spirits
    were sacred, but did not serve as places of burial. The lead rings
    and pieces of copper gongs found in small number before some of the
    caves seem to be derived from sacrifices offered to the spirits.
    At the present day no more sacrifices are offered there, and the
    islanders knew nothing of the existence of these things.


EASTER ISLAND.

In this island carved human figures of colossal size have been
frequently noticed in various publications, with and without
illustrations, but apart from those statues ancient stone houses
remain in which have been found large stone slabs bearing painted
figures. Paymaster William J. Thompson, U. S. Navy (_a_) says of the
Orongo houses, that the “smooth slabs lining the walls and ceilings
were ornamented with mythological figures and rude designs painted in
white, red, and black pigments.” The figures partake of the form of
fish and bird-like animals, the exaggerated outlines clearly indicating
mythologic beings, the type of which does not exist in nature. Fig. 135
is presented here, extracted by permission from the work above cited,
and it may be of interest to know that nearly all, if not all, of the
original specimens are now deposited in the U. S. National Museum.

[Illustration: FIG. 135.--Petroglyphs in Easter island.]

While the curious carvings on the wooden tablets which are discussed in
the work of Paymaster Thompson are not petroglyphs, it seems proper to
mention them in this connection. Fig. 136 is taken from Mittheilungen
der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft, in Wien (_a_), and shows one of the
tablets, which does not appear to be presented in this exact form in the
work before mentioned.

[Illustration: FIG. 136.--Tablet from Easter island.]

The following remarks by Prof. de Lacouperie (_b_) are quoted on account
of the eminence of his authority, though the subject is still under
discussion:

    The character of eastern India, the Vengi-Châlukya, was also
    carried to north Celebes islands. The people have not remained at
    the level required for the practical use of a phonetic writing. It
    is no more used as an alphabet. Curiously enough, it is employed as
    pictorial ornaments on the MSS. they now write in a pictographic
    style of the lowest scale. This I have seen on the facsimile
    (Bilderschriften des Ostindischen Archipels, Pl. I, 1, 11) published
    by Dr. A. B. Meyer, of Dresden, in his splendid album on the
    writings of this region.

    In the Easter island, or Vaihu, some fourteen inscriptions
    have been found incised on wooden boards, perhaps of driftwood.
    The characters are peculiar. Most of them display strange shapes,
    in which, with a little imagination, forms of men, fishes,
    trees, birds, and many other things have been fancied. A curious
    characteristic is that the upper part of the signs are shaped
    somewhat like the head of the herronia or albatross. A pictorial
    tendency is obvious in all of these. Some persons in Europe have
    taken them for hieroglyphics, and have ventured to find a connection
    with the flora and fauna of the island. The knowledge of this
    writing is now lost; and it is not sure that the few priests and
    other men of the last generation who boasted of being able to read
    them could do so thoroughly. Anyhow, in 1770, some chiefs were still
    able to write down their names on a deed of gift when the island was
    taken in the name of Carlos III of Spain.

    In examining carefully the characters I was struck by the forked
    heads of many of them, which reminded me of the forked matras of the
    Vengi-Châlukya inscriptions. A closer comparison with Pls. i to viii
    of the Elements of South Indian Paleography (A. C. Burnell, Elements
    of South Indian Paleography, from the fourth to the seventeenth
    century A. D., being An Introduction to the Study of South Indian
    Inscriptions and MSS., 2d edit., London and Mangalore, 1878; Pls.
    i, vii, viii are specially interesting for the forked matras) soon
    showed me that I was on the right track, and a further study of
    the Vaihu characters, and their analysis by comparing the small
    differences (vocalic notation) existing between several of them,
    convinced me that they are nothing else than a decayed form of the
    above writing of southern India returning to the hieroglyphical
    stage. With this clue, the inscriptions of Easter island are no
    more a sealed text. They can easily be read after a little training.
    Their language is Polynesian, and I can say that the vocabulary of
    the Samoan dialect has proved very useful to me for the purpose.


SECTION 3.

EUROPE.

In the more settled and civilized parts of Europe petroglyphs are
now rarely found. This is, perhaps, accounted for in part by the
many occasions for use of the inscribed rocks or by their demolition
during the long period after the glyphs upon them had ceased to have
their original interest and significance and before their value as now
understood had become recognized. Yet from time to time such glyphs have
been noticed, and they have been copied and described in publications.

But few of the petroglyphs in the civilized portions of Europe not
familiar by publication have that kind of interest which requires their
reproduction in the present paper. It may be sufficient to state in
general terms that Europe is no exception to the rest of the world in
the presence of petroglyphs.

A number of these extant in the British islands and in the Scandinavian
peninsula, besides the few examples presented in this chapter, are
described and illustrated in other parts of this work, and brief
accounts of others recently noted in France, Spain, and Italy are also
furnished.


GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.

Nearly all of the petroglyphs found in the British islands, accounts
of which have been published, belong to the class of cup sculptures
discussed in Chapter V, infra, but several inscriptions showing
characters not limited to that category are mentioned in “Archaic
Rock Inscriptions,” (_a_) from which the following condensed extract
referring to a cairn in county Meath, Ireland, is taken:

    The ornamentation may be thus described: Small circles, with or
    without a central dot; two or many more concentric circles; a small
    circle with a central dot, surrounded by a spiral line; the single
    spiral; the double spiral, or two spirals starting from different
    centers; rows of small lozenges or ovals; stars of six to thirteen
    rays; wheels of nine rays; flower ornaments, sometimes inclosed in
    a circle or wide oval; wave-like lines; groups of lunette-shaped
    lines; pothooks; small squares attached to each other side by side,
    so as to form a reticulated pattern; small attached concentric
    circles; large and small hollows; a cup hollow surrounded by one
    or more circles; lozenges crossed from angle to angle (these and
    the squares produced by scrapings); an ornament like the spine of
    a fish with ribs attached, or the fiber system of some leaf; short
    equiarmed crosses, starting sometimes from a dot and small circle;
    a circle with rays round it, and the whole contained in a circle; a
    series of compressed semicircles like the letters ∩ ∩ ∩ inverted;
    vertical lines far apart, with ribs sloping downwards from them like
    twigs; an ornament like the fiber system of a broad leaf, with the
    stem attached; rude concentric circles with short rays extending
    from part of the outer one; an ornament very like the simple Greek
    fret, with dots in the center of the loop; five zigzag lines and
    two parallel lines, on each of which, and pointing toward each
    other, is a series of cones ornamented by lines radiating from the
    apex, crossed by others parallel to the base--this design has been
    produced by scraping, and I propose to call it the Patella ornament,
    as it strikingly resembles the large species of that shell so common
    on our coasts, and which shell Mr. Conwell discovered in numbers in
    some of the cists, in connection with fragments of pottery and human
    bones; a semicircle with three or four straight lines proceeding
    from it, but not touching it; a dot with several lines radiating
    from it; combinations of short straight lines arranged either at
    right angles to or sloping from a central line; an S-shaped curve,
    each loop inclosing concentric circles; and a vast number of other
    combinations of the circle, spiral, line, and dot, which can not be
    described in writing.

Some of the ancient “Turf-Monuments” of England are to be classed
as petroglyphs. The following extracts from the work of Rev. W. A.
Plenderleath (_b_) give sufficient information on these curious pictures:

    Although all the White Horses, except one, are in Wiltshire,
    that one exception is the great sire and prototype of them all,
    which is at Uffington, just 2-1/2 miles outside the Wiltshire
    Boundary and within that of Berkshire. * * * The one mediæval
    document in which the White Horse is mentioned is a cartulary of
    the Abbey of Abingdon, which must have been written either in the
    reign of Henry II or soon after, and which runs as follows: “It
    was then customary amongst the English that any monks who wished
    might receive money or landed estates and both use and devolve them
    according to their pleasure. Hence two monks of the monastery at
    Abingdon, named Leofric and Godric Cild, appear to have obtained
    by inheritance manors situated upon the banks of the Thames; one
    of them, Godric, becoming possessed of Spersholt, near the place
    commonly known as the White Horse Hill, and the other that of
    Whitchurch, during the time that Aldhelm was abbot of this place.”

    This Aldhelm appears to have been abbot from 1072 to 1084, and
    from the terms in which the White Horse Hill is mentioned the name
    was evidently an old one at that time.

    Now it was only two hundred years before this time, viz, in
    871, that a very famous victory had been gained by King Alfred over
    the Danes close to this very spot. “Four days after the battle of
    Reading,” says Asser, “King Æthelred, and Alfred, his brother,
    fought against the whole army of the pagans at Ashdown. * * * And
    the flower of the pagan youths were there slain, so that neither
    before nor since was ever such destruction known since the Saxons
    first gained Britain by their arms.” And it was in memory of this
    victory that, we are informed by local tradition, Alfred caused
    his men, the day after the battle, to cut out the White Horse, the
    standard of Hengist, on the hillside just under the castle. The
    name Hengist, or Hengst, itself means _Stone Horse_ in the ancient
    language of the Saxons, and Bishop Nicholson, in his “English
    Atlas,” goes so far as to suppose the names of Hengist and Horsa to
    have been not proper at all, but simply emblematical.

    The Uffington horse measures 355 feet from the nose to the tail
    and 120 feet from the ear to the hoof. It faces to sinister, as do
    also those depicted upon all British coins. The slope of the portion
    of the hill upon which it is cut is 39°, but the declivity is very
    considerably greater beneath the figures. The exposure is southwest.

The author then describes the White Horse on Bratton Hill, near
Westbury, Wilts, now obliterated, the dimensions of which were, extreme
length, 100 feet; height, nearly the same; from toe to chest, 54 feet,
and gives accounts of several other White Horses, the antiquity of
which is not so well established. He then (_c_) treats of the Red Horse
in the lordship of Tysoe, in Warwickshire, as follows:

    This is traditionally reported to have been cut in 1461, in
    memory of the exploits of Richard, Earl of Warwick, who was for many
    years one of the most prominent figures in the Wars of the Roses.
    The earl had in the early part of the year found himself, with a
    force of forty thousand men, opposed to Queen Margaret, with sixty
    thousand, at a place called Towton, near Tadcaster. Overborne by
    numbers, the battle was going against him, when, dismounting from
    his horse, he plunged his sword up to the hilt in the animal’s side,
    crying aloud that he would henceforth fight shoulder to shoulder
    with his men. Thereupon the soldiers, animated by their leader’s
    example, rushed forward with such impetuosity that the enemy gave
    way and flew precipitately. No less than twenty-eight thousand
    Lancastrians are said to have fallen in this battle and in the
    pursuit which followed, for the commands of Prince Edward were to
    give no quarter. It was to this victory that the latter owed his
    elevation to the throne, which took place immediately afterwards.

    The Red Horse used to be scoured every year, upon Palm Sunday,
    at the expense of certain neighboring landowners who held their land
    by that tenure, and the scouring is said to have been as largely
    attended and to have been the occasion of as great festivity as that
    of the older horse in the adjoining county of Berks. The figure is
    about 54 feet in extreme length by about 31 in extreme height.

The best known of Turf-Monuments other than horses is the Giant, on
Trendle Hill, near Cerne Abbas, in Dorsetshire. This the same author
(_d_) describes as follows:

    This is a figure roughly representing a man, undraped, and with
    a club in his right hand; the height is 180 feet, and the outlines
    are marked out by a trench 2 feet wide and of about the same depth.
    It covers nearly an acre of ground. Hutchin imagines this figure to
    represent the Saxon god, Heil, and places its date as anterior to
    A. D. 600. * * * Britton, on the other hand, tells us that “vulgar
    tradition makes this figure commemorate the destruction of a giant
    who, having feasted on some sheep in Blackmoor and laid himself
    to sleep on this hill, was pinioned down like another Gulliver
    and killed by the enraged peasants, who immediately traced his
    dimensions for the information of posterity.” There were formerly
    discernible some markings between the legs of the figure rather
    above the level of the ankles, which the country folk took for the
    numerals 748, and imagined to indicate the date. We need, perhaps,
    scarcely remark that Arabic numerals were unknown in Europe until at
    least six centuries later than this period.


SWEDEN.

Mr. Paul B. Du Chaillu (_a_) gives the following (condensed) account
describing, among many more “rock tracings,” as he calls them, those
reproduced as Figs. 137 and 138:

    There are found in Sweden large pictures engraved on the rocks
    which are of great antiquity, long before the Roman period.

    These are of different kinds and sizes, the most numerous being
    the drawings of ships or boats, canoe-shaped and alike at both ends
    (with figures of men and animals), and of fleets fighting against
    each other or making an attack upon the shore. The hero of the
    fight, or the champion, is generally depicted as much larger than
    the other combatants, who probably were of one people, though of
    different tribes, for their arms are similar and all seem without
    clothing, though in some cases they are represented as wearing a
    helmet or shield.

    On some rocks are representations of cattle, horses, reindeer,
    turtles, ostriches, and camels, the latter showing that in earlier
    times these people were acquainted with more southern climes. The
    greatest number and the largest and most complicated in detail of
    the tracings occur, especially in the present Sweden, in Bohuslän,
    “the ancient Viken of the Sagas,” on the coast of the peninsula
    washed by the Cattegat. They are also found in Norway, especially in
    Smaalenene, a province contiguous to that of Bohuslän, but become
    more scarce in the north, though found on the Trondhjem fjord.

[Illustration: FIG. 137.--Petroglyph in Bohuslän, Sweden.]

Fig. 137 is a copy of a petroglyph in Tanum parish, Bohuslän, Sweden.
The large figure is doubtless a champion or commander, the exaggerated
size of which is to be noted in connection with that of the Zulu chiefs
in Fig. 142, infra, from South Africa, and Fig. 1024, infra, from North
America. There are numerous small holes and footprints between the chief
and the attacking force. Height, 20 feet; width, 15 feet.

    In Bohuslän the tracings are cut in the quartz, which is the
    geological formation of the coast. They are mostly upon slightly
    inclined rocks, which are generally 200 or 300 feet or more above
    the present level of the sea, and which have been polished by the
    action of the ice. The width of the lines in the same representation
    varies from 1 to 2 inches and even more, and their depth is often
    only a third or fourth of an inch, and at times so shallow as to
    be barely perceptible. Those tracings, which have for hundreds,
    perhaps for thousands, of years been laid bare to the ravages of the
    northern climate, are now most difficult to decipher, while those
    which have been protected by earth are as fresh as if they had been
    cut to-day. Many seem to have been cut near the middle or base
    of the hills, which were covered with vegetation, and were in the
    course of time concealed by the detritus from above.

Fig. 138 is from the same author (_b_) and locality. Height, 29 feet;
width, 17 feet. The large birds and footprints and a chief designated
by his size will be noticed, and also a character in the middle of the
extreme upper part of the illustration which may be compared with the
largest human form in Fig. 983, infra, from Tule valley, California.

[Illustration: FIG. 138.--Petroglyph in Bohuslän, Sweden.]


FRANCE.

Perrier du Carne (_a_), gives the following account (translated and
condensed) of signs carved on the dolmen of Trou-aux-Anglais, in Épone:

    This dolmen, situated in the commune of Épone, in a place called
    Le Bois de la Garenne, was constructed beneath the ground; it was
    concealed from view and it is to this circumstance, no doubt,
    that its preservation is due. Nothing indicates that it has been
    surmounted by a tumulus; in any case this tumulus had long since
    disappeared, and the ground was entirely leveled when the digging
    was commenced some years ago. * * *

    The characters (Fig. 139) are carved in intaglio on the
    farthest stone of the entrance, on the left side. The whole of the
    inscription measures 1^{m}, 10 in height and 82 centimeters in
    width, and may be divided into two groups, an upper and a lower one.

    [Illustration: FIG. 139.--Petroglyph in Épone, France.]

    The upper character represents a rectangular figure divided into
    three transverse sections; in the third section and almost in the
    center is a cupule.

    The lower character is more complicated and more difficult
    to describe. The first, or left-hand portion, represents a stone
    hatchet with a shaft; there is no doubt as to this, in my mind,
    as the outlines are perfectly clear, the design of the hatchet
    being very distinct. This hatchet measures 0^{m}, 108 in length
    and 38^{mm} in width to the edge of the blade. These are precisely
    the most common dimensions of the hatchets of our country. As to
    the remainder of the character, I think an interpretation of it
    difficult and premature.

    On the whole, the result of an examination of these inscriptions
    leaves the impression that the author did not seek to cover a stone
    with ornamentation, for these outlines have nothing whatever of
    the ornamental, but that he wished to represent to his people, by
    intelligible symbols, some particular idea.

É. Cartailhac (_a_) begins an account of petroglyphs in the Department
of Morbihan, in the old province of Brittany, translated and condensed
as follows:

    It is hardly possible to give a description of the designs in
    the covered way of Gavr’ inis. They are various linear combinations,
    the lines being straight, curved, undulating, isolated, or parallel,
    ramified like a fern, segments of concentric circles, limited or
    not, and decorating certain compartments with close winding spirals,
    recalling vividly the figures produced by the lines on the skin in
    the hollow of the hand and on the tips of the fingers.

    In the midst of accumulated and very oddly grouped lines, which
    no doubt are merely decorative, there are found signs which must
    have had a meaning, and some figures easy to determine.

    The hatchet, the stone hatchet and no other, the large
    hatchet of Tumiac, of Mané-er-Hroèg, and of Mont Saint Michel, is
    represented in intaglio or in relief, real size. A single pillar of
    Gavr’ inis bears eighteen of them. Less numerous groups are seen on
    some other blocks of the same covered way.

    On a little block placed under the ceiling in order to wedge
    up one of the covering slabs, is seen the image of a hatchet with
    handle, conformable to a type found in the marsh of Ehenside in
    Cumberland, England. On many other monuments the presence of
    the same figures of hatchets, with handles or without, has been
    observed. The most curious slab is certainly that of Mané-er-Hroèg.
    It had been broken, and its three pieces had been thrown in disorder
    before the threshold of the crypt. One of its faces, very well
    smoothed off, bears a cartouche in the form of a stirrup, filled
    with enigmatic signs and surrounded above and below by a dozen
    hatchets with handles, all engraved.

    One other sign, the imprint of the naked foot, is to be noted,
    found only once on this slab. Two human footprints are traced on
    one of the pillars of the crypt of the Petit-Mont in Arzon. They
    are said to be divided off, by a slight relief, from the rest of
    the granite frame on which they are sculptured, and which contains
    other drawings. Similar figures, engraved on rock or on tombstones,
    are cited from abroad, in lands far apart. In Sweden, the prints
    of naked or sandaled feet are common among the rock sculptures
    of the age of bronze which represent the curious scenes of the
    life of the people of that period. It is proper to note that these
    Scandinavian and Morbihan sculptures are not synchronous; the idea
    of an immediate influence of one people on the other can not be
    entertained. One might, however, maintain the identity of origin.

    The other inscriptions of Brittany are enigmatic in every
    respect. But they probably had a conventional value, a determined
    meaning. There is first of all a sort of complicated cartouche,
    plainly defined, having the appearance of a buckler or heraldic
    shield. Among the isolated signs it is proper to note a figure
    of the shape of the letter U with the ends spread wide apart and
    curved in opposite directions. It recalls, with some aid from
    the imagination, the character which on the Scandinavian rocks
    represents more plainly ships and barks.

The sculpturing of hands and feet is to be remarked in connection with
similar characters on the rocks in America, many illustrations of which
appear in the present work.

B. Souché (_a_) in 1879 described and illustrated curious characters on
the walls of the crypt of the tumulus of Lisières (Deux-Sèvres), France,
some of which in execution markedly resemble several found in the United
States and figured in this work.


SPAIN.

Mr. T. Jagor (_a_) communicated a brochure in reference to the Cueva de
Altamira, transmitted to him by Prof. Vilanova in Madrid: “Short notes
on some prehistoric objects of the province of Santander,” in which Don
Marcelino de Sautuola describes the wall pictures and other finds in the
cave discovered by him at Altamira. Mr. Jagor remarks as follows on the
subject:

    The reproductions of the large wall pictures discovered in
    that cave displayed, in part, so excellent technique that the
    question arose how much of this excellence is to be attributed to
    the prehistoric artist, and how much to his modern copyist. Mr.
    Vilanova, who visited the cave soon after its discovery, and who
    regards the wall pictures as prehistoric, being about equal in age
    to the Danish Kjökken-möddings, states that the pictures given are
    pretty faithful imitations of the originals. The published drawings
    are all found on the ceiling of the first cave; on the walls of
    the subsequent caves are seen sketches of those pictures, which
    the artist afterwards completed. The outlines of all the drawings
    have been cut in the wall with coarse instruments, and nearly all
    the bone implements found in the cave show scratches, which render
    it probable that they were used for this purpose. The colors used
    consist merely of various kinds of ocher found in the province,
    without further preparation. Finally Mr. Vilanova reports that in
    the cave farthest back there was found, in his presence, an almost
    perfect specimen of _Ursus spelæus_.

Don Manuel de Góngora y Martinez (_a_) gives the account translated as
follows:

    The inscriptions of Fuencaliente are of great interest and
    importance. About one league east of the town, on a spur of the
    Sierra de Quintana, at the site of the Piedra Escritá, there is an
    almost inaccessible place, the home of wild beasts and mountain
    goats. Beyond the river de los Batanes and the river de las Piedras,
    looking toward sunset and toward the town, the artisans of a remote
    age cut skillfully and symmetrically with the point of the pickax
    into the flank of the rock and of the mountain, which is of fine
    flint, leaving a facade or frontispiece 6 yards in height and
    twice as wide, and excavating there two contiguous caves, which are
    wide at the mouth and end in a point, making two triangular niches
    polished on their four faces. On the two outer fronts to the left
    and right appear more than 60 symbols or hieroglyphs, written in
    a simple and rustic way with the index finger of a rude hand, and
    with a reddish bituminous pigment. The niches, about a yard and
    a half in height, 1 yard deep, and half a yard at the mouth, are
    covered by the exceedingly hard and immense rock of the mountain.
    There is formed, as it were, a vestibule or esplanade before the
    monument, and it is defended by a rampart made of the rocks torn
    from the niches, strengthened with juniper, oaks, and cork trees.
    The half-moon, the sun, an ax, a bow and arrows, an ear of corn, a
    heart, a tree, two human figures, and a head with a crown stand out
    among those signs, the foreshadowings of primitive writing.

The inscription on the first triangular face of the second cave is
reproduced here as the left-hand group of the upper part of Fig. 1108,
infra, and that “on the outer plane to the right, which already turns
pyramidally to the north,” is reproduced as the right-hand group of the
same figure. They are inserted at that place for convenient comparison
with other characters on the figure mentioned and with those in Figs.
1097 and 1107.


ITALY.

Mr. Moggridge (in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Gr. Br. and I., VIII, p. 65)
observes that one of the designs, _q_, reported by Dr. Von Haast from
New Zealand (see Fig. 133), was the same as one which had been seen on
rocks 6,900 feet above the sea in the northwest corner of Italy. He adds:

    The inscriptions are not in colors, as are those given in Dr.
    Von Haast’s paper, but are made by the repeated dots of a sharp
    pointed instrument. It is probable that if we knew how to read them
    they might convey important information, since the same signs occur
    in different combinations, just as the letters of our alphabet recur
    in different combinations to form words. Without the whole of these
    figures we can not say whether the same probability applies to them.


SECTION 4.

AFRICA.

The following examples are selected from the large number of petroglyphs
known to have been discovered in Africa apart from those in Egypt, which
are more immediately connected with the first use of syllabaries and
alphabets, with symbolism and with gesture signs, under which headings
some examples of the Egyptian hieroglyphics appear in this work.


ALGERIA.

In the Revue Géographique Internationale (_a_) is a communication
upon the rock inscriptions at Tyout (Fig. 140) and Moghar (Fig. 141)
translated, with some condensation, as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 140.--Petroglyphs at Tyout, Algeria.]

    On the last military expedition made in the Sahara Gen. Colonieu
    made a careful restoration of the inscriptions on the rocks, whose
    existence was discovered at Tyout and Moghar. At Tyout these
    inscriptions are engraved on red or Vosgian sandstone, and at
    Moghar on a hard compact calcareous stone. At Moghar the designs
    are more complicated than those at Tyout. An attempt has been made
    to render ideas by more learned processes; to the simplicity of the
    line, the artlessness of the poses which are seen at Tyout, there
    are added at Moghar academic attitudes difficult to render, and
    which must be intended to represent some custom or ceremony in use
    among the peoples who then inhabited this country. The costume at
    Moghar is also more complicated. The ornaments of the head recall
    those of Indians, and the woman’s dress is composed of a waist and
    a short skirt fastened by a girdle with flowing ends. All this is
    very decent and elegant for the period. The infant at the side is
    swaddled. The large crouching figure is the face view of a man who
    seems to be bearing his wife on his shoulders. At the right of this
    group is a giraffe or large antelope. In the composition above may
    be distinguished a solitary individual in a crouching attitude,
    seen in front, the arms crossed in the attitude of prayer or
    astonishment. The animals which figure in the designs at Moghar are
    cattle and partridges. The little quadruped seated on its haunches
    may be a gerboise (kind of rat), very common in these parts.

    In the inscriptions at Tyout we easily recognize the elephant,
    long since extinct in these regions, but neither horse nor camel is
    seen, probably not having been yet imported into the Sahara country.

[Illustration: FIG. 141.--Petroglyphs at Moghar, Algeria.]


EGYPT.

While the picture-writings of Egypt are too voluminous for present
discussion and fortunately are thoroughly presented in accessible
publications, it seems necessary to mention the work of the late Mrs.
A. B. Edwards (_a_). She gives a good account of the petroglyphs on the
rocks bounding the ancient river bed of the Nile below Philæ, which show
their employment in a manner similar to that in parts of North America:

    These inscriptions, together with others found in the adjacent
    quarries, range over a period of between three and four thousand
    years, beginning with the early reigns of the ancient empire and
    ending with the Ptolemies and Cæsars. Some are mere autographs.
    Others run to a considerable length. Many are headed with figures
    of gods and worshippers. These, however, are for the most part
    mere graffiti, ill drawn and carelessly sculptured. The records
    they illustrate are chiefly votive. The passer-by adores the gods
    of the cataract, implores their protection, registers his name,
    and states the object of his journey. The votaries are of various
    ranks, periods, and nationalities; but the formula in most instances
    is pretty much the same. Now it is a citizen of Thebes performing
    the pilgrimage to Philæ, or a general at the head of his troops
    returning from a foray in Ethiopia, or a tributary prince doing
    homage to Rameses the Great and associating his suzerain with the
    divinities of the place.


SOUTH AFRICA.

Dr. Richard Andree, in Zeichen bei den Naturvölkern (_a_), presents
well-considered remarks, thus translated:

    The Hottentots and the Bantu peoples of South Africa produce
    no drawings, though the latter accomplish something in indifferent
    sculptures. The draftsmen and painters of South Africa are the
    Bushmen, who in this way, as well as by many other striking
    ethnic traits, testify to their independent ethnic position. The
    extraordinary multitude of figures of men and animals drawn by this
    people within its whole area, now greatly reduced, from the cape at
    the south to the lands and deserts north of the Orange river, and
    which they still draw at this day in gaudy colors, testify to an
    uncommonly firm hand, a keenly observing eye, and a very effective
    characterization. The Bushman artist mostly selects the surfaces
    of the countless rock bowlders, the walls of caves, or rock walls
    protected by overhanging crags, to serve as the canvas whereon to
    practice his art. He either painted his figures with colors or
    chiseled them with a hard sharp stone on the rock wall, so that they
    appear in intaglio. The number of these figures may be judged from
    the fact that Fritsch at Hopetown found “thousands” of them, often
    twenty or more on one block; Hubner, at “Gestoppte Fontein,” in
    Transvaal, saw two hundred to three hundred together, carved in a
    soft slate. The earth colors employed are red, ochre, white, black,
    mixed with fat or also with blood. What instrument (brush?) is
    employed in applying the colors has not yet been ascertained, since,
    so far as I know, no Bushman artist has yet been observed at his
    work. As regards the paintings themselves, various classes may be
    distinguished, but in all cases the subjects are representations of
    figures; ornaments and plants are excluded. First of all, there are
    fights and hunting scenes, in which white men (boers) play a part,
    demonstrating the modern origin of these paintings. Next there are
    representations of animals, both of domestic animals (cattle, dogs)
    and of game, especially the various antelope species, giraffes,
    ostriches, elephants, rhinoceroses, monkeys, etc. A special class
    consists of representations of obscene nature, and, by way of
    exception, there has been drawn in one instance a ship or a palm
    tree.

Dr. Emil Holub (_a_) says:

    The Bushmen, who are regarded as the lowest type of Africans,
    in one thing excel all the other South African tribes whose
    acquaintance I made between the south coast and 10° south
    latitude. They draw heads of gazelles, elephants, and hippopotami
    astonishingly well. They sketch them in their caves and paint them
    with ochre or chisel them out in rocks with stone implements, and on
    the tops of mountains we may see representations of all the animals
    which have lived in those parts in former times. In many spots where
    hippopotami are now unknown I found beautiful sketches of these
    animals, and in some cases fights between other native races and
    Bushmen are represented.

G. Weitzecker (_a_) gives a report of a large painting, in a cave
at Thaba Phatsoua district of Léribé, here presented as Fig. 142,
containing eighteen characters, with the addition of eight boys’ heads.
It represents the flight of Bushman women before some Zulu Kaffirs
(Matebele). The description, translated, is as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 142.--Petroglyph in Léribé, South Africa.]

    As usual, the Bushmen are represented as dwarfs and painted
    in bright color as contrasted with the Kaffirs, who are painted
    large and of dark color. The scene is full of life, a true artistic
    conception, and in the details there are many important things to
    be noted. For this reason I add a sketch of it, with the figures
    numbered, in order to be able to send you some brief annotations.

    I will premise that as far as the women are concerned, in the
    small figures, no mistaken notion should be entertained in regard to
    the anterior appendages which catch, or rather strike, the eye in
    some of them. There is question simply of the pudendal coverings of
    the Bushman women, consisting of a strip of skin, and flapping in
    the wind.

    _a_ seems to represent a woman in an advanced interesting
    condition, who in her headlong flight has lost even her mantle.
    She holds in her hand a mogope (disproportionate); that is to say,
    a gourd dipper, such as are found, I believe, among all the south
    African tribes.

    _b._ This figure, besides the mogope which she holds in her left
    hand, carries away in her flight, steadying it on her head with her
    right hand, a nkho (sesuto), a baked earthenware vessel, in which
    drinks are kept, and of which the ethnographic museum now contains
    some specimens. This woman, too, has lost all her clothing except
    the pudendal covering, and she looks pregnant. The attitudes of
    flight, while maintaining equilibrium, I deem very fine.

    _c_, _f_, _g_, _h_, _l_, _m_, and perhaps _j_. Women carrying
    their babies on their backs, as is the practice of the natives, in
    the so-called thari; that is, a sheepskin so prepared that they can
    fasten it to their bodies and hold it secure, even while bent to the
    ground or running.

    _l_ and _m_. Women with twins. It may be worthy of note that the
    painter has placed them last, hampered as they are with a double
    weight.

    _c._ Apparently a woman who has fallen in her flight. Figures
    _e_ and _i_ represent men, who by their stature might be thought to
    be Bushmen, as also by their color, which, so far as I remember, is
    not the same as that of the men coming up after them, being rather
    similar to that of the women. In that case _e_ would stoop to raise
    the woman _c_ who has fallen, and _i_ would point the way to the
    others. Otherwise, if there is question of Matebeles, which is
    rendered plausible by the fact that _n_ (which evidently represents
    an enemy) is not larger in stature than those two, then _e_ would
    stoop to snatch the baby of the fallen woman, and _i_ would strive
    to catch up with the two women _g_ and _h_, who flee before it.

    _j._ I can not explain this unless as a diffusion of color,
    which has transformed into something unrecognizable the figure of
    the child carried by its mother, who has fallen, like _b_.

    _k_ seems to be a woman resigned to her fate, who touches her
    neck with the left hand, unless, indeed, the line which I take to be
    the arm is the sketch of the thari with the baby.

    _l._ A woman who runs toward the looker-on.

    _m_ represents a woman who has sat down, perhaps in order to
    place her twins better in the thari, while behind her _n_ arrives,
    preparing to spear her. With _n_ the band of enemies begins plainly,
    _o_ seeming to be the leader, who, standing still, gives the signal.
    But this figure must have been altered by the water, which by
    diluting the color of the body has made it appear as a garment.

    _p_ and _q_. These admirable portraits of impetuosity and menace
    are a pictorial translation of the saying “having long legs so as to
    run fast.”

    _r._ A fine type of an attitude in the poise of running.

The author’s discussion respecting the difference in size between the
male human figures mentioned as indicating their respective tribes
would have been needless had he considered the frequent expedient of
representing chiefs or prominent warriors by figures of much larger
stature than that of common soldiers or subjects. This device is common
in the Egyptian glyphs, and examples of it also appear in the present
work. (See Figs. 138, 139, and 1024.)

The same author, loc. cit., gives a brief account of two petroglyphs
found by him near Leribo, in Basutoland, South Africa. They were on a
large hollow rock overlooking a plain where the bushmen might spy game.
The rock was all covered with pictures to a man’s height. Many of them
were entirely or almost entirely spoiled, both by the hands of herdsmen
and by water running down the walls in time of rain. Some of them,
however, are still very well preserved. They are shown on Fig. 143.

[Illustration: FIG. 143.--Petroglyphs in Basutoland, South Africa.]

The left hand character represents a man milking an animal; the latter,
judging by the back part, especially by the legs, was at first taken for
an elephant; but the fore parts, especially the fore legs, evidently
are those of a bovine creature or of an elk (eland). The enormous
proportions of the back part are probably due to diffusion of colors,
through the action of water running down the rock. The right hand
character represents the sketch of an elk (eland), on which and under
which are depicted four monkeys, admirable for fidelity of expression.
The legs, with one exception, are not finished.


CANARY ISLANDS.

These islands are considered in connection with the continent of Africa.

[Illustration: FIG. 144.--Petroglyphs in the Canary islands.]

S. Berthelot (_a_) gives an account, referring to Figs. 144 and 145,
from which the following is extracted and translated:

    A site very little frequented, designated by the name of Los
    Letreros, appears to have been inhabited in very ancient times by
    one of the aboriginal tribes established on the Island of Fer, one
    of the Canary islands. At a distance of about three-quarters of a
    league from the coast all the land sloping and broken by volcanic
    mounds extends in undulations to the edge of the cliffs which flank
    the coast. It is on this desert site, called Los Letreros, that
    inscriptions are found engraved on an ancient flow of basaltic lava,
    with a smooth surface, over an extent of more than 400 meters. On
    all this surface, at various distances and without any relation
    to each other, but placed where the lava presents the smoothest
    spots, rendered shining and glassy by the light varnish left by the
    volcanic matter in cooling, are the various groups of characters.

    When we examine closely these different signs or characters
    so deeply engraved [pecked] on the rock, doubtless by means of
    some hard stone (obsidian or basalt), the first thing observed is
    that several identical signs are reproduced several times in the
    same group. These are, first, round and oval characters, more or
    less perfect, sometimes simple and isolated, again agglomerated in
    one group. These characters so often reproduced are again seen in
    juxtaposition or united, sometimes to others which are similar,
    sometimes to different ones, and even inclosed in others similar to
    them; for example, _a_ in Fig. 144.

    Round or more or less oval characters reappear several times in
    _b_.

    Others, which are not met with more than once or twice among the
    groups of signs, also present notable variations; examples in _c_.

    Of these are formed composite groups _d_, which belong, however,
    to the system of round signs.

    Other analogous but not identical signs appear to assume rather
    the ovoid form than the round, and seem to have been so traced as
    not to be confounded with the round symbols. Some of them resemble
    leaves or fruit.

    Another system of simple characters is the straight line, which
    can be represented by a stroke of the pen, isolated or repeated as
    if in numeration, and sometimes accompanied by other signs.

    Other peculiar signs shown in _e_, which are not repeated,
    figure in the different groups of characters which the author has
    reproduced.

    We notice further, in _f_, a small number of signs which bear a
    certain analogy to each other, and several of which are accompanied
    by other and more simple characters.

    Several others still more complicated are in eccentric shapes
    which it is attempted to present in _g_.

    Including the common oval characters often repeated and those
    consisting of a simple stroke similar to the strokes made by school
    children, all the various engraved characters scarcely exceed 400.

    Fig. 145 gives a view of a series of different groups of signs
    in the length of the whole lava flow. The copyist has expressed
    by dots those symbols which were confused, partly defaced by the
    weather, or destroyed by fissures in the rock.

[Illustration: FIG. 145.--Petroglyphs in Canary Islands.]

The same author (_b_) gives an account of several strange characters
found engraved on a rock of the grotto of Belmaco, in the island of La
Palma, one of the Canaries. He says:

    These drawings, presented that they may be compared with those
    of Fer Island (Los Letreros), show some fifteen signs, some of which
    are repeated several times and others partly effaced by weather,
    or at least feebly traced. But what seems most remarkable is that
    six or seven signs are recognized as exactly similar to those
    of Letreros, of the island of Fer, and almost all the others are
    analogous, for we recognize at once in comparing them the same style
    of bizarre writing, formed of hieroglyphic characters, mainly rude
    arabesques.


SECTION 5.

ASIA.

A considerable number of petroglyphs found in Asia are described and
illustrated under other headings of this work. The following are
presented here for geographic grouping:


CHINA.

Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie (_c_) says:

    It is apparently to the art of the aboriginal non-Chinese that
    the following inscription [not copied] belongs, should it be proved
    to be primitive; and it is the only precise mention I have ever
    found of the kind in my researches.

    Outside of Li-tch’eng (in N. Shangtang), at some 500 li on the
    west towards the north, is a stone cliff mountain, on the upper
    parts of which may be seen marks and lines representing animals and
    horses. They are numerous and well drawn, like a picture.


JAPAN.

Prof. Edward S. Morse (_a_) kindly furnishes the illustration, reduced
from a drawing made by a Japanese gentleman, Mr. Morishima, which is
here reproduced (1/30 original size) as Fig. 145 _a_:

[Illustration: FIG. 145 _a_.--Petroglyph in Yezo, Japan.]

Prof. Morse in a letter gives further information as follows: “The
inscriptions are cut in a rough way on the side of the cliff on the
northwestern side of the bay of Otaru. Otaru is a little town on the
western coast of Yezo. The cliffs are of soft, white tufa about 100 feet
high, and the inscriptions were cut possibly with stone axes, and were 1
inch in width and from 1/4 to 1/2 of an inch in depth. They are about 4
feet from the ground.”

Prof. John Milne (_a_) remarks upon the same petroglyph, of which he
gives a rude copy, as follows:

    So far as I could learn the Japanese are quite unable to
    recognize any of the characters, and they regard them as being the
    work of the Ainos.

    I may remark that several of the characters are like the runic
    _m_. It has been suggested that they have a resemblance to old
    Chinese. A second suggestion was that they might be drawings of the
    insignia of rank carried by certain priests; a third idea was that
    they were phallic; a fourth that they were rough representations of
    men and animals, the runic m being a bird; and a fifth that they
    were the handicraft of some gentleman desirous of imposing upon the
    credulity of wandering archæologists.

    I myself am inclined to think that they were the work of the
    peoples who have left so many traces of themselves in the shape of
    kitchen middens and various implements in this locality. In this
    case they may be Aino.

Another illustration from Japan is presented in Pl. LII.


INDIA.

Mr. Rivett-Carnac, in Archæologic Notes on Ancient Sculpturings on Rocks
in Kumaon, India (_a_), gives a description of the glyphs copied in Fig.
146:

[Illustration: FIG. 146.--Petroglyphs at Chandeshwar, India.]

    At a point about two miles and a half south of Dwara-Hath, and
    twelve miles north of the military station of Ranikhet in Kumaon,
    the bridle-road leading from the plains through Naini Tal and
    Ranikhet to Baijnath, and thence on to the celebrated shrine of
    Bidranath, is carried through a narrow gorge at the mouth of which
    is a temple sacred to Mahadeo, ... which is locally known by the
    name of Chandeshwar.

    About two hundred yards south of the temple, toward the middle
    of the defile, rises a rock at an angle of forty-five degrees
    presenting a surface upon which, in a space measuring fourteen
    feet in height by twelve in breadth, more than two hundred cups
    are sculptured. They vary from an inch and a half to six inches in
    diameter and from half an inch to an inch in depth, and are arranged
    in groups composed of approximately parallel rows.

The cups are mostly of the simple types and only exceptionally
surrounded by single rings or connected by grooves.


SIBERIA.

N. S. Shtukin (_a_) referring to certain picture-writings on the
cliffs of the Yenesei river, in the Quarterly Isvestia of the Imperial
Geographical Society for 1882, says: “These are figured, but are not
particularly remarkable, except as being the work of invaders from the
far south, perhaps Persians. Camels and pheasants are among the animals
represented.”

Philip John von Strahlenberg, in An Historico-Geographical Description
of the North and Eastern Parts of Europe and Asia, etc., reported
inscriptions relating to the chase, on the banks of the river Yenesei.
He says of one: “It takes its characteristic features from the
natural history of the region; and we may suppose it to embrace rude
representations of the Siberian hare, the cabarda or musk deer and other
known quadrupeds.”

He also furnishes a transcript of inscriptions found by him on a
precipitous rock on the river Irtish. This rock, which is 36 feet high,
is isolated. It has four sides, one of which faces the water and has
a number of tombs or sepulchral caves beneath. All of the four faces
have rude representations of the human form, and other unintelligible
characters are drawn in red colors in a durable kind of pigment,
which is found to be almost indestructible and is much used for rock
inscriptions.

Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie, op. cit., makes the following remarks:

    Symbolical marks, incised or drawn graffitti, not properly
    speaking inscriptions, have been found in Siberia, but they are not
    the expected primitive remains of ancient writings. Some are purely
    Tartar, being written in Mongolian and Kalmuck; others, obviously
    the work of common people, may be Arabic, while some others found
    on the left bank of the Jenissei river are much more interesting.
    They seem to me to be badly written in Syriac, from right to left
    horizontally, before the time of the adaptation of this writing to
    the Uigur and Mongol. The characters are still separated one from
    the other. On one of these graffitti found at the same place several
    Chinese characters, as written by common people, are recognizable.

    Some hieroglyphical graffitti have been discovered on rocks
    above Tomsk, on the right bank of the Tom river, in Siberia. They
    are incised at a height of more than 20 feet. They are very rude,
    and somewhat like the famous Livre de Sauvages of merry fame in
    palæography. Quadrupeds, men, heads, all roughly drawn, and some
    indistinct lines, are all that can be seen. It looks more like
    the pictorial figures which can be used as a means of notation by
    ignorant people at any moment than like an historical beginning of
    some writing. There is not the slightest appearance of any sort of
    regularity or conventional arrangement in them.

    The last we have to speak of are quite peculiar and altogether
    different from the others. The signs are painted in red. They are
    made of straight lines, disposed like drawings of lattices and
    window shades, and also like the tree characters of the Arabs and
    like the runes. They are met with near the Irtisch river, on a rock
    over the stream Smolank.

Figs. 513, 721, 722, and 723, infra, have relation to this geographic
region.

It is to be remarked that some of the Siberian and Tartar characters,
especially those reproduced by Schoolcraft, I, Pls. 65 and 66, have a
strong resemblance to the drawings of the Ojibwa, some of which are
figured and described in the present work, and this coincidence is
more suggestive from the reason that the totem or dodaim, which often
is the subject of those drawings, is a designation which is used by
both the Ojibwa and the Tartar with substantially the same sound and
significance.




CHAPTER V.

CUP SCULPTURES


The simplest form of rock inscription is almost ubiquitous. In
Europe, Asia, Africa, America, and Oceanica, shallow, round, cup-like
depressions are found, sometimes in rows, sometimes singly, sometimes
surrounded by a ring or rings, but often quite plain. The cup-markers
often arranged their sculpturings in regularly spaced rows, not
infrequently surrounding them with one or more clearly cut rings;
sometimes, again, they associated them with concentric circles or
spirals. Occasionally the sculptors demonstrated the artificial
character of their work by carving it in spots beyond the reach of
atmospheric influences, such as the interiors of stone cists or of
dwellings. It must, however, be noted that, although there is thus
established a distinction between those markings which are natural and
those which are artificial, it is possible that there may have been
some distant connection between the two, and that the depressions worn
by wind and rain may have suggested the idea of the devices, now called
cup-markings, to those who first sculptured them.

Vast numbers of these cup stones are found in the British islands,
often connected with other petroglyphs. In the county of Northumberland
alone there are 53 stones charged with 350 sculptures, among which are
many cup depressions. So also in Germany, France, Denmark, and indeed
everywhere in Europe, but these forms took their greatest development in
India.

The leading work relating to this kind of sculpture is that of Prof. J.
Y. Simpson (_a_), afterward known as Sir James Simpson, who reduces the
forms of the cup sculptures to seven elementary types, here reproduced
in Fig. 147. His classification is as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 147.--Types of cup sculptures.]

    First type. _Single cups._--They are the simplest type of these
    ancient stone-cuttings. Their diameter varies from 1 inch to 3
    inches and more, while they are often only half an inch deep, but
    rarely deeper than an inch or an inch and a half. They commonly
    appear in different sizes on the same stone or rock, and although
    they sometimes form the only sculptures on a surface they are
    more frequently associated with figures of a different character.
    They are in general scattered without order over the surface, but
    occasionally four or five or more of them are placed in more or less
    regular groups, exhibiting a constellation-like arrangement.

    Second type. _Cups surrounded by a single ring._--The incised
    rings are usually much shallower than the cups and mostly surround
    cups of comparatively large size. The ring is either complete or
    broken, and in the latter case it is often traversed by a radial
    groove which runs from the central cup through and even beyond the
    ring.

    Third type. _Cups surrounded by a series of concentric complete
    rings._--In this complete annular form the central cup is generally
    more deeply cut than the surrounding rings, but not always.

    Fourth type. _Cups surrounded by a series of concentric, but
    incomplete rings having a straight radial groove._--This type
    constitutes perhaps the most common form of the circular carvings.
    The rings generally touch the radial line at both extremities, but
    sometimes they terminate on each side of it without touching it.
    The radial groove occasionally extends considerably beyond the
    outer circle, and in most cases it runs in a more or less downward
    direction on the stone or rock. Sometimes it runs on and unites into
    a common line with other ducts or grooves coming from other circles,
    till thus several series of concentric rings are conjoined into a
    larger or smaller cluster, united together by the extension of their
    radial branch-like grooves.

    Fifth type. _Cups surrounded by concentric rings and flexed
    lines._--The number of inclosing or concentric rings is generally
    fewer in this type than in the two last preceding types, and seldom
    exceeds two or three in number.

    Sixth type. _Concentric rings without a central cup._--In many
    cases the concentric rings of the types already described appear
    without a central cup or depression, which is most frequently
    wanting in the complete concentric circles of the third type.

    Seventh type. _Concentric circular lines of the form of a spiral
    or volute._--The central beginning of the spiral line is usually,
    but not always, marked by a cup-like excavation.

It often occurs that two, three, or more of these various types are
found on the same stone or rock, a fact indicating that they are
intimately allied to each other.

Prof. Simpson presents what he calls “the chief deviations from the
principal types” reproduced here as Fig. 148.

[Illustration: FIG. 148.--Variants of cup sculptures.]

The first four designs represent cups connected by grooves, which is
a noticeable and frequently occurring feature. In Fig. 149 views of
sculptured rock surfaces at Auchnabreach, Argyleshire, Scotland, are
given. Simple cups, cups surrounded by one ring or by concentric rings,
with radial grooves and spirals, appear here promiscuously mingled. Fig.
150 exhibits isolated as well as connected cups, a cup surrounded by
a ring, and concentric rings with radial grooves, on a standing stone
(menhir), belonging to a group of seven at Ballymenach, in the parish of
Kilmichael-Glassary, in Argyleshire, Scotland.

[Illustration: FIG. 149.--Cup sculptures at Auchnabreach, Scotland.]

[Illustration: FIG. 150.--Cup sculptures at Ballymenach, Scotland.]

Dr. Berthold Seeman remarks concerning the characters in Fig. 105,
supra, copied from a rock in Chiriqui, Panama, that he discovers in it a
great resemblance to those of Northumberland, Scotland, and other parts
of Great Britain. He says, as quoted by Dr. Rau (_d_):

    It is singular that, thousands of miles away, in a remote corner
    of tropical America, we should find the concentric rings and several
    other characters typically identical with those engraved on the
    British rocks.

    The characters in Chiriqui are, like those of Great Britain,
    incised on large stones, the surface of which has not previously
    undergone any smoothing process. The incised stones occur in a
    district of Veraguas (Chiriqui or Alanje), which is now thinly
    inhabited, but which, judging from the numerous tombs, was once
    densely peopled.

    From information received during my two visits to Chiriqui and
    from what has been published since I first drew attention to this
    subject, I am led to believe that there are a great many inscribed
    rocks in that district. But I myself have seen only one, the now
    famous _piedra pintal_ (i. e., painted stone), which is found on
    a plain at Caldera, a few leagues from the town of David. It is
    15 feet high, nearly 50 feet in circumference, and rather flat on
    the top. Every part, especially the eastern side, is covered with
    incised characters about an inch or half an inch deep. The first
    figure on the left hand side represents a radiant sun, followed
    by a series of heads or what appear to be heads, all with some
    variation. It is these heads, particularly the appendages (perhaps
    intended for hair?), which show a certain resemblance to one of the
    most curious characters found on the British rocks, and calling to
    mind the so-called “Ogham characters.” These “heads” are succeeded
    by scorpion-like or branched and other fantastic figures. The top
    of the stone and the other sides are covered with a great number of
    concentric rings and ovals, crossed by lines. It is especially these
    which bear so striking a resemblance to the Northumbrian characters.

[Illustration: FIG. 151.--Cup sculptures in Chiriqui.]

Fig. 151 presents five selected characters from the rock mentioned: _a_
attached to the respective numbers always refers to the Chiriqui and
_b_ to the British type of the several designs; 1_a_ and 1_b_ represent
radiant suns; 2_a_ and 2_b_ show several grooves, radiating from an
outer arch, resembling, as Dr. Seeman thinks, the Ogham characters; 3_a_
and 3_b_ show the completely closed concentric circles; 4_a_ and 4_b_
show how the various characters are connected by lines; 5_a_ and 5_b_
exhibit the groove or outlet of the circle.

Mr. G. H. Kinahan, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute of
Great Britain and Ireland, 1889, p. 171, gives an account of Barnes’s
Inscribed Dallâus, County Donegal, Ireland. One of his figures bears
four cups joined together by lines forming a cross. The remainder of the
illustrations consist of concentric rings and cups resembling others
already figured in this paper.

Marcano (_c_) describes Fig. 152 as follows:

    The chain of Cuchivero, situated in Venezuela between the
    Orinoco and the Caura, shows on its flanks small plateaus on which
    are numerous stones which seem to have been aligned. This chain is
    separated by a deep valley from that of Tiramuto, from which were
    copied the petroglyphs here presented. The one represents a single
    sun, the other two suns joined together. The rays of the former
    run from one circumference to the other. The other two are joined
    together by a central stroke, and the rays all start from the outer
    circumference.

[Illustration: FIG. 152.--Cup sculptures in Venezuela.]

The same author (loc. cit.) thus describes Fig. 153:

    These designs, taken on the little hills of the high Cuchivero,
    differ altogether from the preceding. _a_ is a very regular
    horizontal grouping. It begins by a spiral joined to three figures
    similar among themselves, and similar also to the eyes of jaguars
    which we have often met with. There follows a sort of isolated
    fret; at its right is another, larger and joined to a circle
    different from the preceding; it has a central point, and the second
    circumference is interrupted. The figure terminates in a spiral like
    the one at the beginning of the line, and which, being turned in the
    opposite direction, serves as its pendant.

    [Illustration: FIG. 153.--Cup sculptures in Venezuela.]

    _b_ is formed of two horizontal rows one above the other. We
    there find first of all two frets united by a vertical stroke ending
    in a hook. The characters which follow, resembling those of _a_, are
    distinct in each row, but on closer inspection they are seen to have
    a peculiar correspondence.

Dr. Ladisláu Netto (_b_) gives copies of carvings on the rocks in Brazil
on the banks of the Rio Negro, from Moura to the city of Manaus, and
remarks upon the characters reproduced here as Fig. 154, that they
represent the figure of the multiple concentric circles joined together
two by two, as were found on several other rocks in the same region,
and as they appear in many inscriptions of Central America and at
various points of North America.

[Illustration: FIG. 154.--Cup sculptures in Brazil.]

Senhor Araripe (_b_) gives the following account:

    In Banabuiu, Brazil, about three-quarters of a league from
    the plantation of Caza-nova, on the road to Castelo, is a stone
    resting upon another, at the height of a man, which the inhabitants
    call Pedra-furada (pierced stone) having on its western face the
    inscription in Fig. 155.

    The characters have been much effaced by the rubbing of cattle
    against them; the stone has also cracked. Some fragments lying at
    the foot of it bear on their upper faces round holes made by a sharp
    tool, and resembling those shown in this figure.

[Illustration: FIG. 155.--Cup sculptures in Brazil.]

Cup stones, called by the French _pierres à ecuelles_ and _pierres
à cupules_ and by the Germans _Schalensteine_, are found throughout
Hindustan, on the banks of the Indus, at the foot of the Himalayas,
in the valley of Cashmere, and on the many cromlechs around Nagpoor.
At this very day one may see the Hindu women carrying the water of
the Ganges all the way to the mountains of the Punjab, to pour into
the cupules and thus obtain from the divinity the boon of motherhood
earnestly desired.

The cup sculptures often become imposing by their number and
combination. In the Kamaon mountains there are numerous blocks that
support small basins. One of them is mentioned as being 13 feet in
length by 9 in breadth and 7 in height, and showing five rows of
cupules. At Chandeswar (see Fig. 146) the rocks themselves are covered
with these signs. They present two different types. One of the most
frequent groups shows a simple round cavity; in the others, the cupels
are encircled by a sort of ring carved in intaglio and encircling
figures. One of these figures recalls the swastika, the sacred sign of
the Aryans. The present Hindus are absolutely ignorant of the origin
of these sculptures; they are fain to attribute them to the Goalas, a
mysterious race of shepherd kings who preceded the great invasions which
imprinted an indelible stamp on the Indies as well as on Europe. These
cupels are correlated with the worship of Mahadeo, one of the many names
given to Siva, the third god of the Hindu triad, whose emblem is the
serpent. Chandeswar is reached through a narrow gorge; at the entrance
is found a temple sacred to Mahadeo. The columns and slabs bear cupules
similar to those seen on the rocks.

Some of the Mahadeo designs engraved on stone slabs in this temple (see
Rivett-Carnac, loc. cit.) are represented in Fig. 156, showing a marked
resemblance to and approaching identity with this class of cuttings on
bowlders, rocks, and megalithic monuments in Europe.

[Illustration: FIG. 156.--Cup sculptures in India.]

A large number of stones with typical cup markings have been found in
the United States of America. Some of those illustrated in this paper
are presented in Pl. V, and Figs. 19 and 48.

Among the many attempts, all hitherto unsatisfactory, to explain the
significance of the cup stones as distributed over nearly all parts
of the earth, one statement of Mr. Rivett-Carnac (_b_) is of value as
furnishing the meaning now attached to them in India. He says:

    Having seen sketches and notes on rock sculptures in India which
    closely resemble unexplained rock carvings in Scotland, and having
    myself found one of the Scotch forms cut on a bowlder in Kángrá, *
    * * being at Ayodhyá with a Hindu who speaks good English, I got a
    fakir and drew on the sand of the Gogra the figure [Illustration:
    concentric circles]. I asked what that meant. The fakir at once
    answered, “Mahadeo.” I then drew [Illustration: concentric circles
    with line from center] and got the same answer. At Delhi my old
    acquaintance, Mr. Shaw, told me that these two signs are chalked on
    stones in Kángrá by people marching in marriage processions. The
    meaning given to these two symbols now in India is familiarly known
    to the people.

Mahadeo, more accurately Mahadiva, is the god of generation. He is
worshiped by the Sawas, one of the numerous Hindu sects, under the form
of a phallus, often represented by a simple column, which sometimes
is placed on the yoni or female organ. It is suggested that in a
common form of the sculptures the inner circle represents the Mahadeo
or lingam, and the outer or containing circle the yoni. No idea of
obscenity occurs from this representation to the Hindus, who adore under
this form the generative power in nature.

Prof. Douglas, in the Saturday Review, November 24, 1883, furnishes some
remarks on the topic now considered:

    In Palestine and the country beyond Jordan some of the marks
    found are so large that it has been supposed that they may have
    been used as small presses of wine, or as mortars for pounding the
    gleanings of wheat. But there is an objection to these theories
    as accounting for the marks generally, which is fatal to them. To
    serve these purposes the rocks on which the marks occur should be
    in a horizontal position, whereas in a majority of cases all over
    the world the “cups” are found either on shelving rocks or on the
    sides of perpendicular stones. This renders worthless also the ideas
    which have at different times been put forward that they may have
    been used for some sort of gambling game, or as sun-dials. A Swiss
    archæologist who has lately devoted himself to the question believes
    that he has recognized, in the sculpturings under his observation,
    maps of the surrounding districts, the “cups” indicating the
    mountain peaks. In the same way others have thought that similar
    markings may have been intended as maps or plans pointing out the
    direction and character of old circular camps and cities in their
    neighborhood. But if any such resemblances have been discovered
    they can hardly be other than fortuitous, since it is difficult to
    understand how rows of cup marks, arranged at regular intervals
    and in large numbers, could have served as representatives either
    of the natural features of a country or of camps and cities. But a
    closer resemblance may be found in them as maps if we suppose that
    they were intended to represent things in the heavens rather than
    on earth. The round cup-like marks are reasonably suggestive of
    the sun, moon, and stars, and if only an occasional figure could
    be found representing a constellation, some color might be held
    to be given to the idea; but unfortunately this is not the case.
    Nevertheless the shape of the marks has led many to believe that
    they are relics of the ancient sun worship of Phœnicia, and that
    their existence in Europe is due to the desire of the Phœnician
    colonists to convert our forefathers to their faith. But there are
    many reasons for regarding this theory, though supported by the
    authority of Prof. Nilsson, as untenable. The observations of late
    years have brought to light cup marks and megalithic circles in
    parts of Europe on which a Phœnician foot never trod; and it is a
    curious circumstance that in those portions of the British Isles
    most frequented by these indefatigable traders there are fewer
    traces of these monuments than in the northern and inland districts,
    which were comparatively inaccessible to them.

The Swiss archæologist mentioned above by Prof. Douglas is Fritz
Roediger (_a_), of whose theory the following is a translated abstract:

    What renders the deciphering of these sign stones exceedingly
    difficult (I purposely avoid the words “map stones” because not
    all are such) is their great variety in size, position, material,
    workmanship, and meaning. I will here speak of the latter only,
    inasmuch as there are stones which in their smallest and their
    largest form are yet frequently nothing else than boundary stones,
    whose origin can often not be definitely established as prehistoric,
    while on the other hand again we discover well-marked boundary
    stones, which at the same time show the outline of the piece of
    ground which they guard. Similarly we find prehistoric (Gallic)
    “Leuk” stones, differing from the meter-high communal and state
    boundary stones of modern times in nothing but this, that they
    have some indistinct grooves and one or two hooks, while on the
    other hand we meet “Leuk” stones, which on their restricted heads,
    often also on the side walls, indicate their environs for (Leuk)
    miles around, up, down, and sidewise, while a third class of this
    form merely adorn crossroads, and indicate deviations by means of
    lines and points (waranden). Thus we find quite extensive slabs
    or structures that signify only some hectares, often only one,
    while we meet very small ones, or, at any rate, of moderate size,
    which, one man can move, that represent very large districts, some
    presenting only lines and grooves, others with shells of various
    sizes, a third kind with both kinds of ornaments and samples of
    ornaments, and again others with no sign at all, but yet respected
    as stones of special meaning by the population, and called “hot
    stone,” “pointed stone,” “heath stone,” “child’s stone,” etc. Other
    stones have basin-like or platter-like depressions, and finally
    there are outcropping rocks with marks of one kind or another,
    holes, rents, clefts, etc. A further great difficulty hampering the
    deciphering of these wonderful stones is the lack of opportunities
    for comparison and experience. I have been markedly favored in this
    respect by my sojourn and wanderings in valley, mountain and alp.
    Western Switzerland is a very paradise for investigations of this
    kind, especially the lake country and the upper part of the canton
    of Solothurn (Soleure). A third difficulty, often insuperable, lies
    in the nonexistence of appropriate good maps for comparison. In this
    respect too we are well off in Switzerland.

    According to my observations in this field, now continued nearly
    12 years, prehistoric man had: (1) His land or province survey; (2)
    his circle, district, and communal surveys, in reference to which
    (3) the Alpine surveys deserve special mention, in cantons which
    down to the present day know nothing of such surveys; (4) private
    and special surveys. Thus it seems that my observations lend full
    confirmation to the oldest historic or traditional statements
    concerning the tenure of land of the Kelto-Germans or Germano-Kelts.

Among the Ojibwa concentric circles, according to Schoolcraft (_d_),
constituted the symbol of time. It would be dangerous to explain the
many markings of this character by the suggested symbolism, which also
recalls that of Egypt in relation to the circle-figure. Inquiries
have often been made whether the North American Indians have any
superstitious or religious practices connected with the markings under
consideration, e. g., in relation to the desire for offspring, which
undoubtedly is connected with the sculpturing of cup depressions and
furrows in the eastern hemisphere. No evidence is yet produced of any
such correspondence of practice or tradition relating to it. In the
absence of any extrinsic explanation the prosaic and disappointing
suggestion intrudes that circular concentric rings are easy to draw and
that the act of drawing them suggests the accentuation of depressions
or hollows within their curves. Much stress is laid upon the fact
that the characters are found in so many parts of the earth, with the
implication that all the sculptors used them with the same significance,
thus affording ground for the hypothesis that anciently one race of
people penetrated all the regions designated. But in such an implication
the history of the character formed by two intersecting straight lines
is forgotten. The cross is as common as the cup-stone, and has, or
anciently had, a different signification among the different people
who used it, beginning as a mark and ending as a symbol. Therefore, it
may readily be imagined that the rings in question, which are drawn
nearly as easily as the cross, were at one time favorite but probably
meaningless designs, perhaps, in popular expression, “instinctive”
commencements of the artistic practice, as was the earliest delineation
of the cross-figure. Afterward the rings, if employed as symbols or
emblems, would naturally have a different meaning applied to them in
each region where they now appear.

It must, however, be noted that the figures under discussion can be and
often are the result of conventionalization. A striking remark is made
by Mr. John Murdoch (_a_), of the Smithsonian Institution, that south of
Bering strait the design of the “circle and dot,” which may be regarded
as the root of the cup sculpture, is the conventionalized representation
of a flower, and is very frequently seen as an ornamental device.

An elucidation of some of the most common forms of cup sculptures is
given, without qualification and also without authority, but with the
serene consciousness of certainty, by the Rev. Charles Rogers, “D.D.,
LL. D., F. S. A., Scot., etc.,” as follows:

    The sculptures are sacred books, which the awe-inspired
    worshipper was required to revere and, probably, to salute with
    reverence. A single circle represented the sun, two circles in
    union the sun and moon--Baal and Ashtaroth. The wavy groove passing
    across the circle pointed to the course of water from the clouds, as
    discharged upon the earth. Groups of pit marks pointed to the stars
    or, more probably, to the oaks of the primeval temples.




CHAPTER VI.

PICTOGRAPHS GENERALLY.


In leaving the geographic distribution of petroglyphs to examine the
comprehensive theme of pictographs in general, the first and correct
impression is that the mist of the archaic and unknown is also left
and that the glow of current significance is reached. The pictographs
of the American Indians are seldom if ever cryptographs, though very
often conventional and sometimes, for special reasons, preconcerted,
as are their signals. They are intended to be understood without a
key, and nearly all of those illustrated below in the present work are
accompanied by an interpretation. As the art is in actual daily use it
is free from the superstition pending from remote antiquity.

It will be noticed that a large proportion of the pictographs to be now
presented, which are not petroglyphs, are Micmac, Abnaki, Dakota, and
Ojibwa, although it is admitted that as many more could be obtained
from other tribes, such as the Zuñi and the Navajo. The reason for
the omission of details regarding the latter is that they are already
published, or are in the course of publication, by Mrs. Stevenson, Dr.
Matthews, Mr. Cushing, Mr. Fewkes, and other writers, who have specially
devoted themselves to the peoples mentioned and the region occupied by
them.

The present writer obtained a valuable collection of birch-bark
pictographs immemorially and still made by the Passamaquoddy and
Penobscot tribes of Abnaki in Maine, showing a similarity in the use of
picture-writing between the members of the widespread Algonquian stock
in the regions west of the great lakes and those on the northeastern
seaboard. He also learned that the same art was common to the less
known Montagnais and Nascapees in the wooded regions north of the St.
Lawrence. This correlation of the pictographic practice, in manner
and extent, was before inferentially asserted, but no satisfactory
evidence of it had been furnished until the researches of the Bureau of
Ethnology, in 1887 and 1888, made by the writer, brought into direct
comparison the pictography of the Ojibwa with that of the Micmacs and
the Abnaki. Many of the Indians of the last-named tribes still use marks
and devices on birch bark in the ordinary affairs of life, especially
as notices of departure and direction and for warning and guidance. The
religious use of original drawings among them, which is still prominent
among the Ojibwa, has almost ceased, but traces of it remain.

The most interesting of all the accounts regarding the pictographs
of the North American Indians published before the last decade was
contained in the works of Henry R. Schoolcraft, issued in 1853
and subsequent years, and the most frequently quoted part of his
contributions on this subject describes the pictographs of the Ojibwa.
He had special facilities for obtaining accurate information with regard
to all matters relating to that tribe on account of his marriage to one
of its women, a granddaughter of a celebrated chief, Waub-o-jeeg and
daughter of a European named Johnson. She was educated in Ireland and
had sufficient intelligence to understand and describe to her husband
the points of interest relating to her tribe.

The accounts given by Mr. Schoolcraft, with numerous illustrations,
convey the impression that the Ojibwa were nearly as far advanced
in hieroglyphic writing as the Egyptians before their pictorial
representations had become syllabic. The general character of his
voluminous publications has not been such as to assure modern critics
of his accuracy, and the wonderful combination of minuteness and
comprehensiveness attributed by him to the Ojibwa “hieroglyphs” has of
late been generally regarded with suspicion. It was considered in the
Bureau of Ethnology an important duty to ascertain how much of truth
existed in these remarkable accounts, and for that purpose the writer,
with Dr. Hoffman as assistant, examined the most favorable points in the
present habitat of the tribe, namely, the northern regions of Minnesota
and Wisconsin, to ascertain how much was yet to be discovered.

The general results of the comparison of Schoolcraft’s statements with
what is now found show that he told the truth in substance, but with
much exaggeration and coloring. The word “coloring” is particularly
appropriate, because in his copious illustrations various colors were
used freely and with apparent significance, whereas, in fact, the
general rule in regard to the birch-bark rolls was that they were never
colored at all; indeed, the bark was not adapted to coloration. The
metaphorical coloring was also flourished by him in a manner which seems
absurd to any thorough student of the Indian philosophy and religions.
Metaphysical concepts are attached by him to some of the devices which
he calls “symbols,” which could never have been entertained by a people
in the stage of culture of the Ojibwa. While some symbolism, in the wide
sense of the term, may be perceived, iconography and ideography are more
apparent.

The largest part of the bark rolls and other pictographs of the Ojibwa
obtained by the Bureau, relates to the ceremonies of the Midē' and
of the shamanistic orders; another division refers to the Jessakid
performances, which can be classed under the head of jugglery; and a
third part embraces the more current and practical uses. Examples of all
of these are given, infra.

The difficulties sometimes attending the pursuit of ceremonial
pictographs were exemplified to the writer at Odanah, Wisconsin. Very
few of the Ojibwa in that neighborhood, who are generally civilized and
in easy circumstances, had any more than a vague knowledge that such
things as inscribed bark rolls had ever existed. Three, however, were
traced and one was shown. The owner, an uncompromising heathen, was
called Kitche-sha-bads. “Kitche” means big, “sha” is an attempt at the
French form of John, and “bads” is a bad shot at Baptiste, the whole
translation, therefore, being “Big John the Baptist.” This old fellow,
though by no means as enterprising or successful as some of the younger
generation, had a snug house and farm and $300 in the savings bank at
Ashland. One thing, however, he needed, viz, whisky. The strictest
regulations prevailed on the reservation, really prohibitory to the
introduction of spirits, and, indeed, there was at the nearest town,
Ashland, a severe penalty for selling any form of liquor to an Indian.
To obtain whisky, therefore, was the only consideration which would
tempt him to allow a copy of the roll to be taken or by which he could
be induced to recite or rather to chant it in the manner prescribed.
He was undoubtedly accomplished in the knowledge of the Midē' rites,
and the roll, which was shown in his hands, but not out of them, is
substantially the same as one of those copied in the present work, which
was discovered several hundred miles farther northwest among a different
division of the same tribe. The shaman began rather mildly to plead that
he was an old man and could not remember well unless his spirit was made
good by a little whisky. This difficulty might have been obviated by a
traveler’s pocket flask, but his demands increased with great rapidity.
He said that the roll could only be sung at night, that he must have
another old man to help him, and the old man must have whisky; then that
there must be a number of young men, who would join in the chorus, and
all the young men must have whisky too. These demands made it evident
that he was intending to have a drunken orgy, which resulted in a
cloture of the debate. And yet the idea of the old shaman was in its
way correct. The ceremonial chants could be advantageously pronounced
only under inspiration, which was of old obtained by a tedious form of
intoxication, now expedited by alcohol.

The fact that this work shows a large proportion of pictographs from
the Siouan linguistic family, and especially from the Dakota division
of that family, may be explained partly by the greater familiarity of
the present writer with it than with most other Indian divisions. Yet
probably more distinctive examples of evolution in ideography and in
other details of picture-writing are found still extant among the Dakota
than among any other North American tribe. The degree of advance made by
the Dakota was well expressed by the Rev. S. D. Hinman, who was born,
lived, married, and died in their midst, and, though unfortunately he
committed to writing but little of his knowledge, was more thoroughly
informed about that people than any other man of European descent.

To express his views clearly he gave to this writer in a manuscript
communication his own classification of pictography (which is not in all
respects approved) as follows:

_I. Picturing._--[This is the method called by Prof. Brinton (_b_)
iconographic writing.] This shows a simple representation of a thing or
event in picture, as of a bear, a man’s hand, a battle.

_II. Ideography._--This arbitrarily, though significantly, recalls an
idea or abstract quality, as love or goodness.

_III. Picture-writing._--This will, in picture and character,
arbitrarily or otherwise, recite a connected story, there being
a picture or character for every word, even for conjunctions and
prepositions.

_IV. Phonetic writing._--This gives phonetic value to every picture and
spells out the words by sound, almost as in later alphabets, as if a
lion should stand for the “l” sound, a bear for the “b” sound, etc., and
from this last by modification came alphabets. [This is the familiar
theory, which is accurate so far as it is applicable, of the initial
sound, but other elements are disregarded, such as the “rebus,” for
which special class Prof. Brinton, loc. cit., has invented the title of
the Iconomatic method.]

Accepting this chronologic if not evolutionary arrangement, Mr. Hinman
decided that the Dakota picture-writing had passed through stage I
and was already entering upon stage II when it was first observed by
the European explorers. Of III and IV he found no examples in Dakota
pictography, though in sign language the Dakota had progressed further
and had entered upon III.

As a summary of the topic it seems that pictographs other than
petroglyphs which presumably are more modern than most of the
latter, can be studied, not by geographic distribution, but by their
ascertainable intent and use. Unless the classification of the remaining
part of this work under its various headings has been defective, further
discussion in this chapter is unnecessary.




CHAPTER VII.

SUBSTANCES ON WHICH PICTOGRAPHS ARE MADE.


Substances on which pictographs are made may be divided into--

      I. The human body.
     II. Natural objects other than the human body.
    III. Artificial objects.


SECTION 1.

THE HUMAN BODY.

Markings on human bodies are--(1) Those expressed by painting or such
coloration as is not permanent. It has been found convenient to treat
this topic under the heading of “Significance of Colors,” Chap. XVIII,
Sec. 3. (2) Those of intended permanence upon the skin, generally called
tattoo, but including scarification. This enormous and involved topic is
discussed, so far as space allows, under the heading of “Totems, Titles,
and Names,” Chapter XIII, Sec. 3, where it seems to be most convenient
in the general arrangement of this work. Though logically it might have
been divided among several of the headings, that course would have
involved much repetition or cross reference.


SECTION 2.

NATURAL OBJECTS OTHER THAN THE HUMAN BODY.

Other natural objects may be divided into--(1) Stone; (2) bone; (3)
skins; (4) feathers and quills; (5) gourds; (6) shells; (7) earth and
sand; (8) copper; (9) wood.


STONE.

This caption comprises the pictographs upon stone surfaces or tablets
which are not of the dimensions or in the position to be included under
the heading of petroglyphs, as elsewhere defined. Accounts, with and
without illustrations, have been published of several engraved tablets,
regarding which there has been much discussion, and some examples
appear, infra, under the appropriate heading. (See Chapter XXII, Sec.
1.) Other examples, in which the genuine aboriginal character of the
work is undisputed, appear in the present work, and a large number of
other engraved and incised stone objects could be referred to, some of
which are in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology, unpublished,
others being figured in its several reports. It is sufficient now for
illustration of this subject to refer to the account accompanying
Pl. LI, infra, describing and copying the Thruston tablet, which is,
perhaps, the most interesting of any pictograph on stone yet discovered,
the genuineness of which as Indian work has not been called in question.


BONE.

For instances of the use of bone, several Alaskan and Eskimo carvings
figured in this work may be referred to, e. g., Figs. 334, 459-462, 534,
703, 704, 742, 771, 844, and 1228.

[Illustration: FIG. 157.--Comanche drawing on shoulder-blade.]

Fig. 157, copied from Schoolcraft (_e_), is taken from the
shoulder-blade of a buffalo found on the plains in the Comanche country
of Texas. He says:

    It is a symbol showing the strife for the buffalo existing
    between the Indian and white races. The Indian (1) presented on
    horseback, protected by his ornamented shield and armed with a
    lance, (2) kills a Spaniard (3) after a circuitous chase (6), the
    latter being armed with a gun. His companion (4), armed with a
    lance, shares the same fate.

It may be questioned whether Mr. Schoolcraft was not too active in the
search for symbols in his explanation of (6) as a circuitous chase. The
device is either a lasso or a lariat, and relates to the possession or
attempt to take possession of the buffalo. The design (5), however, well
expresses ideographically the fact that the buffalo at the time was in
contention, and therefore was the property half of the Indians and half
of the whites.


SKINS.

A large number of pictographs upon the hides of animals are mentioned in
the present paper. Pl. XX, with its description in the Dakota Winter
Counts, infra, Chap, X, Sec. 2, is one instance. Rawhide drum-heads are
also used to paint upon, as by the shamans of the Ojibwa.

The use of robes made of the hides of buffalo and other large animals,
painted with biographic, shamanistic, and other devices, is also
mentioned in various parts of this work. A description of very early
observation is now introduced, taken from John Ribault in Hakluyt (_a_).

    The king gaue our Captaine at his departure a plume or fanne of
    Hernshawes feathers died in red, and a basket made of Palmeboughes
    after the Indian fashion, and wrought very artificially and a great
    skinne painted and drawen throughout with the pictures of diuers
    wilde beasts so liuely drawen and pourtrayed, that nothing lacked
    but life.

With the American use of pictographic robes may be compared the
following account of the same use by Australian natives by Dr. Richard
Andree (_b_).

    The inner side of the opossum skins worn by the blacks is also
    often ornamented with figures. They scratch lines into the skin,
    which afterward are rubbed over with fat and charcoal.


FEATHERS AND QUILLS.

Edward M. Kern, in Schoolcraft (_f_), reports that the Sacramento tribes
of California were very expert in weaving blankets of feathers, many of
them having beautiful figures worked upon them.

The feather work in Mexico, Central America, and the Hawaiian Islands
is well known, often having designs properly to be considered
among pictographs, though in modern times not often passing beyond
ornamentation.

Worsnop (op. cit.) mentions that on grand occasions of the “Mindarie”
(i. e., peace festival) the Australian natives decorate the bodies,
face, legs, and feet with the down of wild fowl, stuck on with their own
blood. The ceremony of taking the blood is very painful, yet they stand
it without a murmur. It takes five or six men four to five hours to
decorate one man. The blood is put on the body wet and the down stuck on
the blood, showing, when finished, outlines of man’s head, face, feet,
snakes, emu, fish, trees, birds, and other outlines representing the
moon, stars, sun, and Aurora Australis, the whole meaning that they are
at peace with the world.

Mr. David Boyle (_a_) gives an account of a piece of porcupine quill
work, with an illustration, a part of which is copied in Fig. 158.

[Illustration: FIG. 158.--Quill pictograph.]

    Among the lost or almost lost arts of the Canadian Indians is
    that of employing porcupine quills as in the illustration. Partly
    on account of scarcity of material, but chiefly, it is likely, from
    change of habits and of taste, there are comparatively few Indian
    women now living who attempt to produce any fabric of this kind. * *
    *

    The central figure is meant to represent the eagle or great
    thunder-bird, the belief in which is, or was, widely spread among
    the Indians over the northern part of this continent. * * *

    This beautiful piece of quill work was produced from
    Ek-wah-satch, who resides at Baptiste lake. He informed me that it
    had belonged to his grandfather, who resided near Georgian bay.

See also Fig. 685 for another illustration of pictographic work by
colored porcupine quills.


GOURDS.

After gourds have dried the contents are removed and small pebbles or
bones placed in the empty vessel. Handles are sometimes attached. They
serve as rattles in dances and in religious and shamanistic rites. The
representations of natural or mythical objects, connected with the
ceremonies, for which the owner may have special reverence are often
depicted upon their outer surfaces. This custom prevails among the
Pueblos generally, and also among many other tribes, notably those of
the Siouan linguistic stock.

Fig. 159 is a drawing of the Sci-Manzi or “Mescal Woman” of the Kiowa
as it appears on a sacred gourd rattle in the mescal ceremony of that
tribe, and was procured with full explanations in the winter of 1890-’91
by Mr. James Mooney of the Bureau of Ethnology.

[Illustration: FIG. 159.--Pictograph on gourd.]

It shows the rude semblance of a woman, with divergent rays about her
head, a fan in her left hand, and a star under her feet.

The peculiarity of the drawing is its hermeneutic character, which
is rarely ascertained by actual evidence as existing among the North
American Indians. It has a double meaning, and while apparently only
a fantastic figure of a woman, it conveys also to the minds of the
initiated a symbolic representation of the interior of the sacred mescal
lodge. Turning the rattle with the handle toward the east, the lines
forming the halo about the head of the figure represent the circle of
devotees within the lodge. The head itself, with the spots for eyes
and mouth, represents the large consecrated mescal which is placed
upon a crescent-shaped mound of earth in the center of the lodge, this
mound being represented in the figure by a broad, curving line, painted
yellow, forming the curve of the shoulders. Below this is a smaller
crescent curve, the original surface of the gourd, which symbolizes
the smaller crescent mound of ashes built up within the crescent of
earth as the ceremony progresses. The horns of both crescents point
toward the door of the lodge on the east side which, in the figure, is
toward the feet. In the chest of the body is a round globule painted
red, emblematic of the fire within the horns of the crescent in the
lodge. The lower part of the body is green, symbolic of the eastern
ocean beyond which dwells the mescal woman who is the ruling spirit or
divinity to whom prayers are addressed in the ceremony, and the star
under her feet is the morning star which heralds her approach. In her
left hand is a device representing the fan of eagle feathers used to
shield the eyes from the glare of the fire during the ceremony.


SHELLS.

The admirable and well illustrated paper, Art in Shell of the Ancient
Americans, by Mr. W. H. Holmes, in the Second Annual Report of the
Bureau of Ethnology, and a similar paper, Burial Mounds of the Northern
Section of the United States, by Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in the Fifth
Annual Report of the same Bureau, render unnecessary present extended
discussion under this head.

One example, however, which is unique in character and of established
authenticity, is presented here as Pl. XV.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XV

POWHATAN’S MANTLE.]

Dr. Edward B. Tylor (_a_) gives a description of the mantle copied upon
that plate, which is condensed as follows:

    Among specimens illustrative of native North American arts,
    as yet untouched by European influence, is the deerskin mantle
    ornamented with shellwork, recorded to have belonged to the
    Virginian chief, Powhatan. Of the group of Virginian mantles
    in Tradescant’s collection there only now remains this shell
    embroidered one. It is entered as follows in the MS. catalogue of
    the Ashmolean Museum, in the handwriting of the keeper, Dr. Plot,
    the well-known antiquary, about 1685: “205 Basilica Powhatan Regis
    Virginiani vestis, duabus cervorum cutibus consuta, et nummis
    indicis vulgo cori’s dictis splendidè exornata.” He had at first
    written “Roanoke,” but struck his pen through this word, and wrote
    “cori’s” (i. e. cowries) above, thus by no means improving the
    accuracy of his description.

    The mantle measures about 2.2^{m} in length by 1.6^{m} in
    width. The two deerskins forming it are joined down the middle; no
    hair remains. The ornamental design consists of an upright human
    figure in the middle; divided by the seam; a pair of animals;
    32 spirally-formed rounds (2 in the lowest line have lost their
    shells) and the remains of some work in the right lower corner. The
    marks where shellwork has come away plainly show the hind legs and
    tapering tails of both animals. It is uncertain whether the two
    quadrupeds represent in the conventional manner of picture-writing
    some real animal of the region, or some mythical composite creature
    such as other Algonquin tribes are apt to figure. The decorative
    shellwork is of a kind well known in North America. The shells used
    are _Marginella_; so far as Mr. Edgar A. Smith is able to identify
    them in their present weathered state, _M. nivosa_. They have been
    prepared for fastening on, in two different ways, which may be
    distinguished in the plate. In the animals and rounds, the shells
    have been perforated by grinding on one side, so that a sinew thread
    can be passed through the hole thus made and the mouth. In the man,
    the shells are ground away and rounded off at both ends into beads
    looking roughly ball-like at a distance.

The artistic skill of the North American Indians was not, as a rule,
directed to represent the forms of animals with such accuracy as to
allow of their identification as portraitures. Instead of attempting
such accuracy they generally selected some prominent feature such as
the claws of the bear, which were drawn with exaggeration, or the
tail of the mountain lion which was portrayed of abnormal length over
the animal’s back. Those animals were, therefore, recognized by those
selected features in much the same manner as if there had been a written
legend--“this is a bear” or “a mountain lion,” the want of iconographic
accuracy being admitted. In the animals represented on the mantle no
such indicating feature is obvious, and the general resemblance to the
marten is the only guide to identification.

The habitat of the marten does not include Virginia as a whole, but
the animal is found in the elevated regions of that state. This local
infrequency is not, however, of much significance. If regarded as a clan
totem, as is probable, it may well be that the clan of Powhatan was
connected with the clans of the more northern Algonquian tribes among
whom the marten frequently appears as a clan totem. What is generally
termed the Powhatan confederacy was a union, not apparently ancient, of
a large number of tribal divisions or villages, and it is not known to
which clan (probably extending through many of these tribal divisions)
the head chief Powhatan belonged. There is almost nothing on record
of the clan system of those Virginian Indians, but it is supposed to
be similar to that of the northern and eastern members of the same
linguistic family, among whom the marten clan was and still is found.

The topic of wampum which, considered as to its material, belongs to the
division of shellwork, is with regard to the purposes of the present
paper, discussed under the head of “Mnemonic,” Chap. IX, Sec. 3.


EARTH AND SAND.

The highly important work, The Mountain Chant, a Navajo Ceremony, in
the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, by Dr. Washington
Matthews, U. S. Army, and that of Mr. James Stevenson, Ceremonial of
Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical Sand Painting of the Navajo Indians,
in the Eighth Annual Report of that Bureau, give accounts of most
interesting sand paintings by the Navajo Indians, which were before
unknown. These paintings were made upon the surface of the earth by
means of sand, ashes, and powdered vegetable and mineral matter of
various colors. They were highly elaborate, and were fashioned with care
and ceremony immediately preceding the observance of specific rites, at
the close of which they were obliterated with great nicety. The subject
is further discussed by Dr. W. H. Corbusier, U. S. Army, in the present
paper (see Chap. XIV, Sec. 5).

Mr. Frank Hamilton Cushing, of the Bureau of Ethnology, kindly
contributes the following remarks with special reference to the Zuñi:

    A study of characteristic features in these so-called sand
    pictures of the Navajos would seem to indicate a Pueblo origin of
    the art, this notwithstanding the fact that it is to-day more highly
    developed or at least more extensively practiced amongst the Navajos
    than now, or perhaps ever, amongst the Pueblos. When, during my
    first sojourn with the Zuñi, I found this art practice in vogue
    among the tribal priest magicians and members of cult societies,
    I named it dry or powder painting. I could see at a glance that
    this custom of powder painting had resulted from the effort to
    transfer from a vertical, smooth, and stable surface, which could
    be painted on, to a horizontal and unstable surface, unsuited to
    like treatment, such symbolic and sacramental pictographs as are
    painted on the walls of the kivas, temporarily, as appurtenances
    to the dramaturgic ceremonials of the cult societies, and as
    supposed aids to the magical incantations and formulæ of all the
    monthly, semiannual, and quadrennial observances and fasts of the
    tribal priests; sometimes, also, in the curative or “Betterment”
    ceremonials of these priests. It is noteworthy that, with the
    exception of the invariable “Earth terrace,” “Pathway of (earth)
    life,” and a few other conventional symbols of mortal or earthly
    things (nearly always made of scattered prayer meal), powder
    painting is resorted to amongst the Zuñi only in ceremonials
    pertaining to _all_ the regions or inclusive of the _lower_ region.
    In such cases paintings typical of the North, West, South, and East
    are made on the four corresponding walls of the kiva, whilst the
    lower region is represented by appropriately powder or paint colored
    sand on the floor, and the upper region either by paintings on the
    walls near the ceiling or on stretched skins suspended from the
    latter. Thus the origin of the practice of floor powder painting
    may be seen to have resulted from the effort to represent with more
    dramatic appropriateness or exactness the lower as well as the
    other sacramental regions, and to have been incident to the growth
    from the quaternary of the sextenary or septenary system of world
    division so characteristic of Pueblo culture. Hence it is that I
    attribute the art of powder or sand painting to the Pueblos, and
    believe that it was introduced both by imitation and by the adoption
    of Pueblo men amongst the Navajos. Its greater prevalence amongst
    them to-day is simply due to the fact that having, as a rule, no
    suitable vertical or wall surfaces for pictorial treatment, all
    their larger ceremonial paintings have to be made on the ground, and
    can only or best be made, of course, by this means alone.

    It is proper to add, as having a not inconsiderable bearing on
    the absence generally of screen or skin painting among the Navajos,
    that, with the Pueblos at least, these pictures are--must be--only
    temporary; for they are supposed to be spiritually shadowed, so to
    say, or breathed upon by the gods or god animals they represent,
    during the appealing incantations or calls of the rites; hence the
    paint substance of which they are composed is in a way incarnate,
    and at the end of the ceremonial must be killed and disposed of as
    dead if evil, eaten as medicine if good.

    Further light is thrown on this practice of the Zuñi in making
    use of these suppositively vivified paintings by their kindred
    practice of painting not only fetiches of stone, etc., and sometimes
    of larger idols, then of washing the paint off for use as above
    described, but also of _powder painting in relief_; that is, of
    modeling effigies in sand, sometimes huge in size, of hero or animal
    gods, sacramental mountains, etc., powder painting them in common
    with the rest of the pictures, and afterwards removing the paint for
    medicinal or further ceremonial use.

The construction of the effigies in high relief last above mentioned
should be compared with the effigy mounds mentioned below in this
section.

In connection with the ceremonial use, for temporary dry painting on the
ground, of colored earth and sand and also that of sacred corn meal,
a remarkable parallel is found in India. Mr. Edward Carpenter (_a_)
mentions that the Devadásis, who are popularly called Nautch girls, as a
part of their duty, ornament the floor of the Hindu temples with quaint
figures drawn in rice flour.

The well known mounds or tumuli more or less distinctly representing
animal forms and sometimes called effigy mounds, found chiefly in
Wisconsin and Illinois, come in this category, but it is not possible to
properly discuss them and also give space to the many other topics in
this paper, the facts and authorities upon which are less known or less
accessible. A large amount of information is published by Rev. S. D.
Peet (_a_). Other articles are by Mr. T. H. Lewis in Science, September
7, 1888, and No. 318, 1889. One upon the Serpent mound of Ohio, by Prof.
F. W. Putnam (_a_), is of special interest. It may be suggested as a
summation that there is not sufficient evidence of the erection of this
class of effigy mounds merely for burial purposes. They seldom exceeded
6 feet in height and varied in expanse from 30 to 300 feet. The animals
most frequently recognizable in the constructions are lizards, birds,
and several more or less distinct quadrupeds; serpents and turtles also
are identified. The species of fauna represented are those now or lately
found in the same region. There is a strong probability that the forms
of the mounds in question were determined by totemic superstitions or
tribal habitudes.

In England the pictographs styled “turf monuments” are sometimes made
by cutting the natural turf and filling with chalk the part of the
surface thus laid bare. Sometimes the color depends wholly upon the
limestone, granite, or other rock exposed by removing the turf. Rev. W.
C. Plenderleath (_a_) gives a full account of this variety of pictograph.


COPPER.

This is the only metal on which it is probable that the North American
Indians made designs. To present comparisons of pictures by other
peoples on that or other metals or alloys would be to enter into a
field, the most interesting part of which is classed as numismatic,
and which would be a departure from the present heading. That virgin
copper was used for diverse purposes, generally ornamental, by the North
American Indians, is now established, and there is a presentation of the
subject in Prof. Cyrus Thomas’s (_a_) Burial Mounds. The most distinct
and at the same time surprising account of a true pictographic record on
copper is given by W. W. Warren (_a_), an excellent authority, and is
condensed as follows:

    The Ojibwa of the Crane family hold in their possession a
    circular plate of virgin copper, on which are rudely marked
    indentations and hieroglyphics denoting the number of generations
    of the family who have passed away since they first pitched their
    lodges at Shang-a-waum-ik-ong and took possession of the adjacent
    country, including the island of La Pointe.

    When I witnessed this curious family register in 1843 it was
    exhibited to my father. The old chief kept it carefully buried in
    the ground and seldom displayed it. On this occasion he brought it
    to view only at the entreaty of my mother whose maternal uncle he
    was.

    On this plate of copper were marked eight deep indentations,
    denoting the number of his ancestors who had passed away since they
    first lighted their fire at Shang-a-waum-ik-ong. They had all lived
    to a good old age.

    By the rude figure of a man with a hat on its head, placed
    opposite one of these indentations, was denoted the period when the
    white race first made its appearance among them. This mark occurred
    in the third generation, leaving five generations which had passed
    away since that important era in their history.

Mr. I. W. Powell (_a_), Indian superintendent, in the report of the
deputy superintendent-general of Indian affairs of Canada for 1879,
gives an account of some tribes of the northwest coast, especially
the Indians called in the report Newittees, a tribe now known as the
Naqómqilis of the Wakashan family, who treasure pieces of copper
peculiarly shaped and marked. The shape is that of one face of a
truncated pyramid with the base upward. In the broad end appear marks
resembling the holes for eyes and mouth, which are common in masks
of the human face. The narrower end has a rough resemblance to an
ornamental collar. These copper articles were made by the Indians
originally from the native copper, and in 1879 a few were held by the
chiefs who used them for presentation at the potlaches or donation
feasts. The value which is attached to these small pieces of copper,
which are intrinsically worthless, is astounding. For one of them 1,200
blankets were paid, which would at the time and place represent $1,800.
Sometimes a chief in presenting one of them, in order to show his utter
disregard of wealth, would break it into three or four pieces and give
them away, each fragment being perhaps repurchased at an exorbitant sum.
This competition in extravagance for display, under the guise of charity
and humility, has had parallels in the silver-brick and flour-barrel
auctions in parts of the United States, when the actors were white
citizens. Apart from such public exhibitions, the copper tokens seem to
partake of the natures both of fiat money and of talismans.


WOOD.

This division comprises:

(1) _The living tree_, of the use of which for pictographic purposes
there are many descriptions and illustrations in this paper. In addition
to them may be noted the remark made by Bishop De Schweinitz (_a_) in
the Life and Times of Zeisberger, that in 1750 there were numerous tree
carvings at a place on the eastern shore of Cayuga lake, the meaning of
which was known to and interpreted by the Cayuga Indians.

This mode of record or notice is so readily suggested that it is found
throughout the world, e. g., the “hieroglyph” in New Guinea, described
by D’Albertis (_a_), being a drawing in black on a white tree.

(2) _Bark._--The Abnaki and Ojibwa have been and yet continue to be in
the habit of incising pictographic characters and mnemonic marks upon
birch bark. Many descriptions and illustrations of this style are given
in this paper, and admirable colored illustrations of it also appear in
Pl. XIX of the Seventh Ann. Rept. Bureau of Ethnology. The lines appear
sometimes to have been traced on the inner surface of young bark with
a sharply pointed instrument, probably bone, but in other examples the
drawings are made by simple puncturing. The strips of bark, varying
from an inch to several feet in length, roll up after drying, and are by
heating straightened out for examination.

Another mode of drawing on birch bark which appears to be peculiar to
the Abnaki is by scratching the exterior surface, thus displaying a
difference in color between the outermost and the second layer of the
rind, which difference forms the figure. The lower character in Pl. XVI
shows this mode of picturing. It is an exact copy of part of an old bark
record made by the Abnaki of Maine.

They also use the mode of incision, many examples of which appear in
the present work, but their mode of scratching produced a much more
picturesque effect, as is shown also in Fig. 659, than the mere linear
drawing.

(3) _Manufactured wood._--The Indians of the northwest coast generally
employ wood as the material on which their pictographs are to be made.
Totem posts, boats, boat paddles, the boards constituting the front wall
of a house, and wooden masks, are among the objects used.

Many drawings among the Indians of the interior parts of the United
States are also found upon pipestems made of wood, usually ash.
Among the Arikara boat paddles are used upon which marks of personal
distinction are reproduced, as shown in Fig. 578.

Mortuary records are also drawn upon slabs of wood. (See Figs. 728 and
729). Mnemonic devices, notices of departure, distress, etc., are also
drawn upon slips of wood.

The examples of the use of wood for pictographs which are illustrated
and described in this paper are too numerous for recapitulation; to
them, however, may be added the following from Wilkes’s (_a_) Exploring
Expedition, referring to Fig. 160.

[Illustration: FIG. 160.--Pictographs on wood, Washington.]

    Near an encampment on Chickeeles river, near Puget Sound,
    Washington, were found some rudely carved painted planks, of which
    Mr. Eld made a drawing. These planks were placed upright and nothing
    could be learned of their origin. The colors were exceedingly
    bright, of a kind of red pigment.

Mr. James O. Pattie (_a_) gives an account of a wooden passport given to
him in 1824 by a Pawnee chief. He describes it, without illustration, as
a small piece of wood curiously painted with characters something like
“hieroglyphics.” The chief told Mr. Pattie’s party if they saw any of
his warriors to give them the stick, in which case they would be kindly
treated, which promise was fulfilled a few days later when the party met
a large band of the same tribe on the warpath.


SECTION 3.

ARTIFICIAL OBJECTS.

Artificial objects may be classified, so far as is important for the
present work, into, I, fictile fabrics and, II, textile fabrics.


FICTILE FABRICS.

A large number of articles of pottery bearing pictographs are figured in
the illustrated collections by Mr. James Stevenson in the Second Annual
Report, and by Mr. Stevenson and Mr. William H. Holmes in the Third
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Pipes on which totemic designs
and property marks appear are also common.

The art of pottery was at first limited to vessel-making. In the earlier
stages of culture, vases were confined to simple use as receptacles,
but as culture ripened they were advanced to ceremonial and religious
offices and received devices and representations in color and in relief
connected with the cult to which they were devoted. Among some tribes
large burial vases were fashioned to contain or cover the dead. An
infinite variety of objects, such as pipes, whistles, rattles, toys,
beads, trowels, calendars, masks, and figurines, were made of pottery.
Clays of varying degrees of purity were used, and sometimes these were
tempered with powdered quartz, shell, or like materials. The vessels
were frequently built by coiling. The surface was smoothed by the
hands or the modeling implement or was polished with a stone or other
smoothing tool. Much attention was given to surface embellishment.
The finger nails and various pointed tools were used to scarify and
indent, and elaborate figures and designs were incised. Stamps with
systematically worked designs were sometimes applied to the soft clay.
Cords and woven fabrics were also employed to give diversity to the
surface. With the more advanced tribes, though these simple processes
were still resorted to, engraving, modeling in relief and in the round,
and painting in colors were employed.


TEXTILE FABRICS.

Textile fabrics include those products of art in which the elements of
their construction are filamental and mainly combined by using their
flexibility. The processes employed are called wattling, interlacing,
plaiting, netting, weaving, sewing, and embroidery. The materials
generally used by primitive people were pliable vegetal growths, such as
twigs, leaves, roots, canes, rushes, and grasses, and the hair, quills,
feathers, and tendons of animals.

Unlike works in stone and clay, textile articles are seldom long
preserved. Still, from historic accounts and a study of the many
beautiful articles produced by existing Indian tribes, a fair knowledge
of the range and general character of native fabrics may be obtained. In
many cases buried articles of that character have been preserved by the
impregnation of the engirding earths with preservative salts, and also
some fabrics which had been wrapped about buried utensils, or ornaments
of copper remained without serious decay. Charring has also been a means
of preserving cloth, and much has been learned of the weaving done by
ancient workers through impressions upon pottery which had been made
by applying the texture while the clay was still soft. The weaving
appliances were simple, but the results in plain and figured fabrics, in
tapestry, in lace-like embroideries, and in feather-work are admirable.

This subject is discussed by Mr. W. H. Holmes in his paper, A Study
of the Textile Art, etc., in the Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology, in a manner so comprehensive as to embrace the field of
pictography in its relation to woven articles.

Several examples of this application also appear in the present
work. See Figs. 821, 976 and 1167. In addition the following are now
presented.

Some of the California tribes are expert workers in grass and roots
in the manufacture of baskets, upon which designs other than for mere
ornamentation are frequently worked. The Yokuts, at Tule river Agency,
in the southeastern part of the State, sometimes incorporate various
human forms in which the arms are suspended at the sides of the body
with the hands directed outward to either side. Above the head is a
heavy horizontal line.

[Illustration: FIG. 161.--Haida basketry hat.]

The following is extracted from Prof. O. T. Mason’s (_a_) paper on
basket work, describing Fig. 161:

    _a_ is a rain hat of twined basketry in spruce root from Haida
    Indians. This figure is the upper view and shows the ornamentation
    in red and black paint. The device in this instance is the
    epitomized form of a bird, perhaps a duck. Omitting the red cross
    on the top the beak, jaws, and nostrils are shown; the eyes at
    the sides near the top, and just behind them the ears. The wings,
    feet, and tail, inclosing a human face, are shown on the margin.
    The Haida, as well as other coast Indians from Cape Flattery to
    Mount Saint Elias, cover everything of use with totemic devices in
    painting and carving.

    _b_ shows the conical shape of _a_. The painted ornamentation on
    these hats is laid on in black and red in the conventional manner of
    ornamentation in vogue among the Haidas and used in the reproduction
    of their various totems on all of their houses, wood and slate
    carvings, and implements.

[Illustration: FIG. 162.--Tsimshian blanket.]

Mr. Niblack (_b_) says, describing Fig. 162:

    The Chilkat and cedar-bark blankets are important factors in all
    ceremonial dances and functions. Other forms of ceremonial blankets
    or mantles are made from Hudson Bay Company blankets, with totemic
    figures worked on them in a variety of ways. The usual method is to
    cut out the totemic figure in red cloth and sew it on to the garment
    (ornamenting it with borders of beads and buttons) by the method
    known as appliqué work; another method is to sew pieces of bright
    abalone or pearl shell or pearl buttons on to the garment in the
    totemic patterns. The illustration is a drawing of a vestment which
    hangs down the back, representing the totem or crest of the wearer.

This specimen is mentioned as the workmanship of the Tsimshian Indians,
at Point Simpson, British Columbia, and represents the halibut.




CHAPTER VIII.

INSTRUMENTS AND MATERIALS BY WHICH PICTOGRAPHS ARE MADE.


So far as appears on ancient pictographic works the kind of instruments
and materials with which they were made can be inferred only from its
aspect, though microscopic examination and chemical analysis have
sometimes been successfully applied. A few examples relating to the
topic are given as follows, though other descriptions appear elsewhere
in this treatise.


SECTION 1.

INSTRUMENTS FOR CARVING.

This title, as here used, is intended to include cutting, pecking,
scratching, and rubbing. The Hidatsa, when scratching upon stone
or rocks, as well as upon pieces of wood, employ a sharply pointed
piece of hard stone, usually a fragment of quartz. The present writer
successfully imitated the Micmac scratchings at Kejimkoojik lake, Nova
Scotia, by using a stone arrow point upon the slate rocks.

The bow-drill was largely used by the Innuit of Alaska in carving bone
and ivory. Their present method of cutting figures and other characters
is by a small steel blade, thick, though sharply pointed, resembling a
graver.

Many petroglyphs, e. g., those at Conowingo, Maryland, at Machiasport,
Maine, and in Owens valley, California, present every evidence of having
been deepened if not altogether fashioned by rubbing, either with a
piece of wood and sand or with pointed stone.

To incise or indent lines upon birch bark the Ojibwa, Ottawa, and other
Algonquian tribes used a sharply pointed piece of bone, though they now
prefer an iron nail. Examples of scratching upon the outer surface of
bark are mentioned elsewhere.

Several examples of producing characters on stone by pecking with
another stone are mentioned in this paper, and Mr. J. D. McGuire (_a_),
of Ellicott City, Maryland, has been remarkably successful in forming
petroglyphs with the ordinary Indian stone hammer. Some of the results
established by him are published in The American Anthropologist.


SECTION 2.

INSTRUMENTS FOR DRAWING.

Drawings upon small slabs of wood, found among the Ojibwa, were made
with a piece of red-hot wire or thin iron rod hammered to a point. Such
figures are blackened by being burned in.

When in haste or when better materials are not at hand, the Hidatsa
sometimes drew upon a piece of wood or the shoulder-blade of a buffalo
with a piece of charcoal from the fire or with a piece of red chalk or
red ocher, with which nearly every warrior is at all times supplied.

Mr. A. W. Howitt, in Manuscript Notes on Australian Pictographs, says:

    Not having any process such as is used by some of the savage
    tribes to soften skins, the harshness of these rugs is remedied by
    marking upon them lines and patterns, which being partly cut through
    the skin give to it a certain amount of suppleness. In former
    times, before the white man enabled the black fellow to supplement
    his meager stock of implements with those of civilization, a Kumai
    made use of the sharp edge of a mussel shell (unio) to cut these
    patterns. At the present time the sharpened edge of the bowl
    of a metal spoon is used, partly because it forms a convenient
    instrument, partly, perhaps, because its bowl bears a resemblance in
    shape to the familiar ancestral tool.


SECTION 3.

COLORING MATTER AND ITS APPLICATION.

Painting upon robes or skins is executed by means of thin strips of
wood or sometimes of bone. Tufts of antelope hair are also used, by
tying them to sticks to make a brush, but this is evidently a modern
innovation. Pieces of wood, one end of which is chewed so as to produce
a loose fibrous brush, are also used at times, as has been specially
observed among the Teton Dakota.

The Hidatsa and other Northwest Indians usually employ a piece of
buffalo rib or a piece of hard wood having an elliptical form. This is
dipped in a solution of glue, with or without color, and a tracing is
made, which is subsequently filled up and deepened by a repetition of
the process with the same or a stronger solution of the color.

Of late years in the United States colors of civilized manufacture are
readily obtained by the Indians for painting and decoration. Frequently,
however, when the colors of commerce can not be obtained, the aboriginal
colors are still prepared and used. The ferruginous clays of various
shades of brown, red, and yellow occur in nature so widely distributed
that these are the most common and leading tints. Black is generally
prepared by grinding fragments of charcoal into a very fine powder.
Among some tribes, as has also been found in some of the “ancient”
pottery from the Arizona ruins, clay had evidently been mixed with
charcoal to give better body. The black color made by some of the Innuit
tribes is made with blood and charcoal intimately mixed, which is
afterwards applied to incisions in ivory, bone, and wood.

Among the Dakota, colors for dyeing porcupine quills were obtained
chiefly from plants. The vegetable colors, being soluble, penetrate the
substance of the quills more evenly and beautifully than the mineral
colors of eastern manufacture.

The black color of some of the Pueblo pottery is obtained by a special
burning with pulverized manure, into which the vessel is placed as it is
cooling after the first baking. The coloring matter--soot produced by
smoke--is absorbed into the pores of the vessel, and does not wear off
as readily as when colors are applied to the surface by brushes.

In decorating skins or robes the Arikara Indians boil the tail of the
beaver, thus obtaining a viscous fluid which is thin glue. The figures
are first drawn in outline with a piece of beef-rib, or some other flat
bone, the edge only being used after having been dipped into the liquor.
The various pigments to be employed in the drawing are then mixed with
some of the same liquid, in separate vessels, when the various colors
are applied to the objects by means of a sharpened piece of wood or
bone. The colored mixture adheres firmly to the original tracing in glue.

When similar colors are to be applied to wood, the surface is frequently
pecked or slightly incised to receive the color more readily.

Jacques Cartier, in Hakluyt (_b_), reports the Indian women of the Bay
of Chaleur as smearing the face with coal dust and grease.

A small pouch, discovered on the Yellowstone river in 1873, which had
been dropped by some fleeing hostile Sioux, contained several fragments
of black micaceous iron. The latter had almost the appearance and
consistence of graphite, so soft and black was the result upon rubbing
with it. It had evidently been used for decorating the face as war-paint.

Mr. Wm. H. Dall (_a_), treating of the remains found in the mammalian
layers in the Amakuak cave, Unalaska, remarks:

    In the remains of a woman’s work-basket, found in the uppermost
    layer in a cave, were bits of this resin [from the bark of pine or
    spruce driftwood], evidently carefully treasured, with a little
    birch-bark case (the bark also derived from drift logs) containing
    pieces of soft hematite, graphite, and blue carbonate of copper,
    with which the ancient seamstress ornamented her handiwork.

The same author reports (_f_):

    The coloration of wooden articles with native pigments is of
    ancient origin, but all the more elaborate instances that have come
    to my knowledge bore marks of comparatively recent origin. The
    pigments used were blue carbonates of iron and copper; the green
    fungus, or peziza, found in decayed birch and alder wood; hematite
    and red chalk; white infusorial or chalky earth; black charcoal,
    graphite, and micaceous ore of iron. A species of red was sometimes
    derived from pine bark or the cambium of the ground willow.

Stephen Powers (_a_) states that the Shastika women “smear their faces
all over daily with choke-cherry juice, which gives them a bloody,
corsair aspect.”

Mr. A. S. Gatschet, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports that the
Klamaths of southwestern Oregon employ a black color, lgú, made of burnt
plum seeds and bulrushes, which is applied to the cheeks in the form of
small round spots. This is used during dances. Red paint, for the face
and body, is prepared from a resin exuding from the spruce tree, pánam.
A yellow mineral paint is also employed, consisting probably of ocher
or ferruginous clay. He also says that the Klamath spál, yellow mineral
paint, is of light yellow color, but turns red when burned, after which
it is applied in making small round dots upon the face. The white
infusorial clay is applied in the form of stripes or streaks over the
body. The Klamaths use charcoal, lgúm, in tattooing.

Mud and white clay were used by the Winnebago for the decoration of the
human body and of horses. Some of the California Indians in the vicinity
of Tulare river used a white coloring matter, consisting of infusorial
earth, obtained there. The tribes at and near the geysers north of San
Francisco bay procured vermilion from croppings of cinnabar. The same
report is made with probability of truth concerning the Indians at
the present site of the New Almaden mines, where tribes of the Mutsun
formerly lived. Some of the black coloring matter of pictographs in
Santa Barbara, California, proved on analysis to be a hydrous oxide of
manganese. The Mojave pigments are ocher, clay, and charcoal mingled
with oil.

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports regarding the
Osage that one of their modes of obtaining black color for the face was
by burning a quantity of small willows. When these were charred they
were broken in small pieces and placed in pans, with a little water in
each. The hands were then dipped into the pan and rubbed together and
finally rubbed over the parts to be colored.

Dr. Hoffman reports that among the Hualpai, living on the western border
of the Colorado plateau, Arizona, some persons appeared as if they had
been tattooed in vertical bands from the forehead to the waist, but
upon closer examination it was found that dark and light bands of the
natural skin were produced in the following manner: When a deer or an
antelope had been killed the blood was rubbed over the face and breast,
after which the spread and curved fingers were scratched downward from
the forehead over the face and breast, thus removing some of the blood;
that remaining soon dried and gave the appearance of black stripes. The
exposed portion of the skin retained the natural dark-tanned color,
while that under the coating of coagulated blood became paler by being
protected against the light and air. These persons did not wash off the
marks and after a while the blood began to drop off by desquamation,
leaving lighter spots and lines which for a week or two appear like
tattoo marks. Similar streaks of blood have been held to have originated
tattoo designs in several parts of the world to record success in
hunting or in war, but such evolution does not appear to have resulted
from the transient decoration in the case mentioned.

It is well known that the meal of maize called kunque is yet commonly
used by the Zuñi for ceremonial coloration of their own persons and of
objects used in their religious rites. Hoddentin is less familiarly
known. It is the pollen of the tule, which is a variety of cat-tail
rush growing in all the ponds of the southwestern parts of the United
States. It is a yellow powder with which small buckskin bags are filled
and those bags then attached to the belts of Apache warriors. They are
also worn as amulets by members of the tribe. In dances for the cure of
sickness the shaman applied the powder to the forehead of the patient,
then to his breast in the figure of a cross; next he sprinkles it in
a circle around his couch, then on the heads of the chanters and the
assembled friends of the patient, and lastly upon his own head and into
his own mouth.

Everard F. im Thurn (_c_) gives the following details concerning British
Guiana:

    The dyes used by the Indians to paint their own bodies, and
    occasionally to draw patterns on their implements, are red faroah,
    purple caraweera, blue-black lana, white felspathic clay and, though
    very rarely, a yellow vegetable dye of unknown origin.

    Faroah is the deep red pulp around the seed of a shrub (_Bixa
    orellana_) which grows wild on the banks of some of the rivers, and
    is cultivated by the Indians in their clearings. It is mixed with
    a large quantity of oil. When it is to be used either a mass of it
    is taken in the palm of the hand and rubbed over the skin or other
    surface to be painted, or a pattern of fine lines is drawn with it
    by means of a stick used as a pencil.

    Caraweera is a somewhat similar dye, of a more purplish red,
    and by no means so commonly used. It is prepared from the leaves of
    a yellow-flowered bignonia (_B. chicka_) together with some other
    unimportant ingredients. The dried leaves are boiled. The pot is
    then taken from the fire and the contents being poured into bowls
    are allowed to subside. The clear water left at the top is poured
    away and the sediment is of a beautiful purple color.

    Lana is the juice of the fruit of a small tree (_Genipa
    americana_) with which without further preparation, blue-black lines
    are drawn in patterns, or large surfaces are stained on the skin.
    The dye thus applied is for about a week indelible.

Paul Marcoy (_a_), in Travels in South America, says the Passés, Yuris,
Barrés and Chumanas of Brazil, employ a decoction of indigo or genipa in
tattooing.

F. S. Moreat, M. D., in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XXXII, 1862, p. 125, says
that the Andaman Islanders rubbed earth on the top of the head, probably
for the purpose of ornamentation.

Dr. Richard Andree (_b_) says:

    Long before Europeans came to Australia, the Australian blacks
    knew a kind of pictorial representation, exhibiting scenes from
    their life, illustrating it with great fidelity to nature. An
    interesting specimen of that kind was found on a piece of bark that
    had served as cover of a hut on Lake Tyrrell. The black who produced
    this picture had had intercourse with white people, but had had no
    instruction whatever in drawing. The bark was blackened by smoke
    on the inside, and on this blackened surface the native drew the
    figures with his thumb nail.




CHAPTER IX.

MNEMONIC.


This is the most obvious and probably was the earliest use to
which picture-writing was applied. The contrivance of drawing the
representations of objects, to fix in the memory either the objects
themselves or the concepts, facts, or other matters connected with them,
is practiced early by human individuals and is found among peoples the
most ancient historically or in the horizons of culture. After the
adoption of the characters for purely mnemonic purposes, those at first
intended to be iconographic often became converted into ideographic,
emblematic, or symbolic designs, and perhaps in time so greatly
conventionalized that the images of the things designed could no longer
be perceived by the imagination alone.

It is believed, however, that this form and use of picturing were
preceded by the use of material objects which afterwards were reproduced
graphically in paintings, cuttings, and carvings. In the present paper
many examples appear of objects known to have been so used, the graphic
representations of which, made with the same purpose, are explained by
knowledge of the fact. Other instances are mentioned as connected with
the evolution of pictographs, and they possibly may interpret some forms
of the latter which are not yet understood.

This chapter is divided into (1) knotted cords and objects tied;
(2) notched or marked sticks; (3) wampum; (4) order of songs; (5)
traditions; (6) treaties; (7) appointment; (8) numeration; (9)
accounting.


SECTION 1.

KNOTTED CORDS AND OBJECTS TIED.

Dr. Hoffman reports a device among the Indians formerly inhabiting
the mountain valleys north of Los Angeles, California, who brought or
sent to the settlements blankets, skins, and robes for sale. The man
trusted to transport and sell those articles was provided with a number
of strings made of some flexible vegetable fiber, one string for each
class of goods, which were attached to his belt. Every one confiding
an article to the agent fixed the price, and when he disposed of it a
single knot was tied to the proper cord for each real received, or a
double knot for each peso. Thus any particular string indicated the
kind of goods sold, as well as the whole sum realized for them, which
was distributed according to the account among the former owners of the
goods.

Mr. George Turner (_a_) says that among the South Sea Islanders tying
a number of knots in a piece of cord was a common way of noting and
remembering things in the absence of a written language.

A peculiar and ingenious mode of expressing thoughts without pronouncing
or writing them in language is still met with among the Indian shepherds
in the Peruvian Cordilleras, though it is practiced merely in the
accounts of the flocks. This system consists of a peculiar intertwining
of various strings into a net-like braidwork, and the diverse modes of
tying these strings form the record, the knots and loops signifying
definite ideas and their combination the connection of these ideas.
This system of mnemonic device, which was practiced by the ancient
Peruvians, was called quipu, and, though a similar knot-writing is found
in China, Tartary, eastern Asia, on many islands of the Pacific, and
even in some parts of Africa, yet in Peru, at the time of the Incas, it
was so elaborately developed as to permit its employment for official
statistics of the government. Of course, as this writing gave no picture
of a word and did not suggest sounds, but, like the notched stick,
merely recalled ideas already existing, the writing could be understood
by those only who possessed the key to it; but it is noteworthy that
when the Jesuit missions began their work in Peru they were able to use
the quipus for the purpose of making the Indians learn Latin prayers by
heart.

A more detailed account of the ancient quipu is extracted from Dr. von
Tschudi’s Travels in Peru (_a_) with condensation as follows:

    This method consisted in the dexterous intertwining of knots
    on strings, so as to render them auxiliaries to the memory. The
    instrument was composed of one thick head or top string, to which,
    at certain distances, thinner ones were fastened. The top string
    was much thicker than these pendent strings and consisted of two
    doubly twisted threads, over which two single threads were wound.
    The branches, or pendent strings, were fastened to the top ones by
    a single loop; the knots were made in the pendent strings and were
    either single or manifold. The length of the strings was various.
    The transverse or top string often measures several yards, and
    sometimes only a foot; the branches are seldom more than 2 feet
    long, and in general they are much shorter.

    The strings were often of different colors, each having its
    own particular signification. The color for soldiers was red; for
    gold, yellow; for silver, white; for corn, green, etc. The quipu
    was especially employed for numerical and statistical tables;
    each single knot representing ten; each double knot stood for one
    hundred; each triple knot for one thousand, etc.; two single knots
    standing together made twenty; and two double knots, two hundred.

    In this manner the ancient Peruvians kept the accounts of their
    army. On one string were numbered the soldiers armed with slings; on
    another the spearmen; on a third, those who carried clubs, etc. In
    the same manner the military reports were prepared. In every town
    some expert men were appointed to tie the knots of the quipu and to
    explain them. These men were called _quipucamayocuna_ (literally,
    officers of the knots.) The appointed officers required great
    dexterity in unriddling the meaning of the knots. It, however,
    seldom happened that they had to read a quipu without some verbal
    commentary. Something was always required to be added if the quipu
    came from a distant province, to explain whether it related to the
    numbering of the population, to tributes, or to war, etc. This
    method of calculation is still practiced by the shepherds of Puna.
    On the first branch or string they usually place the number of the
    bulls; on the second, that of the cows, the latter being classed
    into those which were milked and those which were not milked; on the
    next string were numbered the calves according to their ages and
    sizes. Then came the sheep, in several subdivisions. Next followed
    the number of foxes killed, the quantity of salt consumed, and,
    finally, the cattle that had been slaughtered. Other quipus showed
    the produce of the herds in milk, cheese, wool, etc. Each list was
    distinguished by a particular color or by some peculiarity in the
    twisting of the string.

Other accounts tell that the descendants of the Quiches still use
the quipu, perhaps as modified by themselves, for numeration. They
pierce beans and hang them by different colored strings, each of which
represents one of the column places used in decimal arithmetic. A green
string signifies 1,000; a red one, 100; a yellow, 10, and a white refers
to the 9 smaller digits. Thus if 7 beans are on a green, 2 on a red, 8
on a yellow, and 6 on a white string, and the whole tied together, the
bundle expresses the number 7,286.

Before the time of their acquaintance with the quipus, the Peruvians
used in the same way pebbles or maize-beans of various colors. The same
practice was known in Europe in the prehistoric period. The habit of
many persons in civilized countries to tie a knot in the handkerchief
to recall an idea or fact to mind is a familiar example to show how
naturally the action would suggest itself for the purpose, and perhaps
indicates the inheritance of the practice.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVI

PERUVIAN QUIPU AND BIRCH BARK DRAWING.]

Dr. Andree (_b_) gives an illustration of a quipu (here reproduced as
part of Pl. XVI), which he represents as taken from Perez, and states
that the drawing was made soon after the exhuming of the object from an
ancient Peruvian grave.

Capt. Bourke (_a_) gives descriptions and illustrations of varieties of
the izze-kloth or medicine cord of the Apache. A condensed extract of
his remarks is as follows:

    These cords, in their perfection, are decorated with beads and
    shells strung along at intervals, with pieces of the sacred green
    chalchihuitl, which has had such a mysterious ascendancy over the
    minds of the American Indians--Aztec, Peruvian, Quiche, as well as
    the more savage tribes like the Apache and Navajo; with petrified
    wood, rock crystal, eagle down, claws of the hawk or eaglet,
    claws of the bear, rattle of the rattlesnake, buckskin bags of
    hoddentin, circles of buckskin in which are inclosed pieces of twigs
    and branches of trees which have been struck by lightning, small
    fragments of the abalone shell from the Pacific coast, and much
    other sacred paraphernalia of a similar kind.

    That the use of these cords was reserved for the most sacred
    and important occasions I soon learned. They were not to be seen
    on occasions of no moment, but the dances for war, medicine, and
    summoning the spirits at once brought them out, and every medicine
    man of any consequence would appear with one hanging from his right
    shoulder over his left hip.

    These cords will protect a man while on the warpath, and many of
    the Apache believe firmly that a bullet will have no effect upon the
    warrior wearing one of them. This is not their only virtue by any
    means; the wearer can tell who has stolen ponies or other property
    from him or from his friends, can help the crops, and cure the sick.
    If the circle attached to one of these cords is placed upon the
    head it will at once relieve any ache, while the cross attached to
    another prevents the wearer from going astray, no matter where he
    may be; in other words, it has some connection with cross-trails
    and the four cardinal points, to which the Apache pay the strictest
    attention.

    I was at first inclined to associate these cords with the quipus
    of the Peruvians and also with the wampum of the aborigines of the
    Atlantic coast, and investigation only confirms this first suspicion.

The praying beads of the Buddhists and of many Oriental peoples, who
have used them from high antiquity, are closely allied to the quipu.
They are more familiar now in the shape of the rosaries of Roman
Catholics. In the absence of manufactured articles, arranged on wires,
the necessary materials were easily procured. Berries, nuts, pease,
or beans strung in any manner answered the purpose. The abacus of the
Chinese and Greeks was connected in origin with the same device.

E. F. im Thurn (_d_) says of the Nikari-Karu Indians of Guiana:

    At last, after four days’ stay, we got off. The two or three
    people from Euwari-manakuroo who came with us gave their wives
    knotted strings of quippus, each knot representing one of the days
    they expected to be away, and the whole string thus forming a
    calendar to be used by the wives until the return of their husbands.

That the general idea or invention for mnemonic purposes appearing
in the quipu was actually used pictorially is indicated in the
illustrations of the sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumalhuapa in Guatemala
given by Dr. S. Habel (_b_). Upon these he remarks:

    It has been frequently affirmed that the aborigines of America
    had nowhere arisen high enough in civilization to have characters
    for writing and numeral signs, but the sculptures of Santa Lucia
    exhibit signs which indicate a kind of cipher-writing higher in form
    than mere hieroglyphics. From the mouth of most of the human beings,
    living or dead, emanates a staff, variously bent, to the sides of
    which nodes are attached. These nodes are of different sizes and
    shapes, and variously distributed on the sides of the staff, either
    singly or in twos and threes, the last named either separated or
    in shape of a trefoil. This manner of writing not only indicates
    that the person is speaking or praying, but also indicates the very
    words, the contents of the speech or prayer. It is quite certain
    that each staff, as bent and ornamented, stood for a well-known
    petition, which the priest could read as easily as those acquainted
    with a cipher dispatch can know its purport. Further, one may be
    allowed to conjecture that the various curves of the staves served
    the purpose of strength and rhythm, just as the poet chooses his
    various meters for the same purpose.

The following notices of the ancient mnemonic use of knotted cords and
of its survival in various parts of the world are extracted from the
essay of Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie (_d_):

    The Yang tung, south of Khoten, and consequently north of Tibet,
    who first communicated with China in A. D. 641, had no written
    characters. They only cut notches in sticks and tied knots in
    strings for records.

    The Bratyki and Buriats of Siberia are credited with the use of
    knotted cords.

    The Japanese are also reputed to have employed knots on strings
    or bind-weeds for records.

    The Li of Hainan, being unacquainted with writing, use knotted
    cords or notched sticks in place of bonds or agreements.

    In the first half of the present century cord records were still
    generally used in the Indian archipelago and Polynesia proper. The
    tax-gatherers in the island of Hawaii by this means kept accounts
    of all the articles collected by them from the inhabitants. A rope
    400 fathoms long was used as a revenue book. It was divided into
    numerous portions corresponding to the various districts of the
    island; the portions were under the care of the tax-gatherers, who,
    with the aid of loops, knots, and tufts of different shapes, colors,
    and sizes, were enabled to keep an accurate account of the hogs,
    pigs, and pieces of sandal wood, etc., at which each person was
    taxed.

    In Timor island, according to the Chinese records in 1618, the
    people had no writing. When they wanted to record something they did
    it with flat stones, and a thousand stones were represented by a
    string.

    Knotted cords were originally used in Tibet, but we have no
    information about their system of using them. The bare statement
    comes from the Chinese annals.

The following statement regarding the same use by the Chinese is made
by Ernest Faber (_a_). He says: “In the highest antiquity, government
was carried on successfully by the use of knotted cords to preserve
the memory of things. In subsequent ages, the sages substituted for
these written characters. By means of these the doings of all the
officers could be regulated and the affairs of all the people accurately
examined.”


SECTION 2.

NOTCHED OR MARKED STICKS.

The use of notches for mere numeration was frequent, but there are also
instances of their special significance.

The Dakotas, Hidatsa, and Shoshoni have been observed to note the number
of days during which they journeyed from one place to another by cutting
lines or notches upon a stick.

The coup sticks carried by Dakota warriors often bear a number of small
notches, which refer to the number of the victims hit with the stick
after they had been wounded or killed.

The young men and boys of the several tribes at Fort Berthold, Dakota,
frequently carry a stick, upon which they cut a notch for every bird
killed during a single expedition.

In Seaver’s (_a_) life of Mary Jemison it is set forth that the
war chief in each tribe of Iroquois keeps a war-post, in order to
commemorate great events and preserve the chronology of them. This
post is a peeled stick of timber 10 or 12 feet high, and is erected in
the village. For a campaign they make, or rather the chief makes, a
perpendicular red mark about 3 inches long and half an inch wide. On the
opposite side from this, for a scalp taken, they make a red cross, thus
[Illustration] On another side, for a prisoner taken alive, they make
a red cross in this manner [Illustration] with a head or dot, and by
placing these significant signs in so conspicuous a situation they are
enabled to ascertain with great certainty the time and circumstances of
past events.

It is suggested that the device first mentioned represents the scalp
severed and lifted from the head, and that the second refers to the
manner in which the prisoners were secured at night, pegged and tied in
the style called spread-eagle.

Rev. Richard Taylor (_a_) notes that the Maori had neither the quipus
nor wampum, but only a board shaped like a saw, which was called “he
rakau wakapa-paranga,” or genealogical board. It was, in fact, a tally,
having a notch for each name, and a blank space to denote where the male
line failed and was succeeded by that of the female; youths were taught
their genealogies by repeating the names of each ancestor to whom the
notches referred.

It is supposed that the use by bakers of notched sticks or tallies, as
they are called, still exists in some civilized regions, and there is an
interesting history connected with the same wooden tallies, which until
lately were used in the accounts of the exchequer of Great Britain.
They also appear more recently and in a different use as the Khe-mou
circulated by Tartar chiefs to designate the number of men and horses
required to be furnished by each camp.


SECTION 3.

WAMPUM.

[Illustration: FIG. 163.--Wampum strings.]

Prof. Robert E. C. Stearns (_a_) says that wampum consisted of beads of
two principal colors having a cylindrical form, a quarter of an inch,
more or less, in length, the diameter or thickness being usually about
half the length. The color of the wampum determined its value. The term
wampum, wampon, or wampom, and wampum-peege was apparently applied to
these beads when strung or otherwise connected, fastened, or woven
together. The illustration given by him is now reproduced as Fig. 163.

In the Jesuit Relations, 1656, p. 3, the first present of an Iroquois
chief to Jesuit missionaries at a council is described. This was a great
figure of the sun, made of 6,000 beads of wampum, which explained to
them that the darkness shall not influence them in the councils and the
sun shall enlighten them even in the depth of night.

Among the Iroquoian and Algonquian tribes wampum belts were generally
used to record treaties. Mr. John Long (_a_) describes one of them:

    The wampum belts given to Sir William Johnson, of immortal
    Indian memory, were in several rows, black on each side and white
    in the middle; the white being placed in the center was to express
    peace and that the path between them was fair and open. In the
    center of the belt was a figure of a diamond made of white wampum,
    which the Indians call the council fire.

In the Jesuit Relations, 1642, p. 53, it is said that among the northern
Algonquins a present to deliver a prisoner consisted of three strings of
wampum to break the three bonds by which he was supposed to be tied, one
around the legs, one around the arms, and the third around the middle.

In the same Relations, 1653, p. 19, is a good example of messages
attached to separate presents of wampum, etc. This was at a council in
1653 at the Huron town, 2 leagues from Quebec:

    The first was given to dry the tears which are usually shed at
    the news of brave warriors massacred in combat.

    The second served as an agreeable drink, as an antidote to
    whatever bitterness might remain in the heart of the French on
    account of the death of their people.

    The third was to furnish a piece of bark or a covering for the
    dead, lest the sight of them should renew the old strife.

    The fourth was to inter them and to tread well the earth upon
    their graves, in order that nothing should ever come forth from
    their tombs which could grieve their friends and cause the spirit of
    revenge to arise in their minds.

    The fifth was to serve as a wrapping to pack up the arms which
    were henceforth not to be touched.

    The sixth was to cleanse the river, soiled with so much blood.

    The last, to exhort the Hurons to agree to what Onontio, the
    great captain of the French, should decide upon touching the peace.

As a rule there was no intrinsic significance in a wampum belt, or
collar, as the French sometimes called it. It was not understood except
by the memory of those to whom and by whom it was delivered. This is
well expressed in a dialogue reported by Capt. de Lamothe Cadillac (_a_)
in 1703:


    [Council of Hurons at Fort Ponchartrain, June 3, 1703.]

    QUARANTE-SOLS. I come on my way to tell you what I propose to
    do at Montreal. Here is a collar which has been sent to us by the
    Iroquois, and which the Ottawas have brought to us; we do not know
    what it signifies.

    M. de LAMOTHE. How have you received this collar without knowing
    the purpose for which it was sent you?

    QUARANTE-SOLS. It has already been long since we received it. I
    was not there, and our old men have forgotten what it said.

    M. de LAMOTHE. Your old men are not regarded as children to have
    such a short memory.

    QUARANTE-SOLS. We do not accept this collar; but we are going to
    take it to Sonnontouan [the Seneca town] to find out what it means;
    because it is a serious matter not to respond to a collar; it is the
    custom among us. The Ottawas can tell you what it is, because our
    people have forgotten it.

    M. de LAMOTHE. The Ottawas will reply that having received it
    you should remember it, but since this collar is dumb and has lost
    its speech I am obliged to be silent myself.

In the Diary of the Siege of Detroit (_a_) it is narrated that after
receiving a belt of wampum from the commanding officer the Pottawatomi
chief called it the officer’s “mouth,” and said that those to whom it
was sent would believe it when “they saw his mouth.”

But wampum designs, besides being mere credentials, and thus like the
Australian message sticks, and also mnemonic, became, to some extent,
conventional. The predominance of white beads indicated peace, and
purple or violet meant war.

On the authority of Sir Daniel Wilson (_a_) a string of black wampum
sent round the settlement is still among the Indians of the Six Nations
the notice of the death of a chief.

The Iroquois belts had an arrangement of wampum to signify the lakes,
rivers, mountains, valleys, portages, and falls along the path of trail
between them and the Algonkins, who were parties to their treaty in 1653.

On the authority of a manuscript letter from St. Ange to D’Abbadie,
September 9, 1764, quoted by Parkman (_a_), Pontiac’s great wampum belt
was 6 feet long, 4 inches wide, and was wrought from end to end with the
symbols of tribes and villages, 47 in number, which were leagued with
him.

In addition to becoming conventional the designs in wampum, perhaps from
expertness in their workmanship, exhibited ideographs in their later
development, of which the following description, taken from Rev. Peter
Jones’s (_a_), “History of the Ojebway Indians” is an instance:

    Johnson then explained the emblems contained in the wampum belt
    brought by Yellowhead, which, he said, they acknowledged to be the
    acts of their fathers. Firstly, the council fire at the Sault Ste.
    Marie has no emblem, because then the council was held. Secondly,
    the council fire at Mamtoulni has the emblem of a beautiful white
    fish; this signifies purity, or a clean white heart--that all our
    hearts ought to be white toward each other. Thirdly, the emblem
    of a beaver, placed at an island on Penetanguishew bay, denotes
    wisdom--that all the acts of our fathers were done in wisdom.
    Fourthly, the emblem of a white deer, placed at Lake Simcoe,
    signified superiority; the dish and ladles at the same place
    indicated abundance of game and food. Fifthly, the eagle perched on
    a tall pine tree at the Credit denotes watching, and swiftness in
    conveying messages. The eagle was to watch all the council fires
    between the Six Nations and the Ojebways, and being far-sighted, he
    might, in the event of anything happening, communicate the tidings
    to the distant tribes. Sixthly, the sun was hung up in the center
    of the belt to show that their acts were done in the face of the
    sun, by whom they swore that they would forever after observe the
    treaties made between the two parties.

In the same work, p. 119, is a description of a wampum belt that
recorded the first treaty between the Ojibwa and the Six Nations of the
Iroquois confederacy. It has the figure of a dish or bowl at its middle
to represent that the Ojibwa and the Six Nations were all to eat out of
the same dish, meaning, ideographically, that all the game in the region
should be for their common use.

[Illustration: FIG. 164.--Penn wampum belt.]

Mr. W. H. Holmes (_c_) gives an illustration of the well-known Penn
wampum belt, reproduced here as Fig. 164, with remarks condensed as
follows:

    It is believed to be the original belt delivered by the
    Leni-Lenape sachems to William Penn at the celebrated treaty under
    the elm tree at Schackamaxon in 1682. Up to the year 1857 this belt
    remained in the keeping of the Penn family. In March, 1857, it was
    presented to the Pennsylvania Historical Society by Granville John
    Penn, a great-grandson of William Penn. Mr. Penn, in his speech on
    this occasion, states that there can be no doubt that this is the
    identical belt used at the treaty, and presents his views in the
    following language:

    “In the first place, its dimensions are greater than of those
    used on more ordinary occasions, of which we have one still in
    our possession--this belt being composed of 18 strings of wampum,
    which is a proof that it was the record of some very important
    negotiation. In the next place, in the center of the belt, which
    is of white wampum, are delineated in dark-colored beads, in a
    rude, but graphic style, two figures--that of an Indian grasping
    with the hand of friendship the hand of a man evidently intended
    to be represented in the European costume wearing a hat, which can
    only be interpreted as having reference to the treaty of peace and
    friendship which was then concluded between William Penn and the
    Indians, and recorded by them in their own simple but descriptive
    mode of expressing their meaning by the employment of hieroglyphics.”


SECTION 4.

ORDER OF SONGS.

The Indian songs or, more accurately, chants, with which pictography is
connected, have been preserved in their integrity by the use of pictured
characters. They are in general connected with religious ceremonies,
and are chiefly used in the initiation of neophytes to secret religious
orders. Some of them, however, are used in social meetings or ceremonies
of cult societies, though the distinction between social or any other
general associations and those to be classified as religious is not
easily defined. Religion was the real life of the tribes, permeating all
their activities and institutions.

The words of these songs are invariable, even to the extent that by
their use for generations many of them have become archaic and form no
part of the colloquial language. Indeed, they are not always understood
by the best of the shaman songsters, which fact recalls the oriental
memorization of the Veda ritual through generations by the priests, who
thus, without intent, preserved a language. The sounds were memorized,
although the characters designating or, more correctly, recalling them,
were not representations of sound, but of idea.

Practically, the words--or sounds, understood or not, which passed for
words--as well as the notes, were memorized by the singers, and their
memory, or that of the shaman, who acted as leader or conductor or
precentor, was assisted by the charts. Exoteric interpretation of any
ideographic and not merely conventional or purely arbitrary characters
in the chart, which may be compared for indistinctness with the
translated libretto of operas, may suggest the general subject-matter,
perhaps the general course, of the chant, but can not indicate the exact
words, or, indeed, any words, of the language chanted.

A simple mode of explaining the amount of symbolism necessarily
contained in the charts of the order of songs is by likening them to the
illustrated songs and ballads lately published in popular magazines,
where every stanza has at least one appropriate illustration. Let it
be supposed that the text was obliterated forever, indeed, the art of
reading lost, the illustrations remaining, as also the memory to some
persons of the words of the ballad. The illustrations, kept in their
original order, would always supply the order of the stanzas and also
the particular subject-matter of each particular stanza, and that
subject-matter would be a reminder of the words. This is what the rolls
of birchbark supply to the initiated Ojibwa. Schoolcraft pretended that
there is intrinsic symbolism in the characters employed, which might
imply that the words of the chants were rather interpretations of those
characters than that the latter were reminders of the words. But only
after the vocables of the actual songs and chants have been learned
can the mnemonic characters be clearly understood. Doubtless the more
ideographic and the less arbitrary the characters the more readily can
they be learned and retained in the memory, and during the long period
of the practical use of the mnemonic devices many exhibiting ideography
and symbolism have been invented or selected.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVII

ORDER OF SONGS--OJIBWA.]

The ceremonial songs represented pictorially in Pl. XVII, A, B, C, and
D, were obtained from Ojibwa shamans at White Earth, Minnesota, by Dr.
Hoffman, and pertain to the ceremony of initiating new members into
the Midē' wiwin or Grand Medicine Society. The language, now omitted,
differs to some extent from that now spoken. The songs and ritual are
transmitted from generation to generation, and although an Indian who
now receives admission into the society may compose his own songs for
use in connection with his profession, he will not adopt the modern
Ojibwa words, but employs the archaic whenever practicable. To change
the ancient forms would cause loss of power in the charms which such
songs are alleged to possess.

The translation of the songs was given by the Ojibwa singers, while the
remarks in smaller type further elucidate the meaning of the phrases, as
afterwards explained by the shaman.

The characters were all drawn upon birch bark, as is usual with
the “medicine songs” of the Ojibwa, and the words suggested by the
incisions were chanted. The incompleteness of some of the phrases was
accounted for by the shaman by the fact that they are gradually being
forgotten. The ceremonies are now of infrequent occurrence, which tends
to substantiate this assertion.

One song, as presented on a single piece of birch bark, really consists
of as many songs as there are mnemonic characters. Each phrase,
corresponding to a character, is repeated a number of times; the greater
the number of repetitions the greater will be the power of inspiration
in the singer. One song or phrase may, therefore, extend over a period
of from two to ten or more minutes.

The song covers much more time when dancing accompanies it, as is the
case with the first one presented below. The dancing generally commences
after a pause, designated by a single vertical bar.

The following characters are taken from A, Pl. XVII, and are here
reproduced separately to facilitate explanation:

[Illustration]

The earth, spirit that I am, I take medicine out of the earth.

    The upper figure represents the arm reaching down toward the
    earth, searching for hidden remedies.

[Illustration]

(Because of) a spirit that I am, my son.

    The headless human figure emerging from the circle is a
    mysterious being, representing the power possessed by the speaker.
    He addresses a younger and less experienced Midē' or shaman.

[Illustration]

Bar or rest.

    The vertical line denotes a slight pause in the song, after
    which the chant is renewed, accompanied by dancing.

[Illustration]

They have pity on me, that is why they call us to the Grand Medicine.

    The inner circle represents the speaker’s heart; the outer
    circle, the gathering place for shamans, while the short lines
    indicate the directions from which the shamans come together.

[Illustration]

I want to see you, medicine man.

    The figure of a head is represented with lines running downward
    (and forward) from the eyes, donating sight. The speaker is looking
    for the shaman, spoken to, to make his appearance within the sacred
    structure where the Midē' ceremonies are to take place.

[Illustration]

My body is a spirit.

    The character is intended to represent the body of a bear, with
    a line across the body, signifying one of the most powerful of the
    sacred Man'idōs or spirits, of the Midē' wiwin or “Grand Medicine
    Society.”

[Illustration]

You would [know] it, it being a spirit.

    The figure of a head is shown with lines extending both upward
    and downward from the ears, denoting a knowledge of things in realm
    of the Man'idōs above, and of the secrets of the earth beneath.

[Illustration]

As I am dressed, I am.

    The otter is emerging from the sacred Midē' inclosure; the otter
    typifies the sacred Man'idō who received instruction for the people
    from Mi'nabō'zho, the intermediary between the “Great Spirit” and
    the Ânîshinâbeg.

[Illustration]

That is what ails me, I fear my Midē' brothers.

    The arm reaching into a circle denotes the power of obtaining
    mysterious influence from Kítschi Man'idō, but the relation between
    the pictograph and the phrase is obscure; unless the speaker fears
    such power as possessed by others.

The following is the order of another Midē' song. The general style of
the original resembles the specific class of songs which are used when
digging medicines, i. e., plants or roots. The song is shown in Pl.
XVII, B as the character appears on the bark.

[Illustration]

As I arise from [slumber].

    The speaker is shown as emerging from a double circle, his
    sleeping place.

[Illustration]

What have I unearthed?

    The speaker has discovered a bear Man'idō, as shown by the two
    hands grasping that animal by the back.

[Illustration]

Down is the bear.

    The bear is said to have his legs cut off, by the outline of the
    Midē' structure, signifying he has become helpless because he is
    under the influence of the shamans.

[Illustration]

Big, I am big.

    The speaker is great in his own estimation; his power of
    obtaining gifts from superior beings is shown by the arm reaching
    for an object received from above; he has furthermore overcome the
    bear Man'idō and can employ it to advantage.

[Illustration]

You encourage me.

    Two arms are shown extended toward a circle containing spots
    of mī'gis, or sacred shells. The arms represent the assistance of
    friends of the speaker encouraging him with their assistance.

[Illustration]

I can alight in the medicine pole.

    The eagle or thunder-bird is perched upon the medicine pole
    erected near the shamans’ sacred structure. The speaker professes
    to have the power of flight equal to the thunder-bird, that he may
    transport himself to any desired locality.

The following is another example of a pictured Midē' song, and is
represented in Pl. XVII, C.

[Illustration]

I know you are a spirit.

    The figure is represented as having waving lines extending
    from the eyes downward toward the earth, and indicating search for
    secrets hidden beneath the surface of the earth. The hands extending
    upward indicate the person claims supernatural powers by which he is
    recognized as “equal to a spirit.”

[Illustration]

I lied to my son.

    The signification of the phrase could not be explained by the
    informant, especially its relation to the character, which is an
    arm, reaching beyond the sky for power from Ki'tshi Man'idō. The
    waving line upon the arm denotes mysterious power.

[Illustration]

Spirit I am, the wolf.

    The speaker terms himself a wolf spirit, possessing peculiar
    power. The animal as drawn has a line across the body signifying its
    spirit character.

[Illustration]

At last I become a spirit.

    The circle denotes the spot occupied by the speaker; his hands
    extended are directed toward the source of his powers.

[Illustration]

I give you the mī'gis.

    The upper character represents the arm reaching down giving a
    sacred shell, the mī'gis, the sacred emblem of the “Grand Medicine
    Society.” The “giving of the mī'gis” signifies its “being shot” into
    the body of a new member of the society to give him life and the
    power of communing with spirits, or Man'idōs.

[Illustration]

You are speaking to me.

    An arm is extended toward a circle containing a smaller one, the
    latter representing the spot occupied by Midē' friends.

The characters next explained are taken from the last line, D, of the
series given in Pl. XVII. The speaker appears to have great faith in his
own powers as a Midē'.

[Illustration]

Spirit I am, I enter.

    The otter, which Man'idō, the speaker, professes to represent,
    is entering the sacred structure of Midē' lodge.

[Illustration]

Midē' friends, do you hear me?

    The circles denote the locality where the Midē' are supposed to
    be congregated. The waving lines signify hearing, when, as in this
    case, attached to the ears.

[Illustration]

The first time I heard you.

    The speaker asserts that he heard the voices of the Man'idōs
    when he went through his first initiation into the society. He is
    still represented as the otter.

[Illustration]

The spirit, he does hear (?)

    The interpretation is vague, but could not be otherwise
    explained. The lines from the ears denote hearing.

[Illustration]

They, the Midē' friends, have paid enough.

    The arm in the attitude of giving, to Ki'tshi Man'idō, signifies
    that the Midē' have made presents of sufficient value to be enabled
    to possess the secrets, which they received in return.

[Illustration]

They have pity on me, the chief Midē'.

    The arms of Ki'tshi Man'idō are extended to the Midē' lodge,
    giving assistance as besought.

The song mnemonically represented in Pl. XVIII A (reproduced from Pl.
X A. of the Seventh Ann. Rep. Bur. of Ethn.) is sung by the Ojibwa
preceptor who has been instructing the candidate for initiation. It
praises the preceptor’s efforts and the character of the knowledge
he has imparted. Its delivery is made to extend over as much time as
possible.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVIII

MNEMONIC SONGS--OJIBWA.]

The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikas'sigĕ, and are a copy
of an old birchbark scroll, which has for many years been in his
possession, and which was a transcript of one in the possession of
his father Baiédzĭk, one of the leading Midē' at Mille Lacs, Minnesota.

[Illustration]

My arm is almost pulled out with digging medicine. It is full of
medicine.

    The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously
    designated “medicine.”

[Illustration]

Almost crying because the medicine is lost.

    The lines extending downward from the eye signify weeping;
    the circle beneath the figure, the place where the “medicine”
    is supposed to exist. The idea of “lost” signifies that some
    information has been forgotten through death of those who possessed
    it.

[Illustration]

Yes, there is much medicine you may cry for.

    Refers to that which is yet to be taught.

[Illustration]

Yes, I see there is plenty of it.

    The Midē' has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but
    reserves that knowledge for a future time. The lines of “sight” run
    to various medicines which he perceives or knows of.

[Illustration]

Rest.

[Illustration]

When I come out the sky becomes clear.

    When the otter-skin Midē' sack is produced the sky becomes
    clear, so that the ceremonies may proceed.

[Illustration]

The spirit has given me power to see.

    The Midē' sits on a mountain the better to commune with the good
    Man'idō.

[Illustration]

I brought the medicine to bring life.

    The Midē' Man'idō, the Thunderer, after bringing some of the
    plants--by causing the rains to fall--returns to the sky. The short
    line represents part of the circular line usually employed to
    designate the imaginary vault of the sky.

[Illustration]

I too, see how much there is.

    His power elevates the Midē' to the rank of a Man'idō, from
    whose position he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth.

[Illustration]

I am going to the medicine lodge.

    The vertical, left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the
    Midē'wigân.

[Illustration]

I take life from the sky.

    The Midē' is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from
    Ki'tshi Man'idō' the means of prolonging life. The circle at the top
    denotes the sacred migis or shell.

[Illustration]

Let us talk to one another.

    The circles denote the places of the speaker (Midē') and
    the hearer (Ki'tshi Man'idō), the short lines signifying magic
    influences, the Midē' occupying the left hand and smaller seat.

[Illustration]

The spirit is in my body, my friend.

    The mī'gis, given by Ki'tshi Man'idō, is in contact with the
    Midē'’s body, and he is possessed of life and power.

In the order of song, Pl. XVIII, B, reproduced from Pl. IX, C, of the
Seventh Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, the preceptor appears to
feel satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation,
and therefore tells him that the Midē' Man'idō announces to him the
assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises of
the fulfillment of his highest desires:

[Illustration]

I hear the spirit speaking to us.

    The Midē'-singer is of superior power, as designated by the
    horns and pointer upon his head. The lines from the ears indicate
    hearing.

[Illustration]

I am going into the medicine lodge.

    The Midē'wigân is shown with a line through it, to signify
    that the preceptor is going through it in imagination, as in the
    initiation.

[Illustration]

I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live.

    The disks indicate the sacred objects sought for, which are
    successively obtained by the speaker, who represents the officiating
    shaman.

[Illustration]

I give you medicine, and a lodge, also.

    The Midē', as the personator of Makwá Man'idō, is empowered to
    offer this privilege to the candidate.

[Illustration]

I am flying into my lodge.

    Represents the thunder-bird, a deity flying into the arch of the
    sky, the abode of spirits or Man'idōs. The short lines cutting the
    curve are spirit lines.

[Illustration]

The spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it.

    The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates
    that the sacred objects fall in scattered places.

[Illustration]

I have the medicine in my heart.

    The singer’s heart is filled with knowledge relating to sacred
    objects from the earth.

The song depicted in Pl. XVIII C, was drawn by “Little Frenchman,” an
Ojibwa Midē' of the first degree, who reproduced it from a bark record
belonging to his preceptor. “Little Frenchman” had not yet received
instruction in these characters, and consequently could not sing the
songs, but from his familiarity with mnemonic delineations of the order
of the Grand Medicine of ideas he was able to give an outline of the
signification of the figures and the phraseology which they suggested to
his mind. In the following description the first line pertaining to a
character is the objective description, the second being the explanation.

It is furthermore to be remarked that in this chart and the one
following the interpretation of characters begins at the right hand
instead of the left, contrary to rule. The song is reproduced from. Pl.
XXII, A, of the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology:

[Illustration]

From the place where I sit.

    A man, seated and talking or singing.

[Illustration]

The big tree in the middle of the earth.

    Tree; inclosure represents the world as visible from a given
    spot of observation--horizon.

[Illustration]

I will float down the fast running stream.

    Stream of water; the spots indicate progress of traveler, and
    may be rude indications of canoes or equally rude foot tracks, the
    usual pictograph for traveling.

[Illustration]

The place that is feared I inhabit; the swift running stream.

    A spirit surrounded by a line indicating the shore.

[Illustration]

You who speak to me.

    Two spirits communing.

[Illustration]

I have long horns.

    Horned water monster.

[Illustration]

Rest; dancing begins with next character.

[Illustration]

I, observing, follow your example.

    Man listening to water monster (spirit).

[Illustration]

You are my body; you see anybody; you see my nails are worn off in
grasping the stone (from which medicine is taken).

    Bear, with claws, scratching; depression shown by line under
    claws, where scratching has been done.

[Illustration]

You (i. e., the spirits who are there), to whom I am speaking.

    Spirit panther.

[Illustration]

I am floating down smoothly.

    Spirit otter, swimming; outer lines are river banks.

[Illustration]

Rest.

[Illustration]

I have finished my drum.

    Spirit holding drum; sound ascending.

[Illustration]

My body is like unto you.

    This is the mī'gis shell--the special symbol of the Midē' wiwin.

[Illustration]

Hear me, thou, who art talking to me.

    Listening, and wanting others (spirits) to hear.

[Illustration]

See what I am taking.

    Spirit (Midē') taking “medicine root.”

[Illustration]

See me whose head is out of the water.

    Otters, two spirits, the left-hand one being the “speaker.”

The Midē' song, Pl. XVIII, D, was also copied by “Little Frenchman” upon
birchbark, from one in the possession of his preceptor, but upon which
he had not yet received careful instruction; hence the incompleteness of
some of his interpretations. It is reproduced from Pl. XXII, B, of the
Seventh Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology.

[Illustration]

I am sitting down with my pipe.

    Man sitting, holding a pipe. He has been called upon to “make
    medicine.” The short lines beneath the body represent that he is
    seated. He holds a filled pipe which he is not yet smoking.

[Illustration]

I, me the spirit, the spirit of the owl.

    Owl, held by Midē'; arm above bird. This character appears upon
    the Grand Medicine chart from Red Lake, as passing from the midē'
    lodge to the ghost lodge.

[Illustration]

It stands, that which I am going after.

    Tree; showing tracks made by bear spirit. The speaker terms
    himself equal with this spirit and represents himself seeking
    remedies.

[Illustration]

I, who fly.

    Medicine bag, flying. The figure is that of the thunder bird
    (eagle) whose skin was used for a bag. The trees beneath show the
    bird to have ascended beyond their tops.

[Illustration]

Kibinan is what I use--the magic arrow.

    An arrow, held by hand.

[Illustration]

I am coming to the earth.

    Otter spirit. Circle denotes the surrounding sky in which is the
    spirit. The earth is shown by the horizontal line above which is the
    Indian hut. The speaker likens himself to the otter spirit who first
    received the rites of the Midē' initiation.

[Illustration]

I am feeling for it.

    Man (spirit) seeking for hidden medicine. The circle represents
    a hole in the earth.

[Illustration]

I am talking to it.

    Medicine bag made of an owl skin is held by shaman; latter is
    talking to the magic elements contained therein.

[Illustration]

They are sitting in a circle (“around in a row”).

    Midē' lodge; Midē' sitting around. The crosses represent the
    persons present.

[Illustration]

You who are newly hung, and you who have reached half, and you who are
now full.

    Full moon, one half, and quarter moon.

[Illustration]

I am going for my dish.

    Footprints leading to dish (ghost society dish). The circular
    objects here each denotes a “feast,” usually represented by a “dish.”

[Illustration]

I go through the medicine lodge.

    Grand medicine lodge; tracks leading through it. The speaker,
    after having prepared a feast, is entitled to enter for initiation.


[Illustration]

Let us commune with one another.

    Two men conversing; two Midē'.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIX

MNEMONIC SONGS--OJIBWA.]

The mnemonic order of song, Pl. XIX a, is another example from Red Lake,
prepared by the Ojibwa last mentioned:

[Illustration]

“Carved images.”

    Carved images. These represent the speaker to say that he
    prepares fetishes for hunting, love, etc.

[Illustration]

I am holding my grand medicine sack.

    Man holding “medicine bag.”

[Illustration]

“Wants a woman.” [No interpretation was ventured by “Little Frenchman.”]

[Illustration]

Hear me, great spirit.

    Lines from the ears, to denote hearing.

[Illustration]

I am about to climb.

    Medicine tree at grand lodge. The marks on either side are bear
    tracks, the footprints of the bear spirit--the speaker representing
    him.

[Illustration]

I am entering the grand medicine lodge.

    The Midē'wigân, showing footprints of the bear Man'idō which are
    simulated by the boastful shaman.

[Illustration]

I am making my tracks on the road.

    Footprints on the path.

[Illustration]

I am resting at my home.

    Human figure, with “voice” issuing--singing.

Pl. XIX b is a similar song, also made by “Little Frenchman,” and
relates to magic remedies and his powers of incantation:

[Illustration]

The stars.

    Stars, preceded by a mark of rest or beginning. It may be
    noticed that one star has eight and the other six rays, showing that
    their number is not significant.

[Illustration]

The wolf that runs.

    Wolf; the banded tail distinguishes it from the otter.

[Illustration]

See me what I have; what I have (goods given in the midē' wigwân).

    Man holding bow.

[Illustration]

See what I am about to do.

    Arm, holding a gun.

[Illustration]

The house of the beaver.

    Beaver, in his house.

[Illustration]

I, who make a noise.

    A frog, croaking, shown by “voice” lines.

[Illustration]

My white hair.

    Head with hair. The signification of white hair is great age,
    though there is no way to ascertain this without oral statement by
    the singer.

[Illustration]

The house of the otter.

    Otter in his burrow.

[Illustration]

Hear me, you, to whom I am talking.

    Mī'gis, spoken to by man, lines showing hearing. The sacred
    emblem of the Midē'wiwin is implored for aid in carrying out a
    desired scheme.

[Illustration]

I stoop as I walk.

    An old man. Age is denoted by the act of walking with a staff.

[Illustration]

I stand by the tree.

    Standing near medicine tree. The speaker knows of valued
    remedies which he desires to dispose of for payment.

[Illustration]

I am raising a rock.

    Man with stone for Midē' lodge. Carrying stone to Midē' lodge,
    against which to place a patient.

[Illustration]

I am holding my pail.

    Vessel of medicine; arm reaching down to it.

[Illustration]

My arrow point is of iron, and about to kill a male bear.

    Bear, above arrow. Bow--lower character.

[Illustration]

I am about to speak to the sky.

    Speaking to the “sky.” Power of communing with the Great Spirit,
    Ki'tshi Man'idō'.

[Illustration]

I am about to depart; I will liken myself to a bear.

    Bear, tracks and path.

[Illustration]

I am walking on the hard sand beach.

    Body of water, and lynx. The ellipse denotes a lake.

Another song of a similar character, reproduced from birchbark on Pl.
XIX c, is explained below. It was also made by “Little Frenchman,” and
relates to the searching for and preparation of objects used in sorcery.

[Illustration]

It is fiery, that which I give you.

    Vessel, with flames on top. Contains strong water wi-bīn', a
    magical decoction.

[Illustration]

It is growing, the tree.

    Midē'wigân, with trees growing around it at four corners.

[Illustration]

I cover the earth with my length.

    Snakes; guardians of the first degree.

[Illustration]

The bear is contained within me.

    Bear spirit within the man--i. e., the speaker. This indicates
    that he possesses the power of the Bear Man'idō, one of the most
    powerful of the guardians of the Midē' society.

[Illustration]

He has Man'idō (spirit) in his mouth.

    Possessing the power of curing by “sucking” bad spirits from
    patient’s body. This is the practice of the lower shamans, known as
    Jēs'sakkīd'.

[Illustration]

The hawk genus et sp.

    Ki-ni-en', the hawk from which “medicine” is obtained.

[Illustration]

I, who am about to talk.

    Head of man; lines from mouth denote speech.

The interpretation now again proceeds from right to left.

[Illustration]

I am about to walk.

    Bear spirit, talking. The lines upon the back indicate his
    spirit character.

[Illustration]

I am crawling away.

    Mī'gis shell. The sacred emblem of the Midē' society.

[Illustration]

Rest.

[Illustration]

From this, I wish to be able to walk.

    Taking “medicine” trail (behind man). The speaker is addressing
    a Man'idō which he holds.

[Illustration]

I am being called to go there.

    Sacred lodges, with spirits within.

[Illustration]

I am going.

    Footprints, leading toward a wigwam.

[Illustration]

Rest.

The Ojibwa chart, used in the “Song for the Metai, or for Medicine
Hunting,” is taken from Tanner’s (_a_) Narrative and reproduced in Fig.
165. It should be noted that the Metai of Tanner’s interpretation, which
follows, is the same as the Midē' in the foregoing interpretations:

[Illustration: FIG. 165.--Song for Medicine Hunting.]

_a_. Now I hear it, my friends of the Metai, who are sitting about me.

This and the three following are sung by the principal chief of the
Metai, to the beat of his bwoin ah-keek, or drum. The line from the
sides of the head of the figure indicate hearing.

_b._ Who makes this river flow? The Spirit, he makes this river flow.

The second figure is intended to represent a river, and a beaver
swimming down it.

_c._ Look at me well, my friends; examine me, and let us understand that
we are all companions.

This translation is by no means literal. The words express the boastful
claims of a man who sets himself up for the best and most skillful in
the fraternity.

_d._ Who maketh to walk about, the social people? A bird maketh to walk
about the social people.

By the bird the medicine man means himself; he says that his
voice has called the people together. Weej-huh nish-a-nauba, or
weeja-nish-a-nau-ba seems to have the first syllable from the verb which
means to accompany. The two lines drawn across, between this figure and
the next, indicate that here the dancing is to commence.

_e._ I fly about and if anywhere I see an animal, I can shoot him.

This figure of a bird (probably an eagle or hawk) seems intended to
indicate the wakefulness of the senses and the activity required to
insure success in hunting. The figure of the moose which immediately
follows, reminding the singer of the cunning and extreme shyness of that
animal, the most difficult of all to kill.

_f._ I shoot your heart; I hit your heart, oh, animal--your heart--I hit
your heart.

This apostrophe is mere boasting and is sung with much gesticulation and
grimace.

_g._ I make myself look like fire.

This is a medicine man disguised in the skin of a bear. The small
parallelogram under the bear signifies fire, and the shamans, by
some composition of gunpowder, or other means, contrive to give the
appearance of fire to the mouth and eyes of the bear skin, in which
they go about the village late at night, bent on deeds of mischief,
oftentimes of blood. We learn how mischievous are these superstitions
when we are informed that they are the principal men of the Metai, who
thus wander about the villages in the disguise of a bear, to wreak their
hatred on a sleeping rival or their malice on an unsuspecting adversary.
But the customs of the Indians require of anyone who may see a medicine
man on one of these excursions to take his life immediately, and whoever
does so is accounted guiltless.

_h._ I am able to call water from above, from beneath, and from around.

Here the medicine man boasts of his power over the elements, and his
ability to do injury or benefit. The segment of a circle with dots in it
represents water and the two short lines touching the head of the figure
indicate that he can draw it to him.

_i._ I cause to look like the dead, a man I did.

I cause to look like the dead, a woman I did.

I cause to look like the dead, a child I did.

The lines drawn across the face of this figure indicate poverty,
distress, and sickness; the person is supposed to have suffered from the
displeasure of the medicine man. Such is the religion of the Indians.
Its boast is to put into the hands of the devout supernatural means by
which he may wreak vengeance on his enemies whether weak or powerful,
whether they be found among the foes of his tribe or the people of his
own village. This Metai, so much valued and revered by them, seems to be
only the instrument in the hands of the crafty for keeping in subjection
the weak and the credulous, which may readily be supposed to be the
greater part of the people.

_k._ I am such, I am such, my friends; any animal, any animal, my
friends, I hit him right, my friends.

This boast of certain success in hunting is another method by which he
hopes to elevate himself in the estimation of his hearers. Having told
them he has the power to put them all to death, he goes on to speak of
his infallible success in hunting, which will always enable him to be a
valuable friend to such as are careful to secure his good will.

The following chart for the “Song for beaver hunting and the Metai,” is
taken from the same author, loc. cit., and reproduced in Fig. 166, with
interpretations as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 166.--Song for beaver hunting.]

_a._ I sit down in the lodge of the Metai, the lodge of the Spirit.

This figure is intended to represent the area of the Metai-we-gaun, or
medicine lodge, which is called also the lodge of the Man'idō, and two
men have taken their seats in it. The matter of the song seems to be
merely introductory.

_b._ Two days must you sit fast, my friend; four days must you sit fast,
my friend.

The two perpendicular lines on the breast of this figure are read
ne-o-gone (two days), but are understood to mean two years; so of the
four lines drawn obliquely across the legs, these are four years. The
heart must be given to this business for two years, and the constrained
attitude of the legs indicates the rigid attention and serious
consideration which the subject requires.

_c._ Throw off, woman, thy garments, throw off.

The power of their medicines and the incantations of the Metai are
not confined in their effect to animals of the chase, to the lives
and health of men; they control also the minds of all and overcome
the modesty as well as the antipathies of women. The Indians firmly
believe that many a woman who has been unsuccessfully solicited by a
man is not only by the power of the Metai made to yield, but even in a
state of madness to tear off her garments and pursue after the man she
before despised. These charms have greater power than those in the times
of superstition among the English, ascribed to the fairies, and they
need not, like the plant used by Puck, be applied to the person of the
unfortunate being who is to be transformed; they operate at a distance
through the medium of the Miz-zin-ne-neens.

_d._ Who makes the people walk about? It is I that calls you.

This is in praise of the virtue of hospitality, that man being most
esteemed among them who most frequently calls his neighbors to his feast.

_e._ Anything I can shoot with it (this medicine) even a dog, I can kill
with it.

_f._ I shoot thy heart, man, thy heart.

He means, perhaps, a buck moose by the word e-nah-ne-wah, or man.

_g._ I can kill a white loon, I can kill.

The white loon (rara avis nigroque similimo cygno) is certainly a rare
and most difficult bird to kill; so we may infer that this boaster can
kill anything, which is the amount of the meaning intended in that part
of his song recorded by the five last figures. Success in hunting they
look upon as a virtue of a higher character, if we may judge from this
song, than the patience under suffering or the rakishness among women,
or even the hospitality recommended in the former part.

_h._ My friends——

There seems to be an attempt to delineate a man sitting with his hands
raised to address his friends; but the remainder of his speech is
not remembered. This is sufficient to show that the meaning of the
characters in this kind of picture writing is not well settled and
requires a traditional interpretation to render it intelligible.

_i._ I open my wolf skin and the death struggle must follow.

This is a wolf skin used as a medicine bag and he boasts that whenever
he opens it something must die in consequence.

Tanner’s Narrative (_b_) says of musical notation drawn on bark by
Ojibwas:

    Many of these songs are noted down by a method probably peculiar
    to the Indians, on birch bark, or small flat pieces of wood: the
    ideas being conveyed by emblematic figures, somewhat like those * *
    * used in communicating ordinary information.

Rev. P. J. De Smet (_a_) gives an account of the mnemonic order of songs
among the Kickapoo and Pottawatomi. He describes a stick 1-1/2 inches
broad and 8 or 10 long, upon which are arbitrary characters which they
follow with the finger in singing the prayers, etc. There are five
classes of these characters. The first represents the heart, the second
heart and flesh (chair), the third life, the fourth their names, and the
fifth their families.

A. W. Howitt (_b_) says:

    The makers of the Australian songs, or of the combined songs and
    dances are the poets or bards of the tribe and are held in great
    esteem. Their names are known to the neighboring peoples, and their
    songs are carried from tribe to tribe until the very meaning of the
    words is lost as well as the original source of the song.

    Such an instance is a song which was accompanied by a carved
    stick painted red, which was held by the chief singer. This traveled
    down the Murray river from some unknown source. The same song,
    accompanied by such a stick, also came into Gippsland many years ago
    from Melbourne and may even have been the above mentioned one on its
    return.


SECTION 5.

TRADITIONS.

Even since the Columbian discovery some tribes have employed devices yet
ruder than the rudest pictorial attempt as markers for the memory. An
account of one of these is given in E. Winslow’s Relation (A. D. 1624),
Col. Mass. Hist. Soc., 2d series, IX, 1822, p. 99, as follows:

    Instead of records and chronicles they take this course: Where
    any remarkable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place
    or by some pathway near adjoining, they make a round hole in the
    ground about a foot deep and as much over, which, when others
    passing by behold, they inquire the cause and occasion of the same,
    which, being once known, they are careful to acquaint all men as
    occasion serveth therewith. And lest such holes should be filled or
    grown over by any accident, as men pass by they will often renew
    the same, by which means many things of great antiquity are fresh
    in memory. So that as a man traveleth, if he can understand his
    guide, his journey will be the less tedious by reason of the many
    historical discourses which will be related unto him.

In connection with this section students may usefully consult Dr.
Brinton’s (_f_) Lenâpé and their Legends.

As an example of a chart used in the exact repetition of traditions,
Fig. 167 is presented with the following explanation by Rev. J. Owen
Dorsey:

[Illustration: FIG. 167.--Osage chart.]

    The chart accompanies a tradition chanted by members of a secret
    society of the Osage tribe. It was drawn by an Osage, Red Corn.

    The tree at the top represents the tree of life. By this flows
    a river. The tree and the river are described later in the degrees.
    When a woman is initiated she is required by the head of her gens to
    take four sips of water (symbolizing the river), then he rubs cedar
    on the palms of his hands, with which he rubs her from head to foot.
    If she belongs to a gens on the left side of a tribal circle, her
    chief begins on the left side of her head, making three passes, and
    pronouncing the sacred name three times. Then he repeats the process
    from her forehead down; then on the right side of her head; then at
    the back of her head; four times three times, or twelve passes in
    all.

    Beneath the river are the following objects: The Watse ʇuʞa,
    male slaying animal (?), or morning star, which is a red star. 2.
    Six stars called the “Elm rod” by the white people in the Indian
    territory. 3. The evening star. 4. The little star. Beneath these
    are the moon, seven stars, and sun. Under the seven stars are the
    peace pipe and war hatchet; the latter is close to the sun, and the
    former and the moon are on the same side of the chart. Four parallel
    lines extending across the chart, represent four heavens or upper
    worlds through which the ancestors of the Tsiↄu people passed before
    they came to this earth. The lowest heaven rests on an oak tree; the
    ends of the others appear to be supported by pillars or ladders. The
    tradition begins below the lowest heaven, on the left side of the
    chart, under the peace pipe. Each space on the pillar corresponds
    with a line of the chant; and each stanza (at the opening of the
    tradition) contains four lines. The first stanza precedes the
    arrival of the first heaven, pointing to a time when the children of
    the “former end” of the race were without human bodies as well as
    human souls. The bird hovering over the arch denotes an advance in
    the condition of the people; then they had human souls in the bodies
    of birds. Then followed the progress from the fourth to the first
    heaven, followed by the descent to earth. The ascent to four heavens
    and the descent to three, makes up the number seven.

    When they alighted, it was on a beautiful day when the earth was
    covered with luxuriant vegetation. From that time the paths of the
    Osages separated; some marched on the right, being the war gentes,
    while those on the left were peace gentes, including the Tsiↄu,
    whose chart this is.

    Then the Tsiↄu met the black bear, called in the tradition
    Káxe-wáhü-sa^n' (Crow-bone-white), in the distance. He offered to
    become their messenger, so they sent him to the different stars for
    aid. According to the chart he went to them in the following order:
    Morning star, sun, moon, seven stars, evening star, little star.

    Then the black bear went to the Waↄiñʞa-ↄüʇse, a female red bird
    sitting on her nest. This grandmother granted his request. She gave
    them human bodies, making them out of her own body.

    The earth lodge at the end of the chart denotes the village
    of the Hañʞa uta¢a^nʇsi, who were a very warlike people. Buffalo
    skulls were on the tops of the lodges, and the bones of the animals
    on which they subsisted whitened on the ground. The very air was
    rendered offensive by the decaying bodies and offal.

    The whole of the chart was used mnemonically. Parts of it, such
    as the four heavens and ladders, were tattooed on the throat and
    chest of the old men belonging to the order.

The tradition relating to Minabō'zho and the sacred objects received
from Kítshi Man'idō is illustrated in Fig. 168, which, represents a copy
(one-third original size) of the record preserved at White Earth. This
record is read from left to right and is, briefly, as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 168.--Midē' record.]

_a_ represents Minabō'zho, who says of the adjoining characters
representing the members of the Midéwin: “They are the ones, they are
the ones who put into my heart the life.” Minabō'zho holds in his left
hand the sacred medicine bag.

_b_ and _c_ represent the drummers; at the sound of the drum everybody
rises and becomes inspired, because the Great Spirit is then present in
the lodge.

_d_ denotes that women also have the privilege of becoming members of
the Midéwin. This figure holds a snake-skin “medicine bag” in her left
hand.

_e_ represents the tortoise, the good spirit, who was the giver of some
of the sacred objects used in the rite.

_f_ the bear, also a benevolent spirit, but not held in so great
veneration as the tortoise. His tracks are visible in the lodge.

_g_ the sacred medicine bag, Biń-ji-gú-sân, which contains life and can
be used by the Midē' to prolong the life of a sick person.

_h_ represents a dog given by the spirits to Minabō'zho as a companion.

Fig. 169 gives copies, one-third actual size, of two records in
possession of different Midē' at Red lake. The characters are almost
identical, and one record appears to have been copied from the other.
The lower figure, however, contains an additional character. The
following is an incomplete interpretation of the characters, the
letters applying equally to both:

[Illustration: FIG. 169.--Midē' records.]

_a_, Esh'gibŏ'ga, the great uncle of the Unish'-in-ab'-aig, the receiver
of the Midéwin.

_b_, the drum and drumsticks.

_c_, a bar or rest, observed while chanting the words pertaining to the
records.

_d_, the bin'-ji-gu'-sân, or sacred medicine bag. It consists of an
otter skin, and is the mī'gis, or sacred symbol of the midē'wigân' or
grand medicine lodge.

_e_, a Midē' shaman, the one who holds the mī'gis while chanting
the Midē' song in the grand medicine lodge, _f_. He is inspired, as
indicated by the line extending from the heart to the mouth.

_f_, representation of the grand medicine lodge. This character, with
slight addition, is usually employed by the southern division of the
Ojibwa to denote the lodge of a jĕssakkī'd, and is ordinarily termed a
“jugglery.”

_g_, a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to the
midē'wigân', shown in the preceding character.

_h_, a pause or rest in the chant.

_i_, the sacred snake-skin bag, having the power of giving life through
its skin. This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head
and the back of the snake.

_j_ represents a woman.

_k_, another illustration of the mī'gis, represented by the sacred otter.

_l_ denotes a woman who is inspired, as shown by the line extending from
the heart to the mouth in the lower chart, and simply showing the heart
in the upper. In the latter she is also empowered to cure with magic
plants.

_m_ represents a Midē' shaman, but no explanation was obtained of the
special character delineated.

[Illustration: FIG. 170.--Minabozho.]

In Fig. 170 is presented a variant of the characters shown in _a_ of
Fig. 169. The fact that this denotes the power to cure by the use of
plants would appear to indicate an older and more appropriate form than
the delineation of the bow and arrow, as well as being more in keeping
with the general rendering of the tradition.

Fig. 171, two-thirds real size, is a reproduction, introduced here for
comparison and explanation, of a record illustrating the alleged power
of a Midē'.

[Illustration: FIG. 171.--Midē' practicing incantation.]

_a_, the author, is the Midē', who was called upon to take a man’s life
at a distant camp. The line extending from the Midē' to _i_, explained
below, signifies that his power extended to at least that distance.

_b_, an assistant Midē'.

_c_, _d_, _e_, and _f_ represent the four degrees of the Midéwin, of
which both shamans are members. The degrees are also indicated by the
vertical lines above each lodge character.

_g_ is the drum used in the ceremony.

_h_ is an outline of the victim. A human figure is drawn upon a piece
of birchbark, over which the incantations are made, and, to insure the
death of the subject, a small spot of red paint is rubbed upon the
breast and a sharp instrument thrust into it.

_i_, the outer line represents a lake, while the inner one is an island,
upon which the victim resides.

The ceremony indicated in the above description actually occurred at
White Earth during the autumn of 1884, and, by a coincidence, the Indian
“conjured” died the following spring of pneumonia resulting from cold
contracted during the winter. This was considered as the result of the
Midē'’s power, and naturally secured for him many new adherents and
believers.

[Illustration: FIG. 172.--Jĕssakkī'd curing a woman.]

Fig. 172 represents a jĕssakkī'd, named Ne-wik'-ki, curing a sick
woman by sucking the demon through a bone tube. It is introduced here
for comparison, though equally appropriate to Chap. XIV, sec. 3. The
left-hand character represents the Midē' holding a rattle in his hand.
Around his head is an additional circle, denoting quantity (literally,
more than an ordinary amount of knowledge), the short line projecting to
the right therefrom indicating the tube used. The right-hand character
is the patient operated upon.

The juggling trick of removing disease by sucking it through tubes
is performed by the Midē' after fasting and is accompanied with many
ceremonies.


THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS.

Sikas'sigé, one of the officiating priests of the Midē' society of the
Ojibwa at White Earth, Minnesota, gives the following explanation of
Fig. 173, which is a reduced copy of a pictorial representation of a
tradition explaining the origin of the Indians:

[Illustration: FIG. 173.--Origin of the Indians.]

    In the beginning, Ki'tshi Man'idō--Dzhe Man'idō, _a_--made the
    Midē' Man'idōs. He first created two men, _b_ and _c_, and two
    women, _d_ and _e_, but they had no power of thought or reason.
    Then Dzhe Man'idō made them reasoning beings. He then took them in
    his hands so that they should multiply; he paired them, and from
    this sprung the Indians. Then, when there were people, he placed
    them upon the earth; but he soon observed that they were subject to
    sickness, misery, and death, and that unless he provided them with
    the sacred medicine they would soon become extinct.

    Between the position occupied by Dzhe Man'idō and the earth were
    four lesser spirits, _f_, _g_, _h_, and _i_, with whom Dzhe Man'idō
    decided to commune, and to impart the mysteries by which the Indians
    could be benefited; so he first spoke to a spirit at _f_, and told
    him all he had to say, who in turn communicated the same information
    to _g_, and he in turn to _h_, who also communed with _i_. Then they
    all met in council and determined to call in the four wind gods at
    _j_, _k_, _l_, and _m_. After consulting as to what would be best
    for the comfort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits agreed to
    ask Dzhe Man'idō to communicate the mystery of the sacred medicine
    to the people.

    Dzhe Man'idō then went to the Sun Spirit (_o_) and asked him to
    go to the earth and instruct the people as had been decided upon by
    the council. The Sun Spirit, in the form of a little boy, went to
    the earth and lived with a woman (_p_) who had a little boy of her
    own.

    This family went away in the autumn to hunt, and during the
    winter this woman’s son died. The parents were so much distressed
    that they decided to return to the village and bury the body there;
    so they made preparations to return, and as they traveled along
    they would each evening erect several poles upon which the body was
    placed to prevent the wild beasts from devouring it. When the dead
    boy was thus hanging upon the poles the adopted child--who was the
    Sun Spirit--would play about the camp and amuse himself, and finally
    told his adopted father he pitied him, and his mother, for their
    sorrow. The adopted son said he could bring his dead brother to
    life, whereupon the parents expressed great surprise and desired to
    know how that could be accomplished.

    The adopted boy then had the party hasten to the village, when
    he said, “Get the women to make a wig'iwam of bark (_q_), put the
    dead boy in a covering of birch bark and place the body on the
    ground in the middle of the wig'iwam.” On the next morning, when
    this had been done, the family and friends went into this lodge and
    seated themselves around the corpse.

    After they had all been sitting quietly for some time they saw,
    through the doorway, the approach of a bear (_r_), which gradually
    came toward the wig'iwam, entered it, and placed itself before the
    dead body, and said hŭ', hŭ', hŭ', hŭ', when he passed around it
    toward the left side, with a trembling motion, and as he did so the
    body began quivering, which increased as the bear continued, until
    he had passed around four times, when the body came to life and
    stood up. Then the bear called to the father, who was sitting in
    the distant right-hand corner of the wig'iwam, and addressed to him
    the following words:

   Nōs     |Ka-wi'-na |ni'-shi-nâ'-bi|wis'-si|a-ya'wi-an'|man'-i-do|nin-gi'-sis.
  My father|  is not  |    an Indian |  not  |  you are  | a spirit|   son.

  Be-mai'-a-mi'-nik|ni'-dzhi |man'-i-do|mi'-a-zhi'-gwa|tshi-gi'-a-we-an'.
     Insomuch      |my fellow| spirit  |    now       |     as you are.

   Nōs     |a-zhi'-gwa|a-se'-ma|tshi-a'-to-yek'. |Â'-mi-kun'-dem | mi-e'-ta
  My father|    now   |tobacco |   you shall put.|   He speaks of|  only

  a-wi-dink'|dzhi-gŏsh'-kwi-tōt' | wen'-dzhi-bĭ-mâ'-di-zid'-o-ma'|a-ga'-wa
      once  |to be able to do it | why he shall live here        |   now

  bi-mâ'-di-zid'-mi-o-ma';|ni'-dzhi |man'-i-do|mi'-a-zhi'-gwa|tshi-gi'-we-an'.
  that he scarcely lives; |my fellow|  spirit |now I shall go|    home.

    The little bear boy (_r_) was the one who did this. He then
    remained among the Indians (_s_) and taught them the mysteries of
    the Grand Medicine (_t_), and after he had finished he told his
    adopted father that as his mission had been fulfilled, that he was
    to return to his kindred spirits, the Indians would have no need to
    fear sickness, as they now possessed the Grand Medicine which would
    assist them to live. He also said that his spirit could bring a body
    to life but once, and he would now return to the sun from which they
    would feel his influence.

    This is called Kwi'-wi-sĕns' wed-di'-shi-tshi'
    ge'-wi-nĭp'--“Little boy, his work.”

    From subsequent information it was learned that the line (_w_)
    denotes the earth, and that, being considered as one step in the
    course of initiation into the Midē'wiwin, three others must be taken
    before a candidate can be admitted. These steps, or rests, as they
    are denominated, are typified by four distinct gifts of goods, which
    must be remitted to the Midē' priests before the ceremony can take
    place.

    The characters _s_ and _t_ are repetitions of the figures
    alluded to in the tradition (_q_ and _r_) to signify that the
    candidate must personate the Makwa' Man'idō--bear spirit--when
    entering the Midē'wiwin (_t_); _t_ is the Midē' Man'idō, as Ki'tshi
    Man'idō is termed by the Midē' priests. The device of horns,
    attached to the head, is a common symbol of superior power, found
    in connection with the figures of human and divine forms in many
    Midē' songs and other mnemonic records; _v_ represents the earth’s
    surface, similar to that designated as _w_. _w_, _x_, _y_, and _z_
    represent the four degrees of the grand medicine.


SECTION 6.

TREATIES.

Fig. 174 is copy of a birchbark record which was made to commemorate a
treaty of peace between the Ojibwa and Assinaboin Indians. The drawing
on bark was made by an Ojibwa chief at White Earth, Minnesota.

[Illustration: FIG. 174.--Record of treaty.]

The figure on the left, holding a flag, represents the Ojibwa chief,
while that on the right denotes the chief acting on the part of the
Assinaboins. The latter holds in his left hand the pipe which was used
in the preliminaries, and smoke is seen issuing from the mouth of
the Assinaboin. He also holds in his right hand the drum used as an
accompaniment to the songs.

The Ojibwa holds a flag used as an emblem of peace.

A considerable number of pictographic records of treaties are presented
in different parts of the present work (see under the headings of
Wampum, Chap. ix, Sec. 3; Notices, Chap. xi; History, Chap. xvi; Winter
Counts, Chap. x, Sec. 2).


SECTION 7.

APPOINTMENT.

Le Page Du Pratz (_b_) says in describing the council of conspiracy
which resulted in the Natchez war of 1729:

    An aged councillor advised that after all the nations had been
    informed of the necessity of taking this violent action, each one
    should receive a bundle of sticks, all containing an equal number,
    and which were to mark the number of days to pass before that on
    which they were all to strike at once; that in order to guard
    against any mistake it would be necessary to take care to extract
    one stick every day and to break it and throw it away; a man of
    wisdom should be charged with this duty. All the old men approved of
    his advice and it was adopted.

Père Nicholas Perrot (_a_) says:

    Celui qui, chez les Hurons, prenait la parole en cette
    circonstance, recevait un petit faisceau de pailles d’pied de long
    qui luy servoient comme de jetons, pour supputer les nombres et
    pour ayder la mémoire des assistans, les distribuant en divers
    lots, suyvant la diversité des choses. Dans l’Amérique du Sud, les
    Galibis de la rivière d’Amacourou et de l’Orénoque usaient du même
    procédé mnémotechnique, mais perfectionné. Le capitaine [Galibis] et
    moy, écrit le P. la Pierre (Voyage en terre-ferme et à la coste de
    Paria, p. 15 du Ms. orig.), eusmes un grand discours ... luy ayant
    demandé ce qu’il alloit faire à Barime, il me respondit qu’il alloit
    avertir tous les capitaines des aultres rivières, du jour qu’il en
    faudroit sortir pour aller donner l’attaque à leurs ennemis. Et,
    pour me faire comprendre la façon dont il s’y prenoit il me montra
    vingt petites buches liées ensemble qui se plient à la façon d’un
    rouleau. Les six premières estoient d’une couleur particulière;
    elles signifioent que, les six premiers jours, il falloit préparer
    du magnot [manioc] pour faire vivres. Les quatre suivantes estoient
    d’une aultre couleur pour marque qu’il falloit avertir les hommes.
    Les six d’aultre couleur et ainsi du reste, marquant par leur
    petites buches, faites en façon de paille, l’ordre que chaque
    capitaine doit faire observer à ses gens pour estre prest tous en
    mesme temps. La sortie devroit se faire dans vingt jours; car il n’y
    avoit que cest [vingt] petites buches.

Im Thurn (_e_) tells of the Indians of Guiana as follows:

    When a paiwari feast is to be held, invitations are sent to
    the people of all neighboring settlements inhabited by Indians of
    the same tribe as the givers of the feast. The latter prepare a
    number of strings, each of which is knotted as many times as there
    are days before the feast day. One of these strings is kept by the
    headman of the settlement where the feast is to be held; the others
    are distributed, one to the headman of each of the settlements from
    which guests are expected. Every day one of the knots, on each of
    the strings, is untied, and when the last has been untied guests and
    hosts know that the feast day has come.

    Sometimes, instead of knots on a string, notches on a piece
    of wood are used. This system of knot-tying, the quippoo system
    of the Peruvians, which occurs in nearly identical form in all
    parts of the world, is not only used as in the above instance
    for calendar-keeping, but also to record items of any sort; for
    instance, if one Indian owes another a certain number of balls
    of cotton or other articles, debtor and creditor each has a
    corresponding string or stick, with knots or notches to the number
    of the owed article, and one or more of these is oblitered each time
    a payment is made until the debt is wiped out.

Darius (Herodot. IV, 98) did something of the kind when he took a thong
and, tying sixty knots in it, gave it to the Ionian chiefs, that they
might untie a knot every day and go back to their own land if he had not
returned when all the knots were undone.

Champlain (_a_) describes a mode of preparation for battle among the
Canadian Algonquins which partook of the nature of a military drill as
well as of an appointment of rank and order. It is in its essentials
mnemonic. He describes it as follows:

    Les chefs prennent des bâtons de la longueur d’un pied autant
    en nombre qu’ils sont et signalent par d’autres un peu plus grands,
    leurs chefs; puis vont dans le bois et esplanadent une place de
    cinq ou six pieds en quarré où le chef comme Sergent Major, met
    par ordre tous ces bâtons comme bon luy semble; puis appelle tous
    ses compagnons, qui viennent tous armez, et leur monstre le rang
    et ordre qu’ils deuvont tenir lors qu’ils se battront avec leurs
    ennemis.

The author adds detail with regard to alignment, breaking ranks, and
resumption of array.


SECTION 8.

NUMERATION.

D. W. Eakins, in Schoolcraft I, p. 273, describes the mnemonic
numeration marks of the Muskoki thus:

    Each perpendicular stroke stood for one, and each additional
    stroke marked an additional number. The ages of deceased persons
    or number of scalps taken by them, or war-parties which they have
    headed, are recorded on their grave-posts by this system of strokes.
    The sign of the cross represents ten. The dot and comma never
    stood as a sign for a day, or a moon, or a month, or a year. The
    chronological marks that were and are in present use are a small
    number of sticks made generally of cane. Another plan sometimes in
    use was to make small holes in a board, in which a peg was inserted
    to keep the days of the week.

Capt. Bourke (_b_) gives the following account of an attempt at
compromise between the aboriginal method of numbering days, weeks, and
months, and that of the civilized intruders to whose system the Indians
found it necessary to conform.

    The Apache scouts kept records of the time of their absence on
    campaign. There were several methods in vogue, the best being that
    of colored beads which were strung on a string, six white ones to
    represent the days of the week, and one black, or other color, to
    stand for Sundays. This method gave rise to some confusion, because
    the Indians had been told that there were four weeks, or Sundays
    (“Domingos”), in each “Luna,” or moon, and yet they soon found
    that their own method of determining time by the appearance of the
    crescent moon was much the more satisfactory. Among the Zuñi I have
    seen little tally sticks with the marks for the days and months
    incised on the narrow edges, and among the Apache another method of
    indicating the flight of time by marking on a piece of paper along a
    horizontal line a number of circles or of straight lines across the
    horizontal datum line to represent the full days which had passed,
    a heavy straight line for each Sunday, and a small crescent for the
    beginning of each month.

It is not necessary to discuss the obvious method of repeating strokes,
dots, knots, human heads or forms, weapons, and totemic designs,
to designate the number of persons or articles referred to in the
pictographs where they appear.


SECTION 9.

ACCOUNTING.

The Abnaki, in especial the Passamaquoddy division of the tribe in
Maine, during late years have been engaged in civilized industries
in which they have found it necessary to keep accounts. These are
interesting as exhibiting the aboriginal use of ideographic devices
which are only partially supplemented by the imitation of the symbols
peculiar to European civilization. Several of these devices were
procured by the present writer in 1888, and are illustrated and
explained as follows:

A deer hunter brings 3 deerskins, for which he is allowed $2 each,
making $6; 30 pounds of venison, at 10 cents per pound, making $3. In
payment thereof he purchases 3 pounds of powder, at 40 cents per pound;
5 pounds of pork, at 10 cents per pound; and 2 gallons of molasses, at
50 cents per gallon. The debit foots $3.30, according to the Indian
account, but it seems on calculation to be 30 cents in excess, an
overcharge, showing the advance in civilization of the Passamaquoddy
trader.

[Illustration: FIG. 175.--Shop account.]

The following explanation will serve to make intelligible the characters
employed, which are reproduced in Fig. 175. The hunter is shown as the
first character in line _a_, and that he is a deer-hunter is furthermore
indicated by his having a skin-stretcher upon his back, as well as the
figure of a deer at which he is shooting. The three skins referred to
are shown stretched upon frames in line _b_, the total number being also
indicated by the three vertical strokes, between which and the drying
frames are two circles, each with a line across it, to denote dollars,
the total sum of $6 being the last group of dollar marks on line _b_.

The 30 pounds of venison are represented in line _c_, the three crosses
signifying 30, the T-shaped character designating a balance scale,
synonymous with pound, while the venison is indicated by the drawing
of the hind quarter or ham. The price is given by uniting the X, or
numeral, and the T, or pound mark, making a total of $3 as completing
the line _c_.

The line _d_ refers to the purchase of 3 pounds of powder, as expressed
by the three strokes, the T, or scale for pound, and the powder horn,
the price of which is four Xs or 40 cents per pound, or T; and 3 pounds
of powder, the next three vertical strokes succeeded by a number of
spots to indicate grains of powder, which is noted as being 10 cents per
pound, indicated by the cross and T, respectively. The next item, shown
on line _e_, charges for 5 pounds of pork, the latter being indicated
by the outline of a pig, the price being indicated by the X or 10, and
T, scale or pound; then two short lines preceding one small oblong
square or quart measure, indicates that 2 quarts of molasses, shown by
the black spot, cost 5 crosses, or 50 cents per measure, the sum of the
whole of the purchase being indicated by three rings with stems and
three crosses, equivalent to $3.30.

Another Indian, whose occupation was to furnish basket wood, brought
some to the trader for which he received credit to the amount of $1.15,
taking in exchange therefor pork sufficient to equal the above amount.

[Illustration: FIG. 176.--Shop account.]

In Fig. 176 the Indian is shown with a bundle of basket wood, the value
of which is given in the next characters, consisting of a ring with a
line across to denote $1, a cross to represent 10 cents, and the five
short vertical lines for an additional 5 cents, making a total of $1.15.
The pork received from the trader is indicated by the outline of a pig,
while the crossed lines to the right denotes that the “account” is
canceled.

Another customer, as shown in Fig. 177, was an old woman, the descendent
of an ancient name--one known before the coming of white people. She was
therefore called the “Owl,” and is represented in the “account” given
below. She had bought on credit 1 plug of smoking tobacco, designated
by one vertical stroke for the quantity and an oblong square figure
corresponding to the shape of the package, which was to be used for
smoking, as indicated by the spiral lines to denote smoke. She had also
purchased 2 quarts of kerosene oil, the quantity designated by the two
strokes preceding the small squares to represent quart measures, and
the liquid is indicated by the rude outline of a kerosene lamp. This
is followed by two crosses, representing 20 cents, as the value of the
amount of her purchases. This account was settled by giving one basket,
as shown in the device nearly beneath the owl, half of which is marked
with crossed lines, connected by a line of dots or dashes with the
cancellation mark at the extreme right of the record.

[Illustration: FIG. 177.--Shop account.]

[Illustration: FIG. 178.--Book account.]

Another Passamaquoddy Indian, unable to read or write, carries on
business and keeps his books according to a method of his own invention.
One account is reproduced in Fig. 178. It is with a very slim Indian, as
will be observed from the drawing, who carries on “trucking” and owns a
horse, that animal being represented in outline and connected by lines
with its owner. For services he was paid $5.45, which sum is shown in
the lower line of characters by five dollar-marks--i. e., rings with
strokes across them--4 crosses or numerals signifying 10 cents each, and
five short vertical lines for 5 cents. The date is shown in the upper
line of characters, the 4 short lines in front of the horse signifying
4, the oval figure next, to the right and intended for a circle,
denoting the moon--i. e., the fourth moon, or April--while the 10 short
strokes signify the tenth day of the month--i. e., he was paid $5.45 in
full for services to April 10.

[Illustration: FIG. 179.--Book account.]

Another account was with a young woman noted as very slim, and is shown
in Fig. 179. The girl brought a basket to the store, for which she was
allowed 20 cents. She received credit for 10 cents on account of a plug
of tobacco bought some time previously.

In the illustration the decidedly slim form of the girl is portrayed,
her hands holding out the basket which she had made. The unattached
cross signifies 10 cents, which she probably received in cash, while
the other cross is connected by a dotted line with the piece of plug
tobacco for which she had owed 10 cents. The attachment of the plug to
the unpaid dime is amusingly ideographic.

Another Indian, descended from the prehistoric Indians, was called
“Lox,” the evil or tricksy deity, appearing as an animal having a long
body and tail and short legs, which is probably a wolverine, under which
form Lox is generally depicted by the Passamaquoddy. His account with
the trader is given in Fig. 180, and shows that he brought 1 dozen ax
handles, for which he received $1.50.

[Illustration: FIG. 180.--Book account.]

Beneath the figure of Lox are 2 axes, the 12 short lines denoting the
number of handles delivered, while the dotted line to the right connects
them with the amount received, which is designated by 1 one dollar mark
and 5 crosses or dime marks.

Dr. Hoffman found in Los Angeles, California, a number of notched
sticks, which had been invented and used by the Indians at the Mission
of San Gabriel. They had chief herders, who had under their charge
overseers of the several classes of laborers, herders, etc. The chief
herder was supplied with a stick of hard wood, measuring about 1 inch in
breadth and thickness and from 20 to 24 inches long. The corners were
beveled at the handle. The general form of the stick is given in the
upper character of Fig. 181, with the exception that the illustration is
intentionally shortened so as to show both ends.

[Illustration: FIG. 181.--Notched sticks.]

Upon each of the beveled surfaces on the handle are marks to indicate
the kind of horned cattle referred to. The cross indicates that the
corner of the stick upon which it is incised relates to heifers, each
notch designating one head, the long transverse cut denoting ten, with
an additional three cuts signifying that the herder has in charge
thirteen heifers. Upon the next beveled edge appears an arrow-pointed
mark, to denote in like manner which edge of the stick is to be
notched for indicating the oxen. Upon the third beveled surface is one
transverse cut for the record of the number of bulls in the herd, while
upon the fourth bevel of the handle are two notches to note the number
of cows.

The stick is notched at the end opposite the handle to signify that it
refers only to horned cattle. That used to designate horses is sharpened
from two sides only, so that the end is wedge-shaped, or exactly the
reverse of the one first mentioned. The marks upon the handle would
be the same, however, with this exception--that one cut would mean a
stallion, two cuts a mare, the cross a gelding, and the arrow-shaped
figure a colt. Sticks were also marked to denote the several kinds of
stock and to record those which had been branded.

Another class of sticks were also used by the overseers, copies of which
were likewise preserved by the laborers and herders, to keep an account
of the number of days on which labor was performed, and to record the
sums of money received by the workman.

The lower character of Fig. 181 represents a stick, upon the beveled
edge of the handle of which is a cross to denote work. The short notches
upon the corner of the stick denote days, each seventh day or week being
designated by a cut extending across the stick.

Upon the opposite side of the handle is a circle or a circle with a
cross within it to denote the number of reals paid, each real being
indicated upon the edge of the stick by a notch, while each ten reals
or peso is noted by making the cut all the way across that face of the
stick.

Mr. Dall (_a_) says that the Innuit frequently keep accounts by tying
knots in a string or notching a stick. Capt. Bourke (_c_) reports:

    In the Mexican state of Sonora I was shown, some twenty years
    ago, a piece of buckskin, upon which certain Opata or Yaqui
    Indians--I forget exactly which tribe, but it matters very little,
    as they are both industrious and honest--had kept account of the
    days of their labor. There was a horizontal datum line as before,
    with complete circles to indicate full days and half circles
    to indicate half days, a long heavy black line for Sundays and
    holidays, and a crescent moon for each new month. These accounts had
    to be drawn up by the overseer or superintendent of the rancho at
    which the Indians were employed before the latter left for home each
    night.

Terrien de Lacouperie (_e_) says of the Sonthals of Bengal:

    Their accounts are either notches on a stick, like those
    formerly used by the rustics for keeping scores at cricket matches
    in country villages in England, or knots on a piece of grass string,
    or a number of bits of straw tied together. I well remember my
    astonishment while trying my first case between a grasping Mahajun
    and a Sonthal when I ordered them to produce their accounts. * * *
    The Sonthal produced from his back hair, where it had been kept, I
    suppose, for ornament, a dirty bit of knotted grass string and threw
    it on the table, requesting the court to count that, as it had got
    too long for him. Each knot represented a rupee, a longer space
    between two knots represented the lapse of a year.

Many modes of accounting in a pictorial manner are noted in Europe
and America among people classed as civilized. Some of these are very
curious, but want of space prevents their recital here. A valuable
description of the survival of the system in Brittany is given by M.
Armand Landrin (_a_), translated and condensed as follows:

    In the department of Finisterre the farmers, in keeping
    accounts, made bags of their old socks and coat sleeves, of
    different colors, each color representing one of the divisions of
    farm outlay or receipt, as cows, butter, milk, and corn. Each amount
    received was placed in coin in the appropriate bag. When any coins
    were taken out the same number of small stones or of peas or beans
    was put in to replace the coins. Other farmers substituted for the
    bags small sticks of different length and thickness in which they
    made cuts representing the receipts.

    In the accounts with the laborers and farm hands the women were
    designated by the triangle, intended to represent the Breton head
    dress _á grandes barbes_. The kind of work performed was expressed
    by the tool connected with it, _e. g._, a horseshoe denoted the
    blacksmith, a scythe the mower, an ax the carpenter, a saddle the
    harness-maker, and a tub the cooper. The bill of a veterinary
    surgeon was rendered by drawing the figures of the several animals
    treated united in one group by a line.

Until quite recently the important accounts of the British exchequer
were kept by wooden tallies, and some bakers in the United States yet
persevere in keeping their accounts with their customers by duplicate
tallies, one of which is rendered as a bill and is verified by the
other.




CHAPTER X.

CHRONOLOGY.


It is not within the scope of the present work to examine the several
systems of chronology of the American Indians, but only those
pictorially exhibited. The Mexican system, much more scientific and
more elaborate than that employed by the northern tribes, resembled it
in the graphic record or detail of exhibit, and is highly interesting
as compared with the Dakota Winter Counts. Although the principle of
designating the years was wholly different, the mode of that designation
was often similar, as is shown by collating the Codex Vaticanus and
the Codex Telleriano Remensis with the Winter Counts of Lone Dog and
Battiste Good, infra. It is also desirable to note the remarks of Prof.
Brinton (_e_) with regard to the Chilan Balam. At the close of each of
the Maya larger divisions of time (the so-called “Katum”), a “chilan” or
inspired diviner uttered a prediction of the character of the year or
epoch which was about to begin. This prophetic designation of the year
was like a Zadkiel’s almanac, while the Dakotan method was a selection
of the most important events of the past.


SECTION 1.

TIME.

Dr. William H. Corbusier, surgeon, U. S. Army, gives the following
information:

[Illustration: FIG. 182.--Device denoting succession of time. Dakota.]

    The Dakotas make use of the circle as the symbol of a cycle of
    time; a small one for a year and a large one for a longer period
    of time, as a life time, one old man. Also a round of lodges or a
    cycle of seventy years, as in Battiste Good’s Winter Count. The
    continuance of time is sometimes indicated by a line extending in a
    direction from right to left across the page when on paper, and the
    annual circles are suspended from the line at regular intervals by
    short lines, as in Fig. 182, upper character, and the ideograph for
    the year is placed beneath each one. At other times the line is not
    continuous, but is interrupted at regular intervals by the yearly
    circle, as in the lower character of Fig. 182.

Under other headings in this paper are presented graphic expressions for
divisions of time--month, day, night, morning, noon, and evening. See,
for some of them, Chap. XX, Sec. 2.


SECTION 2.

WINTER COUNTS.

In the preliminary paper on “Pictographs of the North American Indians,”
published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 58
pages of text and 46 full-page plates were devoted to the winter counts
of the Dakota Indians. The minute detail of explanation, the systematic
comparison, and the synoptic presentation which seemed to be necessary
need not now be repeated to establish the genuine character of the
invention. This consisted in the use of events, which were in some
degree historical, to form a system of chronology. The record of the
events was only the device by which was accomplished the continuous
designation of years, in the form of charts corresponding in part with
the orderly arrangement of divisions of time termed calendars. It was
first made public by the present writer in a paper entitled “A Calendar
of the Dakota Nation,” which was issued in April, 1877, in Bulletin III,
No. I, of the United States Geological and Geographical Survey. The
title is now changed to that adopted by the Dakotas themselves, viz,
Winter Counts--in the original, wan'iyetu wo'wapi.

The lithographed chart published with that paper, substantially the
same as Pl. XX, Lone-Dog’s Winter Count, now much better presented than
ever before, is the winter count used by, or at least known to, a large
portion of the Dakota people, extending over the seventy-one years
commencing with the winter of A. D. 1800-’01.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XX

LONE DOG’S WINTER COUNT.]

The copy from which the lithograph was taken is traced on a strip
of cotton cloth, in size 1 yard square, which the characters almost
entirely fill, and is painted in two colors, black and red, used in the
original, of which it is a facsimile. The plate is a representation of
the chart as it would appear on the buffalo robe. It was photographed
from the copy on linen cloth, and not directly from the buffalo robe.
It was painted on the robe by Lone-Dog, an Indian belonging to the
Yanktonais tribe of the Dakotas, who in the autumn of 1876 was near
Fort Peck, Montana. His Dakota name is given in the ordinary English
literation as Shunka-ishnala, which words correspond nearly with the
vocables in Riggs’s lexicon for dog-lone. Lone-Dog claimed that, with
the counsel of the old men of his tribe, he decided upon some event
or circumstance which should distinguish each year as it passed, and
marked what was considered to be its appropriate symbol or device upon
a buffalo robe kept for the purpose. The robe was at convenient times
exhibited to other Indians of the tribe, who were thus taught the
meaning and use of the signs as designating the several years.

It is not, however, supposed that Lone-Dog was of sufficient age in the
year 1800 to enter upon the work. Either there was a predecessor from
whom he received the earlier records or, when he had reached manhood,
he gathered the traditions from his elders and worked back, the object
either then or before being to establish some system of chronology for
the use of the tribe or more probably in the first instance for the use
of his own band.

Present knowledge of the winter-count systems shows that Lone-Dog was
not their originator. They were started, at the latest, before the
present generation, and have been kept up by a number of independent
recorders. The idea was one specially appropriate to the Indian genius,
yet the peculiar mode of record was an invention, and it is not probably
a very old invention, as it has not been used beyond a definite district
and people. If an invention of that character had been of great
antiquity it would probably have spread by intertribal channels beyond
the bands or tribes of the Dakota, where alone the copies of such charts
have been found and are understood.

The fact that Lone-Dog’s Winter Count, the only one known at the time
of its first publication, begins at a date nearly coinciding with the
first year of the present century, as it is called in the arbitrary
computation that prevails among most of the civilized peoples, awakened
a suspicion that it might be due to civilized intercourse and was not a
mere coincidence. If the influence of missionaries or traders started
any plan of chronology, it is remarkable that they did not suggest one
in some manner resembling the system so long and widely used, and the
only one they knew, of counting the numbers from an era, such as the
birth of Christ, the Hegira, the Ab Urbe Conditâ, or the first Olympiad.
But the chart shows nothing of this nature. The earliest character
merely represents the killing of a small number of Dakotas by their
enemies, an event neither so important nor interesting as many others
of the seventy-one shown in the chart, more than one of which, indeed,
might well have been selected as a notable fixed point before and after
which simple arithmetical notation could have been used to mark the
years. Instead of any plan that civilized advisers would naturally have
introduced, the one actually adopted was to individualize each year by
a specific recorded symbol. The ideographic record, being preserved
and understood by many, could be used and referred to with ease and
accuracy. Definite signs for the first appearance of the smallpox and
for the first capture of wild horses were dates as satisfactory to the
Dakota as the corresponding expressions A. D. 1802 and 1813 are to the
Christian world, and far more certain than the chronology expressed in
terms of A. M. and B. C. The arrangement of separate characters in an
outward spiral starting from a central point is a clever expedient to
dispense with the use of numbers for noting the years, yet allowing
every date to be determined by counting backward or forward from any
other known. The whole conception seems one strongly characteristic
of the Indians, who in other instances have shown such expertness in
ideography. The discovery of several other charts, which differ in
their times of commencement and ending from that of Lone-Dog and from
each other, removed any inference arising from the above-mentioned
coincidence in beginning with the present century. The following copies
of charts, substantially the same as that of Lone-Dog, are now or have
been in the possession of the present writer:

1. A chart made and kept by Bo-i'-de, The-Flame, a Dakota, who, in 1877,
lived near Fort Sully, Dakota.

The facsimile copy is on a cotton cloth about a yard square and in black
and red, thus far similar to the copy of Lone-Dog’s chart, but the
arrangement is different. The character for the first year mentioned
appears in the lower left-hand corner, and the record proceeds toward
the right to the extremity of the cloth, then crossing toward the left
and again toward the right at the edge of the cloth, and so throughout,
in the style called boustrophedon. It thus answers the same purpose of
orderly arrangement, allowing constant additions, like the more circular
spiral of Lone-Dog. This record is for the years 1786-’87 to 1876-’77,
thus commencing earlier and ending later than that of Lone-Dog.

2. A Minneconjou chief, The-Swan, kept another record on the dressed
skin of an antelope or deer, claiming that it had been preserved in his
family for seventy years.

The characters are arranged in a spiral similar to those in Lone-Dog’s
chart, but more oblong in form. The course of the spiral is from left to
right, not from right to left.

3. Another chart was kindly loaned to the writer by Bvt. Maj. Joseph
Bush, captain Twenty-second U. S. Infantry. It was procured by him, in
1870 at the Cheyenne Agency. This copy is one yard by three-fourths
of a yard, spiral, beginning in the center, from right to left. The
figures are substantially the same as those in Lone-Dog’s chart, with
which it coincides in time, except that it ends at 1869-’70, but the
interpretation differs from that accompanying the latter in a few
particulars.

4. The chart of Mato Sapa, Black-Bear. He was a Minneconjou warrior,
residing in 1868 and 1869 on the Cheyenne Agency reservation, on the
Missouri river, near the mouth of the Cheyenne river.

This copy is on a smaller scale than that of Lone-Dog, being a flat and
elongated spiral, 2 feet 6 inches by 1 foot 6 inches. The spiral reads
from right to left. This chart, which begins like that of Lone-Dog, ends
with the years 1868-’69.

5. A most important and interesting Winter Count is that made by
Battiste Good, a Brulé Dakota, which was kindly contributed by Dr.
William H. Corbusier, surgeon U. S. Army. It begins with peculiar cyclic
devices from the year A. D. 900, and in thirteen figures embraces the
time to A. D. 1700, all these devices being connected with myths, and
some of them showing European influence. From 1700-’01 to 1879-’80 a
separate character is given for each year, with its interpretation,
in much the same style as shown in the other charts mentioned. Several
Indians and half-breeds said that this count formerly embraced about the
same number of years as the others, but that Battiste Good gathered the
names of many years from the old people and placed them in chronological
order as far back as he was able to learn them.

Another Winter Count, communicated by Dr. Corbusier, is that in the
possession of American-Horse, an Oglala Dakota, at the Pine Ridge agency
in 1879, who asserted that his grandfather began it, and that it is the
production of his grandfather, his father, and himself.

A third Winter Count is communicated by Dr. Corbusier as kept by
Cloud-Shield. He was also an Oglala Dakota, at the Pine Ridge agency,
but of a different band from American-Horse. The last two counts embrace
nearly the same number of years, viz, from A. D. 1775 to 1878. Two dates
belong to each figure, as a Dakota year covers a portion of two of the
calendar years common to civilization.

Dr. Corbusier also saw copies of a fourth Winter Count, which was kept
by White-Cow-Killer, at the Pine Ridge agency. He did not obtain a copy
of it, but learned most of the names given to the winters.

With reference to all the Winter Counts and to the above remarks that
a Dakota year covers a portion of two calendar years, the following
explanation may be necessary: The Dakota count their years by winters
(which is quite natural, that season in their high levels and latitudes
practically lasting more than six months), and say a man is so many
snows old, or that so many snow seasons have passed since an occurrence.
They have no division of time into weeks, and their months are
absolutely lunar, only twelve, however, being designated, which receive
their names upon the recurrence of some prominent physical phenomenon.
For example, the period partly embraced by February is called the
“raccoon moon;” March, the “sore-eye moon;” and April, that “in which
the geese lay eggs.” As the appearance of raccoons after hibernation,
the causes inducing inflamed eyes, and oviposition by geese vary with
the meteorological character of each year, and as the twelve lunations
reckoned do not bring back the point in the season when counting
commenced, there is often dispute in the Dakota tipis toward the end of
winter as to the correct current date. In careful examination of the
several counts it often is left in doubt whether the event occurred in
the winter months or was selected in the months immediately before or in
those immediately after the winter. No regularity or accuracy is noticed
in these particulars.

In considering the extent to which Lone-Dog’s chart is understood and
used, it may be mentioned that every intelligent Dakota of full years to
whom the writer has shown it has known what it meant, and many of them
knew a large part of the years portrayed. When there was less knowledge,
there was the amount that may be likened to that of an uneducated person
or a child who is examined about a map of the United States, which
had been shown to him before, with some explanation only partially
apprehended or remembered. He would tell that it was a map of the United
States; would probably be able to point out with some accuracy the state
or city where he lived; perhaps the capital of the country; probably
the names of the states of peculiar position or shape, such as Maine,
Delaware, or Florida. So the Indian examined would often point out in
Lone-Dog’s chart the year in which he was born, or that in which his
father died, or in which there was some occurrence that had strongly
impressed him, but which had no relation whatever to the significance of
the character for the year in question. It had been pointed out to him
before, and he had remembered it, while forgetting the remainder of the
chart.

On comparing all the Winter Counts it is found that they often
correspond, but sometimes differ. In a few instances the differences are
in the succession of events, but they are usually due to an omission or
to the selection of another event. When a year has the same name in all
of them, the bands were probably encamped together, or else the event
fixed upon was of general interest; and when the name is different the
bands were scattered, or nothing of general interest occurred. Many of
the recent events are fresh in the memory of the people, as the warriors
who strive to make their exploits a part of the tribal traditions
proclaim them on all occasions of ceremony, count their coups, as the
performance is called. Declarations of this kind partake of the nature
of affirmations made in the invoked presence of a supposed divinity. War
shirts, on which scores of the enemies killed are kept, and which are
carefully transmitted from generation to generation, help to refresh
their memories in regard to some of the events.

The study of all the charts renders plain some points remaining in
doubt while the Lone-Dog chart was the only example known. It became
clear that there was no fixed or uniform mode of exhibiting the order
of continuity of the year-characters. They were arranged spirally or
lineally, or in serpentine curves, by boustrophedon or direct, starting
backward from the last year shown or proceeding uniformly forward from
the first year selected or remembered. Any mode that would accomplish
the object of continuity with the means of regular addition seemed
equally acceptable. So a theory advanced that there was some symbolism
in the right-to-left circling of Lone-Dog’s chart was abandoned,
especially when an obvious reproduction of that very chart was made by
an Indian with the spiral reversed. It was also obvious that when copies
were made, some of them probably from memory, there was no attempt at
Chinese accuracy. It was enough to give the graphic or ideographic
character, and frequently the character is better defined on one of the
charts than on the others for the corresponding year. One interpretation
would often throw light on the others. It also appeared that, while
different events were selected by the recorders of the different
systems, there was sometimes a selection of the same event for the
same year and sometimes for the next, such as would be natural in the
progress of a famine or epidemic, or as an event gradually became known
over a vast territory.

A test of the mode of selecting events for designating the Winter Counts
may be found in a suggestion made by the present writer in his account
of Lone-Dog’s chart, published in 1877, as follows:

    The year 1876 has furnished good store of events for the
    recorder’s choice, and it will be interesting to learn whether
    he has selected as the distinguishing event the victory over
    Custer, or, as of still greater interest, the general seizure of
    ponies, whereat the tribes, imitating Rachel, weep and will not be
    comforted, because they are not.

It now appears that two of the Counts made for 1876 and observed by the
writer several years later have selected the event of the seizure of the
ponies, and that none of them make any allusion to the defeat of Custer.

After examination of all the charts it is obvious that the design is
not narrative, that the noting of events is being subordinated to
the marking of the years by them, and that the pictographic serial
arrangements of sometimes trivial though generally notorious incidents
having been selected with special adaptation for use as a calendar.
That in a few instances small personal events, such as the birth of the
recorder or the death of members of his family, are set forth, may be
regarded as interpolations in or unauthorized additions to the charts.
If they had exhibited a complete national or tribal history for the
years embraced in them, their discovery would have been in some respects
more valuable, but they are interesting to anthropologists because they
show an attempt before unsuspected among the northern tribes of American
Indians to form a system of chronology.

While, as before mentioned, it is not now necessary to recapitulate the
large amount of matter before published concerning the Winter Counts of
the Dakota, it has been decided to present in an abbreviated form the
characters and interpretations of the Lone-Dog chart as being the system
which was first discovered, and the publication of which occasioned
the discovery of all the other charts mentioned. The Winter Count of
Battiste Good has not hitherto been published, and it possesses special
importance and interest apart from its chronology, for which reason it
is inserted in the present paper, see infra.

The several charts of The-Flame, The-Swan, American-Horse, and
Cloud-Shield, published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology, are omitted, but selections from all of them are presented
under the headings of Ideography, Tribal and Personal Designations,
Religion, Customs, History, Biography, Conventionalizing, Comparison,
and in short are interspersed through the present paper where they
appropriately belong.

The reader of the Lone-Dog and Battiste Good charts may find it
convenient to note the following brief account of the tribal names
frequently mentioned:

The great linguistic stock or family which embraces not only the Sioux
or Dakota proper, but the Missouri, Omaha, Ponka, Osage, Kansa, Oto,
Assinaboin, Gros Ventre or Minnitari, Crow, Iowa, Mandan, and some
others, has been frequently styled the Dakota family. Maj. J. W. Powell,
the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, from consideration of priority,
has lately adopted the name Siouan for the family, and for the grand
division of it popularly called Sioux has used the term Dakota, which
the people claim for themselves.

The word “Dakota” is translated in Riggs’s dictionary of that language
as “leagued” or “allied.” The title Sioux, which is indignantly
repudiated by the people, is either the last syllable or the last two
syllables, according to pronunciation, of “Nadowesioux,” which is the
French plural of the Algonkin name for the Dakotas “Nadowessi,” “hated
foe.” The Ojibwa called the Dakota “Nadowessi,” which is their word
meaning rattlesnake, or, as others translate, adder, with a contemptuous
or diminutive termination; the plural is Nadowessiwak or Nadawessyak.
The French gave the name their own form of the plural and the voyagers
and trappers cut it down to “Sioux.”

The more important of the tribes and organized bands into which the
Dakotas are now divided, being the dislocated remains of the “Seven
Great Council Fires,” are as follows:

Yankton and Yanktonai or Ihankto^nwạ^n, both derived from a root meaning
“at the end,” alluding to the former locality of their villages.

Sihasapa, or Blackfeet.

Oheno^npa, or Two-Kettles.

Itaziptco, Without Bow. The French equivalent Sans Arc is more commonly
used.

Minneconjou, translated “Those who plant by the water,” the physical
features of their old home.

Sitca^ngu, Burnt Hip or Brulé.

Santee, subdivided into Wahpeton, Men among Leaves, i. e., among
forests, and Sisseton, Men of Prairie Marsh. Two other bands, now
practically extinct, formerly belonged to the Santee, or as it is more
correctly spelled, Isanti tribes, from the root “Issan,” knife. Their
former territory furnished the material for stone knives, from the
manufacture of which they were called the “knife people.”

Uncpapa, once the most warlike and probably the most powerful of all the
bands, though not the largest.

Oglala. The meaning and derivation of this name and of Uncpapa have been
the subjects of controversy.

Hale, Gallatin, and Riggs designate a “Titon tribe” as located west
of the Missouri, and as much the largest division of the Dakotas,
the latter authority subdividing into the Sicha^ngu, Itazipcho,
Sihasapa, Minneconjou, Ohenonpa, Oglala, and Huncpapa, seven of the
tribes specified above, which he calls bands. “Titon,” (from the word
_ti^ntan_, meaning “at or on land without trees or prairie,”) was the
name of a tribal division, but it has become only an expression for
all those tribes whose ranges are on the prairie, and thus it is a
territorial and accidental, not a tribular distinction. One of the
Dakotas at Fort Rice spoke to the present writer of the “hostiles”
as “Titons,” with obviously the same idea of locality, “away on the
prairie,” it being well known that they were a conglomeration from
several tribes.


LONE-DOG’S WINTER COUNT.

[Illustration: FIG. 183.]

Fig. 183, 1800-’01.--Thirty Dakotas were killed by Crow Indians. The
device consists of thirty parallel black lines in three columns, the
outer lines being united. In this chart, such black lines always signify
the death of Dakotas killed by their enemies.

The Absaroka or Crow tribe, although belonging to the Siouan family, has
nearly always been at war with the Dakotas proper since the whites have
had any knowledge of either. They are noted for the extraordinary length
of their hair, which frequently distinguishes them in pictographs.

[Illustration: FIG. 184.]

Fig. 184, 1801-’02.--Many died of smallpox. The smallpox broke out in
the tribe. The device is the head and body of a man covered with red
blotches. In this, as in all other cases where colors in this chart are
mentioned, they will be found to correspond with Pl. XX, but not in that
respect with the text figures, which have no coloration.

[Illustration: FIG. 185.]

Fig. 185, 1802-’03.--A Dakota stole horses with shoes on, i. e., stole
them either directly from the whites or from some other Indians who
had before obtained them from whites, as the Indians never shoe their
horses. The device is a horseshoe.

[Illustration: FIG. 186.]

Fig. 186, 1803-’04.--They stole some “curly horses” from the Crows. Some
of these horses are still on the plains, the hair growing in closely
curling tufts. The device is a horse with black marks for the tufts. The
Crows are known to have been early in the possession of horses.

[Illustration: FIG. 187.]

Fig. 187, 1804-’05.--The Dakota had a calumet dance and then went
to war. The device is a long pipestem, ornamented with feathers and
streamers. The feathers are white, with black tips, evidently the tail
feathers of the adult golden eagle (Aquila chrysaëtos), highly prized
by the Plains Indians. The streamers anciently were colored strips of
skin or flexible bark; now gayly colored strips of cloth are used. The
word calumet is a corruption of the French chalumeau. Capt. Carver (_c_)
in his Three Years Travels Through the Interior Parts of North America,
after puzzling over the etymology of “calumet,” describes the pipe as
“about 4 feet long, bowl of red marble, stem of a light wood curiously
painted with hieroglyphics in various colors and adorned with feathers.
Every nation has a different method of decorating these pipes and can
tell at once to what band it belongs. It is used as an introduction
to all treaties, also as a flag of truce is among Europeans.” Among
the Indian tribes generally the pipe, when presented or offered to a
stranger or enemy, was the symbol of peace, yet when used ceremonially
by members of the same tribe among themselves was virtually a token of
impending war. For further remarks on this point see the year 1842-’43
of this Winter Count.

[Illustration: FIG. 188.]

Fig. 188, 1805-’06.--The Crows killed eight Dakotas. Again the short
parallel black lines, this time eight in number, united by a long
stroke. The interpreter, Fielder, says that this character with black
strokes is only used for grave marks.

[Illustration: FIG. 189.]

Fig. 189, 1806-’07.--A Dakota killed an Arikara (Ree) as he was about to
shoot an eagle. The sign gives the head and shoulders of a man with a
red spot of blood on his neck, an arm being extended, with a line drawn
to a golden eagle.

The drawing represents an Indian in the act of catching an eagle by the
legs, as the Arikara were accustomed to catch eagles in their earth
traps. These were holes to which the eagles were attracted by baits
and in which the Indians were concealed. They rarely or never shot war
eagles. The Arikara was shot in his trap just as he put his hand up to
grasp the bird.

[Illustration: FIG. 190.]

Fig. 190, 1807-’08.--Red-Coat, a chief, was killed. The figure shows the
red coat pierced by two arrows, with blood dropping from the wounds.

[Illustration: FIG. 191.]

Fig. 191, 1808-’09.--The Dakota who had killed the Ree shown in this
record for 1806-’07 was himself killed by the Rees. He is represented
running, and shot with two arrows, blood dripping. These two figures,
taking in connection, afford a good illustration of the method pursued
in the chart, which was not intended to be a continuous history, or even
to record the most important event of each year, but to exhibit some one
of special peculiarity. There was some incident about the one Ree who
was shot when, in fancied security, he was bringing down an eagle, and
whose death was avenged by his brethren the second year afterward. It
would, indeed, have been impossible to have graphically distinguished
the many battles, treaties, horse-stealings, big hunts, etc., so most of
them were omitted and other events of greater individuality and better
adapted for portrayal were taken for the year count, the criterion being
not that they were of historic moment, but that they were of general
notoriety, or perhaps of special interest to the recorders.

[Illustration: FIG. 192.]

Fig. 192, 1809-’10.--A chief, Little-Beaver, set fire to a trading
store, and was killed. The character simply designates his name-totem.
The other interpretations say that he was a white trapper, but probably
he had gained a new name among the Indians.

[Illustration: FIG. 193.]

Fig. 193, 1810-’11.--Black-Stone made medicine. The expression medicine
is too common to be successfully eliminated, though it is altogether
misleading. The “medicine men” have no connection with therapeutics,
feel no pulses, and administer no drugs, or, if sometimes they direct
the internal or external use of some secret preparation, it is as a
part of superstitious ceremonies, and with main reliance upon those
ceremonies. Their incantations are not only to drive away disease,
but for many other purposes, such as to obtain success in war, avert
calamity, and were very frequently used to bring within reach the
buffalo, on which the Dakotas depended for food. The rites are those
known as shamanism, noticeable in the ethnic periods of savagery and
barbarism. In the ceremonial of “making medicine,” a buffalo head, and
especially the head of an albino buffalo, held a prominent place among
the plains tribes. Many references to this are to be found in the Prince
of Wied’s Travels in the Interior of North America. Also see infra,
Chap. XIV. The device in the chart is the man figure, with the head of
an albino buffalo held over his own.

[Illustration: FIG. 194.]

Fig. 194, 1811-’12.--The Dakota fought a battle with the Gros Ventres
and killed a great many. Device, a circle inclosing three round objects
with flat bases, resembling heads severed from trunks, which are too
minute in this device for decision of objects represented; but they
appear more distinct in the record for 1864-’65 as the heads of enemies
slain in battle. In the sign language of the plains, the Dakota are
denoted by drawing a hand across the throat, signifying that they
cut the throats of their enemies. The Dakota count by the fingers,
as is common to most peoples, but with a peculiarity of their own.
When they have gone over the fingers and thumbs of both hands, one
finger is temporarily turned down for _one ten_. At the end of the
next ten another finger is turned, and so on to a hundred. _Opawinge_
(_Opawi^nxe_), one hundred, is derived from pawinga (pawi^nxa), to go
round in circles, to make gyrations, and contains the idea that the
round of all the fingers has again been made for their respective tens.
So the circle is never used for less than one hundred, but sometimes
signifies an indefinite number greater than a hundred. The circle, in
this instance, therefore, was at first believed to express the killing
in battle of many enemies. But the other interpretations removed all
symbolic character, leaving the circle simply as the rude drawing of a
dirt lodge to which the Gros Ventres were driven. The present writer, by
no means devoted to symbolism, had supposed a legitimate symbol to be
indicated, which supposition further information on the subject showed
to be incorrect.

[Illustration: FIG. 195.]

Fig. 195, 1812-’13.--Wild horses were first run and caught by the
Dakotas. The device is a lasso. The date is of value, as showing when
the herds of prairie horses, descended from those animals introduced
by the Spaniards in Mexico, or those deposited by them on the shores
of Texas and at other points, had multiplied so as to extend into the
far northern regions. The Dakotas undoubtedly learned the use of the
horse and perhaps also that of the lasso from southern tribes, with whom
they were in contact; and it is noteworthy that notwithstanding the
tenacity with which they generally adhere to ancient customs, in only
two generations since they became familiar with the horse they had been
so revolutionized in their habits as to be utterly helpless, both in war
and the chase, when deprived of that animal.

[Illustration: FIG. 196.]

Fig. 196, 1813-’14.--The whooping-cough was very prevalent and fatal. The
sign is suggestive of a blast of air coughed out by the man-figure.

[Illustration: FIG. 197.]

[Illustration: FIG. 198.]

The interruption in the cough peculiar to the disease is more clearly
delineated in the Winter Count of The-Flame for the same year, Fig. 197,
and still better in The-Swan’s Winter Count, Fig. 198.

[Illustration: FIG. 199.]

Fig. 199, 1814-’15.--A Dakota killed an Arapaho in his lodge. The device
represents a tomahawk or battle-ax, the red being blood from the cleft
skull.

[Illustration: FIG. 200.]

Fig. 200, 1815-’16.--The Sans Arcs made the first attempt at a dirt
lodge. This was at Peoria Bottom, Dakota. Crow-Feather was their
chief, which fact, in the absence of the other charts, seemed to
explain the fairly drawn feather of that bird protruding from the
lodge top, but the figure must now be admitted to be a badly drawn
bow, in allusion to the tribe Sans Arc, without, however, any sign of
negation. As the interpreter explained the figure to be a crow feather
and as Crow-Feather actually was the chief, Lone-Dog’s chart with its
interpretation may be independently correct.

[Illustration: FIG. 201.]

Fig. 201, 1816-’17.--“Buffalo belly was plenty.” The device rudely
portrays a side of buffalo.

[Illustration: FIG. 202.]

Fig. 202, 1817-’18.--La Framboise, a Canadian, built a trading store
with dry timber. The dryness is shown by the dead tree. La Framboise
was an old trader among the Dakota, who once established himself in the
Minnesota valley. His name is mentioned by various travelers.

[Illustration: FIG. 203.]

Fig. 203, 1818-’19.--The measles broke out and many died. The device in
the copy is the same as that for 1801-’02, relating to the smallpox,
except a very slight difference in the red blotches; and, though
Lone-Dog’s artistic skill might not have been sufficient to distinctly
vary the appearance of the two patients, both diseases being eruptive,
still it is one of the few serious defects in the chart that the sign
for the two years is so nearly identical that, separated from the
continuous record, there would be confusion between them. Treating the
document as a mere aide-de-mémoire no inconvenience would arise, it
probably being well known that the smallpox epidemic preceded that of
the measles; but care is generally taken to make some, however minute,
distinction between the characters. It is also to be noticed that the
Indian diagnosis makes little distinction between smallpox and measles,
so that no important pictographic variation could be expected. The head
of this figure is clearly distinguished from that in 1801-’02.

[Illustration: FIG. 204.]

Fig. 204, 1819-’20.--Another trading store was built, this time by Louis
La Conte, at Fort Pierre, Dakota. His timber, as one of the Indians
consulted especially mentioned, was rotten.

[Illustration: FIG. 205.]

Fig. 205, 1820-’21.--The trader, La Conte, gave Two-Arrow a war dress
for his bravery. So translated an interpreter, and the sign shows
the two arrows as the warrior’s name-totem; likewise the gable of a
house, which brings in the trader; also a long strip of black tipped
with red streaming from the roof, which possibly may be the piece of
parti-colored material out of which the dress was fashioned. This
strip is not intended for sparks and smoke, which at first sight was
suggested, as in that case the red would have been nearest the roof
instead of farthest from it.

[Illustration: FIG. 206.]

Fig. 206, 1821-’22.--The character represents the falling to earth of a
very brilliant meteor.

[Illustration: FIG. 207.]

Fig. 207, 1822-’23.--Another trading house was built, which was by
a white man called Big-Leggings, and was at the mouth of the Little
Missouri or Bad river. The drawing is distinguishable from that for
1819-’20.

[Illustration: FIG. 208.]

Fig. 208, 1823-’24.--White soldiers made their first appearance in
the region. So said the interpreter, Clement, but from the unanimous
interpretation of others the event portrayed is the attack of the United
States forces accompanied by Dakotas upon the Arikara villages, the
historic account of which is given in some detail in Chap. XVI, infra.

The device represents an Arickara palisaded village and attacking
soldiers. Not only the remarkable character and triumphant result of
this expedition, but the connection that the Dakotas themselves had with
it, made it a natural subject for the year’s totem.

All the winter counts refer to this expedition.

[Illustration: FIG. 209.]

Fig. 209, 1824-’25.--Swan, chief of the Two-Kettle tribe, had all of his
horses killed. Device, a horse pierced by a lance, blood flowing from
the wound.

[Illustration: FIG. 210.]

Fig. 210, 1825-’26.--There was a remarkable flood in the Missouri river
and a number of Indians were drowned. With some exercise of fancy the
symbol may suggest heads appearing above a line of water, and this is
more distinct in some of the other charts.

[Illustration: FIG. 211.]

Fig. 211, 1826-’27.--“An Indian died of the dropsy.” So Basil Clement
said. It was at first suggested that this circumstance was noted because
the disease was so unusual in 1826 as to excite remark. Baron de La
Hontan (_c_), a good authority concerning the Northwestern Indians
before they had been greatly affected by intercourse with whites,
specially mentions dropsy as one of the diseases unknown to them.
Carver, op. cit., also states that this malady was extremely rare. The
interpretations of other charts explained, however, that some Dakotas
on the warpath had nearly perished with hunger when they found and ate
the rotting carcass of an old buffalo on which the wolves had been
feeding. They were seized soon after with pains in the stomach, their
abdomens swelled, and gas poured from the mouth. This disease is termed
tympanites, the external appearance occasioned by it much resembling
that of dropsy.

[Illustration: FIG. 212.]

Fig. 212, 1827-’28.--Dead-Arm was stabbed with a knife or dirk by a
Mandan. The illustration is quite graphic, showing the long-handled dirk
in the bloody wound and withered arm.

[Illustration: FIG. 213.]

Fig. 213, 1828-’29.--A white man named Shadran, who lately, as reported
in 1877, was still living in the same neighborhood, built a dirt lodge.
The hatted head appears under the roof. This name should probably
be spelled Chadron, with whom Catlin hunted in 1832, in the region
mentioned.

[Illustration: FIG. 214.]

Fig. 214, 1829-’30.--A Yanktonai Dakota was killed by Bad-Arrow Indians.

The Bad-Arrow Indians is a translation of the Dakota name for a certain
band of Blackfeet Indians.

[Illustration: FIG. 215.]

Fig. 215, 1830-’31.--Bloody battle with the Crows, of whom it is said
twenty-three were killed. Nothing in the sign denotes number, it being
only a man figure with red or bloody body and red war bonnet.

[Illustration: FIG. 216.]

Fig. 216, 1831-’32.--Le Beau, a white man, killed another named Kermel.
Le Beau was still alive at Little Bend, 30 miles above Fort Sully, in
1877.

[Illustration: FIG. 217.]

Fig. 217, 1832-’33.--Lone-Horn had his leg “killed,” as the
interpretation gave it. The single horn is on the figure, and a leg is
drawn up as if fractured or distorted, though not unlike the leg in the
character for 1808-’09, where running is depicted.

[Illustration: FIG. 218.]

Fig. 218, 1833-’34.--“The stars fell,” as the Indians all agreed. This
was the great meteoric shower observed all over the United States on the
night of November 12 of that year. In this chart the moon is black and
the stars are red.

[Illustration: FIG. 219.]

Fig. 219, 1834-’35.--The chief Medicine-Hide was killed. The device
shows the body as bloody, but not the war bonnet, by which it is
distinguished from the character for 1830-’31.

[Illustration: FIG. 220.]

Fig. 220, 1835-’36.--Lame-Deer shot a Crow Indian with an arrow; drew
it out and shot him again with the same arrow. The hand is drawing the
arrow from the first wound. This is another instance of the principle
on which events were selected. Many fights occurred of greater moment,
but with no incident precisely like this. Lame-Deer was a distinguished
chief among the hostiles in 1876. His camp of five hundred and ten
lodges was surprised and destroyed by Gen. Miles, and four hundred and
fifty horses, mules, and ponies were captured.

[Illustration: FIG. 221.]

Fig. 221, 1836-’37.--Band’s-Father, chief of the Two Kettles, died.
The device is nearly the same as that for 1816-’17, denoting plenty of
buffalo belly.

Interpreter Fielder throws light on the subject by saying that this
character was used to designate the year when The-Breast, father of
The-Band, a Minneconjou, died. The-Band himself died in 1875, on Powder
river. His name was O-ye-a-pee. The character was, therefore, the
Buffalo-Breast, a personal name.

[Illustration: FIG. 222.]

Fig. 222, 1837-’38.--Commemorates a remarkably successful hunt, in which
it is said 100 elk were killed. The drawing of the elk is good enough to
distinguish it from the other quadrupeds in this chart.

[Illustration: FIG. 223.]

Fig. 223, 1838-’39.--A dirt lodge was built for Iron-Horn. The other
dirt lodge (1815-’16) has a mark of ownership, which this has not. A
chief of the Minneconjous is mentioned in Gen. Harney’s report in 1856
under the name of The-One-Iron-Horn.

The word translated “iron” in this case and appearing thus several times
in the charts does not always mean the metal of that name. According
to Rev. J. Owen Dorsey it has a mystic significance, in some manner
connected with water and with water spirits. In pictographs objects
called iron are painted blue when that color can be obtained.

[Illustration: FIG. 224.]

Fig. 224, 1839-’40.--The Dakotas killed an entire village of Snake or
Shoshoni Indians. The character is the ordinary tipi pierced by arrows.

[Illustration: FIG. 225.]

Fig. 225, 1840-’41.--The Dakotas made peace with the Cheyennes. The
symbol of peace is the common one of the approaching hands of two
persons. The different coloration of the two hands and arms shows that
they belonged to two different persons, and in fact to different tribes.
The mere unceremonial hand grasp or “shake” of friendship was not used
by the Indians before it was introduced by Europeans.

[Illustration: FIG. 226.]

Fig. 226, 1841-’42.--Feather-in-the-Ear stole 30 spotted ponies. The
spots are shown red, distinguishing them from those of the curly horse
in the character for 1803-’04.

A successful theft of horses, demanding skill, patience, and daring, is
generally considered by the Plains Indians to be of equal merit with the
taking of scalps. Indeed, the successful horse thief is more popular
than a mere warrior, on account of the riches gained by the tribe,
wealth until lately being generally estimated in ponies as the unit of
value.

[Illustration: FIG. 227.]

Fig. 227, 1842-’43.--One-Feather raised a large war party against the
Crows. This chief is designated by his long solitary red eagle feather,
and holds a pipe with black stem and red bowl, alluding to the usual
ceremonies before starting on the warpath. For further information on
this subject see Chap. XV. The Red-War-Eagle-Feather was at this time a
chief of the Sans Arcs.

[Illustration: FIG. 228.]

Fig. 228, 1843-’44.--The Sans Arcs made medicine to bring the buffalo.
The medicine tent is denoted by a buffalo’s head drawn on it, which in
this instance is not the head of an albino buffalo.

[Illustration: FIG. 229.]

Fig. 229, 1844-’45.--The Minneconjous built a pine fort. Device, a pine
tree connected with a tipi. Another account explains that they went to
the woods and erected their tipis there as affording some protection
from the unusually deep snow. This would account for the pine tree.

[Illustration: FIG. 230.]

Fig. 230, 1845-’46.--Plenty of buffalo meat, which is represented
as hung upon poles and trees to dry. This device has become the
conventional sign for plenty and frequently appears in the several
charts.

[Illustration: FIG. 231.]

Fig. 231, 1846-’47.--Broken-Leg died. Rev. Dr. Williamson says he knew
him. He was a Brulé. There is enough difference between this device and
those for 1808-’09 and 1832-’33 to distinguish each.

[Illustration: FIG. 232.]

Fig. 232, 1847-’48.--Two-Man was killed. His totem is drawn, two small
man figures side by side. Another interpretation explains the figure as
indicating twins.

[Illustration: FIG. 233.]

Fig. 233, 1848-’49.--Humpback was killed. An ornamented lance pierces
the distorted back. Other records name him Broken-Back. He was a
distinguished chief of the Minneconjous.

[Illustration: FIG. 234.]

Fig. 234, 1849-’50.--The Crows stole a large drove of horses (it is said
eight hundred) from the Brulés. The circle is a design for a camp or
corral from which a number of horse-tracks are departing.

[Illustration: FIG. 235.]

Fig. 235, 1850-’51.--The character is a distinct drawing of a buffalo
containing a human figure. Clément translated that “a buffalo cow was
killed in that year and an old woman found in her belly;” also that
all the Indians believed this. Good-Wood, examined through another
interpreter, could or would give no explanation except that it was
“about their religion.” The Dakotas have long believed in the appearance
from time to time of a monstrous animal that swallows human beings. This
superstition was perhaps suggested by the bones of mastodons, often
found in the territory of those Indians; and, the buffalo being the
largest living animal known to them, its name was given to the legendary
monster, in which nomenclature they were not wholly wrong, as the horns
of the fossil _Bison latifrons_ are 10 feet in length. Major Bush
suggests that perhaps some old squaw left to die sought the carcass of a
buffalo for shelter and then died. He has known this to occur.

[Illustration: FIG. 236.]

Fig. 236, 1851-’52.--Peace with the Crows. Two Indians, with differing
arrangement of hair, showing two tribes, are exchanging pipes for a
peace smoke.

[Illustration: FIG. 237.]

Fig. 237, 1852-’53.--The Nez Percés came to Lone-Horn’s lodge at
midnight. The device shows an Indian touching with a pipe a tipi, the
top of which is black or opaque, signifying night.

Touch-the-Clouds, a Minneconjou, son of Lone-Horn, when this chart was
shown to him by the present writer, designated this character as being
particularly known to him from the fact of its being his father’s lodge.
He remembered all about it from talk in his family, and said it was the
Nez Percés who came.

[Illustration: FIG. 238.]

Fig. 238, 1853-’54.--Spanish blankets were first brought to the country.
A fair drawing of one of those striped blankets is held out by a white
trader.

[Illustration: FIG. 239.]

Fig. 239, 1854-’55.--Brave-Bear was killed. His extended arms are
ornamented with pendent stripes.

[Illustration: FIG. 240.]

Fig. 240, 1855-’56--Gen. Harney, called by the Dakota Putinska (“white
beard” or “white mustache”), made peace with a number of the tribes or
bands of the Dakotas. The figure shows an officer in uniform shaking
hands with an Indian.

Executive document No. 94, Thirty-fourth Congress, first session,
Senate, contains the “minutes of a council held at Fort Pierre,
Nebraska, on the 1st day of March, 1856, by Brevet Brig. Gen. William
S. Harney, U. S. Army, commanding the Sioux expedition, with the
delegations from nine of the bands of the Sioux, viz, the Two Kettle
band, Lower Yankton, Uncpapas, Blackfeet Sioux, Minneconjous, Sans Arcs,
Yanctonnais (two bands), Brulés of the Platte.”

[Illustration: FIG. 241.]

Fig. 241, 1856-’57.--Four-Horn was made a calumet or medicine man.

A man with four horns holds out the same kind of ornamented pipestem
shown in the character for 1804-’05, it being his badge of office.
Four-Horn was one of the subchiefs of the Uncpapas, and was introduced
to Gen. Harney at the council of 1856 by Bear-Rib, head chief of that
tribe.

Interpreter Clément, in the spring of 1874, said that Four-Horn and
Sitting-Bull were the same person, the name Sitting-Bull being given him
after he was made a calumet man. No other authority tells this.

[Illustration: FIG. 242.]

Fig. 242, 1857-’58.--The Dakotas killed a Crow squaw. She is pierced by
four arrows, and the peace made with the Crows in 1851-’52 seems to have
been short lived.

[Illustration: FIG. 243.]

Fig. 243, 1858-’59.--Lone-Horn, whose solitary horn appears, made
buffalo “medicine,” doubtless on account of the scarcity of that
animal. Again the head of an albino bison. One-Horn, probably the same
individual, is recorded as the head chief of the Minneconjous at this
date.

[Illustration: FIG. 244.]

Fig. 244, 1859-’60.--Big-Crow, a Dakota chief, was killed by the Crows.
He had received his name from killing a Crow Indian of unusual size.

[Illustration: FIG. 245.]

Fig. 245, 1860-’61.--Device, the head and neck of an elk, similar to
that part of the animal for 1837-’38, with a line extending from its
mouth, at the extremity of which is the albino buffalo head. “The elk
made you understand the voice while he was walking.” The interpreter
persisted in this oracular rendering. This device and its interpretation
were unintelligible to the writer until examination of Gen. Harney’s
report, above referred to, showed the name of a prominent chief of the
Minneconjous set forth as “The Elk that Holloes Walking.” It then became
probable that the device simply meant that the aforesaid chief made
buffalo medicine, which conjecture, published in 1877, was verified by
the other records subsequently discovered.

Interpreter A. Lavary said, in 1867, that The-Elk-that-Holloes-Walking,
then chief of the Minneconjous, was then at Spotted-Tail’s camp. His
father was Red-Fish. He was the elder brother of Lone-Horn. His name
is given as A-hag-a-hoo-man-ie, translated The Elk’s Voice Walking;
compounded of he-ha-ka, elk, and omani, walk; this according to Lavary’s
literation. The correct literation of the Dakota word meaning elk is
heqaka; voice, ho; and to walk, walking, mani. Their compound would be
heqaka-ho-mani, the translation being the same as above given.

[Illustration: FIG. 246.]

Fig. 246, 1861-’62.--Buffalo were so plentiful that their tracks came
close to the tipis. The cloven-hoof mark is cleverly distinguished from
the tracks of horses in the character for 1849-’50.

[Illustration: FIG. 247.]

Fig. 247, 1862-’63.--Red-Feather, a Minneconjou, was killed. His feather
is shown entirely red, while the “one-feather” in 1842-’43 has a black
tip.

It is to be noted that there is no allusion to the great Minnesota
massacre, which commenced in August, 1862, and in which many of the
Dakotas belonging to the tribes familiar with these charts were engaged.
Little-Crow was the leader. He escaped to the British possessions, but
was killed in July, 1863. Perhaps the reason of the omission of any
character to designate the massacre was the terrible retribution that
followed it.

[Illustration: FIG. 248.]

Fig. 248, 1863-’64.--Eight Dakotas were killed. Again the short,
parallel black lines united by a long stroke. In this year Sitting-Bull
fought General Sully in the Black Hills.

[Illustration: FIG. 249.]

Fig. 249, 1864-’65.--The Dakotas killed four Crows. Four of the same
rounded objects, like severed heads, shown in 1825-’26, but these are
bloody, thus distinguishing them from the cases of drowning.

[Illustration: FIG. 250.]

Fig. 250, 1865-’66.--Many horses died for want of grass. The horse here
drawn is sufficiently distinct from all others in the chart.

[Illustration: FIG. 251.]

Fig. 251, 1866-’67.--Swan, father of Swan, chief of the Minneconjous in
1877, died. With the assistance of the name the object intended for his
totem may be recognized as a swan swimming on the water.

[Illustration: FIG. 252.]

Fig. 252, 1867-’68.--Many flags were given them by the Peace Commission.
The flag refers to the visit of the Peace Commissioners, among whom
were Generals Sherman, Terry, and other prominent military and civil
officers. Their report appears in the Annual Report of the Commissioner
of Indian Affairs for 1868. They met at Fort Leavenworth, August 13,
1867, and between August 30 and September 13 held councils with the
various bands of the Dakota Indians at Forts Sully and Thompson, and
also at the Yankton, Ponka, and Santee reservations. These resulted in
the Dakota treaty of 1868.

[Illustration: FIG. 253.]

Fig. 253, 1868-’69.--Texas cattle were brought into the country. This
was done by Mr. William A. Paxton, a well-known business man, resident
in Dakota in 1877.

[Illustration: FIG. 254.]

Fig. 254, 1869-’70.--An eclipse of the sun. This was the solar eclipse
of August 7, 1869, which was central and total on a line drawn through
the Dakota country. This device has been criticised because Indians
generally believe an eclipse to be occasioned by a dragon or aerial
monster swallowing the sun, and it is contended that they would so
represent it. An answer is that the design is objectively good, the sun
being painted black, as concealed, while the stars come out red, i. e.,
bright, and graphic illustration prevails throughout the charts where it
is possible to employ it.

Dr. Washington Matthews, surgeon, U. S. Army, communicated the fact
that the Dakotas had opportunities all over their country of receiving
information about the real character of the eclipse. He was at Fort
Rice during the eclipse and remembers that long before it occurred
the officers, men, and citizens around the post told the Indians of
the coming event and discussed it with them so much that they were on
the tip-toe of expectancy when the day came. Two-Bears and his band
were then encamped at Fort Rice, and he and several of his leading men
watched the eclipse along with the whites and through their smoked
glass, and then and there the phenomenon was thoroughly explained to
them over and over again. There is no doubt that similar explanations
were made at all the numerous posts and agencies along the river that
day. The path of the eclipse coincided nearly with the course of the
Missouri for over a thousand miles. The duration of totality at Fort
Rice was nearly two minutes (1′ 48″).

[Illustration: FIG. 255.]

Fig. 255, 1870-’71.--The Uncpapas had a battle with the Crows, the
former losing, it is said, 14, and killing 29 out of 30 of the latter,
though nothing appears to show those numbers. The central object is not
a circle denoting multitude, but an irregularly rounded object, perhaps
intended for one of the wooden inclosures or forts frequently erected
by the Indians, and especially the Crows. The Crow fort is shown as
nearly surrounded, and bullets, not arrows or lances, are flying. This
is the first instance in this chart in which any combat or killing is
portrayed where guns explicitly appear to be used by Indians, though
nothing in the chart is at variance with the fact that the Dakotas had
for a number of years been familiar with firearms. The most recent
indications of any weapon were those of the arrows piercing the Crow
squaw in 1857-’58, and Brave-Bear in 1854-’55, while the last one before
those was the lance used in 1848-’49, and those arms might well have
been employed in all the cases selected, although rifles and muskets
were common. There is an obvious practical difficulty in picturing, by
a single character, killing with a bullet, not arising as to arrows,
lances, dirks, and hatchets, all of which can be and are shown in the
chart projecting from the wounds made by them. Other pictographs show
battles in which bullets are denoted by continuous dotted lines, the
spots at which they take effect being sometimes indicated, and the
fact that they did hit the object aimed at is expressed by a specially
invented symbol. It is, however, to be noted that the bloody wound on
the Ree’s shoulder (1806-’07) is without any protruding weapon, as if
made by a bullet.

More distinct information regarding this fight, the record of which
concludes the original Lone-Dog chart, has been kindly communicated by
Mr. Luther S. Kelly, of Garfield County, Colorado.

The war party of Uncpapas mentioned charged upon a small trading post
for the Crows on the Upper Missouri river, at the mouth of Musselshell
river. Usually this post was garrisoned by a few frontiersmen, but
on that particular day there happened to be a considerable force of
freighters and hunters. The Indians were afoot and, being concealed by
the sage brush, got within shooting distance of the fort before being
discovered. They were easily driven off, and going a short distance
took shelter from the rain in a circular washout, not having any idea
of being followed by the whites. Meanwhile the whites organized and
followed. The surprise was complete, the leading white man only being
killed. The Indians sang their song and made several breaks to escape,
but were shot down as fast as they rose above the bank. Twenty-nine were
killed.


BATTISTE GOOD’S WINTER COUNT.

Dr. William H. Corbusier, surgeon, U. S. Army, while stationed in 1879
and 1880 at Camp Sheridan, Nebraska, near the Pine Ridge Indian Agency,
Dakota, obtained a copy of this Winter Count from its recorder Baptiste,
commonly called Battiste Good, a Brulé Dakota, whose Dakotan name is
given as Wa-po-cta^n-xi, translated Brown-Hat. He was then living at the
Rose Bud Agency, Dakota, and explained the meaning of the pictographs to
the Rev. Wm. J. Cleveland, of the last named agency, who translated them
into English.

The copy made by Battiste Good from his original record, of which it
is said to be a facsimile, is painted in five colors besides black,
in which the outlines are generally drawn, but with the exception of
red blood-marks these colors do not often appear to be significant.
This copy, which was kindly contributed by Dr. Corbusier, is made in
an ordinary paper drawing-book, the last page of which contains the
first record. This is represented in Fig. 256, and pictures what is
supposed to be an introduction in the nature of a revelation. The next
page, reading backwards and corresponding with Pl. XXI, is a pretended
record of a cycle comprising the years (presumed to be in the Christian
chronology) from 901 to 930. Eleven similar pages and cycles bring the
record down to 1700. These pages are only interesting from the mythology
and tradition referred to and suggested by them, and which must be
garnered from the chaff of uncomprehended missionary teaching. From
1700 to 1880, when the record closes, each year, or rather winter, is
represented by a special character according to the Dakota system above
explained.

Battiste Good, by his own statement in the present record, was born in
the year 1821-’22. Any careful examination of the figures as worked
over by his own hand shows that he has received about enough education
in English and in writing to induce him to make unnecessary additions
and presumptuous emendations on the pictographs as he found them and
as perhaps he originally kept and drew the more recent of them. He
has written English words and Arabic numerals over and connected with
the Dakota devices, and has left some figures in a state of mixture
including the methods of modern civilization and the aboriginal
system. To prevent the confusion to the reader which might result from
Battiste’s meddlesome vanity, these interpolated marks are in general
omitted from the plates and figures as now presented, but, as specimens
of the kind and amount of interference referred to, the designs on the
copy for the years 1700-’01, 1701-’02, and 1707-’08 are given below as
furnished.

The facts stated to have occurred so long ago as the beginning of
the last century can not often be verified, but those of later date
given by Battiste are corroborated by other records in the strongest
manner--that is, by independent devices which are not mere copies.
Therefore, notwithstanding Battiste’s mythic cycles and English writing,
the body of his record, which constitutes the true Winter Counts, must
be regarded as genuine. He is simply the bad editor of a good work. But
whether or not the events occurred as represented, the pictography is
of unique interest. It may be remarked that Battiste’s record is better
known among the Oglala and Brulé, and Lone-Dog’s Winter Count among the
Minneconjou.

It should be noted that when allusions are made to coloration in Fig.
256, and in any one of the other figures in the text which illustrate
this Winter Count, they must be understood as applicable to the
original. Pls. XXI, XXII, and XXIII are colored copies of those
furnished by Battiste Good, reduced, however, in size.

[Illustration: FIG. 256.--Battiste Good’s Revelation.]

Fig. 256 illustrates Battiste Good’s introduction. He is supposed to be
narrating his own experience as follows: “In the year 1856, I went to
the Black Hills and cried, and cried, and cried, and suddenly I saw a
bird above me, which said: ‘Stop crying, I am a woman, but I will tell
you something: My Great-Father, Father God, who made this place, gave
it to me for a home and told me to watch over it. He put a blue sky
over my head and gave me a blue flag to have with this beautiful green
country. [Battiste has made the hill country, as well as the curve for
sky and the flag, blue in his copy.] My Great-Father, Father God (or The
Great-Father, God my Father) grew, and his flesh was part earth and part
stone and part metal and part wood and part water; he took from them
all and placed them here for me, and told me to watch over them. I am
the Eagle-Woman who tell you this. The whites know that there are four
black flags of God; that is, four divisions of the earth. He first made
the earth soft by wetting it, then cut it into four parts, one of which,
containing the Black Hills, he gave to the Dakotas, and, because I am a
woman, I shall not consent to the pouring of blood on this chief house
(or dwelling place), i. e., the Black Hills. The time will come that you
will remember my words; for after many years you shall grow up one with
the white people.’ She then circled round and round and gradually passed
out of my sight. I also saw prints of a man’s hands and horse’s hoofs on
the rocks [here he brings in petroglyphs], and two thousand years, and
one hundred millions of dollars ($100,000,000). I came away crying, as I
had gone. I have told this to many Dakotas, and all agree that it meant
that we were to seek and keep peace with the whites.”

(NOTE BY DR. CORBUSIER.--The Oglálas and Brulés say that they, with the
rest of the Dakota nation, formerly lived far on the other side of the
Missouri River. After they had moved to the river, they lived at first
on its eastern banks, only crossing it to hunt. Some of the hunting
parties that crossed at length wandered far off from the rest and,
remaining away, became the westernmost bands.)

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXI

BATTISTE GOOD’S CYCLES.

A 901-930. B 931-1000.]

Pl. XXI A. The record shown by this figure dates from the appearance of
The-Woman-from-Heaven, 901 A. D.; but the Dakotas were a people long
before this. The circle of lodges represents a cycle of thirty years,
from the year 901 to 930, and incloses the “legend” by which this period
is known. All the tribes of the Dakota nation were encamped together, as
was then their custom, when all at once a beautiful woman appeared to
two young men. One of them said to the other, “Let us catch her and have
her for our wife.” The other said, “No; she may be something waka^n”
(supernatural or sacred). Then the woman said to them, “I came from
Heaven to teach the Dakotas how to live and what their future shall be.”
She had what appeared to be snakes about her legs and waist, but which
were really braids of grass. She said, “I give you this pipe; keep it
always;” and with the pipe she gave them a small package, in which they
found four grains of maize, one white, one black, one yellow, and one
variegated. The pipe is above the buffalo. She said, “I am a buffalo,
The White-Buffalo-Cow. I will spill my milk all over the earth, that
the people may live.” She meant by her milk maize, which is seen in the
picture dropping from her udders. The colored patches on the four sides
of the circle are the four quarters of the heavens (the cardinal points
of the compass). In front of the cow are yellow and red. She pointed in
this direction and said, “When you see a yellowish (or brownish) cloud
toward the north, that is my breath; rejoice at the sight of it, for you
shall soon see buffalo. Red is the blood of the buffalo, and by that you
shall live.” Pointing east [it will be noticed that Battiste has placed
the east toward the top of the page], she said, “This pipe is related to
the heavens, and you shall live with it.” The line running from the
pipe to the blue patch denotes the relation. The Dakotas have always
supposed she meant by this that the blue smoke of the pipe was one
with or nearly related to the blue sky; hence, on a clear day, before
smoking, they often point the stem of the pipe upward, in remembrance of
her words. Pointing south, she said, “Clouds of many colors may come up
from the south, but look at the pipe and the blue sky and know that the
clouds will soon pass away and all will become blue and clear again.”
Pointing west, i. e., to the lowest part of the circle, she said, “When
it shall be blue in the west, know that it is closely related to you
through the pipe and the blue heavens, and by that you shall grow rich.”
Then she stood up before them and said, “I am The White-Buffalo-Cow;
my milk is of four kinds; I spill it on the earth that you may live by
it. You shall call me Grandmother. If you young men will follow me over
the hills you shall see my relatives.” She said this four times, each
time stepping back from them a few feet, and after the fourth time,
while they stood gazing at her, she mysteriously disappeared. [It is
well known that four is the favorite or magic number among Indian tribes
generally, and has reference to the four cardinal points.] The young men
went over the hills in the direction she took and there found a large
herd of buffalo.

(NOTE BY DR. CORBUSIER.--Mr. Cleveland states that he has heard several
different versions of this tradition.)

The man who first told the people of the appearance of the woman is
represented both inside and outside the circle. He was thirty years old
at the time, and said that she came as narrated above, in July of the
year of his birth. Outside of the circle, he is standing with a pipe in
his hand; inside, he is squatting, and has his hands in the position for
the gesture-sign for pipe. The elm tree and yucca, or Spanish bayonet,
both shown above the tipis, indicate that in those days the Dakota
obtained fire by rapidly revolving the end of a dry stalk of the yucca
in a hole made in a rotten root of the elm. The people used the bow and
stone-pointed arrows, which are shown on the right. From time immemorial
they have kept large numbers of sticks, shown by the side of the pipe,
each one about as thick and as long as a lead-pencil (sic), for the
purpose of counting and keeping record of numbers, and they cut notches
in larger sticks for the same purpose.

(NOTE BY DR. CORBUSIER.--They commonly resort to their fingers in
counting, and the V of the Roman system of notation is seen in the
outline of the thumb and index, when one hand is held up to express
five, and the X in the crossed thumbs, when both hands are held up
together to express ten.)

The bundle of these sticks drawn in connection with the ceremonial pipe
suggests the idea of an official recorder.

Pl. XXI B, 931-1000. From the time the man represented in Pl. XXI A
was seventy years of age, i. e., from the year 931, time is counted by
cycles of seventy years until 1700. This figure illustrates the manner
of killing buffalo before and after the appearance of The-Woman. When
the Dakotas had found the buffalo, they moved to the herd and corralled
it by spreading their camps around it. The Man-Who-Dreamed-of-a-Wolf,
seen at the upper part of the circle, with bow and arrow in hand, then
shot the chief bull of the herd with his medicine or sacred arrow; at
this, the women all cried out with joy, “He has killed the chief bull!”
On hearing them shout the man with bow and arrow on the opposite side,
The-Man-Who-Dreamed-of-the-Thunder-and-received-an-arrow-from-the-Thunder-Bird
(wakinyan, accurately translated “the flying one”) shot a buffalo cow,
and the women again shouted with joy. Then all the men began to shout,
and they killed as many as they wished. The buffalo heads and the
blood-stained tracks show what large numbers were killed. They cut off
the head of the chief bull, and laid the pipe beside it until their
work was done. They prayed to The-Woman to bless and help them as they
were following her teachings. Having no iron or knives, they used sharp
stones, and mussel shells, to skin and cut up the buffalo. They rubbed
blood in the hides to soften and tan them. They had no horses, and had
to pack everything on their own backs.

The cyclic characters that embrace the period from 1001 to 1140
illustrate nothing of interest not before presented. Slight distinction
appears in the circles so that they can be identified, but without
enough significance to merit reproduction.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXII

BATTISTE GOOD’S CYCLES.

A 1141-1210. B 1211-1280.]

Pl. XXII A, 1141-1210. Among a herd of buffalo, surrounded at one time
during this period, were some horses. The people all cried out, “there
are big dogs with them,” having never seen horses before, hence the name
for horse, sunka (dog) tanka (big), or sunka (dog) wakan (wonderful or
mysterious). After killing all the buffalo they said “let us try and
catch the big dogs;” so they cut a thong out of a hide with a sharp
stone and with it caught eight, breaking the leg of one of them. All
these years they used sharpened deer horn for awls, bone for needles,
and made their lodges without the help of iron tools. [All other Dakota
traditions yet reported in regard to the first capture of horses, place
this important event at a much later period and long after horses
were brought to America by the Spaniards. See this count for the year
1802-’03, and also Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the same year.]

Pl. XXII B, 1211-1280. At one time during this period a war party of
enemies concealed themselves among a herd of buffalo, which the Dakotas
surrounded and killed before they discovered the enemy. No one knows
what people, or how many they were; but the Dakotas killed them all. The
red and black lodges indicate war, and that the Dakotas were successful.

The pages of the copy which embrace the period from 1281 to 1420 are
omitted as valueless.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIII

BATTISTE GOOD’S CYCLES.

A 1421-1490. B 1631-1700.]

Pl. XXIII A, 1421-1490. “Found horses among the buffalo again and caught
six.” Five of the horses are represented by the hoof prints. The lasso
or possibly the lariat is shown in use. The bundle of sticks is now in
the recorder’s hands.

Battiste’s pages which embrace the period from 1491 to 1630 are omitted
for the same reason as before offered.

Pl. XXIII B, 1631-1700. This represents the first killing of buffalo on
horseback. It was done in the year 1700, inside the circle of lodges
pitched around the herd, by a man who was tied on a horse with thongs
and who received the name of Hunts-inside-the-lodges. They had but
one horse then, and they kept him a long time. Again the bundle of
count-sticks is in the recorder’s hands.

This is the end of the obviously mythic part of the record, in which
Battiste has made some historic errors. From this time forth each year
is distinguished by a name, the explanation of which is in the realm of
fact.

It must be again noted that when colors are referred to in the
description of the text figures, the language (translated) used by
Battiste is retained for the purpose of showing the coloration of the
original and his interpretation of the colors, which are to be imagined,
as they can not be reproduced by the process used.

[Illustration: FIG. 257.]

Fig. 257, 1700-’01.--“The-two-killed-on-going-back-to-the-hunting-ground
winter (or year).” Two Dakotas returned to the hunting ground, after the
hunt one day, and were killed by enemies, of what tribe is unknown. The
blood-stained arrow in the man’s side signifies killed; the numeral 2
over his head, the number killed; and, the buffalo heads, the carcass
of a buffalo--which had been left behind because it was too poor to
eat--together with the arrow pointing toward them, the hunting-ground.
The dot under the figure 2, and many of the succeeding ones, signifies,
That is it. This corresponds with some gesture signs for the same
concept of declaration, in which the index finger held straight is
thrust forward with emphasis and repeatedly as if always hitting the
same point.

With regard to the numeral 2 over the head of the man see remarks, page
288.

[Illustration: FIG. 258.]

Fig. 258, 1701-’02.--“The-three-killed-who-went-fishing winter.” The
arrow pointing toward the 3, indicates that they were attacked; the
arrow in the man’s arm, and the blood stain, that they were killed; the
pole, line, and fish which the man is holding, their occupation at the
time.

[Illustration: FIG. 259.]

Fig. 259, 1702-’03.--“Camped-cutting-the-ice-through winter.” A long
lake toward the east, near which the Dakotas were encamped, was frozen
over, when they discovered about one thousand buffalo. They secured
them all by driving them on the ice, through which they broke, and in
which they froze fast. Whenever the people wanted meat, they cut a
buffalo out of the ice. In the figure, the wave lines represent the
water of the lake; the straight lines, the shore; the blue lines outside
the black ones, trees; the blue patches inside, the ice through which
the heads of the buffalo are seen; the line across the middle, the
direction in which they drove the buffalo. The supply of meat lasted one
year. (NOTE by DR. CORBUSIER.--The Apache of Arizona, the Ojibwa, and
the Ottawa also represent water by means of waved lines.)

[Illustration: FIG. 260.]

Fig. 260, 1703-’04--“The-burying winter,” or “Many-hole winter.”--They
killed a great many buffalo during the summer, and, after drying the
meat, stored it in pits for winter’s use. It lasted them all winter, and
they found it all in good condition. The ring surrounding the buffalo
head, in front of the lodge, represents a pit. The forked stick, which
is the symbol for meat, marks the pit. [Other authorities suggest that
the object called by Battiste a pit, which is more generally called
“cache,” is a heap, and means many or much.]

[Illustration: FIG. 261.]

Fig. 261, 1704-’05.--“Killed-fifteen-Pawnees-who-came-to-fight winter.”
The Dakotas discovered a party of Pawnees coming to attack them. They
met them and killed fifteen. In this chart the Pawnee of the Upper
Missouri (Arikara or Ree), the Pawnee of Nebraska, and the Omaha are all
depicted with legs which look like ears of corn, but an ear of corn is
symbol for the Rees only. The Pawnee of Nebraska may be distinguished by
a lock of hair at the back of the head; the Omaha, by a cropped head or
absence of the scalp-lock. The absence of all signs denotes Dakota. Dr.
W. Matthews, in Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians, states
that the Arikara separated from the Pawnee of the Platte valley more
than a century ago. [To avoid confusion the literation of the tribal
divisions as given by the translator of Battiste Good are retained,
though not considered to be accurate.]

[Illustration: FIG. 262.]

Fig. 262, 1705-’06.--“They-came-and-killed-seven-Dakotas winter.” It is
not known what enemies killed them.

[Illustration: FIG. 263.]

Fig. 263, 1706-’07.--“Killed-the-Gros-Ventre-with-snowshoes-on winter.”
A Gros-Ventre (Hidatsa), while hunting buffalo on snowshoes, was chased
by the Dakotas. He accidentally dropped a snowshoe, and, being then
unable to get through the snow fast enough, they gained on him, wounded
him in the leg, and then killed him. The Gros-Ventres and the Crows
are tribes of the same nation, and are therefore both represented with
striped or spotted hair, which denotes the red clay they apply to it.

[Illustration: FIG. 264.]

Fig. 264, 1707-’08.--“Many-kettle winter.” A man--1 man--named Corn,
killed (3) his wife, 1 woman, and ran off. He remained away for a year,
and then came back, bringing three guns with him, and told the people
that the English, who had given him these guns, which were the first
known to the Dakotas, wanted him to bring his friends to see them.
Fifteen of the people accordingly went with him, and when they returned
brought home a lot of kettles or pots. These were the first they ever
saw. Some numerical marks for reference and the written words in the
above are retained as perhaps the worst specimens of Battiste’s mixture
of civilized methods with the aboriginal system of pictography. See
remarks above, page 288.

[Illustration: FIG. 265.]

Fig. 265, 1708-’09.--“Brought-home-Omaha-horses winter.” The cropped
head over the horse denotes Omaha.

[Illustration: FIG. 266.]

Fig. 266, 1709-’10.--“Brought-home-Assiniboin-horses winter.” The Dakota
sign for Assiniboin, or Hohe, which means the voice, or, as some say,
the voice of the musk ox, is the outline of the vocal organs, as the
Dakotas conceive them, and represents the upper lip and roof of the
mouth, the tongue, the lower lip and chin, and the neck.

[Illustration: FIG. 267.]

Fig. 267, 1710-’11.--“The-war-parties-met, or killed-three-on-each-side
winter.” A war party of Assiniboins met one of Dakotas, and in the fight
which ensued three were killed on each side.

[Illustration: FIG. 268.]

Fig. 268, 1711-’12.--“Four-lodges-drowned winter.” When the thunders
returned in the summer the Dakotas were still in their winter camp, on
the bottom lands of a large creek. Heavy rains fell, which caused the
creek to rise suddenly; the bottoms were flooded, and the occupants of
four lodges were swept away and drowned. Water is represented by waved
lines, as before. The lower part of the lodge is submerged. The human
figure in the doorway of the lodge indicates how unconscious the inmates
were of their peril.

[Illustration: FIG. 269.]

Fig. 269, 1712-’13.--“Killed-the-Pawnee-who-was-eagle-hunting winter.”
A Pawnee (Ree) was crouching in his eagle-trap, a hole in the ground
covered with sticks and grass, when he was surprised and killed by the
Dakotas. This event is substantially repeated in this count for the year
1806-’07.

[Illustration: FIG. 270.]

Fig. 270, 1713-’14.--“Came-and-shot-them-in-the-lodge winter.” The
Pawnee (Rees) came by night, and, drawing aside a tipi door, shot a
sleeping man, and thus avenged the death of the eagle-hunter.

[Illustration: FIG. 271.]

Fig. 271, 1714-’15.--“Came-to-attack-on-horseback-but-killed-nothing
winter.” The horseman has a pine lance in his hand. It is not known what
tribe came. (NOTE BY DR. CORBUSIER.--It is probable that horses were not
numerous among any of the Indians yet, and that this mounted attack was
the first one experienced by the Brulé.)

[Illustration: FIG. 272.]

Fig. 272,
1715-’16.--“Came-and-attacked-on-horseback-and-stabbed-a-boy-near-the-lodge
winter.” Eagle tail-feathers hang from the butt end of the lance.

[Illustration: FIG. 273.]

Fig. 273, 1716-’17.--“Much-pemmican winter.” A year of peace and
prosperity. Buffalo were plentiful all the fall and winter. Large
quantities of pemmican (wasna) were made with dried meat and marrow.
In front of the lodge is seen the backbone of a buffalo, the marrow of
which is used in wasna; below this is the buffalo stomach, in which
wasna is packed for preservation.

[Illustration: FIG. 274.]

Fig. 274, 1717-’18.--“Brought-home-fifteen-Assiniboin-horses winter.”
The sign for Assiniboin is above the horse.

[Illustration: FIG. 275.]

Fig. 275, 1718-’19.--“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses winter.” The sign for
Ree, i. e., an ear of corn, is in front of the horse.

[Illustration: FIG. 276.]

Fig. 276, 1719-’20.--“Wore-snowshoes winter.” The snow was very deep,
and the people hunted buffalo on snowshoes with excellent success.

[Illustration: FIG. 277.]

Fig. 277, 1720-’21.--“Three-lodges-starved-to-death winter.” The bare
ribs of the man denote starvation. [The gesture-sign for poor or
lean indicates that the ribs are visible. In the Ojibwa and Ottawa
pictographs lines across the chest denote starvation.]

[Illustration: FIG. 278.]

Fig. 278, 1721-’22.--“Wore-snowshoes-and-dried-much-buffalo-meat
winter.” It was even a better year for buffalo than 1719-’20.

[Illustration: FIG. 279.]

Fig. 279, 1722-’23.--“Deep-snow-and-tops-of-lodges-only-visible winter.”
The spots are intended for snow.

[Illustration: FIG. 280.]

Fig. 280, 1723-’24.--“Many-drying-sticks-set-up winter.” They set up
more than the usual number of sticks for scaffolds, etc., as they dried
the buffalo heads, hides, and entrails, as well as the meat. This figure
is repeated with differentiation for the year 1745-’46 in this chart.

[Illustration: FIG. 281.]

Fig. 281, 1724-’25.--“Blackens-himself-died winter.” This man was in the
habit of blacking his whole body with charcoal. He died of some kind of
intestinal bend [sic] as is indicated by the stomach and intestines in
front of him, which represent the bowels in violent commotion, or going
round and round.

[Illustration: FIG. 282.]

Fig. 282, 1725-’26.--“Brought-home-ten-Omaha-horses winter.” The sign
for Omaha is the head, as before.

[Illustration: FIG. 283.]

Fig. 283, 1726-’27.--“Killed-two-Pawnees-among-the-lodges winter.” The
Pawnees (Rees) made an assault on the Dakota Village, and these two ran
among the lodges without any arrows. The sign for Ree is, as usual, an
ear of corn.

[Illustration: FIG. 284.]

Fig. 284, 1727-’28.--“Killed-six-Assiniboins winter.” Two signs are
given here for Assiniboin. There is some uncertainty as to whether they
were Assiniboins or Arikaras, so the signs for both are given.

[Illustration: FIG. 285.]

Fig. 285, 1728-’29.--“Brought-home-Gros-Ventre-horses winter.” A Gros
Ventre head is shown in front of the horse.

[Illustration: FIG. 286.]

Fig. 286, 1729-’30.--“Killed-the-Pawnees-camped-alone-with-their-wives
winter.” Two Pawnees and their wives, who were hunting buffalo by
themselves, and living in one lodge, were surprised and killed by a war
party of Dakotas.

[Illustration: FIG. 287.]

Fig. 287, 1730-’31.--“Came-from-opposite-ways-and-camped-together
winter.” By a singular coincidence, two bands of Dakotas selected the
same place for an encampment, and arrived there the same day. They had
been separated a long time, and were wholly ignorant of each other’s
movements. The caps of the tipis face one another.

[Illustration: FIG. 288.]

Fig. 288, 1731-’32.--“Came-from-killing-one-Omaha-and-danced winter.”
This is the customary feast at the return of a successful war party. The
erect arrow may stand for “one,” and the Omaha is drawn at full length
with his stiff short hair and painted cheeks.

[Illustration: FIG. 289.]

Fig. 289, 1732-’33.--“Brought-home-Assiniboin-horses winter.” The sign
for Assiniboin is as before, over the horse.

[Illustration: FIG. 290.]

Fig. 290, 1733-’34.--“Killed-three-Assiniboins winter.” There is again
uncertainty as to whether they were Assiniboins or Arikaras, and both
signs are used.

[Illustration: FIG. 291.]

Fig. 291, 1734-’35.--“Used-them-up-with-bellyache winter.” About fifty
of the people died of an eruptive disease which was accompanied by pains
in the bowels. The eruption is shown on the man in the figure. This was
probably the first experience by the Dakotas of the smallpox, which has
been so great a factor in the destruction of the Indians.

[Illustration: FIG. 292.]

Fig. 292, 1735-’36.--“Followed-them-up-and-killed-five winter.” A war
party of Dakotas were chased by some enemies, who killed five of them.
The arrows flying from behind at the man indicate pursuit, and the
number of the arrows, each with a bloody mark as if hitting, is five.

[Illustration: FIG. 293.]

Fig. 293, 1736-’37.--“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses winter.” This date must
be considered in connection with the figure in this record for 1802-’03.
There is a distinction between the wild and the shod horses, but the
difference in tribe is great. The ear of corn showing the husk is as
common in this record for Pawnee as for Arikara.

[Illustration: FIG. 294.]

Fig. 294,
1737-’38.--“Killed-seven-Assiniboins-bringing-them-to-a-stand-under-a-bank
winter.” The daub, blue in the original, under the crouching figure,
represents the bank.

[Illustration: FIG. 295.]

Fig. 295, 1738-’39.--“The-four-who-went-on-the-war-path-starved-to-death
winter.” Starvation is indicated as before.

[Illustration: FIG. 296.]

Fig. 296, 1739-’40--“Found-many-horse winter.” The horses had thongs
around their necks, and had evidently been lost by some other tribe.
Hoof prints are represented above and below the horse, that is all
around.

[Illustration: FIG. 297.]

Fig. 297, 1740-’41.--“The-two-came-home-having-killed-an-enemy winter.”
They took his entire scalp, and carried it home at the end of a pole.
Only a part of the scalp is ordinarily taken, and that from the crown of
the head.

[Illustration: FIG. 298.]

Fig. 298, 1741-’42.--“Attacked-them-while-gathering-turnips winter.”
Some women, who were digging turnips (pomme blanche) near the camp, were
assaulted by a party of enemies, who, after knocking them down, ran off
without doing them any further harm. A turnip, and the stick for digging
it, are seen in front of the horseman.

[Illustration: FIG. 299.]

Fig. 299, 1742-’43.--“Killed-them-on-the-way-home-from-the-hunt winter.”
The men were out hunting, and about 100 of their enemies came on
horseback to attack the camp, and had already surrounded it, when a
woman poked her head out of a lodge and said, “They have all gone on
the hunt. When I heard you, I thought they had come back.” She pointed
toward the hunting-ground, and the enemies going in that direction, met
the Dakotas, who killed many of them with their spears, and put the rest
to flight. Hoof-prints surround the circle of lodges, and are on the
trail to the hunting-ground.

[Illustration: FIG. 300.]

Fig. 300, 1743-’44.--“The-Omahas-came-and-killed-them-in-the-night
winter.” They wounded many, but killed only one. The Dakotas were all
encamped together.

[Illustration: FIG. 301.]

Fig. 301, 1744-’45.--“Brought-home-Omaha-horses winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 302.]

Fig. 302, 1745-’46.--“Many-drying-scaffolds winter.” It was even a
better year for buffalo than 1723-’24.

[Illustration: FIG. 303.]

Fig. 303, 1746-’47.--“Came-home-having-killed-one-Gros-Ventre winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 304.]

Fig. 304, 1747-’48.--“Froze-to-death-at-the-hunt winter.” The arrow
pointing toward the buffalo head indicates they were hunting, and the
crouching figure of the man, together with the snow above and below him,
that he suffered severely from cold or froze to death.

[Illustration: FIG. 305.]

Fig. 305, 1748-’49.--“Eat-frozen-fish winter.” They discovered large
numbers of fish frozen in the ice, and subsisted on them all winter.

[Illustration: FIG. 306.]

Fig. 306, 1749-’50.--“Many-hole-camp-winter.” The same explanation as
for Fig. 260, for the year 1703-’04. The two figures are different in
execution though the same in concept. There would, however, be little
confusion in distinguishing two seasons of exceptional success in the
hunt that were separated by forty-six years.

[Illustration: FIG. 307.]

Fig. 307, 1750-’51.--“Killed-two-white-buffalo-cows winter.” (Note
by Dr. Corbusier: Two white buffalo are so rarely killed one season
that the event is considered worthy of record. Most Indians regard the
albinos among animals with the greatest reverence. The Ojibwas, who look
upon a black loon as the most worthless of birds regard a white one as
sacred.)

[Illustration: FIG. 308.]

Fig. 308, 1751-’52.--“Omahas-came-and-killed-two-in-the-lodge winter.”
An Omaha war party surprised them in the night, shot into the lodge,
wounding two, and then fled. The two shot died of their wounds.

[Illustration: FIG. 309.]

Fig. 309, 1752-’53.--“Destroyed-three-lodges-of-Omahas winter.” The
Dakotas went to retaliate on the Omahas, and finding three lodges of
them killed them. It will be noticed that in this figure the sign for
Omaha is connected with the lodge, and in the preceding figure with the
arrow.

[Illustration: FIG. 310.]

Fig. 310, 1753-’54.--“Killed-two-Assiniboins-on-the-hunt winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 311.]

Fig. 311, 1754-’55.--“Pawnees-shouted-over-the-people winter.” The
Pawnees (Rees) came at night, and standing on a bluff overlooking the
Dakota village shot into it with arrows, killing one man, and alarmed
the entire village by their shouts.

[Illustration: FIG. 312.]

Fig. 312, 1755-’56.--“Killed-two-Pawnees-at-the-hunt winter.” A war
party of Dakotas surprised some Pawnee (Ree) hunters and killed two of
them.

[Illustration: FIG. 313.]

Fig. 313, 1756-’57.--“The-whole-people-were-pursued-and-two-killed
winter.” A tribe, name unknown, attacked and routed the whole band. The
man in the figure is retreating, as is shown by his attitude; the arrow
on his bow points backward at the enemy, from whom he is retreating. The
two blood-stained arrows in his body mark the number killed.

[Illustration: FIG. 314.]

Fig. 314,
1757-’58.--“Went-on-the-warpath-on-horseback-to-camp-of-enemy-but-killed-nothing
winter.” The lack of success may have been due to inexperience in
mounted warfare as the Dakotas had probably for the first time secured a
sufficient number of horses to mount a war party.

[Illustration: FIG. 315.]

Fig. 315, 1758-’59.--“Killed-two-Omahas-who-came-to-the-camp-on-war-path
winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 316.]

Fig. 316, 1759-’60.--“War-parties-met-and-killed-a-few-on-both-sides
winter.” The attitude of the opposed figures of the Dakota and Gros
Ventre and the footprints indicate that the parties met; the arrows in
opposition, that they fought; and the blood-stained arrow in each man
that some were killed on both sides.

[Illustration: FIG. 317.]

Fig. 317, 1760-’61.--“Assiniboins-came-and-attacked-the-camp-again
winter;” or “Assiniboins-shot-arrows-through-the-camp winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 318.]

Fig. 318, 1761-’62.--“Killed-six-Pawnees (Rees) winter.” Besides the
arrow sticking in the body another is flying near the head of the man
figure, who has the tribal marks for Pawnee or Ree, as used in this
record.

[Illustration: FIG. 319.]

Fig. 319, 1762-’63.--“The-people-were-burnt winter.” They were living
somewhere east of their present country when a prairie fire destroyed
their entire village. Many of their children and a man and his wife,
who were on foot some distance away from the village, were burned to
death, as also were many of their horses. All the people that could get
to a long lake, which was near by, saved themselves by jumping into it.
Many of these were badly burned about the thighs and legs, and this
circumstance gave rise to the name Sican-zhu, burnt thigh (or simply
burnt as translated Brulé by the French), by which they have since been
known, and also to the gesture sign, as follows: “Rub the upper and
outer part of the right thigh in a small circle with the open right
hand, fingers pointing downward.”

[Illustration: FIG. 320.]

Fig. 320, 1763-’64.--“Many-sticks-for-drying-beef winter.” They dried so
much meat that the village was crowded with drying poles and scaffolds.

[Illustration: FIG. 321.]

Fig. 321, 1764-’65.--“Stole-their-horses-while-they-were-on-the-hunt
winter.” A Dakota war party chanced to find a hunting party of
Assiniboins asleep and stole twenty of their horses. It was storming at
the time and horses had their packs on and were tied. The marks which
might appear to represent a European saddle on the horse’s back denote
a pack or load. Hunting is symbolized as before, by the buffalo head
struck by an arrow.

[Illustration: FIG. 322.]

Fig. 322, 1765-’66.--“Killed-a-war-party-of-four-Pawnees winter.” The
four Pawnees (Rees) made an attack on the Dakota camp.

[Illustration: FIG. 323.]

Fig. 323, 1766-’67.--“Brought-home-sixty-Assiniboin-horses (one spotted)
winter.” They were all the horses the Assiniboins had and were on an
island in the Missouri river, from which the Dakotas cleverly stole them
during a snowstorm.

[Illustration: FIG. 324.]

Fig. 324, 1767-’68.--“Went-out-to-ease-themselves-with-their-bows-on
winter.” The Dakotas were in constant fear of an attack by enemies. When
a man left his lodge after dark, even to answer the calls of nature, he
carried his bows and arrows along with him and took good care not to go
far away from the lodge. The squatting figure, etc., close to the lodge
tells the story.

[Illustration: FIG. 325.]

Fig. 325, 1768-’69.--“Two-horses-killed-something winter.” A man who had
gone over a hill just out of the village was run down by two mounted
enemies who drove their spears into him and left him for dead, one of
them leaving his spear sticking in the man’s shoulder, as shown in the
figure. He recovered, however. (Note by Dr. Corbusier: They frequently
speak of persons who have been very ill and have recovered as dying and
returning to life again, and have a gesture sign to express the idea.)

[Illustration: FIG. 326.]

Fig. 326, 1769-’70.--“Attacked-the-camp-from-both-sides winter.” A
mounted war party--tribe unknown--attacked the village on two sides, and
on each side killed a woman. The footprints of the enemies’ horses and
arrows on each side of the lodge, which represents the village, show the
mode of attack.

[Illustration: FIG. 327.]

Fig. 327, 1770-’71--“Came-and-killed-the-lodges winter.” The enemy came
on horseback and assailed the Dakota lodges, which were pitched near
together, spoiling some of them by cutting the hide coverings with their
spears, but killing no one. They used spears only, but arrows are also
depicted, as they symbolize attack. No blood is shown on the arrows, as
only the lodges were “killed.”

[Illustration: FIG. 328.]

Fig. 328, 1771-’72.--“Swam-after-the-buffalo winter.” In the spring the
Dakotas secured a large supply of meat by swimming out and towing ashore
buffalo that were floating past the village and which had fallen into
the river on attempting to cross on the weak ice.

[Illustration: FIG. 329.]

Fig. 329, 1772-’73.--“Killed-an-Assiniboin-and-his-wife winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 330.]

Fig. 330, 1773-’74.--“Killed-two-Pawnee-boys-while-playing winter.” A
war party of Dakotas surprised two Pawnee (Ree) boys who were wrestling
and killed them while they were on the ground.

[Illustration: FIG. 331.]

Fig. 331, 1774-’75.--“Assiniboins-made-an-attack winter.” They were
cowardly, however, and soon retreated. Perhaps the two arrows of the
Assiniboins compared with the one arrow of the attacked Dakotas suggests
the cowardice.

[Illustration: FIG. 332.]

Fig. 332,
1775-’76.--“Assiniboins-went-home-and-came-back-mad-to-make-a-fresh-attack
winter.” They were brave this time, being thoroughly aroused. They
fought with bows and arrows only.

[Illustration: FIG. 333.]

Fig. 333, 1776-’77.--“Killed-with-war-club-in-his-hand winter.” A Dakota
war club is in the man’s hand and an enemy’s arrow is entering his body.

[Illustration: FIG. 334.]

Fig. 334, 1777-’78.--“Spent-the-winter-in-no-particular-place winter.”
They made no permanent camp, but wandered about from place to place.

[Illustration: FIG. 335.]

Fig. 335, 1778-’79.--“Skinned-penis-used-in-the-game-of-haka winter.”
A Dakota named as mentioned was killed in a fight with the Pawnees and
his companions left his body where they supposed it would not be found,
but the Pawnees found it and as it was frozen stiff they dragged it into
their camp and played haka with it. The haka-stick which, in playing
the game, they cast after a ring, is represented on the right of the
man. This event marks 1777-’78 in the Winter Count of American-Horse
and 1779-’80 in that of Cloud-Shield. The insult and disgrace made it
remarkable.

[Illustration: FIG. 336.]

Fig. 336, 1779-’80.--“Smallpox-used-them-up winter.” The eruption and
pains in the stomach and bowels are shown as before.

[Illustration: FIG. 337.]

Fig. 337, 1780-’81.--“Smallpox-used-them-up-again winter.” There is in
this figure no sign for pain but the spots alone are shown. An attempt
to discriminate and distinguish the year-devices is perceived.

[Illustration: FIG. 338.]

Fig. 338, 1781-’82.--“Came-and-attacked-on-horseback-for-the-last-time
winter.” The name of the tribe is not known, but it is the last time
they ever attacked the Dakotas.

[Illustration: FIG. 339.]

Fig. 339, 1782-’83.--“Killed-the-man-with-the-scarlet-blanket-on
winter.” It is not known what tribe killed him.

[Illustration: FIG. 340.]

Fig. 340, 1783-’84.--“Soldier-froze-to-death winter.” The falling snow
and the man’s position with his legs drawn up to his abdomen, one hand
in an armpit and the other in his mouth, are indicative of intense cold.

[Illustration: FIG. 341.]

Fig. 341, 1784-’85.--“The-Oglala-took-the-cedar winter.” During a great
feast an Oglala declared he was wakan and could draw a cedar tree out
of the ground. He had previously fastened the middle of a stick to the
lower end of a cedar with a piece of the elastic ligament from the
neck of the buffalo and then planted the tree with the stick crosswise
beneath it. He went to this tree, dug away a little earth from around
it and pulled it partly out of the ground and let it spring back again,
saying “the cedar I drew from the earth has gone home again.” After he
had gone some young men dug up the tree and exposed the shallow trick.

[Illustration: FIG. 342.]

Fig. 342, 1785-’86.--“The-Cheyennes-killed-Shadow’s-father winter.”
The umbrella signifies, shadow; the arrow which touches it, attacked;
the three marks under the arrow (not shown in the copy), Cheyenne; the
blood-stained arrow in the man’s body, killed. Shadow’s name and the
umbrella in the figure intimate that he was the first Dakota to carry
an umbrella. The advantages of the umbrella were soon recognized by
them, and the first they obtained from the whites were highly prized.
It is now considered an indispensable article in a Sioux outfit. They
formerly wore a wreath of green leaves or carried green boughs, to shade
them from the sun. The marks used for Cheyenne stand for the scars on
their arms or stripes on their sleeves, which also gave rise to the
gesture-sign for this tribe, see Fig. 495, infra.

[Illustration: FIG. 343.]

Fig. 343, 1786-’87.--“Iron-Head-Band-killed-on-warpath winter.” They
formerly carried burdens on their backs, hung from a band passed across
the forehead. This man had a band of iron which is shown on his head.
So said the interpreter, but probably the band was not of the metal
iron. The word so translated has a double meaning and is connected with
religious ideas of water, spirit, and the color blue.

[Illustration: FIG. 344.]

Fig. 344, 1787-’88.--“Left-the-heyoka-man-behind winter.” A certain
man was heyoka--that is, his mind was disordered and he went about the
village bedecked with feathers singing to himself, and, while so, joined
a war party. On sighting the enemy the party fled, and called to him to
turn back also; as he was heyoka, he construed everything that was said
to him as meaning the very opposite, and therefore, instead of turning
back, he went forward and was killed. If they had only had sense enough
to tell him to go on, he would then have run away, but the thoughtless
people talked to him just as if he had been in an ordinary condition and
of course were responsible for his death. The mental condition of this
man and another device for the event are explained by other records (see
Fig. 651).

[Illustration: FIG. 345.]

Fig. 345, 1788-’89.--“Many-crows-died winter.” Other records for the
same year give as the explanation of the figure and the reason for its
selection that the crows froze to death because of the intense cold.

[Illustration: FIG. 346.]

Fig. 346, 1789-’90.--“Killed-two-Gros-Ventres-on-the-ice winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 347.]

Fig. 347, 1790-’91.--“Carried-a-flag-about-with-them winter.” They went
to all the surrounding tribes with the flag, but for what purpose is
unknown. So said the interpreter, but The-Flame’s chart explains the
figure by the statement: “The first United States flags in the country
brought by United States troops.”

[Illustration: FIG. 348.]

Fig. 348, 1791-’92.--“Saw-a-white-woman winter.” The dress of the woman
indicates that she was not an Indian. This is obviously noted as being
the first occasion when the Dakotas, or at least the bands which this
record concerns, saw a white woman.

[Illustration: FIG. 349.]

Fig. 349, 1792-’93.--“Camped-near-the-Gros-Ventres winter.” They were
engaged in a constant warfare during this time. A Gros Ventre dirt
lodge, with the entrance in front, is depicted in the figure and on its
roof is a Gros Ventre head.

[Illustration: FIG. 350.]

Fig. 350, 1793-’94.--“Killed-a-long-haired-man-at-Rawhide-butte winter.”
The Dakotas attacked a village of 58 lodges and killed every soul in it.
After the fight they found the body of a man whose hair was done up with
deer-hide in large rolls, and, on cutting them open, found it was all
real hair, very thick, and as long as a lodge-pole. [Mem. Catlin tells
of a Crow called Long-Hair whose hair, by actual measurement, was 10
feet and 7 inches long.] The fight was at Rawhide butte (now so called
by the whites), which the Dakotas named Buffalo-Hide butte, because they
found so many buffalo hides in the lodges. According to Cloud-Shield,
Long-Hair was killed in 1786-’87, and according to American-Horse,
Long-Hair, a Cheyenne, was killed in 1796-’97.

[Illustration: FIG. 351.]

Fig. 351, 1794-’95.--“Killed-the-little-faced-Pawnee winter.” The
Pawnee’s face was long, flat, and narrow, like a man’s hand, but he had
the body of a large man.

White-Cow-Killer calls it: “Little-Face-killed winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 352.]

Fig. 352,
1795-’96.--“The-Rees-stood-the-frozen-man-up-with-the-buffalo-stomach-in-his-hand
winter.” The body of a Dakota who had been killed in an encounter with
the Rees (Pawnees), and had been left behind, frozen. The Rees dragged
it into their village, propped it up with a stick, and hung a buffalo
stomach filled with ice in one hand to make sport of it. The buffalo
stomach was in common use at that time as a water-jug.

[Illustration: FIG. 353.]

Fig. 353, 1796-’97.--“Wears-the-War-Bonnet-died winter.” He did not
die this winter, but received a wound in the abdomen from which the
arrowhead could not be extracted, and he died of the “bellyache” years
after.

[Illustration: FIG. 354.]

Fig. 354, 1897-’98.--“Took-the-God-Woman-captive winter.” A Dakota war
party captured a woman--tribe unknown--who, in order to gain their
respect, cried out, “I am a Wakan-Tanka,” meaning that she belonged to
God, whereupon they let her go unharmed. This is the origin of their
name for God (Wakan Tanka, the Great Holy, or Supernatural One). They
had never heard of a Supernatural Being before, but had offered their
prayers to the sun, the earth, and many other objects, believing they
were endowed with spirits. [Those are the remarks of Battiste Good, who
is only half correct, being doubtless influenced by missionary teaching.
The term is much older and signifies mystic or unknown.]

[Illustration: FIG. 355.]

Fig. 355, 1798-’99.--“Many-women-died-in-childbirth winter.” They died
of bellyache. The convoluted sign for pain in the abdominal region has
appeared before. Cloud-Shield’s winter count for the same year records
the same mortality among the women which was perhaps an epidemic of
puerperal fever.

[Illustration: FIG. 356.]

Fig. 356,
1799-1800.--“Don’t-Eat-Buffalo-Heart-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead
winter.” A buffalo heart is represented above the man. Don’t Eat
is expressed by the gesture sign for negation, a part of which is
indicated, and the line connecting the heart with his month. The red
flag which is used in the ceremony is employed as its symbol. The name
Don’t-Eat-Buffalo-Heart refers to the man for whom that viand is taboo,
either by gentile rules or from personal visions. The religious ceremony
of commemoration of the dead is mentioned elsewhere in this work, see
Chapter XIV, section 6.

[Illustration: FIG. 357.]

Fig. 357, 1800-’01.--“The-Good-White-Man-came winter.” Seven white men
came in the spring of the year to their village in a starving condition;
after feeding them and treating them well, they allowed them to go on
their way unmolested. The Dakotas [of the recorder’s band] had heard of
the whites, but had never seen any before. In the fall some more came,
and with them, The-Good-White-Man, who is represented in the figure, and
who was the first one to trade with them. They became very fond of him
because of his fair dealings with them. The gesture made by his hands is
similar to benediction, and suggests a part of the Indian gesture sign
for “good.”

[Illustration: FIG. 358.]

Fig. 358, 1801-’02.--“Smallpox-used-them-up-again winter.” The man
figure is making a part of a common gesture sign for death, which
consists substantially in changing the index from a perpendicular to a
horizontal position and then pointing to the ground.

[Illustration: FIG. 359.]

Fig. 359, 1802-’03.--“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses-with-iron-shoes-on
winter.” The Dakotas had not seen horseshoes before. This agrees with
and explains Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the same year.

[Illustration: FIG. 360.]

Fig. 360,
1803-’04.--“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses-with-their-hair-rough-and-curly
winter.” The curly hair is indicated by the curved marks. Lone-Dog’s
Winter Count for the same year records the same incident, but states
that the curly horses were stolen from the Crows.

[Illustration: FIG. 361.]

Fig. 361, 1804-’05.--“Sung-over-each-other-while-on-the-war-path
winter.” A war party while out made a large pipe and sang each other’s
praises. The use of an ornamented pipe in connection with the ceremonies
of organizing a war party is mentioned in Chapter XV.

[Illustration: FIG. 362.]

Fig. 362, 1805-’06.--“They-came-and-killed-eight winter.” The enemy
killed eight Dakotas, as shown by the arrow and the eight marks beneath
it.

[Illustration: FIG. 363.]

Fig. 363, 1806-’07.--“Killed-them-while-hunting-eagles winter.” Some
Dakota eagle-hunters were killed by enemies. See Lone-Dog’s Winter Count
for the same year.

[Illustration: FIG. 364.]

Fig. 364, 1807-’08.--“Came-and-killed-man-with-red-shirt-on winter.”
Other records say that Red-Shirt killed in this year was an Uncpapa
Dakota, and that he was killed by Arikaras.

[Illustration: FIG. 365.]

Fig. 365, 1808-’09.--“Pawnees-(Rees)-killed-Blue-Blanket’s-father
winter.” A blanket, which in the original record is blue, is represented
above the arrow and across the man’s body.

[Illustration: FIG. 366.]

Fig. 366, 1809-’10.--“Little-Beaver’s-house-burned winter.”
Little-Beaver was an English trader, and his trading house was a log one.

[Illustration: FIG. 367.]

Fig. 367,
1810-’11.--“Brought-home-horse-with-his-tail-braided-with-eagle-feathers
winter.” They stole a band of horses beyond the South Platte. One of
them was very fleet, and had his tail ornamented as described.

[Illustration: FIG. 368.]

Fig. 368, 1811-’12.--“First-hunted-horses winter.” The Dakotas caught
wild horses in the Sand Hills with braided lariats.

[Illustration: FIG. 369.]

Fig. 369, 1812-’13.--“Rees-killed-Big-in-the-Middle’s-father winter.”
Other records call this warrior Big-Waist and Big-Belly.


[Illustration: FIG. 370.]

Fig. 370, 1813-’14.--“Killed-six-Pawnees (Rees) winter.” Six strokes are
under the arrow, but are not shown in the copy.

[Illustration: FIG. 371.]

Fig. 371, 1814-’15.--“Smashed-a-Kiowa’s-head-in winter.” The tomahawk
with which it was done is sticking in the Kiowa’s head.

[Illustration: FIG. 372.]

Fig. 372, 1815-’16.-“The-Sans-Arcs-made-large-houses winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 373.]

Fig. 373, 1816-’17.--“Lived-again-in-their-large-houses winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 374.]

Fig. 374, 1817-’18.--“Chozé-built-a-house-of-dead-logs winter.” The
house was for trading purposes. The Frenchman’s name is evidently a
corruption.

[Illustration: FIG. 375.]

Fig. 375, 1818-’19.--“Smallpox-used-them-up-again winter.” They at this
time lived on the Little White river, about 20 miles above the Rosebud
agency. The two fingers held up may mean the second time the fatal
epidemic appeared in the particular body of Indians concerned in the
record.

[Illustration: FIG. 376.]

Fig. 376, 1819-’20.--“Chozé-built-a-house-of-rotten-wood winter.”
Another trading house was built.

[Illustration: FIG. 377.]

Fig. 377,
1820-’21.--“They-made-bands-of-strips-of-blanket-in-the-winter.” These
bands were of mixed colors and reached from the shoulders to the heels.
They also made rattles of deer’s hoofs by tying them to sticks with
bead-covered strings. The man has a sash over his shoulders and a rattle
in his hand.

[Illustration: FIG. 378.]

Fig. 378, 1821-’22.--“Star-passed-by-with-loud-noise winter,”
“Much-whisky winter,” and “Used-up-the-Omahas winter.” In the figure
the meteor, its pathway, and the cloud from which it came are shown.
Whisky was furnished to them for the first time and without stint.
It brought death to them in a new form, many since then having died
from the excessive use of it, Red-Cloud’s father among the number.
Battiste Good, alias Wa-po’stan-gi, more accurately Wa-po-cta^n-xi
(Brown-Hat), historian and chief, was born. He says that Omaha bullets
were whizzing through the village and striking and piercing his mother’s
lodge as she brought him forth. Red-Cloud was also born. In the count
of American-Horse for this year he makes no mention of the meteor, but
strongly marks the whisky as the important figure for the winter.

[Illustration: FIG. 379.]

Fig. 379, 1822-’23.--“Peeler-froze-his-leg winter.” Peeler was a white
trader, and his leg was frozen while he was on his way to or from the
Missouri river. The name is explained by White Cow Killer’s record as
follows: “White-man-peels-the-stick-in-his-hand-broke-his-leg winter.”
He was probably a Yankee, addicted to whittling.

[Illustration: FIG. 380.]

Fig. 380, 1823-’24.--“General-——-first-appeared-and-the-Dakotas-aided-
in-an-attack-on-the-Rees winter.” Also “Much-corn winter”. The gun and
the arrow in contact with the ear of corn show that both whites and
Indians fought the Rees. This refers to Gen. Leavenworth’s expedition
against the Arikara in 1823, when several hundred Dakotas were his
allies. This expedition is mentioned several times in this work.

[Illustration: FIG. 381.]

Fig. 381, 1824-’25.--“Killed-two-picking-plums winter.” A Dakota war
party surprised and killed two Pawnees who were gathering plums.

[Illustration: FIG. 382.]

Fig. 382, 1825-’26.--“Many-Yanktonais-drowned winter.” The river bottom
on a bend of the Missouri river, where they were encamped, was suddenly
submerged, when the ice broke and many women and children were drowned.
All the Winter Counts refer to this flood.

[Illustration: FIG. 383.]

Fig. 383, 1826-’27.--“Ate-a-whistle-and-died winter.” Six Dakotas on
the war path (shown by bow and arrow) had nearly perished with hunger,
when they found and ate the rotting carcass of an old buffalo, on which
the wolves had been feeding. They were seized soon after with pains in
the stomach, the abdomen swelled, and gas poured from mouth and anus,
and they died of a whistle or from eating a whistle. The sound of gas
escaping from the mouth is illustrated in the figure.

[Illustration: FIG. 384.]

Fig. 384, 1827-’28.--“Wore-snowshoes winter.” The snow was very deep.

[Illustration: FIG. 385.]

Fig. 385, 1828-’29.--“Killed-two-hundred-Gros Ventres (Hidatsas) winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 386.]

Fig. 386, 1829-’30.--“Old-Speckled-Face-clung-to-his-son-in-law winter.”
The daughter of Speckled-Face, who was coming out second best in an
altercation with her husband, called to her father for help. The latter
ran and grabbed his son-in-law around the waist, and, crying “That is my
daughter,” stabbed him. The son-in-law fell and the old man fell on top
of him, and, clinging to him, begged the lookers on to put an end to him
also, as he wished to bear his beloved son-in-law company to the spirit
land. No one, however, was in the humor to speed him on the journey, and
he remained with the living.

[Illustration: FIG. 387.]

Fig. 387, 1830-’31.--“Shot-many-white-buffalo-cows winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 388.]

Fig. 388, 1831-’32.--“Killed-him-while-looking-about-on-the-hill
winter.” A Dakota, while watching for buffalo at Buffalo Gap, in the
Black Hills, was shot by the Crows. The man is represented on a hill,
which is dotted with pine trees and patches of grass. Battiste makes the
grass blue. Blue and green are frequently confounded by other Indians
than Battiste, and some tribes have but one name for the two colors.

[Illustration: FIG. 389.]

Fig. 389, 1832-’33.--“Stiff-Leg-with-War-Bonnet-on-died winter.” He was
killed in an engagement with the Pawnees on the Platte river, in which
the Brulés killed one hundred Pawnees.

[Illustration: FIG. 390.]

Fig. 390, 1833-’34.--“Storm-of-stars winter.” All the Winter Counts
refer to this great meteoric display, which occurred on the night of
November 12, 1833, and was seen over most of the United States.

[Illustration: FIG. 391.]

Fig. 391, 1834-’35.--“Killed-the-Cheyenne-who-came-to-the-camp winter.”
A Cheyenne who stole into the village by night was detected and killed.
The village was near what is now the Pine Ridge agency.

[Illustration: FIG. 392.]

Fig. 392, 1835-’36.--“Killed-the-two-war-party-leaders winter.” A Dakota
war party met one of Pawnees and killed two of their leaders, whereupon
the rest ran.

[Illustration: FIG. 393.]

Fig. 393, 1836-’37.--“Fight-on-the-ice winter.” They fought with the
Pawnees on the ice, on the Platte river, and killed seven of them. The
two vertical marks, which are for the banks of the river, and the two
opposed arrows, signify that the tribes were on opposite sides of the
river.

[Illustration: FIG. 394.]

Fig. 394, 1837-’38.--“Spread-out-killed winter.” A Santee man, whose
name is indicated by his spread hands, was killed by soldiers.

[Illustration: FIG. 395.]

Fig. 395, 1838-’39.--“Came-and-killed-five-Oglálas winter.” They were
killed by Pawnees. The man in the figure has on a capote, the hood of
which is drawn over his head. This garment is used here as a sign for
war, as the Dakotas commonly wear it on their war expeditions.

[Illustration: FIG. 396.]

Fig. 396, 1839-’40.--“Came-home-from-the-starve-to-death-war-path
winter.” All of the Dakota tribes united in an expedition against the
Pawnees. They killed one hundred Pawnees, but nearly perished with
hunger.

[Illustration: FIG. 397.]

Fig. 397, 1840-’41--“Came-and-killed-five-of-Little-Thunder’s-brothers
winter,” and “Battiste-alone-returns winter.” The five were killed in an
encounter with the Pawnees. Battiste Good was the only one of the party
to escape. The capote is shown again.

[Illustration: FIG. 398.]

Fig. 398, 1841-’42.--“Pointer-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.”
Also “Deep-snow winter.” The extended index denotes the man’s name, the
ring and spots deep snow.

[Illustration: FIG. 399.]

Fig. 399,
1842-’43.--“Killed-four-lodges-of-Shoshoni-and-brought-home-many-horses
winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 400.]

Fig. 400, 1843-’44.--“Brought-home-the-magic-arrow winter.” This arrow
originally belonged to the Cheyennes from whom the Pawnees stole it. The
Dakotas captured it this winter from the Pawnees and the Cheyennes then
redeemed it for one hundred horses.

[Illustration: FIG. 401.]

Fig. 401, 1844-’45.--“The-Crows-came-and-killed-thirty-eight-Oglálas
winter.” The Oglálas were on the warpath, as indicated by the capote.

[Illustration: FIG. 402.]

Fig. 402,
1845-’46.--“Broke-out-on-faces-had-sore-throats-and-camped-under-the-bluff
winter.” “Also-had-bellyache.” The position of the camp is shown, also
the suggestive attitude of the man.

[Illustration: FIG. 403.]

Fig. 403, 1846-’47.--“Winter-camp-broke-his-neck winter.” He was thrown
from his horse while on a hunt. The red on his neck is the break.

[Illustration: FIG. 404.]

Fig. 404, 1847-’48.--“The-Teal-broke-his-leg winter.” His arm is
lengthened to direct attention to his leg. The Chinese radical and
phonetic character for the same concept, Fig. 1193, infra, may be
compared, as also Fig. 231, supra.

[Illustration: FIG. 405.]

Fig. 405, 1848-’49.--“Killed-the-hermaphrodite winter” and
“Big-horse-stealing winter.” They captured a Crow who pretended to be a
woman, but who proved to be a man, and they killed him. It is probable
that this was one of the men, not uncommon among the Indian tribes, who
adopt the dress and occupation of women. This is sometimes compulsory
from failure to pass an ordeal or from exhibition of cowardice. Eight
hundred horses were stolen from the Dakotas, but seven hundred of them
were recovered. The Crows killed one Dakota, as is indicated by the
arrow in contact with the red spot in the hoof print.

[Illustration: FIG. 406.]

Fig. 406, 1849-’50.--“Brought-the-Crows-to-a-stand winter.” This was
done at Crow Butte, near Camp Robinson, Nebraska. It is said that a
party of Crows, who were flying from the Dakotas, took refuge on the
Butte about dark and that the Dakotas surrounded them, confident of
capturing them the next morning, but the Crows escaped during the night,
very much to the chagrin of the Dakotas. The Crow’s head is just visible
on the summit of the hill, as if the body had gone down.

[Illustration: FIG. 407.]

Fig. 407, 1850-’51.--“The-big-smallpox winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 408.]

Fig. 408, 1851-’52.--“First-issue-of-goods winter.” The colored patches
outside the circle are at the four cardinal points, the colored patches
inside the circle are meant for blankets and the other articles issued,
and the circle of strokes the people sitting. The Dakotas were told
that fifty-five years after that issue they would have to cultivate the
ground, and they understood that they would not be required to do it
before.

[Illustration: FIG. 409.]

Fig. 409, 1852-’53.--“Deep-snow-used-up-the-horses winter.” The spots
around the horses represent snow.

[Illustration: FIG. 410.]

Fig. 410, 1853-’54.--“Cross-Bear-died-on-the-hunt winter.” The travail
means they moved; the buffalo, to hunt buffalo; the bear with mouth
open and paw advanced, Cross-Bear; the stomach and intestines, took
the bellyache and died. The gesture sign for bear is made as follows:
Slightly crook the thumbs and little fingers, and nearly close the other
fingers; then, with their backs upward, hold the hands a little in
advance of the body or throw them several times quickly forward a few
inches. The sign is sometimes made with one hand only.

For explanation of the word “travail,” applied to the Indian sledge made
of the joined tent poles, see Fig. 764 and accompanying remarks.

[Illustration: FIG. 411.]

Fig. 411, 1854-’55.--“Killed-five-Assiniboins winter.” The Dakotas are
ashamed of the part they took in the following deplorable occurrence and
it is not therefore noted in the record, although it really marks the
year. In consequence of a misunderstanding in regard to an old foot-sore
cow, which had been abandoned on the road by some emigrants and which
the Dakotas had innocently appropriated, Lieut. Grattan, Sixth U. S.
Infantry, killed Conquering Bear (Mato-way'uhi, Startling Bear properly)
about ten miles east of Fort Laramie, August 19, 1854. The Dakotas then,
in retaliation, massacred Lieut. Grattan and the thirty men of Company
G, Sixth U. S. Infantry, he had with him.

The figure without the above statement tells the simple story about the
killing of five Assiniboins who are denoted by the usual tribal sign,
the number being designated by the five strokes below the arrow.

[Illustration: FIG. 412.]

Fig. 412,
1855-’56.--“Little-Thunder-and-Battiste-Good-and-others-taken-prisoners-
at-Ash-Hollow-on-the-Blue-creek winter,” and one hundred and
thirty Dakotas were killed by the white soldiers. Also called
“Many-sacrificial-flags winter.” The last-mentioned name for the
winter is explained by other records and by Executive Document No. 94,
Thirty-fourth Congress, first session, Senate, to refer to a council
held on March 18, 1856, by Brevet Brig. Gen. W. S. Harney, U. S. Army,
with nine of the bands of the Dakotas.

[Illustration: FIG. 413.]

Fig. 413,
1856-’57.--“Bad-Four-Bear-trades-with-Battiste-Good-for-furs-all
winter.” Bad-Four-Bear, a white trader, is represented sitting smoking
a pipe in front of Battiste’s tipi under a bluff at Fort Robinson,
Nebraska.

[Illustration: FIG. 414.]

Fig. 414, 1857-’58.--“Hunted-bulls-only winter.” They found but few
cows, the buffalo being composed principally of bulls. The travail is
shown.

[Illustration: FIG. 415.]

Fig. 415, 1858-’59.--“Many-Navajo-blankets winter.” A Navajo blanket is
shown in the figure. Several of the records agree in the explanation
about the bringing of these blankets at that time.

[Illustration: FIG. 416.]

Fig. 416, 1859-’60.--“Came-and-killed-Big-Crow winter.” The two marks
under the arrow indicate that two were killed.

[Illustration: FIG. 417.]

Fig. 417,
1860-’61.--“Broke-out-with-rash-and-died-with-pains-in-the-stomach
winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 418.]

Fig. 418, 1861-’62.--“Killed-Spotted-Horse winter.” Spotted Horse and
another Crow came and stole many horses from the Dakotas, who followed
them, killed them, and recovered their horses.

[Illustration: FIG. 419.]

Fig. 419, 1862-’63--“Cut-up-the-boy-in-the-camp winter.” The Crows came
to the lodges and cut up the boy while the people were away. The knife
above his head shows that he was cut to pieces.

[Illustration: FIG. 420.]

Fig. 420, 1863-’64.--“Crows-came-and-killed-eight winter.” Some of the
eight were Cheyennes. The marks below the arrow represent the killed.

[Illustration: FIG. 421.]

Fig. 421, 1864-’65.--“Roaster-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.”
A piece of roasted meat is shown on the stick in the man’s hand. The
Dakotas roast meat on a stick held in front of the fire.

[Illustration: FIG. 422.]

Fig. 422, 1865-’66.--“Deep-snow-used-up-the-horses winter.” The horse is
obviously in a deplorable condition.

[Illustration: FIG. 423.]

Fig. 423, 1866-’67.--“Beaver’s-Ears-killed winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 424.]

Fig. 424,
1867-’68.--“Battiste-Good-made-peace-with-General-Harney-for-the-people
winter.” This refers to the great Dakota treaty of 1868 in which other
general officers besides Gen. Harney were active and other Indian chiefs
much more important than Battiste took part. The assumption of his
intercession is an exhibition of boasting.

[Illustration: FIG. 425.]

Fig. 425, 1868-’69.--“Killed-Long-Fish winter” and “Killed-fifteen
winter.” The Crows killed fifteen Sans Arcs and Long-Fish also, a Lower
Brulé. The long fish is shown attached by a line to the mouth of the man
figure in the manner that personal names are frequently portrayed in
this paper.

[Illustration: FIG. 426.]

Fig. 426, 1869-’70.--“Trees-killed-them winter.” A tree falling on a
lodge killed a woman.

[Illustration: FIG. 427.]

Fig. 427, 1870-’71.--“Came-and-killed-High-Back-Bone winter.” He was a
chief. The Crows and Shoshoni shot him at long range, and the pistol
with which he was armed was of no service to him.

[Illustration: FIG. 428.]

Fig. 428, 1871-’72.--“Gray-Bear-died winter.” He died of the bellyache.

[Illustration: FIG. 429.]

Fig. 429, 1872-’73.--“Issue-year winter.” A blanket is shown near the
tipi. A blanket is often used as the symbol for issue of goods by the
United States Government.

[Illustration: FIG. 430.]

Fig. 430, 1873-’74.--“Measles-and-sickness-used-up-the-people winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 431.]

Fig. 431, 1874-’75.--“Utes-stole-horses winter.” They stole five hundred
horses. The Utes are called “black men,” hence the man in the figure is
represented as black. He is throwing his lariat in the direction of the
hoof prints.

[Illustration: FIG. 432.]

Fig. 432, 1875-’76.--“Bull-Head-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 433.]

Fig. 433, 1876-’77.--“Female-Elk-Walks-Crying-died winter.” For some
explanation of this figure see Lone Dog’s Winter Count for 1860-’61.

[Illustration: FIG. 434.]

Fig. 434,
1877-’78.--“Crazy-Horse-came-to-make-peace-and-was-killed-with-his-
hands-stretched-out winter.” This refers to the well-known killing of
the chief Crazy-Horse while a prisoner.

[Illustration: FIG. 435.]

Fig. 435,
1878-’79.--“Brought-the-Cheyennes-back-and-killed-them-in-the-house
winter.” The Cheyennes are shown in prison surrounded by blood stains,
and with guns pointing toward them. The Cheyennes referred to are those
who left the Indian Territory in 1878 and made such a determined effort
to reach their people in the north, and who, after committing many
atrocities, were captured and taken to Fort Robinson, Nebraska. They
broke from the house in which they were confined and attempted to escape
January 9, 1879. Many of them were killed; it was reported at the time
among the Dakotas that they were massacred in their prison by the troops.

[Illustration: FIG. 436.]

Fig. 436, 1879-’80.--“Sent-the-boys-and-girls-to-school winter.” A boy
with a pen in his hand is represented in the picture.




CHAPTER XI.

NOTICES.


This is an important division of the purposes for which pictographs are
used. The pictographs and the objective devices antecedent to them under
this head may be grouped as follows: 1st. Notice of visit, departure,
and direction. 2d. Direction by drawing topographic features. 3d. Notice
of condition. 4th. Warning and guidance.


SECTION 1.

NOTICE OF VISIT, DEPARTURE, AND DIRECTION.

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, discovered drawings
at Oakley spring, Yavapai County, Arizona, in 1878. He remarks that
an Oraibi chief explained them to him and said that the “Mokis make
excursions to a locality in the canyon of the Colorado Chiquito to get
salt. On their return they stop at Oakley spring and each Indian makes
a picture on the rock. Each Indian draws his crest or totem, the symbol
of his gens (?). He draws it once, and once only, at each visit.” Mr.
Gilbert adds, further, that--

    There are probably some exceptions to this, but the drawings
    show its general truth. There are a great many repetitions of
    the same sign and from two to ten will often appear in a row.
    In several instances I saw the end drawings of a row quite fresh
    while the others were not so. Much of the work seems to have been
    performed by pounding with a hard point, but a few pictures are
    scratched on. Many drawings are weather-worn beyond recognition,
    and others are so fresh that the dust left by the tool has not been
    washed away by rain. Oakley spring is at the base of the Vermilion
    cliff, and the etchings are on fallen blocks of sandstone, a
    homogeneous, massive, soft sandstone. Tubi, the Oraibi chief above
    referred to, says his totem is the rain cloud, but it will be made
    no more, as he is the last survivor of the gens.

[Illustration: FIG. 437.--Petroglyphs at Oakley spring, Arizona.]

A group from Oakley spring, of which Fig. 437 is a copy, furnished
by Mr. Gilbert, measures 6 feet in length and 4 feet in height.
Interpretations of several of the separated characters are given in
Chapter XXI, infra.

Champlain (_b_) reports:

    Quelque marque ou signal par où ayont passé leurs ennemis, ou
    leurs amis, ce qu’ils cognoissent par de certaines marques que les
    chefs se donnent d’une nation a l’autre, qui ne sont pas toujours
    semblables, s’advertisans de temps en temps quand ils en changent;
    et par ce moyen ils recognoissent si ce sont amis ou ennemis qui ont
    passé.

A notice of departure, direction, and purpose made in 1810 by
Algonquins, of the St. Lawrence River, is described by John Merrick in
the Collections of the Maine Historical Society (_a_), of which the
following is an abstract;

    It was drawn with charcoal on a chip cut from a spruce tree
    and wedged firmly into the top of a stake. It represented two male
    Indians paddling a canoe in an attitude of great exertion, and
    in the canoe were bundles of baggage and a squaw with a papoose;
    over all was a bird on the wing ascertained to be a loon. The
    whole was interpreted by an Indian pilot on the St. Lawrence, to
    be a Wickheegan or Awickheegan, and that it was left by a party
    of Indians for the information of their friends. The attitude of
    exertion showed that the party, consisting of two men, a woman, and
    a child, were going upstream. They intended to remain during the
    whole period allotted by Indians to the kind of hunting which was
    then in season, because they had all their furniture and family in
    the canoe. The loon expressed the intention to go without stopping
    anywhere before they arrived at the hunting ground, as the loon,
    from the shortness of its legs, walking with great difficulty, never
    alighted on its way.

The following account is from Doc. Hist. N.Y. (_a_).

    When they go to war and wish to inform those of the party who
    may pass their path, they make a representation of the animal of
    their tribe, with a hatchet in his dexter paw; sometimes a saber
    or a club; and if there be a number of tribes together of the same
    party, each draws the animal of his tribe, and their number, all
    on a tree from which they remove the bark. The animal of the tribe
    which heads the expedition is always the foremost.

The three following figures show the actual use of the wikhegan by
the Abnaki in the last generation. Wikhegan is a Passamaquoddy word
which corresponds in meaning nearly to our missive, or letter, being
intelligence conveyed to persons at a distance by marks on a piece of
birch bark, which may be either sent to the person or party with whom it
is desired to hold communication, or may be left in a conspicuous place
for such persons to notice on their expected arrival. In the cases now
figured the wikhegan was left as notice of departure and direction.
They were made at different times by the brother, now dead, of Big
Raven, baptized as Noel Joseph, who lived all alone on Long Lake, a
few miles from Princeton, Maine. He would not have anything to do with
civilization, and subsisted by hunting and fishing in the old fashion,
nor would he learn a word of French or English. When he would go on any
long expedition his custom was to tie to a stick conspicuously attached
to his wigwam a small roll of birch bark, with the wikhegan on it for
the information of his friends.

[Illustration: FIG. 438.--Hunting notices.]

The upper device of Fig. 438 means, I am going across the lake to hunt
deer.

The middle device means, I am going towards the lake and will turn off
at the point where there is a pointer, before reaching the lake.

The lower device means, I am going hunting--will be gone all winter, the
last information indicated by snowshoes and packed sledge.

The following description of a pictograph on the Pacific coast is
extracted from Dr. Gibbs’ (_a_) account, “Tribes of Western Washington,”
etc., Contrib. to N. A. Ethn. I, p. 222, of the Sound tribes.

    A party of Snakes are going to hunt strayed horses. A figure
    of a man, with a long queue or scalp lock, reaching to his heels,
    denoted Shoshone; that tribe being in the habit of braiding horse or
    other hair into their own in that manner. A number of marks follow,
    signifying the strength of the party. A footprint, pointing in the
    direction they take, shows their course, and a hoof mark turned
    backward, that they expect to return with animals. If well armed,
    and expecting a possible attack, a little powder mixed with sand
    tells that they are ready, or a square dotted about the figures
    indicates that they have fortified. These pictographs are often an
    object of study to decipher the true meaning. The shrewder or more
    experienced old men consult over them. It is not everyone that is
    sufficiently versed in the subject to decide correctly.

Dr. W. J. Hoffman obtained the original of the accompanying drawing,
Fig. 439, from Naumoff, an Alaskan, in San Francisco in 1882; also the
interpretation.

The drawing was in imitation of similar ones made by the natives to
inform their visitors or friends of their departure for a purpose
designated. They are depicted upon strips of wood, which are placed in
conspicuous places near the doors of the habitations.

[Illustration: FIG. 439.--Alaskan notice of hunt.]

The following is the explanation of the characters: _a_, the speaker,
with the right hand indicating himself and with the left pointing in
the direction to be taken; _b_, holding a boat-paddle, going by boat;
_c_, the right hand to the side of the head, to denote sleep, and the
left elevated with one finger erect to signify one night; _d_, a circle
with two marks in the middle, signifying an island with huts upon it;
_e_, same as _a_; _f_, a circle to denote another island; _g_, same as
_c_, with an additional finger elevated, signifying two nights; _h_,
the speaker, with his harpoon, making the sign of a sea-lion with the
left hand. The flat hand is held edgewise with the thumb elevated, then
pushed outward from the body in a slightly downward curve. At _i_ is
represented a sea-lion; _j_, shooting with bow and arrow; _k_, the boat
with two persons in it, the paddles projecting downward; _l_, the winter
or permanent habitation of the speaker.

The following, Fig. 440, is of a similar nature to the preceding, and
was obtained under similar circumstances.

[Illustration: FIG. 440.--Alaskan notice of departure.]

The explanation of the above characters is as follows:

The letters _a_, _c_, _e_, _g_, represent the person spoken to.

_b._ Indicates the speaker with his right hand to the side or breast,
indicating _self_, the left hand pointing in the direction in which he
is going.

_d._ Both hands elevated, with fingers and thumbs signifies many,
according to the informant. When the hands are thus held up, in
sign-language, it signifies _ten_, but when they are brought toward and
backward from one another, _many_.

_f._ The right hand is placed to the head to denote sleep--_many
sleeps_, or, in other words, _many nights and days_; the left hand
points downward, _at that place_.

_h._ The right hand is directed toward the starting point, while the
left is brought upward toward the head--_to go home_, or _whence he
came_.

The drawing presented in Fig. 441 was made by a native Alaskan, and
represents information to the effect that the artist contemplates
making a journey to hunt deer. The drawing is made upon a narrow strip
of wood, and placed on or near the door of the house, where visitors
will readily perceive it.

[Illustration: FIG. 441.--Alaskan notice of hunt.]

In this figure the curves _a a_ represent the contour lines of the
country and mountain peaks; _b_, native going away from home; _c_,
stick placed on hilltop, with bunch of grass attached, pointing in the
direction he has taken; _d_, native of another settlement, with whom the
traveler remained over night; _e_, lodge; _f_, line representing the end
of the first day, i. e., the time between two days; rest; _g_, traveler
again on the way; _h_, making signal that on second day (right hand
raised with two extended fingers) he saw game (deer, _i_,) on a hilltop,
which he secured, so terminating his journey; _i_, deer.

Figs. 442, 443, and 444 were drawn by Naumoff and signify “Have gone
home.”

[Illustration: FIG. 442.--Alaskan notice of direction.]

His explanation of this figure is as follows:

When one of a hunting party is about to return home and wishes to inform
his companions that he has started, he ascends the hilltop nearest to
which they became separated, where he ties a bunch of grass or other
light-colored material to the top of a long stick or pole. The lower end
of the stick is placed firmly in the ground, leaning in the direction
taken. When another hill is ascended, another stick with similar
attachment is erected, again leaning in the direction to be taken. These
sticks are placed at proper intervals until the village is sighted. This
device is employed by Southern Alaskan Indians.

[Illustration: FIG. 443.--Alaskan notice of direction.]

He explained Fig. 443 as follows:

Seal hunters thus inform their comrades that they have returned to the
settlement. The first to return to the regular landing place sometimes
sticks a piece of wood into the ground, leaning toward the village, upon
which is drawn or scratched the outline of a baidarka, or skin canoe,
heading toward one or more outlines of lodges, signifying that the
occupants of the boat have gone toward their homes.

[Illustration: FIG. 444.--Alaskan notice of direction.]

This device is used by coast natives of Southern Alaska and Kadiak. He
explained Fig. 444 as follows:

When hunters become separated, the one first returning to the forks
of the trail puts a piece of wood in the ground, on the top of which
he makes an incision, into which a short piece of wood is secured
horizontally, so as to point in the direction taken.

Maj. Long--Keating’s Long (_a_)--says:

    When we stopped to dine, White Thunder (the Winnebago chief
    that accompanied me), suspecting that the rest of his party were
    in the neighborhood, requested a piece of paper, pen, and ink, to
    communicate to them the intelligence of his having come up with me.
    He then seated himself and drew three rude figures, which, at my
    request, he explained to me. The first represented my boat with a
    mast and flag, with three benches of oars and a helmsman. To show
    that we were Americans, our heads were represented by a rude cross,
    indicating that we wore hats. The representation of himself was a
    rude figure of a bear over a kind of cipher, representing a hunting
    ground. The second figure was designed to show that his wife was
    with him; the device was a boat with a squaw seated in it; over her
    head lines were drawn in a zigzag direction, indicating that she
    was the wife of White Thunder. The third was a boat with a bear
    sitting at the helm, showing that an Indian of that name [or of
    the bear gens] had been seen on his way up the river and had given
    intelligence where the party were. This paper he set up at the mouth
    of Kickapoo creek, up which the party had gone on a hunting trip.

An ingenious mode of giving intelligence is practiced at this day by
the Abnaki, as reported by H. L. Masta, chief of that tribe, lately
living at Pierreville, Quebec. When they are in the woods, to say “I
am going to the east,” a stick is stuck in the ground pointing in that
direction, Fig. 445, _a_. “I am not gone far,” another stick is stuck
across the former, close to the ground, same figure, _b_. “Gone far” is
the reverse, same figure, _c_. The number of days’ journey of proposed
absence is shown by the same number of sticks across the first; thus,
same figure, _d_, signifies five days’ journey.

[Illustration: FIG. 445.--Abnaki notice of direction.]

Fig. 446, scratched on birch bark, was given to the present writer
at Fredericton, New Brunswick, in August, 1888, by Gabriel Acquin,
an Amalecite, then 66 years old, who spoke English quite well. The
circumstances under which it was made and used are in the Amalecite’s
words, as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 446.--Amalecite notice of trip.]

“When I was about 18 years old I lived at a village 11 miles above
Fredericton and went with canoe and gun. I canoed down to Washademoak
lake, about 40 miles below Fredericton; then took river until it became
too narrow for canoe; then ‘carried’ to Buctoos river; followed down to
bay of Chaleur; went up the northwest Mirimachi, and ‘carried’ into the
Nepisigiut. There spent the summer. On that river met a friend of my
time; we camped there.

“One time while I was away my friend had gone down the river by himself
and had not left any wikhe'gan for me. I had planned to go off and left
for him this wikhe'gan, to tell where I would be and how long gone. The
wigwam at the lower left-hand corner showed the one used by us, with the
river near it. The six notches over the door of the wigwam meant that I
would be gone six days. The canoe and man nearest to the wigwam referred
to my friend, who had gone in the opposite direction to that I intended
to travel. Next to it I was represented in my own canoe, with rain
falling, to show the day I started, which was very rainy. Then the canoe
carried by me by a trail through woods shows the ‘carry’ to Nictaux
lake, beside which is a very big mountain. I stayed at that lake for six
days, counting the outgoing and returning. As I had put the wikhe'gan
in the wigwam before I started, my friend on his return understood all
about me, and, counting six from and including the rainy day, knew just
when I was coming back, and was waiting for me.”

The chief point of interest in this notice is the ingenious mode of
fixing the date of departure. The marks for rain are nearly obliterated,
but it flows from the man’s hair. The topography is also delineated.

The following is extracted from James Long’s Expedition (_b_):

    On the bank of the Platte river was a semicircular row of
    sixteen bison skulls, with their noses pointing down the river.
    Near the center of the circle which this row would describe, if
    continued, was another skull marked with a number of red lines.

    Our interpreter informed us that this arrangement of skulls
    and other marks here discovered were designed to communicate the
    following information, namely, that the camp had been occupied by
    a war party of the Skeeree or Pawnee Loup Indians, who had lately
    come from an excursion against the Cumancias, Ietans, or some of
    the western tribes. The number of red lines traced on the painted
    skull indicated the number of the party to have been thirty-six; the
    position in which the skulls were placed, that they were on their
    return to their own country. Two small rods stuck in the ground,
    with a few hairs tied in two parcels to the end of each, signified
    that four scalps had been taken.

When a hunting party of the Hidatsa arrived at any temporary camping
ground from which some of them had left on a short reconnoitering
expedition, the remainder, having occasion to move, erect a pole and
cause it to lean in the direction taken. At the foot of this pole a
buffalo shoulder blade or other flat bone is placed, upon which is
depicted the reason of departure; e. g. should buffalo or antelope be
seen, the animal is drawn with a piece of charred wood or red lead.

When a Hidatsa party has gone on the warpath, and a certain number is
detailed to take another direction, the point of separation is taken as
the rendezvous. After the return of the first party to the rendezvous,
should the second not come up in a reasonable length of time, they
will set sticks in the ground leaning in the direction to be taken,
and notches are cut into the upper ends of the sticks to represent the
number of nights spent there by the waiting party.

A party of Hidatsa who may be away from home for any purpose whatever
often appoint a rendezvous, from which point they return to their
respective lodges. Should one of the party return to the rendezvous
before any others and wish to make a special trip, he will, for the
information of the others, place a stick of about 3 or 4 feet in length
in the ground, upon the upper end of which a notch is cut, or perhaps a
split made for the reception of a thinner piece of twig or branch having
a length of about a foot. This horizontal top piece is inserted at one
end, so that the whole may point in the direction to be taken. Should
he wish to say that the trail would turn at a right angle, to either
side, at about half the distance of the whole journey in prospect, the
horizontal branch is either bent in that direction or a naturally curved
branch is selected having the turn at the middle of its entire length,
thus corresponding to the turn in the trail. Any direction can be
indicated by curves in the top branch.

No prescribed system of characters is used at the present time by the
Ojibwa, in the indication of direction or travel. When anyone leaves
camp or home for any particular hunting or berry ground, a concerted
arrangement is made by which only those interested can, with any
certainty, recognize “blaze” or trail marks.

[Illustration: FIG. 447.--Ojibwa notice of direction.]

Three characters cut upon the bark of large pine trees observed in the
forest near Red Lake, Minnesota, are shown in Fig. 447. The Ojibwa using
such a mark will continue on a trail leading from his home, until he
leaves the trail, when a conspicuous tree, or in its absence a piece of
wood or bark, is selected upon which a human figure is cut, with one
arm elevated and pointing in the direction to be taken. These figures
measure about 18 inches in height. Those represented on the two sides
of the copy were cut into the bark of a “jack pine” without coloration,
and the one in the middle had been rubbed with red chalk upon the wood
of the trunk after the bark had been removed and the incision made. The
middle figure indicates the direction by its bearings, although the
pointers are differently arranged.

Plain sticks are sometimes used by the Ojibwa to indicate direction.
These vary in length according to the fancy of the person and the
requirements of the case. They are stuck into the ground, and lean in
the direction to which notice is invited.

When a preconcerted arrangement is made, scrolls of birch bark are
used, upon which important geographic features are delineated, so that
the reader can, with little difficulty, learn the course taken by the
traveler. For instance, a hunter upon leaving his home, deposits there a
scroll bearing marks such as appear in Fig. 448:

[Illustration: FIG. 448.--Ojibwa notice of direction.]

_a_ is a stream to be followed to a lake _b_, where the hunter will
erect his lodge _c_, during his stay. The do-dém (totem) is added, used
between persons or parties communicating, to show who was the one that
drew it. It is in the nature of a signature.

Fig. 449 shows a still existing use of the wikhegan between a Penobscot
Indian and his nephew. It is copied from the original, incised on birch
bark, by Nicholas Francis, a Penobscot, of Oldtown, Maine, which was
obtained and kindly presented by Miss A. L. Alger of Boston.

[Illustration: FIG. 449.--Penobscot notice of direction.]

Pitalo (Roaring Lion), English name, Noel Lyon, and his old uncle, aged
over 70 years, went trapping for beaver in 1885 and camped at _d_, near
Moosehead Lake _h_, having their supply tent at _e_. They visited the
ponds _a_ and _b_ and knew there were beaver there, and set traps for
them, _f f_. The beaver dams are also shown extending across the outlets
of the streams. Noel came back from pond _b_ one day to the camping
tent and found this birch-bark wikhegan made by the old uncle, who still
used the pictographic method, as he does not know how to write, and by
this Noel knew his uncle had gone to pond _c_ to see if there were any
beaver there and would be gone one night, the latter expressed by one
line _g_ drawn between the two arrows pointing in opposite directions,
showing the going and returning on the same trail.

The notable part of the above description is that the wikhegan
consisted of the chart of the geographic features before traversed by
the two trappers, with the addition of new features of the country
undoubtedly known to both of the Indians, but not before visited in the
present expedition. This addition exhibited the departure, its intent,
direction, and duration.

[Illustration: FIG. 450.--Passamaquoddy notice of direction.]

Sapiel Selmo, a chief of the Passamaquoddy tribe, who gave to the writer
the wikhegan copied as Fig. 450, in 1887, was then a very aged man and
has since died. He lived at Pleasant point, 7 miles north of Eastport,
Maine. He was the son of a noted chief, Selmo Soctomah (a corruption of
St. Thomas), who, as shown by a certificate exhibited, commanded 600
Passamaquoddy Indians in the Revolutionary war. When a young man Sapiel,
with his father, had a temporary camp, _a_, at Machias Lake. He left
his father and went to their permanent home at Pleasant Point, _b_, to
get meat, and then returned to the first camp (route shown by double
track) and found that his father had gone, but that he had left in the
temporary wigwam the wikhegan on birch bark, showing that he had killed
one moose, the meat of which Sapiel found in the snow, and that the
father was going to hunt moose on the other lake (East Machias lake)
and would camp there three days, shown by the same number of strokes at
_c_; so he waited for him until he came back.

Josiah Gregg (_a_) says of the Plains tribes:

    When traveling they will also pile heaps of stones upon mounds
    or conspicuous points so arranged as to be understood by their
    passing comrades; and sometimes they set up the bleached buffalo
    heads, which are everywhere scattered over those plains, to indicate
    the direction of their march, and many other facts which may be
    communicated by those simple signs.

Putnam (_a_) gives one example of this character:

    A family of five persons were killed--a tall man, a short, fat
    woman, and three children--at some place to the north. Five sticks
    were cut of various lengths. The longest being forked or split
    indicated the man, the thick short one the woman, and three of
    smaller sizes and lengths the children. They were all scalped, as
    is shown by the peeling of the bark. There were thirteen Indians,
    as we are informed by the stick with stripes and thirteen notches;
    and they have fled south with two prisoners, as we judge from the
    pointer and little strips of bark seemingly tied together. Sometimes
    all the intimations would be on one stick or piece of bark. A spy
    finding, at places well known, some of these mysterious articles,
    would bring them to the station, where a consultation would be
    held and conclusion drawn as to the meaning. A spy or hunter would
    intimate to his friend his want of powder or lead or other want and
    the place at which he would look for supplies.

Hind (_a_) speaks of a special form of notice by the natives of the
Labrador peninsula:

    To indicate their speed and direction on a march, the Nasquapees
    of the Labrador peninsula thrust a stick in the ground, with a tuft
    of grass at the top, pointing toward their line of route, and they
    show the rate at which they are traveling by the greater or less
    inclination of the stick. This mode of communicating intelligence to
    those who may follow is universal among Indians; but the excellent
    and simple contrivance for describing the speed at which they travel
    is not generally employed as far as I am aware, by other nations.

Mr. Charles G. Leland, in a letter, tells that the English gypsies, at
a crossroad, drew the ordinary Latin cross with the long arm pointing
in the direction taken. Others pulled up three bunches of grass by the
roots and laid the green points in the direction. Others again, at the
present time, take a small stick and set it up inclining at an angle of
45 degrees in the line of travel.

Dr. George M. Dawson (_a_) reports of the Shuswap people of British
Columbia--

    A rag of clothing, particularly a small piece or pieces of
    colored or other easily recognizable material from a woman’s dress,
    left in a forked twig, indicates that a person or party of persons
    has passed. If the stick stands upright, it means that the hour was
    noon, if inclined it may either point to the direction of the sun at
    the time or show the direction in which the person or party went. If
    it is desired to show both, a larger stick points to the position
    of the sun, a smaller to that of the route followed. If those for
    whose information the signs are left are likely to arrive after an
    interval of several days, a handful of fresh grass or a leafy branch
    may be left, from the condition of which an estimate of the time
    which has elapsed can be formed. Such signs are usually placed near
    the site of the camp fire.

The device to indicate the time of depositing the notice may be compared
with that shown in Fig. 446.


SECTION 2.

DIRECTION BY DRAWING TOPOGRAPHIC FEATURES.

[Illustration: FIG. 451.--Micmac notice of direction.]

Fig. 451 is a notice by Micmac scouts, which tribe was then at war with
the Passamaquoddy, erected on a tree, to warn the rest of the tribe
that ten Passamaquoddy Indians have been observed in canoes on the lake
going toward the outlet of the lake and probably down the river. The
Passamaquoddy tribal pictograph is shown and the whole topography is
correctly drawn.

Notes in literature relating to the skill of the North American Indians
in delineating geographic features are very frequent. The following are
selected for reference:

Champlain (_c_), in 1605, described how the natives on the coast drew
with charcoal its bays, capes, and the mouths of rivers with such
accuracy that Massachusetts bay and Merrimack river have been identified.

Lafitau (_d_) says of the northeastern tribes of Indians--

    Ils tracent grossierement sur des écorces, on sur le sable, des
    Cartes exactes, et ausquelles il ne manque que la distinction des
    degrés. Ils conservent même de ces sortes de Cartes Geographiques
    dans leur Trésor public, pour les consulter dans le besoin.

Sir Alexander Mackenzie, (_a_) in 1793, spoke of the skilled manner of
chart-making by an Athabascan tribe, in which the Columbia river was
drawn.

An interesting facsimile of a map with which the treaty of Hopewell, in
1875, made by the Cherokees, is connected, appears in American State
Papers, Indian Affairs, I, 40.

Hind (_b_) writes:

    On lake Tash-ner-nus-kow, Labrador, was found a “letter” stuck
    in a cleft pole overhanging the bank. It was written on birchbark,
    and consisted of a small map of the country, with arrows showing the
    direction the writer had taken, some crosses indicating where he
    had camped, and a large cross to show where he intended to make his
    first winter quarters. It was probably written by some Nasquapees as
    a guide to others who might be passing up the river or hunting in
    the country.

The Tegua Pueblos, of New Mexico, “traced upon the ground a sketch of
their country, with the names and locations of the pueblos occupied in
New Mexico,” a copy of which, “somewhat improved,” is given by Lieut.
Whipple (_c_).

A Yuma map of the Colorado river, with the names and locations of tribes
within its valley, is also figured in the last mentioned volume, page
19. The map was originally traced upon the ground.

A Piute map of the Colorado river, which was obtained by Lieut. Whipple,
is also figured in the same connection.

[Illustration: FIG. 452.--Lean-Wolf’s map. Hidatsa.]

Lean-Wolf, of the Hidatsa, who drew the picture of which Fig. 452 is a
copy, made a trip on foot from Fort Berthold to Fort Buford, Dakota,
to steal a horse from the Dakotas encamped there. The returning horse
tracks show that he was successful and that he rode home. The following
is his explanation of the characters:

    Lean-Wolf is represented at _a_ by the head only of a man to
    which is attached the outline of a wolf; _b_, Hidatsa earth lodges,
    circular in form, the spots representing the pillars supporting
    the roof--Indian village at Fort Berthold, Dakota; _c_, human
    footprints, the course taken by the recorder; _d_, the Government
    buildings at Fort Buford (square); _e_, several Hidatsa lodges
    (round), the occupants of which had intermarried with the Dakotas;
    _f_, Dakota lodges; _g_, a small square--a white man’s house--with
    a cross marked upon it to represent a Dakota lodge, which denotes
    that the owner, a white man, had married a Dakota woman, who dwelt
    there; _h_, horse tracks returning to Fort Berthold; _i_, the
    Missouri river; _j_, Tule creek; _k_, Little Knife river; _l_, White
    Earth river; _m_, Muddy creek; _n_, Yellowstone river; _o_, Little
    Missouri river; _p_, Dancing Beard creek.

The following illustration, Fig. 453, is the chart of the field of a
battle between Ojibwas and Sioux with its description. The illustration,
made by Ojibwa, the old Indian elsewhere mentioned, was drawn on birch
bark, while the details of the description were oral. The locality
referred to is above the mouth of Crow river, near Sauk rapids,
Minnesota.

[Illustration: FIG. 453.--Chart of battle field.]

    In the description _a_ is the Mississippi river; _b_, Crow river;
    _c_, branch of Crow river; _d_, _e_, _f_, Crow lakes; _g_, Rice
    lake; _h_, Clear Water lake; _i_, Clear Water river; _j_, Sauk
    river; _k_, Big Sauk lake; _l_, Big prairie lake; _m_, Osakis lake;
    _n_, Sauk rapids; _o_ and _p_, canoe and deer-hunting and fishing
    grounds; _q_, 1 man and 2 women killed (Ojibwas); _r_, Sauk Center;
    _s_, copses of timber--known as timber islands--on the prairie.

The chart refers to an episode of war in 1854, when 3 Ojibwa were
pursued by 50 Dakota. Many of the lakes appear to be duplicated in name,
simply because no special name for them was known.

Dr. Hoffman tells how at Grapevine springs, Nevada, in 1871, the Paiute
living at that locality informed the party of the relative position
of Las Vegas, the objective point. The Indian sat upon the sand and
with his hands formed an oblong ridge to represent Spring mountain,
and southeast of this ridge another gradual slope, terminating on the
eastern side more abruptly; over the latter he passed his fingers to
represent the side valleys running eastward. He then took a stick and
showed the direction of the old Spanish trail running east and west over
the lower portion of the last-named ridge. When this was completed,
with a mixture of English, Spanish, Paiute, and gesture signs, he told
that from where they were now they would have to go southward east of
Spring mountain to the camp of Paiute Charlie, where they would have to
sleep; then indicated a line southeastward to another spring (Stump’s)
to complete the second day; then he followed the line representing the
Spanish trail to the east of the divide of the second ridge above named,
where he left it, and passing northward to the first valley he thrust
the short stick into the ground and said, “Las Vegas.”

Mr. W. von Streeruwitz, of the Geological Survey of Texas, contributes
the copy of a map, evidently the work of Indians, which is received
too late for reproduction. The map is roughly scratched into the flat
surface of a large granite block, and is an approximately correct sketch
of a pass and the nearest surrounding. The rock is situated in the pass
above the so-called rattlesnake or mica tank, in a spur on the west side
of the Van Horn mountains, El Paso county, Texas. An Indian trail passes
near the very rough and weathered rear part of the rock, which on this
side shows weak traces of some scratched-in drawings, which are nearly
weathered off, made no doubt with the purpose to lead the attention of
passing parties to the other side of the rock upon which the map is
drawn. An old trail leads from the Rio Grande across the Eagle mountains
to this pass and in the shortest line from the Green river valley to the
northern main range of the Van Horn and from there east to the Davis
mountains, formerly Apache mountains, and thence through the southern
extension of the Guadeloupe mountains to this range and into New Mexico;
also through the Sierra Carrizo to the Sierra Diablo; so that this trail
must be regarded as one of the best warpaths for raids across the Rio
Grande. An arrowhead at the upper end of the trail points out water
(small or doubtful supply), as far as could be ascertained from drawings
made by Apaches.

Following are modes of exhibiting pictographically topographic features,
Fig. 454:

[Illustration: FIG. 454.--Topographic features.]

_a_, from Copway’s Ojibway Nation, p. 136, represents “mountains.”

_b_ is the Chinese character for “mountain,” from Edkins, p. 14. “A
picture of the object. More anciently, two upright cones or triangles
connected at their bases.”

_c_ is the representation by the Dakotas of a gap in the mountains,
taken from Red-Cloud’s census.

_d_, from Copway, p. 135, represents “islands.”

_e_, from the same, p. 134, is a representation of the character for
“sea” or “water,” probably a large body of water, e. g., lake, such as
the Ojibwa were familiar with.

_f_ is from the same authority, p. 134. It shows the character for
“river” or “stream.”

_g_ gives two Chinese characters for “river,” “stream,” from Edkins, p.
14. Three parallel lines drawn downward express “flowing” in all cases.

_h_ is the Chinese character for “flowing water,” from Edkins, p. 23.
“In the Chwen wen three strokes descending indicate the appearance of
flowing water as seen in a river. The two outside strokes are broken in
the middle.”

The same authority, p. 155, gives another character, _i_, with the same
meaning as the last. The author says: “It is supposed to be turned on
end. It is better to regard the old form with its three descending lines
as a picture of water flowing downward.”

_k_, from Copway (_a_), represents the character for “land.” It is a
turtle, and refers to a common cosmologic myth concerning the recovery
of land after the deluge.

G. Holm (_a_) gives the following account, translated and condensed,
descriptive of Fig. 455, a wooden map made by the natives of the east
coast of Greenland:

[Illustration: FIG. 455.--Greenland map.]

    In reference to map making I will only remark that many are
    inclined to enlarge the scale as they approach the better known
    places, which in fact is quite natural, as they would not otherwise
    find room for all details. As a natural result, map drawing in the
    form of ground plat is something quite new to them. Their mode of
    representing their land is by carving it on wood. This has the
    advantage that not only the contour of the land, but also its
    appearance and rock forms, can in a certain degree be represented.

    The block of wood brought back represents the tract between
    Kangerdluarsikajik, east of Sermiligak, and Sieralik, north of
    Kangerdlugsuatsiak. The mainland continues from one side of the
    wooden block to the other, while the islands are located on the
    accompanying block without regard to the distance between them in
    reference to the mainland. All places where there are old ruins of
    houses, and therefore good storage places, are marked on the wood
    map, which also shows the points where a kayak can be carried over
    the ground between two fiords when the sea ice blocks the headland
    outside. This kind of models serves to represent the route the
    person in question has followed, inasmuch as during his recital he
    moves the stick, so that the islands are shown in their relative
    positions. The other wooden map, which was prepared by request,
    represents the peninsula between Sermiligak and Kangerdluarsikajik.

    A and B represent the tract between Kangerdluarsikajik
    (immediately east of Sermiligak) and Sieralik (slightly north of
    Kangerdlugsuatsiak). B represents the coast of the mainland, and
    is continuous from one side of the block to the other, while the
    outlying islands are represented by the wooden block of A, on which
    the connecting pieces between the various islands must be imagined
    as being left out. While the narrator explains the map he moves the
    stick to and fro, so as to get the islands into the right position
    in reference to the mainland.

    Kunit explained the map to me. The names of the islands on A
    are: _a_, Sardlermiut, on the west side of which is the site of an
    old settlement; _b_, Nepinerkit (from napavok), having the shape of
    a pyramid; _c_, Ananak, having the site of an old settlement on the
    southwest point. (NOTE.--Others give the name Ananak to the cape on
    the mainland directly opposite, calling the island Kajartalik.) _d_,
    Aputitek; _e_, Itivdlersuak; _f_, Kujutilik; _g_, Sikivitik.

    For B I obtained the following names, beginning at the north,
    as in the case of the islands: _h_, Itivdlek, where there are
    remains of a house; _i_, Sierak, a small fiord, in which salmon are
    found; _k_, Sarkarmiut, where there are remains of a house; _l_,
    Kangerdlugsuatsiak, a fiord of such length that a kayak can not
    even in a whole day row from the mouth to the head of the fiord and
    back again; _m_, Erserisek, a little fiord; _n_, Nutugat, a little
    fiord with a creek at the bottom; _o_, Merkeriak, kayak portage from
    Nutugkat to Erserisek along the bank of the creek, when the heavy
    ice blocks the headland between the two fiords; _p_, Ikerasakitek,
    a bay in which the land ice goes straight out to the sea; _q_,
    Kangerajikajik, a cape; _r_, Kavdlunak, a bay into which runs a
    creek; _s_, Apusinek, a long stretch where the land ice passes
    out into the sea; _t_, Tatorisik; _u_, Iliartalik, a fiord with
    a smaller creek; _v_, Nuerniakat; _x_, Kugpat; _y_, Igdluarsik;
    _z_, Sangmilek, a little fiord with a creek; _aa_, Nutugkat;
    _bb_, Amagat; _cc_, Kangerdluarsikajik, a smaller fiord; _dd_,
    Kernertuarsik.

    C represents the peninsula between the fiords Sermiligak and
    Kangerdluarsikajik.


SECTION 3.

NOTICE OF CONDITION.

In the curious manuscript of Gideon Lincecum, written with Roman
characters in the Choctaw language about 1818, and referring to the
ancient customs of that tribe, appears the following passage (p. 276):

    They had a significant and very ingenious method of marking the
    stakes so that each iksa could know its place as soon as they saw
    the stake that had been set up for them. Every clan had a name,
    which was known to all the rest. It was a species of heraldry, each
    iksa having its coat of arms. The iksas all took the name of some
    animal--buffalo, panther, dog, terrapin, any race of animals--and a
    little picture of whatever it might be, sketched on a blazed tree
    or stake, indicated the clan to which it belonged. They could mark
    a tree when they were about to leave a camp, in their traveling or
    hunting excursions, with a set of hieroglyphs, that any other set
    of hunters or travelers who might pass that way could read, telling
    what iksa they belonged to, how long they had remained at that camp,
    how many there were in the company, if any were sick or dead, and if
    they had been successful or otherwise in the hunt. Thus, drawn very
    neatly on a peeled tree near the camp, a terrapin; five men marching
    in a row, with bows ready strung in their hands, large packs on
    their backs, and one man behind, no pack, bow unstrung; one circle,
    half circle, and six short marks in front of the half circle; below,
    a bear’s head, a buffalo head, and the head of an antelope. The
    reading is, “Terrapin iksa, 6 men in company, one sick; successful
    hunt in killing bear, buffalo, and antelope; that they remained at
    the camp a moon and a half and six days, and that they have gone
    home.”

Among the Abnaki of the Province of Quebec, as reported by Masta, their
chief, cutting the bark off from a tree on one, two, three, or four
sides near the butt means “Have had poor, poorer, poorest luck.” Cutting
it off all around the tree means “I am starving.” Smoking a piece of
birch bark and hanging it on a tree means “I am sick.”

Tanner’s Narrative (_c_) mentions regarding the Ojibwa that, in cases
where the information to be communicated is that the party mentioned
is starving, the figure of a man is sometimes drawn, and his mouth is
painted white, or white paint may be smeared about the mouth of the
animal, if it happens to be one, which is his totem.

[Illustration: FIG. 456.--Passamaquoddy wikhegan.]

Fig. 456 is a copy of a drawing incised on birch bark by the old
Passamaquoddy chief, Sapiel Selmo, who made comments upon it as follows:
Two hunters followed the river _a_ until it branches off _b_, _c_.
Indian _d_ takes one river and its lakes and small branches, and the
other hunter (not figured in the chart) follows the other branch and
also claims its small streams and lakes. Sometimes during the winter
they visit one another. If it happen that the other hunter was away from
his wigwam _e_ and if the visiting hunter wishes to leave word with
his friend and wishes to inform him of his luck, he makes a picture on
a piece of birch bark and describes such animals he has killed with
the number of animals as seen in _f_ and _g_ (figure of moose’s head)
which, with two crosses to each, means 20 moose. He killed in each
hunt altogether 40. _h_ is a whole moose, also with two crosses, and
means 20, and also the figure of a caribou _i_ with one cross means 10
caribou, and also a figure of a bear with four crosses _j_ means 40
bears, and _k_ shows a figure of bear with one cross which means 10
bears, and also a sable _l_ with five crosses means 50 sables. If he
wish to inform him he is in poor luck and hungry, he marked a figure
of an Indian with a pot on one hand, the pot upside down; this means
hunger. A figure of an Indian in lying position means sickness.

Fig. 457 was also incised on birch bark by Sapiel Selmo and described by
him.

[Illustration: FIG. 457.--Passamaquoddy wikhegan.]

Two Indian hunters follow the river to hunt. They go together as far
as the river’s forks and then separate. One went to the river _c_. The
other follows river _e_ and kills a moose. They both build their winter
wigwams.

Indian _b_ went to hunt and found a bear’s den under the foot of a big
tree. He attempted to stab the bear, but missed the vital part. The bear
got hold of him, bit him severely, and mortally wounded him. He went to
his wigwam _h_ and thinks he is going to die, so he makes his mark or
wikhegan on a birch-bark. He makes notches _j_ on the bark to mean his
tracks and also marks a tree as in _f_ and also a bear as in _g_. His
friend _d_ came to visit him and found him lying dead in his wigwam, and
also found the marks on the piece of birch-bark, which he read and knew
at once his partner was killed by the bear, and he followed his bear
tracks, and he also found the bear dead.

_a_. Main river. _b_. One of the Indians who goes up _c_, branch of
river. _d_. The other Indian who goes on _e_, another branch of river.
_f_. Tree above the bear’s den. _g_. Bear. _h_. Wigwam of Indian _b_.
_i_. Moose which Indian _d_ killed. _j_. Tracks of Indian _b_. _k_.
Bear’s den under the tree. _l_. Indian _d_’s wigwam.

[Illustration: FIG. 458.--Passamaquoddy wikhegan.]

Fig. 458 originally scraped on birch bark tells its own story, but was
described by Sapiel Selmo, who drew it, thus:

Two Indian hunters, _b_ and _c_, went to hunt and follow river, _a_.
They continued together as far as _d_, where the river branches off.
Indian _c_ follows the east branch _e_. He went as far as lake _f_,
where he built his wigwam _g_. Indian _c_ is very unlucky; he doesn’t
kill any bears or moose, so he became very hungry. Indian _b_, who had
followed the north branch and built his wigwam, _l_, near lake _k_, went
to visit Indian _c_, who was away at the time, but _b_ found mark on the
birch bark, a pot upside down, _h_; this means hunger. He also makes his
own mark, _i_, a moose’s head, showing success. He appoints lake _j_,
where he killed moose, and wants him, _c_, to come to his, _b_’s, wigwam
_l_.

_o_, lower lake, not connected with the story, but doubtless drawn to
complete the topography. The two trails, _m_ and _n_, are designated by
notches showing foot-path or snow-shoe tracks. The Abnaki have footpaths
or snow-shoe tracks where the line of kelhign sisel, or sable dead
falls, extends from one hunting camp to another, between two lakes or
rivers.

The Ottawa and the Pottawatomi Indians indicate hunger and starvation
by drawing a black line across the breast or stomach of the figure of
a man. (See Fig. 1046.) This drawing is either incised upon a piece of
wood, or drawn on it with a mixture of powdered charcoal and glue water,
or red ocher. The piece of wood is then attached to a tree or fastened
to a pole, and erected near the lodge on a trail, where it will be
observed by passers by, who are thus besought to come to the rescue of
the sufferer who erected the notice.

Fig. 459 illustrates information with regard to distress in another
village, which occasioned the departure of the party giving the
notification. The drawing was made in 1882 by the Alaskan, Naumoff, in
imitation of drawings used at his home. The designs are traced upon a
strip of wood, which is then stuck upon the roof of the house belonging
to the draftsman.

[Illustration: FIG. 459.--Alaskan notice of distress.]

_a_, the summer habitation, showing a stick leaning in the direction to
be taken; _b_, the baidarka, containing the residents of the house; the
first person is observed pointing forward, indicating that they “go by
boat to the other settlement”; _c_, a grave stick, indicating a death
in the settlement; _d_, _e_, summer and winter habitations, denoting a
village.

The drawing, Fig. 460, also made in 1882, by a native Alaskan, in
imitation of originals familiar to him in Alaska, is intended to be
placed in a conspicuous portion of a settlement which has been attacked
by a hostile force and finally deserted. The last one to leave prepares
the drawing upon a strip of wood to inform friends of the resort of the
survivors.

[Illustration: FIG. 460. Alaskan notice of departure and refuge.]

_a_ represents three hills or ranges, signifying that the course taken
would carry them beyond that number of hills or mountains; _b_, the
draftsman, indicating the direction, with the left hand pointing to the
ground, _one_ hill, and the right hand indicating the number _two_, the
number still to be crossed; _c_, a circular piece of wood or leather,
with the representation of a face, placed upon a pole and facing the
direction to be taken from the settlement; in this instance the drawing
of the character denotes a hostile attack upon the town, for which
misfortune such devices are sometimes erected; _d_, _e_, winter and
summer habitations; _f_, storehouse, erected upon upright poles. The
latter device is used by Alaskan coast natives generally.

The design shown in Fig. 461 is in imitation of drawings made by natives
of Southern Alaska to convey to the observer the information that the
draftsman had gone away to another settlement, the inhabitants of which
were in distress. The drawings were made on a strip of wood which was
placed at the door of the house, where it might be seen by visitors or
inquirers.

[Illustration: FIG. 461.--Notice of departure to relieve distress.
Alaska.]

Naumoff gave the following explanation: _a_, a native making the gesture
of indicating _self_ with the right hand and with the left indicating
direction of _going_; _b_, the native’s habitation; _c_, scaffold used
for drying fish; upon the top of a pole is placed a piece of wood tied
so that the longest end points in the direction to be taken by the
relief party; _d_, the baidarka conveying it; _e_, a native of the
settlement to be visited; _f_, summer habitation; _g_, “shaman stick,”
or grave stick, erected to the memory of a recently deceased person, the
cause which has necessitated the journey; _h_, winter habitation. This,
together with _f_, indicates a settlement.

Fig. 462, also drawn by Naumoff, means “ammunition wanted.”

[Illustration: FIG. 462.--Ammunition wanted. Alaska.]

When a hunter is tracking game and exhausts his ammunition, he returns
to the nearest and most conspicuous part of the trail and sticks his
ihú^nŭk in the ground, the top leaning in the direction taken. The
ihú^nŭk is the pair of sticks arranged like the letter A, used as a
gun-rest. This method of transmitting the request to the first passer is
resorted to by the coast people of Southern Alaska.

Fig. 463, also drawn by Naumoff, means “discovery of bear; assistance
wanted.”

[Illustration: FIG. 463.--Assistance wanted in hunt. Alaska.]

When a hunter discovers a bear and requires assistance, he ties together
a bunch of grass, or other fibrous matter, in the form of the animal and
places it upon a long stick or pole which is erected at a conspicuous
point. The head of the effigy is directed toward the locality where the
animal was last seen.

This device is used by most of the Alaskan Indians.

Fig. 464 was also drawn by Naumoff, and signifies “starving hunters.”

Hunters who have been unfortunate, and are suffering from hunger,
scratch or draw on a piece of wood characters similar to those figured,
and place the lower end of the stick in the ground on the trail where
there is the greatest chance of its discovery. The stick is inclined
toward their shelter. The following are the details of the information
contained in the drawing:

[Illustration: FIG. 464.--Starving hunters. Alaska.]

_a_, A horizontal line denoting a canoe, showing the persons to be
fishermen; _b_, a man with both arms extended signifying _nothing_,
corresponding with the gesture for negation; _c_, a person with the
right hand to the mouth, signifying _to eat_, the left hand pointing to
the house occupied by the hunters; _d_, the shelter.

The whole signifies that there is _nothing to eat_ in the _house_. This
is used by natives of Southern Alaska.

[Illustration: FIG. 465.--Starving hunters. Alaska.]

Fig. 465, with the same signification and from the same hand, is similar
to the preceding in general design. This is placed in the ground near
the landing place of the canoemen, so that the top points toward the
lodge. The following is the explanation of the characters:

_a_, Baidarka, showing double projections at bow, as well as the two
men, owners, in the boat; _b_, a man making the gesture for _nothing_
(see in this connection Fig. 983); _c_, gesture drawn, denoting _to
eat_, with the right hand, while the left points to the lodge; _d_, a
winter habitation.

This is used by the Alaskan coast natives.


SECTION 4.

WARNING AND GUIDANCE.

The following description of an Ojibwa notice of a murderer’s being at
large is extracted from Tanner’s Narrative: (_d_).

    As I was one morning passing one of our usual encamping places
    I saw on shore a little stick standing in the bank and attached
    to the top of it a piece of birchbark. On examination I found the
    mark of a rattlesnake with a knife, the handle touching the snake
    and the point sticking into a bear, the head of the latter being
    down. Near the rattlesnake was the mark of a beaver, one of its
    dugs, it being a female, touching the snake. This was left for my
    information, and I learned from it that Wa-me-gon-a-biew, whose
    totem was She-she-gwah, the rattlesnake, had killed a man whose
    totem was Muk-kwah, the bear. The murderer could be no other than
    Wa-me-gon-a-biew, as it was specified that he was the son of a woman
    whose totem was the beaver, and this I knew could be no other than
    Net-no-kwa.

An amusing instance of the notice or warning, “No thoroughfare,” is
presented in Fig. 466. It was taken in 1880 from a rock drawing in
Canyon de Chelly, New Mexico, by Mr. J. K. Hillers, photographer of the
U. S. Geological Survey.

[Illustration: FIG. 466.--No thoroughfare.]

The design on the left is undoubtedly a notice in the nature of warning,
that, although a goat can climb up the rocky trail, a horse would tumble
down.

During his connection with the geographic surveys west of the one
hundredth meridian, Dr. Hoffman observed a practice among the Tivátikai
Shoshoni, of Nevada, of erecting heaps of stones along or near trails
to indicate the direction to be taken and followed to reach springs
of water. Upon slight elevations of ground, or at points where a trail
branched into two or more directions, or at the intersection of two
trails, a heap of stones would be placed varying in height according to
the elevation requisite to attract attention. Upon the top of this would
be fixed an elongated piece of rock so placed that the most conspicuous
point projected and pointed in the course to be followed. This was
continued sometimes at intervals of several miles unless indistinct
portions of a trail or intersections demanded a repetition at shorter
distances. A knowledge of this custom proved very beneficial to the
early prospectors and pioneers.

Fig. 467 is a copy, one-sixteenth actual size, of colored petroglyphs
found by Dr. Hoffman in 1884 on the North fork of the San Gabriel river,
also known as the Azuza canyon, Los Angeles county, California.

[Illustration: FIG. 467.--Rock painting, Azuza canyon, California.]

The bowlder upon which the paintings occur measures 8 feet long, about 4
feet high, and the same in width. The figures are on the eastern side of
the rock, so that the left arm of the human figure on the right points
toward the north.

Fig. 468 is a map drawn on a scale of 1,000 yards to the inch, showing
the topography of the immediate vicinity and the relative positions of
the rocks bearing the paintings.

[Illustration: FIG. 468.--Site of paintings in Azuza canyon, California.]

The stream is hemmed in by precipitous mountains, with the exception of
two points marked _c c_, over which the old Indian trail passed in going
from the Mojave desert on the north to the San Gabriel valley below,
this course being the nearest for reaching the mission settlements at
San Gabriel and Los Angeles. In attempting to follow the water course
the distance would be greatly increased and a rougher trail encountered.
Fig. 467, painted on the rock marked _b_ on the map, shows characters in
pale yellow upon a bowlder of almost white granite partly obliterated
by weathering and annual floods, though still enough remains to
indicate that the right-hand figure is directing the observer to the
northeast, although upon taking that course it would be necessary to
round the point a short distance to the west. It may have been placed
as a notification of direction to those Indians who might have come up
the canyon instead of on the regular trail. Farther west, at the spot
marked _a_ on the map, is a granite bowlder bearing a large number of
paintings, part of which have become almost obliterated. These were
drawn with red ocher (ferric oxide). A selection of these is shown in
Fig. 469.

[Illustration: FIG. 469.--Sketches from Azuza canyon, California.]

This is on the almost vertical western face of the rock. These
characters also appear to refer to the course of the trail, which might
readily be lost on account of the numerous mountain ridges and spurs.
The left-hand human figure appears to place its hand upon a series of
ridges, as if showing pantomimically the rough and ridged country over
the mountains.

The middle figure is making a gesture which in its present connection
may indicate direction of the trail, i. e., toward the left, or
northward in an uphill course, as indicated by the arm and leg, and
southward, or downward, as suggested by the lower inclination of the leg
and lower forearm and hand on the right of the painting.

These illustrations, as well as other pictographs on the same rock, not
now represented, exhibit remarkable resemblance to the general type
of Shoshonean drawing, and from such evidence as is now attainable it
is probable that they are of Chemehuevi origin, as that tribe at one
time ranged far to the west, though north of the mountains, and also
visited the valley and settlements at Los Angeles to trade. It is also
known that the Mojaves came at stated periods to Los Angeles as late as
1845, and the trail indicated at point _a_ of the map would appear to
have been their most practicable and convenient route. There is strong
evidence that the Moki sometimes visited the Pacific coast and might
readily have taken this same course, marking the important portions of
the route by drawings in the nature of guideboards.

The following curious account is taken from The Redman, Carlisle,
October, 1888:

A ranchman visiting a deserted camp of Piegans found the following
notice:

    We called at this ranch at dinner time. They treated us badly,
    giving us no dinner and sending us away. There is a head man who has
    two dogs, one of which has no tail. There are two larger men who are
    laborers. They have two pairs of large horses and two large colts,
    also another smaller pair of horses and two ponies which have two
    colts.

    The notice was composed thus: A circle of round stones
    represented the horses and ponies, the latter being smaller stones;
    the stones outside of the circle meant there were so many colts.
    Near the center was a long narrow stone, upon the end of which was a
    small one. This denoted the head man or owner, whose two dogs were
    shown by two pieces of bark, one with a square end while the other
    had a twig stuck in for a tail. Two other long narrow stones, larger
    than the first, stood for the laborers; these had no small stones on
    them. Some sticks of wood, upon which was a small pile of buffalo
    chips, meant that dinner was ready; and empty shells turned upside
    down told they got nothing to eat, but were sent away.

Mr. Charles W. Cunningham, formerly of Phœnix, Arizona, reports the
finding of petroglyphs in Rowe canyon, one-half mile from the base of
Bradshaw mountain, Arizona. The characters are pecked upon its vertical
wall of hard porphyry, covering a space between 12 or 15 feet in length
and about 30 feet above the surface of the earth. They consist of human
figures with outstretched arms, apparently driving animals resembling
sheep or goats, while at the head of the procession appears the figure
of a bear. The explanation given seems to be a notification to Indian
herders that in going through the canyon they should be careful to guard
against bears or possibly other dangerous animals, as the trail or
canyon leads down to some water tanks where the herders may habitually
have driven the stock.

D’Albertis (_b_) mentions of the Papuans that a warning not to enter a
dwelling is made by erecting outside of it a stick, on the top of which
is a piece of bark or a cocoanut, and in Yule island these warnings or
taboo sticks are furnished with stone heads.

When a Tartar shaman wished to be undisturbed he placed a dried
goat’s-head, with its prominent horns, over a wooden peg outside of his
tent and then dropped the curtain. No one would dare to venture in.

The following is quoted from Franz Keller (_b_):

    In the immense primeval forests, extending between the Ivahy
    and the Paranapanama, the Paraná and the Tibagy, the rich hunting
    grounds of numerous Coroado hordes, one frequently encounters,
    chiefly near forsaken palm sheds, a strange collection of objects
    hung up between the trees on thin cords or cipós, such as little
    pieces of wood, feathers, bones, and the claws and jaws of different
    animals.

    In the opinion of those well versed in Indian lore these
    hieroglyphs are designed as epistles to other members of the tribe
    regarding the produce of the chase, the number and stay of the
    huntsmen, domestic intelligence, and the like; but this strange
    kind of composition, reminding one of the quippus (knotted cords),
    of the old Peruvians, has not yet been quite unraveled, though it
    is desirable that it should be, for the naïve son of the woods also
    uses it sometimes in his intercourse with the white man.

    Settlers in this country, on going in the morning to look after
    their very primitive mills near their cottages, have frequently
    discovered them going bravely, but bruising pebbles instead of the
    maize grains, while on the floor of the open shed names and purposes
    of the unwelcome nocturnal visitors have been legibly written in
    the sand. Among the well-drawn zigzag lines were inserted the
    magnificent long tail feathers of the red and blue macaw, which are
    generally used by the Coroados for their arrows; and, as these are
    the symbols of war and night attacks, the whole was probably meant
    for a warning and admonition ad hominem: “Take up your bundle and go
    or beware of our arrows.”




CHAPTER XII.

COMMUNICATIONS.


Under this heading notes and illustrations are grouped of transmitted
drawings, which were employed as letters and missives now are by
people who possess the art of writing. To the drawings are added
some descriptions of objects sent for the same purposes. These are
sometimes obviously ideographic, but often appear to be conventional
or arbitrary. It is probable that the transmittal or exchange of such
objects anteceded the pictorial attempt at correspondence, so that the
former should be considered in connection with the latter. The topic
is conveniently divided by the purposes of the communications, viz,
(1) declaration of war, (2) profession of peace and friendship, (3)
challenge, (4) social and religious missives, (5) claim or demand.


SECTION 1.

DECLARATION OF WAR.

Le Page du Pratz (_a_), in 1718, reported the following:

    The Natchez make a declaration of war by leaving a hieroglyphic
    picture against a tree in the enemy’s country, and in front of
    the picture they place, saltierwise, two red arrows. At the upper
    part of the picture at the right is the hieroglyphic sign which
    designates the nation that declares war; next, a naked man, easy
    to recognize, who has a casse-tête in his hand. Following is an
    arrow, drawn so as in its flight to pierce a woman, who flees with
    her hair spread out and flowing in the air. Immediately in front of
    this woman is a sign belonging to the nation against which war is
    declared; all this is on the same line. That which is below is not
    so clear or so much relied upon in the interpretation. This line
    begins with the sign of a moon (_i. e._, month) which will follow in
    a short time. The days that come afterward are indicated by straight
    strokes and the moon by a face without rays. There is also a man
    who has in front of him many arrows which seem directed to hit a
    woman who is in flight. All that announces that when the moon will
    be so many days old they will come in great numbers to attack the
    designated nation.

Lahontan (_a_) writes:

    The way of declaring war by the Canadian Algonquian Indians is
    this: They send back to the nation that they have a mind to quarrel
    with a slave of the same country, with orders to carry to the
    village of his own nation an axe, the handle of which is painted red
    and black.

The Huron-Iroquois of Canada sent a belt of black wampum as a
declaration of war.

Material objects were often employed in declaration of war, some of
which may assist in the interpretation of pictographs. A few instances
are mentioned:

Capt. Laudonnière (_a_) says: “Arrows, to which long hairs are attached,
were stuck up along the trail or road by the Florida Indians, in 1565,
to signify a declaration of war.”

Dr. Georg. Schweinfurth (_a_) gives the following:

    I may here allude to the remarkable symbolism by which war
    was declared against us on the frontiers of Wando’s territory. *
    * * Close on the path, and in full view of every passenger, three
    objects were suspended from the branch of a tree, viz, an ear of
    maize, the feather of a fowl, and an arrow. * * * Our guides readily
    comprehended and as readily explained the meaning of the emblems,
    which were designed to signify that whoever touched an ear of maize
    or laid his grasp upon a single fowl would assuredly be the victim
    of the arrow.

In the Notes on Eastern Equatorial Africa, by MM. V. Jacques (_a_) and
É. Storms, it is stated that when a chief wishes to declare war he sends
to the chief against whom he has a complaint an ambassador bearing a
leaden bullet and a hoe. If the latter chooses the bullet, war ensues;
if the hoe, it means that he consents to enter into negotiations to
maintain peace.

Terrien de Lacouperie, op. cit., pp. 420, 421, reports:

    The following instance in Tibeto-China is of a mixed character.
    The use of material objects is combined with that of notched
    sticks. When the Li-su are minded to rebel they send to the Moso
    chief (who rules them on behalf of the Chinese Government) what
    the Chinese call a muhki and the Tibetans a shing-tchram. It is
    a stick with knife-cut notches. Some symbols are fastened to it,
    such, for instance, as a feather, calcined wood, a little fish, etc.
    The bearer must explain the meaning of the notches and symbols.
    The notches may indicate the number of hundreds or thousands of
    soldiers who are coming; the feather shows that they arrive with
    the swiftness of a bird; the burnt wood, that they will set fire to
    everything on their way; the fish, that they will throw everybody
    into the water, etc. This custom is largely used among all the
    savage tribes of the region. It is also the usual manner in which
    chiefs transmit their orders.


SECTION 2.

PROFESSION OF PEACE AND FRIENDSHIP.

The following account of pictorial correspondence leading to peace was
written by Governor Lewis Cass, while on one of his numerous missions to
the Western tribes, before 1820:

    Some years before, mutually weary of hostilities, the chiefs of
    the Ojibwas and the Dakotas met and agreed upon a truce. But the
    Sioux, disregarding the solemn contract which they had formed, and
    actuated by some sudden impulse, attacked the Ojibwas and murdered a
    number of them.

    On our arrival at Sandy lake I proposed to the Ojibwa chiefs
    that a deputation should accompany us to the mouth of the St.
    Peters, with a view to establish a permanent peace between them
    and the Sioux. The Ojibwas readily acceded to this, and ten of
    their principal men descended the Mississippi with us. The computed
    distance from Sandy lake to the St. Peters is 600 miles. As we
    neared this part of the country we found our Ojibway friends
    cautious and observing.

    The Ojibwa landed occasionally to examine whether any of the
    Sioux had recently visited that quarter. In one of these excursions
    an Ojibwa found in a conspicuous place a piece of birch bark, made
    flat by fastening between two sticks at each end, and about 18
    inches long by 2 broad.

    This bark contained the answer of the Sioux nation. So
    sanguinary had been the contest between these two tribes that no
    personal communication could take place. Neither the sanctity
    of office nor the importance of the message could protect the
    ambassador of either party from the vengeance of the other.

    Some time preceding, the Ojibwas, anxious for peace, had sent a
    number of their young men into these plains with a similar piece of
    bark, upon which they represented their desire. This bark had been
    left hanging to a tree, in an exposed situation, and had been found
    and taken away by a party of Sioux.

    The proposition had been examined and discussed in the Sioux
    villages, and the bark contained their answer. The Ojibwa explained
    to us with great facility the intention of the Sioux.

    The junction of the St. Peters with the Mississippi, where the
    principal part of the Sioux reside, was represented, and also the
    American fort, with a sentinel on duty, and a flag flying.

    The principal Sioux chief was named The-Six, alluding, I
    believe, to the band of villages under his influence. To show that
    he was not present at the deliberation upon the subject of peace,
    he was represented on a smaller piece of bark, which was attached
    to the other. To identify him, he was drawn with six heads and a
    large medal. Another Sioux chief stood in the foreground, holding a
    pipe in his right hand and his weapons in his left. Even we could
    not misunderstand that; like our own eagle with the olive branch and
    arrows, he was desirous for peace, but prepared for war.

    The Sioux party contained fifty-nine warriors, indicated by
    fifty-nine guns, drawn upon one corner of the bark.

    The encampment of our troops had been removed from the low
    grounds upon the St. Peters to a high hill upon the Mississippi. Two
    forts were therefore drawn upon the bark, and the solution was not
    discovered until our arrival at St. Peters.

    The effect of the discovery of the bark upon the minds of the
    Ojibwas was visible and immediate.

    The Ojibwa bark was drawn in the same general manner, and Sandy
    lake, the principal place of their residence, was represented with
    much accuracy. To remove any doubts respecting it, a view was given
    of the old northwestern establishment, situated upon the shore, and
    now in the possession of the American Fur Company.

    No proportion was preserved in their attempt at delineation.
    One mile of the Mississippi, including the mouth of the St. Peters,
    occupied as much space as the whole distance to Sandy Lake, nor was
    there anything to show that one part was nearer to the spectator
    than another.

The above pictorially professed attitude of being ready for either peace
or war may be compared with the account in Champlain--Voyages (_d_)--of
the chief whose name was Mariston, but he assumed that of Mahigan
Atticq, translated as Wolf Deer. He thereby proclaimed that when at
peace he was mild as a deer, but when at war was savage as a wolf.

In Davis’ Conquest of New Mexico (_a_) it is stated that Vargas’
Expedition in 1694 was met by the Utes, who hoisted a deerskin in token
of peace.

The following “speech of an Ojibwa chief in negotiating a peace with
the Sioux, 1806,” from Maj. Pike’s (_a_) Expeditions, etc., shows the
pictographic use of the pipe as a profession of peace:

    My father, tell the Sioux on the upper part of the river St.
    Peters that they mark trees with the figure of a calumet; that we of
    Red lake who may go that way should we see them, that we may make
    peace with them, being assured of their pacific disposition when we
    shall see the calumet marked on the trees.

D’Iberville, in 1699, as printed in Margry, IV, 153, said that the
Indians met by him near the mouth of the Mississippi river indicated
their peaceful and friendly purposes by holding up in the air a small
stick of whitened wood. The same authority, in the same volume, p. 175,
tells that the Oumas bore a white cross as a similar declaration; and
another journal, in the same volume, p. 239, describes a stick also so
borne as being fashioned like a pipe. The actual use of the pipe in
profession of peace and friendship is mentioned in several parts of the
present paper. See, also, the passport mentioned on p. 214 and wampum,
p. 225.

Lieut. Col. Woodthorpe, in Jour. Anthr. Inst. Gr. Br. and I., XI, p.
211, says of the wild tribes of the Naga Hills, on the northeastern
frontier of India:

    On the road to Niao we saw on the ground a curious mud figure of
    a man in slight relief presenting a gong in the direction of Senua.
    This was supposed to show that the Niao men were willing to come to
    terms with Senua, then at war with Niao. Another mode of evincing
    a desire to turn away the wrath of an approaching enemy and induce
    him to open negotiations is to tie up in his path a couple of goats,
    sometimes also a gong, with the universal symbol of peace, a palm
    leaf planted in the ground hard by.

[Illustration: FIG. 470.--West African message.]

G. W. Bloxam (_a_) gives the following description of Fig. 470:

    It represents a message of peace and good news from the King
    of Jebu to the King of Lagos, after his restoration to the throne
    on the 28th of December, 1851. It appears complicated, but the
    interpretation is simple enough. First we find eight cowries
    arranged in pairs, and signifying the people in the four corners of
    the world, and it will be observed that, while three of the pairs
    are arranged with their faces upwards, the fourth and uppermost, i.
    e., the pair in the most important position, are facing one another,
    thus signifying that the correspondents, or the people of Jebu and
    Lagos, are animated by friendly feeling towards each other; so,
    too, there are two each of all the other objects, meaning, “you and
    I,” “we two.” The two large seeds or warres, _a_, _a_, express a
    wish that “you and I” should play together as intimate friends do,
    at the game of “warre,” in which these seeds are used and which is
    the common game of the country, holding very much the same position
    as chess or draughts with us; the two flat seeds, _b_, _b_, are
    seeds of a sweet fruit called “osan,” the name of which is derived
    from the verb, “san,” to please [Mem. Notice the rebus] they,
    therefore, indicate a desire on the part of a sender of the message
    to please and to be pleased; lastly, the two pieces of spice, _c_,
    _c_, signify mutual trust. The following is the full meaning of the
    hieroglyphic:

    Of all the people by which the four corners of the world are
    inhabited, the Lagos and Jebu people are the nearest.

    As “warre” is the common play of the country, so the Jebus and
    Lagos should always play and be friendly with each other.

    Mutual pleasantness is my desire; as it is pleasant with me so
    may it be pleasant with you.

    Deceive me not, because the spice would yield nothing else but a
    sweet and genuine odor unto god. I shall never deal doubly with you.


SECTION 3.

CHALLENGE.

H. H. Bancroft (_a_), in Native Races, says that the Shumeias challenged
the Pomos (in central California) by placing three little sticks notched
in the middle and at both ends, on a mound which marked the boundary
between the two tribes. If the Pomos accept they tie a string round
the middle notch. Heralds then meet and arrange time and place and the
battle comes off as appointed.

The sending of material objects was the earliest and most natural mode
for low cultured tribes to communicate when out of sight and hearing.
Such was the system in use among the Scythians at the time of the
invasion of their land by Darius. The version of the story in Herodotus
is that commonly cited, but there is another by Pherecydes of Heros,
who relates that Idanthuras, the Scythian king, when Darius had crossed
the Ister, threatened him with war, sending him not a letter, but a
composite symbol, which consisted of a mouse, a frog, a bird, an arrow,
and a plow. When there was much discussion concerning the meaning of
this message, Orontopagas, the chiliarch, maintained that it was a
surrender; for he conjectured the mouse to mean their dwelling, the frog
their waters, the bird their air, the arrow their arms, and the plow
their country. But Xiphodres offered a contrary interpretation, thus:
“Unless like birds we fly aloft, or like mice burrow under the ground,
or like frogs take ourselves to the water, we shall never escape their
weapons, for we are not masters of their country.”


SECTION 4.

SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS MISSIVES.

Fig. 471 is a letter, one-half actual size, written by an Ojibwa girl,
the daughter of a Midē', to a favored lover, requesting him to call at
her lodge. This girl had taken no Midē' degrees, but had simply acquired
her pictographic skill from observation in her home.

[Illustration: FIG. 471.--Ojibwa love letter.]

The explanation of the figure is as follows:

_a._ The writer of the letter, a girl of the Bear totem, as indicated by
that animal, _b_.

_e_ and _f_. The companions of _a_, the crosses signifying that the
three girls are Christians.

_c_ and _g_. The lodges occupied by the girls. The lodges are near
a large lake, _j_, a trail leading from _g_ to _h_, which is a
well-traveled road.

The letter was written to a man of the Mud Puppy totem, as indicated in
_d_.

_i._ The road leading to the lodge occupied by the recipient of the
letter.

_k_ and _l_. Lakes near which the lodges are built.

In examining _c_, the writer’s hand is seen protruding from an opening
to denote beckoning and to indicate which lodge to visit. The clear
indications of the locality serve as well as if in a city a young woman
had sent an invitation to her young man to call at a certain street and
number.

[Illustration: FIG. 472.--Cheyenne letter.]

Fig. 472 is a letter sent by mail from a Southern Cheyenne, named
Turtle-following-his-Wife, at the Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian
Territory, to his son Little-Man, at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota.
It was drawn on a half-sheet of ordinary writing paper, without a
word written, and was inclosed in an envelope, which was addressed to
“Little-Man, Cheyenne, Pine Ridge Agency,” in the ordinary manner,
written by some one at the first named agency. The letter was evidently
understood by Little-Man, as he immediately called upon Dr. V. T.
McGillycuddy, Indian agent at Pine Ridge Agency, and was aware that the
sum of $53 had been placed to his credit for the purpose of enabling
him to pay his expenses in going the long journey to his father’s home
in Indian Territory. Dr. McGillycuddy had, by the same mail, received
a letter from Agent Dyer, inclosing $53, and explaining the reason for
its being sent, which enabled him also to understand the pictographic
letter. With the above explanation it very clearly shows, over the
head of the figure to the left, the turtle following the turtle’s wife
united with the head of the figure by a line, and over the head of the
other figure, also united by a line to it, is a little man. Also over
the right arm of the last-mentioned figure is another little man in
the act of springing or advancing toward Turtle-following-his-Wife,
from whose mouth proceed two lines, curved or hooked at the end, as
if drawing the little figure toward him. It is suggested that the last
mentioned part of the pictograph is the substance of the communication,
i. e., “come to me,” the larger figures with their name totems being
the persons addressed and addressing. Between and above the two large
figures are fifty-three round objects intended for dollars. Both the
Indian figures have on breechcloths, corresponding with the information
given concerning them, which is that they are Cheyennes who are not all
civilized or educated.

Sagard (_a_) tells of the Algonkins of the Ottawa river, that when a
feast was to be given, the host sent to each person whose presence was
desired a little stick of wood, peculiar to them (i. e., probably marked
or colored) of the length and thickness of the little finger, which he
was obliged to show on entering the lodge, as might be done with a card
of invitation and admission. The precaution was seemingly necessary
both for the host’s larder and the satisfaction of the guests, as on an
occasion mentioned by the good brother, each of the guests was provided
with a big piece of sturgeon and plenty of “sagamite huylée.” There was
probably some principle of selection connected with totems or religious
societies on such occasions, not told by the narrator, as the ordinary
custom among Indians is to keep open house to all comers, who generally
were the aboriginal “tramps,” with the result of waste and subsequent
famine.

The Rev. Peter Jones (_b_), an educated Ojibwa missionary, in speaking
of the eastern bands of the Ojibwa says:

    Their method of imploring the favor or appeasing the anger of
    their deities is by offering sacrifices to them in the following
    order: When an Indian meets with ill-luck in hunting, or when
    afflictions come across his path, he fancies that by the neglect
    of some duty he has incurred the displeasure of his munedoo, for
    which he is angry with him; and in order to appease his wrath, he
    devotes the first game he takes to making a religious feast, to
    which he invites a number of the principal men and women from the
    other wigwams. A young man is generally sent as a messenger to
    invite the guests, who carries with him a bunch of colored quills
    or sticks, about 4 inches long. On entering the wigwam he shouts
    out “Keweekomegoo;” that is, “You are bidden to a feast.” He then
    distributes the quills to such as are invited; these answer to the
    white people’s invitation cards. When the guests arrive at the
    feast-maker’s wigwam the quills are returned to him; they are of
    three colors, red, green, and white; the red for the aged, or those
    versed in the wahbuhnoo order; the green for the media order, and
    the white for the common people.

Mr. David Boyle (_b_) refers to the above custom, and quotes Rev. Peter
Jones, also giving as illustrations copies of the quills and sticks
presented by Dr. P. E. Jones which had been brought by his father, the
author above mentioned, from the Northwest fifty years ago. These are
reproduced in Fig. 473.

[Illustration: FIG. 473.--Ojibwa invitations.]

When the ceremony of the Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa is to be
performed, the chief midē' priest sends out a courier to deliver to each
member an invitation to attend. These invitations consist of sticks of
cedar, or other wood when that can not be found, measuring from 4 to 6
inches in length and of the thickness of an ordinary lead pencil. They
may be plain, though the former custom of having one end painted red or
green is sometimes continued. The colored band is about the width of
one-fifth of the length of the stick. It is stated that in old times
these invitation sticks were ornamented with colored porcupine quills,
or strands of beads, instead of with paint.

The courier detailed to deliver invitations is also obliged to state
the day, and locality of the place of meeting. It is necessary for the
invited member to present himself and to deposit the invitation stick
upon the floor of the inclosure in which the meeting is held; should he
be deprived of the privilege of attending, he must return the stick
with an explanation accounting for his absence.

[Illustration: FIG. 474.--Ojibwa invitation sticks.]

Fig. 474 exhibits the sticks without coloration.

Another mode of giving invitations for the same ceremony is by sending
around a piece of birch bark bearing characters similar to those in Fig.
475, taken from Copway, p. 136.

[Illustration: FIG. 475.--Summons to Midē' ceremony.]

The characters, beginning at the left hand, signify as follows: Medicine
house; great lodge; wigwam; woods; lake; river; canoe; come; Great
Spirit.

Copway remarks as follows:

“In the above, the wigwam and the medicine pale, or worship, represent
the depositories of medicine, record, and work. The lodge is represented
with men in it; the dots above indicate the number of days.

“The whole story would thus read:

    ‘Hark to the words of the Sa-ge-mah'. The Great Medicine Lodge
    will be ready in eight days. Ye who live in the woods and near the
    lakes and by streams of water come with your canoes or by land to
    the worship of the Great Spirit.’”

The above interpretation is too much adapted to the ideas and language
of Christianity. The more simple and accurate expression would change
the rendition from “worship” and “Great Spirit” to the simple notice
about holding a session of the Grand Medicine Society.

[Illustration: FIG. 476.--Passamaquoddy wikhegan.]

Fig. 476, drawn by a Passamaquoddy, shows how the Indians of the tribe
would now address the President of the United States, or the governor of
Maine for help, and formerly would have made wikhegan for transmittal
to a great chief having power over them. They say by this: “You are at
the top of the pole, so no one can be higher than you. From this pole
you can see the farthest of your country and can see all your children,
and when any of your children come to see you they must work hard to get
where you are, on top of the high pole. They must climb up this pole to
reach you. You must pity them because they come long ways to see you,
the man of power on the high pole.” This kind of wikhegan the old men
called _kinjemeswi waligoh_, homage or salutation to the great chief. It
was always in the old time accompanied by a belt of wampum.

A highly interesting illustration and account of a diplomatic packet
from the pueblo of Tesuque appears in Schoolcraft (_g_), and in the same
series (_h_) is a pictograph from the Caroline islands still more in
point.

A. W. Howitt (_c_) reports:

    Messengers in central Australia were sent to gather people
    together for dances from distances even up to 100 miles. Such
    messengers were painted with red ocher and wore a headdress of
    feathers.

    In calling people together for the ceremonies of Wilyaru or
    Mindari the messengers were painted with diagonal stripes of yellow
    ocher, and had their beards tied tightly into a point. They carried
    a token shaped like a Prince of Wales feather, and made of emu
    feathers tied tightly with string.

    The sending of a handful of red ocher tied up in a small bundle
    signifies the great Mindari or peace festival. In giving notice of
    the intention to “make some young men” the messenger takes a handful
    of charcoal and places a piece in the mouth of each person present
    without saying a word. This is fully understood to mean the “making
    of young men” at the Wilyaru ceremony.

The following is a description of a Turkish love letter, which was
obtained by Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (_a_) in 1717:

    I have got for you a Turkish love letter. * * * The translation
    of it is literally as follows. The first piece you should pull out
    of the purse is a little pearl, which must be understood in this
    manner:

    Pearl            Fairest of the young.
    Clove            You are as slender as the clove.
                     You are an unblown rose.
                     I have long loved you and you have not known it.
    Jonquil          Have pity on my passion.
    Paper            I faint every hour.
    Pear             Give me some hope.
    Soap             I am sick with love.
    Coal             May I die and all my years be yours.
    A rose           May you be pleased and your sorrows mine.
    A straw          Suffer me to be your slave.
    Cloth            Your price is not to be found.
    Cinnamon         But my fortune is yours.
    A match          I burn, I burn! My flame consumes me.
    Gold thread      Don’t turn away your face from me.
    Hair             Crown of my head.
    Grape            My two eyes.
    Gold wire        I die; come quickly.

    And, by way of postscript:

    Pepper           Send me an answer.

    You see this letter is all in verse, and I can assure you there
    is as much fancy shown in the choice of them as in the most studied
    expressions of our letters, there being, I believe, a million of
    verses designed for this use. There is no color, no flower, no weed,
    no fruit, herb, pebble, or feather that has not a verse belonging
    to it; and you may quarrel, reproach, or send letters of passion,
    friendship, or civility, or even of news without ever inking your
    fingers.

The use by Turks and Persians of flower letters or communications, the
significance of which is formed by the selection and arrangement of
flowers, is well known. A missive thus composed of flowers is called
sélam, but the details are too contradictory and confused to furnish
materials for an accurate dictionary of the flower language, though
dictionaries and treatises on it have been published. (See Magnat.)
Individual fancy and local convention, it seems, fix the meanings.

A Japanese girl who decides to discourage the further attentions of a
lover sends to him, instead of the proverbial “mitten” of New England,
a sprig of maple, because the leaf changes its color more markedly than
any other. In this connection it is told that the Japanese word for love
also means color, which would accentuate the lesson of the changing
leaf.


MESSAGE STICKS.

The following extracts are made from Curr’s (_a_) Australian Race:

    I believe every tribe in Australia has its messenger, whose
    life, whilst he is in the performance of his duties, is held sacred
    in peace and war by the neighboring tribes. His duties are to convey
    the messages which the tribe desires to send to its neighbors,
    and to make arrangements about places of meeting on occasions of
    fights or corroborees. In many tribes it is the custom to supply
    the messenger when he sets out with a little carved stick, which he
    delivers with his message to the most influential man of the tribe
    to which he is sent. This carved stick he often carries whilst
    traveling stuck in the netted band which the blacks wear round the
    head. I have seen many of them, and been present when they were
    received and sent, and have some from Queensland in my possession
    at present. They are often flat, from 4 to 6 inches long, an inch
    wide, and a third of an inch thick; others are round, of the same
    length, and as thick as one’s middle finger. When flat their edges
    are often notched, and their surface always more or less carved
    with indentations, transverse lines, and squares; in fact, with
    the same sort of figures with which the blacks ornament their
    weapons throughout the continent; when round, fantastic lines are
    cut around them or lengthwise. I have one before me at this moment
    which is a miniature boomerang, carved on both sides, notched at
    the edges, and colored with red ocher. Any black could fashion
    sticks of this sort in an hour or two. Some of my correspondents
    have spoken of them as a sort of writing, but when pressed on the
    subject have admitted that their surmise, all the circumstances
    weighed, was not tenable. The flat sticks especially have that sort
    of regularity and repetition of pattern which wall papers exhibit.
    That they do not serve the purpose of writing or hieroglyphics I
    have no hesitation in asserting; and I may remark that in all cases
    which have come under my notice the messenger delivered his message
    before he presented the carved stick. That done the recipient would
    attempt to explain to those about him how the stick portrayed the
    message. Still this eminently childish proceeding leads one to
    consider whether the most savage mind does not contain the germ of
    writing. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, in his Discovery and Conquest of
    New Spain, relates that, when his country sent verbal messages by
    Mexican bearers to distant tribes, the messengers who had seen the
    Spaniards write always asked to be supplied with a letter, which,
    of course, neither they nor the people to whom they were sent could
    read.

[Illustration: FIG. 477.--Australian message sticks.]

Fig. 477 reproduces the illustration of the message sticks published in
the work above mentioned.

    Vol. I, p. 306.--In the Majanna tribe messengers are sent with a
    notched or carved stick, and the bearer has to explain its meaning.
    If it be a challenge to fight, and the challenge is accepted,
    another stick is returned.

    Vol. II, p. 183.--The bearer of an important communication
    from one party to another often carries a message stick with him,
    the notches and lines on which he refers to whilst delivering his
    message. This custom, which prevails from the north coast to the
    south, is a very curious one. No black fellow ever pretends to be
    able to understand a message from a notched stick, but always looks
    upon it as confirmatory of the message it accompanies.

    Vol. II, p. 427.--Message sticks are in use, the marks carved on
    them being a guaranty of the messenger, the same as a ring with us
    in former times.

    Vol. III, p. 263.--Message sticks are used by the Maranoa river
    tribe. An informant has in his possession a reed necklace attached
    to a piece of flat wood about 5 inches long; on the wood are carved
    straight and curved lines, and this piece of wood was sent by one
    portion of the tribe to another by a messenger, the two parties
    being about 60 miles apart. The interpretation of the carving was:
    “My wife has been stolen; we shall have to fight; bring your spears
    and boomerangs.” The straight lines, it was explained, meant spears
    and the curved ones boomerangs; but the stealing of the wife seems
    to have been left to the messenger to tell.

A. W. Howitt (_a_) gives a further account on this topic:

    The messenger carries with him as the emblems of his missions
    a complete set of male attire, together with the sacred humming
    instrument, which is wrapped in a skin and carefully concealed from
    women and children. It is, therefore, in such cases, the totem which
    assembles the whole community.

    In the Adjadura tribe of South Australia the ceremonies are
    ordered to be held by the headman of the whole tribe by his
    messenger, who carries a message stick marked in such a manner that
    it serves to illustrate his message; together with this there is
    also sent a sacred humming instrument.

Drs. Houzé and Jacques (_a_) give a different view of the significance
of the marks on message sticks:

    It proves very difficult to discover the signification of
    the notched message sticks. The Europeans have not succeeded
    in deciphering them. Some marks may represent a whole history.
    The following anecdote on this subject is reported by M. Cauvin
    (according to J. M. Davis, Aborigines of Victoria, v. I, p. 356,
    note): A European, having formed the project of establishing a
    new station, started from Edward river with a herd of cattle and
    some Indians. When, all being arranged, the colonist was on the
    point of returning home, one of the young blacks requested him to
    take a letter to his father, and, on the consent of his patron, he
    gave him a stick about a foot long covered with notches and signs.
    On arriving home the colonist went to the camp of the blacks and
    delivered the letter to the father of his young follower, who,
    calling around him the whole encampment, to the great surprise of
    the European, read from this stick a daily account of the doings of
    the company from the departure from Edward river until the arrival
    at the new station, describing the country which they had traversed
    and the places where they had camped each night.

The Queenslanders did not give Drs. Houzé and Jacques such a long
translation of their message sticks, but they informed them that one of
the sticks related to the crossing from Australia into America, which is
recounted by Tambo, the author of the message. An illustration of it is
presented on p. 93 of the above cited work of Houzé and Jacques, but is
not sufficiently distinct for reproduction.


WEST AFRICAN AROKO.

[Illustration: FIG. 478.--West African aroko.]

G. W. Bloxam (_b_) says of the aroko, or symbolic letters, used by the
tribe of Jebu, in West Africa, describing Fig. 478:

    This is a message from a native general of the Jebu force to
    a native prince abroad. It consists of six cowries. Six in the
    Jebu language is E-fà, which is derived from the verb fà, to draw.
    They are arranged two and two, face to face, on a long string; the
    pairs of cowries set face to face indicate friendly feeling and
    good fellowship; the number expresses a desire to draw close to the
    person to whom the message is sent [note the rebus]; while the long
    string indicates considerable distance or a long road. This is the
    message: “Although the road between us be very long, yet I draw you
    to myself and set my face towards you. So I desire you to set your
    face towards me and draw to me.”

On p. 298 he adds:

    Among the Jebu in West Africa odd numbers in their message are
    of evil import, while even numbers express good will. Thus a single
    cowrie may be sent as an unfavorable answer to a request or message.

[Illustration: FIG. 479.--West African aroko.]

The same author writes, on p. 297, describing Fig. 479:

    It is a message from His Majesty Awnjale, the King of Jebu,
    to his nephew abroad; and here we find other substances besides
    cowries included in the aroko. Taking the various articles in order,
    commencing from the knot, we observe four cowries facing in the same
    direction, with their backs to the knot; this signifies agreement.
    Next a piece of spice, _a_, which produces when burnt a sweet odor
    and is never unpleasant; then come three cowries facing in the same
    direction; then a piece of mat, _b_; then a piece of feather, _c_;
    and, lastly, a single cowrie turned in the same direction as all the
    others. The interpretation is:

    “Your ways agree with mine very much. Your ways are pleasing to
    me and I like them.

    “Deceive me not, because the spice would yield nothing else but
    a sweet and genuine odor unto God.

    “I shall never deal doubly with you all my life long.

    “The weight of your words to me is beyond all description.

    “As it is on the same family mat we have been sitting and lying
    down together, I send to you.

    “I am, therefore, anxiously awaiting and hoping to hear from
    you.”

The following account of “African Symbolic Messages,” condensed from
the paper of the Rev. C. A. Gollmer, which appeared in Jour. Anthrop.
Inst. of Gr. Bn. and I., XIV, p. 169, et. seq., is highly interesting
as showing the ideography attached to the material objects transmitted.
The step in evolution by which the graphic delineation of those objects
was substituted for their actual presence was probably delayed only by
the absence of convenient material, such as birch bark, parchment, or
other portable rudimentary form of paper on which to draw or paint, or
at least by the want of a simple invention for the application of such
material:

    The natives in the Yoruba country, West Africa, in the absence
    of writing, and as a substitute for it, send to one another messages
    by means of a variety of tangible objects, such as shells, feathers,
    pepper, corn, stone, coal, sticks, powder, shot, razors, etc.,
    through which they convey their ideas, feelings, and wishes, good
    and bad, and that in an unmistakable manner. The object transmitted
    is seen, the import of it known and the message verbally delivered
    by the messenger sent, and repeated by one or more other persons
    accompanying the messenger for the purpose as the importance of the
    message is considered to require.

    Cowry shells in the symbolic language are used to convey, by
    their number and the way in which they are strung, a variety of
    ideas. One cowry may indicate “defiance and failure;” thus: A cowry
    (having a small hole made at the back part, so as to be able to pass
    a string through it and the front opening) strung on a short bit of
    grass fiber or cord, and sent to a person known as a rival, or one
    aiming at injuring the other, the message is: “As one finger can not
    take up a cowry (more than one are required), so you one I defy;
    you will not be able to hurt me, your evil intentions will come to
    nothing.”

    Two cowries may indicate “relationship and meeting;” thus: Two
    cowries strung together, face to face, and sent to an absent brother
    or sister, the message is: “We are children of one mother, were
    nursed by the same breasts.”

    Two cowries may indicate “separation and enmity;” thus: Two
    cowries strung back to back and sent to a person gone away, the
    message is: “You and I are now separated.”

    Two cowries and a feather may indicate “speedy meeting;” thus:
    Two cowries strung face to face, with a small feather (of a chicken
    or other bird) tied between the two cowries, and sent to a friend
    at a distance, the message is: “I want to see you, as the bird
    (represented by the feather) flies straight and quickly, so come as
    quickly as you can.”

    The following fivefold painful symbolic message was sent by D.,
    whilst in captivity at Dahomey, to his wife, who happened to be
    staying with Mr. Gollmer, at Badagry, at the time. The symbols were
    a stone, a coal, a pepper, corn, and a rag. During the attack of the
    King of Dahomey, with his great army of Amazons and other soldiers,
    upon Abeokuta in March, 1852, D., one of the native Christians and
    defenders of his town, home, and family, was taken captive and
    carried to Dahomey, where he suffered much for a long time. Whilst
    waiting for weeks to know the result his wife received the symbolic
    letter which conveyed the following message:

    The stone indicated “health” (the stone was a small, common one
    from the street); thus the message was: “As the stone is hard, so my
    body is hardy, strong--i. e., well.”

    The coal indicated “gloom” (the coal was a small piece of
    charcoal); thus the message was: “As the coal is black, so are my
    prospects dark and gloomy.”

    The pepper indicated “heat” (the pepper was of the hot cayenne
    sort); thus the message was: “As the pepper is hot so is my mind
    heated, burning on account of the gloomy prospect--i. e., not
    knowing what day I may be sold or killed.”

    The corn indicated “leanness” (the corn was a few parched grains
    of maize or Indian corn); thus the message was: “As the corn is
    dried up by parching; so my body is dried up or become lean through
    the heat of my affliction and suffering.”

    The rag indicated “worn out;” thus (the rag was a small piece
    of worn and torn native cloth, in which the articles were wrapped)
    the message was: “As the rag is, so is my cloth cover--i. e., native
    dress, worn and torn to a rag.”

    A tooth brush may indicate “remembrance;” thus: It is a
    well-known fact that the Africans in general can boast of a finer
    and whiter set of teeth than most other nations. And those Europeans
    who lived long among them know from constant observation how much
    attention they pay to their teeth, not only every morning, but often
    during the day. The tooth brush made use of is simply a piece of
    wood about 6 to 9 inches long, and of the thickness of a finger.
    One end of the stick, wetted with the saliva, is rubbed to and fro
    against the teeth, which end after awhile becomes soft. This sort of
    tooth brush is frequently given to friends as an acceptable present,
    and now and then it is made use of as a symbolic letter, and in such
    a case the message is: “As I remember my teeth the first thing in
    the morning, and often during the day, so I remember and think of
    you as soon as I get up, and often afterwards.”

    Sugar may indicate “peace and love;” in the midst of a war
    this good disposition was made known from one party to another by
    the following symbol: A loaf of white sugar was sent by messengers
    from the native church at A. to the native church at I., and the
    message was: “As the sugar is white, so there is no blackness (i.
    e., enmity) in our hearts towards you; our hearts are white (i. e.,
    pure and free from it). And as the sugar is sweet, so there is no
    bitterness among us against you; we are sweet (i. e., at peace with
    you) and love you.”

    A fagot may indicate “fire and destruction;” when a fagot (i.
    e., a small bundle of bamboo poles, burnt on one end) is found
    fastened to the bamboo fence inclosing a compound, or premises,
    it conveys the message: “Your house will be burnt down”--i. e.,
    destroyed.

    Powder and shot are often made use of and sent as a symbolic
    letter; the message is to either an individual or a people, viz: “As
    we can not settle the quarrel, we must fight it out” (i. e., “we
    shall shoot you, or make war upon you”).

    A razor may indicate “murder.” A person suspected and accused of
    having by some means or other been the cause of death of a member of
    a family, the representative of that family will demand satisfaction
    by sending the symbolic objects, viz, a razor or knife, which is
    laid outside the door of the house of the accused offender and
    guilty party, and the message is well understood to be: “You have
    killed or caused the death of N., you must kill yourself to avenge
    his death.”

The following examples indicate a still further step in evolution by
which the names of the objects or of the numbers are of the same sound
as words in the language the significance of which constitutes the real
message. This objective rebus corresponds with the pictorial rebus so
common in Mexican pictographs, and which is well known to have borne
a chief part in the development of Egyptian and other ancient forms of
writing.

    Three cowries with some pepper may indicate “deceit;” thus:
    Three cowries strung with their faces all looking one way (as
    mentioned before) with an alligator pepper tied to the cowries. Eru
    is the name of the pepper in the native language, which in English
    means “deceit.” The message may be either a “caution not to betray
    one another,” or, more frequently, an accusation of having deceived
    and defrauded the company.

    Six cowries may indicate “attachment and affection;” thus:
    Efa in the native language means “six” (cowries implied); it also
    means “drawn,” from the verb fa, to draw. Mora is always implied as
    connected with Efa; this means “stick to you,” from the verb mo, to
    stick to, and the noun ara, body--i. e. you. Six cowries strung (as
    before mentioned) and sent to a person or persons, the message is:
    “I am drawn (i. e. attached) to you, I love you,” which may be the
    message a young man sends to a young woman with a desire to form an
    engagement.

Rev. Richard Taylor (_b_) says:

    The Maori used a kind of hieroglyphical or symbolical way of
    communication; a chief, inviting another to join in a war party,
    sent a tattooed potato and a fig of tobacco bound up together, which
    was interpreted to mean that the enemy was a Maori and not European
    by the tattoo, and by the tobacco that it represented smoke; he
    therefore roasted the one and eat it, and smoked the other, to show
    he accepted the invitation, and would join him with his guns and
    powder. Another sent a waterproof coat with the sleeves made of
    patchwork, red, blue, yellow, and green, intimating that they must
    wait until all the tribes were united before their force would be
    waterproof, i. e., able to encounter the European. Another chief
    sent a large pipe, which would hold a pound of tobacco, which was
    lighted in a large assembly, the emissary taking the first whiff,
    and then passing it around; whoever smoked it showed that he joined
    in the war.


SECTION 5.

CLAIM OR DEMAND.

Stephen Powers (_b_) states that the Nishinam of California have the
following mode of collecting debts:

    When an Indian owes another, it is held to be in bad taste, if
    not positively insulting, for the creditor to dun the debtor, as the
    brutal Saxon does, so he devises a more subtle method. He prepares
    a certain number of little sticks, according to the amount of the
    debt, and paints a ring around the end of each. These he carries and
    tosses into the delinquent’s wigwam without a word and goes his way;
    whereupon the other generally takes the hint, pays the debt, and
    destroys the sticks.

The San Francisco (California) Western Lancet, XI, 1882, p. 443, thus
reports:

    When a patient has neglected to remunerate the shaman [of the
    Wikehumni tribe of the Mariposan linguistic stock] for his services,
    the latter prepares short sticks of wood, with bands of colored
    porcupine quills wrapped around them at one end only, and every time
    he passes the delinquent’s lodge a certain number of them are thrown
    in as a reminder of the indebtedness.

[Illustration: FIG. 480.--Jebu complaint.]

G. W. Bloxam (_c_) describes Fig. 480 thus:

    Among the Jehu of West Africa two cowries facing one another
    signify two blood relations; two cowries, however, back to back may
    be sent as a message of reproof for nonpayment of debt, meaning:
    “You have given me the back altogether; after we have come to an
    arrangement about the debt you have owed me, I will also turn my
    back against you.”

[Illustration: FIG. 481.--Jebu complaint.]

The same authority, p. 299, describes Fig. 481:

    It consists of two cowries face to face, followed by one above
    facing upwards, and is a message from a creditor to a bad debtor,
    meaning: “After you have owed me a debt you kicked against me; I
    also will throw you off, because I did not know that you could have
    treated me thus.”

[Illustration: FIG. 482.--Samoyed requisition.]

Prof. Anton Schrifner (_a_) describing Fig. 482, says:

    On this plank the cuts marked _b_ signify the number of reindeer
    required. Opposite these cuts are placed the hand marks, _a_, of
    various Samoyeds of whom the reindeer are demanded. At the bottom
    is found the official mark, _c_, of the Samoyed chief who forwarded
    this board to the various Samoyed settlements in place of a written
    communication.




CHAPTER XIII.

TOTEMS, TITLES, AND NAMES.


The employment of pictographs to designate tribes, groups within tribes,
and individual persons has been the most frequent of all the uses to
which they have been applied. Indeed, the constant need that devices to
represent the terms styled by grammarians proper names should be readily
understood for identification has, more than any other cause, maintained
and advanced pictography as an art, and in some parts of the world has
evolved from it syllabaries and afterwards alphabets. From the same
origin came heraldry, which in time designated with absolute accuracy
persons and families for the benefit of letterless people. Trade-marks
have the same history.

From the earliest times men have used emblems to indicate their tribes
or clans. Homer makes no clear allusion to their manifestation at the
poetic siege of Troy; but even if his Greeks did not bear them, other
nations of the period did. The earlier Egyptians carried images of bulls
and crocodiles into battle, probably at first with religious sentiments.
Each of the twelve tribes of Israel had a special ensign of its own,
which is now generally considered to have been totemic. The subjects of
Semiramis adopted doves and pigeons as their token in deference to their
queen, whose name meant “dove.”

At later dates Athens chose an owl for her sign, as a compliment to
Minerva; Corinth, a winged horse, in memory of Pegasus and his fountain;
Carthage, a horse’s head, in homage to Neptune; Persia, the sun, because
its people worshiped fire; Rome, an eagle, in deference to Jupiter.
These objects appear to have been carved in wood or metal. There is no
evidence of anything resembling modern flags, except, perhaps, in parts
of Asia, until the Romans began to use something like them about the
time of Cæsar. But these small signs had no national or public character
so as to be comparable with the eagles on the Roman standard; nor was
any floating banner associated with ruling power until Constantine gave
a religious meaning to the labarum.

Emblems also were often adopted by political and religious parties, e.
g., the cornstalks and slings of the Mazarinists and anti-Mazarinists
during the Fronde, the caps and hats in the Swedish diet in 1788, the
scarf of the Armagnacs, and the cross of the Burgundians. The topic of
emblems is further discussed in Chapter XVIII.

As with increased culture clans and tribes have become nations, so there
has been an evolution by which the ensigns of bands and orders have
been discontinued and replaced by the emblems of nationalities. Frederic
Marshall (_a_) well says: “Images of animals, badges, war cries,
cockades, liveries, coats of arms, tokens, tattooing, are all replaced
practically by national ensigns.” This change is toward the higher and
nobler significance and employment, all members of the community being
protected and designated by the simple exhibition of a single emblem.

This chapter is naturally divided into (1) Pictorial tribal
designations, (2) Gentile and clan designations, (3) Significance of
tattoo, (4) Designations of individuals.


SECTION 1.

PICTORIAL TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS.

Capt. de Lamothe Cadillac (_a_) writing in the year 1696 of the
Algonquians of the Great Lake region near Mackinac, etc., describes the
emblems on their canoes as follows: “On y voit la natte de guerre le
corbeau, l’ours on quelque autre animal * * * estant l’esprit qui doit
conduire cette enterprise.”

This, however, was a mistake as applicable to the time when it was
written. The animals used as emblems may originally have been regarded
as supernatural totemic beings, but had probably become tribal
designations.


IROQUOIAN TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS.

Bacqueville de la Potherie (_c_) says that a treaty with the French in
Canada, about 1700, was “sealed” with the “proper arms,” pictorially
drawn, of the Indian tribes which were parties to it. The following is a
copy of the original statement in its archaic form:

    Monsieur de Callieres, de Champigni, & de Vaudreüil, en
    signerent le Traité, que chaque Nation scella de ses propres armes.
    Les Tsonnontouans & les Onnontaguez designerent une araignée, le
    Goyogouin un calumet, les Onneyouts un morceau de bois en fourche,
    une pierre au milieu, un Onnontagué mit un Ours pour les Aniez,
    quoi qu’ils ne vinrent pas. Le Rat mit un Castor, les Abenaguis un
    Chevreüil, les Outaouaks un Liévre, ainsi des autres.

From this it appears that--

The Seneca and Onondaga tribes were represented by a “spider.” [This
was doubtless a branching tree, so badly drawn as to be mistaken for a
spider.]

The Cayuga tribe, by a calumet.

The Oneida tribe, by a forked stick with a stone in the fork. [The
forked stick was really designed for the fork of a tree.]

The Mohawk tribe, by a bear.

Le Rat, who was a representative Huron of Mackinaw, by a beaver.

The Abnaki, by a deer.

The Ottawa, by a hare.

Several other accounts of the tribal signs of the Iroquois are
published, often with illustrations, e. g., in Documents relating to
the Colonial History of New York (_a_), with the following remarks:

    When they go to war, and wish to inform those of the party who
    may pass their path, they make a representation of the animal of
    their tribe, with a hatchet in his dexter paw; sometimes a saber
    or a club; and if there be a number of tribes together of the same
    party, each draws the animal of his tribe, and their number, all on
    a tree, from which they remove the bark. The animal of the tribe
    which heads the expedition is always the foremost.

Another account of interest, which does not appear to have been
published, was traced and contributed by Mr. William Young, of
Philadelphia. It is a deed from the representatives of the Six Nations
(the Tuscaroras then being admitted) to the King of Great Britain, dated
November 4, 1768, and recorded at the recorder’s office, Philadelphia,
in Deed Book I, vol. 5, p. 241. Nearly all of these accounts and
illustrations are confused and imperfect. An instructive blunder occurs
in the translated signature representing the Mohawk tribe in the above
mentioned deed. It is called “The Steel,” which could hardly have been
an ancient tribal name, but after study it was remembered that the
Mohawks have sometimes been called by a name properly translated the
“Flint people.” By some confusion about flint and steel, which were
still used in the middle of the last century to produce sparks of fire,
perhaps assisted by the pantomime of striking those objects together,
the one intended to be indicated, viz, the flint, was understood to be
the other, the steel, and so these words were written under the figure,
which was so roughly drawn that it might have been taken for a piece of
flint or of steel or, indeed, anything else.


EASTERN ALGONQUIAN TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS.

The illustrations in Fig. 483 were drawn in 1888 by a Passamaquoddy
Indian, in Maine, near the Canada border. The Passamaquoddy, Penobscot,
and Amalecite are tribal divisions of the Abnaki, who formerly were
also called Tarrateens by the more southern New England tribes and
Owenunga by the Iroquois. The Micmacs are congeners of the Abnaki, but
not classed in their tribal divisions. All the four tribes belong to the
Algonquian linguistic stock.

[Illustration: FIG. 483.--Eastern Algonquian tribal designations.]

Fig. 483 _a_ is the tribal emblem of the Passamaquoddy. It shows two
Indians in a canoe, both using paddles and not poles, following a
fish, the pollock. The variation which will appear in the represented
use of poles and paddles in the marks of the Algonquian tribes in
Maine, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, etc., is said to have originated
in the differing character of the waters, shoal or deep, sluggish or
rapid, of the regions of the four bodies of Indians whose totems are
indicated as next follows, thus requiring the use of pole and paddle,
respectively, in a greater or less degree. The animals figured are in
all cases repeated consistently by each one of the several delineators,
and in all cases there is some device to show a difference between the
four canoes, either in their structure or in their mode of propulsion,
but these devices are not always consistent. It is therefore probable
that the several animals designated constitute the true and ancient
totemic emblems, and that the accompaniment of the canoes is a modern
differentiation.

_b_ The Maresquite or Amalecite emblem. Two Indians in a canoe, both
with poles, following a muskrat.

_c_ The Micmac emblem. Two Indians, both with paddles, in a canoe built
with high middle parts familiarly called “humpback,” following a deer.

_d_ The Penobscot emblem. Two Indians in a canoe, one with a paddle and
the other with a pole, following an otter.

In Margry (_a_) is an account, written about 1722, of the “Principal
divisions of the Sioux and their distinctive marks,” thus translated:

    There are from twenty to twenty-six villages of Scioux and they
    comprise the nations of the prairies:

    (1) The Ouatabatonha, or Scioux des Rivières, living on the
    St. Croix river or Lake de la Folle-Avoine which is below, and 15
    leagues from the Serpent river. Their distinctive sign is a bear
    wounded in the neck.

    (2) The Menesouhatoba, or Scioux des Lacs, having for their mark
    a bear wounded in the neck.

    (3) The Matatoba, or Scioux des Prairies, having for their mark
    a fox with an arrow in its mouth.

    (4) The Hictoba, or Scioux de la Chasse, having for their symbol
    the elk.

    (5) The Titoba, or Scioux des Prairies, whose emblem is the
    deer. It bears a bow on its horns.

    We have as yet had no commerce save with five nations. The
    Titoba live 80 leagues west of Sault Saint-Antoine.

The above early, though meager, notice will serve as an introduction
to the following series of pictorial tribal signs, all drawn by
Sioux Indians, and many of them representing tribal divisions of the
Siouan linguistic stock. The history and authority of the several
“Winter Counts” mentioned are referred to supra, chapter X, section
2. Red-Cloud’s census and the Oglala roster are also described below.
Explanations of some figures are added which have no reference to the
present topic, but which seemed necessary and could not be separated and
transferred to more appropriate division without undue multiplication of
figures and text.


ABSAROKA OR CROW.

[Illustration: FIG. 484.--Absaroka.]

Fig. 484.--Dakota and Crow, Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1819-’20. In an
engagement between the Dakotas and the Crows both sides expended all of
their arrows, and then threw dirt at each other. A Crow is represented
on the right, and is distinguished by the manner in which the hair is
worn. Hidatsa and Absaroka are represented with striped or spotted hair,
which denotes the red clay they apply to it.

The custom which prevails among these tribes, and is said to have
originated with the Crows, is to wear a wig of horse hair attached to
the occiput, thus resembling the natural growth, but much increased in
length. These wigs are made in strands having the thickness of a finger,
varying from eight to fifteen in number, and held apart and in place by
means of thin cross strands, thus resembling coarse network. At every
intersection of strands of hair and crossties, lumps of pine gum are
attached to prevent disarrangement and as in itself ornamental, and to
these lumps dry vermilion clay is applied by the richer classes and red
ocher or powdered clay by the poorer people.

Pictures drawn by some of the northern tribes of the Dakota show the
characteristic and distinctive features for a Crow Indian to be the
distribution of the red war paint which covers the forehead.

[Illustration: FIG. 485.--Absaroka.]

Fig. 485.--Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1830-’31. The Crows were
approaching a village at a time when there was a great deal of snow on
the ground and intended to surprise it, but, some herders discovering
them, the Dakotas went out, laid in wait for the Crows, surprised them,
and killed many. A Crow’s head is represented in the figure.

The Crow is designated not only by the arrangement of back hair, before
mentioned, but by a topknot of hair extending upward from the forehead,
brushed upward and slightly backward. See also the seated figure in the
record of Running Antelope, in Fig. 820, infra.

[Illustration: FIG. 486.--Absaroka.]

Fig. 486.--The Dakotas surrounded and killed ten Crows. Cloud-Shield’s
Winter Count, 1857-’58.

The hair is somewhat shortened and not intentionally foreshortened,
which was beyond the artist’s skill.

[Illustration: FIG. 487.--Absaroka.]

Fig. 487.--The Dakotas killed a Crow and his squaw who were found on a
trail. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1839-’40.

This is a front view. The union line signifies husband and wife.


ARAPAHO.

[Illustration: FIG. 488.--Arapaho.]

Fig. 488.--Arapaho, in the Dakota language, magpi-yato, blue cloud, is
here shown by a circular cloud, drawn in blue in the original, inclosing
the head of a man. Red-Cloud’s census.


ARIKARA OR REE.

[Illustration: FIG. 489.--Arikara.]

Fig. 489 is the tribal sign of the Arikara, made by the Dakota, taken from
the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year 1823-’24, which he calls
“General-——-first-appeared-and-the-Dakotas-aided-in-an-attack-on-the-Rees
winter,” also “Much corn winter.”

The gun and the arrow in contact with the ear of corn show that both
whites and Indians fought the Rees. The ear of corn signifies “Ree”
or Arikara Indians, who are designated in gesture language as “corn
shellers.”

[Illustration: FIG. 490.--Arikara.]

Fig. 490.--A Dakota kills one Ree. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1874-’75.
Here the ear of corn, the conventional sign for Arikara, has become
abbreviated.


ASSINIBOIN.

[Illustration: FIG. 491.--Assiniboin.]

Fig. 491 is the tribal designation for Assiniboin or Hohe made by the
Dakota, as taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year
1709-’10.

The Hohe means the voice, or, as some say, the voice of the musk ox, and
the device is the outline of the vocal organs, according to the Dakota
concept, and represents the upper lip and roof of the mouth, the tongue,
the lower lip, and chin and neck. The view is lateral, and resembles the
sectional aspect of the mouth and tongue.


BRULÉ.

[Illustration: FIG. 492.--Brulé.]

Fig. 492.--A Brulé, who had left the village the night before, was found
dead in the morning outside the village, and the dogs were eating his
body. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1822-’23.

The black spot on the upper part of the thigh shows he was a Brulé.

[Illustration: FIG. 493.--Brulé.]

Fig. 493.--A Brulé was found dead under a tree, which had fallen on him.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1808-’10.

Again the burnt thigh is suggested by the black spot.

The significance of these two figures is explained by the gesture sign
for Brulé as follows: Rub the upper and outer part of the right thigh
in a small circle with the open right hand, fingers pointing downward.
These Indians were once caught in a prairie fire, many burned to death,
and others badly burned about the thighs; hence the name Si-ca^n-gu,
burnt thigh, and the sign. According to the Brulé chronology, this fire
occurred in 1763, which they call “The-people-were-burned winter.”


CHEYENNE.

[Illustration: FIG. 494.--Cheyenne.]

Fig. 494.--The Cheyenne who boasted that he was bullet and arrow proof
was killed by white soldiers, near Fort Robinson, Nebraska, in the
intrenchments behind which the Cheyennes were defending themselves after
they had escaped from the fort. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1878-’79.

[Illustration: FIG. 495.--Cheyenne.]

The marks on the arm constitute the tribal pictographic emblem. It is
explained by the gesture sign as follows: Pass the ulnar side of the
extended index finger repeatedly across extended finger and back of the
left hand. Fig. 495 illustrates this gesture sign. Frequently, however,
the index is drawn across the wrist or forearm, or the extended index,
palm upward, is drawn across the forefinger of the left hand (palm
inward), several times, left hand stationary, right hand is drawn toward
the body until the index is drawn clear off; then repeat. Some Cheyennes
believe this to have reference to the former custom of cutting the arms
as offerings to spirits, while others think it refers to a more ancient
custom of cutting off the enemy’s fingers for necklaces, and sometimes
to cutting off the whole hand or forearm as a trophy to be displayed as
scalps more generally are.

[Illustration: FIG. 496.--Cheyenne.]

Fig. 496 is from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year
1785-’86. In that record this is the only instance where the short
vertical lines below the arrow signify Cheyenne. In all others those
marks are numerical and denote the number of persons killed. That these
short lines here signify Cheyenne is explained by the foregoing remarks.

[Illustration: FIG. 497.--Cheyenne.]

Fig. 497.--Picket-Pin went against the Cheyennes. A picket-pin is
represented in front of him and is connected with his mouth by the usual
line. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1790-’91.

The black band across his face denotes that he was brave and had killed
enemies. The cross is the symbol for Cheyenne. This mark stands for the
scars on their arms or stripes on their sleeves, and also to the gesture
sign for this tribe. The cross is, therefore, the conventionalized form
both for the emblem and the gesture.


DAKOTA OR SIOUX.

[Illustration: FIG. 498.--Dakota.]

Fig. 498.--Standing-Bull, the great grandfather of the present
Standing-Bull, discovered the Black Hills. American-Horse’s Winter
Count, 1775-’76. He carried home with him a pine tree of a species
he had never seen before. In this count the Dakotas are usually
distinguished by the braided scalp lock and the feather they wear at the
crown of the head, or by the manner in which they brush back and tie the
hair with ornamented strips. Many illustrations are given in the present
paper in which this arrangement of the hair is shown more distinctly.

With regard to the designation of this tribe by paint it seems
that pictures made by the northern Dakotas represent themselves as
distinguished from other Indians by being painted red from below the
eyes to the end of the chin. But this is probably rather a special war
painting than a tribal design.


HIDATSA, GROS VENTRE, OR MINITARI.

[Illustration: FIG. 499.--Hidatsa.]

Fig. 499 shows the tribal designation of the Gros Ventres by the
Dakotas, on the authority of Battiste Good, 1789-’90.

Two Gros Ventres were killed on the ice by the Dakotas. The two are
designated by two spots of blood on the ice, and killed is expressed by
a blood-tipped arrow against the figure of the man above. The long hair,
with a red forehead, denotes the Gros Ventre. In other Dakota records
the same style of painting the forehead red designates the Arikara and
Absaroka Indians. The horizontal band, which is blue in the original,
signifies ice.


KAIOWA.

[Illustration: FIG. 500.--Kaiowa.]

Fig. 500 shows the tribal designation of the Kaiowa by the Dakota, taken
from the Winter Count of Battiste Good, 1814-’15. He calls the winter
“Smashed-a-Kaiowa’s-head-in winter.” The tomahawk with which it was done
is in contact with the Kaiowa’s head.

The sign for Kaiowa is sometimes made by passing one or both hands,
naturally extended, in short horizontal circles on either side of
the head, together with a shaking motion, the conception being
“rattle-brained” or “crazy heads.” The picture is drawn to represent
the man in the attitude of making this gesture, and not the involuntary
raising of the hands upon receiving the blow, such attitudes not
appearing in Battiste Good’s system.

[Illustration: FIG. 501.--Kaiowa.]

This gesture is illustrated in Fig. 501.


MANDAN.

[Illustration: FIG. 502.--Mandan.]

Fig. 502.--Two Mandans killed by Minneconjous. The peculiar arrangement
of the hair distinguishes the tribe. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1789-’90.


MANDAN AND ARIKARA.

[Illustration: FIG. 503.--Mandan and Arikara.]

Fig. 503.--The Mandans and Rees made a charge on a Dakota village. An
eagle’s tail, which is worn on the head, stands for Mandan and Ree.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1783-’84.

The mark on the tipi, which represents a village, is not, as it at first
sight appears, a hatchet, but a conventional sign for “it hit.” See Fig.
987 and accompanying remarks.


OJIBWA.

Carver (_a_), writing in 1776-’78, tells that an Ojibwa drew the
designation of his own tribe as a deer. The honest captain of provincial
troops may have mistaken a clan mark to be a tribal mark, but the
account is mentioned for what it is worth, and the context serves to
support the statement.


OMAHA.

[Illustration: FIG. 504.--Omaha.]

Fig. 504 is the tribal designation of the Omahas by the Dakotas, taken
from the Winter Count of Battiste Good, for the year 1744-’45. The
pictograph is a human head with cropped hair and red cheeks. It is a
front view. This tribe cuts the hair short and uses red paint upon the
cheeks very extensively. This character is of frequent occurrence in
Battiste Good’s count.

[Illustration: FIG. 505.--Omaha.]

Fig. 505.--The Dakotas killed an Omaha in the night. Cloud-Shield’s
Winter Count, 1806-’07.

This is a side view of the same. The illustration does not show the
color of the cheeks.

[Illustration: FIG. 506.--Omaha.]

Fig. 506.--The Dakotas and Omahas made peace. Cloud-Shield’s Winter
Count, 1791-’92.

The Omaha is on the right and the Dakota on the left.


PAWNEE.

[Illustration: FIG. 507.--Pawnee.]

Fig. 507 is the tribal designation of the Pawnee by the Dakotas, taken
from Battiste Good’s Winter Count for the year 1704-’05.

He says: The lower part of the legs are ornamented with slight
projections resembling the husks on the bottom of an ear of corn.

[Illustration: FIG. 508.--Pawnee.]

Fig. 508.--Brulés kill a number of Pawnees. The-Flame’s Winter Count,
1873-’74.

This is the abbreviated or conventionalized form of the one preceding.

[Illustration: FIG. 509.--Pawnee.]

Fig. 509.--They killed many Pawnees on the Republican river.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1873-’74.

Here the arrangement of the hair makes the distinction.

In this connection it is useful to quote Dunbar (_a_):

    The tribal mark of the Pawnees in their pictographic or historic
    painting was the scalp lock dressed to stand nearly erect or curving
    slightly backwards, somewhat like a horn. This, in order that it
    should retain its position, was filled with vermillion or other
    pigment, and sometimes lengthened by means of a tuft of horse hair
    skillfully appended so as to form a trail back over the shoulders.
    This usage was undoubtedly the origin of the name Pawnee. * * * It
    is most probably derived from _pá-rĭk-ĭ_, a horn, and seems to have
    been once used by the Pawnees themselves to designate their peculiar
    scalp lock. From the fact that this was the most noticeable feature
    in their costume, the name came naturally to be the denominative
    term of the tribe.


PONKA.

[Illustration: FIG. 510.--Ponka.]

Fig. 510.--The Ponkas came and attacked a village, notwithstanding peace
had just been made with them. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1778-’79.

Some elk hair which is used to form a ridge about 8 inches long and 2 in
breadth, worn from the forehead to the back of the neck, and a feather,
represent Ponka. Horse tracks are used for horses. Attack is indicated
by marks which represent bullet marks, and which convey the idea that
the bullet struck. The marks are derived from the gesture-sign “it
struck.” See Chapter XVIII, section 4.

[Illustration: FIG. 511.--Ponka.]

Fig. 511.--An Indian woman, who had been unfaithful to a white
man to whom she was married, was killed by an Indian named Ponka.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1804-’05.

The emblem for Ponka is the straight elk hair ridge.

[Illustration: FIG. 512.--Ponka.]

Fig. 512.--A Ponka, who was captured when a boy by the Oglalas,
was killed while outside the village by a war party of Ponkas.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1793-’94.

The artificial headdress, consisting of a ridge of elk hair, is again
portrayed.


SHOSHONI.

Dr. George Gibbs (_b_) describes a pictograph made by one of the Indian
tribes of Oregon and Washington, upon which “the figure of a man with a
long queue or scalp lock reached to his heels denoted a Shoshoni, that
tribe being in the habit of braiding horse or other hair into their own
in that manner.”

This may be correct regarding the Shoshoni Indians among the extreme
northwestern tribes, but the mark of identification could not be based
upon the custom of braiding with their own hair that of animals, to
increase the length and appearance of the queue, as this custom also
prevails among the Absaroka, Hidatsa, and Arikaa Indians, respectively,
as before mentioned in this work.

Tanner’s Narrative (_e_) gives additional information on this topic
regarding the absence of any tribal sign in connection with a human
figure.

    The men of the same tribe are extensively acquainted with the
    totems which belong to each, and if on any record of this kind
    the figure of a man appears without any designatory mark, it is
    immediately understood that he is a Sioux or at least a stranger.
    Indeed, in most instances the figures of men are not used at all,
    merely the totem or surname, being given. * * * It may be observed
    that the Algonkins believe all other Indians to have totems,
    though from the necessity they are in general under of remaining
    ignorant of those hostile bands, the omission of the totem in their
    picture writing serves to designate an enemy. Thus, those bands
    of Ojibbeways who border on the country of the Dahcotah or Sioux,
    always understand the figure of a man without totem to mean one of
    that people.

[Illustration: FIG. 513.--Tamga of Kirghise tribes.]

In Sketches of Northwestern Mongolia, (_a_) are the tamga or seals of
Kirghise tribes, of which Fig. 513 is a copy.

The explanation given is as follows: _a._ Kipchaktamga: letter alip.
_b._ Arguin tamga: eyes. _c._ Naiman tamga: posts (of door). _d._
Kong-rat, Kirei, tamga: vine. _e._ Nak tamga: prop. _f._ Tarakti tamga:
comb. _g._ Tyulimgut tamga: pike.


SECTION 2.

GENTILE AND CLAN DESIGNATIONS.

The clan and totemic system formerly called the gentile system
undoubtedly prevailed anciently in Europe and Asia, but first became
understood by observations of its existence in actual force among the
aborigines of America and Australia, and typical representations of it
are still found among them. In Australia it is called kobong. An animal
or a plant, or sometimes a heavenly body was mythologically at first and
at last sociologically connected with all persons of a certain stock,
who believe, or once believed, that it was their tutelar god and they
bear its name.

Each clan or gens took as a badge or objective totem the representation
of the tutelar daimon from which it was named. As most Indian tribes
were zootheistic, the object of their devotion was generally an
animal--e. g., an eagle, a panther, a buffalo, a bear, a deer, a raccoon,
a tortoise, a snake, or a fish, but sometimes was one of the winds, a
celestial body, or other impressive object or phenomenon.

American Indians once generally observed a prohibition against killing
the animal connected with their totem or eating any part of it. For
instance, most of the southern Indians abstained from killing the wolf;
the Navajo do not kill bears; the Osage never killed the beaver until
the skins became valuable for sale. Afterward some of the animals
previously held sacred were killed; but apologies were made to them at
the time, and in almost all cases the prohibition or taboo survived with
regard to certain parts of those animals which were not to be eaten on
the principle of synecdoche, the temptation to use the food being too
strong to permit entire abstinence. The Cherokee forbade the use of the
tongues of the deer and bear for food. They cut these members out and
cast them into the fire sacramentally. A practice still exists among the
Ojibwa as follows: There is a formal restriction against members of the
bear clan eating the animal, yet by a subdivision within the same clan
an arrangement is made so that sub-clans may among them eat the whole
animal. When a bear is killed, the head and paws are eaten by those who
form one branch of the bear totem, and the remainder is reserved for the
others. Other Indian tribes have invented a differentiation in which
some clansmen may eat the ham and not the shoulder of certain animals,
and others the shoulder and not the ham.

It follows, therefore, that sometimes the whole animal is designated as
a clan totem, and also that sometimes only parts of it is selected.
Many of the devices given in this paper under the heading of personal
names have this origin. The following figures show a selection of
parts of animals that may further illustrate the subject. It must,
however, be borne in mind that some of the cases may be connected with
individual visions or with personal adventures and not directly with the
clan system. In the absence of detailed information in each instance
discrimination is impossible.

Schoolcraft says that the Ojibwa always placed the totemic or clan
pictorial mark upon the _adjedatig_ or grave-post, thereby sinking the
personal name which is not generally indicative of the totem. The same
practice is found in other tribes. The Pueblos depict the gentile or
totemic pictorial sign upon their various styles of ceramic work.

[Illustration: FIG. 514.--Dakota gentile designations.]

Fig. 514, gives examples taken from Dakota drawings, which appear to
be pictured totemic marks of gentes or clans. If not in every instance
veritable examples, they illustrate the mode of their representation as
distinct from the mere personal designations mentioned below, and yet
without positive information in each case, it is not possible to decide
on their correct assignment to this section of the present chapter.

_a._ Bear-Back. Red-Cloud’s Census.

This and the six following figures exhibit respectively the portions
of the bear, viz, the back or chine, the ears, the head, the paw, the
brains, and the nostrils or muzzle, which are probably the subject of
taboo and are the sign of a clan or subclan.

_b._ Bear’s-Ears, a Brulé, was killed in an Oglala village by the Crows.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1785-’86.

_c._ Bear’s-Ears was killed in a fight with the Rees. Cloud-Shield’s
Winter Count, 1793-’94.

This is another and more graphic delineation of the animal’s ears.

_d._ Bear-Head. Red-Cloud’s Census.

_e._ Bear-Paw. Red-Cloud’s Census. The paws of the bear are considered
to be a delicacy.

_f._ Bear-Brains. Red-Cloud’s Census.

_g._ Bear-Nostrils. Red-Cloud’s Census.

_h._ Hump. Red-Cloud’s Census. The hump of the buffalo has been often
praised as a delicious dish.

_i._ Elk-Head. Red-Cloud’s Census.

Fig. 515 represents carved uprights in a house of the Kwakiutl Indians,
British Columbia, taken from a work of Dr. Franz Boas (_b_).

[Illustration: FIG. 515.--Kwakiutl carvings.]

The author says that these uprights are always carved according to the
crest of the gens of the house owner, and represent men standing on
the heads of animals. This use of the term “crest” is not heraldically
correct, as literally it would require the men to be standing on the
coverings of their own heads, but the idea is plain, the word being
used for a device similar in nature and significance to the crest in
heraldry, and it was adopted by the ancestors of the Kwakiutl gentes in
relation to certain exploits that they had made. Both human figures show
painting and probably also tattooing on their faces.

The character on the left hand also shows a design on the breast. That
on the right hand presents a curious artifice of carving by which the
legs and an arm are exhibited while preserving the solidity of the
upright.


SECTION 3.

SIGNIFICANCE OF TATTOO.

Tattooing proper is a permanent marking of the skin accomplished by
the introduction of coloring matter under the cutaneous epidermis. In
popular expression and often in literature it includes penetration of
the skin by cuts, gashes, or sometimes burns, without the insertion of
coloring matter, the cicatrix being generally whiter than the sound
skin of the people, most frequently of the dark races, among whom
the practice is found. This form of figuration is distinguished as
scarification and some examples of it are given below. The two varieties
of tattoo may, however, for the purpose of this paper, be considered
together and also in relation to painting the human body, which in its
early use differs from them only in duration.

Mr. Herbert Spencer (_a_) considers all forms of tattoo to be originally
tribal marks, and draws from that assumption additional evidence for his
favorite theory of the deification of a dead tribal chief. Miss A. W.
Buckland (_a_), in her essay on tattooing, follows in the same track,
although recognizing modern deviations from the rule. A valuable article
in the literature of the subject entitled “Tattooing among civilized
people,” by Dr. Robert Fletcher should be consulted. Also A tatuagem em
Portugal, by Rocha Peixoto.

Dr. C. N. Starcke (_a_) lays down the law still more distinctly, thus:

    The tattoo-marks make it possible to discover the remote
    connection between clans, and this token has such a powerful
    influence on the mind that there is no feud between tribes which
    are tattooed in the same way. * * * Tattooing may also lead to the
    formation of a group within the tribe.

Prof. Frederick Starr (_a_) makes these remarks:

    As a sign of war prowess the gash of the Kaffir warrior may be
    described. After an act of bravery the priest cuts a deep gash in
    the hero’s thigh. This heals blue and is a prized honor. To realize
    the value of a tribal mark think for a moment of the savage man’s
    relation to the world outside. He is a very Ishmaelite. So long as
    he remains on his own tribal territory he is safe; when on the land
    of another tribe his life is the legitimate prey of the first man he
    meets. To men in such social relations the tribal mark is the only
    safety at home; without it he would be slain unrecognized by his own
    tribesmen. There must have been a time when the old Hebrews knew all
    about this matter of tribe marks. By this custom only can we fully
    understand the story of Cain (Gen. IV, 14, 15), who fears to be sent
    from his own territory lest he be slain by the first stranger he
    meets, but is protected by the tribal mark of those among whom he is
    to wander being put upon him. But in scarring, as in so many other
    cases, the original idea is often lost and the mark becomes merely
    ornamental. This is particularly true among women. Among men it more
    frequently retains its tribal significance.

After careful study of the topic, less positive and conclusive
authority is found for this explanation of tattooing than was expected,
considering its general admission.

The great antiquity of tattooing is shown by reference to it in the Old
Testament, and in Herodotus, Xenophon, Tacitus, Ammianus, and Herodian.
The publications on the topic are so numerous that the notes now to be
presented are by no means exhaustive. They mainly refer to the Indian
tribes of North America with only such comparatively recent reports from
other lands as seem to afford elucidation.


TATTOO IN NORTH AMERICA.

G. Holm (_b_) says of the Greenland Innuit that geometric figures
consisting of streaks and points, are used in tattooing on the breasts,
arms, and legs of the females.

H. H. Bancroft (_b_) says:

    The Eskimo females tattoo lines on their chins; the plebeian
    female of certain bands has one vertical line in the center and one
    parallel to it on either side. The higher classes mark two vertical
    lines from each corner of the mouth. * * * Young Kadiak wives tattoo
    the breast and adorn the face with black lines. The Kuskoquim women
    sew into their chin two parallel blue lines.

William H. Gilder (_a_) reports:

    The Esquimau wife has her face tattooed with lampblack and is
    regarded as a matron in society. * * * The forehead is decorated
    with the letter V in double lines, the angle very acute, passing
    down between the eyes almost to the bridge of the nose, and sloping
    gracefully to the right and left before reaching the roots of the
    hair. Each cheek is adorned with an egg-shaped pattern, commencing
    near the wing of the nose and sloping upward toward the corner of
    the eye; these lines are also double. The most ornamented part,
    however, is the chin, which receives a gridiron pattern; the lines
    double from the edge of the lower lip, and reaching to the throat
    toward the corners of the mouth, sloping outward to the angle of the
    lower jaw. This is all that is required by custom, but some of the
    belles do not stop here. * * * None of the men are tattooed.

An early notice of tattooing in the territory now occupied by the United
States, mentioned in Hakluyt (_d_), is in the visit of the Florida
chief, Satouriona, in 1564, to Réné Laudonnière. His tattooed figure was
drawn by Le Moyne, Tabulæ VIII, IX.

Capt. John Smith (_a_) is made to say of the Virginia Indians:

    They adorne themselues most with copper beads and paintings.
    Their women, some haue their legs, hands, breasts and face cunningly
    imbrodered with divers workes, as beasts, serpents, artificially
    wrought into their flesh with blacke spots.

[Illustration: FIG. 516.--Virginian tattoo designs.]

Thomas Hariot (_a_), in Pl. XXIII, here reproduced as Fig. 516,
Discoveries of 1585, discussing “The Marckes of sundrye of the Chief
mene of Virginia,” says:

    The inhabitats of all the cuntrie for the most parte haue marks
    rased on their backs, wherby yt may be knowen what Princes subiects
    they bee, or of what place they haue their originall. For which
    cause we haue set downe those marks in this figure, and haue annexed
    the names of the places, that they might more easelye be discerned.
    Which industrie hath god indued them withal although they be verye
    simple, and rude. And to confesse a truthe I cannot remember, that
    euer I saw a better or quietter people than they.

    The marks which I observed amonge them, are heere put downe in
    order folowinge.

    The marke which is expressed by A. belongeth tho Wingino, the
    cheefe lorde of Roanoac.

    That which hath B. is the marke of Wingino his sisters husbande.

    Those which be noted with the letters of C. and D. belonge vnto
    diverse chefe lordes in Secotan.

    Those which haue the letters E. F. G. are certaine cheefe men of
    Pomeiooc, and Aquascogoc.

Frère Gabriel Sagard (_b_) says (about 1636) of the Hurons that they
tattooed by scratching with a bone of bird or fish, a black powder being
applied to the bleeding wounds. The operation was not completed at
once, but required several renewals. The object was to show bravery by
supporting great pain as well as to terrify enemies.

In the Jesuit Relation for 1641, p. 75, it is said of the Neuter Nation
that on their bodies from head to foot they marked a thousand diverse
figures with charcoal pricked into the flesh on which beforehand they
have traced lines for them.

Lemoyne D’Iberville, in 1649, Margry (_b_), remarked among the
Bayogoulas that some of the young women had their faces and breasts
pricked and marked with black.

In the Jesuit Relation for 1663, p. 28, there is an account that the
head chief of the Iroquois, called by the French Nero, had killed sixty
enemies with his own hand, the marks of which he bears printed on his
thigh, which, therefore, appears covered over with black characters.

Joutel, in Margry (_c_), speaks of tattooing among the Texas Indians in
1687. Some women make a streak from the top of the forehead to chin,
some make a triangle at the corners of their eyes, others on the breast
and shoulders, others prick the lips. The marks are indelible.

Bacqueville de la Potherie (_b_) says of the Iroquois:

    They paint several colors on the face, as black, white, yellow,
    blue, and vermillion. Men paint snakes from the forehead to the
    nose, but they prick the greater part of the body with a needle to
    draw blood. Bruised gunpowder makes the first coat to receive the
    other colors, of which they make such figures as they desire and
    they are never effaced.

M. Bossu (_a_) says of tatooing among the Osages in 1756:

    It is a kind of knighthood to which they are only entitled by
    great actions; they suffer with pleasure in order to pass for men of
    courage.

    If one of them should get himself marked without having
    previously distinguished himself in battle he would be degraded, and
    looked upon as a coward, unworthy of an honor. * * *

    I saw an Indian, who, though he had never signalized himself
    in defense of the nation, got a mark made on his body in order to
    deceive those who only judged from appearance. The council agreed
    that, to obviate such an abuse, which would confound brave men with
    cowards, he who had wrongfully adorned himself with the figure of a
    club on his skin, without ever having struck a blow at war, should
    have the mark torn off; that is, the place should be flayed, and
    that the same should be done to all who would offend in the same
    case.

    The Indian women are allowed to make marks all over their body,
    without any bad consequences; they endure it firmly, like the men,
    in order to please them, and to appear handsomer to them.

James Adair (_a_) says of the Chikasas in 1720:

    They readily know achievements in war by the blue marks over
    their breasts and arms, they being as legible as our alphabetical
    characters are to us. Their ink is made of the root of pitch
    pine, which sticks to the inside of a greased earthen pot; then
    delineating the parts, they break through the skin with gairfish
    teeth, and rub over them that dark composition, to register them
    among the brave, and the impression is lasting. I have been told
    by the Chikasah that they formerly erased any false marks their
    warriors proudly and privately gave themselves, in order to engage
    them to give real proofs of their martial virtue, being surrounded
    by the French and their red allies; and that they degraded them in
    a public manner, by stretching the marked parts, and rubbing them
    with the juice of green corn, which in a great degree took out the
    impression.

Sir Alex. Mackenzie (_b_) tells that the Slave and Dog Rib Indians of
the Athabaskan stock practiced tatooing. The men had two double lines,
either black or blue, tattooed upon each cheek from the ear to the nose.

In James’s Long (_c_) it is reported that--

    The Omahas are often neatly tattooed in straight lines, and in
    angles on the breast, neck, and arms. The daughters of chiefs and
    those of wealthy Indians generally are denoted by a small round spot
    tattooed on the forehead. The process of tattooing is performed by
    persons who make it a business of profit.

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey (_a_) says:

    In order that the ghost may travel the ghost-road in safety it
    is necessary for each Dakota, during his life, to be tattooed either
    in the middle of the forehead or on the wrists. In that event his
    spirit will go directly to the “Many Lodges.”

The female Midē' of the Ojibwa frequently tattoo the temples, forehead,
or cheeks of sufferers from headache or toothache, which varieties of
pain are believed to be caused by some malevolent manido or spirit.
By this operation such demons are expelled, the ceremony being also
accompanied by songs and gesticulations of exorcism. Relief is sometimes
actually obtained through the counterirritant action of the tattooing,
which is effected by using a small bunch of needles, though formerly
several spicules of bone were tied together or used singly.

One old Ojibwa woman who was observed in 1887 had a round spot over each
temple, made there to cure headache. The spots were of a bluish-black
color, and about five-eighths of an inch in diameter. Another had a
similar spot upon the nasal eminence, and a line of small dots running
from the nostrils, horizontally outward over either cheek, two-thirds of
the distance to the ears.

The men of the Wichita wore tattoo lines from the lips downward, and it
is a significant fact that their tribal sign means “tattooed people,”
the same expression being used to designate them in the language of
several neighboring tribes. This would imply that tattooing was not
common in that region. The Kaiowa women, however, frequently had small
circles tattooed on their foreheads, and the Sixtown Choctaws still are
distinguished by perpendicular lines tatooed on the chin.

Mr. John Murdoch (_b_) reports of the Eskimo:

    The custom of tattooing is almost universal among the women, but
    the marks are confined almost exclusively to the chin, and form a
    very simple pattern. This consists of one, three, five, or perhaps
    as many as seven vertical lines from the under lip to the tip of the
    chin, slightly radiating when there are more than one. When there
    is a single line, which is rather rare, it is generally broad, and
    the middle line is sometimes broader than the others. The women,
    as a rule, are not tattooed until they reach a marriageable age,
    though there were a few little girls in the two villages who had a
    single line on the chin. I remember seeing but one married woman in
    either village who was not tattooed, and she had come from a distant
    settlement, from Point Hope, as well as we could understand.

    Tattooing on a man is a mark of distinction. Those men who
    are, or have been, captains of whaling umiaks that have taken
    whales have marks to indicate this tattooed somewhere on their
    persons, sometimes forming a definite tally. For instance, An̄oru
    had a broad band across each cheek from the corners of the mouth,
    made up of many indistinct lines, which was said to indicate
    “many whales.” Amaiyuna had the “flukes” of seven whales in a line
    across his chest, and Mû'n̄ialu had a couple of small marks on
    one forearm. Niăksára, the wife of An̄oru, also had a little mark
    tattooed in each corner of her mouth, which she said were “whale
    marks,” indicating that she was the wife of a successful whaleman.
    Such marks, according to Petitot (Monographie, etc., p. 15), are a
    part of the usual pattern in the Mackenzie district--“deux traits
    aux commissures de la bouche.” One or two men at Nuwŭk had each a
    narrow line across the face over the bridge of the nose, which were
    probably also “whale marks,” though we never could get a definite
    answer concerning them.

    The tattooing is done with a needle and thread, smeared with
    soot or gunpowder, giving a peculiar pitted appearance to the
    lines. It is rather a painful operation, producing considerable
    inflammation and swelling, which lasts several days. The practice
    of tattooing the women is almost universal among the Eskimo from
    Greenland to Kadiak, including the Eskimo of Siberia, the only
    exception being the natives of Smith sound, though the custom is
    falling into disuse among the Eskimo who have much intercourse with
    the whites.

    The simple pattern of straight, slightly diverging lines on the
    chin seems to prevail from the Mackenzie district to Kadiak, and
    similar chin lines appear always to form part of the more elaborate
    patterns, sometimes extending to the arms and other parts of the
    body, in fashion among the eastern Eskimo and those of Siberia, St.
    Lawrence island, and the Diomedes.

TATTOO ON THE PACIFIC COAST.

During the summer of 1884 Dr. Hoffman met, at Port Townsend, Washington,
a party of Haida Indians from Queen Charlottes island, who were encamped
there for a short time. Most of them were tattooed after the manner
of the Haidas, the breast, back, forearm, and legs bearing partial or
complete designs of animate forms relating to totems or myths. Some
of the persons had been tattooed only in part, the figures upon the
forearms, for instance, being incomplete, because the operation at a
previous “potlatch” or festival had to be suspended on account of the
great length of time required, or on account of an extra inflammatory
condition of the affected parts.

Among this party of Haidas was Makdē'gos, the tattooer of the tribe,
whose work is truly remarkable. The designs made by him are symmetrical,
while the lines are uniform in width and regular and graceful in every
respect. In persons tattooed upon the breast or back the part operated
upon is first divided into halves by an imaginary vertical line upon the
breast through the middle of the sternum and upon the back along the
middle of the vertebral column. Such designs are drawn double, facing
outward from this imaginary line. One side is first drawn and completed,
while the other is merely a reverse transfer, made immediately
afterwards or at such future time as the operation of tattooing may be
renewed.

The colors are black and red, the former consisting of finely powdered
charcoal, gunpowder, or India ink, while the latter is Chinese
vermilion. The operation was formerly performed with sharp thorns,
spines of certain fishes, or spicules of bone; but recently a small
bunch of needles is used, which serves the purpose to better effect.

As is well known, the black pigments, when picked into the human skin,
become rather bluish, which tint, when beneath the yellowish tinge of
the Indian’s cuticle, appears of an olive or sometimes a greenish-blue
shade. The colors, immediately after being tattooed upon the skin,
retain more or less of the blue-black shade; but by absorption of the
pigment and the persistence of the coloring matter of the pigmentary
membrane the greenish tint soon appears, becoming gradually less
conspicuous as time progresses, so that in some of the oldest tattooed
Indians the designs are greatly weakened in coloration.

Upon the bodies of some persons examined the results of ulceration are
conspicuous. This destruction of tissue is the result of inflammation
caused by the tattooing and the introduction under the skin of so great
a quantity of irritating foreign matter that, instead of designs in
color, there are distinct, sharply defined figures in white or nearly
white cicatrices, the pigmentary membrane having been totally destroyed
by the ulceration.

[Illustration: FIG. 517.--Haida tattoo, sculpin and dragon fly.]

The figures represented upon the several Indians met with, as
above-mentioned, were not all of totemic signification, one arm, for
instance, bearing the figure of the totem of which the person is a
member, while the other arm presents the outline of a mythic being, as
shown in Fig. 517, copied from the arms of a woman. The left device is
taken from the left forearm, and represents kul, the skulpin, a totemic
animal, whereas the right hand device, taken from the right arm of the
same subject, represents mamathlóna, the dragon fly, a mythic insect.

[Illustration: FIG. 518.--Haida tattoo, thunder-bird.]

In Fig. 518 two forms of the thunderbird are presented, copied from the
right and left forearms and hands, respectively, of a Haida woman. The
right hand device is complete, but that on the left, copied from the
opposite forearm and hand, is incomplete, and it was expected that the
design would be entirely finished at the “potlatch” which was to be held
in the autumn of 1884. In the completed design the transverse curve in
the body of the tail was red, as also the three diagonal lines upon the
body of the bird running outward from the central vertical toward the
radial side of the hand. The brace-shaped lines within the head ornament
had also been tattooed in red.

[Illustration: FIG. 519.--Haida tattoo, thunder-bird and tshimō's.]

In some instances the totem and mythic character are shown upon the same
member, as is represented in Fig. 519. This tattooing was copied from
the left arm of a woman, the complete figure upon the forearm and hand
being that of a thunder bird, while the four heads upon the fingers
represent that of the tshimō's, a mythic animal. The thunder-bird
had been tattooed upon the arms a number of years before the heads
were added, probably because the protracted and painful operation of
tattooing so large a figure deterred the sufferer from further sitting.
Sometimes, however, such, postponement or noncompletion of an operation
is the result of inability on the part of the subject to defray the
expense.

[Illustration: FIG. 520.--Haida tattoo, bear.]

Another instance of the interrupted condition of tattooed designs is
presented in Fig. 520. The figure upon the forearm and hand is that of
the bear totem, and was made first. At a subsequent festival the bear
heads were tattooed upon the fingers, and, last of all, the body was
tattoed upon the middle finger, leaving three yet to be completed.

[Illustration: FIG. 521.--Haida tattoo, mountain goat.]

Fig. 521 shows tattoo designs upon the leg. These represent mēt, the
mountain goat.

[Illustration: FIG. 522.--Haida tattoo, double thunder-bird.]

It is seldom that double designs occur on the extremities, such being
reserved for the breast and back, but an instance was noted, represented
in Fig. 522, which is a representation of hélinga, the thunder-bird, and
was on the left arm of a man.

[Illustration: FIG. 523.--Haida tattoo, double raven.]

One of the most conspicuous examples of the art observed among the party
of traveling Haidas mentioned, was that of a double raven tattooed upon
the breast of Makdē'gos, copied here as Fig. 523.

[Illustration: FIG. 524.--Haida tattoo, dogfish.]

Upon the back of this Indian is also the figure of kahátta, the
dog-fish, Fig. 524. In addition to these marks he bears also upon his
extremities totemic and mythic animals.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIV

HAIDA DOUBLE THUNDERBIRD.]

Sometimes the simple outline designs employed in tattooing are painted
upon property belonging to various persons, such as boats, housefronts,
etc. In such instances colors are employed that could not be used in
tattooing. One fine example of such is presented in Pl. XXIV and another
of more elaborate design in Pl. XXV.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXV

HAIDA DOG-FISH.]

Mr. James G. Swan made a valuable contribution on tattoo marks of the
Haida Indians of Queen Charlotte islands, British Columbia, and the
Prince of Wales archipelago, Alaska, published in the Fourth Annual
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, which, much condensed, is reproduced
as follows:

    Among all the tribes or bands belonging to the Haida family,
    the practice of tattooing the person in some manner is common; but
    the most marked are the Haidas proper, or those living on Queen
    Charlotte islands, and the Kaiganis, of Prince of Wales archipelago,
    Alaska.

    I am of the opinion, judging from my own observation of over
    twenty years among the coast tribes, that but few females can
    be found among the Indians, not only on Vancouvers island, but
    all along the coast to the Columbia river, and perhaps even to
    California, that are _not_ marked with some device tattooed on their
    hands, arms, or ankles, either dots or straight lines; but of all
    of the tribes mentioned, the Haidas stand preeminent for tattooing,
    and seem to be excelled only by the natives of the Fiji islands or
    the King’s Mills group in the south seas. The tattoo marks of the
    Haidas are heraldic designs or the family totem, or crests of the
    wearers, and are similar to the carvings depicted on the pillars and
    monuments around the homes of the chiefs, which casual observers
    have thought were idols.

    These designs are invariably placed on the men between the
    shoulders just below the back of the neck, on the breast, on the
    front part of both thighs, and on the legs below the knee. On the
    women they are marked on the breast, on both shoulders, on both
    forearms, from the elbow down over the back of the hands to the
    knuckles, and on both legs below the knee to the ankle.

    Almost all of the Indian women of the northwest coast have
    tattoo marks on their hands and arms, and some on the face; but as
    a general thing these marks are mere dots or straight lines having
    no particular significance. With the Haidas, however, every mark has
    its meaning; those on the hands and arms of the women indicate the
    family name, whether they belong to the bear, beaver, wolf, or eagle
    totems, or any of the family of fishes. As one of them quaintly
    remarked to me, “If you were tattooed with the design of a swan, the
    Indians would know your family name.”

    In order to illustrate this tattooing as correctly as possible I
    inclose herewith sketches of the tattoo marks on two women and their
    husbands, taken by me at Port Townsend.

[Illustration: FIG. 525.--Tattooed Haidas.]

The man on the left hand of Fig. 525 is a tattooed Haida. On his breast
is the cod (kahátta), split from the head to the tail and laid open;
on each thigh is the octopus (noo), and below each knee is the frog
(flkamkostan).

The woman in the same figure has on her breast the head and forepaws
of the beaver (tsching); on each shoulder is the head of the eagle
or thunder-bird (skamskwin); on each arm, extending to and covering
the back of the hand, is the halibut (hargo); on the right leg is the
skulpin (kull); on the left leg is the frog (flkamkostan).

[Illustration: FIG. 526.--Tattooed Haidas.]

The woman in Fig. 526 has a bear’s head (hoorts) on her breast. On each
shoulder is the eagle’s head, and on her arms and legs are figures of
the bear.

The back of the man in the same figure has the wolf (wasko), split in
halves and tattooed between his shoulders, which is shown enlarged in
Fig. 531. Wasko is a mythological being of the wolf species, similar to
the chu-chu-hmexl of the Makah Indians, an antediluvian demon supposed
to live in the mountains.

[Illustration: FIG. 527.--Two forms of skulpin, Haida.]

[Illustration: FIG. 528.--Frog, Haida.]

[Illustration: FIG. 529.--Cod, Haida.]

[Illustration: FIG. 530.--Squid, Haida.]

[Illustration: FIG. 531.--Wolf, Haida.]

The skulpin, on the right leg of the woman in Fig. 525, is shown
enlarged in Fig. 527; the frog on the left leg in Fig. 528. The codfish
on the man in Fig. 525 is shown enlarged in Fig. 529; the octopus or
squid in Fig. 530.

As the Haidas, both men and women, are very light-colored, some of
the latter--full blooded Indians, too--having their skins as fair as
Europeans, the tattoo marks show very distinct.

The same author continues:

    This tattooing is not all done at one time, nor is it everyone
    who can tattoo. Certain ones, almost always men, have a natural gift
    which enables them to excel in this kind of work. One of the young
    chiefs, named Geneskelos, was the best designer I knew, and ranked
    among his tribe as a tattooer.

    He told me the plan he adopted was first to draw the design
    carefully on the person with some dark pigment, then prick it in
    with needles, and then rub over the wound with some more coloring
    matter till it acquired the proper hue. He had a variety of
    instruments composed of needles tied neatly to sticks. His favorite
    one was a flat strip of ivory or bone, to which he had firmly tied
    five or six needles, with their points projecting beyond the end
    just far enough to raise the skin without inflicting a dangerous
    wound, but these needle points stuck out quite sufficiently to make
    the operation very painful, and although he applied some substance
    to deaden the sensation of the skin, yet the effect was on some to
    make them quite sick for a few days; consequently, the whole process
    of tattooing was not done at one time. As this tattooing is a mark
    of honor, it is generally done at or just prior to a Tomanawos
    performance and at the time of raising the heraldic columns in front
    of the chief’s houses. The tattooing is done in open lodge and is
    witnessed by the company assembled. Sometimes it takes several years
    before all the tattooing is done, but when completed and the person
    well ornamented, then they are happy and can take their seats among
    the elders.

Other notices about the tattooing of the Indians of the Pacific slope of
North America are subjoined.

Stephen Powers (_c_) says the Karok (California) squaws tattoo in blue
three narrow fern leaves perpendicularly on the chin, one falling from
each corner of the mouth and one in the middle.

The same author reports, page 76:

    Nearly every (Hupâ, California) man has ten lines tattooed
    across the inside of the left arm about halfway between the wrist
    and the elbow; and in measuring shell money he takes the string in
    his right hand, draws one end over his left thumb nail, and if the
    other end reaches to the uppermost of the tattoo lines the five
    shells are worth $25 in gold, or $5 a shell. Of course, it is only
    one in ten thousand that is long enough to reach this high value.

Also on page 96:

    The Pátawāt (California) squaws tattoo in blue three narrow
    pinnate leaves perpendicularly on their chins, and also lines of
    small dots on the backs of their hands.

On page 148, of the Kástel Pomo:

    The women of this and other tribes of the Coast range frequently
    tattoo a rude representation of a tree or other object covering
    nearly the whole abdomen and breast.

Of the Wintūns he says, page 233: “The squaws all tattoo three narrow
lines, one falling from each corner of the mouth and one between.”

The same author says, on page 109:

    The Mattoal, of California, differ from other tribes in that
    the men tattoo. Their distinctive mark is a round blue spot in the
    center of the forehead. The women tattoo pretty much all over their
    faces.

    In respect to this matter of tattooing there is a theory
    entertained by some old pioneers which may be worth the mention.
    They hold that the reason why the women alone tattoo in all other
    tribes is that in case they are taken captives their own people may
    be able to recognize them when there comes an opportunity of ransom.
    There are two facts which give some color of probability to this
    reasoning. One is that the California Indians are rent into such
    infinitesimal divisions, any one of which may be arrayed in deadly
    feud against another at any moment, that the slight differences in
    their dialects would not suffice to distinguish the captive squaws.
    The second is that the squaws almost never attempt any ornamental
    tattooing, but adhere closely to the plain regulation mark of the
    tribe.

Blue marks tattooed upon a Mohave woman’s chin denote that she is
married. See Whipple (_f_).

Mr. Gatschet reports that very few Klamath men now tattoo their faces,
but such as are still observed have but a single line of black running
from the middle of the lower lip to the chin. Half-breed girls appear to
have but one perpendicular line tattooed down over the chin while the
full-blood women have four perpendicular lines on the chin.

In Bancroft’s Native Races (_c_), it is stated that the Modoc women
tattoo three blue lines, extending perpendicularly from the center and
corners of the lower lip to the chin.

The same author on pages 117 and 127 of the same volume says:

    The Chippewas have tattooed cheeks and foreheads. Both sexes
    have blue or black bars or from one to four straight lines to
    distinguish the tribe to which they belong. They tattoo by entering
    an awl or needle under the skin and drawing it out, immediately
    rubbing powdered charcoal into the wounds. * * * On the Yukon river
    among the Kutchins, the men draw a black stripe down the forehead
    and the nose, frequently crossing the forehead and cheeks with red
    lines and streaking the chin alternately with red and black, and the
    women tattoo the chin with a black pigment.

Stephen Powers, in Overland Monthly, XII, 537, 1874, says of the Normocs:

    I saw a squaw who had executed on her cheeks the only
    representation of a living object which I ever saw done in
    tattooing. It was a couple of bird’s wings, one on each cheek, done
    in blue, bottom-edge up, the butt of the wing at the corner of the
    mouth, and the tip near the ear. It was quite well wrought, both
    in correctness of form and in delicateness of execution, not only
    separate feathers but even the filaments of the vane, being finely
    pricked in.

Dr. Franz Boas (_c_) says:

    Tattooings are found on arms, breast, back, legs, and feet among
    the Haida; on arms and feet among the Tshimshian, Kwakiutl and
    Bilqula; on breast and arms among the Nootka; on the jaw among the
    Coast Salish women.

    Among the Nootka scars may frequently be seen running at regular
    intervals from the shoulder down the breast to the belly, and in the
    same way down the legs and arms. * * *

    Members of tribes practicing the Hamats'a ceremonies show
    remarkable scars produced by biting. At certain festivals it is the
    duty of the Hamats'a to bite a piece of flesh out of the arms, leg,
    or breast of a man.


TATTOO IN SOUTH AMERICA.

Dr. im Thurn (_c_) says:

    Tattooing or any other permanent interference with the surface
    of the skin by way of ornament is practiced only to a very limited
    extent by the Indians; is used, in fact, only to produce the small
    distinctive tribal mark which many of them bear at the corners of
    their mouths or on their arms. It is true that an adult Indian is
    hardly to be found on whose thighs and arms, or on other parts of
    whose body are not a greater or less number of indelibly incised
    straight lines; but these are scars originally made for surgical,
    not ornamental purposes.

Herndon and Gibbon (_a_), p. 319, report:

    Following the example of the other nations of Brazil (who tattoo
    themselves with thorns, or pierce their nose, the lips, and the
    ears,) and obeying an ancient law which commands these different
    tortures, this baptism of blood, * * * the Mahués have preserved * *
    * the great festival of the Tocandeira.

Paul Marcoy (_b_) says of the Passés, Yuris, Barrés, and Chumanas,
of Brazil, that they mark their faces (in tattoo) with the totem, or
emblem of the nation to which they belong. It is possible at a few steps
distant to distinguish one nation from another.


EXTRA-LIMITAL TATTOO.

Ancient monarchs adopted special marks to distinguish slaves; likewise
for vengeance as an indelible and humiliating brand, a certain tattoo
denounced him who had fallen into disgrace with a sovereign. Two monks
having censured the iconoclastic frenzy of the emperor Theophilus, he
ordered to be imprinted on their foreheads eleven iambic verses; Philip
of Macedon, from whom a soldier had solicited the possession of a man
saved by him from shipwreck, ordered that on his forehead should be
drawn signs indicative of his base greed; Caligula, without any object,
commanded the tattooing of the Roman nobles.

In the period of the decline of Rome, tattooing was extensively
practiced. Regulative laws prescribed the adopted symbols which were
a proof of enlistment in the ranks and on which the military oath was
taken. The purpose of this ordinance, which continued in force for a
long time, was similar to that which authorized the marking of the
slaves, since, the spirit of the people having become degenerated, the
army was composed of mercenaries who, if they should run away, must
be recognized, pursued, and captured. Until recently the practice,
though more as a mark of manhood, was followed by the soldiers of the
Piedmontese army.

Élisée Reclus (_a_) says:

    Tattooing was in Polynesia widespread, and so highly developed
    that the artistic designs covering the body served also to clothe
    it. In certain islands the operation lasted so long that it had to
    be begun before the children were six years old, and the pattern was
    largely left to the skill and cunning of the professional tattooers.
    Still traditional motives recurred in the ornamental devices of the
    several tribes, who could usually be recognized by their special
    tracings, curved or parallel lines, diamond forms and the like. The
    artists were grouped in schools like the old masters in Europe, and
    they worked not by incision as in most Melanesian islands, but by
    punctures with a small comb-like instrument slightly tapped with a
    mallet. The pigment used in the painful and even dangerous operation
    was usually the fine charcoal yielded by the nut of Aleurites
    triloba, an oleaginous plant used for illuminating purposes
    throughout eastern Polynesia.

The following is from Rev. Richard Taylor (_c_) about the New
Zealanders, Te Ika a Maui:

    Before they went to fight, the youth were accustomed to mark
    their countenances with charcoal in different lines, and their
    traditions state that this was the beginning of the tattoo, for
    their wars became so continuous, that to save the trouble of thus
    constantly painting the face, they made the lines permanent by the
    moko; it is, however, a question whether it did not arise from a
    different cause; formerly the grand mass of men who went to fight
    were the black slaves, and when they fought side by side with their
    lighter colored masters, the latter on those occasions used charcoal
    to make it appear they were all one.

    Whilst the males had every part of the face tattooed, and
    the thighs as well, the females had chiefly the chin and the
    lips, although occasionally they also had their thighs and
    breasts, with a few smaller marks on different parts of the body
    as well. There were regular rules for tattooing, and the artist
    always went systematically to work, beginning at one spot and
    gradually proceeding to another, each particular part having its
    distinguishing name.

[Illustration: FIG. 532.--Australian grave and carved trees.]

Fig. 532 is an illustration from the same work, facing page 378. It
shows the “grave of an Australian native, with his name, rank, tribe,
etc., cut in hieroglyphics on the trees,” which “hieroglyphics” are
supposed to be connected with his tattoo marks.

[Illustration: FIG. 533.--New Zealand tattooed head and chin mark.]

Fig. 533 is a copy of a tattooed head carved by Hongi, and also of the
tattooing on a woman’s chin, taken from the work last cited.

[Illustration: FIG. 534.--Tattoo design on bone, New Zealand.]

The accompanying illustration, Fig. 534, is taken from a bone obtained
from a mound in New Zealand, by Prof. I. C. Russell, formerly of the U.
S. Geological Survey. He says that the Maori formerly tattooed the bones
of enemies, though the custom now seems to have been abandoned. The work
consists of sharp, shallow lines, as if made with a sharp-pointed steel
instrument, into which some blackish pigment has been rubbed, filling up
some of the markings, while in others scarcely a trace remains.

In connection with the use of the tattoo marks as reproduced on
artificial objects see Fig. 734.

[Illustration: FIG. 535.--Tattooed woman, New Zealand.]

Fig. 535 is a copy of a photograph obtained in New Zealand by Prof.
Russell. It shows tattooing upon the chin.

Prof. Russell, in his sketch of New Zealand, published in the Am.
Naturalist, XIII, 72, Feb., 1879, remarks, that the desire of the
Maori for ornament is so great that they covered their features with
tattooing, transferring indelibly to their faces complicated patterns
of curved and spiral lines, similar to the designs with which they
decorated their canoes and their houses.

E. J. Wakefield (_a_) reports of a man observed in New Zealand that he
was a tangata tabu or sacred personage, and consequently was not adorned
with tatu. He adds, p. 155, that the deeds of the natives are signed
with elaborate drawings of the moko or tatu on the chiefs’ faces.

Dr. George Turner (_b_) says:

    Herodotus found among the Thracians that the man who was not
    tattooed was not respected. It was the same in Samoa. Until a young
    man was tattooed he was considered in his minority. He could not
    think of marriage, and he was constantly exposed to taunts and
    ridicule, as being poor and of low birth, and as having no right
    to speak in the society of men. But as soon as he was tattooed he
    passed into his majority, and considered himself entitled to the
    respect and privileges of mature years. When a youth, therefore,
    reached the age of 16, he and his friends were all anxiety that he
    should be tattooed. He was then on the outlook for the tattooing of
    some young chief with whom he might unite. On these occasions six or
    a dozen young men would be tattooed at one time, and for these there
    might be four or five tattooers employed. Tattooing is still kept up
    to some extent and is a regular profession, just as house-building,
    and well paid. The custom is traced to mythologic times and has its
    presiding deities.

In Révue d’Ethnographie (_a_) (translated) it is published that--

    Tattoo marks of Papuan men in New Guinea can be worn on the
    chest only when the man has killed an enemy. Fig. 26, p. 101, shows
    the marks upon the chest of Waara, who had killed five men.

    Tattoo marks upon parts other than the chest of the bodies
    of men and women do not seem to have significance. They are made
    according to the fancy of the designer. Frequently the professional
    tattooers have styles of their own, which, being popular and
    generally applied, become customary to a tribe.

The illustration above mentioned is reproduced as Fig. 536.

[Illustration: FIG. 536.--Tattoo on Papuan chief.]

In the same article, p. 112, is the following, referring to Fig. 537:

[Illustration: FIG. 537.--Tattooed Papuan woman.]

    Among the Papuans of New Guinea tattooing the chest of females
    denotes that they are married, though all other parts of the body,
    including the face and legs, may be tattooed long before; indeed the
    tattooing of girls may begin at 5 years of age. Fig. 39, p. 112,
    gives an illustration of a married woman. * * * The different forms
    of tattoo depend upon the style of the several artists. Family marks
    are not recognizable, but exist.

De Clercq (_a_) gives further particulars about tattooing among the
Papuans of New Guinea. Among the Sègèt it is only on women. They call it
“fadjan,” and the figures consist of two rows of little circles, on each
side of the abdomen toward the region of the arm-pit, with a few cross
strokes on the outer edge; it is done by pricking with a needle and
afterwards the spots are fumigated with the smoke of burning resin. It
is said to be intended as an ornament instead of dress, and that young
girls do it because young men like to see it.

At Roembati tattooing is called “gomanroeri” and at Sĕkar “béti.” They
do it there with bones of fish, with which they prick many holes in
the skin until the blood flows, and then smear on it in spots the soot
from pans and pots, which, after the staunching of the blood, leaves an
ineffaceable bluish spot or streak. Besides the breast and upper arm
they also tattoo in the same way the calf of the leg, and in some cases
the forehead, as a mere ornamentation, both of men and women--children
only in very exceptional cases.

The Bonggose and Sirito are much tattooed over the breast and shoulder.
At Saoekorèm, a Doré settlement, a few women were seen tattooed on the
breast and in the face. At Doré it is called “pa,” and is done with
thorns, and charcoal is rubbed over the bloody spots; only here and at
Mansinam is it a sign of mourning; everywhere else it merely serves as
ornamentation.

At Ansoes it does not occur much, and is principally in the face; it is
there called “toi.” It is found somewhat more commonly on Noord-Japèn,
and then on shoulder and upper arm. In Tarfia, Tana-mérah, and Humboldt
bay but few persons were tattooed, mostly on the forehead.

The tattooing is always the work of women, generally members of the
family, both on men and on women. First the figure is drawn with
charcoal, and if it suits the taste then begins the pricking with the
thorn of a citrus or a fine bone of some animal. It is very painful and
only a small spot can be pricked at one time, so long as the tattooee
can stand it. If the pain is too violent, the wounds are gently pressed
with a certain leaf that has been warmed, in order to soothe the pain,
and the work is continued only after three or four days. No special
names are given to the figures; those are chosen which suit the taste.
Children are never tattooed at the wish of the parents; it is entirely a
matter of individual choice.

Mr. Forbes, in Journ. Anthrop. Inst. G. B. and I., August, 1883, p. 10,
says that in Timor Laut, an island of the Malay archipelago--

    Both sexes tattoo a few simple devices, circles, stars, and
    pointed crosses, on the breast, on the brow, on the cheek, and on
    the wrists, and scar themselves on the arms and shoulders with
    red-hot stones, in imitation of immense smallpox marks, in order
    to ward off that disease. * * * I have, however, seen no one
    variola-marked, nor can I learn of any epidemic of this disease
    among them.

Prof. Brauns, of Halle, reports, Science, III, No. 50, p. 69, that among
the Ainos of Yazo the women tattoo their chins to imitate the beards of
the men.

Carl Bock (_a_) says:

    All the married women here are tattooed on the hands and feet
    and sometimes on the thighs. The decoration is one of the privileges
    of matrimony and is not permitted to unmarried girls.

In Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, London, 1876, p. 94, it is
said that in Mangaia, of the Hervey group, the tattoo is in imitation
of the stripes on the two kinds of fish, avini and paoro, the color of
which is blue. The legend of this is kept in the song of Iná.

Elisée Reclus (_b_) says:

    Most of the Dayaks tattoo the arms, hands, feet, and thighs;
    occasionally also breast and temples. The designs, generally of a
    beautiful blue color on the coppery ground of the body, display
    great taste, and are nearly always disposed in odd numbers, which,
    as among so many other peoples, are supposed to be lucky.

In L’Anthropologie (_a_), 1890, T. I, No. 6, p. 693, it is thus reported:

    Tradition tells that the Giao chi, the alleged ancestors of the
    Annamites, were fishermen and in danger from marine monsters. To
    prevent disasters from the genii of the waters the king directed
    the people to tattoo their bodies with the forms of the marine
    monsters, and afterwards the dragons, crocodiles, etc., ceased
    their persecution. The custom became universal, and even the kings
    tattooed a dragon on their thighs as a sign of power and nobility.
    The same idea was in the painting of eyes, etc., on the prows of
    Annamite boats, which strongly resembled the sea monsters.

Mr. O’Reilly, the professional tattooer of New York, in a letter, says
that he is familiar with the tattoo system of Burmah, and that, besides
the ruling principle of ordeal, the Burmese use special tattoo marks
to charm and to bring love. They also believe that tattooing the whole
person renders the skin impenetrable to weapons.

In Zeitschrift für Ethnologie (_a_) it is recounted of the Badagas in
the Nilgiri mountains, India:

    All the women are tattooed on the forehead. The following [Fig.
    538] _a_ is the most usual form:

    [Illustration: Fig 538 a]

    Besides this there occur the following (same Fig., _b_, _c_,
    _d_, and _e_):

    [Illustration: Fig. 538 b-e]

    Besides the forehead, the tattooing of which is obligatory for
    women, other parts of the body are often tattooed thus (same Fig.,
    _f_)

    [Illustration: Fig. 538 f-g]

    on each shoulder. Other forms not infrequently found are
    variously grouped dots, also those shown in the same Fig., _g_, on
    the forearm and the back of the hand.

[Illustration: FIG. 538.--Badaga tattoo marks.]

Nordenskiöld (_a_) gives the following account of tattooing among the
Chukchis of Siberia:

    It is principally the women that tattoo. The operation is
    performed by means of pins and soot; perhaps also graphite is
    employed, which the Chukchis gather. The tattooing of the women
    seems to be the same along the whole Chukchi coast from Cape
    Shelagskoy to Bering strait. The usual mode of tattooing is found
    represented in Nordenskiöld’s “Voyage of the Vega around Asia and
    Europe,” second part, p. 104. Still the tattooing on the cheek is
    not rarely more compound than is there shown. The picture given
    below [Fig. 539] represents a design of tattooing on the cheek.

    Girls under nine or ten years are never tattooed. On reaching
    that age they gradually receive the two streaks running from the
    point of the nose to the root of the hair; next follow the vertical
    chin streaks and lastly the tattooing on the cheeks, of which the
    anterior arches are first formed and the posterior part of the
    design last. The last named in fact is the part of the design which
    is oftenest wanting.

    The accompanying picture (the left hand of the same Fig.)
    represents the tattooing of the arms of a woman from the town of
    T’ápka. The design of the tattooing extends from the shoulder joint,
    where the upper triple ring is situated, to the hand joint at the
    bottom. As appears from the drawing, the tattooing on the right and
    left arm is different.

    The men at the winter station of the Vega tattooed themselves
    only with two short horizontal streaks across the root of the nose.
    Some of the men at Rerkaypiya (C. North), on the other hand, had a
    cross tattooed on each cheek bone; others had merely painted similar
    ones with red mold. Some Chukchis at the latter place had also the
    upper lip tattooed.

[Illustration: FIG. 539.--Chukchi tattoo marks.]

The Chukchi designs are much simpler than those of the Eskimo.

Dr. Bazin, in “Étude sur le Tatouage dans la Régence de Tunis,” in
L’Anthropologie (_b_), tells that the practice of tattooing is very
widespread and elaborate in Tunisia, but chiefly among the natives of
Arab race, who are nomads, workmen in the towns, and laborers, and also
among the fellahs. The Berbers, on the contrary, who have remained
mountaineers, the merchants of the coast towns, and the rich proprietors
are little or not at all tattooed. In regard to the last class this
proves that tattooing has become nothing but an ornament, since the
members of this class are clothed in such a way that the legs and arms
are completely covered, so that it would be useless to draw figures
which would be invisible or almost entirely hidden. He adds that the
notables “du Tinge” do not disfigure themselves by incisions. The
distinctive sign of the lower classes is the presence of three incisions
on the temples, three on the cheeks, and three also on the lower part of
the face.

Notes on East-Equatorial Africa, in Bull. Soc. d’Anthro. de Bruxelles
(_a_) contains the following memoranda: Tattooing is done by traveling
artists. Perhaps at first it showed tribal characteristics, but now
it is difficult to distinguish more than fancy. The exception is that
Wawenba alone tattoo the face. The local fetiches bear marks of tattoo.

Gordon Cumming (_a_) says:

    One of the “generals” of Mosielely, King of the Bakatlas group
    of the Bechuana tribe, had killed about twenty men in battle with
    his own hand, and bore a mark of honor for every man. This mark was
    a line tattooed on his ribs.

David Greig Rutherford (_a_) makes remarks on the people of Batanga,
West Tropical Africa, from which the following is extracted:

    Tattooing evidently originated in certain marks being applied
    to the face and other parts of the body in order to distinguish the
    members of one tribe from those of another. The same marks would be
    used for both sexes, but as the tendency to ornamentation became
    developed, they would be apt to observe some artistic method in
    making them. Among the Dualles the custom at one time appears to
    have obtained with both sexes, with a preponderance, however, in the
    practice of it on the side of the women. The men did not always see
    the force of giving themselves needless pain, but the women, with
    a shrewd idea that it added to their charms, persisted in having
    it done. The men (and it is significant that in places where the
    men have ceased to tattoo themselves they continue to do it for the
    women) tattooed their children at an early age, but as the girls
    approached a marriageable age they added, on their own account,
    various ornamentations to those already existing. As an example that
    tattooing in its later stages is regarded as an increase of beauty,
    I may mention an instance given me by the wife of a missionary here.
    A woman belonging to some neighboring tribe having come to stay at
    the mission, was presented with a dress of some showy material as
    an inducement to her to discard the loin cloth she had been in the
    habit of wearing and as an introduction to the habits of civilized
    life. She objected to wear the dress, however, upon the ground that
    if she did so she would thereby hide her beauty. It appears certain
    that the unmarried woman who is most finely tattooed wins most
    admiration from the men.

Oscar Peschel (_a_) describes tattooing as another substitute for
raiment and remarks: “That it actually takes away from the impression
of nudity is declared by all who have seen fully tattooed Albanese.” As
bearing in the same direction Mr. Darwin, in “Voyage of the Beagle,” may
be quoted, who, when at New Zealand, speaking of the clean, tidy, and
healthy appearance of the young women who acted as servants within the
houses, remarks: “The wives of the missionaries tried to persuade them
not to be tattooed, but a famous operator having arrived from the south
they said: ‘We really must have a few lines on our lips, else when we
grow old our lips will shrivel, and we shall be so very ugly.’”

In September, 1891, a Zulu, claiming to be a son of the late Cetewayo,
gave to a reporter of the Memphis Avalanche the following account:

    When some one expressed a doubt of his coming from Zululand he
    promptly rolled up his sleeve and showed on his right arm the brand
    of the tribe. The brand is just below the elbow-joint, and it is of
    a bright red color, showing conclusively that it had been burned
    into the flesh. The design is very much on the principle of a double
    heart with a cross running through the center. The same design has
    been branded over his left eye in a somewhat smaller shape. When
    questioned about these brands he said:

    “In our country all the men have to have the brand of their
    tribe burned into their skin so that they can never desert us, and
    no matter where they are found, you can always tell a Zulu by the
    brand. Always look for it just over the left eye and on the inside
    of the right arm. Does it hurt? Oh, no: you see they just take the
    skin together in their fingers and when the brand is red hot touch
    it once to the skin and it is all done, and the brand can never wear
    away.”


SCARIFICATION.

The following notes regarding scarification are presented:

Edward M. Curr (_b_), p. 94, says:

    The principal and most general ornament throughout Australia
    consists of a number of scars raised on the skin. They are made by
    deep incisions with a flint or shell, which are kept powdered with
    charcoal or ashes. The wounds thus made remain open for about three
    months, and, when covered with skin, scars sometimes almost as thick
    and long as one’s middle finger remain raised above the natural
    surface of the skin. The incisions are made in rows on various
    parts of the body, principally on the chest, back, and on the upper
    muscle of the arm, and less frequently on the thighs and stomach.
    The breasts of the female are often surrounded with smaller scars.
    In some tribes dots cut in the skin take the place of scars. The
    operation is a very painful one, and is often carried out amidst
    yells of torture. Both sexes are marked in this manner, but the male
    more extensively than the female.

In the same volume, p. 338, is the following:

    When, as often happens, a young man and girl of the Whajook
    tribe in Australia elope and remain away from the tribe for a time,
    it is not unusual for them to scar each other in the interim as a
    memorial of their illicit loves; a singular proceeding when one
    remembers the agony caused by the operation and the length of time
    required to get over it. This proceeding is a great aggravation of
    the original offense in the eyes of husbands.

In Vol. II, p. 414, the same author says:

    Men of the Cape river tribe scar their backs and shoulders in
    this way. Scars are made generally on the left thigh both of the
    men and women, continues Mr. Chatfield, but occasionally on the
    right, for the purpose of denoting the particular class to which
    they belong; but as such a practice would conflict with the custom
    prevalent throughout the continent as far as known, which is to make
    these marks for ornament alone, the statement cannot be received
    without further evidence.

Thomas Worsnop, in the Prehistoric Arts of the Aborigines of Australia,
says:

    This practice of tattooing by scarification was common all over
    the continent, varying in character amongst the respective tribes,
    each having its own distinctive marks, although all patterned upon
    one monotonous idea.

This is far from evidence of distinct tribal marks, the slight varieties
of which may be only local or tribal fashions.

Alfred C. Haddon (_a_), p. 366, says:

    Tattooing is unknown, but the body used to be ornamented
    with raised cicatrices. * * * The Torres strait islanders are
    distinguished by a large, complicated, oval scar, only slightly
    raised and of neat construction. This, which I have been told has
    some connection with a turtle, occupies the right shoulder and is
    occasionally repeated on the left. I suspect that a young man was
    not allowed to bear a cicatrice until he had killed his first turtle
    or dugong.

The same author, op. cit., says of the Mabuiag of Torres straits:

    The people were formerly divided up into a number of clans. *
    * * A man belonging to one clan could not wear the badge of the
    totem of another clan. * * * All the totems appear to have been
    animals--as the crocodile, snake, turtle, dugong, dog, cassowary,
    shark, sting-ray, kingfish, etc.

The same writer, in Notes on Mr. Beardsmore’s paper, in Jour. Anthrop.
Inst. of Gr. Br. and I. (_a_), says:

    A large number of the women of Mowat, New Guinea, have a
    Λ-shaped scar above the breasts. * * * Maino of Tud told me that it
    was cut when the brother leaves the father’s house and goes to live
    with the men; and another informant’s story was that it was made
    when a brother harpooned his first dugong or turtle. Maino (who,
    by the by, married a Mowat woman) said that a mark on the cheek
    recorded the brother’s prowess.

D’Albertis (_c_) tells that the people of New Guinea produced scars
“by making an incision in the skin and then for a lengthened period
irritating it with lime and soot. * * * They use some scars as a sign
that they have traveled, and tattoo an additional figure above the right
breast on the accomplishment of every additional journey. * * * In Yuli
island women have nearly the whole body covered with marks. Children are
seldom tattooed; slaves never. Men are hardly ever tattooed, though they
have frequently marks on the chest and shoulders; rarely on the face.
Tribes and families are recognized by tattoo marks.”

Mr. Griffith, in his paper on Sierra Leone, in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. of
Gr. Br. and I. (_b_), says:

    The girls are cut on their backs and loins in such a manner as
    to leave raised scars, which project above the surface of the skin
    about one-eighth of an inch. They then receive Boondoo names, and
    after recovery from the painful operation are released from Boondoo
    with great ceremony and gesticulation by some who personate Boondoo
    devils. They are then publicly pronounced marriageable.

Dr. Holub (_b_), speaking of three cuts on the breast of a Koranna of
Central South Africa, says:

    They have among themselves a kind of freemasonry. Some of them
    have on their chest three cuts. When they were asked what was the
    reason of it they generally refused to answer, but after gaining
    their confidence they confessed that they belonged to something like
    a secret society, and they said, “I can go through all the valleys
    inhabited by Korannas and Griquas, and wherever I go when I open my
    coat and show these three cuts I am sure to be well received.”

Mr. H. H. Johnston (_a_) tells us that scarification is practiced right
along the course of the Congo up to the Stanley falls. The marks thus
made are tribal. Thus the Bateke are always distinguished by five or
six striated lines across the cheek bones, while the Bayansi scar their
foreheads with a horizontal or vertical band.

E. Brussaux, in L’Anthropologie (_c_), reports that scarifications in
Congo, which are chiefly on the back, are made for therapeutic reasons.

Julian Thomas (_a_) gives the following description of a New Hebrides
woman:

    She had a pattern traced over her throat and breast like a
    scarf. It was done with a shark’s tooth when a child. The women’s
    skins are blistered up into flowers and ferns. The skin is cut
    and earth and ashes placed inside the gashes, and the flesh grows
    into these forms. Of course they do not cover up these beauties by
    clothing.

According to Mr. Man, Journ. Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Br. and I. (_c_), the
Andamanese, who also tattoo by means of gashing, do so first by way of
ornament, and, secondly, to prove the courage of the individual operated
upon and his or her power of enduring pain.


SUMMARY OF STUDIES ON TATTOOING.

Many notes on the topic are omitted, especially those relating mainly to
the methods of and the instruments used in the operation. But from those
presented above it appears that tattooing still is or very recently
was used in various parts of the world for many purposes besides the
specific object of designating a tribe, clan, or family, and also apart
from the general intent of personal ornament. The most notable of those
purposes are as follows: 1, to distinguish between free and slave
without reference to the tribe of the latter; 2, to distinguish between
a high and low status in the same tribe; 3, as a certificate of bravery
exhibited by supporting the ordeal of pain; 4, as marks of personal
prowess, particularly, 5, as a record of achievements in war; 6, to show
religious symbols; 7, as a therapeutic remedy for disease, and 8, as a
prophylactic against disease; 9, as a brand of disgrace; 10, as a token
of a woman’s marriage, or, sometimes, 11, of her marriageable condition;
12, identification of the person, not as tribesman or clansman, but as
an individual; 13, to charm the other sex magically; 14, to inspire fear
in the enemy; 15, to magically render the skin impenetrable by weapons;
16, to bring good fortune; and 17, as the device of a secret society.

The use of tattoo marks as certificates and records of prowess in war
is considered to be of special importance in any discussion of their
origin. A warrior returns from the field stained with blood from an
honorable wound, the scars of which he afterwards proudly displays. It
would be strictly in the line of ideography to make artificial scars or
to paint the semblance of wounds on the person as designations of honor,
and from such origin quite as well as from a totemic representation all
other forms and uses may have been evolved. For instance, the vigor of
manhood being thus signified, the similar use would show the maturity
of women. Yet some of the practices of tattoo may have originated
independently of either totem or glory mark. The mere idea of decoration
as shown in what civilized people call deformations of nose, lip, ear,
teeth, and in fact all parts of the body, is sufficient to account for
the inception of any form of tattoo. Primitive man never seemed to be
content to leave the surface of his body in its natural condition, and
from recognition of that discontent studies of clothing and of ornament
should take their point of departure.

In this paper many examples are presented of the use, especially by
the North American Indians, of tribal signs carved or painted on rock,
tree, bark, skin, and other materials, and suggestion is made of an
interesting connection between these designs and those of heraldry in
Europe. It would, therefore, seem natural that the same Indians who
probably for ages used such totemic and tribal devices should paint or
tattoo them on their own persons, and the meagerness of the evidence
that they actually did so is surprising. Undoubtedly the statement
has been made in a general way by some of the earlier explorers and
travelers, but when analyzed it is frequently little more than a vague
expression of opinion, perhaps based on a preconceived theory. Nearly
all the Indian tribes have peculiarities of arrangement of the hair and
of some article of apparel and accouterment by which they can always be
distinguished. These are not totemic, nor are they by design expressions
of a tribal character. They come under the heading of fashion, and
such fashions in clothing and in arrangement of the hair still exist
among civilized peoples, so that the people of one nation or province
can at once be distinguished from others. Very little appears from the
account of actual observers to show that the character of the tattoo
marks of the North American Indians, perhaps excluding those of the
northwest coast, was more than a tribal fashion. Such styles or fashions
with no intent or deliberate purpose that they should serve as tribal
signs prevail to-day in Africa and in some other regions, and have been
introduced by the professional artists who had several styles. Besides
the necessary influence of a school of artists, it is obvious that
people living together would contract and maintain the same custom and
fashion in their cutaneous decoration.


SECTION 4.

DESIGNATIONS OF INDIVIDUALS.

These are divided into: (1) Insignia or tokens of authority. (2) Signs
of individual achievements. (3) Property marks. (4) Personal names.


INSIGNIA OR TOKENS OF AUTHORITY.

Champlain (_e_) says of the Iroquois in 1609:

    Those who wore three large “pannaches” [plumes] were the chiefs,
    and the three chiefs delineated have their plumes much larger than
    those of their companions who were simple warriors.

In Travels of Lewis and Clarke (_a_) it is said:

    Among the Teton Sioux the interior police of a village is
    confided to two or three officers who are named by the chief for
    the purpose of preserving order, and remain in power some days, at
    least till the chief appoints a successor; they seem to be a sort
    of constable or sentinel, since they are always on the watch to
    keep tranquility during the day and guarding the camp in the night.
    * * * Their distinguishing mark is a collection of two or three
    raven skins fixed to the girdle behind the back in such a way that
    the tails stick out horizontally from the body. On the head too is
    a raven skin split into two parts and tied so as to let the beak
    project from the forehead.

In James’s Long (_d_) it is reported that--

    Among the Omaha on all occasions of public rejoicings,
    festivals, dances, or general hunts, a certain number of resolute
    warriors are previously appointed to preserve order and keep the
    peace. In token of their office they paint themselves entirely
    black; usually wear the crow, and arm themselves with a whip or
    war-club with which they punish on the spot those who misbehave, and
    are at once both judges and executioners.

Prince Maximilian of Wied (_a_) says:

    In every numerous war party there are four leaders (partisans,
    karokkanakah) sometimes seven, but only four are reckoned
    as the real partisans; the others are called bad partisans
    (karokkanakah-chakohosch, literally, partisans galeux). All
    partisans carry on their backs a medicine pipe in a case which
    other warriors dare not have. To become a chief (Numakschi) a man
    must have been a partisan and then kill an enemy when he is not a
    partisan. If he follows another partisan for the second time he must
    have first discovered the enemy, have killed one and then possessed
    the hide of a white buffalo cow complete with the horns to pretend
    to the title of chief (Numakschi). * * * All the warriors wear
    small war pipes round their necks, which are often very elegantly
    ornamented with porcupine quills.

Pls. XXVI and XXVII are illustrations specially relating to insignia
of office selected from an important and unique pictorial roster of
the heads of Oglala families, eighty-four in number, in the band of
Chief Big-Road, which were obtained by Rev. S. D. Hinman at Standing
Rock Agency, Dakota, in 1883, from the United States Indian agent, Maj.
McLaughlin, to whom the original had been delivered by Chief Big-Road
when brought to that agency and required to give an account of his
followers. Other selections from this Oglala Roster appear under the
headings of Ideography, Personal names, Comparisons, Customs, Gestures,
Religion, and Conventionalizing.

Chief Big Road and his people belong to the northern Oglala, and at the
time mentioned had been lately associated with Sitting-Bull in various
depredations and hostilities against settlers and the United States
authorities. The translations of the names have been verified and the
Oglala name attached. At the date of the roster Chief Big-Road was above
50 years old, and was as ignorant and uncompromising a savage in mind
and appearance, as one could well find.

The drawings in the original are on a single sheet of foolscap paper,
made with black and colored pencils, and a few characters are in
yellow-ocher waters color paint. They were made for the occasion with
the materials procured at the agency.

Pl. XXVI exhibits the five principal chiefs with their insignia. Each
has before him a decorated pipe and pouch, the design of each being
distinct from the others. The use of pipes as insignia for leaders is
frequently mentioned in this work. The five chiefs do not have the war
club, their rank being shown by pipe and pouch. Each of the five chiefs
has at least three transverse bands on the cheek, with differentiations
of the pattern.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVI

OGLALA CHIEFS.]

Pl. XXVII shows the subchiefs of the band. The three red bands are the
sign that they are Akicita-itacanpi, which means head soldiers--captains
in war, and captains of police in civil administration. Each of them is
decorated with three red transverse bands on the cheek and carries a war
club held vertically before the person.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVII

OGLALA SUB-CHIEFS.]

The other male figures not represented in the plates have in general
each but a single red band on the cheek; others, two bands, red and
blue. These are merely ornamental and without significance.

It will be noticed that in this series the device indicating the name is
not generally connected by lines with the mouth but only when there is a
natural connection with it. It appears attached by a line to the crown
of the head, but sometimes without any connecting line.

Pl. XXVI shows the five principal chiefs of the Oglala in 1883, who are
severally designated as follows:

_a._ Cankutanka, Big-Road. Big-Road is often called Good-Road because a
road that is big or broad and well traveled is good. The tracks on both
sides of the line indicating a mere path show that the road is big. The
bird flying through the dusk indicates the rapidity of travel which the
good road allows. This is the same chief as the following:

[Illustration: FIG. 540.--Big-Road.]

Fig. 540, Big-Road as appearing in Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 96. The
broad and big road is indicated by the artist of that series as having
distinctly marked sides and horsetracks between these roadsides. In this
instance as in several others it is obvious that the ideographic device
was not fixed but elastic and subject to variation, the intention being
solely to preserve the idea.

_b._ Sunka-kuciyela, Low-Dog. The dog figure is represented as “low” by
the shortness of the legs as compared with the next figure of Long-Dog.

_c._ Sunka-hanska, Long-Dog. This term “long” is in the pictography of
the Siouan tribes, but is differently translated as tall. There is a
marked variation in the length of the legs between this and the next
foregoing.

_d._ Kangi-maza, Iron-Crow. The term “iron” is explained above. The
color blue is always used in Dakotan pictography for the word translated
as iron.

_e._ Cetan-cigala, Little-Hawk.

Pl. XXVII shows the subchiefs or partisans of the Oglala at the time of
the roster in 1883.

_a._ Represents Tatanka-he-luta, Red-horn-Bull. The bull’s horns have
been made bloody by goring.

_b._ Represents Cetan-watakpe, Charging-Hawk. This subchief also appears
with a slightly different form of “charging” in Red-Cloud’s Census, in
which the bird is represented head downward.

[Illustration: FIG. 541.--Charging-Hawk.]

Fig. 541.--Charging-Hawk, from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 142. On careful
examination the bird is seen to be not erect, as at first appears, but
is swooping down.

_c._ Represents Wiyaka-aopazan, Wears-the-Feather. The feather in its
conventional form is presented twice, once connected by a line with the
mouth and also over the war club as in common with other pictures of
this series. The same person is represented next below.

[Illustration: FIG. 542.--Feather-on-his-Head.]

Fig. 542.--Feather-on-his-Head, from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 86. In this
case the feather droops while it is erect in the figure next above. No
significance is indicated in the slight variation.

_d._ Represents Pankeskahoksila, Shell-Boy. The shell is the circular
object over the head of the small human figure, which is without the
proper number of legs, showing perhaps that he can not march, and his
open, weaponless hands say that he is not a warrior, i. e., he is a boy.
The object, now translated shell, was originally a large excrescence on
the trunk of a tree which was often cut away by the Dakotas, hollowed
out and used as a bowl.

_e._ Mato-niyanpi, The-Bear-spares-him. The bear passing through the
marks of several tracks indicates an incident not explained, in which
the subchief was in danger.

_f._ Represents Cetan-maza, Iron-Hawk. The bird is colored blue, as
before explained.

_g._ Represents Kangi-luta, Red-Crow.

_h._ Represents Situpi-ska, White-Tail. The bird is probably one of the
hawks, as is more distinctly indicated in the representation of the same
name as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 543.--White-Tail.]

Fig. 543.--White-Tail; from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 190. This is
inserted for convenient comparison with the foregoing, being a slightly
variant device for the same person.

_i._ Represents Mato-ska, White-Bear.

[Illustration: FIG. 544.--White-Bear.]

Fig. 544.--White-Bear; from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 252. This is
inserted here for comparison of the drawings. The characteristics of the
animal appear in both.

_k._ Represents Mato-najin, Standing-Grizzly-Bear. The differentiations
of these and other similar positions of the same object remind one of
the heraldic devices “statant,” “regardant,” “passant,” and the like.

[Illustration: FIG. 545.--Standing-Bear.]

Fig. 545.--Standing-Bear; from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 140. This is
probably the same man as in the last-mentioned figure, though the fancy
of the artist has blazoned the bear as demi. This was, however, for
convenience and without special significance, as the forequarters are
not indicated in the name. But that might well have been done if the
device were strictly totemic and connected with the taboo. Some of the
bear gens are only allowed to eat the fore quarters of the animal,
others the hind quarters.

_l._ Represents Tatanka-najin, Standing-Buffalo-Bull.

_m._ Represents Tasunke-inyanke, His-Running-Horse. This man was
probably the owner of a well known racing pony.

[Illustration: FIG. 546.--Four-Horn calumet.]

Fig. 546.--A Minneconjou Dakota, named Red-Fish’s-Son, danced the
calumet dance. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1856-’57.

Maj. Bush says: “A Minneconjou, Red-Fish’s-Son, The-Ass, danced the
Four-Horn calumet.”

The peculiarly ornamented pipe, frequently portrayed and mentioned in
the parts of the paper relative to the Dakotas, is, at least for the
time of the duration of the ceremonies, the sign of the person who leads
them.

In connection with the display of pipes as insignia of authority and
rank, Figs. 547 and 548 are introduced here.

[Illustration: FIG. 547.--Two-Strike as partisan.]

Fig. 547, drawn and explained by an Oglala Dakota, exhibits four erect
pipes, to show that he had led four war parties.

[Illustration: FIG. 548.--Lean-Wolf as partisan.]

Fig. 548 is a copy of a drawing made by Lean-Wolf, when second chief of
the Hidatsa, to represent himself. The horns on his head-dress show that
he is a chief. The eagle feathers on his war bonnet, arranged in the
special manner portrayed, also show high distinction as a warrior. His
authority as “partisan,” or leader of a war party, is represented by the
elevated pipe. His name is also added, with the usual line drawn from
the head. He explained the outline character of the wolf, having a white
body with the mouth unfinished, to show that it was hollow, nothing
there; i. e., lean. The animal’s tail is drawn in detail and dark, to
distinguish it from the body.

The character for “partisan” is also shown in Lone-Dog’s Winter Count
for the year 1842-’43.

[Illustration: FIG. 549.--Micmac head dress in pictographs.]

Fig. 549 gives three examples, actual size, of a large number of similar
designs scratched on the rocks of Kejimkoojik lake, Nova Scotia. They
were at first considered to be connected with the ceremonial or mystery
lodges, many sketches of which appear on the same rocks, and examples
of which are given in Figs. 717 and 718. Undoubtedly there is some
connection between the designs, but those now under consideration are
recognized by the Indians of the general locality as the elaborate forms
of head dress sometimes so extended as to become masks, which are still
worn by a few of the Micmac and Abnaki women. Those women are or were of
special authority and held positions in social and religious ceremonies.
Their ornamental head coverings therefore were insignia of their
rank. The modern specimens seen by the present writer are elaborately
wrought with beads, quills, and embroidery on fine cloth, velvet or
satin, but were originally of skin. The patterns still used show some
fantastic connection with those of the rock drawings of this class, and
again the latter reproduce some of the tracings on the ground plans of
the mystery lodges before mentioned. The feathery branches of trees
appearing on both of the two classes of illustrations are in the modern
head coverings actual feathers. The first of the three figures shows
the branch or feather inside of the pattern, and the other two have
them outside, in which variation the bushes or branches of the medicine
lodges show a similar proportion. The third sketch, in addition to the
exterior feathers, shows flags or streamers, which in the ceremonial
head gear in present use is imitated by ribbons.

[Illustration: FIG. 550.--Micmac chieftainess in pictograph.]

If there had been any doubt remaining of the interpretation of this
class of drawing it would be removed by the presence of a number of
contiguous and obviously contemporary sketches of which Fig. 550 is an
example. Here the female chieftain or, perhaps, priestess appears in a
ceremonial robe, with her head completely covered by one of these capote
masks. The researches made not only establish the significance of this
puzzling class of designs, but also show that their authors were of the
Abnaki or Micmac branches of the Algonquian linguistic family.


[Illustration: FIG. 551.--Insignia traced on rocks, Nova Scotia.]

The two lower drawings in Fig. 551 were printed from the Kejimkoojik
slate rocks, Nova Scotia, and are recognized by Micmacs of that
peninsula as copies of insignia which they say their chiefs used to
wear. The designs show some marks suggesting the artistic devices used
in the Roman Catholic Church, though the figuration of the cross is by
no means conclusive of European origin. The use of gorgets and other
ornaments bearing special designs, as insignia of rank and authority,
was well established, and it is quite possible that some of the Micmac
designs were affected by the influence of the early missionaries, who
indeed may have issued to the chiefs of their flock medals which adopted
the general aboriginal style, but were redeemed by Christian symbols.
There is no intrinsic evidence to decide whether these particular
drawings were or were not made before the arrival of the earliest French
missionaries.

The upper right-hand drawing of the three trees with peculiar devices
near their several roots was also printed from one of the Kejimkoojik
rocks. It became intelligible to the present writer after examination
of a silver disk in the possession of Mrs. W. Wallace Brown, of Calais,
Maine, which, not long before, had been owned by the head chief of the
Passamaquoddy tribe, whose title had been modernized into “governor.”
The disk, which is copied in the upper left-hand corner, was probably
not of Indian workmanship, but appeared to have been ordered from
a silversmith to be made from a Passamaquoddy design. It was known
to represent the three superior officers of the tribe mentioned and
had been worn by a former governor as a prized sign of his rank. The
middle device is for the governor and the right and left for the
officers next in rank to him. The devices at the roots of the trees
of the drawing before mentioned are noticeably similar. They may have
been made, as were most of the other characters on the Kejimkoojik
rocks, by the Micmacs, in which case it would seem that they designated
their chiefs by emblems similar to those used by their congeners of the
Passamaquoddy tribe or some member of the last-named tribe may have
drawn the emblem on the rocks in the Micmac territory. In any case there
is encouragement in the attempt to decipher petroglyphs from the fact
that the tree drawing in Nova Scotia, which seemed without significance,
was readily elucidated by a metal inscription found in Maine, the
interpretation being verified through living Indians, not only in the
two geographic divisions mentioned, but also by the Amalecites in New
Brunswick.

Father P. J. De Smet (_b_), referring to the Piegan and Blackfeet or
Satsika, describes the great Tail-Bearer:

    His tail, composed of buffalo and horse hair, is about 7 or 8
    feet long, and instead of wearing it behind, according to the usual
    fashion, it is fastened above his forehead and there formed into
    a spiral coil resembling a rhinoceros’s horn. Such a tail among
    the Blackfeet is a mark of greater distinction and bravery--in all
    probability the larger the tail the braver the person.

The following description of a Chilkat ceremonial shirt, with the
illustration reproduced in Fig. 552, is taken from Niblack (_c_):

[Illustration: FIG. 552.--Chilkat ceremonial shirt.]

The upper character in the figure represents the sea lion, and that
below is a rear view of the same shirt ornamented with a design of
wasko, a mythological animal of the wolf species. The edges and arm
holes are bordered with red cloth and the whole garment is neatly made.

The same authority describes a Chilkat cloak, with the illustration
reproduced as Fig. 553, as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 553.--Chilkat ceremonial cloak.]

It represents a cloak with a neck opening, ornamented in red cloth
with the totemic design of the Orca or Killer. It is in the form of a
truncated cone, with no openings for the arms.

[Illustration: FIG. 554.--Chilkat ceremonial blanket.]

The same author gives description accompanying Pl. X, Figs. 33 and
34, of ceremonial blankets and coats. The first-mentioned drawing is
reproduced here as Fig. 554:

    It is worn by Indians of rank and wealth on the northwest coast,
    commonly called a “Chilkat blanket,” because the best specimens
    come from the Chilkat country, although other tribes are more or
    less expert in weaving them. The warp is composed of twisted cord
    or twine of cedar bark fiber, and the woof of worsted spun from
    the wool of the mountain goat. Brown, yellow, black, and white are
    the colors used, and these are skillfully wrought into a pattern
    representing the totem or a totemic legend of the owner.

The design on the blanket shown represents Hoorts, the bear.

[Illustration: FIG. 555.--Chilkat ceremonial coat.]

Fig. 555 is described thus: “A ceremonial shirt or coat of similar
workmanship as the blanket just described, is trimmed on the collar and
cuffs with sea-otter fur.”

[Illustration: FIG. 556.--Bella Coola Indians.]

In the Verhandl. der Berliner Gesellsch. für Anthrop. (_a_) is the
illustration from which Fig. 556 is reproduced. It shows a group
of Bella Coola Indians, which is made interesting by the elaborate
ceremonial coat worn by the middle figure in the foreground.

[Illustration: FIG. 557.--Guatemala priest.]

Dr. S. Habel (_c_) gives the following description of Fig. 557, which
reproduces only the upper part of the sculpture:

    The design represents in low relief an erect human figure in
    profile, with the head and shoulders slightly inclined forward.
    The body is apparently naked, excepting those portions which are
    concealed by elaborate ornaments, the most prominent of which is a
    crab covering the head. Since there is every reason to believe the
    figure to represent a priest, the crab may be taken as the emblem of
    priestly rank.

Pls. LXV and LXVI of the Codex Mendoza, in Vol. I of Lord Kingsborough’s
Antiquities of Mexico, exhibit the devices and insignia of the soldiers
who advanced step by step to higher command, according to their military
achievements. The chief criterion, indeed the only one mentioned for
these steps and promotions, was the number of prisoners severally
taken by the soldiers in war. From the large number of degrees in rank
and titles of valor expressed in the above-mentioned plates, a number
have been selected and copies of them, exact in drawing, size, and
coloration, are presented here in Pls. XXVIII and XXIX. The quaint text
relating to them is in Kingsborough (_p_).

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVIII

MEXICAN MILITARY INSIGNIA.]

Pl. XXVIII.--_a_ represents a young man who if he took any prisoners
was presented with a square mantle bearing a device of flowers as a
sign of valor. He holds a prisoner by the hair. _b_: This brave man has
been presented with a device of arms, which he wears, and with a square
orange-colored mantle with a scarlet fringe besides, as a sign of valor,
on account of his having taken prisoner two of the enemy, one of whom he
holds by the hair. _c_: This brave man, whose title is that of Quachie,
and device of arms such as he wears, bears proof that he has captured
five prisoners in war, besides having taken many other prisoners from
the enemy in other wars. He also is drawn holding a prisoner. _d_:
This brave man, whose title is Tlacatecatl and device the robe which
he wears, with his braided hair and the insignia of a rich plume,
declares by his presence that he has obtained the title of a valiant and
distinguished person, by merit surpassing that of the others who are
represented behind him.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIX

MEXICAN MILITARY INSIGNIA.]

In Pl. XXIX.--_a_: An Alfaqui or superior officer, who merits further
promotion and to whom has been presented as a reward for his valor, on
account of his having taken three prisoners in war, the device and arms
which he wears. He grasps a prisoner by the hair. _b_: The same Alfaqui,
who, as a sign of valor on account of his having captured four of the
enemy, has been presented with the device of arms which he wears. He
holds a prisoner as before.

Each one of the remaining figures in the plate of Kingsborough declares
the titles which officers gained and acquired in the exercise of
arms, by which they rose to higher rank, the kings of Mexico creating
them captains and generals of their forces or as officers of dispatch
[similar to aids-de-camp] to execute their orders, whether they related
to the affairs of their own kingdom or to those of the other vassal
states, who promptly obeyed without in any manner deviating from the
commands which they had received. The two selected are shown in the
present Pl. XXIX, viz: _c_, Ezguaguacatl, an officer of dispatch, and
_d_, Tocinltecatl, a man of distinguished courage in war and one of the
officers who filled the post of generals of the Mexican armies.

Wiener (_b_), p. 763, says:

    Passing in review the numerous delineations of men on the
    different tissues in the Peruvian graves, it is to be remarked that
    a chief is always recognized by a panache, which for the decurion
    has two plumes, for the centurion four, for the chief of a thousand
    men six, and the colors of these plumes indicate civil or military
    functions.

A. W. Howitt (_e_) says:

    Messengers in central Australia sent to form a Pinya to avenge a
    death wear a kind of net on the head and a white frontlet in which
    is stuck a feather. The messenger is painted with yellow ochre and
    pipeclay and bears a bunch of emu feathers stuck in his girdle at
    the back, at the spine. He carries part of the deceased’s beard or
    some balls of pipeclay from the head of one of those mourning for
    him. These are shown at the destination of the messenger and are at
    once understood.

The same author, p. 78, reports:

    A third party which the Dieri sent out was the dreaded Pinya. It
    was the avenger of the dead, of those who were believed to have been
    done to death by sorcery.

    The appearance at a camp of one or more men marked each with
    a white band round the head, with diagonal white and red stripes
    across the breast and stomach, and with the point of the beard tied
    up and tipped with human hair, is the sign of a Pinya being about.
    These men do not converse on ordinary matters, and their appearance
    is a warning to the camp to listen attentively and to reply truly
    to such questions as may be put concerning the whereabouts of the
    condemned man. Knowing the remorseless spirit of the Pinya, any and
    every question is answered in terror.


SIGNS OF INDIVIDUAL ACHIEVEMENTS.

Prince Maximilian of Wied, (_b_) gives an account explanatory of Figs.
558 and 559:

[Illustration: FIG. 558.--Mark of exploit. Dakota.]

[Illustration: FIG. 559.--Killed with fist. Dakota.]

    The Sioux highly prize personal bravery, and therefore
    constantly wear the marks of distinction which they have received
    for their exploits; among these are, especially, tufts of human hair
    attached to the arms and legs, and feathers on their heads. He who,
    in the sight of the adversaries, touches a slain or living enemy
    places a feather horizontally in his hair for this exploit.

    They look upon this as a very distinguished act, for many are
    killed in the attempt before the object is attained. He who kills an
    enemy by a blow with his fist sticks a feather upright in his hair.

    If the enemy is killed with a musket a small piece of wood
    is put in the hair, which is intended to represent a ramrod. If
    a warrior is distinguished by many deeds he has a right to wear
    the great feather-cap with ox-horns. This cap, composed of eagle
    feathers, which are fastened to a long strip of red cloth hanging
    down the back, is highly valued by all the tribes on the Missouri.
    * * * Whoever first discovers the enemy and gives notice to his
    comrades of their approach is allowed to wear a small feather which
    is stripped except towards the top.

The following scheme, used by the Dakotas, is taken from Mrs. Eastman’s
Dahcotah. Colors are not given, but red undoubtedly predominates, as is
known from personal observation.

[Illustration: FIG. 560.--Killed an enemy. Dakota.]

A spot upon the larger web denotes that the wearer has killed an enemy.
Fig. 560.

[Illustration: FIG. 561.--Cut throat and scalped. Dakota.]

Fig. 561 denotes that the wearer has cut the throat of his enemy and
taken his scalp.

[Illustration: FIG. 562.--Cut enemy’s throat. Dakota.]

Fig. 562 denotes that the wearer has cut the throat of his enemy.

[Illustration: FIG. 563.--Third to strike. Dakota.]

Fig. 563 denotes that the wearer was the third that touched the body of
his enemy after he was killed.

[Illustration: FIG. 564.--Fourth to strike. Dakota.]

Fig. 564 denotes that the wearer was the fourth that touched the body of
his enemy after he was killed.

[Illustration: FIG. 565.--Fifth to strike. Dakota.]

Fig. 565 denotes that the wearer was the fifth that touched the body of
his enemy after he was killed.

[Illustration: FIG. 566.--Many wounds. Dakota.]

Fig. 566 denotes that the wearer has been wounded in many places by the
enemy.

The following variations in the scheme were noticed in 1883 among the
Mdewakantanwan Dakotas, near Fort Snelling, Minnesota.

Feathers of the eagle are used as among the other bands of Dakotas.

A plain feather is used to signify that the wearer has killed an enemy,
without regard to the manner in which he was slain.

When the end is clipped transversely, and the edge colored red, it
signifies that the throat of the enemy was cut.

A black feather denotes that an Ojibwa woman was killed. Enemies
are considered as Ojibwas, that being the tribe with which the
Mdewakantanwan Dakotas have been most in collision.

When a warrior has been wounded a red spot is painted upon the broad
side of a feather. If the wearer has been shot in the body, arms, or
legs, a red spot is painted upon his clothing or blanket, immediately
over the locality of the wound. These red spots are sometimes worked in
porcupine quills, or in cotton fiber as now obtained from the traders.

Belden (_a_) says:

    Among the Sioux an eagle’s feather with a red spot painted on
    it, worn by a warrior in the village, denotes that on the last
    war-path he killed an enemy, and for every additional enemy he has
    slain he carries another feather painted with an additional red spot
    about the size of a silver quarter.

    A red hand painted on a warrior’s blanket denotes that he
    has been wounded by the enemy, and a black one that he has been
    unfortunate in some way.

Boller (_a_) in Among the Indians, p. 284, describes a Sioux as wearing
a number of small wood shavings stained with vermilion in his hair, each
the symbol of a wound received.

Lynd (_c_) gives a device differing from all the foregoing, with an
explanation:

    To the human body the Dakotas give four spirits. The first is
    supposed to be a spirit of the body, and dies with the body. The
    second is a spirit which always remains with or near the body.
    Another is the soul which accounts for the deeds of the body, and is
    supposed by some to go to the south, by others to the west, after
    the death of the body. The fourth always lingers with the small
    bundle of the hair of the deceased kept by the relatives until they
    have a chance to throw it into the enemy’s country, when it becomes
    a roving, restless spirit, bringing death and disease to the enemy
    whose country it is in.

    From this belief arose the practice of wearing four
    scalp-feathers for each enemy slain in battle, one for each soul.

It should be noted that all the foregoing signs of individual
achievements are given by the several authorities as used by the same
body of Indians, the Dakota or Sioux. This, however, is a large body,
divided into tribes, and it is possible that a different scheme was used
in the several tribes. But the accounts are so conflicting that error in
either observation or description or both is to be suspected.

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey (_b_) explains the devices on the shield of a Teton
Dakota:

    * * * The three pipes on the shield, in a colored sketch
    prepared by Bushotter, denote that on so many expeditions he carried
    a war pipe. The red stripes declare how many of the enemy were
    wounded by him, and the human heads show the number of foes that he
    killed. The half moon means that he shouted at his foes on a certain
    night. Once he threw aside his arms and engaged in a hand-to-hand
    struggle with a foe; this is shown by the human hand. The horse
    tracks indicate that he ran off with so many horses. If his name was
    Black Hawk, for instance, a black hawk was painted in the middle of
    his shield.

Irving (_a_), in Astoria, says of the Arikara:

    He who has killed an enemy in his own land is entitled to drag
    at his heels a fox skin attached to each moccasin; and he who
    has slain a grizzly bear wears a necklace of his claws, the most
    glorious trophy that a hunter can exhibit.

Prince Maximilian, of Wied (_c_), thus reports on the designations of
the Mandans connected with the present topic:

    The Mandans wear the large horned feather cap; this is a cap
    consisting of strips of white ermine with pieces of red cloth
    hanging down behind as far as the calves of the legs, to which is
    attached an upright row of black and white eagle feathers, beginning
    at the head and reaching to the whole length. Only distinguished
    warriors who have performed many exploits may wear this headdress.

    If the Mandans give away one or more of these headdresses, which
    they estimate very highly, they are immediately considered men of
    great importance. * * * On their buffalo robes they often represent
    this feather cap under the image of a sun. Very celebrated and
    eminent warriors, when most highly decorated, wear in their hair
    various pieces of wood as signals of their wounds and heroic deeds.
    Thus Mato-Topé had fastened transversely in his hair a wooden knife
    painted red and about the length of a hand, because he had killed a
    Cheyenne chief with his knife; then six wooden sticks, painted red,
    blue, and yellow, with a brass nail at one end, indicating so many
    musket wounds which he had received. For an arrow wound he fastened
    in his hair the wing feather of a wild turkey; at the back of his
    head he wore a large bunch of owl’s feathers, dyed yellow, with red
    tips, as the badge of the Meniss-Ochata (the dog band). The half of
    his face was painted red and the other yellow; his body was painted
    reddish-brown, with narrow stripes, which were produced by taking
    off the color with the tip of the finger wetted. On his arms, from
    the shoulder downwards, he had seventeen yellow stripes, which
    indicated his warlike deeds, and on his breast the figure of a hand,
    of a yellow color, as a sign that he had captured some prisoners.

    * * * A Mandan may have performed many exploits and yet not be
    allowed to wear tufts of hair on his clothes, unless he carries a
    medicine pipe and has been the leader of a war party. When a young
    man who has never performed an exploit is the first to kill an enemy
    on a warlike expedition he paints a spiral line round his arm, of
    whatever color he pleases, and he may then wear a whole wolf’s tail
    at the ankle or heel of one foot. If he has first killed and touched
    the enemy he paints a line running obliquely round the arm and
    another crossing it in the opposite direction, with three transverse
    stripes. On killing the second enemy he paints his left leg (that
    is, the leggin) a reddish-brown. If he kills the second enemy before
    another is killed by his comrades he may wear two entire wolves’
    tails at his heels. On his third exploit he paints two longitudinal
    stripes on his arms and three transverse stripes. This is the
    exploit that is esteemed the highest; after the third exploit no
    more marks are made. If he kills an enemy after others of the party
    have done the same he may wear on his heel one wolf’s tail, the tip
    of which is cut off.

The Hidatsa scheme of designating achievements was obtained by Dr.
Hoffman, at Fort Berthold, North Dakota, during 1881, and now follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 567.--Marks of exploits, Hidatsa.]

A feather, to the tip of which is attached a tuft of down or several
strands of horse hair, dyed red, denotes that the wearer has killed an
enemy and that he was the first to touch or strike him with the coup
stick. Fig. 567 _a_.

A feather bearing one red bar made with vermillion, signifies the wearer
to have been the second person to strike the fallen enemy with the coup
stick. Same Fig. _b_.

A feather bearing two red bars signifies that the wearer was the third
person to strike the body. Same Fig. _c_.

[Illustration: FIG. 568.--Marks of exploits, Hidatsa.]

A feather with three bars signifies that the wearer was the fourth to
strike the fallen enemy. Fig. 568 _a_. Beyond this number honors are not
counted.

A red feather denotes that the wearer was wounded in an encounter with
an enemy. Fig. 568 _b_.

A narrow strip of rawhide or buckskin is wrapped from end to end with
porcupine quills dyed red, though sometimes a few white ones are
inserted to break the monotony of color. This strip is attached to the
inner surface of the rib or shaft of the quill by means of very thin
fibers of sinew, and signifies that the wearer killed a woman belonging
to a hostile tribe. It is shown in Fig. 568 _c_. In very fine specimens
the quills are directly applied to the shaft without resorting to the
strap of leather.

Similar marks denoting exploits are used by the Hidatsa, Mandan, and
Arikara Indians. The Hidatsa claim to have been the originators of the
devices.

The following characters are marked upon robes and blankets, usually
in red or blue colors, and often upon the boat paddles. Frequently
an Indian has them painted upon his thighs, though this is generally
resorted to only on festal occasions or for dancing.

[Illustration: FIG. 569.--Successful defense. Hidatsa, etc.]

Fig. 569 denotes that the wearer successfully defended himself against
the enemy by throwing up a ridge of earth or sand to protect the body.
The manner of depicting this mark upon the person or clothing is shown
in Pl. XXX upon the shirt of the third figure in the lower row.

[Illustration: FIG. 570.--Two successful defenses. Hidatsa, etc.]

Fig. 570 signifies that the wearer has upon two different occasions
defended himself by hiding his body within low earthworks. The character
is merely a compound of two of the preceding marks placed together. Both
of the devices shown in Figs. 569 and 570 are displayed on the clothing
in Fig. 575, drawn by a Hidatsa.

[Illustration: FIG. 571.--Captured a horse. Hidatsa, etc.]

Fig. 571 signifies that the one who carries this mark upon his blanket,
leggings, boat paddle, or any other property, or upon his person, has
distinguished himself by capturing a horse belonging to a hostile tribe.
This character appears upon the garments and legs of several of the
human figures in Pl. XXX, drawn by a Hidatsa, at Fort Berthold, North
Dakota.

[Illustration: FIG. 572.--Exploit marks, Hidatsa.]

In Fig. 572, _a_ signifies among the Hidatsa and Mandans that the wearer
was the first person to strike a fallen enemy with a coup stick. It
signifies among the Arikara simply that the wearer killed an enemy.

_b_ represents among the Hidatsa and Mandans the second person to strike
a fallen enemy. It represents among the Arikara the first person to
strike the fallen enemy.

_c_ denotes the third person to strike the enemy, according to the
Hidatsa and Mandan; the second person to strike him according to the
Arikara.

_d_ shows among the Hidatsa and Mandan the fourth person to strike the
fallen enemy. This is the highest and last number; the fifth person to
risk the danger is considered brave for venturing so near the ground
held by the enemy, but has no right to wear a mark therefor.

The same mark among the Arikara represents the person to be the third to
strike the enemy.

_e_, according to the Arikara, represents the fourth person to strike
the enemy.

According to the Hidatsa, the wearer of the mark _f_ had figured in four
encounters; in those recorded by the marks in each of the two lateral
spaces he was the second to strike the fallen enemy, and the marks in
the upper and lower spaces signify that he was the third person upon two
other occasions.

[Illustration: FIG. 573.--Record of exploits.]

The marks at _c_, in Fig. 572, may be compared with Fig. 573. The head
of the victim in this instance is a white man. Such drawings are not
made upon the person or clothing of the hero, but upon buffalo robes or
other substances used for record of biographical events.

[Illustration: FIG. 574.--Record of exploits.]

The marks at _d_, in Fig. 572, are drawn on records in the mode shown in
Fig. 574.

Illustrations of the actual mode of wearing several of the above devices
appear in Fig. 575, drawn by a Hidatsa.

[Illustration: FIG. 575.--Exploit marks as worn.]

The mark of a black hand, sometimes made by the impress of an actually
blackened palm or drawn of natural size, or less, signifies that the
person authorized to wear the mark has killed an enemy.

[Illustration: FIG. 576.--Scalp taken.]

Fig. 576, drawn by a Hidatsa, means that the owner of the robe or
record on which it appears had taken a scalp. Fig. 577, also drawn by
a Hidatsa, means that the bearer struck the enemy in the order above
mentioned and took his scalp and his gun.

[Illustration: FIG. 577.--Scalp and gun taken.]

The drawing reproduced on Pl. XXX was made by a Hidatsa at Fort
Berthold, North Dakota. It represents several dancing figures, upon
which the several marks of personal achievements can be recognized.
The fourth figure of the upper row shows the wearer to have been the
second person to strike an enemy upon four different occasions. Upon the
right-hand figure of the lower row two distinct marks will be observed;
that upon the wearer’s left leg indicating him to have been the second
to strike an enemy upon two different occasions; and the mark upon the
right leg, that he was twice the second person to strike enemies, and
twice the third person to perform that exploit.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXX

HIDATSA DANCERS BEARING EXPLOIT MARKS.]

Miss Agnes Crane (_a_), in an article on Ancient Mexican Heraldry, seems
to assert that the evidence of emblems in the western hemisphere as
boastful records of individual achievements is confined to Mexico. The
present section may supply the evidence lacking.

The following information regarding Winnebago devices of the character
now under consideration was given by St. Cyr, a mixed blood Winnebago,
in April, 1886.

To show that the wearer killed a man, strike the muddy hand upon the
body or horse. Clay of any kind is used. When 20 men have been killed,
an otter skin is worn on the back. A skunk skin worn on the calf
signifies a man killed.

Scented grass worn on the neck or the wrist shows that a prisoner had
been captured and tied with grass in the absence of other cords.

To show that the wearer had been wounded, cover the part of the body
with white clay, and indicate the spot with red paint.

Paul Kane (_a_) says that among the Cree Indians red earth was spotted
on a leg to indicate that the wearer had been wounded.

Prof. Dall (_b_) tells of the Sitka-Kwan:

    They perforate their noses, wearing a ring adorned with
    feathers. They make a succession of perforations all around the
    edge of the ears, which are ornamented with scarlet thread, shark’s
    teeth, or pieces of shell. Each hole is usually the record of a deed
    performed or a feast given by the person so adorned.


PROPERTY MARKS.

This topic, upon which much interesting material has been collected in
many geographic and ethnologic divisions of the earth, can not include
objectively or pictorially many genuine and distinctive illustrations
from the North American Indians. The reason for this paucity is that
the individual Indian had very little property. Nearly everything
which could be classed as personal property belonged to his tribe or,
more generally, to his clan or gens. Yet articles of a man’s personal
manufacture, such as arrows, were often marked in such a manner as to
be distinguished. Those marks, many examples of which are upon arrows
in the U. S. National Museum, are not of sufficient general interest
to be reproduced here. They are not valuable unless they are connected
with the makers or owners by a concurrence of the devices with the signs
adopted by persons or by classes, the evidence of which can not now
except in rare instances be procured. Most of the devices mentioned seem
to have degenerated into mere ornamentation, which might be expected,
because the arrows are not of great antiquity, and during recent years
the records which could have been used for their identification have
decayed as authorities even when they have remained in the immediate
family, having escaped sale and robbery.

As a general rule neither a man nor a family, in the modern sense,
had any property in land, which belonged to a much larger sociologic
division, but on their arrival in California Europeans noticed among
the Indians there a device to assert rights in realty by the use of
distinctive marks. It is not clear whether these marks were merely
personal or were tribal or gentile.

According to Mr. A. F. Coronel, of Los Angeles, California, the Serrano
Indians in that vicinity formerly practiced a method of marking trees to
indicate the corner boundaries of patches of land. The Indians owning
areas of territory of whatever size would cut lines upon the bark of
the tree corresponding to lines drawn on their own faces, i. e., lines
running outward and downward over the cheeks, or perhaps over the chin
only, tattooed in color. These lines were made on the trees on the side
facing the property, and were understandingly recognized by the whole
tribe. This custom still prevailed when Mr. Coronel first located in
southern California about the year 1843.

Among the Arikara Indians a custom prevails of drawing upon the blade of
a canoe or bull-boat paddle such designs as are worn by the chief and
owner to suggest his personal exploits. This has to great extent been
adopted by the Hidatsa and Mandans. The marks are chiefly horseshoes
and crosses, as in Fig. 578, referring to the capture of the enemy’s
ponies and to coups in warfare. The entire tribe being intimately
acquainted with the courage and actions of all its members, imposition
and fraud in the delineation of any character are not attempted, as such
would surely be detected, and the impostor would be ridiculed if not
ostracised.

[Illustration: FIG. 578.--Boat paddle. Arikara.]

The brands upon cattle in Texas and other regions of the United States
where ranches are common illustrate the modern use of property marks.
A collection of these brands made by the writer compares unfavorably
for individuality and ideography with the genuine marks of Indians for
similar purposes.

[Illustration: FIG. 579.--African property mark.]

The following translation from Kunst and Witz der Neger in Das Ausland
(_a_), describing Fig. 579, is inserted for comparison:

    Whenever a pumpkin of surprisingly fine appearance is growing,
    which promises to furnish a desirable water vase, the proprietor
    hurries to distinguish it by cutting into it some special mark with
    his knife, and probably superstitious feelings may coöperate in this
    act. I have reproduced herewith the best types of such property
    marks which I have been able to discover.

[Illustration: FIG. 580.--Owner’s marks, Slesvick.]

Sir John Lubbock (_a_) tells that many of the arrows found at Nydam,
Slesvick, had owner’s marks on them, now reproduced in Fig. 580 as _a_
and _c_, resembling those on the modern Esquimaux arrows shown in the
same figure as _b_.

Prof. Anton Schiefner (_b_) gives a remarkable parallel between the
Runic alphabet and the property marks of the Finns, Lapps, and Samoyeds.


PERSONAL NAMES.

The names of Indians as formerly adopted by or bestowed among themselves
were generally connotive. They very often refer to some animal and
predicate an attribute or position of that animal. On account of their
sometimes objective and sometimes ideographic nature, they almost
invariably admit of being expressed in sign language; and for the
same reason they can readily be portrayed in pictographs. The device
generally adopted by the Dakotan tribes to signify that an object drawn
in connection with a human figure was a totemic or a personal name of
the individual, is to connect that object with the figure by a line
drawn to the head or, more frequently, to the mouth of the latter.
The same tribes make a distinction to manifest that the gesture sign
for an object gestured is intended to be the name of a person and not
introduced for any other purpose by passing the index forward from the
mouth in a direct line after the conclusion of the sign for the object.
This signifies “that is his name,” the name of the person referred to.

As a general rule, Indians were named in early infancy according to a
tribal system, but in later life each generally acquired a new name,
or perhaps several names in succession, from some special exploits or
adventures. Frequently a sobriquet is given which is not complimentary.
All of the names subsequently acquired as well as the original names
are so connected with material objects or with substantive actions as
to be expressible in a graphic picture and also in a pictorial sign.
In the want of alphabet or syllabary they used the same expedient to
distinguish the European invaders. A Virginian was styled Assarigoa,
“Big Knife.” The authorities of Massachusetts were called by the
Iroquois, Kinshon, “a fish,” doubtless in allusion to the cod industry
and the fact that a wooden codfish then hung, as it did long afterwards,
in the state house at Boston, as an emblem of the colony and state.

The determination to use names of this connotive character is shown by
the objective translation, whenever possible, of such European names as
it became necessary for them to introduce frequently into their speech.
William Penn was called Onas, that being the word for feather-quill in
the Mohawk dialect. The name of the second French governor of Canada
was De Montmagny, erroneously translated to be “great mountain,” which
words were correctly translated by the Iroquois into Onontio, and this
expression becoming associated with the title has been applied to all
successive Canadian governors, though the origin having been generally
forgotten, it has been considered to be a metaphorical compliment.

The persistence of titles is shown by the fact that the Abnaki of New
Brunswick to-day call Queen Victoria, “King James,” with a feminine
addition.

Gov. Fletcher was named by the Iroquois Cajenquiragoe, “the great
swift arrow,” not because of his speedy arrival at a critical time, as
has been supposed, but because they had somehow been informed of the
etymology of his name, “arrow-maker” (Fr. fléchier). A notable example
of the adoption of a graphic illustration from a similarity in the sound
of the name to known English words is given in the present paper, in
Fig. 919, where Gen. Maynadier is represented as “many deer.”

While, as before said, some tribes give names to children from
considerations of birth and kinship according to a fixed rule,
others conferred them after solemn deliberation. Even these were not
necessarily permanent. A diminutive form is frequently bestowed by the
affection of the parent. On initiation into one of the cult associations
a name is generally received. Until this is established a warrior is
liable to change his name after every fight or hunt. He will sometimes
only acknowledge the name he has himself assumed, perhaps from a dream
or vision, though he may be habitually called by an entirely different
name. From that reason the same man is sometimes known under several
different epithets. Personal peculiarity, deformity, or accident is sure
to fix a name against which it is vain to struggle. Girls do not often
change names bestowed in their childhood. The same precise name is often
given to different individuals in the same tribe, but not so frequently
in the same band, whereby the inconvenience would be increased. For this
reason it is often necessary to specify the band, sometimes also the
father. For instance, when the writer asked an Indian who Black-Stone,
a chief mentioned in the Lone-Dog winter counts, was, the Indian asked,
first, what tribe was he; then, what band; then, who was his father;
and, except in the case of very noted persons, the identity is not
proved without an answer to these questions. A striking instance of
this plurality of names among the Dakotas was connected with the name
Sitting-Bull, belonging to the leader of the hostile band, while one
of that name was almost equally noted as being the head soldier of the
friendly Dakotas at Red-Cloud Agency.

The northeastern tribes sometimes formally resurrected the name of the
dead and also revived it by adoption. See Jes. Rel., 1639, p. 45, and
1642, p. 53.

Among the peculiarities connected with Indian personal names, far too
many for discussion here, is their avoidance of them in direct address,
terms of kinship or relative age taking their place. Maj. J. W. Powell
states that at one time he had the Kaibab Indians, a small tribe of
northern Arizona, traveling with him. The young chief was called by
white men “Frank.” For several weeks he refused to give his Indian name
and Maj. Powell endeavored to discover it by noticing the term by which
he was addressed by the other Indians, but invariably some kinship
term was employed. One day in a quarrel his wife called him Chuarumpik
(“Yucca-heart”). Subsequently Maj. Powell questioned the young chief
about the matter, who explained and apologized for the great insult
which his wife had given him and said that she was excused by great
provocation. The insult consisted in calling the man by his real name.

Everard F. im Thurn (_g_) gives the following account of the name-system
of the Indians of Guiana, which might have been written with equal truth
about some tribes of North America:

    The system under which the Indians have their personal names
    is intricate and difficult to explain. In the first place, a name,
    which may be called the proper name, is always given to a young
    child soon after birth. It is said to be proper that the peaiman,
    or medicine-man, should choose and give this name, but, at any
    rate now, the naming seems more often left to the parents. The
    word selected is generally the name of some plant, bird, or other
    natural object. But these names seem of little use, in that owners
    have a very strong objection to telling or using them, apparently
    on the ground that the name is part of the man, and that he who
    knows the name has part of the owner of that name in his power. One
    Indian, therefore, generally addresses another only according to
    the relationship of the caller and the called, as brother, sister,
    father, mother, and so on. These terms, therefore, practically form
    the names actually used by Indians amongst themselves. But an Indian
    is just as unwilling to tell his proper name to a white man as to
    an Indian, and, of course, between the Indian and the white man
    there is no relationship the term for which can serve as a proper
    name. An Indian, therefore, when he has to do with a European, asks
    the latter to give him a name, and if one is given to him always
    afterwards uses this. The names given in this way are generally
    simple enough--John, Peter, Thomas, and so on.

[Illustration: FIG. 581.--Signature of Running Antelope, Dakota.]

The original of Fig. 581 was made in 1873 by Running Antelope, chief
of the Uncapapa Dakota, in the style of a signature instead of being
attached to his head by a line as is the usual method of the tribe in
designating personal names.

[Illustration: FIG. 582.--Solinger sword-makers’ marks.]

Fig. 582 presents a curious comparison with Figs. 548 and 903 showing
the manner in which the wolf, proverbially a lean animal, was delineated
by Germans in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It is taken from
Rudolf Cronau (_b_), whose remarks are translated and condensed as
follows:

_a._ The oldest representation known to me of the “wolf” occurs on a
Gothic sword of the thirteenth century, in the Historical Museum of
Dresden.

_b._ Is more primitive, from a sword of the last half of the fourteenth
century, in the “Berliner Zeughause;” also similar to _c_, of the same
period, from a specimen in the Züricher Zeughaus.

_d_ and _e_. Signatures on two specimens in the collection in Feste
Coburg; _e_ is a rare representation of the figure of the wolf of
1490, in the Germanic Museum at Nürnberg, and still more intricate
(verzwickter) is the drawing _f_ on a Dresden specimen of the year 1559.

A large proportion of the pictographs of several names next to be
presented are from Red-Cloud’s Census, the history of which is as
follows:

A pictorial census was prepared in 1884 under the direction of
Red-Cloud, chief of the Dakota at Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota Territory.
The 289 persons enumerated, many of whom were heads of families, were
the adherents of Red-Cloud and did not represent all the Indians at
that agency. Owing to a disagreement the agent refused to acknowledge
that chief as head of the Indians at the agency, and named another as
the official chief. Many of the Indians exhibited their allegiance to
Red-Cloud by having their names attached in their own pictorial style to
a document showing their votes and number. This filled seven sheets of
ordinary manila paper and was sent to Washington. While in the custody
of Dr. T. A. Bland, of that city, it was loaned by him to the Bureau
of Ethnology to be copied by photography. The different sheets were
apparently drawn by different persons, as the drawings of human heads
vary enough to indicate individuality. This arrangement seems to imply
seven bands or, perhaps, gentes.

Dr. V. T. McGillicuddy, who at the time was Indian agent at Pine
Ridge Agency, Dakota, in correspondence gives the impression that the
several pictographs representing names were attached as signatures by
the several individuals to a subscription list for Dr. Bland, before
mentioned, who was the editor of The Council Fire, in support of that
publication and with an agreement that each should give 25 cents. The
document in that view would be a subscription list, but the subscribers
were, in fact, the adherents of Red-Cloud. Whatever was the motive for
this collection of pictured names, its interest consists in the mode
of their portrayal, together with the assurance that they were the
spontaneous and genuine work of the Indians concerned.

In addition to the personal names which immediately follow, a
considerable number of the 289 pictographic names appear elsewhere in
this paper under the various heads of Tribal Designations, Ideography,
Conventionalizing, Customs, special Comparison, etc.

Interspersed among the personal names taken from the above mentioned
list are others selected from the Oglala Roster, the origin of which is
explained above, and the several winter counts of The-Flame, The-Swan,
American-Horse, and Cloud-Shield, mentioned, respectively, in Chap. X,
Sec. 2. The authority is in each case attached to the pictograph with
the translation of the Indian name, and in some cases with the name in
the original.

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, in Vol. XXXIV of the Proceedings of the American
Association for the Advancement of Science and in the American
Anthropologist for July, 1890, gives valuable notes on the subject of
Indian personal names and also has made oral suggestions to the present
writer. Some of those may be considered with reference to the list now
presented. He thinks that the frequent use of color names is from a
mythical or symbolic significance attributed to the colors. Also the
word translated “iron,” or “metal,” is connected with the color blue,
the object called iron being always painted blue when colors are used,
and that color is mystically connected with the water powers of the
Dakotan mythology. The frequent use of the terms “Little” and “Big,”
with or without graphic differentiation, may be as the terms young
and old, junior and senior, are employed by civilized people, but the
expressions in other cases may refer to the size of the animals seen in
the visions of fasting which have determined the names.

Explanations on parts of the pictographs not strictly connected with
the personal name are annexed for the reason before indicated and the
objects connected by the names are to some extent arranged in classes.


OBJECTIVE.

In the figures immediately following the delineation is objective. It is
sometimes interesting to note the different modes of representing the
same object or concept.

[Illustration: FIG. 583.]

Fig. 583.--High-Back-Bone, a very brave Oglala, was killed by the
Shoshoni. They also shot another man, who died after he reached home.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1870-’71.

[Illustration: FIG. 584.]

Fig. 584.--High-Back-Bone was killed in a fight with the Snakes
(Shoshoni). Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1870-’71. White-Cow-Killer
calls it “High-Back-Bone-killed-by-Snake-Indians winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 585.]

Fig. 585.--A Minneconjou Dakota named Broken-Back was killed by the Crow
Indians at Black Hills. Swan’s Winter Count, 1848-’49.

[Illustration: FIG. 586.]

Fig. 586.--Long-Hair was killed. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1786-’87.
To what tribe he belonged is not known. The tribes, such as the Crows,
in which it is a tribal custom to wear the hair to an enormous length,
eke it out by artificial means and ornament it with beads and streamers.
In this case the length of the hair seems to have been a personal
peculiarity, not a tribal mark.

[Illustration: FIG. 587.]

Fig. 587.--They killed the long-haired man in a fight with
the Cheyennes while on an expedition to avenge the death of
The-Man-Who-Owns-The-Flute, who was killed by the Cheyennes the year
before. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1796-’97. This may be the same
man who is referred to in the last preceding figure, as the expression
“killed,” given in translation by the interpreters, does not always mean
wounded to death, but severely wounded--Hibernicé “kilt.” Here the scalp
shows the length of the hair, and the victim is called a Cheyenne.

[Illustration: FIG. 588.]

Fig. 588.--The Stabber. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1783-’84. The man’s
name is suggested by the spear in the body over his head, which is
connected with his mouth by a line.

[Illustration: FIG. 589.]

Fig. 589.--Stabber. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure is substantially the
same as the preceding, though more rude.

[Illustration: FIG. 590.]

Fig. 590.--Red-Shirt. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the following figure
exhibit the name, the first showing only the garment and the second
exhibiting it as worn.

[Illustration: FIG. 591.]

Fig. 591.--Red-Shirt, a Dakota, was killed by the Crows while looking
for his ponies near Old Woman’s fork. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1810-’11. The bow over the head and the absence of scalp-lock signifies
death by the arrow of enemies.

[Illustration: FIG. 592.]

Fig. 592.--Chief Red-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the next figure
give two modes of expressing the name of the celebrated chief, Red-Cloud.

[Illustration: FIG. 593.]

Fig. 593.--Three-Stars (General Crook) took Red-Cloud’s young men to
help him fight the Cheyennes. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1876-’77.

[Illustration: FIG. 594.]

Fig. 594.--Caught-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. The enemy seems to be
caught by his hair.

[Illustration: FIG. 595.]

Fig. 595.--Black-Rock was killed by the Crows. His brother, whose
name he had taken, was killed by the Crows three years before.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1809-’10.

[Illustration: FIG. 596.]

Fig. 596.--Bird, a white trader, was burned to death by the Cheyennes.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1864-’65. He is surrounded by flames in the
picture. His name was probably Bird, which was pictorially represented
as usual.

[Illustration: FIG. 597.]

Fig. 597.--Red-Lake’s house, which he had recently built, was destroyed
by fire, and he was killed by the accidental explosion of some powder.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1831-’32. This figure is introduced here
in connection with the simple fire on the one preceding to show the
artistic portrayal separately of a steady flame and of an explosion.

[Illustration: FIG. 598.]

Fig. 598.--Two-Face, an Oglala, was badly burnt by the explosion of his
powder horn. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1860-’61. Here is another
view of the explosion of gunpowder.

[Illustration: FIG. 599.]

Fig. 599.--A Two-Kettle Dakota, named The-Breast, died. Swan’s Winter
Count, 1836-’37.

Mato Sapa says: A Two-Kettle, named The-Breast, died. This is the same
character as is given elsewhere for abundance, plenty of buffalo. But
here it has a wholly personal application.

[Illustration: FIG. 600.]

Fig. 600.--Left-Handed-Big-Nose was killed by the Shoshoni.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1839-’40. His left arm is represented
extended, and his nose is grotesquely conspicuous.

[Illustration: FIG. 601.]

Fig. 601.--Roman-Nose. Red-Cloud’s Census. The large and aquiline nose
is exhibited, which was very liberally translated “Roman Nose,” and the
term became the popular name of a celebrated chief of the Dakotas.

[Illustration: FIG. 602.]

Fig. 602.--Torn-Belly. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 603.]

Fig. 603.--Spotted-Face. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 604.]

Fig. 604.--Licks-with-his-tongue. Red-Cloud’s Census. The tongue is
exaggerated as well as protruded, and without explanation might be
mistaken for a large object bitten off for eating in a gluttonous manner.

[Illustration: FIG. 605.]

Fig. 605.--Knock-a-hole-in-the-head. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 606.]

Fig. 606.--Broken-Leg-Duck, an Oglala, went to a Crow village to steal
horses and was killed. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1786-’87. A line
connects the bird, one of whose legs is out of order, with the mouth of
the man’s head, which is without scalp-lock.

[Illustration: FIG. 607.]

Fig. 607.--Antelope-Dung broke his neck while surrounding buffalo.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1853-’54.

[Illustration: FIG. 608.]

Fig. 608.--Antelope-Dung broke his neck while running antelope.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1853-’54. His head is the only part of his
body that is shown, and it is bleeding copiously. Without the preceding
figure this one would not be intelligible.

[Illustration: FIG. 609.]

Fig. 609.--Broken-Arrow fell from his horse while running buffalo and
broke his neck. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1859-’60.

[Illustration: FIG. 610.]

Fig. 610.--Sits-like-a-Woman. Red-Cloud’s Census. This person is
also portrayed in a recent Dakota record, where the character is
represented by the “woman seated” only. The name of this man is not
“Sits-like-a-Woman,” but High-Wolf--shunkmanitu (wolf), wankantuya (up
above). This is an instance of giving one name in a pictograph as if the
correct or official name and retaining another by which the man is known
in camp to his companions.

[Illustration: FIG. 611.]

Fig. 611.--The-Man-Who-Owns-the-Flute was killed by the Cheyennes.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1795-’96. His flute is represented in
front of him with sounds coming from it. A bullet mark is on his neck.
In reference to this character, see Chap. XX, Sec. 2.

[Illustration: FIG. 612.]

Fig. 612.--Smoking-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The bear does not appear
to be smoking the pipe, but the smoke of the latter is mounting to the
animal’s neck, so the bear is smoking in a passive sense.

[Illustration: FIG. 613.]

Fig. 613.--Biting-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The bear seems to be biting
at the bark on the limb of a tree, which shows the marks of his claws.
This animal, as is well known, eats the bark of certain trees.


METAPHORIC.

[Illustration: FIG. 614.]

Fig. 614--Wolf-Ear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The designation of the ear of a
wolf probably refers to size, and is substantially the same as big-ear.

[Illustration: FIG. 615.]

Fig. 615.--Fighting-Cuss. Red-Cloud’s Census. This warrior appears,
while only armed with a lance, to be successfully fighting an enemy who
has a gun.

[Illustration: FIG. 616.]

Fig. 616.--Man-with-hearts. Red-Cloud’s Census. There is no information
as to the significance of this drawing, but it is conjectured that the
warrior had eaten the heart of one or more enemies, as was frequently
done. This was not cannibalism, but a superstitious and sometimes
ceremonial performance, by which the eater acquired the qualities of the
victim, and in this case would be supposed to have more than one heart,
i. e., the courage attributed to those hearts.

[Illustration: FIG. 617.]

Fig. 617.--Takes-the-Gun. Red-Cloud’s Census. It appears from the
name that the man is not handling his own gun, but is on the point of
grasping and taking away the weapon of another person.

[Illustration: FIG. 618.]

Fig. 618.--Jola, Whistler. The Oglala Roster. This is one of the
instances where the usual rule in the Oglala Roster, of representing the
name above the head, is abandoned, because it is essential to connect
it with the mouth to express the whistle. Without this arrangement the
musical instrument would not be suggested.

[Illustration: FIG. 619.]

Fig. 619.--American-Horse’s Winter Count for 1872-’73 gives the
pictograph of Whistler, also named Little-Bull. Both of his names
appear; that of Whistler is expressed by the sounds blown from the
mouth. He whistles without an instrument.

[Illustration: FIG. 620.]

Fig. 620.--Ceji, Tongue. The Oglala Roster. This man was not necessarily
an orator, but probably the nickname was given in derision as orally
“tonguey” might be. Again the line is from the crown of the head to the
protruded tongue.

[Illustration: FIG. 621.]

Fig. 621.--Canku-sapa, Black-Road. The Oglala Roster. This road, on
which horse tracks are shown, is distinguished from that of the head
chief Big-Road (_a_, on Pl. XXVI) as being much more narrow and obscure,
therefore black.


ANIMALS.

The following figures are selected from a large number to show the
variety of animals, and the differentiation by marks and attitudes found
necessary to present the names. A similar multiplication of the animals
by different coloration is exhibited, but can not be repeated in the
text figures.

[Illustration: FIG. 622.]

Fig. 622.--Bob-tail-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. The translation of the
Indian’s name is rather liberal, but the device is graphic.

[Illustration: FIG. 623.]

Fig. 623.--Two-Eagles. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 624.]

Fig. 624.--Minneconjou Dakota chief, named Swan, died. The-Swan’s Winter
Count, 1866-’67. This bird is supposed to be swimming on the water, its
legs not being visible.

[Illustration: FIG. 625.]

Fig. 625.--Bear-Looks-Back. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 626.]

Fig. 626.--Mouse. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 627.]

Fig. 627.--Badger, a Dakota, was killed by enemies, as shown by the
absence of his scalp. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1796-’97.

[Illustration: FIG. 628.]

Fig. 628.--Spider was killed (stabbed) in a fight with the Pawnees.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1861-’62. An immense effusion of blood is
depicted flowing from the wound.

[Illustration: FIG. 629.]

Fig. 629.--Spotted-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 630.]

Fig. 630.--Spotted-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 631.]

Fig. 631.--White-Goose was killed in an attack made by some enemies.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1789-’90. White-Cow-Killer calls it,
“Goose-Feather-killed winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 632.]

Fig. 632.--Maka-gleska, Spotted-Skunk. The Oglala Roster. The special
characteristic of the animal is suggested.

[Illustration: FIG. 633.]

Fig. 633.--Hoka-qin, Carried-the-Badger. The Oglala Roster. The design
explains itself. The animal is exaggerated in size and some of its
features are accentuated.

[Illustration: FIG. 634.]

Fig. 634.--Kangi-topa, Four-Crows. The Oglala Roster. The four crows are
cawing forth such explanation as they can give of the reasons, probably
coming from visions, why they were used to form a name for an Oglala.


VEGETABLE.

The products of the vegetable kingdom are not often used by the Dakotas
in their personal designations. The three following figures, however,
are examples of such use.

[Illustration: FIG. 635.]

Fig. 635.--Tree-in-the-Face. Red-Cloud’s Census. This man probably
painted a tree on his face.

[Illustration: FIG. 636.]

Fig. 636.--Leaves. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the following figure
represent two different men of the same name and the devices are
distinctly individual.

[Illustration: FIG. 637.]

Fig. 637.--Leaves. Red-Cloud’s Census.

With regard to the errors arising from bad translation, an
example may be given, relating to a name the explanation of which
has often been asked. A former chief of the Oglala was called
“Old-man-afraid-of-his-Horses,” by the whites, and his son is known
as “Young-man-afraid-of-his-Horses.” A common interpretation about
“afraid-of-his-horses” is that the man valued his horses so much that
he was afraid of losing them. The representative of the name, however,
stated to the writer that the correct name was Ta-shunka Kokipapi,
and that the true meaning was “He-whose-horse-they-fear”; literally
“His-horse-they-fear-it.”

A large number of pictorially rendered Indian names attached to deeds
and treaties have been published, e. g., in Documents relating to the
Colonial History of New York (_b_). Few of them are of interest, and
they generally suggest the assistance of practiced penmen. In the
collections mentioned some of the Dutch marks are in the same general
style as those of the Indians.

Mr. P. W. Norris, late of the Bureau of Ethnology, had a buffalo robe
containing a record of exploits, which was drawn by Black-Crow, a
Dakota warrior. The successful warrior is represented in each instance
upright, the accompanying figure being always in a recumbent posture,
representing the enemy who was slain. The peculiar feature of these
pictographs is that instead of depicting the victim’s personal name with
a connecting line, the object denoting his name is placed above the head
of the victor in each instance, and a line connects the character with
his mouth. The latter thus seems to proclaim the name of his victim. A
pipe is also figured between the victor and the vanquished, showing that
he is entitled to smoke a pipe of celebration.

A copy of the whole record was shown to the Mdewakantanwan Dakotas, near
Fort Snelling, Minnesota, in 1883, and the character reproduced in Fig.
638, about which there was the most doubt, was explained as signifying
“many tongues,” or Loud-Talker.

[Illustration: FIG. 638.--Loud-Talker.]

The circle at the end of the line running from the mouth contains a
number of lanceolate forms, one-half of each of which is black, the
other white. They have the appearance of feathers, but also may
represent tongues and signify voice, sound issuing from the mouth,
and correspond in some respect to those drawn by the Mexicans with
that significance, of which examples are given in this work, Chap. XX,
Sec. 2. The considerable number of these tongue-like figures suggests
intensity and denotes loud voice, or, as given literally, “loud talker,”
that being the name of the victim.

It is, however, to be noted that “Shield,” an Oglala Dakota, contends
that the character signifies Feather-Shield, the name of a warrior
formerly living at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota.

Designation of an object, as a name, by means of a connecting line
is mentioned in Kingsborough (_a_). Pedro de Alvarado, one of the
companions of Cortez, was red-headed. Designating him, the Mexicans
called him Tonatihu, the “Sun,” and in their picture-writing his name
was represented by their conventional character for the sun attached to
his person by a line.

Other examples are now presented both of the linear connection and of
the iconographic figuration by the old Mexicans.

In Kingsborough (_b_) is a pictograph of Chimalpopoca, which name
signifies a smoking shield, here reproduced as Fig. 639 (_a_). The
smoking shield is connected with the head by a line, and the form of
smoke should be noticed in comparison with the representation of flame
and of voice by the same pictors.

[Illustration: FIG. 639.--Mexican names.]

The same authority and volume, p. 135 (illustration in Vol. I, Pt. 4,
Pl. V), gives the name and illustration (reproduced in the same Fig.,
_b_) of Ytzcohuatl, the signification of which name is a serpent armed
with knives. The knives refer to the Itzli stone.

In the same volume, p. 137, is the name Face of Water, with the
corresponding illustration in Vol. I, Pt. 4, Pl. 12 (here Pl. XII _c_).
The drops of water are falling profusely from the face.




CHAPTER XIV.

RELIGION.


The most surprising fact relating to the North American Indians, which
until lately had not been realized, is that they habitually lived
in and by religion to a degree comparable with the old Israelites
under the theocracy. This was sometimes ignored, and sometimes denied
in terms, by many of the early missionaries and explorers. The
aboriginal religion was not their religion, and therefore was not
recognized to have an existence or was pronounced to be satanic. Many
pictorial representations are given in this chapter of concepts of the
supernatural, as operative in this world, which is popularly styled
religion when it is not condemned as superstition. The pictographic
examples presented from the Siouan stock are generally explained as
they appear. Those from the Ojibwa and other tribes are not so fully
discussed. It is therefore proper to mention explicitly that, in the
several localities where the tribes are now found which have been the
least affected by civilization, they in a marked degree live a life of
religious practices, and their shamans have a profound influence over
their social character. A careful study of these people has already
given indication of facts corresponding in interest with those which
have recently surprised the world as reported by Mr. Cushing from among
the Zuñi and Dr. Matthews from among the Navajo.

The most extensive and important publications on the subject have been
made by Maj. J. W. Powell (_a_), Director of the Bureau of Ethnology.
These have been made at many times and in various shapes, from the
Outlines of the Philosophy of the North American Indians, read in 1876,
to the present year.

A considerable amount of detail respecting religion appears in Chap. IX,
Sections 4 and 5, in the present work.

The discussion of the religions and religious practices of the tribes
of America is not germane to the present work, except so far as it
elucidates their pictographs. In that connection it may be mentioned
that the tribes of Indians in the territory of the United States, which
have been converted to Christianity, seem not to have spontaneously
turned their pictographic skill to the representation of objects
connected with the religion to which they have been converted. This
might be explained by the statement, often true, that the converts
have been taught to read and write the languages of their teachers in
religion, and therefore ceased to be pictographers. But where they have
not been so instructed, indeed have been encouraged to retain their own
language and to write it in a special manner supposed to be adapted to
their ancient methods, the same result is observed. The Micmacs still
with delight draw on bark their stories of Glooscap and Lox, and scenes
from the myths of their old faith, but unless paid as for a piece
of work, do not produce Christian pictures. This assertion does not
conflict with the account of the “Micmac hieroglyphs” in Chap. XIX, Sec.
2. All the existing specimens of these were made by Europeans, and the
action of the first Indian converts, which was imitated by Europeans,
was the simple use of their old scheme of mnemotechny to assist in
memorizing the lessons required of them by missionaries. It is also to
be noted that some tribes for convenience have adopted Christian emblems
into their own ceremonial pictographs (see Fig. 159).

It has been found convenient to divide this chapter into the following
sections: (1) Symbols of the supernatural. (2) Myths and mythic animals.
(3) Shamanism. (4) Charms and amulets. (5) Religious ceremonies. (6)
Mortuary practices.


SECTION 1.

SYMBOLS OF THE SUPERNATURAL.

This group shows the modes of expressing the idea of the supernatural,
holy, sacred, or, more correctly, the mystic or unknown (perhaps
unknowable), that being the true translation of the Dakota word waka^n.
The concept of “crazy,” in the sense of influenced by superior powers
or inspired, is in the same connection. Not only the North American
Indians, but many tribes of Asia and Africa, consider a demented
person to be sacred and therefore inviolable. The spiral line is but
a pictorial representation of the sign for waka^n, which is: With its
index finger extended and pointing upward, or all the fingers extended,
back of hand outward, move the right hand from just in front of the
forehead spirally upward nearly to arm’s length from left to right.

[Illustration: FIG. 640.]

Fig. 640.--Crazy-Dog, a Dakota, carried the pipe around and took the war
path. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1838-’39.

The waved or spiral lines denote crazy or mystic, as above explained.

[Illustration: FIG. 641.]

Fig. 641.--Crazy-Horse says his prayers and goes on the war-path.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1844-’45.

The waved lines are used again for crazy. “Says his prayers,” which
are the words of the interpreter, would be more properly rendered by
referring to the ceremonies of organizing a war party.

[Illustration: FIG. 642.]

Fig. 642.--Crazy-Horse’s band left the Spotted-Tail agency (at Camp
Sheridan, Nebraska) and went north, after Crazy-Horse was killed at Fort
Robinson, Nebraska. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1877-’78.

Hoofprints and lodge-pole tracks run northward from the house, which
represents the agency. That the horse is “crazy” is shown by the waved
or spiral lines on his body, running from his nose, hoof, and forehead.
The band is named from its deceased chief, and is designated by his
personal device, a distinct and unusual departure among Indians tending
towards the evolution of band or party emblems unconnected with the
gentile system.

[Illustration: FIG. 643.]

Fig. 643.--Medicine. Red-Cloud’s Census. The full rendering should be
medicine-man or shaman. The waving lines above the head again signify
mystic or sacred, and are made in gesture in a similar manner as that
before described, with some differentiation, for prayer or incantation.
The shut or half-closed eye may be noted.

[Illustration: FIG. 644.]

Fig. 644.--Medicine-man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a rude variant of
the foregoing.

[Illustration: FIG. 645.]

Fig. 645.--Crazy-Head. Red-Cloud’s Census. The wavy lines here form
a circle around the head to suggest the personal name as well as the
quality.

[Illustration: FIG. 646.]

Fig. 646.--Medicine-Buffalo. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is probably an
albino buffalo, and may refer to the man who possessed one who is
venerated therefor. See Chap. XIII.

[Illustration: FIG. 647.]

Fig. 647.--Kangi-waka^n, Sacred-Crow. The Oglala Roster. The lines above
the bird’s head signify sacred, mystic, sometimes termed “medicine,” as
above.

[Illustration: FIG. 648.]

Fig. 648.--White-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is an albino elk which
partakes in sacredness with the albino buffalo. The elk was an important
article of food, though not so much a reliance as the buffalo, and the
practices relating to the latter would naturally, and in fact did,
measurably, apply to the former.

[Illustration: FIG. 649.]

Fig. 649.--The Dakotas had all the mini waka^n (spirit water, or whisky)
they could drink. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1821-’22. A barrel with
a waved or spiral line running from it represents the whisky, the waved
line signifying waka^n, or spirit, in the double sense of the English
word.

[Illustration: FIG. 650.]

Fig. 650.--Cloud-Bear, a Dakota, killed a Dakota, who was a long
distance off, by throwing a bullet from his hand and striking him in the
heart. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1824-’25. The spiral line is used
for waka^n.

[Illustration: FIG. 651.]

Fig. 651.--A Minneconjou clown, well known to the Indians. The-Flame’s
Winter Count, 1787-’88. His accouterments are fantastic. The character
is explained by Battiste Good’s Winter Count for the same year as
follows:

“Left-the-heyoka-man-behind winter.” A certain man was heyoka, that
is, in a disordered frame of mind, and went about the village bedecked
with feathers singing to himself, and while so joined a war party. On
sighting the enemy the party fled and called to him to turn back also,
but as he was heyoka he construed everything that was said to him as
meaning the very opposite, and, therefore, instead of turning back he
went forward and was killed. This conception of a man under superhuman
influence being obliged to believe or speak the reverse of the truth is
not uncommon among the Indians. See Leland (_a_) Algonquin Legends.

[Illustration: FIG. 652.--Dream. Ojibwa.]

Fig. 652, from Copway (_b_), gives the representation of “dream”. The
recumbent human figure naturally suggests sleep, and the wavy lines to
the head indicate the spiritual or mythic concept of a dream.

[Illustration: FIG. 653.--Religious symbols.]

Fig. 653: _a_ is an Ojibwa pictograph taken from Schoolcraft
representing “medicine man,” “meda.” With these horns and spiral may be
collated _b_ in the same figure, which portrays the ram-headed Egyptian
god Knuphis, or Chnum, the spirit, in a shrine on the boat of the sun,
canopied by the serpent goddess Ranno, who is also seen facing him
inside the shrine. This is reproduced from Cooper’s Serpent Myths (_a_).
The same deity is represented in Champollion (_a_) as reproduced in Fig.
653, _c_.

_d_ is an Ojibwa pictograph found in Schoolcraft (_i_) and given as
“power.” It corresponds with the Absaroka sign for “medicine man” made
by passing the extended and separated index and second finger of the
right hand upward from the forehead, spirally, and is considered to
indicate “superior knowledge.” Among the Otos, as part of the sign with
the same meaning, both hands are raised to the side of the head and the
extended indices pressing the temples.

_e_ is also an Ojibwa pictograph from Schoolcraft, same volume, Pl.
59, and is said to signify Meda’s power. It corresponds with another
sign made for “medicine man” by the Absaroka and Comanche, viz, the
hand passed upward before the forehead, with index loosely extended.
Combined with the sign for “sky” it means knowledge of superior matters,
spiritual power.

In many parts of the United States and Canada rocks and large stones
are found which generally were decorated with paint and were regarded
as possessing supernatural power, yet, so far as ascertained, were not
directly connected with any special personage of Indian mythology.
One of the earliest accounts of these painted stones was made by the
Abbé de Gallinée and is published in Margry (_d_). The Abbé, with La
Salle’s party in 1669, found on the Detroit river, six leagues above
Lake Erie, a large stone remotely resembling a human figure and painted,
the face made with red paint. All the Indians of the region--Algonquian
and Iroquoian--believed that the rock-image could give safety in the
passage of the lake, if properly placated, and they never ventured on
the passage without offering to it presents of skins, food, tobacco, or
like sacrifices. La Salle’s party, which had met with misfortune, seems
to have been so much impressed with the evil powers of the image that
they broke it into pieces.

Keating’s Long (_e_) tells:

    At one of the landing places of the St. Peters river, in the
    Sioux country, we observed a block of granite of about eighty pounds
    weight; it was painted red and covered with a grass fillet, in which
    were placed twists of tobacco offered up in sacrifice. Feathers were
    stuck in the ground all round the stone.

Mrs. Eastman (_a_) also describes a stone painted red, which the Dakotas
called grandfather, in reverence, at or near which they placed as
offerings their most valuable articles. They also killed dogs and horses
before it as sacrifices.

In “A study of Pueblo Architecture,” by Victor Mindeleff, in the Eighth
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, is an account of the cosmology
of the Pueblos as symbolized in their architecture and figured devices,
as follows:

    In the beginning all men lived together in the lowest depths,
    in a region of darkness and moisture; their bodies were misshapen
    and horrible and they suffered great misery, moaning and bewailing
    continually. Through the intervention of Myuingwa (a vague
    conception known as the god of the interior) and of Baholikonga (a
    crested serpent of enormous size, the genius of water) “the old
    man” obtained a seed from which sprang a magic growth of cane.
    It penetrated through a crevice in the roof overhead and mankind
    climbed to a higher plane. A dim light appeared in this stage and
    vegetation was produced. Another magic growth of cane afforded
    the means of rising to a still higher plane, on which the light
    was brighter; vegetation was reproduced and the animal kingdom
    was created. The final ascent to this present or fourth plane was
    effected by similar magic growths and was led by mythic twins,
    according to some of the myths, by climbing a great pine tree, in
    others by climbing the cane, _Phragmites communis_, the alternate
    leaves of which afforded steps as of a ladder, and in still others
    it is said to have been a rush, through the interior of which the
    people passed up to the surface. The twins sang as they pulled the
    people out, and when their song was ended no more were allowed to
    come, and hence many more were left below than were permitted to
    come above; but the outlet through which mankind came has never
    been closed, and Myuingwa sends through it the germs of all living
    things. It is still symbolized by the peculiar construction of the
    hatchway of the kiva and in the designs on the sand altars in these
    underground chambers, by the unconnected circle painted on pottery,
    and by devices on basketry and other textile fabrics.


SECTION 2.

MYTHS AND MYTHIC ANIMALS.

Among the hundreds of figures and characters seen by the present writer
on the slate rocks that abound on the shores and islands of Kejimkoojik
Lake, Queen’s county, Nova Scotia, described in Chap. II, Sec. 1, there
appears a class of incised figures illustrating the religious myths
and folk lore of the Indian tribes which inhabited the neighborhood
within historic times. It is probable that in other parts of America,
and, indeed, in all lands, the pictographic impulses and habits of the
people have induced them to represent the scenes and characters of their
myths on such rocks as were adapted to the purpose, as they are known
to have done on bark, skins, and other objects. But these exhibitions
of the favorite or prevalent myths in the shape of petroglyphs, though
doubtless existing, have seldom been understood and deciphered by modern
students. Sometimes they have not originally been sufficiently distinct
or have become indefinite by age, and frequently their artists have been
people of languages, religions, and customs different from the tribes
now or lately found in the localities and from whom the significance
of the petroglyphs has been sought in vain. The conditions of the
characters at Kejimkoojik, now mentioned, are perhaps unique. They are
drawn with great distinctness and sufficient skill, so that when traced
on the rocks they immediately struck the present writer as illustrative
of the myths and tales of the Abnaki. Many of these myths had been
recently repeated to him by Mrs. W. Wallace Brown, of Calais, Maine, the
highest authority in that line of study, and by other persons visited in
Maine, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and in Cape Breton and Prince Edwards
Islands, who were familiar with the Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, Amalecite,
and Micmac tribes. A number of these myths and tales had before been
collected in variant forms by Mr. Charles G. Leland (_a_). It is a
more important and convincing fact that the printed impressions of the
figures now presented were at once recognized by individual Indians of
the several Abnaki tribes above mentioned to have the signification
explained below. It is also to be noted that these Abnaki have preserved
the habit of making illustrations from their stories by scratchings and
scrapings on birch bark. The writer saw several such figures on bark
ornaments and utensils which exhibited parts of the identical myths
indicated in the petroglyphs but not the precise scenes or characters
depicted on the rocks. The selection of themes and their treatment
were not conventional and showed some originality and individuality
both in design and execution. From the appearance and surroundings of
the rock drawings now specially under discussion they were probably of
considerable antiquity and suggested that the Micmacs, who doubtless
were the artists, had gained the idea of practicing art for itself, not
merely using the devices of pictography for practical purposes, such as
to record the past or to convey information.

[Illustration: FIG. 654.--Myth of Pokinsquss.]

Fig. 654 is one of the drawings mentioned, and indicates one episode
among the very numerous adventures of Glooscap, the Hero-God of the
Abnaki, several of which are connected with a powerful witch called by
Mr. Leland Pook-jin-skwess, or the Evil Pitcher, and by Mrs. W. Wallace
Brown, Pokinsquss, the Jug Woman. She is also called the toad woman,
from one of her transformations, and often appeared in a male form to
fight Glooscap after he had disdained her love proffered as a female.
Among the multitude of tales on this general theme, one narrates how
Glooscap was at one time a Pogumk, or the small animal of the weasel
family commonly called Fisher (Mustela Canadensis), also translated as
Black Cat, and was the son of the chief of a village of Indians who were
all Black Cats, his mother being a bear. Doubtless these animal names
and the attributes of the animals in the tales refer to the origin of
totemic divisions among the Abnaki. Pokinsquss was also of the Black Cat
village, and hated the chief and contrived long how she could kill him
and take his place. Now, one day when the camp had packed up to travel,
the witch asked the chief Pogumk to go with her to gather gull’s eggs;
and they went far away in a canoe to an island where the gulls were
breeding and landed there, and then she hid herself to spy, and having
found out that the Pogumk was Glooscap, ran to the canoe and paddled
away singing:

    Nikhed-ha Pogumk min nekuk,
    Netswil sāgāmawin!

Which being translated from the Passamaquoddy language means--

    I have left the Black Cat on an island,
    I shall be chief of the Fishers now!

The continuation of the story is found in many variant shapes. In one of
them Glooscap’s friend the Fox came to his rescue, as through Glooscap’s
m’toulin or magic power he heard the song of appeal though miles away
beyond forests and mountains. In others the Sea Serpent appears in
answer to the Hero-God’s call, and the latter, mounting the serpent’s
back, takes a load of stones as his cargo to throw at the serpent’s
horns when the latter did not swim fast enough. In the figure the island
is shown at the lower right hand as a roundish outline with Glooscap
inside. The small round objects to the left are probably the gull’s
eggs, but may be the stimulating stones above mentioned. Pokinsquss
stands rejoicing in the stern of a canoe, which points in the wavy water
away from the island. The device to the left of the witch may be the
dismantled camp of the Black Cats, and the one to her right is perhaps
where the Fox “beyond forests and mountains” heard Glooscap’s song of
distress.

[Illustration: FIG. 655.--Myth of Atosis.]

Fig. 655, another specimen of the same class, refers to one of the tales
about At-o-sis, the Snake, who was the lover of a beautiful Abnaki
woman. He appeared to her from out the surface of a lake as a young
hunter with a large shining silvery plate on his heart and covered with
brilliant white brooches as fish are covered with scales. He provided
her with all animals for food. The bow attached to the semi-human head
in the illustration may refer to this expertness in the chase. The head
of the female figure is covered or masked by one of the insignia of rank
and power mentioned in Chap. XIII, Sec. 2. She became the mother of the
Black Snakes.

[Illustration: FIG. 656.--Myth of the Weasel girls.]

Fig. 656, from the same locality, shows simply a crane, and a woman who
bears in her hand two branches; but this is a sufficient indication
of the tale of the Weasel girls, who had come down from Star-land by
means of a diminishing hemlock tree, and flying from Lox had come to a
broad river which they could not cross. But in the edge of the water
stood motionless a large crane, or the Tum-gwo-lig-unach, who was the
ferryman. “Now, truly, this is esteemed to be the least beautiful of
all the birds, for which cause he is greedy of good words and fondest
of flattery. And of all beings there were none who had more bear’s oil
ready to annoint every one’s hair with--that is to say, more compliments
ready for everybody--than the Weasels. So, seeing the Crane, they sang:

          Wa wela quis kip pat kasqu',
          Wa wela quis kip pat kasqu'.

    The Crane has a very beautiful long neck,
    The Crane has a very beautiful long neck.

“This charmed the old ferryman very much, and when they said: ‘please,
grandfather, hurry along,’ he came quickly. Seeing this, they began to
chant in chorus sweetly as the Seven Stars themselves:

          Wa wela quig nat kasqu',
          Wa wela quig nat kasqu'.

    The crane has very beautiful long legs,
    The crane has very beautiful long legs.

“Hearing this the good crane wanted more; so when they asked him to
give them a lift across he answered, slowly, that to do so he must
be well paid, but that good praise would answer as well. Now they
who had abundance of this and to spare for everybody were these very
girls. ‘Have I not a beautiful form?’ he inquired; and they both cried
aloud: ‘Oh, uncle, it is indeed beautiful!’ ‘And my feathers?’ ‘Ah,
_pegeakopchu_.’ ‘Beautiful and straight feathers, indeed!’ ‘And have I
not a charming long, straight, neck?’ ‘Truly our uncle has it straight
and long.’ ‘And will ye not acknowledge, oh maidens, that my legs are
fine?’ ‘Fine! oh, uncle, they are perfection. Never in this life did we
see such legs!’ So, being well pleased, the crane put them across, and
then the two little weasels scampered like mice into the bush.”

Though but one woman figure is drawn, the two boughs borne by her
suggest the two weasel girls, who had come down the hemlock tree and had
also been water fairies until their garments were stolen by the marten,
and thereupon they had lost their fairy powers and become women in a
manner at once reminding of the Old World swan-maiden myth.

[Illustration: FIG. 657.--The Giant Bird Kaloo.]

Fig. 657 is a sketch of the Giant Bird Kaloo, or, in the literation of
Mr. Leland, Culloo. He was the most terrible of all creatures. He it
was who caught up the mischievous Lox in his claws and, mounting to the
top of the sky among the stars, let him drop, and he fell from dawn
to sunset. Lox was often a badger in the Micmac stories, and was more
Puck-like than the devilish character he showed among the Passamaquoddy,
being then generally in the form of a wolverine, though sometimes in
that of a lynx. In the illustration Kaloo is soaring among the stars,
and appears to possess an extra pair of legs armed with claws. Perhaps
one of the objects beneath his beak represents Lox or some other victim
falling through the air. There is another story of Lox’s two feet
talking and acting independently of the rest of his body, and the two
feet and legs without any body may be a symbol of the tricksy demigod.

[Illustration: FIG. 658.--Kiwach, the Strong Blower.]

Fig. 658 represents Kiwach, the Strong Blower, a giant who kills people
with his violent breath. Tales of him seem to be more current or better
preserved among the Amalecites than among the other Abnaki.

[Illustration: FIG. 659.--Story of Glooscap.]

Fig. 659 is an exact copy of the design on a birch-bark jewel box
made by the Passamaquoddy of Maine, amiably contributed by Mrs. W. W.
Brown, together with the description of that part of the myth which
is illustrated on the box. There are several variants of this myth,
the nearest to the form now presented being published by Mr. J. Walter
Fewkes (_a_).

The Sable and the Black Cat wanted some maple sugar, and went to a
wood where the maple trees grew. Toward night they lost their way and
separated from each other to find it, agreeing to call to each other by
_m’toulin_ power. These animals were as frequently in human form as in
that designated by their names, and could change to the forms of other
animals. It is not certain, from anything in the present version of the
myth, which one of the daimons was represented by the Sable, but the
Black Cat afterward appears as Glooscap. Sable, in his wanderings, came
to a wigwam in which was a large fire with a kettle boiling over it,
tended by a great Snake. The Snake said he was glad the Sable had come,
as he was very hungry and would eat him, but in gratitude for his coming
would put him to as little pain as was possible. The Snake told him to
go into the woods and get a straight stick, so that when he pierced him
he would not tear open his entrails. Sable then went out and sang in a
loud voice a _m’toulin_ song for the Black Cat to hear and come to his
aid. The Black Cat heard him and came to him. Then the Sable told the
Black Cat how the Snake was going to kill him. The Black Cat told Sable
not to be afraid, but that he would kill the big Snake. He told him that
he would lie down behind the trunk of a hemlock tree which had fallen
and that Sable should search out a stick that was very crooked, only
pretending to obey the commands of the great Snake. After finding such a
stick he should carry it to the Snake, who would complain that the stick
was not straight enough, and then Sable should reply that he would
straighten it in the fire, holding it there until the steam came out
of the end. Then while the Snake watched the new mode of straightening
sticks Sable should strike the Snake over the eyes. The Sable sought out
the most crooked stick he could find and then returned to the wigwam
where the Snake was. The Snake said the stick was too crooked. The Sable
replied as directed and held it in the fire. When it was burning he
struck the Snake with it over the eyes, blinded him, and ran away. The
Snake followed the Sable, and as he passed over the hemlock trunk the
Black Cat killed him and they cut him into small pieces.

The two human figures on the left show the animals under the forest
trees in human form bidding good-bye before they parted in search of the
right trail. Their diminutive size gives the suggestion of distance from
the main scene. Next comes the great Snake’s wigwam, the stars outside
showing that night had come, and inside the kettle hung over a fire, and
on its right appear the wide-open jaws and an indication of the head of
the great Snake. The very crooked stick is on the other side. Farther on
the Black Cat comes responsive to the Sable’s call. Next is shown, the
Black Cat and the Sable, who is in human form, near the hemlock tree.
The fact that the tree is fallen is suggested, without any attempt at
perspective, by the broken-off branches and the thick part of the trunk
being upturned. The illustration ends with the Black Cat sitting upon
the Snake, clawing and throwing around pieces of it.

The illustration above presented gives an excellent example of the art
of the Passamaquoddy in producing pictures by the simple scraping of
birch bark.

The characters in Fig. 660 are reproduced from Schoolcraft (_k_).

[Illustration: FIG. 660.--Ojibwa shamanistic symbols.]

The first device, beginning at the left, is used by the Ojibwa to denote
a spirit or man enlightened from on high, having the head of the sun.

The second device is drawn by the Ojibwa for a “wabeno” or shaman.

The third is the Ojibwa “symbol” for an evil or one-sided “meda” or
higher-grade shaman.

The fourth is the Ojibwa general “symbol” for a meda.

Mr. William H. Holmes, of the Bureau of Ethnology, gives the following
account (condensed from the American Anthropologist, July, 1890) of a
West Virginia rock shelter (shown in Pl. XXXI). The copy is in two rows
of figures, but in the original there is only one row, the parts marked
_a_ and _a_ being united:

    In Harrison county, West Virginia, a small stream, Two-Lick
    creek, heading near the Little Kanawha divide, descends into the
    west fork of the Monongahela about 4 miles west of Lost Creek
    station, on the Clarksburg and Weston railroad. Ascending the
    stream for a little more than 2 miles and turning to the right up a
    tributary called Campbells run, is a recess in the rocks, the result
    of local surface undermining of an outcrop of sandstone assisted by
    roof degradation, which therefore is a typical rock shelter. At the
    opening it is about 20 feet long and in the deepest part extends
    back 16 feet.

    The rock sculptures, of which simplified outlines are given in
    Pl. XXXI, occupy the greater part of the back wall of the recess,
    covering a space of some 20 feet long by about 4 feet in height.
    At the left the line of figures approaches the outer face of the
    rock, but at the right it terminates in the depths of the chamber,
    beyond which the space is too low and uneven to be utilized. There
    are indications that engravings have existed above and below those
    shown, but their traces are too indistinct to be followed.

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXI

    PICTOGRAPH IN ROCK SHELTER, WEST VIRGINIA.]

    The more legible designs comprise three heads, resembling
    death’s-heads, one human head or face, one obscure human figure,
    three birds resembling cranes or turkeys (one with outspread wings),
    three mountain lions or beasts of like character, two rattlesnakes,
    one turtle, one turtle-like figure with bird’s head, parts of
    several unidentified creatures (one resembling a fish), and four
    conventional figures or devices resembling, one a hand, one a star,
    one the track of a horse, and the fourth the track of an elk,
    buffalo, deer, or domestic cow.

    The serpents, placed above and toward the right of the picture,
    are much larger than life, but the other subjects are represented
    somewhat nearly natural size. The animal figure facing the two
    death’s-heads is drawn with considerable vigor and very decidedly
    suggests the panther. A notable feature is the two back-curving
    spines or spine-like tufts seen upon its shoulder; it is possible
    that these represent some mythical character of the creature. Two of
    the animal figures, in accordance with a widespread Indian practice,
    exhibit the heart and the life line, the latter connecting the heart
    with the mouth; these features are, as usual, drawn in red.

    The human head or face is somewhat larger than life; it is
    neatly hollowed out to the nearly uniform depth of one-fourth of
    an inch, and is slightly polished over most of the surface. Ear
    lobes are seen at the right and left, and an arched line, possibly
    intended for a plume, rises from the left side of the head. A
    crescent-shaped band of red extends across the face, and within this
    the eyes are indistinctly marked. The mouth is encircled by a dark
    line and shows six teeth, the spaces between being filled in with
    red.

    Probably the most remarkable members of the series are the
    three death’s-heads seen near the middle of the line. That they are
    intended to represent skulls and not the living face or head is
    clear, and the treatment is decidedly suggestive of that exhibited
    in similar work of the more cultured southern nations. The eye
    spaces are large and deep, the cheek bones project, the nose is
    depressed, and the mouth is a mere node depressed in the center.

    All the figures are clearly and deeply engraved, and all save
    the serpents are in full intaglio, being excavated over the entire
    space within the outlines and to the depth of from one-eighth to
    one-fourth of an inch. The serpents are outlined in deep unsteady
    lines, ranging from one-fourth of an inch to 1 inch in width, and in
    parts are as much as one-half an inch in depth. The example at the
    left is rather carefully executed, but the other is very rude. It is
    proper to notice a wing-like feature which forms a partial arch over
    the larger serpent. It consists of a broad line of irregular pick
    marks, which are rather new looking and may not have formed a part
    of the original design; aside from this, there are few indications
    of the use of hard or sharp tools, and, although picking or striking
    must have been resorted to in excavating the figures, the lines and
    surfaces were evidently finished by rubbing. The friable character
    of the coarse, soft sandstone makes excavation by rubbing quite
    easy, and at the same time renders it impossible to produce any
    considerable degree of polish.

    The red color used upon the large face and in delineating
    the life line and heart of the animal figures is a red ocher or
    hematite, bits of which, exhibiting the effects of rubbing, were
    found in the floor deposits of the recess. The exact manner of its
    application is not known (perhaps the mere rubbing was sufficient),
    but the color is so fixed that it can not be removed save by the
    removal of the rock surface.

Regarding the origin and purpose of these sculptures, it seems probable
that they are connected with religious practices and myths. If the
inscriptions were mnemonic records or notices it is reasonable to
suppose that they would have been placed so as to meet the eye of others
than those who made or were acquainted with them. But these works are
hidden in a mountain cave, and even yet, when the forest is cleared and
the surrounding slopes are cultivated, this secluded recess is invisible
from almost every side. The spot was evidently the resort of a chosen
few, such as a religious society. Such sequestered art gives evidence of
a mystic purpose.

[Illustration: FIG. 661.--Baho-li-kong-ya. Arizona.]

In this connection it may be noted that a rock drawing in the Canyon
Segy, Arizona (Fig. 661), shows Baho li-kong-ya, a god, the genius of
fructification, worshipped by living Moki priests. It is a great crested
serpent with mammæ, which are the source of the blood of all the animals
and of all the waters of the land.

The serpents in the last-mentioned plate and figure may be compared with
two Ojibway forms published by Schoolcraft (_l_).

[Illustration: FIG. 662.--Mythic serpents, Innuits.]

The upper design of Fig. 662 undoubtedly represents a mythical animal,
referred to in the myths of some of the Innuits. It is reproduced
from a drawing on walrus ivory, bearing Museum No. 40054, obtained at
Port Clarence, Alaska. This form is not so close in detail to that
form usually described and more fully outlined in the lower design of
the same figure, which is reproduced from a specimen of reindeer horn
drill-bow, from Alaska, marked No. 24557, collected by L. Turner.

Ensign Niblack, U. S. Navy (_d_), gives the following description of the
illustration reproduced here as Fig. 663.

[Illustration: FIG. 663.--Haida Wind Spirit.]

    It represents T’kul, the wind spirit, and the cirrus clouds,
    explaining the Haida belief in the causes of the changes in the
    weather. The center figure is T’kul, the wind spirit. On the right
    and left are his feet, which are indicated by long streaming
    clouds; above are the wings, and on each side are the different
    winds, each designated by an eye, and represented by the patches
    of cirrus clouds. When T’kul determines which wind is to blow, he
    gives the word and the other winds retire. The change in the weather
    is usually followed by rain, which is indicated by the tears which
    stream from the eyes of T’kul.

[Illustration: FIG. 664.--Orca. Haida.]

The same author, p. 322, thus describes Fig. 664:

    It represents the orca or whale-killer, which the Haida believe
    to be a demon called Skana. Judge Swan says that, according to their
    belief--

    “He can change into any desired form, and many are the legends
    about him. One which was related to me was that ages ago the
    Indians were out seal-hunting. The weather was calm and the sea
    smooth. One of these killers, or blackfish, a species of porpoise,
    kept alongside of a canoe, and the young men amused themselves by
    throwing stones from the canoe ballast and hitting the fin of the
    killer. After some pretty hard blows from these rocks the creature
    made for the shore, where it grounded on the beach. Soon a smoke
    was seen, and their curiosity prompted them to ascertain the cause,
    but when they reached the shore they discovered, to their surprise,
    that it was a large canoe, and not the Skana that was in the beach,
    and that a man was on shore cooking some food. He asked them why
    they threw stones at his canoe. ‘You have broken it,’ he said, ‘and
    now go into the woods and get some cedar withes and mend it.’ They
    did so, and when they had finished the man said, ‘Turn your backs
    to the water and cover your heads with your skin blankets and don’t
    look till I call you.’ They did so, and heard the canoe grate on the
    beach as it was hauled down to the surf. Then the man said, ‘Look,
    now.’ They looked, but when it came to the second breaker it went
    under and presently came up outside of the breaker a killer and not
    a canoe, and the man or demon was in its belly. This allegory is
    common among all the tribes on the Northwest Coast, and even with
    the interior tribes with whom the salmon takes the place of the
    orca, which never ascends the fresh-water rivers. The Chilcat and
    other tribes of Alaska carve figures of salmon, inside of which is
    the full length figure of a nude Indian. * * * Casual observers
    without inquiry will at once pronounce it to be Jonah in the fish’s
    belly, but the allegory is of ancient origin, far antedating the
    advent of the white man or the teachings of the missionary.”

The same author, Pl. XLIX, gives an explanation of Fig. 665, which is a
copy of a Haida slate carving, representing the “Bear-Mother.”

[Illustration: FIG. 665.--Bear-Mother. Haida.]

The Haida version of the myth is as follows:

    A number of Indian squaws were in the woods gathering berries
    when one of them, the daughter of a chief, spoke in terms of
    ridicule of the whole bear species. The bears descended on them and
    killed all but the chief’s daughter, whom the king of the bears took
    to wife. She bore him a child half human and half bear. The carving
    represents the agony of the mother in suckling this rough and
    uncouth offspring. One day a party of Indian bear hunters discovered
    her up a tree and were about to kill her, thinking her a bear, but
    she made them understand that she was human. They took her home and
    she afterwards became the progenitor of all Indians belonging to the
    bear totem. They believe that the bear are men transformed for the
    time being. This carving was made by Skaows-ke'ay, a Haida. Cat.
    No. 73117, U. S. Nat. Museum. Skidegate village, Queen Charlotte
    Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Dr. F. Boas (_d_) gives the following account of a myth of the Kwakiut
Indians illustrated on a house front at Alert Bay, copied here as Fig.
666.

[Illustration: FIG. 666.--Thunder-bird grasping whale.]

    The house front shows how Kunkunquilikya (the thunder-bird)
    tried to lift the whale. The legend says that he had stolen the son
    of the raven, who in order to recover him, carried a whale out of a
    huge cedar that he covered with a coating of gum. Then he let all
    kinds of animals go into the whale, and they went to the land of the
    thunder-bird. When the bird saw the whale he sent out his youngest
    son to catch it. He was unable to lift it. He stuck to the gum and
    the animals killed him. In this way the whole family was slaughtered.

On Pl. XXXII is shown a reproduction of a native Haida drawing,
representing the Wasko, a mythologic animal partaking of the
characteristics of both the bear and the orca, or killer. It is one of
the totems of the Haidas.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXII

WASCO AND MYTHIC RAVEN, HAIDA.]

On the same plate is a figure representing the Hooyeh, or mythic raven.
The character is also reproduced from a sketch made by a Haida Indian.
Both of these figures were obtained from Haida Indians who visited Port
Townsend, Washington, in the summer of 1884.

The following is extracted from Mrs. Eastman’s (_b_) Dahcotah. The
picture, reproduced here in Fig. 667, is that of Haokah, the antinatural
god, one of the giants of the Dakotas, drawn by White-Deer, a Sioux
warrior, living near Fort Snelling about 1840.

[Illustration: FIG. 667.--Haokah. Dakota giant.]

    _Explanation of the drawing._--_a_, the giant; _b_, a frog that
    the giant uses for an arrow point; _c_, a large bird that the giant
    keeps in his court; _d_, another bird; _e_, an ornament over the
    door leading into the court; _f_, an ornament over a door; _g_, part
    of court ornamented with down; _h_, part of court ornamented with
    red down; _i_, a bear; _j_, a deer; _k_, an elk; _l_, a buffalo;
    _m_, _n_, incense-offering; _o_, a rattle of deer’s claws, used
    when singing; _p_, a long flute, or whistle; _q_, _r_, _s_, _t_,
    are meteors that the giant sends out for his defense, or to protect
    him from invasion; _u_, _v_, _w_, _x_, the giant surrounded with
    lightnings, with which he kills all kinds of animals that molest
    him; _y_, red down in small bunches fastened to the railing of the
    court; _z_, the same. One of these bunches of red down disappears
    every time an animal is found dead inside the court; _aa_, _bb_,
    touchwood, and a large fungus that grows on trees. These are eaten
    by any animal that enters the court, and this food causes their
    death; _cc_, a streak of lightning going from the giant’s hat; _dd_,
    giant’s head and hat; _ee_, his bow and arrow.

Mrs. Eastman’s explanation of the drawing would have been better if she
had known more about the mystery lodges. It is given here in her own
words.

[Illustration: FIG. 668.--Ojibwa Ma'nidō.]

Fig. 668, from Copway (_c_), shows the representations, beginning from
the left, of spirits above, spirits under water, and animals under
ground, all of which are called ma'nidōs.

[Illustration: FIG. 669.--Menomoni. White Bear Ma'nidō.]

Fig. 669 is a reproduction of a drawing made by Niópet, chief of the
Menomoni Indians, and represents the white bear spirit who guards the
deposits of native copper of Lake Superior. According to the myth the
animal is covered with silvery hair, and the tail, which is of great
length and extends completely around the body, is composed of bright,
burnished copper. This spirit lives in the earth, where he guards the
metal from discovery.

[Illustration: FIG. 670.--Mythic wild-cats. Ojibway.]

In a midē' song, given by James Tanner (_f_), is the representation of
an animal resembling the preceding, viz, the middle character of Fig.
670, to which is attached the Ojibway phrase and explanation as follows:

    Che-be-gau-ze-naung gwit-to-i-ah-na maun-dah-ween ah-kee-ge
    neen-wa-nah gua-kwaik ke-nah gwit-to-i-ah-na.

    I come to change the appearance of the ground, this ground; I
    make it look different each season.

    This is a Manito who, on account of his immensity of tail, and
    other peculiarities, has no prototype. He claims to be the ruler
    over the seasons. He is probably Gitche-a-nah-mi-e-be-zhew (great
    underground wild-cat).

The “underground wild-cat” is again mentioned in the same work, page
377, with an illustration now presented as the left-hand character of
the same Fig. 670, slightly different from the above, described as
follows:

    A-nah-me be-zhe ne-kau-naw.

    Underground wild-cat is my friend.

    At the fourth verse he exhibits his medicines, which he says are
    the roots of shrubs and of We-ug-gusk-oan, or herbs, and from these
    he derives his power, at least in part; but lest his claim, founded
    on a knowledge of these, should not be considered of sufficient
    importance, he proceeds to say, in the fifth and sixth verses,
    that the snakes and the underground wild-cat are among his helpers
    and friends. The ferocity and cunning, as well as the activity of
    the feline animals have not escaped the notice of the Indians,
    and very commonly they give the form of animals of this family to
    those imaginary beings whose attributes bear, in their opinion,
    some resemblance to the qualities of these animals. Most of them
    have heard of the lion, the largest of the cats known to white men,
    and all have heard of the devil; they consider them the same. The
    wild-cat here figured has horns, and his residence is under the
    ground; but he has a master, Gitche-a-nah-mi-e-be-zhew (the great
    underground wild-cat), who is, as some think, Matche-Manito himself,
    their evil spirit, or devil. Of this last they speak but rarely.

In another song from Tanner, p. 345, sung only by the midē', is the
drawing, the right hand character of the same figure, of a similar
animal with a bar across the throat, signifying, no doubt, its emerging
or appearance from the surface of the ground.

    Nah-ne-bah o-sa ann neen-no ne-mah-che oos-sa ya-ah-ne-no.
    [Twice.]

    I walk about in the nighttime.

    This first figure represents the wild-cat, to whom, on account
    of his vigilance, the medicines for the cure of diseases were
    committed. The meaning probably is that to those who have the
    shrewdness, the watchfulness, and intelligence of the wild-cat,
    is intrusted the knowledge of those powerful remedies, which, in
    the opinion of the Indians, not only control life and avail to
    the restoration of health but give an almost unlimited power over
    animals and birds.

[Illustration: FIG. 671.--Winnebago magic animal.]

Schoolcraft, part II, p. 224, describes Fig. 671 as follows:

    It was drawn by Little Hill, a Winnebago chief of the upper
    Mississippi, west. He represents it as their medicine animal. He
    says that this animal is seldom seen; that it is only seen by
    medicine men after severe fasting. He has a piece of bone which
    he asserts was taken from this animal. He considers it a potent
    medicine and uses it by filing a small piece in water. He has also a
    small piece of native copper which he uses in the same manner, and
    entertains like notions of its sovereign virtues.

The four preceding figures are to be compared with those relating to the
Piasa rock. See Figs. 40 and 41, supra.

[Illustration: FIG. 672.--Mythic buffalo.]

Fig. 672.--A Minneconjou Dakota, having killed a buffalo cow, found an
old woman inside of her. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1850-’51.

For remarks upon this statement see Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for
1850-’51, supra.

Graphic representations of Atotarka and of the Great Heads are shown
in Mrs. Erminie A. Smith’s Myths of the Iroquois, in the Second Annual
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Several illustrations of myths and
mythic animals appear in the present work in Chap. IX, Secs. 4 and 5.


THUNDER BIRDS.

Some forms of the thunder bird are here presented:

[Illustration: FIG. 673.--Thunder-bird, Dakota.]

[Illustration: FIG. 674.--Thunder-bird, Dakota.]

Figs. 673 and 674 are forms of the thunder bird found in 1883 among
the Dakotas near Fort Snelling, drawn and interpreted by themselves.
They are both winged, and have waving lines extending from the mouth
downward, signifying lightning. It is noticeable that Fig. 673 placed
vertically, then appearing roughly as an upright human figure, is almost
identically the same as some of the Ojibwa meda or spirit figures
represented in Schoolcraft, and also on a bark Ojibwa record in the
possession of the writer.

[Illustration: FIG. 675.--Wingless thunder-bird, Dakota.]

Fig. 675 is another and more cursive form of the thunder bird obtained
at the same place and time as those immediately preceding. It is
wingless, and, with changed position or point of view, would suggest a
headless human figure.

[Illustration: FIG. 676.--Thunder-bird, Dakota.]

The thunder-bird, Fig. 676, is blue, with red breast and tail. It is a
copy of one worked in beads found at Mendota, Minnesota.

[Illustration: FIG. 677.--Dakota thunder-bird.]

The Sioux believe that thunder is a large bird, and represent it thus,
Fig. 677, according to Mrs. Eastman (_c_), who adds details condensed as
follows:

    This figure is often seen worked with porcupine quills on their
    ornaments. U-mi-ne wah-chippe is a dance given by some one who fears
    thunder and thus endeavors to propitiate the god and save his own
    life.

    A ring is made of about 60 feet in circumference by sticking
    saplings in the ground and bending their tops down, fastening them
    together. In the center of this ring a pole is placed, about 15 feet
    in height and painted red. From this swings a piece of birch bark
    cut so as to represent thunder. At the foot of the pole stand two
    boys and two girls. The boys represent war; they are painted red and
    hold war clubs in their hands. The girls have their faces painted
    with blue clay; they represent peace.

    On one side of the circle a kind of booth is erected, and
    about 20 feet from it a wigwam. There are four entrances. When
    all arrangements for the dance are concluded the man who gives it
    emerges from his wigwam, dressed up hideously, crawling on all fours
    toward the booth. He must sing four tunes before reaching it.

    In the meantime the medicine men, who are seated in the wigwam,
    beat time on the drum, and the young men and squaws keep time to the
    music by hopping on one foot and then on the other, moving around
    inside the ring as fast as they can. This is continued for about
    five minutes, until the music stops. After resting a few moments the
    second tune commences and lasts the same length of time, then the
    third and the fourth; the Indian meanwhile making his way toward the
    booth. At the end of each tune a whoop is raised by the men dancers.

    After the Indian has reached his booth inside the ring he must
    sing four more tunes. At the end of the fourth tune the squaws all
    run out of the ring as fast as possible, and must leave by the same
    way that they entered, the other three entrances being reserved for
    the men, who, carrying their war implements, might be accidentally
    touched by one of the squaws, and the war implements of the Sioux
    warrior have from time immemorial been held sacred from the touch of
    woman. For the same reason the men form the inner ring in dancing
    round the pole, their war implements being placed at the foot of the
    pole.

    When the last tune is ended the young men shoot at the image of
    thunder, which is hanging to the pole, and when it falls a general
    rush is made by the warriors to get hold of it. There is placed at
    the foot of the pole a bowl of water colored with blue clay. While
    the men are trying to seize the parts of the bark representation of
    their god they at the same time are eagerly endeavoring to drink the
    water in the bowl, every drop of which must be drank.

    The warriors then seize on the two boys and girls (the
    representations of war and peace) and use them as roughly as
    possible, taking their pipes and war-clubs from them and rolling
    them in the dirt until the paint is entirely rubbed off from their
    faces. Much as they dislike this part of the dance, they submit to
    it through fear, believing that after this performance the power of
    thunder is destroyed.

James’s Long (_f_) says:

    When a Kansas Indian is killed in battle the thunder is supposed
    to take him up they do not know where. In going to battle each man
    traces an imaginary figure of the thunder on the soil, and he who
    represents it incorrectly is killed by the thunder.

[Illustration: FIG. 678.--Thunder-bird. Haida.]

Fig. 678 is “Skam-son,” the thunder-bird, a tattoo mark copied from the
back of an Indian belonging to the Laskeek village of the Haida tribe,
Queen Charlotte islands, by Mr. James G. Swan.

[Illustration: FIG. 679.--Thunder-bird. Twana.]

Fig. 679 is a Twana thunder-bird, as reported by Rev. M. Eells in Bull.
U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey, III, p. 112.

    There is at Eneti, on the reservation [Washington Territory], an
    irregular basaltic rock, about 3 feet by 3 feet and 4 inches, and a
    foot and a half high. On one side there has been hammered a face,
    said to be the representation of the face of the thunder-bird, which
    could also cause storms.

    The two eyes are about 6 inches in diameter and 4 inches apart
    and the nose about 9 inches long. It is said to have been made by
    some man a long time ago, who felt very badly, and went and sat on
    the rock and with another stone hammered out the eyes and nose. For
    a long time they believed that if the rock was shaken it would cause
    rain, probably because the thunder-bird was angry.

The three following figures, taken from Red-Cloud’s Census, are
connected with the thunder-bird myth:

[Illustration: FIG. 680.--Medicine bird. Dakota.]

Fig. 680.--Medicine bird. Red-Cloud’s Census. The word medicine is
in the Indian sense, before explained, and would be more correctly
expressed by the word sacred or mystic, as is also indicated by the
waving lines issuing from the mouth.

[Illustration: FIG. 681.--Five thunders. Dakota.]

Fig. 681.--Five thunders. Red-Cloud’s Census. The thunder-bird is here
drawn with five lines (voices) issuing from the mouth, which may mean
many voices or loud sound, but is connected with the above mentioned
wavy or spiral lines, which form the conventional sign for waka^n.

[Illustration: FIG. 682.--Thunder pipe. Dakota.]

Fig. 682.--Thunder pipe. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a pipe to which are
attached the wings of the thunder-bird.

[Illustration: FIG. 683.--Micmac thunder-bird.]

Fig. 683, one of the drawings from the Kejimkoojik rocks of Nova Scotia,
may be compared with the other designs of the thunder-bird and also with
the Ojibwa type of device for woman. As regards the head, which appears
to have a non-human form, it may also be compared with the many totemic
designations in Chapter XIII, on Totems, Titles, and Names.

[Illustration: FIG. 684.--Venezuelan thunder-bird.]

Marcano (_d_), describing Fig. 684, reports:

    At Boca del Infierno (mouth of hell), on a plain, there are
    found stones, separated from each other by spaces of 7 meters, on
    which are found inscriptions nearly a centimeter in depth. One of
    them represents a great bird similar to those which the Oyampis
    (Crevaux) are in the habit of drawing. On its left shoulder are
    seen three concentric circles arranged like those that form the
    eyes of the jaguars of Calcara. This figure is often reproduced in
    Venezuelan Guiana and beyond the Esequibo. The bird is united at the
    right by a double connecting stroke with another which is incomplete
    and much smaller. Furthermore, three small circles are seen below
    the left wing; three others, farther apart, separate its right wing
    from the neck of the lower bird. The triangles which form the breast
    and the tail of the two birds are worthy of note.

Mr. A. Ernst (_b_) describes the same figure:

    From the same place (“Boca del Infierno,” a rapid of the
    Orinoco, 35 kilometers below the mouth of the Caura) is easily
    recognized a rough representation of two birds; from the feathers
    of the larger one water seems to be dropping; above, to the right,
    is seen a picture of the sun. This may be symbolic, and would then
    remind one of the representation of the wind and rain gods on the
    ruins of Central America.

[Illustration: FIG. 685.--Ojibwa thunder-bird.]

Fig. 685 is a copy of four specimens of Indian workmanship in the
collection of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia. The
objects are depicted by porcupine quills worked on pieces of birch bark,
and represent various forms of the thunder-bird. The specimens are
reported as having been obtained from a northwestern tribe, which may
safely be designated as the Ojibwa, because the figures relate to one of
the most important mythic animals of that tribe, and also because birch
bark is used, a material exceedingly scarce in the country of the Sioux,
among whom also the thunder-bird has a prominent religious position.

_a._ Made of neutral-tinted quills upon yellow bark, as is also _b_,
which is without the projecting pieces to designate wings. In _c_, made
of yellow quills on faded red bark, the head is shown with the wings
and legs beneath, while in the two preceding figures the head takes the
place of the bird’s body. _d._ Here is still more abbreviation, the body
and legs being absent, leaving only the head and wings. This is made of
neutral-tint quills on straw-yellow bark.

[Illustration: FIG. 686.--Moki Rain bird.]

Fig. 686 is a copy of a painting on a jar, probably of old Moki work,
thus described in the manuscript catalogue of Mr. T. V. Keam:

    It is the “Rain bird” (Tci-zur), the upper portion surrounded
    by inclosing cloud symbols, arranged so as to convey the idea of
    the germinative symbol implying the generative power of rain. The
    crosshatching, still water, in the wings denotes rain water in
    volume. The body or tail of the bird divided into two tapering
    prolongations is a very common occurrence. As a cloud emblem in the
    modern ware, the Tci-zur is not like the Um-tokina (Thunder-bird) in
    mythical creation, but is the comprehensive name used by the women
    for any small bird. Explained as a rain emblem by the fact that
    during seasons of sufficient rainfall flocks of small birds surround
    the villages and gardens, while during drought they take flight to
    the distant water courses.

[Illustration: FIG. 687.--Ahuitzotl.]

Fig. 687 is reproduced from Kingsborough (_c_). It represents Ahuitzotl,
which is the name of an aquatic animal famous in Mexican mythology. The
conventional sign for water is connected with this animal which Dr.
Brinton (_c_) calls a hedgehog.

[Illustration: FIG. 688.--Peruvian fabulous animals.]

Wiener (_c_) gives a copy, here reproduced as the left-hand character in
Fig. 688, of a bas-relief found at Cabana, Peru, representing a fabulous
animal, a quadruped, the hair of which is floating and its tongue
hanging out of the mouth and ending in serpents’ heads. One-sixth actual
size.

The same author, loc. cit., gives a copy, now reproduced as the
right-hand character in the same Fig. 688, of another bas-relief in
granite found at Cabana, Peru, representing a fabulous animal, perhaps
the alcoce, sitting like a dog. One-sixth natural size.

[Illustration: FIG. 689.--Australian mythic personages.]

Mr. Thomas Worsnop (_a_) gives an account of Fig. 689, abbreviated as
follows:

Sir George Grey, between 1836 and 1839, saw on a sandstone rock a most
extraordinary large figure. Upon examination this proved to be a
drawing at the entrance to a cave, which he found to contain besides
many remarkable paintings. On the sloping roof the principal character,
i. e., the upper one of Fig. 689, was drawn. In order to produce the
greater effect the rock about it was painted black and the figure itself
colored with the most vivid red and white. It thus appeared to stand out
from the rock, and Sir George Grey says he was surprised at the moment
that he first saw this gigantic head and upper part of a body bending
over and staring grimly down at him. He adds that it would be impossible
to convey in words an adequate idea of this uncouth and savage figure,
and therefore he only gives such a succinct account as will serve as a
sort of description.

Its head was encircled by bright red rays, something like the rays one
sees proceeding from the sun, when depicted on the signboard of a public
house; inside of this came a broad stripe of very brilliant red, which
was crossed by lines of white; but both inside and outside of this red
space were narrow stripes of a still deeper red, intended probably to
mark its boundaries; the face was painted vividly white and the eyes
black, being, however, surrounded by red and yellow lines; the body,
hands, and arms were outlined in red, the body being curiously painted
with red stripes and bars.

Upon the rock which formed the left-hand wall of this cave, and which
partly faced you on entering, was a very singular painting, the lower
character of the same figure, vividly colored, representing four heads
joined together. From the mild expression of the countenances they
appeared to represent females, and to be drawn in such a manner, and
in such a position, as to look up at the principal figure, before
described; each had a very remarkable head-dress, colored bright blue,
and one had a necklace on. Both of the lower figures had a sort of dress
painted with red in the same manner as that of the principal figure, and
one of them had a band round her waist. In Sir George Grey’s opinion
each of the four faces was marked by a totally distinct expression of
countenance, and none of them had mouths.


SECTION 3.

SHAMANISM.

The term “shaman” is a corrupted form of the Sanscrit word meaning
ascetic. Its original application was to the religion of certain tribes
of northern Asia, but now shamanism is generally used to express several
forms of religion which are founded in the supposed communion with and
influence over supernatural beings by means of magic arts. The shaman
or priest pretends to control by incantations and ceremonies the evil
spirits to whom death, sickness, and other misfortunes are ascribed.
This form or stage of religion was so prevalent among the North American
Indians that the adoption of the term “shaman” here is substantially
correct, and it avoids both the stupid expression “medicine man” of
current literature and the indefinite title “priest,” the associations
with which are not appropriate to the Indian religious practitioner.
The statement that the Indians worship, or ever have worshiped, one
“Great Spirit” or single overruling personal god is erroneous. That
philosophical conception is beyond the stage of culture reached by them,
and was not found in any tribe previous to missionary influence. Their
actual philosophy can be expressed far more objectively and therefore
pictorially.

The special feature of the notes now collected under the present heading
relates to the claims and practices of shamans, but the immediately
succeeding headings of “Charms and Amulets” and of “Religious
Ceremonies” are closely connected with the same topic. It must be
confessed that, as now presented, they have been arranged chiefly for
mechanical convenience, to which convenience also in other parts of the
present work scientific discrimination has sometimes been forced to
yield without, it is hoped, much injury. Individual intercomparison,
with or without cross references, is besought from any critical reader
of this paper.

Feats of jugglery or pretended magic rivaling or surpassing the best
of spiritualistic séances have been recounted to the present writer
in many places by independent and intelligent Indian witnesses, not
operators, generally of advanced age. The cumulated evidence gives an
opportunity for spiritualists to argue for the genuineness of their own
manifestations or manipulations as, in accordance with the degree of
credence, they may be styled. Others will contend that these remarkable
performances in which this hemisphere was rich before the Columbian
discovery--the occidental rivaling the oriental Indians--belong to a
culture stage below civilization. They will observe that the age of
miracles among barbaric people has not expired, and that it still exists
among outwardly civilized persons who are yet subject to superstition in
its true etymologic sense of “remaining over from the past.”

The most elaborate and interesting of these stories which are known
relate to a time about forty years ago, shortly before the Davenport
brothers and the Fox sisters had excited interest in the civilized
portions of the United States; but exhibitions of a magic character
are still given among the tribes, though secretly, from fear of the
Indian agents and missionaries. It is an important fact that the first
French missionaries in Canada and the early settlers of New England
described substantially the same performances when they first met the
Indians, all of whom belonged to the Algonquian or Iroquoian stocks. So
remarkable and frequent were these performances of jugglery that the
French, in 1613, called the whole body of Indians on the Ottawa River,
whom they met at a very early period, “The Sorcerers.” They were the
tribes afterwards called Nipissing, and were the typical Algonquians.
No suspicion of prestidigitation or other form of charlatanry appears
to have been entertained by any of the earliest French and English
writers on the subject. The severe Puritan and the ardent Catholic both
considered that the exhibitions were real, and the work of Satan. It is
also worth mentioning that one of the derivations of the name “Micmac”
is connected with the word meaning sorcerer. The early known practices
of this character, which had an important effect upon the life of the
people, extended from the extreme east of the continent to the Great
Lakes. They have been found later far to the south, and in a higher
state of evolution.

It was obvious in cross-examining the old men of the Algonquians
that the performances of jugglery were exhibitions of the pretended
miraculous power of an adventurer whereby he obtained a reputation
above his rivals and derived subsistence and authority by the selling
of charms and pretended superhuman information. The charms and fetiches
which still are bought from the few shamans who yet have a credulous
clientele are of three kinds--to bring death or disease on an enemy, to
lure an enemy into an ambush, and to excite a return to sexual love.

Among the Ojibwa three distinct secret societies are extant, the
members of which are termed, respectively and in order of their
importance, the Midē', the Jĕs'sakīd, and the Wâbĕnō. The oldest and
most influential society is known as the Midē'wiwin', or Grand Medicine,
and the structure in which the ceremonies are conducted is called the
Midē'wigân, or Grand Medicine lodge.

The following statement of the White Earth Midē' shaman presents his
views upon the origin of the rite and the objects employed in connection
with ceremonies, as well as in the practices connected with medical
magic and sorcery:

    When Minabō'sho, the first man, had been for some time upon
    the earth, two great spirits told him that to be of service to his
    successors they would give to him several gifts, which he was to
    employ in prolonging life and extending assistance to those who
    might apply for it.

    The first present consisted of a sacred drum, which was to be
    used at the side of the sick and when invoking the presence and
    assistance of the spirits. The second was a sacred rattle, with
    which he was enabled to prolong the life of a patient. The third
    gift was tobacco, which was to be an emblem of peace; and as a
    companion he also received a dog. He was then told to build a lodge,
    where he was to practice the rites of which he would receive further
    instruction.

    All the knowledge which the Midē' have, and more, Minabō'sho
    received from the spirits. Then he built a long lodge, as he had
    been directed, and now even at this day he is present at the Sacred
    Medicine lodge when the Grand Medicine rite is performed.

    In the rite is incorporated most that is ancient amongst them,
    songs and traditions that have descended, not orally alone, but by
    pictographs, for a long line of generations. In this rite is also
    perpetuated the purest and most ancient idioms of their language,
    which differs somewhat from that of the common, every-day use.

It is desirable to explain the mode of using the Midē' and other bark
records of the Ojibwa and also those of other tribes mentioned in this
paper. A comparison made by Dr. Tyler of the pictorial alphabet to teach
children, “A was an archer,” etc., is not strictly appropriate in this
case. The devices are not only mnemonic, but are also ideographic and
descriptive. They are not merely invented to express or memorize the
subject, but are evolved therefrom. To persons acquainted with secret
societies a good comparison for the charts or rolls is what is called
the trestle board of the Masonic order, which is printed and published
and publicly exposed without exhibiting any of the secrets of the order,
yet through its ideography it is practically useful to the esoteric
members by assisting memory in details of ceremony and it also prevents
deviation from the established ritual.

[Illustration: FIG. 690.--Ojibwa Midē' wigwam.]

Fig. 690, from Copway (_d_), gives the Ojibway character for Grand
Medicine lodge.

Fig. 171, supra, is a reproduction, with description, of a birch-bark
record illustrating the alleged power of a Jĕssakkī'd, one who is also a
Midē' of the four degrees of the Medicine Society.

Fig. 172, supra, represents, with explanations, a Jĕssakkī'd named
Niwi'kki, curing a sick woman by sucking the demon through a bone tube.

When the method of procedure of a Midē' goes beyond the ordinary
ceremonies, such as chanting prayers and drumming, the use of the
rattle, and the administration of magic medicines and exorcisms, it
overlaps the prescribed formulæ of the Midē'win and partakes of the
rites of the Jĕssakkī'd or “Juggler.”

[Illustration: FIG. 691.--Lodge of a Midē'.]

The lodge of the Midē' is represented as in Fig. 691, the shaman himself
being indicated as sitting inside.

[Illustration: FIG. 692.--Lodge of Jĕssakkī'd.]

The Jĕssakkī'd represents his lodge or jugglery as shown in Fig.
692, the shaman being represented as sitting on the outside. The
chief feature of the jugglery lodge is that the branch is always seen
projecting from the top of one of the vertical poles, which peculiarity
exists in no other religious structure represented in pictorial records.

The following group, including Figs. 693 to 697, gives several modes
of illustrating the “making buffalo medicine” by the Dakotas and other
tribes of the Great Plains. The main object was to bring the buffalo
to where they could be hunted successfully, and incantations, with
dancing and many ceremonies, were resorted to, as upon the buffalo the
tribes depended not only for food but for most of the necessaries and
conveniences of their daily life. The topic is referred to elsewhere in
this paper, especially in Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the year 1810-’11.

[Illustration: FIG. 693.--Making medicine. Dakota.]

Fig. 693.--A Minneconjou chief named Lone-Horn made medicine with a
white buffalo cow skin. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1858-’59.

The horned head of the animal is connected with the man figure. An
albino buffalo was much more prized for ceremonial purposes than any
other. Lone-Horn, chief of the Minneconjous, died in 1874, in his camp
on the Big Cheyenne.

[Illustration: FIG. 694.--Making medicine. Dakota.]

Fig. 694.--A Minneconjou Dakota named Little-Tail first made “medicine”
with white buffalo cow skin. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1810-’11. Again
the head of an albino buffalo.

[Illustration: FIG. 695.--Making medicine. Dakota.]

Fig. 695.--White-Cow-Man. Red-Cloud’s Census. The mere possession of an
albino buffalo conferred dignity and honor. To have once owned such an
animal, even though it had died or been lost, gave specific rank.

[Illustration: FIG. 696.--Making medicine. Dakota.]

Fig. 696.--Lone-Horn makes medicine. “At such times Indians sacrifice
ponies and fast.” The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1858-’59. In this figure the
buffalo head is black.

[Illustration: FIG. 697.--Making medicine.]

Fig. 697. Buffalo is scarce; an Indian makes medicine and brings a herd
to the suffering. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1843-’44.

Here the incantation is shown by a tipi with the buffalo head drawn upon
it. It is the “medicine” or sacred tipi where the rites are held.

A curious variant of divination with regard to the use of songs in the
removal of disease was found among the Choctaws. Each of the songs
of this class bore reference to some herb or form of treatment, each
of which was represented objectively or pictorially and produced
simultaneously with the chanting of the appropriate song by the shaman.
The remedy or treatment to be adopted was decided upon by the degree of
pleasure or relief afforded to the patient by the respective songs.

[Illustration: FIG. 698.--Magic Killing.]

Fig. 698. Cat-Owner was killed with a spider-web thrown at him by a
Dakota. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1824-’25. The spider-web is shown
reaching to the heart of the victim from the hand of the man who threw
it and two spiral wakan lines are also shown. Blood issuing from his
nose, colored red in the original, indicates that he bled to death. It
is a common belief among Indians that certain “medicine men” possess the
power of taking life by shooting needles, straws, spider-webs, bullets,
and other objects, however distant the person may be against whom they
are directed.

It may be noted that the union line connecting the two figures at the
base signifies that they belong to the same tribe which the hair on the
figure of the left shows to be Dakota. The victim is not scalped, but
has no hair or other designation, being shown only in outline.

[Illustration: FIG. 699.--Held a ghost lodge.]

Fig. 699. Cannaksa-Yuha, Has-a-war-club; from the Oglala Roster. This
man has his father’s name “war-club,” and is therefore set by the ghosts
in his stead as a warrior. He is supposed to be invulnerable to any
mortal weapon, and the children and even women fear him as they would
a ghost. He holds the war club before his face, as it partakes of the
nature of insignia. In the original the whole of the man’s face is
painted red. This is to show that he has a wakicagapi-ecokicoupe, which
means that he has put up a ghost tent, concerning which there are many
and complicated ceremonies and details narrated by Rev. J. Owen Dorsey
in the American Anthropologist, II, 145 et seq.

[Illustration: FIG. 700.--Muzzin-ne-neen. Ojibwa.]

John Tanner (_g_) gives an account of sorcery among the Ojibwa, with
illustrations copied as Fig. 700, being nearly identical with those
recently obtained by Dr. Hoffman, and published in the Seventh Ann.
Rep., Bureau of Ethnology, as Figs. 20 and 21.

    It was thought necessary to have recourse to a medicine
    hunt. Nah-gitch-e-gum-me [a “medicine” maker] sent to me and
    O-ge-mah-we-ninne, the best two hunters of the band, each a little
    leather sack of medicine, consisting of certain roots pounded fine
    and mixed with red paint, to be applied to the little images or
    figures of the animals we wish to kill. Precisely the same method
    is practiced in this kind of hunting, at least as far as the use
    of medicine is concerned, as in those instances where one Indian
    attempts to inflict disease or suffering on another. A drawing or
    a little image is made to represent the man, the woman, or the
    animal on which the power of the medicine is to be tried; then the
    part representing the heart is punctured with a sharp instrument,
    if the design be to cause death, and a little of the medicine is
    applied. The drawing or image of an animal used in this case is
    called muzzin-ne-neen, and the same name is applicable to the little
    figures of a man or women, and is sometime rudely traced on birch
    bark, in other instances more carefully carved of wood. These little
    images or drawings, for they are called by the same names, whether
    of carved wood or rags or only rudely sketched on birch bark, or
    even traced in sand, are much in use among several and probably all
    the Algonquin tribes. Their use is not confined to hunting, but
    extends to the making of love, and the gratification of hatred,
    revenge, and all malignant passions.

    [Illustration: FIG. 701.--Muzzin-ne-neen. Ojibwa.]

    It is a prevailing belief that the necromancers, men or women
    of medicine, or those who are acquainted with the hidden powers
    of their _wusks_, can, by practicing upon the muzzin-ne-neence,
    exercise an unlimited control over the body and mind of the person
    represented. Many a simple Indian girl gives to some crafty old
    squaw her most valued ornaments, or whatever property she may
    possess, to purchase from her the love of the man she is most
    anxious to please. The old woman, in a case of this kind, commonly
    makes up a little image of stained wood and rags, to which she
    gives the name of the person whose inclinations she is expected
    to control; and to the heart, the eyes, or to some other part of
    this she, from time to time, applies her medicines, or professes to
    have done so, as she may find necessary to dupe and encourage her
    credulous employer.

    But the influence of these images and conjurations is more
    frequently tested in cases of an opposite character, where the
    inciting cause is not love, but hatred, and the object to be
    attained the gratification of a deadly revenge. In cases of this
    kind the practices are similar to those above mentioned, only
    different medicines are used Sometimes the muzzin-ne-neence is
    pricked with a pin or needle in various parts, and pain or disease
    is supposed to be produced in the corresponding part of the person
    practiced upon. Sometimes they blacken the hands and mouth of the
    image, and the effect expected is the change which marks the near
    approach of death.

The similarity, approaching identity, of these practices to those common
in Europe during the middle ages and continuing in some regions until
the present time will be noticed.

The same author, pp. 197, 198, gives an account of Ojibwa divination in
the following address of a shaman, illustrated by Fig. 702.

[Illustration: FIG. 702.--Ojibwa divination.]

    For you, my friends, who have been careful to regard and obey
    the injunctions of the Great Spirit, as communicated by me, to
    each of you he has given to live to the full age of man: this long
    and straight line a is the image of your several lives. For you,
    Shaw-shaw-wa ne-ba-se, who have turned aside from the right path,
    and despised the admonitions you have received, this short and
    crooked line _b_ represents your life. You are to attain only to
    half of the full age of man. This line, turning off on the other
    side, is that which shows what is determined in relation to the
    young wife of Ba-po-wash. As he said this, he showed us the marks
    he had made on the ground, as below. The long, straight middle line
    represented, as he said, the life of the Indians, Sha-gwaw-koo-sink,
    Wau-zhe-gaw-maish-koon, etc. The short, crooked one below showed the
    irregular course and short continuance of mine; and the abruptly
    terminating one on the other side showed the life of the favorite
    wife of Ba-po-wash.

Fig. 703 was copied from a piece of walrus ivory in the museum of the
Alaska Commercial Company, of San Francisco, California, in 1882, by Dr.
Hoffman, and the interpretation is as obtained from a native Alaskan.

[Illustration: FIG. 703.--Shaman exorcising demon. Alaska.]

_a_, _b_. The shaman’s summer habitations, trees growing in the
vicinity. _c._ The shaman, who is represented in the act of holding
one of his “demons.” These are considered as under the control of the
shaman, who employs them to drive others out of the bodies of sick
men. _d._ The demon or aid. _e._ The same shaman exorcising the demons
causing the sickness. _f_, _g_. Sick men, who have been under treatment,
and from whose bodies the “evil beings” or sickness has been expelled.
_h._ Two “evil spirits” which have left the bodies of _f_ and _g_.

Fig. 704 was copied by Dr. Hoffman from an ivory bow in the same museum.
The interpretation was also obtained at the same time from the same
Alaskan.

[Illustration: FIG. 704.--Supplication for success. Alaska.]

The rod of the bow upon which the characters occur is here represented
in three sections, A, B, and C. A bears the beginning of the narrative,
extending over only one-half of the length of the rod. The course of the
inscription is then continued on the adjacent side of the rod at the
middle, and reading in both directions (sections B and C), toward the
two files of approaching animals. B and C occupy the whole of one side.

The following is the explanation of the characters:

A. _a_, baidarka or skin boat resting on poles; _b_, winter habitation;
_c_, tree; _d_, winter habitations; _e_, storehouse; _f_, tree. Between
this and the storehouse is placed a piece of timber, from which is
suspended fish for drying. _g_, storehouse. The characters from _a_ to
_g_ represent a group of dwellings, which signifies a settlement, the
home of the person to whom the history relates. _h_, the hunter sitting
on the ground, asking for aid, and making the gesture for supplication.
_i_, the shaman to whom application is made by the hunter desiring
success in the chase. The shaman has just finished his incantations, and
while still retaining his left arm in the position for that ceremony,
holds the right toward the hunter, giving him the success requested.
_j_, the shaman’s winter lodge; _k_, trees; _l_, summer habitation of
the shaman; _m_, trees near the shaman’s home.

B. _n_, tree; _o_, a shaman standing upon his lodge, driving back game
which had approached against his wish. To this shaman the hunter had
also made application for success in the chase, but was denied, hence
the act of driving back. _p_, deer leaving at the shaman’s order; _q_,
horns of a deer swimming a river; _r_, young deer, apparently, from the
smaller size of the body and unusually long legs.

C. _s_, a tree; _t_, the lodge of the hunter (A. _h_), who, after having
been granted the request for success, placed his totem upon the lodge as
a mark of gratification and to insure greater luck in his undertaking;
_u_, the hunter in the act of shooting; _v-w_, the game killed,
consisting of five deer; _x_, the demon sent out by the shaman (A.
_i_), to drive the game in the way of the hunter; _y-bb_, the demon’s
assistants.

The following description and illustration, Fig. 705, is kindly
contributed by the Rev. M. Eells, of Skokomish, Washington:

[Illustration: FIG. 705.--Skokomish tamahnous.]

    Your figure of a shaman’s lodge in Alaska [Fig. 714 in this
    work] reminds me of a drawing made of the same character on this
    reservation by one of our best educated Indian boys. His description
    of it is as follows: “When I was at Dr. Charley’s house (the shaman
    or medicine man), they tamahnoused [performed incantations] over
    [my brother] Frank. They saw that he was under a kind of sickness.
    Dr. Charley took it, and just a little after that Frank shook and
    became stiff, and while I sat I heard my father say that his breath
    was gone. I went out, as I did not want to see my brother lay dead
    before me. When I came back he was breathing a little and his
    eyes were closed. Dr. Charley was taking care of his breath with
    his own tamahnous [guardian spirit] and waiting for more folks to
    come, so as to have enough folks to beat on sticks when he should
    tamahnous and see what was the matter with Frank. So he went on and
    saw that there was another kind of sickness besides the one he took
    first. The other one went over Frank and almost killed him. Dr.
    Charley took it again and went (travel) [in spirit] with another
    kind of tamahnous to see where Frank’s spirit was. He found him at
    Humahuma [18 or 20 miles distant], where they had camped [some time
    previous]. So Frank got better after a hard tamahnous. From the
    drawing you will see how Dr. Charley fixed the kind of sickness.
    _b_ shows the first sickness which Dr. Charley took. It has tails,
    which, when they come close to the sick person, makes him worse. _a_
    is the way it goes when it kills a person and stays in his home. _c_
    is the second one and is hanging over Frank, _d_. _e_ is another
    sickness which is in Frank.”

In Kingsborough (_d_) is the following: “In the year of Eleven Houses,
or in 1529, Nuño de Guzman set out for Yalisco on his march to subdue
that territory. They pretend that a serpent descended from the sky,
exclaiming that troubles were preparing for the natives, since the
Christians were directing their course hither.” The illustration
for this account is presented as Fig. 1224, Chap. XX, on Special
Comparisons.


SECTION 4.

CHARMS AND AMULETS.

The use of material objects for the magic purposes suggested by this
title is well known. Their graphic representation is not so familiar,
though it is to be supposed that the objects of this character would
be pictorially represented in pictographs connected with religion. The
following is an instance where the use of a charm or fetich in action
was certainly portrayed in a pictograph.

[Illustration: FIG. 706.--Mdewakantawan fetich.]

Fig. 706, drawn by the Dakota Indians, near Fort Snelling, Minnesota,
exhibits the use as a charm or talisman of an instrument fashioned
in imitation of a war club, though it is not adapted to offensive
employment. The head of the talisman is a grooved stone hammer from
an inch and a half to 5 inches in length. A withe is tied about the
middle of the hammer, in the groove binding on a handle of from 2 to
4 feet in length. The latter is frequently wrapped with buckskin or
rawhide to strengthen it, as well as for ornamental purposes. Feathers
attached bear designs indicating marks of distinction, perhaps sometimes
fetichistic devices not understood.

It is believed that these objects possess the charm of warding off an
enemy’s missiles when held upright before the body, as shown in the
pictograph. The interpretation was explained by the draftsman himself.

[Illustration: FIG. 707.--Medicine bag as worn.]

“Medicine bags,” as they are termed by frontiersmen, are worn as
amulets. They are sometimes filled by the owner in obedience to the
suggestions of visions, but more frequently are prepared by the
shaman. They are carried suspended from the neck by means of string or
buckskin cords, as shown in Fig. 707, drawn in 1889 by I-teup'-de-tĭ,
No-Shin-Bone, a Crow Indian, to represent himself with his insignia, and
was extracted from a record kindly communicated by Dr. R. B. Holden,
physician at the Crow Agency, Montana.

[Illustration: FIG. 708.--Medicine bag hung up.]

Fig. 708, drawn by the same hand, shows the same medicine bag
temporarily hung on a forked stick. When the bag is carried on a war
party it is never allowed to touch the ground. Also among the Ojibwa
some of the bags which are considered to have the greatest fetichistic
power are not kept in the lodges, as too dangerous, but are suspended
from trees.

Capt. Bourke (_d_) gives the following account of the medicine hat of
the Apache:

    The medicine hat of the old and blind Apache medicine man,
    Nan-ta-do-tash, was an antique affair of buckskin, much begrimed
    with soot and soiled by long use. Nevertheless it gave life and
    strength to him who wore it, enabled the owner to peer into the
    future, to tell who had stolen ponies from other people, to foresee
    the approach of an enemy, and to aid in the cure of the sick. * *
    * This same old man gave me an explanation of all the symbolism
    depicted upon the hat, and a great deal of valuable information in
    regard to the profession of medicine men, their specialization,
    the prayers they recited, etc. The material of the hat, as already
    stated, was buckskin. How that was obtained I can not assert
    positively, but from an incident occurring under my personal
    observation in the Sierra Madre, in Mexico, in 1883, where our
    Indian scouts and the medicine men with them surrounded a nearly
    grown fawn and tried to capture it alive, as well as from other
    circumstances too long to be here inserted, I am of the opinion that
    the buckskin to be used for sacred purposes among the Apache must,
    whenever possible, be that of a strangled animal, as is the case,
    according to Dr. Matthews, among the Navajo.

    The body of Nan-ta-do-tash’s cap was unpainted, but the figures
    upon it were in two colors, a brownish yellow and an earthy blue,
    resembling a dirty Prussian blue. The ornamentation was of the downy
    feathers and black-tipped plumes of the eagle, pieces of abalone
    shell and chalchihuitl, and a snake’s rattle on the apex.

    Nan-ta-do-tash explained that the characters on the medicine
    hat meant: A, clouds; B, rainbow; C, hail; E, morning star; F,
    the god of wind, with his lungs; G, the black “kan;” H, the great
    stars or suns. “Kan” is the name given to their principal gods. The
    appearance of the kan himself and of the tail of the hat suggest the
    centipede, an important animal god of the Apache. The old man said
    that the figures represented the powers to which he appealed for aid
    in his “medicine” and the kan upon whom he called for help.

The same author says, op. cit., p. 587:

    The Apache, both men and women, wear amulets, called tzidaltai,
    made of lightning-riven wood, generally pine or cedar or fir from
    the mountain tops, which are highly valued and are not to be
    sold. These are shaved very thin and rudely cut in the semblance
    of the human form. They are in fact the duplicates, on a small
    scale, of the rhombus. Like it they are decorated with incised
    lines representing the lightning. Very often these are to be found
    attached to the necks of children or to their cradles.

Four of the several winter counts described in the present work unite in
specifying for the year 1843-’44 the recapture of a fetich called the
great medicine arrow.

[Illustration: FIG. 709.--Magic arrow.]

Fig. 709.--In a great fight with the Pawnees the Dakotas captured the
great medicine arrow which had been taken from the Cheyennes, who made
it, by the Pawnees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1843-’44.

The head of the arrow projects from the bag which contains it. The
delicate waved or spiral lines show that it is sacred.

White-Cow-Killer calls it “The Great-medicine-arrow-comes-in winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 710.--Magic arrow.]

Battiste Good’s record gives the following for the same year:

“Brought-home-the-magic-arrow winter. This arrow originally belonged to
the Cheyennes, from whom the Pawnees stole it. The Dakotas captured it
this winter from the Pawnees, and the Cheyennes then redeemed it for one
hundred horses.” His sign for the year is shown in Fig. 710. An attempt
was made to distinguish colors by the heraldic scheme, which in this cut
did not succeed. The upper part of the man’s body is sable or black,
the feathers on the arrow are azure or blue, and the shaft, gules or
red. The remainder of the figure is of an undecided color not requiring
specification.

[Illustration: FIG. 711.--Magic arrow.]

Fig. 711.--The great medicine arrow was taken from the Pawnees by the
Oglalas and Brulés, and returned to the Cheyennes to whom it rightly
belonged. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1843-’44. The arrow appears to
be in a case marked over with the lines meaning sacredness.

Another account of a magic arrow and illustrations of other fetichistic
objects are in Chap. IX.

[Illustration:BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIII

MANTLE OF INVISIBILITY.]

Pl. XXXIII is a copy of a cloak or mantle made from the skin of a deer,
and covered with various mystic paintings. It was made and used by
the Apaches as a mantle of invisibility, that is, a charmed covering
for spies which would enable them to pass with impunity through the
country, and even through the camp of their enemies. In this instance
the fetichistic power depends upon the devices drawn. A similar but not
identical pictographic fetich or charm is described and illustrated by
Capt. Bourke (_e_) as obtained from a Chicarahua Apache which told when
his ponies were lost, and which brought rain. The symbols show, inter
alia, the rain cloud, and the serpent lightning, the raindrops and the
cross of the winds of the four cardinal points.

Lewis and Clarke (_b_) say that the Chilluckittequaw, a Chinook tribe,
had a “medicine” bag colored red 2 feet long, suspended in the middle
of the lodge. It was held sacred, containing pounded dirt, roots, and
such mysterious objects. From the chief’s bag he brought out fourteen
forefingers of enemies--Snakes--whom he had killed.

A remarkable drawing in an Australian cave, described by Sir George
Grey, in Worsnop, op. cit., was an ellipse, 3 feet in length and 1 foot
10 inches in breadth. The outside line of the painting was of deep blue
color, the body of the ellipse being of a bright yellow dotted over with
red lines and spots, whilst across it ran two transverse lines of blue.
The portion of the painting above described formed the ground, or main
part of the picture, and upon this ground was painted a kangaroo in the
act of feeding; two stone spear heads, and two black balls; one of the
spear heads was flying to the kangaroo, and one away from it; so that
the whole subject probably constituted a sort of charm by which the luck
of an inquirer in killing game can be ascertained. This cave drawing is
copied in Fig. 712.

[Illustration: FIG. 712.--Hunter’s charm. Australia.]

George Turner (_c_) gives account of hieroglyphic taboos, as he calls
them, which are connected with the present subject:

    The sea-pike taboo. If a man wished that a sea-pike might run
    into the body of the person who attempted to steal, say, his bread
    fruits, he would plait some cocoanut leaflets in the form of a
    sea-pike, and suspend it from one or more of the trees which he
    wished to protect.

    The white-shark taboo was another object of terror to a thief.
    This was done by plaiting a cocoanut leaf in the form of a shark,
    adding fins, etc., and this they suspended from the tree. It was
    tantamount to an expressed imprecation, that the thief might be
    devoured by the white shark the next time he went to fish.

    The cross-stick taboo. This was a piece of any sort of stick
    suspended horizontally from the tree. It expressed the wish of
    the owner of the tree, that any thief touching it might have a
    disease running right across his body, and remaining fixed there
    till he died.

    The ulcer taboo. This was made by burying in the ground some
    pieces of clam shell, and erecting at the spot three or four reeds,
    tied together at the top in a bunch like the head of a man. This was
    to express the wish and prayer of the owner that any thief might be
    laid down with ulcerous sores all over his body.

    The death taboo. This was made by pouring some oil into a small
    calabash, and burying it near the tree. The spot was marked by a
    little hillock of white sand.

    The thunder taboo. If a man wished that lightning might strike
    any who should steal from his land, he would plait some cocoanut
    leaflets in the form of a small square mat, and suspend it from a
    tree, with the addition of some white streamers of native cloth
    flying. A thief believed that if he trespassed, he, or some of his
    children, would be struck with lightning, or perhaps his own trees
    struck and blasted from the same cause. They were not, however, in
    the habit of talking about the effects of lightning. It was the
    thunder they thought did the mischief; hence they called that to
    which I have just referred the thunder taboo.


SECTION 5.

RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES.

Many examples of masks, dance ornaments, and fetiches used in ceremonies
are reported and illustrated in the several papers of Messrs. Cushing,
Holmes, and Stevenson in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology. Paintings or drawings of many of them have been found on
pottery, on shells, and on rocks.

An admirable article by Mr. J. Walter Fewkes (_b_) on Tusayan
Pictographs explains many of the petroglyphs of that region as depicting
objects used in dances and ceremonies.

[Illustration: FIG. 713.--Moki masks traced on rocks. Arizona.]

Fig. 713 exhibits drawings of various masks used in dancing, the
characters of which were obtained by Mr. G. K. Gilbert from rocks at
Oakley springs and were explained to him by Tubi, the chief of the
Oraibi Pueblos. They are representations of masks as used by the Moki,
Zuñi, and Rio Grande Pueblos.

Dr. W. H. Corbusier, U. S. Army, writing from Camp Verde, Arizona,
kindly furnished the following account of Yuman ceremonies, in which the
making of sand pictures was prominent:

    All the medicine men meet occasionally and with considerable
    ceremony “make medicine.” They went through the performance early in
    the summer of 1874 on the reservation for the purpose of averting
    the diseases with which the Indians were afflicted the summer
    previous. In the middle of one of the villages they made a round
    ramada, or house of boughs, some 10 feet in diameter, and under it,
    on the sand, illustrated the spirit land in a picture about 7 feet
    across, made in colors by sprinkling powdered leaves and grass, red
    clay, charcoal, and ashes on the smoothed sand. In the center was
    a round spot of red clay about 10 inches in diameter, and around
    it several successive rings of green and red alternately, each
    ring being an inch and a half wide. Projecting from the outer ring
    were four somewhat triangular-shaped figures, each one of which
    corresponded to one of the cardinal points of the compass, giving
    the whole the appearance of a Maltese cross. Around this cross and
    between its arms were the figures of men with their feet toward the
    center, some made of charcoal, with ashes for eyes and hair, others
    of red clay and ashes, etc. These figures were 8 or 9 inches long,
    and nearly all of them lacked some portion of the body, some an
    arm, others a leg or the head. The medicine men seated themselves
    around the picture on the ground in a circle, and the Indians from
    the different bands crowded around them, the old men squatting close
    by and the young men standing back of them. After they had invoked
    the aid of the spirits in a number of chants, one of their number,
    apparently the oldest, a toothless, gray-haired man, solemnly arose
    and, carefully stepping between the figures of the men, dropped on
    each one a pinch of the yellow powder which he took from a small
    buckskin bag which had been handed to him. He put the powder on the
    heads of some, on the chests of others, and on other parts of the
    body, one of the other men sometimes telling him where to put it.
    After going all around, skipping three figures, however, he put
    up the bag, and then went around again and took from each figure
    a large pinch of powder, taking up the yellow powder also, and in
    this way collected a heaping handful. After doing this he stepped
    back and another medicine man collected a handful in the same way,
    others following him. Some of the laymen, in their eagerness to get
    some, pressed forward, but were ordered back. But after the medicine
    men had supplied themselves the ramada was torn down and a rush was
    made by men and boys; handfuls of the dirt were grabbed and rubbed
    on their bodies or carried away. The women and children, who were
    waiting for an invitation, were then called. They rushed to the
    spot in a crowd, and grabbing handfuls of dirt tossed it up in the
    air so that it would fall on them, or they rubbed their bodies with
    it, mothers throwing it over their children and rubbing it on their
    heads. This ended the performance.

According to Stephen Powers (in Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol., III, p. 140),
there is at the head of Potter valley, California, “a singular knoll
of red earth which the Tatu or Hūchnom believe to have furnished the
material for the erection of the original coyote-man. They mix this red
earth into their acorn bread, and employ it for painting their bodies on
divers mystic occasions.”

Descriptions of ceremonies in medicine lodges and in the initiation of
candidates to secret associations have been published with and without
illustrations. The most striking of these are graphic ceremonial
charts made by the Indians themselves, a number of which besides those
immediately following appear in different parts of the present work.

[Illustration: FIG. 714.--Shaman’s lodge. Alaska.]

Fig. 714 was drawn and interpreted by Naumoff, a Kadiak native, in San
Francisco, California, in 1882. It represents the ground plan of a
shaman’s lodge, with the shaman curing a sick man.

The following is the explanation:

_a_, the entrance to the lodge; _b_, the fireplace; _c_, a vertical
piece of wood upon which is placed a crosspiece, upon each end of
which is a lamp; _d_, the musicians upon the raised seats drumming and
producing music to the movements of the shaman during his incantations
in exorcising the “evil spirit” supposed to have possession of the
patient; _e_, visitors and friends of the afflicted seated around
the walls of the lodge; _f_, the shaman represented in making his
incantations; _g_, the patient seated upon the floor of the lodge; _h_
represents the shaman in another stage of the ceremonies, driving out of
the patient the “evil being”; _i_, another figure of the patient--from
his head is seen to issue a line connecting it with _j_; _j_, the “evil
spirit” causing the sickness; _k_, the shaman in the act of driving the
“evil being” out of the lodge--in his hands are sacred objects, his
personal fetich, in which the power lies; _l_, the flying “evil one”;
_m_, _n_, are assistants to the shaman stationed at the entrance to hit
and hasten the departure of the evil being.

The writer in examination at three reservations in Wisconsin obtained
information concerning the Midē' ceremonies additional to the details
described by Dr. Hoffman (_a_) and by others quoted in the present work.
The full ceremonies of the Midē' lodges, which the more southern Ojibwa,
who speak English, translate as “grand medicine,” were performed twice
a year--in the fall and in the spring. Those in the spring were of a
rejoicing character, to welcome the return of the good spirits; those in
the fall were in lamentation for the departure of the beneficent and the
arrival of the maleficent spirits. The drums were beaten four days and
nights before the dance, which lasted for a whole day. After the dance
twelve selected persons built a lodge, about the center of which they
placed stones which had been heated, and dancing went on around it until
the stones were moistened and cooled by the sweat of the performers.
Singing, or more properly chanting, regulated the rhythm of the dances,
although, perhaps, in the order of evolution the dance was prior to the
chant. These ceremonies were performed by the body of the people, and
were independent of the initiations in the secret order. With regard
to the candidates who passed the initiations, it was mentioned as an
undisputed fact that they always became stronger and better men, perhaps
because only those succeeded who had the requisite strength of mind
and body to endure the various ordeals and to pass examination in the
mysteries. In pictography the spring and the fall, the drums and the
steaming stones, the dancing forms and the open chanting mouth are shown.

[Illustration: FIG. 715.--Ah-tón-we-tuck.]

Catlin (_a_) gives an account of Kee-an-ne-kuk, the foremost man, who,
though a Kickapoo, was commonly called the Shawnee Prophet, and also the
following description relating to Fig. 715, painted by that author in
1831:

    Ah-tón-we-tuck, The-Cock-Turkey, is another Kickapoo of some
    distinction and a disciple of the [Shawnee] Prophet, in the attitude
    of prayer, which he is reading off from characters cut upon a stick
    that he holds in his hand. It was told to me in the tribe by the
    traders (though I am afraid to vouch for the whole truth of it)
    that while a Methodist preacher was soliciting him for permission
    to preach in his village, the Prophet refused him the privilege,
    but secretly took him aside and supported him until he learned
    from him his creed and his system of teaching it to others, when he
    discharged him and commenced preaching amongst his people himself,
    pretending to have had an interview with some superhuman mission
    or inspired personage, ingeniously resolving that if there was any
    honor or emolument or influence to be gained by the promulgation
    of it, he might as well have it as another person; and with this
    view he commenced preaching and instituted a prayer, which he
    ingeniously carved on a maple stick of an inch and a half in
    breadth, in characters somewhat resembling Chinese letters. These
    sticks, with the prayers on them, he has introduced into every
    family of the tribe and into the hands of every individual; and as
    he has necessarily the manufacturing of them all, he sells them at
    his own price and has thus added lucre to fame, and in two essential
    and effective ways augmented his influence in his tribe. Every man,
    woman, and child in the tribe, so far as I saw them, were in the
    habit of saying their prayer from this stick when going to bed at
    night and also when rising in the morning, which was invariably
    done by placing the forefinger of the right hand under the upper
    character until they repeat a sentence or two, which it suggests
    to them, and then slipping it under the next and the next, and so
    on to the bottom of the stick, which altogether required about ten
    minutes, as it was sung over in a sort of a chant to the end.

[Illustration: FIG. 716.--On-sáw-kie.]

Fig. 716, from the same volume, opposite page 100, is a portrait of
On-sáw-kie, The-Sac, a Pottawatomie, using one of these prayer sticks,
which had been procured from the Shawnee Prophet.

Figs. 715 and 716 with their descriptions exhibit an intermediate
condition between the aboriginal mnemonic method and the Christian
formula of prayer by the use of printed books. They should be considered
in comparison with the remarks on the “Micmac Hieroglyphs,” Chap. XIX,
Sec. 2.

[Illustration: FIG. 717.--Medicine lodge. Micmac.]

Fig. 717, incised on the Kejimkoojik rocks in Nova Scotia, suggests the
midē' lodge, sometimes called the medicine lodge, of the Ojibwa, which
is described above. The ground plan indicated in this figure seems to
be divided by partitions, which, together with the human figures and
designs, probably refer to the rites of initiation and celebration
performed in them. Some of the Micmacs examined had a vague recollection
of these ceremonies, which, at the time of the European discovery of the
northeastern part of North America, probably were as widely prevalent,
as they continued to be much later, among the regions farther in the
interior, also occupied by the Algonquian tribes.

[Illustration: FIG. 718.--Juggler lodge. Micmac.]

Fig. 718, from the same locality, is a drawing of the ground plan
of another description of ceremonial wigwam or lodge which is
remarkably similar to that now called by the Ojibwa “the jessăkân.”
Its distinguishing feature is the branch of a tree erected on the
outside, and it is the wigwam of a juggler or wizard, and not the lodge
belonging to the regular order of the Midē'. Such wigwams of jugglers,
who performed wonderful feats similar to those of modern spiritualistic
exhibitions, are frequently mentioned by the early French and English
writers, who gave accounts of the provinces of New France and New
England. The figure now presented is not suggestive without comparison,
and would not have been selected for the foregoing description without
the authority of living Micmac and Abnaki Indians, to whom it was
significant.

Figs. 717 and 718, however, when studied, recall the use of branches and
prayer plumes in the descriptions of the houses, and especially of the
kivas of the Pueblos and the forms of their consecration mentioned in
the study of the Pueblo Architecture, by Mr. Victor Mindeleff, in the
Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, as follows:

    It is difficult to elicit intelligent explanation of the
    theory of the baho and the prayer ceremonies in either kiva or
    house construction. The baho is a prayer token; the petitioner is
    not satisfied by merely speaking or singing his prayer; he must
    have some tangible thing upon which to transmit it. He regards his
    prayer as a mysterious, impalpable portion of his own substance,
    and hence he seeks to embody it in some object which thus becomes
    consecrated. The baho, which is inserted in the roof of the kiva, is
    a piece of willow twig about 6 inches long, stripped of its bark and
    painted. From it hang four small feathers suspended by short cotton
    strings tied at equal distances along the twig. In order to obtain
    recognition from the powers especially addressed, different colored
    feathers and distinct methods of attaching them to bits of wood and
    string are resorted to.

[Illustration: FIG. 719.--Moki ceremonial.]

The characters in Fig. 719 are copied from a drawing on the rocks in
the Canyon Segy. They have been submitted to the most intelligent of the
old Moki priests, and are said to represent the primitive sun priests.
They watched for the sunrise every morning and the chief sun priest
kept a reckoning of the equinoxes. The chief sun priest, _a_, made the
daily sacrifices to the sun by scattering consecrated meal and singing
a prayer to the sun just as it rose. His assistant, _b_, lit a pipe of
tobacco at the same time, and exhaled puffs of smoke, one toward each
of the cardinal points, one to the zenith, and one to the nadir. The
three other figures are flageolet priests, and the skins of different
kinds of foxes were attached to their reed flageolets. _c_ played to the
morning star, typified by the skin of the gray fox. _d_ played to the
dawn, typified by the skin of the red fox. _e_ played to the daylight,
typified by the skin of the yellow fox.

Dr. Franz Boas (_e_) reported as follows:

    The Tsimshian have four secret societies, which have evidently
    been borrowed from the Kwākiutl, the Olala or Wihalait, Nō'ntlem,
    Mē'itla, and Semhalait.

    The candidate is taken to the house of his parents and a bunch
    of cedar bark is fastened over the door, to show that the place is
    tabooed, and nobody is allowed to enter. The chief sings while it
    is being fastened. In the afternoon the sacred house is prepared
    for the dance. A section in the rear of the house is divided off by
    means of curtains; it is to serve as a stage, on which the dancers
    and the novice appear. When all is ready messengers carrying large
    carved batons are sent around to invite the members of the society,
    the chief first. The women sit down in one row, nicely dressed up
    in button blankets and their faces painted red. The chief wears the
    amhalait, a carving rising from the forehead, set with sea-lion
    barbs and with a long drapery of ermine skins; the others, the cedar
    bark rings of the society. * * *

    The Mēitla have a red head ring and red eagle downs, the Nōntlem
    a neck ring plaited of white and red cedar bark, the Olala a similar
    but far larger one. The members of the societies receive a head ring
    for each time they pass through these ceremonies. These are fastened
    one on top of the other.

Mr. James W. Lynd (_d_) says:

    In the worship of their deities paint (with the Dakotas),
    forms an important feature. Scarlet or red is the religious color
    for sacrifices, whilst blue is used by the women in many of the
    ceremonies in which they participate. This, however, is not a
    constant distinction of sex, for the women frequently use red and
    scarlet. The use of paints, the Dakotas aver, was taught them by the
    gods. Unktehi taught the first medicine men how to paint themselves
    when they worshiped him and what colors to use. Takushkanshkan
    (the moving god), whispers to his favorites what colors are most
    acceptable to him. Heyoka hovers over them in dreams, and informs
    them how many streaks to employ upon their bodies and the tinge they
    must have. No ceremony of worship is complete without the wakan or
    sacred application of paint. The down of the female swan is colored
    scarlet and forms a necessary part of sacrifices.

Wiener (_d_) gives a description of Peruvian ceremonies, with an
illustration reproduced here as Fig. 720.

[Illustration: FIG. 720.--Peruvian ceremony.]

    The paintings on this vase, found by Dr. Macedo in the
    excavations at Pachacamac, show the principal practices of the
    exoteric worship of the sun. In this painting there are three
    entirely distinct groups. The central one is composed of the solar
    image surrounded by nine rays, terminating in symbols of fecundity.
    Two men placed at its right and left seem to play on pandean pipes.
    The group on the left is formed of four individuals, two of whom
    have head-dresses of royal feathers. This group is performing a
    dance, while the third group represents the same solar disk and
    the sacrifice accompanied by music performed in its honor. There
    are also vases of different forms containing, probably, the sacred
    drink, and the officiator approaching one hand to one of the great
    urns, while with the other he holds the vase or the bowl from
    which he is about to drink the _chica_ consecrated to the sun. The
    princely personages who have the right to approach the sun wear
    casques with royal plumes, chemisettes extending below the middle,
    and ornaments at the lower part of the legs and on the feet. The
    musicians, four in number (two of whom play upon the pandean pipes
    and two upon the henna), are distinguished by bonnets without
    feathers and by a kind of cloak tied around the neck by a band
    which floats behind them. Finally, the priests, one of whom is an
    officiator, and the other dancers in the suite of the princely
    personages, wear bonnets like that of the musicians (who very
    probably belong to the same class). They have their faces painted.

A. W. Howitt, in MS. Notes on Australian Pictographs, contributes the
following:

    Among the most interesting of the pictorial markings used by
    the aborigines are those which are made in connection with the
    ceremonies of initiation. I now take as an instance the Murring
    tribe of the southern coast of New South Wales, whose ceremonies I
    have described elsewhere. The humming instrument, which is known
    in England as a child’s toy called the bull roarer, has a sacred
    character with all the Australian tribes. The Murring call it Mŭdji,
    and the loud roaring sound made when it is swung around at the end
    of a cord is considered to be the voice of Daramūlŭn, the great
    supernatural being by whom, according to their tradition, these
    ceremonies were first instituted.

    On this instrument there are marked two notches, one at each
    end, representing the gap left in the upper jaw of the novice after
    his teeth have been knocked out during the rites; there is also
    figured on it the rude representations of Daramūlŭn.

    A similar rude outline of a man in the attitude of the magic
    dance, being also Daramūlŭn, is cut by the old men (wizards) at
    the ceremonies, upon the bark of a tree at the spot where one of
    them knocks out the tooth of the novice. This pictograph is then
    carefully cut out and obliterated after the ceremonies are over.

    At a subsequent stage of the proceedings a similar figure is
    molded on the ground in clay, and is surrounded by the native
    weapons which Daramūlŭn is said to have invented. This figure, after
    having been exhibited to the novice, is also destroyed, and they are
    strictly forbidden under pain of death to make them known in any
    manner to “women or children;” that is to say, to the uninitiated.

    The Mŭdji is not destroyed, but is carefully and secretly
    preserved by the principal headman who had caused the ceremonies to
    be held.

    The ceremonies of the Wirajuri tribe in New South Wales are
    substantially the same as those of the Murring, although the tribes
    are several hundred miles apart. The details, however, differ in
    some respects.

    For instance, at one part of the ceremonies certain carvings are
    made upon the tree adjoining the place of the ceremonies and upon
    the ground, as follows:

    (1) A piece of bark is stripped off the tree from the branches
    spirally down the bole to the ground. This represents the path along
    which Daramūlŭn is supposed to descend from the sky to the place
    where the initiation is held.

    (2) The figure of Daramūlŭn is cut upon the ground, resembling
    that which the Murring cut upon the tree at the place where in their
    ceremonies the tooth is knocked out. The figure represents a naked
    black fellow dancing, his arms being slightly extended and the legs
    somewhat bent outwards (sideways) at the knee, as in the well known
    “corroboree” attitude.

    (3) The representation of his tomahawk cut on the ground, where
    he let it fall on reaching the earth.

    (4) The footsteps of an emu of which Daramūlŭn was in chase.

    (5) The figure of the emu extended on the ground where it fell
    when struck down by Daramūlŭn.

The same author (_f_) remarks as follows:

    Speaking generally, it may be asserted with safety that
    initiation ceremonies of some kind or other, and all having a
    certain fundamental identity, are practiced by the aboriginal tribes
    over the whole of the Australian continent. * * *

    Here, then, the novices for the first time witness the actual
    exhibition of those magical powers of the old men of which they have
    heard since their earliest years. They have been told how these
    men can produce from within themselves certain deadly things which
    they are then able to project invisibly into those whom they desire
    to injure or to kill; and now the boys see during the impressive
    magical dances these very things, as they express it, “pulled out of
    themselves” by the wizards.

Figs. 721, 722, and 723 are copies of the designs upon Tartar and Mongol
drums, taken from G. N. Potanin (_b_). They are used in religious
ceremonies with the belief that the sounds emanating from the surface
upon which the designs are made, or, to carry the concept a little
further, the sounds coming from the designs themselves, produce special
influences or powers. Some of these designs are notably similar to some
of those found in America and reproduced in the present paper.

[Illustration: FIG. 721.--Tartar and Mongol drums.]

The upper left-hand design (_a_) in Fig. 721, on the outside of the
drum, represents the sun and the moon in the form of circles with a
central dot. Below the crossbar were two other such figures with central
dot. Besides, were represented below, on the left side, two shamans, and
under them a wild goat and serpent in the form of wavy lines; on the
right side three shamans and a deer.

The upper right-hand design (_b_) on the same figure is a group
representing the bringing of a horse to sacrifice. Under a rainbow, dots
represent stars, and two heavenly maidens who the shamans said were the
daughters of Ulgen and who were playing. They come down to the mountains
and rise up to the skies.

A bow with a knob at each end is made to represent a rainbow in the
lower part of a shaman’s drum.

The lower left-hand design (_c_) on the same figure on a drum of the
telengit shaman is the external delineation of a head without eyes
and nose. The lower end of the line coming from the head represents a
bifurcation. Under the head is a short horizontal line like an extended
arm. Above a line extending from side to side of the drum are two
circles, and below six circles, all empty. According to the owner of the
drum these circles are representations of drums, and the three human
figures are masters or spirits of localities.

The lower right-hand design (_d_) in the same figure has in the upper
section five zigzag lines represented similar to those with which
lightning is often represented. According to the shaman these are
serpents.

[Illustration: FIG. 722.--Tartar and Mongol drums.]

The upper left-hand design (_a_) in Fig. 722 inside the drum has painted
two trees. On each of them sits the bird karagush, with bill turned to
the left. On the left of the trees are two circles, one dark (the moon),
the other light (the sun). Below a horizontal line are depicted a frog,
a lizard, and a serpent.

The upper right-hand design (_b_) in the same figure has on the upper
half two circles, the sun and moon; on the left side four horsemen;
under them a bowman, also on horseback. The center is occupied by a
picture of a net and a sieve for winnowing the nuts and seeds of the
cedar tree. On the right side are two trees, baigazuin (literally the
rich birch), over which two birds, the karagush, are floating. Under
a division on the right and on the left side are oval objects with
latticed-figured or scaly skin. These are two whales. In the middle,
between them, are a frog and a deer, and below a serpent. Above, toward
the hoop of the drum, is fastened an owl’s feather.

The lower left hand design (_c_) in the same figure has represented
in the upper half seven figures reminding one of horses. These are
the horses, bura, going to heaven, i. e., their sacrifice. Above them
are two circles emitting light, the sun and the moon; on the right of
the horses are three trees; under a horizontal line on the left is a
serpent; on the right a fish, the kerbuleik, the whale according to
Verbitski, literally the bay-fish.

The lower right-hand design (_d_) in the same figure has a drawing on
the outside, a circle divided by horizontal bars into halves. The field
of the upper half is divided into three strata, the first stratum of
which is heaven, the second the rainbow, and in the lower stratum the
stars. On the left side the sun, and the crescent moon on the right
side; the goat, trees, and an undefined figure, which is not given in
the drawing, underneath. The kam, a kind of shaman, called it the bura.
Some said that it meant a cloud; others that it meant heavenly horses.

[Illustration: FIG. 723.--Tartar and Mongol drums.]

The left-hand design (_a_) in Fig. 723 shows four vertical and four
horizontal lines. The latter represent the rainbow; the vertical lines
borsui. Circles with dots in the center are represented in three
sections, and in the fourth one circle.

The right-hand design in the same figure: On the upper sections are
represented a number of human figures. These, according to the shaman’s
own explanation, are heavenly maidens (in the original Turkish,
tengriduing kuiz). Below, under a rainbow, which is represented by three
arched lines, are portrayed two serpents, each having a cross inside.
These are kurmos nuing tyungurey, i. e., the drums are kurmos’s. Kurmos
is the Alti word for spirits, which the shamans summon.

Bastian (_a_) makes remarks as follows concerning the magic drum of the
Shamans in the Altai, which should be considered in this connection:

    The Shamans admit three worlds (among the Yakuts), the world of
    the heavens (hallan jurda), the middle one of the earth (outo-doidu)
    and the lower world or hell (jedän tügara), the former the realm
    of light, the latter the realm of darkness, while the earth has
    for a time been given over by the Creator (Jüt-tas-olbohtah
    Jürdän-Ai-Tojan) to the will of the devil or tempter, and the souls
    of men at their death, according to the measure of their merit, are
    sent into one or the other realm. When, however, the earth world has
    come to an end, the souls of the two realms will wage a war against
    each other, and victory must remain on the side of the good souls.


SECTION 6.

MORTUARY PRACTICES.

Champlain (_f_) in his voyage of 1603, says of the Northeastern
Algonquins that their graves were covered with large pieces of wood, and
one post was erected upon them, the upper part of which was painted red.

The same author, in 1613, writing of the Algonquins of the Ottawa
river, at the Isle des Alumettes, gives more details of the pictures on
their grave posts:

    On it the likeness of the man or woman who is buried there is
    roughly engraved. If a man, they put on a buckler, a spear, war
    club, and bows and arrows. If he is a chief he will have a plume on
    his head and some other designs or ornaments. If a boy, they give
    him one bow and a single arrow. If a woman or girl, they put on a
    kettle, an earthen pot, a wooden spoon, and a paddle. The wooden
    tomb is 6 or 7 feet long and 4 wide, painted yellow and red.

Some northern tribes--probably Cree--according to the Jesuit Relations
(_a_), gave a notice of death to absent relations or dear friends of the
deceased by hanging the object signifying his name on the path by which
the traveler must return, e. g., if the name of the deceased was Piré
(Partridge) the skin of a partridge was suspended. The main object of
the notice was that the traveler, thereby knowing of the death, should
not on his return to the lodge or village ask after or mention the
deceased. Perhaps this explains the custom of placing pictographs of
personal names and totemic marks on some prominent point or on trails
without any apparent incident.

The same Relation describes a custom of the same Indians of shaping out
of wood a portraiture of the more distinguished dead and inserting it
over their graves, afterwards painting and greasing it as if it were the
live man.

In Keating’s Long (_g_) it is told that the Sac Indians are particular
in their demonstrations of grief for departed friends. These consist in
darkening their faces with charcoal, fasting, abstaining from the use of
vermillion and other ornaments in dress, etc. They also make incisions
in their arms, legs, and other parts of the body; these are not made
for the purposes of mortification, or to create a pain which shall by
dividing their attention efface the recollection of their loss, but
entirely from a belief that their grief is internal and that the only
way of dispelling it is to give it a vent through which to escape.

This is an explanation of the practice which has been verified in the
field work of the Bureau of Ethnology and corresponds with the concept
of finding relief from disease and pain by similar incisions, to let out
the supposed invading entity that causes distress.

The same authority, p. 332, gives the following account of Dakota burial
scaffolds:

    On these scaffolds, which are from 8 to 10 feet high, corpses
    were deposited in a box made from part of a broken canoe. Some hair
    was suspended which we at first mistook for a scalp; but our guide
    informed us that these were locks of hair torn from their heads by
    the relations to testify their grief. In the center, between the
    four posts which supported the scaffold, a stake was planted in the
    ground; it was about 6 feet high, and bore an imitation of human
    figures; five of which had a design of a petticoat, indicating
    them to be females; the rest, amounting to seven, were naked, and
    were intended for male figures. Of the latter, four were headless,
    showing that they had been slain; the three other male figures were
    unmutilated but held a staff in their hands which, as our guide
    informed us, designated that they were slaves. The post, which is
    an usual accompaniment to the scaffold that supports a warrior’s
    remains, does not represent the achievements of the deceased, but
    those of the warriors that assembled near his remains, danced the
    dance of the post, and related their martial exploits.

Maximilian, Prince of Wied (_d_), tells that as a sign of mourning the
Sioux daub themselves with white clay.

According to Powers, (_d_) “A Yokaia widow’s style of mourning is
peculiar. In addition to the usual evidence of grief she mingles the
ashes of the dead husband with pitch, making a white tar or ungent with
which she smears a band about two inches wide all around the edge of
her hair (which is previously cut off close to the head), so that at a
little distance she appears to be wearing a white chaplet.”

Mr. Dorsey reports that mud is used by a mourner in the sacred-bag war
party among the Osages. Several modes of showing mourning by styles
of paint and markings are presented in this paper under the headings
of Color and of Tattooing. Other practices connected with the present
topic, and which may explain some pictographs, are described in the
work of Dr. H. C. Yarrow, acting assistant surgeon, U. S. Army, on The
Mortuary Customs of the North American Indians, in the First Annual
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

[Illustration: FIG. 724.--Votive offering. Alaska.]

Fig. 724 is copied from a piece of ivory in the museum of the Alaska
Commercial Company, San Francisco, California, and was interpreted by an
Alaskan native in San Francisco in 1882.

First is a votive offering or “shaman stick,” erected to the memory
of one departed. The “bird” carvings are considered typical of “good
spirits,” and the above was erected by the remorse-stricken individual,
who had killed the person shown.

The headless body represents the man who was killed. In this respect the
Ojibwa manner of drawing a person “killed” is similar.

The right hand Indian represents the homicide who erected the
“grave-post” or “sacred stick.” The arm is thrown earthward, resembling
the Blackfeet and Dakota gesture for “kill.”

That portion of the Kauvuya tribe of Indians in Southern California
known as the Playsanos, or _lowlanders_, formerly inscribed characters
upon the gravestones of their dead, relating to the pursuits or good
qualities of the deceased. Dr. W. J. Hoffman obtained several pieces or
slabs of finely-grained sandstone near Los Angeles, California, during
the summer of 1884, which had been used for this purpose. Upon these
were the drawings, in incised lines, of the fin back whale, with figures
of men pursuing them with harpoons. Around the drawings were close
parallel lines with cross lines similar to those made on ivory by the
southern Innuit of Alaska.

Figs. 725 to 727 were procured from a native Alaskan by Dr. Hoffman in
1882, and explained to him to be drawings made upon grave posts.

[Illustration: FIG. 725.--Grave post. Alaska.]

Fig. 725 commemorates a hunter, as land animals are shown to be his
chief pursuit. The following is the explanation of the characters:

_a._ The baidarka, or boat, holding two persons; the occupants are
shown, as are also the paddles, which project below the horizontal body
of the vessel.

_b._ A rack for drying skins and fish. A pole is added above it, from
which are seen floating streamers of calico or cloth.

_c._ A fox.

_d._ A land otter.

_e._ The hunter’s summer habitation. These are temporary dwellings and
usually constructed at a distance from home. This also indicates the
profession of a skin-hunter, as the permanent lodges, indicated as
winter houses, i. e., with round or dome-like roof, are located near the
seashore, and summer houses are only needed when at some distance from
home, where a considerable length of time is spent in hunting.

[Illustration: FIG. 726.--Grave post. Alaska.]

The following is the explanation of Fig. 726. It is another design for a
grave post, but is erected in memory of a fisherman:

_a._ The double-seated baidarka, or skin canoe.

_b._ The bow used in shooting seal and other marine animals.

_c._ A seal.

_d._ A whale.

The summer lodge is absent in this, as the fisherman did not leave the
seashore in the pursuit of game on land.

[Illustration: FIG. 727.--Village and burial grounds. Alaska.]

Fig. 727 is a drawing of a village and neighboring burial-ground,
prepared by an Alaskan native in imitation of originals seen by him
among the natives of the mainland of Alaska, especially the Aigalúqamut.
Carvings are generally on walrus ivory; sometimes on wooden slats. In
the figure, _g_ is a representation of a grave post in position, bearing
an inscription similar in general character to those in the last two
preceding figures.

The details are explained as follows:

_a_, _b_, _c_, _d_. Various styles of habitations, denoting a settlement.

_e._ An elevated structure used for the storage of food.

_f._ A box with wrappings, containing the corpse of a child. The small
lines, with ball attached, are ornamental appendages consisting of
strips of cloth or skin, with charms, or, sometimes, tassels.

_g._ Grave post, bearing rude illustrations of the weapons or implements
used by the deceased during his life.

_h._ A grave scaffold, containing adult. Besides the ornamental
appendages, as in _f_ preceding, there is a “Shaman stick” erected over
the box containing the corpse as a mark of good wishes of a sorrowing
survivor. See object _a_, in Fig. 724.

Schoolcraft (_m_) gives a good account, with illustration, of the burial
posts used by the Sioux and Chippewas. It has been quoted so frequently
that it is not reproduced here. The most notable feature connected with
the posts is that the totems depicted on them are reversed, to signify
the death of the persons buried.

[Illustration: FIG. 728.--Menomoni grave post.]

Fig. 728 represents the grave post of a Menomoni Indian of the bear
totem. The stick is a piece of pine board 2-1/2 inches wide at the top,
gradually narrowing down to a point; three-fourths of an inch thick, and
about 2 feet long. On one side are two sets of characters, the oldest
being incised with a sharp-pointed nail, while over these are a later
set of drawings made with red ocher, represented in the illustration by
shading. The figure of the bear, drawn with head to the ground, denotes
the totem of which the deceased was a member, the remaining incised
figures relating to some exploits the signification of which was not
known. The red marks were put upon the stick at the time of the holding
of a memorial service, when the father of the deceased furnished a
feast to the medicine priests just previous to his being received into
the society of shamans to fill the vacancy caused by the death. The
number of red crosses denote the number of speeches made at the grave
upon that occasion, while the band at the top refers to the person
acting as master of ceremonies, who had been requested to make all the
arrangements for the medicine ceremonies and initiation. So said some
Menomoni in the neighborhood, but later the Indian who actually painted
the red crosses came to Washington and explained that they signified the
number of war parties in which the deceased had taken part.

[Illustration: FIG. 729.--Incised lines on Menomoni grave post.]

Fig. 729 shows the incised lines on the front of the post before color
was applied. The manner of placing the grave posts at the head of the
grave box is shown in Fig. 730, the left-hand grave being that of
Oshkosh, the late head chief of the Menomoni in Wisconsin, after whom
the city of Oshkosh was named.

[Illustration: FIG. 730.--Grave boxes and posts.]

Before the grave is a small board, upon which tobacco is placed to
gratify the taste of the dead, and during the season of sugar making
pieces of that delicacy are pushed through the small openings in the
head board, that the spirit of the deceased may be gratified and give
success to the donors at future seasons.

The right-hand grave box is that of another member of the family of
Oshkosh, at which the board, with tobacco, is also placed, as well
as the grave post. This, however, does not bear any indications of
characters, which probably had been washed off by the rain.

Pieces of bark, stones, and sticks are also placed upon the grave boxes,
but the signification of this practice could not be ascertained.

The next two figures come from the Dakotas.

[Illustration: FIG. 731.--Commemoration of dead. Dakota.]

Fig. 731.--Held a commemoration of the dead. Cloud-Shield’s Winter
Count, 1826-’27. The ceremonial pipe-stem and the skull indicate the
mortuary practice, which is further explained by the next figure.

[Illustration: FIG. 732.--Ossuary ceremonial. Dakota.]

Fig. 732.--A white man made medicine over the skull of Crazy-Horse’s
brother. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1852-’53. He holds a pipe-stem in
his hand. This figure refers to the custom of gathering periodically the
bones of the dead that have been placed on scaffolds and burying them.
It appears that a white man made himself conspicuous by conducting the
ceremonies on the occasion noted.

Lewis and Clarke (_c_) mention the Chilluckittequaws, a division of the
Chinooks of the Columbia river, as having for burial purposes vaults
made of pine or cedar boards, closely connected, about 8 feet square and
6 in height. The walls as well as the door were decorated with strange
figures cut and painted on them; besides these there were several wooden
images of men, some of them so old and decayed as to have almost lost
their shape, which were all placed against the sides of the vaults.
These images do not appear to be at all the objects of adoration, but
were probably intended as resemblances of those whose decease they
indicate.

[Illustration: FIG. 733.--Kalosh graves.]

Whymper (_a_) reports that the Kalosh Indians of Alaska construct grave
boxes or tombs which contain only the ashes of the dead. These people
invariably burn the deceased. On one of the boxes he saw a number of
faces painted, long tresses of human hair depending therefrom. Each head
represented a victim of the deceased man’s ferocity. Thus the pictures
are not likenesses or totemic marks of the cremated Kalosh, but of
enemies whom he had killed, being in the nature of trophies or proofs of
valor. Fig. 733 is a reproduction of the illustration.

Dall (_c_) says of the Yukon Indians:

    Some wore hoops of birch wood around the neck and wrists, with
    various patterns and figures cut on them. These were said to be
    emblems of mourning for the dead.

Dr. Franz Boas (_f_) gives the following account of the funeral customs
practiced by the Snanaimuq, a Salish tribe:

    The face of the deceased is painted with red and black paint.
    * * * A chief’s body is put in a carved box and the front posts
    supporting his coffin are carved. His mask is placed between
    these posts. The graves of great warriors are marked by a statue
    representing a warrior with a war club. * * * After the death of
    husband or wife, the survivor must paint his legs and his blanket
    red. * * * At the end of the mourning period the red blanket is
    given to an old man, who deposits it in the woods.

Didron (_a_) speaks of emblems on tombstones:

    Even today, at Constantinople, in the cemetery of the Armenians,
    every tombstone is marked with the insignia of the profession
    followed by the defunct which the stone covers. For an Armenian
    tailor there is a pair of shears, thread, and needles; for a mason,
    hammer and trowel; for a shoemaker, a last, leather, and a leather
    cutter; for a grocer, a pair of scales; for a banker, pieces of
    money. It is the same with others. Among us [Frenchmen], in the
    middle ages, a compass, a rule, and square are engraved on the tomb
    of Hugues Libergier. In the cemetery of L’Est, at Paris, a palette
    indicates the grave of a painter, a chisel and hammer mark that of
    a sculptor. Animals are represented as talking and acting, masks
    grimace and smile, to announce in the same inclosure the tombs of La
    Fontaine and of Molière. Among the Romans it was the same: a fisher
    had a boat on his tomb; a shepard, a sheep; a digger, a pickaxe;
    a navigator, an anchor or a trident; a vine-dresser, a cask; an
    architect, a capital or the instruments of his art.

Hewitt (_g_) says of the Dieri, a tribe of Central Australia:

    A messenger who is sent to convey the intelligence of a death
    is smeared all over with white clay. On his approach to the camp
    the women all commence screaming and crying most passionately.
    After a time the particulars of the death are made known to the
    camp. The near relations and friends then only weep. Old men even
    cry bitterly, and their friends comfort them as if they were
    children. On the following day the near relations dress in mourning
    by smearing themselves over with white clay. Widows and widowers
    are prohibited by custom from uttering a word until the clay has
    worn off, however long it may remain on them. They do not, however,
    rub it off, as doing so would be considered a bad omen. It must
    absolutely wear off of itself. During this period they communicate
    by means of gesture language.

Dr. Ferdinand von Hochstetter (_a_) says:

    The carved Maori figures which are met with on the road are the
    memorials of chiefs who, while journeying to the restorative baths
    of Rotorua, succumbed to their ills on the road. Some of the figures
    are decked out with pieces of clothing or kerchiefs; and the most
    remarkable feature in them is the close imitation of the tattooing
    of the deceased, by which the Maoris are able to recognize for whom
    the monument has been erected. Certain lines are peculiar to the
    tribe, others to the family, and again others to the individual. A
    close imitation of the tattooing of the face, therefore, is to the
    Maori the same as to us a photographic likeness; it does not require
    any description of name.

[Illustration: FIG. 734.--New Zealand grave effigy.]

A representation of one of these carved posts is given in Fig. 734.

[Illustration: FIG. 735.--New Zealand grave-post.]

Another carved post of like character is represented in Fig. 735,
concerning which the same author says, p. 338: “Beside my tent,
at Tahuahu, on the right bank of the Mangapu, there stood an odd,
half-decomposed figure carved of wood; it was designated to me by the
natives as a Tiki, marking the tomb of a chief.”

[Illustration: FIG. 736.--Nicobarese mortuary tablet.]

Ball, on Nicobarese Ideographs, in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Br. & I.
(_d_), says, describing Fig. 736, which appears to be connected with
mortuary observances:

    The example of Nicobarese picture writing in Fig. 736 was
    obtained in the year 1873 on the island of Kondul, where I found it
    hanging in the house of a man who was said to have died a short time
    previously. * * *

    The material of which it is made is either the glume of a bamboo
    or the spathe of a palm which has been flattened out and framed with
    split bamboos.

    It is about 3 feet long by 18 inches broad. The objects are
    painted with vermilion, their outlines being surrounded with
    punctures, which allow the light to pass through. * * *

    As in all such Nicobarese paintings, figures of the sun, moon,
    and stars occupy prominent positions. Now, the sun and moon are
    stated, by those who have known the Nicobarese best, to be especial
    objects of adoration, and therefore these paintings may have some
    religious significance.

    At first it occurred to me that this was merely an inventory
    of the property of the deceased, but as some of the objects are
    certainly not such as we should expect to find in an enumeration
    of property, e. g., the lizard, while the figures of men appear to
    portray particular emotions, it seems probable that the objects
    represented have a more or less conventional meaning, and that we
    have here a document of as bona fide and translatable a character as
    an Egyptian hieroglyphic inscription.

    My own efforts to discover an interpretation from the natives on
    the spot were not crowned with success. * * *

    Mr. De Röepstorff, extra assistant superintendent of the
    Andamans and Nicobars, to whom I applied for such information as he
    might be able to collect upon the subject, assured me by letter, in
    1873, that the screens had a religious significance and were used to
    exorcise spirits, but he did not seem to regard them as capable of
    being interpreted. * * *

    The following is a list of the objects depicted, besides
    animals; many of the common utensils in use in a Nicobarese
    household are included:

    (1) The sun and stars; (2) the moon and stars; (3) swallows or
    (?) flying fish; (4) impression of the forepart of a human foot; (5)
    a lizard (Hydrosaurus?); (6) four men in various attitudes; (7) two
    dás for cutting jungle; (8) two earthen cooking vessels; (9) two
    birds; (10) an ax; (11) two spears; (12) a ladder (?); (13) dish for
    food; (14) cocoanut water-vessels; (15) palm tree; (16) a canoe;
    (17) three pigs; (18) shed; (19) domestic fowl; (20) seaman’s chest;
    (21) dog; (22) fish of different kinds; (23) turtle.




CHAPTER XV.

CUSTOMS.


The notes given under this heading are divided into (1) cult societies;
(2) daily life and habits; (3) games.


SECTION 1.

CULT SOCIETIES.

Voluntary associations, to be distinguished from those of an exclusively
religious character, have flourished among most Indian tribes and are
still found among those least affected by contact with civilization.
Maj. Powell, the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, has named them
cult societies. Their members are designated by special paintings and
marks entirely distinct from those relating to their clans or gentes and
their personal names. Travelers have frequently been confused by the
diversity of such designations.

The translated names of some of these societies found among the Sioux
are “Brave Night Hearts,” “Owl Feathers,” and “Wolves and Foxes.” They
control tribes in internal affairs and strongly influence their policy
in external relations, and may be regarded as the substitute both for
regular soldiery and for police. It is necessary that a young man
proposing to be a warrior should be initiated into some one of these
societies. But in distinguishing them from the purely shamanistic orders
it must not be understood that their ceremonies and ties are independent
of the cult of religion, or that they disregard it, for this among
Indians would be impossible.

The following account of these societies among the Blackfeet or Satsika
and their pictorial or objective devices is condensed from Maximilian of
Wied’s Travels (_e_):

    The bands, unions, or associations are found among the Blackfeet
    as well as all the other American tribes. They have a certain name,
    fixed rules and laws, as well as their peculiar songs and dances,
    and serve in part to preserve order in the camp, on the march, in
    the hunting parties, etc. Seven such bands or unions among the
    Blackfeet were mentioned to me. They are the following: (1) The
    band of the mosquitos. This union has no police business to do, but
    consists of young people, many of whom are only 8 or 10 years of
    age. There are also some young men among them and sometimes even a
    couple of old men, in order to see to the observance of the laws and
    regulations. This union performs wild, youthful pranks; they run
    about the camp whenever they please; pinch, nip, and scratch men,
    women, and children in order to give annoyance like the mosquitos.
    The young people begin with this union and then gradually rise
    higher through the others. As the badge of their band they wear an
    eagle’s claw fastened around the wrist with a leather strap. They
    have also a particular mode of painting themselves, like every other
    band, and their peculiar songs and dance. (2) The dogs. Its badge is
    not known to me; it consists of young married men, and the number
    is not limited. (3) The prairie dogs. This is a police union, which
    receives married men; its badge is a long hooked stick wound round
    with otter skin, with knots of white skin at intervals, and a couple
    of eagle’s feathers hanging from each of them. (4) Those who carry
    the raven. Its badge is a long staff covered with red cloth, to
    which black ravens’ feathers in a long thick row are fastened from
    one end to the other. They contribute to the preservation of order
    and the police. (5) The buffalo, with thin horns. When they dance
    they wear horns on their caps. If disorders take place they must
    help the soldiers, who mark out the camp and then take the first
    place. (6) The soldiers. They are the most distinguished warriors,
    who exercise the police, especially in the camp and on the march;
    in public deliberations they have the casting vote whether, for
    instance, they shall hunt, change their abode, make war or conclude
    peace, etc. They carry as their badge a wooden club the breadth of a
    hand, with hoofs of the buffalo cow hanging to the handle. They are
    sometimes 40 or 50 men in number. (7) The buffalo bulls. They form
    the first, that is, the most distinguished, of all the unions, and
    are the highest in rank. They carry in their hand a medicine badge,
    hung with buffalo hoofs, which they rattle when they dance to their
    peculiar song. They are too old to attend to the police, having
    passed through all the unions, and are considered as having retired
    from office. In their medicine dance they wear on their head a cap
    made of the long forelock and mane of the buffalo bull, which hangs
    down to a considerable length.

[Illustration: FIG. 737.--The policeman.]

Fig. 737.--“The policeman” was killed by the enemy. Cloud-Shield’s
Winter Count, 1780-’81.

The man here figured was probably one of the active members of the
associations whose functions are above described to keep order and carry
out the commands of the chiefs.

These voluntary associations are not of necessity ancient or
permanent. An instance is given in Fig. 738 which is instructive in
the interpretation of pictographs. It is a copy of drawings on a pipe
stem which had been made and used by Ottawa Indians. On each side are
four spaces, upon each of which are various incised characters, three
spaces on one side being reserved for the delineation of human figures,
each having diverging lines from the head upward, denoting their social
status as chiefs or warriors and medicine men.

[Illustration: FIG. 738.--Ottawa pipe stem.]

Upon the space nearest the mouth is the drawing of a fire, the flames
passing upward from the horizontal surface beneath them. The cross bands
are raised portions of the wood (ash) of which the pipestem is made;
these show peculiarly shaped openings which pass entirely through the
stem, though not interfering with the tube necessary for the passage of
the smoke. This indicates considerable mechanical skill.

Upon each side of the stem are spaces corresponding in length and
position to those upon the opposite side. In the lower space of the
stem is a drawing of a bear, indicating that the two persons in the
corresponding space on the opposite side belong to the bear gens. The
next upper figure is that of a beaver, showing the three human figures
to belong to the beaver gens, while the next to this, the eagle, means
that the opposite persons are members of the eagle gens. The upper
figure is that of a lodge which contains a council fire, shown on the
opposite side.

The signification of the whole is that two members of the bear gens,
three members of the beaver gens, and three members of the eagle gens
have united and constitute a society living in one lodge, around one
fire, and smoke through the same pipe.

Reference may also be made to remarks by Prof. Dall (_d_) upon the use
of masks by associations or special classes.


SECTION 2.

DAILY LIFE AND HABITS.

[Illustration: FIG. 739.--Shooting fish. Micmac.]

Fig. 739, printed from the Kejimkoojik rocks, in Nova Scotia, represents
two Indians in a canoe following a fish to shoot it. This is not a pure
example of the class of totemic designs. Both Indians in the canoe
have paddles in which the device resembles the Micmac tribal device,
but in that the hunters pursue a deer and not a fish and the canoe is
“humpback.” The Passamaquoddy tribal pictographic sign in which a fish
is followed, requires both Indians to have paddles, and, it may be
understood that the two Indians in the canoe are Passamaquoddy, but in
the figure one of them has laid aside his paddle and is shooting at the
fish with a gun, which departs from the totemic device, and also shows
that the drawing was made since the Indians of the region had obtained
firearms from Europeans, but these were obtained three centuries ago,
quite long enough for hunting scenes on some of the petroglyphs to
exhibit the use of a gun instead of a bow.

This kind of fish hunting by gunshot is one of daily occurrence in the
region during the proper season.

[Illustration: FIG. 740.--Shooting fish. Micmac.]

Fig. 740, from the same locality, is more ideographic. The line of the
gun barrel is exaggerated and prolonged so as nearly to touch the fish,
and signifies that the shot was a sure hit. The hunters are very roughly
delineated. Possibly this hunting was at night with fire on a brazier
and screens, a common practice which seems to be indicated.

[Illustration: FIG. 741.--Lancing fish. Micmac.]

Fig. 741, also from Kejimkoojik, is more ancient, but less distinct. The
fish is larger, and the weapon may be a lance, not a gun.

[Illustration: FIG. 742.--Whale hunting. Innuit.]

Fig. 742, copied from a walrus ivory drill-bow, from Cape Darley,
Alaska (Nat. Mus. No. 44211), illustrates the mode of whale-hunting by
the Innuit. The crosses over the whale and beneath the harpoon line
represent aquatic birds; the three, oval objects attached to the line
are floaters to support the line and to indicate its course after the
downward plunge of the harpooned cetacean.

[Illustration: FIG. 743.--Hunting in canoe. Ojibwa.]

A similar hunting scene by canoe, in which, however, the game was deer,
is given in Fig. 743. The drawing is on birch bark, and was made by
an old Indian named Ojibwa, now living at White Earth, Minnesota, an
intimate friend and associate of the late chief Hole-in-the-Day. Ojibwa
is supposed to be actor as well as depictor. He shows his lodges in
_a_, where he resided many years ago; _b_ is a lake; _c_, _c_, _c_, _c_
represent four deer, one of which is shown only by the horns protruding
above a clump of brush near the lake; _e_ represents Ojibwa in his
canoe, _d_, floating on the river, _h_, _h_; _g_ is a pine torch, giving
light and smoke, erected on the bow of the canoe, the light being thrown
forward from a curve slice of birch bark at _f_, its bright inner
surface acting as a reflector. The whole means that during one hunt, by
night, the narrator shot four deer at the places indicated.

[Illustration: FIG. 744.--Record of hunting. Ojibwa.]

The accompanying Fig. 744 is reproduced from a drawing also incised on
birch bark by Ojibwa, and relates to a hunting expedition made by his
father and two companions, all of whom are represented by three human
forms near the left-hand upper line. The circle at the left is Red Cedar
lake, Minnesota; a river is shown flowing northward, and another toward
the east, having several indications of lakes which this river passes
through or drains. The circle within the lake denotes an island upon
which the party camped, as is shown by the trail leading from the human
forms to the island. Around the lake are a number of short lines which
signify trees, indicating a wooded shore. The first animal form to the
right of the human figures is a porcupine; the next a bittern. The two
shelters in the right-hand upper corner indicate another camp made by
the hunters, to which one of them dragged a deer, as shown by the man in
that act, just to the left of the shelter.

Another camp of the same party of three is shown in the lower left-hand
corner; the bow and arrow directed to the right indicates that there
they shot a raccoon, a fisher, a duck (a man lying down decoyed this
bird by calling), a mink, and an otter. The line above the lower row
consists of the following animals, reading from the left to right, viz,
bear, owl, wolf, elk, and deer.

[Illustration: FIG. 745.--Fruit gatherers. Hidatsa.]

Fig. 745 is a copy of a sketch made by Lean-Wolf, second chief of the
Hidatsa, and shows the manner in which the women carry baskets used in
gathering wild plums, bull-berries, and other small fruits. The baskets
are usually made of thin splints of wood, and very similar in manner of
construction to the well known bushel-basket of our eastern farmers.

[Illustration: FIG. 746.--Hunting antelope. Hidatsa.]

Fig. 746 was also made by Lean-Wolf, and illustrates the old manner of
hunting antelope and deer. The hunter would disguise himself by covering
his head with the head and skin of an antelope, and so be enabled to
approach the game near enough to use his bow and arrow.

[Illustration: FIG. 747.--Hunting buffalo. Hidatsa.]

In a similar manner the Hidatsa would mask themselves with a wolf skin
to enable them to approach buffalo. This is illustrated in Fig. 747,
which is a reproduction of a drawing made by the above-mentioned chief.

The next group of figures illustrates the custom of gaining and
afterwards counting coups or hits, the French expression, sometimes
spelled by travelers “coo,” being generally adopted. This is an honor
gained by hitting an enemy, whether dead or alive, with an ornamented
lance, or sometimes a stick, carried for the purpose as part of a
warrior’s equipment. These sticks or wands are about 12 feet long,
often of willow, stripped of leaves and bark, and each having some
distinguishing objects, such as feathers, bells, brightly-colored cloth,
or else painted in a special manner. Further remarks on this custom
appear in Chapter XIII, Section 4.

[Illustration: FIG. 748.--Counting coups. Dakota.]

_a_, in Fig. 748, Kills-the-Enemy, from Red-Cloud’s Census, exhibits
the coup stick in contact with the dead enemy’s head. _b_ is taken from
Bloody-Knife’s robe and shows an Indian about to strike his prostrate
enemy.

[Illustration: FIG. 749.--Counting coups. Dakota.]

Fig. 749.--Killed-First. Red Cloud’s Census. This is the case where a
warrior struck the enemy with his coup stick first in order, which is
the most honorable achievement, greater than the actual killing. The
word translated kill or killed does not always imply immediate death,
but the infliction of a fatal wound.

The apparent reason why the striking of the body of a dead or disabled
enemy, whether or not killed or disabled by the striker, is more
honorable than the actual infliction of the wound, is because the
attempt to strike is vigorously resisted by the enemy, the survivors of
which assemble to prevent the successful achievement; mere killing might
be at a distance in comparative safety.

[Illustration: FIG. 750.--Counting coups. Dakota.]

Fig. 750.--Enemies-hit-him. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this case the Dakota
has been hit by the enemy’s lance or coup stick.

This group refers to the custom, east of the Rocky mountains, of
exhibiting scalps.

[Illustration: FIG. 751.--Scalp displayed. Dakota.]

Fig. 751.--A war party of Oglalas killed one Pawnee; his scalp is on the
pole. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1855-’56. This and the next figure
show the custom of a successful war party on returning to the home
village to display the scalps taken. This display is the occasion of
special ceremonies. The marks on the foot signify that on their way home
the men of the war party froze their feet.

[Illustration: FIG. 752.--Scalp displayed. Dakota.]

Fig. 752.--Owns-the-Pole, the leader of an Oglala war party, brought
home many Cheyenne scalps. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1798-’99. The
cross stands for Cheyenne, as explained above.

[Illustration: FIG. 753.--Scalped head. Dakota.]

Fig. 753.--Black-Rock, a Dakota, was killed by the Crows.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1806-’07. A rock or, more correctly
translated, a large stone is represented above his head. He was killed
with an arrow and was scalped. The figure is introduced here to show
the designation of a scalped head, which is colored red--that is,
bloody--when coloration is possible. It frequently appears in the Winter
Counts of the Dakotas.

[Illustration: FIG. 754.--Scalp taken.]

Fig. 754 was drawn by a Dakota Indian at Mendota, Minnesota, and
represents a man holding a scalp in one hand, while in the other is the
gun, the weapon used in killing the enemy. The short vertical lines
below the periphery of the scalp indicate hair. The line crossing the
leg of the Indian is only a suggestion of the ground upon which he is
supposed to stand.

The following group pictographically expresses the hunting of antelopes.

[Illustration: FIG. 755.--Antelope hunting. Dakota.]

Fig. 755.--They drove many antelope into a corral and then killed them.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1828-’29. This and the following two
figures show the old mode of procuring antelope and other animals by
driving them into an inclosure.

[Illustration: FIG. 756.--Antelope hunting. Dakota.]

Fig. 756.--They provided themselves with a large supply of antelope meat
by driving antelope into a corral, in which they were easily killed.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1828-’29.

[Illustration: FIG. 757.--Antelope hunting. Dakota.]

Fig. 757.--They capture a great many antelope by driving them into a
pen. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1860-’61.

[Illustration: FIG. 758.--Wife’s punishment.]

Fig. 758.--A woman who had been given to a white man by the Dakotas
was killed because she ran away from him. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count,
1799-1800. The gift of the woman was in fact a sale, and, in addition
to the crime of marital infidelity, the tribe was implicated in a
breach of contract. The union line below the figures, mentioned before,
means husband and wife. This picture illustrates, as far as may be
done pictorially, a Dakotan custom as regards marriage and the penalty
connected with it.

The following figures relate to several different forms:

[Illustration: FIG. 759.--Decorated horse.]

Fig. 759.--They brought in a fine horse with feathers tied to his
tail. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1810-’11. White-Cow-Killer calls
it “Came-with-medicine-on-horse’s-tail winter.” This illustrates the
ornamentation of specially valuable or favorite horses, which, however,
is not mere ornamentation, but often connected with sentiments or
symbols of a religious character, and as often with the totemic, which
from another point of view may also be regarded as religious.

[Illustration: FIG. 760.--Suicide. Dakota.]

Fig. 760.--A young man who was afflicted with smallpox and was in his
tipi by himself sang his death song and shot himself. American-Horse’s
Winter Count, 1784-’85. Suicide is more common among Indians than is
generally suspected, and even boys sometimes take their own lives. A
Dakota boy at one of the agencies shot himself rather than face his
companions after his mother had whipped him; and a Paiute boy at Camp
McDermit, Nevada, tried to poison himself with the wild parsnip because
he was not well and strong like other boys. The Paiutes usually eat the
wild parsnip when bent on suicide.

[Illustration: FIG. 761.--Eagle hunting. Arikara.]

Fig. 761.--A Ree Indian hunting eagles from a hole in the ground was
killed by the Two-Kettle Dakotas. The Swan’s Winter Count, 1806-’07. The
drawing represents an Indian in the act of catching an eagle by the legs
in the manner that the Arikaras were accustomed to catch eagles in their
earth-traps. They rarely or never shot war eagles. The Dakotas probably
shot the Arikara in his trap just as he put his hand up to grasp the
bird.

In this connection Fig. 762 is properly inserted. It is a sketch made
by an Ojibwa hunter to illustrate the manner of catching eagles, the
feathers of which are highly prized by nearly all Indians for personal
decoration and for war bonnets.

[Illustration: FIG. 762.--Eagle hunting. Ojibwa.]

The upper character represents an eagle; the curved line at the right
denotes the covering of branches and leaves of a temporary structure
placed over a hole in the ground in which the Indian is secreted. He is
depicted beneath covering, while a line, extending toward the eagle,
terminates in a small oblong object, which is intended to represent the
bait placed upon the covering to attract the eagle. The bait may consist
of a young deer, a hare, or some other live animal of sufficient size to
attract the eagle. When the latter swoops down and seizes the prey he is
caught by the leg and held until assistants arrive, after which he is
carried back to camp and plucked and is then liberated.

[Illustration: FIG. 763.--Gathering pomme-blanche.]

Fig. 763.--A Ree woman is killed by a Dakota while gathering
pomme-blanche. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1797-’98. Pomme-blanche, or
navet de prairie, is a white root, somewhat similar in appearance to
a white turnip, botanically Psoralea esculenta (Nuttal) sometimes P.
argophylla. It is a favorite food of the Indians, eaten boiled down to a
sort of mush or hominy. A forked stick is used in gathering these roots.

[Illustration: FIG. 764.--Moving tipi.]

Fig. 764.--Lodge-Roll. Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 101. This figure shows
the mode of rolling up the skins forming the tipi for transportation. It
is attached to four lodge poles, the ends of which trail on the ground
and constitute the “travail” which was dragged by dogs. Horses are now
used for this purpose, and canvas takes the place of skins.

[Illustration: FIG. 765.--Claiming sanctuary.]

Fig. 765.--An enemy came into Lone-Horn’s lodge during the medicine
feast and was not killed. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1852-’53. The pipe is
not in the man’s hand, and the head only is drawn with the pipe between
it and the tipi.

An interesting custom of the Indians connected with the rite of
sanctuary is that called by English writers “running the gauntlet.”
When captives had successfully run through a line of tormentors to a
post near the council-house they were for the time free from further
molestation. In the northeastern tribes this was in the nature of an
ordeal to test whether or not the captive was vigorous and brave enough
to be adopted into the tribe, but among other tribes it appears in a
different shape. Any enemy, whether a captive or not, could secure
immunity from present danger if he could reach a central post, or if
there were no post, the lodge or tipi of the chief. A similar custom
existed among the Arikaras, who kept a special pipe in a “bird-box.” If
a criminal or enemy succeeded in smoking the pipe contained in the box
he could not be hurt. This corresponds with the safety found in laying
hold of the horns of the Israelite altar.

The position of the pipe is significant. Its mouthpiece points to the
entrance of the tipi. The visitor does not bring or offer peace, but
hopes that the tribe visited may grant it to him.

The four figures next following refer to ceremonies by which a war party
was organized among some of the tribes of the Plains. A brief account of
the ceremonies specially relating to the pipe is as follows:

When a warrior desires to make up a war party he visits his friends and
offers them a filled pipe as an invitation to follow him, and those
who are willing to go accept the invitation by lighting and smoking
it. Among the Dakotas this was succeeded by a muster feast and war
dance. Any man whose courage has been proved may become the leader of
a war party. The word leader has been generally translated “partisan,”
an expression originally adopted by the French voyageurs. Among the
Arapahos the would-be leader does not invite anyone to accompany him,
but publicly announces his intention of going to war. He fixes the day
for his departure, and states where he will camp the first night, naming
some place not far off. The morning on which he starts, and before
leaving the village, he invokes the aid of his guardian totem. He rides
off alone, carrying his bare pipe in his hand with the bowl carefully
tied to the stem to prevent it from slipping off. If the bowl should at
any time accidentally fall to the ground he considers it an evil omen
and immediately returns to the village, and nothing could induce him
to proceed, as he thinks that only misfortune would attend him if he
did. Sometimes he ties eagle or hawk plumes to the stem of his pipe,
and after quitting the village, repairs to the top of some hill and
makes an offering of them to the sun, taking them from his pipe and
tying them to a pole which he erects in a pile of stones. Those who
intend to follow him usually join him at the first camp, equipped for
the expedition; but often there are some who do not join him until he
has gone further on. He eats nothing before leaving the village, nor as
long as the sun is up; but breaks his fast at his first camp after the
sun sets. The next morning he begins another fast, to be continued until
sunset. He counts his party, saddles his horse, names some place 6 or 7
miles ahead, where he says he will halt for awhile, and again rides off
alone with his pipe in his hand. After awhile the party follow him in
single file. When they have reached his halting place he tells them to
dismount and let their horses graze. They all then seat themselves on
the ground on the left of the leader, forming a semicircle facing the
sun. The leader fills his pipe, all bow their heads, and, pointing the
stem of the pipe upward, he prays toward the sun, asking that they may
find an abundance of game, that dead shots may be made, so that their
ammunition will not be wasted, but reserved for their enemies; that they
may easily find their enemies and kill them; that they may be preserved
from wounds and death. He makes his petition four times, then lights his
pipe, and after sending a few whiffs of smoke skyward as incense to the
sun, hands the pipe to his neighbor who smokes and passes it on to the
next. It is passed from one to another toward the left, until all have
smoked, the leader refilling it as often as necessary. They then proceed
to their next camp, where probably others join them. The same programme
is carried out for three or four days before the party is prepared for
action.

[Illustration: FIG. 766.--Raising war party. Dakota.]

Fig. 766.--Big Crow and Conquering-Bear had a great feast and gave many
presents. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1846-’47. The two chieftains
are easily recognized by the name characteristic over their heads. They
have between them the war eagle pipe--specifically, but erroneously,
called calumet by some writers.

[Illustration: FIG. 767.--Raising war party. Dakota.]

Fig. 767.--Feather-in-the-Ear made a feast to which he invited all the
young Dakota braves, wanting them to go with him. The-Swan’s Winter
Count, 1842-’43. A memorandum is added that he failed to persuade them.

[Illustration: FIG. 768.--Raising war party. Dakota.]

Fig. 768.--The Cheyennes carry the pipe around to invite all the tribes
to unite with them in a war against the Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter
Count, 1852-’53.

[Illustration: FIG. 769.--Raising war party. Dakota.]

Fig. 769.--Danced calumet dance before going to war. The-Swan’s Winter
Count, 1804-’05. The specially ornamented pipe becomes the conventional
symbol for the ceremonial organization of a war party.

[Illustration: FIG. 770.--Walrus hunting. Alaska.]

Fig. 770 represents an Alaskan in the water killing a walrus. The
illustration was obtained from a slab of walrus ivory in the museum of
the Alaska Commercial Company of San Francisco.

[Illustration: FIG. 771.--Records carved on ivory. Alaska.]

The carving, Fig. 771, made of a piece of walrus tusk, was copied
from the original in the same museum during the summer of 1882.
Interpretations were verified by Naumoff, a Kadiak half-breed.

_a_ is a native whose left hand is resting against the house, while the
right hangs toward the ground. The character to his right represents a
“Shaman stick” surmounted by the emblem of a bird, a “good spirit,” in
memory of some departed friend. It was suggested that the grave stick
had been erected to the memory of his wife.

_b_ represents a reindeer, but the special import in this drawing is
unknown.

_c_ signifies that one man, the designer, shot and killed another with
an arrow.

_d_ denotes that the narrator has made trading expeditions with a dog
sledge.

_e_ is a sailboat, although the elevated paddle signifies that that was
the manner in which the voyage was best made.

_f_, a dog sled, with the animal hitched up for a journey. The radiating
lines in the upper left hand corner, over the head of the man, are the
rays of the sun.

_g_, a sacred lodge. The four figures at the outer corners of the square
represent the young men placed on guard, armed with bows and arrows, to
keep away those not members of the band, who are depicted as holding
a dance. The small square in the center of the lodge represents the
fireplace. The angular lines extending from the right side of the lodge
to the vertical partition line show in outline the subterranean entrance
to the lodge.

_h_, a pine tree upon which a porcupine is crawling upward.

_i_, a pine tree, from which a bird (woodpecker) is extracting larvæ for
food.

_j_, a bear.

_k_, the designer in his boat holding aloft his double-bladed paddle to
drive fish into a net.

_l_, an assistant fisherman driving fish into the net.

_m_, the net.

The figure over the man (_l_) represents a whale, with harpoon and line
attached, caught by the narrator.

Many customs, such, for instance, as the peculiar arrangement of hair in
any tribe, are embodied in their pictorial designation by other tribes
and often by themselves. Numerous examples are presented in this paper.

In Lord Kingsborough, Vol. VI, p. 45 et seq., is the text relating to
the collection of Mendoza, in Vol. I, Pls. LVIII, to LXII, inclusive,
here presented as Pls. XXXIV to XXXVIII. The textual language is
preserved with some condensation.

Pl. XXXIV exhibits the customs of the Mexicans at the birth of a male
or female infant; the right and ceremony of naming the children and
of afterwards dedicating and offering them at their temples or to the
military profession.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIV

MEXICAN TREATMENT OF NEW-BORN CHILDREN.]

    As soon as the mother was delivered of the infant they put it
    into a cradle and when it was 4 days old the midwife took the infant
    in her arms, naked, and carried it into the court of the mother’s
    house, in which court was strewed reeds, or rushes, which they
    call tule, upon which was placed a small vessel of water in which
    the midwife bathed the infant; and after she had bathed it 3 boys
    being seated near the said rushes, eating roasted maize mixed with
    boiled beans, which kind of food they named yxcue, which provision
    or paste they set before the said boys in order that they might eat
    it. After the bathing, or washing, the midwife desired the boys to
    pronounce the name aloud, bestowing a new name on the infant which
    had been thus bathed; and the name that they gave it was that which
    the midwife wished. They first carried out the infant to bathe it.
    If it was a boy they carried him, holding his symbol in his hand,
    which symbol was the instrument which the father of the infant
    employed either in the military profession or in his trade, whether
    it was that of a goldsmith, jeweller, or any other; and the said
    ceremony having been gone through, the midwife delivered the infant
    to his mother. But if the infant was a girl the symbol with which
    they carried her to be bathed was a spinning wheel and distaff, with
    a small basket and a handful of brooms which were the things which
    would afford her occupation when she arrived at a proper age.

    They offered the umbilical cord of the male infant together with
    the shield and arrows, the symbols with which they carried him to be
    bathed, in that spot and place where war was likely to happen with
    their enemies, where they buried them in the earth; and they did
    the same with that of the female infant, which they in the same way
    buried beneath the metate or stone on which they ground meal.

    After these ceremonies, when twenty days had expired, the
    parents of the infant went with it to the temple, or mesquita,
    which they called calmecac, and in the presence of their alfaquis
    presented the infant with its offering of mantles and maxtles,
    together with some provision; and after the infant had been brought
    up by its parents, as soon as it arrived at the proper age, they
    delivered him to the superior of the said mezquita, that he might
    be there instructed in order that he might afterwards become an
    alfaqui; but if the parents resolved that when the infant attained
    a fit age he should go and serve in the military profession, they
    immediately offered him to the master, making a promise of him,
    which master of the young men and boys was named Teachcauh or
    Telpuchtlato; which offering they accompanied with a present of
    provisions and other things for its celebration; and when the infant
    attained a fit age they delivered him up to the said master.

In the plate _a_ is a woman lately delivered; the four roses, _b_,
signify four days, at the completion of which period the midwife carried
forth the new born infant to be bathed; _c_, is the cradle with the
infant; _d_, the midwife; _e_, the symbols; _f_, _g_, _h_, the three
boys who named the new-born infant; _i_, the rushes, with the small
vessel of water; _j_, the brooms, distaff, spinning wheel, and basket;
_k_, the father of the infant; _l_, the superior alfaqui; _m_, the
infant in the cradle, whose parents are offering it at the mezquita;
_n_, the mother of the girl; _o_, the master of the boys and young men.

Kingsborough’s Pl. LIX--here Pl. XXXV, treats of the time and manner in
which the Mexicans instructed their children how they ought to live.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXV

EDUCATION OF MEXICAN CHILDREN, THREE TO SIX YEARS.]

The first section shows how parents corrected their children of 3 years
old by giving them good advice, and the quantity of food which they
allowed them at each meal was half a roll.

The three circles, _a_, indicate 3 years of age; _b_, denotes the father
of the boy; _c_, the boy; _d_, the half of a roll; _e_, the mother of
the girl; _f_, the half of a roll; _g_, the girl of 3 years of age.

The second section represents the parents employed in the same way, in
instructing their children when they attained 4 years of age, when they
began to exercise them by bidding them to do a few slight things. The
quantity of food which they gave them at each meal was a roll.

The father of the boy is shown at _h_; the boy, 4 years of age, at _i_;
_j_, a roll; _k_, the mother of the girl; _l_, a roll; _m_, the girl of
4 years.

The third section shows how the parents employed and exercised their
sons of 5 years of age in tasks of bodily strength; for example, in
carrying loads of wood of slight weight, and in sending them with light
bundles to the tianquez or market place; and the girls of this age
received lessons how they ought to hold the distaff and the spinning
wheel. Their allowance of food was a roll.

In this section, _n_ shows the father of the boy; _o_, two boys of 5
years of age; _p_, a roll; _q_, a roll; _r_, the mother of the girl;
_s_, a roll; _t_, the girl of 5 years of age.

The fourth section shows how parents exercised and employed their sons
of 6 years in personal services, that they might be of some assistance
to their parents; as also in the tianquez, or market places, in picking
up from the ground the grains of maize which lay scattered about, and
the beans and other trifling things which those who resorted to the
market had dropped. The girls were set to spin, and employed in other
useful tasks that they might hereafter, through the said tasks and
works, sedulously shun idleness in order to avoid the bad habits which
idleness is accustomed to cause. The allowance of food which was given
to the boys at each meal was a roll and a half.

The father of the two boys appears at _u_; two boys of 6 years old at
_v_; _w_, a roll and a half; _x_, the mother of the girl: _y_, a roll
and a half; _z_, the girl of 6 years old.

Pl. LX, here Pl. XXXVI, treats of the time and manner in which the
native Mexicans instructed and corrected their sons, that they might
learn to avoid all kinds of sloth and to keep themselves constantly
exercised in profitable things. It is divided into four sections.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVI

EDUCATION OF MEXICAN CHILDREN, SEVEN TO TEN YEARS.]

The first section shows how fathers employed their sons of 7 years old
in giving them nets to fish with; and mothers occupied their daughters
in spinning and in giving them good advice. The allowance of food which
they gave to their sons at each meal was a roll and a half.

The seven points, _a_, signify seven years; _b_, is the father of the
boys; _c_, a roll and a half; _d_, the boy of 7 years old whose father
is instructing him how to fish with the net which he holds in his hands;
_e_, the mother of the girls; _f_, a roll and a half; _g_, the girl of 7
years whom her mother is teaching how to spin.

The second section declares how fathers chastised their sons of 8 years
of age, threatening them with thorns of the aloe, that in case of
negligence and disobedience to their parents they should be punished
with the said thorns. The boys accordingly weep for fear. The quantity
of food which they allowed them consisted of a roll and a half.

The eight points, _h_, signify eight years; _i_, the father of the boys;
_j_, a roll and a half; _k_, the boy of 8 years, whose father threatens
him in case of ill behavior to inflict public punishment upon him with
thorns; _l_, thorns of the aloe; _m_, the mother of the girls; _n_, a
roll and a half; _o_, the girl of 8 years of age, whose mother threatens
her with thorns of the aloe in case of ill behavior; _p_, thorns of the
aloe.

The third section declares how fathers punished with the thorn of the
aloe their sons of 9 years of age, when they were incorrigible and
rebellious toward their parents, by running the said thorns into their
shoulders and bodies. They also corrected their daughters by pricking
their hands with thorns. The allowance of food which they gave them was
a roll and a half.

The nine points, _q_, signify nine years; _r_, a roll and a half; _s_,
the father of the boys; _t_, a boy of 9 years old being found to be
incorrigible, his father runs thorns of the aloe into his body; _u_, the
mother of the girls; _v_, a roll and a half; _w_, the girl of 9 years
old and her mother, who corrects her for her negligence by pricking her
hands with thorns.

The fourth section shows how fathers chastised their sons of 10 years
of age, when they were refractory, by inflicting blows upon them with a
stick and threatening them with other punishments. The quantity and
allowance of food which they gave them was a roll and a half.

The ten points, _x_, signify ten years; _y_, a roll and a half; _z_,
the father of the boys; _aa_, the boy of 10 years old, whose father is
correcting him with a stick; _bb_, the mother of the girl; _cc_, a roll
and a half; _dd_, the girl of 10 years old, whose mother is correcting
her with a stick.

Pl. LXI, here Pl. XXXVII, is in three sections.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVII

EDUCATION OF MEXICAN CHILDREN, ELEVEN TO FOURTEEN YEARS.]

The first section explains that when a boy of 11 years of age
disregarded verbal reproof, his parents obliged him to inhale smoke
of axi through the nostrils, which was a cruel and severe punishment,
that he might be sorry for such conduct and not turn out worthless and
abandoned, but on the contrary employ his time in profitable things.
They gave boys of such an age bread, which consisted of rolls, only by
allowance, that they might learn not to be gormandizers or gluttons.
Girls received similar discipline.

The eleven points, _a_, signify eleven years; _b_, a roll and a half;
_c_, the father of the boys; _d_, the boy of 11 years of age, whose
father is punishing him by obliging him to inhale through the nostrils
the smoke of dried axi; _e_, the smoke or vapor of axi; _f_, the mother
of the girls; _g_, the girl of 11 years, whose mother is punishing her
by making her breathe smoke of axi; _h_, a roll and a half; _i_, the
smoke of axi.

The second section represents that when boys or girls of 12 years of age
would not submit to the reproof or advice of their parents, the father
took the boy and tied his hands and feet and laid him naked on the
ground in some damp and wet place, in which situation he kept him for a
whole day, in order that by this punishment he might amend and fear his
displeasure. And the mother obliged the girl of the said age to work by
night before break of day, employing her in sweeping the house and the
street and continually occupying her in personal tasks. They gave them
food likewise by allowance.

The points, _j_, indicate twelve years; _k_, a roll and a half; _l_, the
father of the boys; _m_, the boy of 12 years of age, stretched upon the
wet ground, with his hands and feet tied, for a whole day; the painting
at _n_ signifies the night; _o_, the mother of the girls; _p_, a roll
and a half; _q_, the girl of 12 years of age, who is employed by night
in sweeping.

The third section of this plate represents that boys and girls of 13
years of age were occupied by their parents, the boys in fetching wood
from the mountains and in bringing reed grass and other litter in canoes
for the use of the house; and the girls in grinding meal and making
bread, and preparing other articles of food for their parents. They gave
the boys for their allowance of food two rolls each at each meal.

The father of the boys is represented at _r_; the points, _s_, indicate
thirteen years; _t_, two rolls; _u_, the boy of 13 years old, who brings
a load of reed grass; _v_, the boy in a canoe, with bundles of canes;
_w_, the mother of the girls; _x_, the girl of 13 years of age, who
makes cakes and prepares articles of food; _y_, two cakes; _z_, a bowl;
_aa_, the comali; _bb_, a pot for boiling provisions in and two cakes.

The fourth section of this plate represents how their parents employed
and occupied a boy or girl of 14 years of age, the boy in going in a
canoe to fish in the lakes, and the girl in the task of weaving a piece
of cloth. Their allowance of food was two rolls.

The fourteen points, _cc_, represent fourteen years; _dd_, two rolls;
_ee_, the father of the boys; _ff_, the boy of 14 years of age, who goes
out fishing with his canoe; _gg_, the mother of the girls; _hh_, two
rolls; _ii_, the girl of 14 years, who is occupied in weaving; _jj_, the
web and occupation of weaving.

The figures of Pl. LXII, here Pl. XXXVIII, are in two sections.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVIII

ADOPTION OF PROFESSION AND MARRIAGE, MEXICAN.]

Those contained in the first section signify that the father, who had
sons nearly grown up, carried them to the two houses represented in the
plate; either to the house of the master, who taught and instructed
the young men, or to the mezquita, accordingly as the lad was himself
inclined, and committed him to the care of the superior Alfaqui or to
the master of the boys, to be educated, which lads it was fit should
have attained the age of 15.

In this section _a_ is a youth of 15 years of age, whose father delivers
him up to the superior Alfaqui, that he might receive him as an Alfaqui;
_b_ is the Tlamazqui, who is the superior Alfaqui; _c_, the mezquita,
named Calmecac; _d_, the father of these two youths; _e_, a young man of
15, whose father delivers him up to the master that he might teach and
instruct him; _f_, the teachcauh or master; _g_, the seminary where they
educated and taught the young men, which was called cuincacali; _h_,
fifteen years.

The second section of the plate signifies the laws and usages which they
followed and observed in marriages. The ceremony consisted in the female
negotiator, who arranged the nuptials, carrying on her back on the first
night of the wedding the betrothed woman, accompanied by four women with
blazing torches of resinous fir, who attended to light her on the way;
and having arrived at the house of the man to whom she was engaged, the
parents of the betrothed man went out to receive her in the court of the
house and conducted her to an apartment where the man expected her; and
seating the betrothed couple on a mat on which were placed seats, near
a hearth of fire, they took them and tied them to each other by their
clothes and offered incense of copal to their gods. Two old men and two
women afterward delivered a separate discourse to the newly married
couple and set food before them, which they presently ate; and after
their repast was over, the two old men and women gave good advice to the
married pair, telling them how they ought to conduct themselves and to
live, and by what means they might pass their lives in tranquillity.

The square inclosure, _i_, is the apartment; _j_, the old man; _k_,
the hearth, of fire; _l_, the wife; _m_, copal (the latter is not
shown in the drawing, but the copal is between the marrying couple);
_n_, the husband; _o_, the old woman; _p_, the old man; _q_, food; _r_,
a mat; _s_, food; _t_, an old woman; _u_, a pitcher of pulque; _v_, a
cup; _w_, _x_, the women lighting the bride on her way with torches,
when on the first night of the wedding they accompany her to the house
of the bridegroom; _y_, the female negotiator; _z_, the bride; _aa_,
_bb_, women lighting the bride and bridegroom on the first night of
their wedding.


SECTION 3.

GAMES.

Many accounts of the games of the Indians have been published, but they
are not often connected with pictography. Those now presented refer to
the picturing connected with only three games.

[Illustration: FIG. 772.--Haka game. Dakota.]

Fig. 772.--A dead man was used in the ring-and-pole game.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1779-’80.

The figure represents the stick and ring used in the game of haka, with
a human head in front to suggest that the corpse took the place of the
usual stick. This and the next figure illustrate the game.

[Illustration: FIG. 773.--Haka game. Dakota.]

Fig. 773.--It was an intensely cold winter and a Dakota froze to death.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1777-’78.

The sign for snow or winter, i. e., a cloud with snow falling from it,
is above the man’s head. A haka-stick, which is used in playing that
game, is represented in front of him.

Battiste Good’s record further explains the illustration by the account
that the Dakota was killed in a fight with the Pawnees, and his
companions left his body where they supposed it would not be found, but
the Pawnees found it, and, as it was frozen stiff, they dragged it into
their camp and played haka with it.

[Illustration: FIG. 774.--Haida gambling stick.]

The characters _a_ and _b_, Fig. 774, represent one point of view of two
of a set of Haida gambling sticks, real size. They are made of juniper
or some other similar wood, and neatly carved with diverse figures. The
game is played by any number of persons, and it would seem with any
number of marked sticks. A dealer sits on the ground with a pile of
shredded cedar bark in front of him, and with much ceremony draws out
the sticks one by one without looking at them and passes them to the
players, in turn, who sit in front of him.

Each device counts a certain number, in a manner similar to the devices
on ordinary playing cards, and the winning is by the high and low
or the definite and specific values of the sticks decided upon in
variations of the games. These sticks are cylindrical, and to illustrate
the characters on them, _c_ is presented, which shows the whole round of
the character _b_. This exhibits the typical Haida style. An excellent
collection of these pictured sticks is in the U. S. National Museum, No.
73552.

Dr. Fewkes (_c_) reports as follows:

    Among the very interesting games played by the Hopi Indians is
    one of ethnological interest, which is allied to a game described
    by the early Spanish historians of the Mexicans. This game,
    to-to-lós-pi, resembles somewhat the game of checkers and can be
    played by two persons or by two parties. In playing the game a
    rectangular figure, divided into a large number of squares, is drawn
    upon the rock, either by scratching or by using a different colored
    stone as a crayon. (Figures of this game formerly existed on the
    rocks near the village of Wál-pi.) A diagonal line, tūh-ki-o-ta,
    is drawn across the rectangle from northwest to southeast, and the
    players station themselves at each end of this line.

    When two parties play, a single person acts as player and the
    other members of the party act as advisers. The first play is won
    by tossing up a leaf or corn husk with one side blackened. The
    pieces which are used are bean or corn kernels, stones, and wood,
    or small fragments of any substance of marked color. The players
    were stationed at each end of the diagonal line, tūh-ki-o-ta.
    They move their pieces upon this line, but never across it. The
    moves which are made are intricate and the player may move one or
    more pieces successively. Certain positions entitle him to this
    privilege. He may capture or, as he terms it, kill one or more of
    his opponent’s pieces at one play. In this respect the game is
    not unlike checkers, and to capture the pieces of the opponent seems
    to be the main object of the game. The checkers, however, must be
    concentrated and always moved towards the southeast corner.

    This game is now rarely played on the East Mesa, but is still
    used at O-rai-be. It is said to have been played in ancient times by
    the sun and moon or by other mythical personages.

    Turning now to old Mexico, we find that the Spanish chronicles
    give an account of a Mexican game called patolli, which was played
    with colored stones. The squares were made of a cross-shaped figure,
    and the stones were moved according to the throws of beans which
    were marked upon one side.

A discussion of the “ghost gamble,” with many illustrations, some
of which show marks which, in a broad sense, may be classed as
pictographic, is published in the paper “Study of the mortuary customs
of the North American Indians,” by Dr. H. C. Yarrow (_a_), U. S. Army.

Colored pebbles found in the grotto of Mas d’Azil, in the department of
the Ariège, France, have lately awakened some discussion. These pebbles
were selected as being narrow and flat, and, with rare exceptions, are
no more than 9 centimeters in length. They were colored with red oxide
of iron. Many of the designs could have been made by the end of a finger
anointed with the coloring matter, but others would have required a
small pencil. The coloring matter was thick and probably fixed by grease
or glue, which time has destroyed. The color now disappears on the
least rubbing. Its preservation until now has been owing to the fact
that the pebbles were left undisturbed in the cindery layer where they
were deposited. Only one of the faces of the pebbles bears a design,
and generally their border is ornamented by a narrow band of red,
resembling a frame to the design, the color being applied in the same
manner as to the latter. Fig. 775 gives examples though without color
of these pebbles. They are selected from a plate in L’Anthropologie
(_d_) illustrating the text by Émile Cartailbac, who declines to offer
any hypothesis concerning the use of these objects. But to an observer
familiar with the gambling games of the North American Indians in which
marked plum stones, and similar objects are employed, these stained flat
pebbles at once suggest their use to decide the values in a game by the
several designs and by the pebbles falling on the figured or on the
unmarked side.

[Illustration: FIG. 775.--Pebbles from Mas d’Azil.]




CHAPTER XVI.

HISTORY.


It is seldom possible to distinguish by pictographs, or indeed to decide
from oral accounts obtained from Indians, whether those purporting to be
historical have a genuine basis or are merely traditions connected with
myths. This chapter may therefore be correlated with Chapter IX, section
5, which has special relation to traditions as mnemonically pictured.
The notes now following are considered to refer to actual events or to
explain the devices used in the record of such events.

The account by Dr. Brinton (_c_) of the Walum-Olum or bark record of the
Lenni-Lenapé, as also some of Schoolcraft’s pictographic illustrations,
may with some propriety be regarded as historic, but are so well known
that their specific citation is needless.

The American Indians have not produced detailed historic pictures, such
as appear on the Column of Trajan, and the Bayeux tapestry, with such
excellence in art as to be self-interpreting. Neither do they equal in
this respect the Egyptian and Assyrian sculptures, which portray the
ordering of battle, the engineering work of sieges, the plan of camps,
and the tactical moves of chieftains. Those sculptures also depict the
whole civil and domestic lives of the peoples of the several nations. In
some of these particulars the Mexicans approached these graphic details,
as is shown below, but, as a rule, in the three divisions of America,
history was noted and preserved by ideographic methods supplementing the
incompleteness of artistic skill.

With regard to the advance gained by the Mexicans reference is made,
with regret that copious quotation is impossible, to the essay of Henry
Phillips, jr. (_a_), and to the monumental work of Eugène Boban, before
cited. It will be noticed by students that ideography and its attendant
conventionalism continually appear in the pictographic histories
mentioned. The original authors had not advanced very far in art, but
they had not lost the thought-language, which preceded art.

The subject is here divided into: (1) Record of expedition; (2) Record
of battle; (3) Record of migration; (4) Record of sociologic events.


SECTION 1.

RECORD OF EXPEDITION.

The following account from Lafitau (_a_) explains the device for
prisoner, under the heading of marked sticks, in Chapter IX, section 2,
supra:

    The most grievous time for them is at night; for every evening
    they are extended on their backs almost naked, with no other bed
    than the earth, in which four stakes are driven for each prisoner;
    to these their arms and legs are attached, spread apart in the form
    of a St. Andrew’s cross. To a fifth stake a halter is tied, which
    holds the prisoner by the neck and is wound around it three or four
    times. Finally, he is bound around the middle of the body by another
    halter or girdle, the two ends of which are taken by the person in
    charge of the captive and placed under his head while he sleeps,
    so that he will be awakened if the prisoner makes any movement to
    escape.

With the same object of explaining pictographic devices, the following
is extracted from James’s Long (_h_):

    Returning war parties of the Omaha peel off a portion of the
    bark from a tree, and on the trunk thus denuded and rendered
    conspicuous, they delineate hieroglyphics with vermilion or
    charcoal, indicative of the success or misfortune of the party, in
    their proceedings against the enemy. These hieroglyphics are rudely
    drawn, but are sufficiently significant to convey the requisite
    intelligence to another division of the party, that may succeed
    them. On this rude chart the combatants are generally represented by
    small straight lines, each surmounted by a head-like termination,
    and are readily distinguishable from each other; the arms and legs
    are also represented when necessary to record the performance of
    some particular act or to exhibit a wound. Wounds are indicated by
    the representation of the dropping of blood from the part; an arrow
    wound, by adding a line for the arrow, from which the Indian is
    able to estimate with some accuracy its direction, and the depth to
    which it entered. The killed are represented by prostrate lines;
    equestrians are also particularized, and if wounded or killed they
    are seen to spout blood or to be in the act of falling from their
    horses. Prisoners are denoted by their being led, and the number of
    captured horses is made known by the number of lunules representing
    their track. The number of guns taken may be ascertained by bent
    lines, on the angle of which is something like the prominences of
    the lock. Women are portrayed with short petticoats and prominent
    breasts, and unmarried females by the short queues at the ears.

In Margry (_e_) there is an account of La Salle’s finding in 1683 on
the bark of a tree a record of the party of Tonty’s pilot. The picture
was that of a man with the costumes and general appearance of the pilot
who had deserted, another man tied as a captive, and four scalps. This
corresponded with the facts afterwards learned. The pilot had been left
free, another man kept alive, and four killed, thus accounting for the
lost party of six. The record had been made by the captors.

The figures in the following group, taken from several of the Winter
Counts of the Dakotas, picture a number of important expeditions, all of
which are independently known. Some of them are narrated in the official
documents of the United States.

[Illustration: FIG. 776.]

Fig. 776. The Oglalas, Brulés, Minneconjous, San Arcs, and Cheyennes
united in an expedition against the Crows. They surprised and captured
a village of thirty lodges, killed all the men and took the women and
children prisoners. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1801-’02.

The three tipis stand for thirty; the spots in the original are red for
blood.

[Illustration: FIG. 777.]

Fig. 777. The Oglalas and Minneconjous took the war-path against the
Crows and stole three hundred horses. The Crows followed them and killed
eight of the party. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1863-’64. Eight
scalped heads are portrayed.

[Illustration: FIG. 778.]

Fig. 778. The Dakotas assaulted and took a Crow village of a hundred
lodges. They killed many and took many prisoners. American-Horse’s
Winter Count, 1820-’21.

[Illustration: FIG. 779.]

Fig. 779. The Oglalas helped Gen. Mackenzie to whip the Cheyennes.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1876-’77. The head of the Indian on which
is the ornamented war bonnet represents the man who was the first to
enter the Cheyenne village, which is figured by the tipis in a circle.
The hatted, i. e., white man holding up three fingers is Gen. Mackenzie,
who, as was explained by the interpreter, is placed upon the head of the
Dakota to indicate that the Dakotas backed or assisted him, but it may
mean that he commanded or was at the head of the party. The other white
man is Gen. Crook, or Three Stars, as indicated by the three stars above
him, and as he is called in another record. This designation might be
suggested from the uniform, but it is not accurate. Gen. Crook’s rank
as major-general of volunteers, or as brevet major-general in the Army,
did not entitle him to more than two stars on his shoulder straps. It is
possible that one of the stars in this figure belongs to Gen. Mackenzie.

[Illustration: FIG. 780.]

Fig. 780. The Dakotas joined the whites in an expedition up the Missouri
river against the Rees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1823-’24.

White-Cow-Killer calls it “Old-corn-plenty-winter.”

The union line between the Indian and the white soldier shows that on
this occasion they were allies.

[Illustration: FIG. 781.]

Fig. 781. United States troops fought Ree Indians. The-Swan’s Winter
Count, 1823-’24.

This and the preceding figure are signs of a specially interesting
expedition, a condensed account of which follows taken from the annual
report of J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of War, November 29, 1823:

    Gen. William H. Ashley, a licensed trader, was treacherously
    attacked by the Arickaras at their village on the west bank of the
    Missouri river, about midway between the present Fort Sully and Fort
    Rice. Twenty-three of the trading party were killed and wounded,
    and the remainder retreated in boats and sent appeals for succor
    to the commanding officer at Fort Atkinson, the present site of
    Council Bluffs. This officer was Col. H. Leavenworth, Sixth United
    States Infantry, who marched June 22, with 220 men of that regiment,
    80 men of trading companies, and two 6-pound cannon, a 5-1/2-inch
    brass howitzer, and some small swivels, nearly 700 miles through
    a country filled with hostile or unreliable Indians, to the Ree
    villages, which he reached on the 9th of August. The Dakotas were
    at war with the Arickara or Rees, and 700 to 800 of their warriors
    had joined the United States forces on the way; of these Dakotas 500
    are mentioned as Yanktons, but the tribes of the remainder are not
    designated. The Rees were in two villages, the lower one containing
    seventy-one dirt lodges and the upper seventy, both being inclosed
    with palisades and a ditch and the greater part of the lodges having
    a ditch around the bottom on the inside. The enemy, having knowledge
    of the expedition, had fortified and made every preparation for
    resistance. Their force consisted of over 700 warriors, most of
    whom were armed with rifles procured from British traders. On the
    9th of August the Dakotas commenced the attack and were driven back
    until the regular troops advanced, but nothing decisive resulted
    until the artillery was employed on the 10th, when a large number of
    the Rees, including their chief, Gray Eyes, were killed, and early
    in the afternoon the survivors begged for peace. They were much
    terrified and humbled by the effect of the cannon, which, though
    small, answered the purpose. During the main engagement the Dakotas
    occupied themselves in gathering and carrying off all the corn to be
    found.

See also the record of Lean-Wolf’s expedition in Fig. 452.


SECTION 2.

RECORD OF BATTLE.

Lafitau (_b_) gives the following account, translated with condensation,
of the records of expedition, battle, etc., made by the Iroquois and
northeastern Algonquins:

    The designs which the Indians have tattooed on their faces and
    bodies are employed as hieroglyphics, writing, and records. When
    an Indian returns from war and wishes to make his victory known
    to the neighboring nations through whose country he passes, when
    he has chosen a hunting ground and wishes it to be known that he
    has selected it for himself and that it would be an affront to him
    for others to establish themselves there, he supplies the lack
    of an alphabet by those characteristic symbols which distinguish
    him personally; he paints on a piece of bark, which is raised on
    a pole by a place of passage [trail], or he cuts away some pieces
    from a tree trunk with his hatchet, and, after having made a smooth
    surface, traces his portrait and adds other characters, which give
    all the information that he desires to convey.

    When I say that he draws his portrait, it will be understood
    that he is not skillful enough to delineate all the features of
    his face in such a manner that it would be recognized. They have,
    indeed, no other way of painting than that monogrammatic or linear
    painting, which consists of little more than the mere outlines of
    the shadow of the body rather than of the body itself--a picture
    so imperfect that it was often necessary to add below the name of
    the object which was intended to be represented in order to make it
    known.

    The Indian then, to represent his portrait, draws a simple
    outline in the form of a head, adding scarcely any marks to indicate
    the eyes, nose, ears, or other features of the face. In place of
    these he draws the designs which are tattoed upon his own face, as
    well as those upon his breast, and which are peculiar to him and
    render him recognizable not only to those who have seen him, but
    even to all who, knowing him only by reputation, are acquainted
    with his hieroglyphic symbol, as formerly in Europe an individual
    was distinguished by his device and as we to-day know a family by
    its armorial bearings. About his head he paints the object which
    expresses his name; the Indian, for example, called the Sun paints
    a sun; at the right he traces the animals which are the symbols of
    the nation and family to which he belongs. That of the nation is
    above the one representing the family, and the beak or muzzle of
    the former is so placed that it corresponds to the place of his
    right ear, as if this symbolic figure of his nation represented its
    spirit, which inspires him. If this Indian is returning from war,
    he represents beneath his portrait the number of warriors composing
    the party which he leads, and beneath the warriors the number of
    prisoners made and those whom he has killed by his own hand. At the
    left side are indicated his expeditions and the prisoners or scalps
    taken by those of his party. The warriors are represented with their
    weapons or simply by lines; the prisoners by the stick decorated
    with feathers and by the chichikoue or tortoise-shell rattle, which
    are the marks of their slavery; the scalps or the dead by the
    figures of men, women, or children without heads. The number of
    expeditions is designated by mats. He distinguishes those which he
    has accompanied from those which he has commanded by adding strings
    [of wampum] to the latter. If the Indian goes as an ambassador of
    peace all the symbols are of a pacific nature. He is represented
    below his portrait with the calumet in his hand; at the left is seen
    an enlarged figure of the calumet, the symbolic figure of the nation
    with which he goes to treat, and the number of those who accompany
    him on the embassy.

The same author, on page 194 of the same volume, explains how the mat or
mattress came to mean war:

    The Iroquois and the Hurons call war n’ondoutagette and
    gaskenrhagette. The final verb gagetton, which is found in the
    composition of these two words, and which signifies to bear or to
    carry, shows, verily, that heretofore something was borne to it [i.
    e., to war], which was a symbol of it [i. e., of war] to such a
    degree that it [war] had assumed its [the symbol’s] designation. The
    term ondouta signifies the down [the wool-like substance] which is
    taken from the ear [cat-tails] of marsh reeds, and it also denotes
    the entire plant, which they use in making the mattresses [nattes]
    upon which they lie; so that it appears that they applied this term
    to war because every warrior in this kind of expeditions carried
    with him his own mattress; in fact, the mattress is still to-day the
    symbol employed in their hieroglyphic picture-writing to denote the
    number of their campaigns.

Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, in Science, April 1, 1892, has gone deeper into
the etymology of the words quoted, but coincides generally with Father
Lafitau in the explanation that they were denotive of the custom of the
Iroquoian warrior to carry his mattress when on the warpath.

Figs. 782 and 783 are reproductions of Lafitau’s (_c_) illustrations,
which were explained as follows by him:

[Illustration: FIG. 782.--Record of battle.]

Fig. 782 shows that the Indian called Two-Feathers, _a_ _b_, of the
Crane nation _c_, and the Buffalo family _d_, accompanied by fifteen
warriors _h_, has made one prisoner _f_, and taken three scalps _g_, on
his sixth expedition _k_, and on the fourth, when he commanded it, _i_.

[Illustration: FIG. 783.--Record of battle.]

Fig. 783 relates that the Indian named Two-Arrows _a_, of the nation of
the Deer _c_, and the Wolf family _d_, has gone as an ambassador bearing
the calumet of peace to the Bear nation _e_, accompanied by thirty
persons _h_. In both figures the Indian is not only represented by his
“hieroglyph,” but he is also pictured at full length in the first with
his arms, and in the second holding the calumet and the rattle.

[Illustration: FIG. 784.--Battle of 1797. Ojibwa.]

A historical record relating to a fight between the Ojibwa and the
Dakota ninety-one years ago is given in Fig. 784. The following
narrative was given by the draftsman of the record, an Ojibwa:

Ninety-one winters ago (A. D. 1797) twenty-five Ojibwa were encamped
on a small lake, _o_, called Zi'zabe'gamik, just west of Mille Lacs,
Minnesota. The chief’s lodge, _a_, was erected a short distance from the
lake, _m_, where the Indians had been hunting, and as he felt unsafe
on account of the hostile Sioux he directed some of his warriors to
reconnoiter south of the lower lake, where they soon discovered a body
of three hundred of their enemies. The chief of the reconnoitering
party, _b_, sent back word for the women and children to be removed to a
place of safety, but three of the old women refused to go. Their lodges
are represented in _c_, _d_, and _e_. Five Ojibwa escaped through the
brush, in a northwest direction (indicated in _f_).

The Sioux surrounded the lake and the fight took place on the ice.
Twenty of the Ojibwa were killed, the last to die being the chief of
the party, who, from appearances, was beaten to death with a tomahawk;
_g_ represents three bearskins; _h_, _i_, and _j_, respectively, deer,
grouse, and turtle, the kinds of game hunted there during the several
seasons. The canoe _k_ indicates the manner of hunting along the shore
and the stream connecting the lakes, _l_, _m_, and _o_.

The Ojibwa frequently spent part of a season at the middle lake, _m_,
and at another time had been engaged in a skirmish with the Sioux
farther north, on the small lake indicated at _o_. The Ojibwa had been
scattered about, but when the attack was made by the Sioux the former
rapidly came to the rescue both by boat, _p_, and on foot, _q_, so that
the enemy was gradually driven off. In the first mentioned battle 70
Sioux were killed, their bodies being subsequently buried in the lake by
cutting holes through the ice. The openings are shown at _r_, the lines
representing bodies ready to be cast down into the water.

Baron Lahontan (_b_) says:

    When a Party of (Algonkin) Savages have routed their enemies in
    any Place whatsoever, the Conquerors take care to pull the Bark off
    the Trees for the height of five or six Foot in all Places where
    they stop in returning to their own Country; and in honour of their
    Victory paint certain images with Coal pounded and beat up with Fat
    and Oyl. These Pictures continue upon the peel’d Tree for ten or
    twelve Years, as if they were Grav’d, without being defac’d by the
    Rain.

The same author, on page 86, _et seq._, of the same volume, gives an
illustration, with descriptive explanation, of a pictographic record
supposed to be made by the Canadian Algonquins. The explanation is
useful as indicating the principles of pictography adopted by the North
American Indians for a record of that character, but it is not deemed
proper to reproduce the illustration here. It has often been copied, but
it is misleading in its artistic details. It is obviously drawn by a
European artist as his own interpretation of a verbal description of the
record.

The more valuable parts of the explanation are condensed as follows, the
quaint literation of the early translation being retained:

    The Arms of France, with an Ax above. Now the Ax is a Symbol of
    War among the Savages as the Calumet is the Bond of Peace: So that
    this imports that the French have taken up the Ax, or have made a
    Warlike Expedition with as many tens of Men as there are Marks or
    Points Round the Figure. These marks are eighteen in number and so
    they signifie an Hundred and eighty Warriors.

    A Mountain that represents the City of Monreal and the Fowl upon
    the Wing at the top signifies Departure. The Moon upon the Back
    of the Stag signifies the first Quarter of the July Moon which is
    call’d the Stag-Moon.

    A Canow, importing that they have travel’d by Water as many Days
    as you see Huts in the Figure, i. e., 21 Days [the huts undoubtedly
    mean stopping places for night shelters].

    A foot, importing that after their Voyage by Water they march’d
    on Foot as many Days as there are Huts design’d; that is, seven
    Days Journeys for Warriors, each Days Journey being as much as five
    common French Leagues, or five of those which are reckon’d to be
    twenty in a Degree.

    A Hand and three Huts, which signifie that they are got within
    three Days Journey of the Iroquese Tsonnontouans [Senecas], whose
    Arms are a Hut with two trees leaning downwards, as you see them
    drawn. The Sun imports that they were just to the Eastward of the
    Village.

    Twelve marks, signifying so many times ten Men like those
    last mentioned. The Hut with two Trees being the Arms of the
    Tsonnontouans, shows that they were of that Nation; and the Man in a
    lying posture speaks that they were surpris’d.

    In this row there appears a Club and eleven Heads, importing
    that they had kill’d eleven Tsonnontouans, and the five men standing
    upright upon the five Marks signifie that they took as many times
    ten prisoners of War.

    Nine Heads in an Arch [i. e., Bow] the meaning of which is, that
    nine of the Aggressors or of the Victorious side were kill’d; and
    the twelve Marks underneath signifie that as many were Wounded.

    Arrows flying in the air, some to one side and some to the
    other, importing a vigorous Defence on both sides.

    The arrows all point one way, which speaks the worsted Party
    either flying or fighting upon a Retreat in disorder.

The meaning of the whole is: A hundred and eighty French soldiers set
out from Montreal in the first quarter of the month of July and sailed
twenty-one days; after which they marched 35 leagues over land and
surprised 120 Senecas on the east side of their village, 11 of whom
were killed and 50 taken prisoners; the French sustaining the loss of 9
killed and 12 wounded, after a very obstinate engagement.

Fig. 785 is a reproduction of a drawing by a Winnebago Indian of the
battle of Hard river, fought against a large force of Sioux by Gen.
Sully’s command, with which was a company of Winnebagos.

[Illustration: FIG. 785.--Battle of Hard river, Winnebago.]

    _a._ Gen. Sully’s camp, on the left bank of Hard river, from
    which camp the company of Winnebagos were sent across the river.

    _b._ The Winnebagos skirmishing with a party of hostile Sioux.
    Two Winnebagos, having gone ahead of the main party, came first upon
    about thirty Sioux, who immediately gave chase. The two Winnebagos
    are represented endeavoring to escape arrows from pursuing Sioux
    flying about them, and the blood from the horse of one of them
    flowing over the ground. The rest of the Winnebagos are coming to
    rescue their companions.

    _c._ Gen. Sully’s entire force, after crossing Hard river, were
    assailed by a number of Sioux. Gen. Sully’s forces formed in hollow
    square to repulse the Sioux, who with loud yells went galloping
    about them, trying to stampede horses or throw his men into
    confusion.

    _d._ The camp of the Sioux, the women and children escaping over
    the hills. One squaw was left in the camp and with her papoose is
    seen. One of the Sioux previously wounded was found dead and was
    scalped, a representation of which operation the artist has given.

[Illustration: FIG. 786.--Battle between Ojibwa and Sioux.]

Fig. 786 is a copy of a birch-bark record made and also explained by the
leader of the expedition referred to.

In 1858 a war party of Mille Lacs Ojibwa Indians, _a_, under the
leadership of Shahâsh'king, _b_, went to attack Shákopi’s camp, _c_,
of Sioux at St. Peter’s river, _d_. Shákopi is represented at _e_. The
Ojibwa lost one man, _f_, at the St. Peter’s river, while the Ojibwa
killed five Sioux, but succeeded in securing only one arm of an Indian,
_g_.

The line _h_ is the trail followed between Mille Lacs, _a_, and
Shákopi’s camp, _c_. The spots at _c_ designate the location of lodges,
while the vertical line with short ones extending from it, _i_,
signifies the prairie with trees growing near camp.

[Illustration: FIG. 787.--Megaque’s last battle.]

Fig. 787 is the pictorial story of Megaque’s last battle, drawn on birch
bark by the Passamaquoddy chief, Sapiel Selmo, with his interpreted
description.

    In the old times there was a certain Indian chief and hunter. He
    was so cruel and brave in time of war and his success in conquering
    his enemies and taking so many scalps was so great that he was
    called Megaque, or the Scalping Man. In hunting seasons he always
    went to his hunting grounds with his warriors to defend and guard
    their hunting grounds from the trespassing of other hunters. He was
    well known by other Indians for his bravery and his cruelty to his
    prisoners. He conquered so many other warriors and tortured them
    that he was hated, and they tried to capture him alive. Some of
    the warriors from other tribes gathered an army and marched to his
    hunting grounds when they knew that he could not escape from their
    hands. When they come near where he is they send messengers to him
    and notify him of the approaching army; he is out hunting when they
    reach his camp, but they make marks on a piece of birch bark, a
    figure of an Indian warrior with tomahawk in one hand and spear in
    the other, similar to that seen in _g_, which is put up in a village
    of wigwams, _i_. When Megaque returned from his hunt and found
    someone had visited him during his absence, he also found the pieces
    of bark which read to mean a band of warriors. He has no time. He
    was so brave and proud he did not try to escape. In a day or two the
    band of warriors had reached him. After fighting, when he killed
    many as usual, he was finally captured and taken to the enemy’s
    country to be tortured. He can stand all the usual tortures bravely
    and sing his usual war songs while he is tormented. Finally he was
    killed.

    The following is the explanation of the details: _a_, Megaque;
    _b_, his braves; _c_, the course by which the enemy comes; _d_,
    _e_, _f_, Megaque’s rivers and lakes; _g_, the enemy; _h_, their
    warriors; _i_, their village; _j_, river boundary line.

The figures now following are those notices of battle pictured in the
several Winter Counts which have been selected as being of more than
ordinary interest either from the importance and notoriety of the events
or from their mode of delineation:

[Illustration: FIG. 788.]

Fig. 788.--The Oglalas killed three lodges of Omahas. Cloud-Shield’s
Winter Count, 1785-’86. The Omaha is prostrate and scalped.

[Illustration: FIG. 789.]

Fig. 789.--The Omahas made an assault on a Dakota village.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1802-’03. Bullets are flying back and
forth. The single rider represents the whole of the troop. He is
partially covered by the shield and the horse’s neck, behind which he
hangs in a manner common among the Indian horsemen. The ornamented
shield with its device of a displayed eagle, and the lance with eagle
feather for a pennon, recalls the equipments of chivalry.

[Illustration: FIG. 790.]

Fig. 790.--The Dakotas and Pawnees fought on the ice on the North Platte
river. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. The Dakotas were on the
north side (the right-hand side in the figure), the Pawnees on the south
side (the left in the figure). Horsemen and footmen on the left are
opposed to footmen on the right. Both sides have guns and bows, as shown
by the bullet-marks and the arrows. Blood-stains are on the ice.

[Illustration: FIG. 791.]

Fig. 791.--The Dakotas fought the Pawnees across the ice on the North
Platte. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. The man on the left is a
Pawnee. This is a variant of the preceding figure, far less graphically
expressed.

[Illustration: FIG. 792.]

Fig. 792.--The Dakotas fought with the Cheyennes. Cloud-Shield’s Winter
Count, 1834-’35. The stripes on the arm are for Cheyenne, as before
explained.

[Illustration: FIG. 793.]

Fig. 793.--White-Bull and thirty other Oglalas were killed by the Crows
and Shoshoni. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1845-’46.

[Illustration: FIG. 794.]

Fig. 794.--Mato-wayuhi, Conquering-Bear, was killed by white soldiers,
and thirty white soldiers were killed by the Dakotas, 9 miles below
Fort Laramie. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1854-’55. The thirty
black dots in three lines stand for the soldiers, and a red stain at
the end of the line, starting from the pictured discharge of a gun,
means killed. The head covered with a fatigue cap further shows the
soldiers were white. Indian soldiers are usually represented in a circle
or semicircle. The gesture-sign for white soldier means “all in line,”
and is made by placing the nearly closed hands, with palms forward and
thumbs near together, in front of the body and then separating them
laterally about 2 feet.

[Illustration: FIG. 795.]

Fig. 795.--The Dakotas killed one hundred white men at Fort Phil.
Kearny. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1866-’67. The hats and the
cap-covered head represent the whites; the red spots, the killed; the
circle of characters around them, rifle or arrow shots; the black
strokes, Dakota footmen; and the hoof-prints, Dakota horsemen. The Phil.
Kearny massacre occurred December 21, 1866, and eighty-two whites were
killed, including officers, citizens, and enlisted men. Capt. W. J.
Fetterman was in command of the party.


THE BATTLE OF THE LITTLE BIGHORN.

Dr. Charles E. McChesney, acting assistant surgeon, U. S. Army, has
communicated a most valuable and unique account, both in carefully noted
gesture-signs and in pictographs, of the battle, now much discussed,
which was fought in Montana on June 25, 1876, and is popularly but
foolishly styled “Custer’s massacre.” If the intended surprise, with
the object of killing as many Indians as possible, had been successful
instead of being a disastrous defeat, any surviving Indians might with
some propriety have spoken of “Custer’s massacre.” The account now
presented in one of its forms, was given by Red-Horse, a Sioux chief
and a prominent actor in the battle. The form which gives the relation
in gesture-signs and shows the syntax of the sign-language perhaps
better than any published narrative, will be inserted in a work now
in preparation by the present writer to be issued by the Bureau of
Ethnology. The narrative, closely translated into simple English, is
given below. Accompanying the record of signs are forty-one sheets
of manila paper, besides one map of the battle ground, all drawn by
Red-Horse, which average 24 by 26 inches, most of them being colored.
These may either be considered as illustrations of the signs or the
signs may be considered as descriptive of the pictographs. It is
impossible to reproduce now this mass of drawing on any scale which
would not be too minute for appreciation. It has been decided to
present, with necessary reduction from the above-mentioned dimensions,
the map and nine of the typical sheets in Pls. XXXIX to XLVIII. Indeed,
without considering the space required, there would be small advantage
in reproducing all of the sheets, as they are made objectionable by
monotonous repetitions.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIX

MAP OF LITTLE BIG HORN BATTLE FIELD.]

Here follows the story of Red-Horse. Pl. XXXIX is the map of the
Little-Bighorn battlefield and adjacent territory, embracing part of
Montana and the Dakotas, drawn at Cheyenne River agency, South Dakota,
in 1881. The map as now presented is reduced to one-sixteenth from the
original, which is drawn in colors on a sheet of manila paper. The
letters were not on the original and are inserted only for reference
from the descriptive text, as follows:

    _a_, Wind River mountains, called by the Sioux “the Enemies’
    mountains.”

    _b_, Bighorn mountains.

    _c_, Missouri river.

    _d_, Yellowstone river.

    _e_, Bighorn river.

    _f_, Little Bighorn river, called by the Sioux Greasy Grass
    creek and Grass Greasy creek.

    _g_, Indian camp.

    _h_, battlefield.

    _i_, Dry creek.

    _j_, Rosebud river.

    _k_, Tongue river.

    _l_, Powder river.

    _m_, Little Missouri river.

    _n_, Cheyenne river, called by the Sioux Good river. The North
    and South Forks are drawn but not lettered.

    _o_, Bear butte.

    _p_, Black hills.

    _q_, Cheyenne agency.

    _r_, Moreau or Owl creek.

    _s_, Thin butte.

    _t_, Rainy butte.

    _u_, White butte.

    _v_, Grand or Ree river.

    _w_, Ree village.

    _x_, White Earth river.

    _y_, Fort Buford.

    Five springs ago I, with many Sioux Indians, took down and
    packed up our tipis and moved from Cheyenne river to the Rosebud
    river, where we camped a few days; then took down and packed up our
    lodges and moved to the Little Bighorn river and pitched our lodges
    with the large camp of Sioux.

    The Sioux were camped on the Little Bighorn river as follows:
    The lodges of the Uncpapas were pitched highest up the river under a
    bluff. The Santee lodges were pitched next. The Oglala’s lodges were
    pitched next. The Brulé lodges were pitched next. The Minneconjou
    lodges were pitched next. The Sans Arcs’ lodges were pitched next.
    The Blackfeet lodges were pitched next. The Cheyenne lodges were
    pitched next. A few Arikara Indians were among the Sioux (being
    without lodges of their own). Two-Kettles, among the other Sioux
    (without lodges). [Pl. XL shows the Indian camp.]

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XL

    BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. INDIAN CAMP.]

    I was a Sioux chief in the council lodge. My lodge was pitched
    in the center of the camp. The day of the attack I and four women
    were a short distance from the camp digging wild turnips. Suddenly
    one of the women attracted my attention to a cloud of dust rising a
    short distance from camp. I soon saw that the soldiers were charging
    the camp. [Pl. XLI shows the soldiers charging the Indian camp.] To
    the camp I and the women ran. When I arrived a person told me to
    hurry to the council lodge. The soldiers charged so quickly we could
    not talk (council). We came out of the council lodge and talked in
    all directions. The Sioux mount horses, take guns, and go fight the
    soldiers. Women and children mount horses and go, meaning to get out
    of the way.

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLI

    BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. SOLDIERS CHARGING INDIAN CAMP.]

    Among the soldiers was an officer who rode a horse with four
    white feet. [From Dr. McChesney’s memoranda this officer was Capt.
    French, Seventh Cavalry.] The Sioux have for a long time fought many
    brave men of different people, but the Sioux say this officer was
    the bravest man they had ever fought. I don’t know whether this was
    Gen. Custer or not. Many of the Sioux men that I hear talking tell
    me it was. I saw this officer in the fight many times, but did not
    see his body. It has been told me that he was killed by a Santee
    Indian, who took his horse. This officer wore a large-brimmed hat
    and a deerskin coat. This officer saved the lives of many soldiers
    by turning his horse and covering the retreat. Sioux say this
    officer was the bravest man they ever fought. I saw two officers
    looking alike, both having long yellowish hair.

    Before the attack the Sioux were camped on the Rosebud river.
    Sioux moved down a river running into the Little Bighorn river,
    crossed the Little Bighorn river, and camped on its west bank.

    This day [day of attack] a Sioux man started to go to Red Cloud
    agency, but when he had gone a short distance from camp he saw a
    cloud of dust rising and turned back and said he thought a herd of
    buffalo was coming near the village.

    The day was hot. In a short time the soldiers charged the
    camp. [This was Maj. Reno’s battalion of the Seventh Cavalry.] The
    soldiers came on the trail made by the Sioux camp in moving, and
    crossed the Little Bighorn river above where the Sioux crossed,
    and attacked the lodges of the Uncpapas, farthest up the river.
    The women and children ran down the Little Bighorn river a short
    distance into a ravine. The soldiers set fire to the lodges. All
    the Sioux now charged the soldiers [Pl. XLII] and drove them in
    confusion across the Little Bighorn river, which was very rapid,
    and several soldiers were drowned in it. On a hill the soldiers
    stopped and the Sioux surrounded them. A Sioux man came and said
    that a different party of soldiers had all the women and children
    prisoners. Like a whirlwind the word went around, and the Sioux all
    heard it and left the soldiers on the hill and went quickly to save
    the women and children.

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLII

    BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. SIOUX CHARGING SOLDIERS.]

    From the hill that the soldiers were on to the place where
    the different soldiers [by this term Red-Horse always means the
    battalion immediately commanded by General Custer, his mode of
    distinction being that they were a different body from that first
    encountered] were seen was level ground with the exception of
    a creek. Sioux thought the soldiers on the hill [i. e., Reno’s
    battalion] would charge them in rear, but when they did not the
    Sioux thought the soldiers on the hill were out of cartridges. As
    soon as we had killed all the different soldiers [Pl. XLIII shows
    the fighting with Custer’s battalion] the Sioux all went back to
    kill the soldiers on the hill. All the Sioux watched around the
    hill on which were the soldiers until a Sioux man came and said
    many walking soldiers were coming near. The coming of the walking
    soldiers was the saving of the soldiers on the hill. Sioux can not
    fight the walking soldiers [infantry], being afraid of them, so the
    Sioux hurriedly left.

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIII

    BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. SIOUX FIGHTING CUSTER’S BATTALION.]

    The soldiers charged the Sioux camp about noon. The soldiers
    were divided, one party charging right into the camp. After driving
    these soldiers across the river, the Sioux charged the different
    soldiers [i. e., Custer’s] below, and drove them in confusion; these
    soldiers became foolish, many throwing away their guns and raising
    their hands, saying, “Sioux, pity us; take us prisoners.” The Sioux
    did not take a single soldier prisoner, but killed all of them; none
    were left alive for even a few minutes. These different soldiers
    discharged their guns but little. I took a gun and two belts off two
    dead soldiers; out of one belt two cartridges were gone, out of the
    other five.

    The Sioux took the guns and cartridges off the dead soldiers and
    went to the hill on which the soldiers were, surrounded and fought
    them with the guns and cartridges of the dead soldiers. Had the
    soldiers not divided I think they would have killed many Sioux. The
    different soldiers [i. e., Custer’s battalion] that the Sioux killed
    made five brave stands. Once the Sioux charged right in the midst of
    the different soldiers and scattered them all, fighting among the
    soldiers hand to hand.

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIV

    BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. THE DEAD SIOUX.]

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLV

    BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. The Dead Sioux.]

    One band of soldiers was in rear of the Sioux. When this band
    of soldiers charged, the Sioux fell back, and the Sioux and the
    soldiers stood facing each other. Then all the Sioux became brave
    and charged the soldiers. The Sioux went but a short distance before
    they separated and surrounded the soldiers. I could see the officers
    riding in front of the soldiers and hear them shouting. Now the
    Sioux had many killed. [Pls. XLIV and XLV show the dead Sioux.]
    The soldiers killed 136 and wounded 160 Sioux. The Sioux killed all
    these different soldiers in the ravine. [Pl. XLVI shows the dead
    cavalry of Custer’s battalion.]

    [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVI

    BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. Custer’s Dead Cavalry.]

    The soldiers charged the Sioux camp farthest up the river. A
    short time after the different soldiers charged the village below.
    While the different soldiers and Sioux were fighting together the
    Sioux chief said, “Sioux men, go watch the soldiers on the hill and
    prevent their joining the different soldiers.” The Sioux men took
    the clothing off the dead and dressed themselves in it. Among the
    soldiers were white men who were not soldiers. The Sioux dressed in
    the soldiers’ and white men’s clothing fought the soldiers on the
    hill.

    The banks of the Little Bighorn river were high, and the Sioux
    killed many of the soldiers while crossing. The soldiers on the hill
    dug up the ground [i. e., made earthworks], and the soldiers and
    Sioux fought at long range, sometimes the Sioux charging close up.
    The fight continued at long range until a Sioux man saw the walking
    soldiers coming. When the walking soldiers came near the Sioux
    became afraid and ran away. [Pls. XLVII and XLVIII show the Indians
    leaving the battle ground.]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVII

BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. INDIANS LEAVING BATTLE GROUND.]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVIII

BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. Indians Leaving Battle Ground.]


SECTION 3.

RECORD OF MIGRATION.

[Illustration: FIG. 796.--Record of Ojibwa migration.]

Fig. 796 is a pictorial account of the migrations of the Ojibwa, being a
reduced copy of a drawing made by Sika'ssigĕ'. The account, especially
in its commencement, follows the rule of all ancient history in being
mixed with religion and myth. The otter was the messenger of Mi'nabō'zho
and led the Âni'shinabē'g, who were the old or original people, the
ancestors of the Ojibwa, and also of some other tribes which they knew,
from an island, which was the imagined center of the world as bounded by
the visible horizon, to the last seats of the tribe before interference
by Europeans. The details of the figure were thus explained by the
draftsman:

    _a._ The circle signifies the earth’s surface, bounded by
    the horizon, as before described, and the dot in the center is
    the imagined island or original home of the human race. _b._
    A line separating the history of the Midē'wiwin, that is, the
    strictly religious tradition from that of the actual migration as
    follows: When the Otter had offered four prayers, which fact is
    referred to by the spot _c_, he disappeared beneath the surface
    of the water and went toward the west, in which direction the
    Âni'shinabég followed him, and located at Ottawa island, _d_.
    Here they erected the Midē'wigân and lived for many years.
    Then the Otter again disappeared beneath the water, and it a
    short time reappeared at A'wiat'ang (_e_), when the Midē'wiwin
    was again erected and the sacred rites conducted in accordance
    with the teachings of Mi'nabō'zho. Afterwards an interrupted
    migration was continued, the several resting places being given
    below in their proper order, and at each of them the rites of the
    Midē'wiwin were conducted in all their purity. The next place to
    locate at was Mi'shenama'kinagung--Mackinaw (_f_); then Ne'mikung
    (_g_); Kiwe'winang' (_h_); Bâ'wating--Sault Ste. Marie (_i_);
    Tshiwi'towi' (_j_); Nega'wadjĕ'ŭ--Sand mountain (_k_), northern
    shore of Lake Superior; Mi'nisa'wik [Mi'nisa'bikkăng]--Island of
    Rocks (_l_); Kawa'sitshĭŭwongk'--Foaming rapids (_m_); Mush'kisi'wi
    [Mash'kisi'bi]--Bad river (_n_); Sha'gawâ'mikongk--“Long sand
    bar beneath the surface” (_o_); Wikwe'dâ^nwong'ga^n--Sandy bay
    (_p_); Neâ'shiwĭkongk'--Cliff point (_q_); Neta-wa-ya-sink--Little
    point of sand bar (_r_); Â^n'nibis--Little elm tree
    (_s_); Wikup'bi^n-mi^nsh--Little island basswood (_t_);
    Makubi^n'-mi^nsh--Bear island (_u_); Shage'skike'-dawan'ga
    (_v_); Ne'wigwas'sikongk--The place where bark is peeled (_w_);
    Ta'pakwe'-ĭkak [Sa'apakwe'shkwa'okongk]--The place where lodge-bark
    is obtained (_x_); Ne'uwesak'kudĕze'bi [Ne'wisak'udĕsi'bi]--Point
    dead wood timber river (_y_); A^nibi'kanzi'bĭ [modern name
    Ashkiba'gisi'bĭ] rendered by different authorities both as Fish
    Spawn river, and “Green Leaf river” (_z_).

    This locality is described as being at Sandy lake, Minnesota,
    where the Otter appeared for the last time, and where the Midē'wigân
    was finally established. The Ojibwa say that they have dispersed
    in bands from La Pointe, as well as from Sandy lake, over various
    portions of Minnesota and into Wisconsin, which final separation
    into distinct bodies has been the chief cause of the gradual changes
    found to exist in the ceremonies of the Midē'wiwin.

Reference may be made to a highly interesting record of migration in
Kingsborough, Codex Boturini, being a facsimile of an original Mexican
hieroglyphic painting from the collection of Boturini, in twenty-three
plates.


SECTION 4.

RECORD OF NOTABLE EVENTS.

In this group are presented some figures from the Dakota Winter Counts,
which record events of tribal or intertribal importance not included
under other heads.

[Illustration: FIG. 797.--Origin of Brulé Dakota.]

Fig 797.--The-people-were-burnt winter. Battiste Good’s Winter Count
1762-’63. He explains the origin of the title “Brulé” Dakota as follows:

Some of the Dakotas were living east of their present country, when a
prairie fire destroyed their entire village. Many of their children
and a man and his wife, who were on foot some distance away from the
village, were burned to death. Many of their horses were also burned to
death. All the people that could get to a long lake which was near by
saved themselves by jumping into it. Many of these were badly burned
about the thighs and legs, and this circumstance gave rise to the name,
si-can-gu, translated properly in to English as Burnt Thigh and by the
French abbreviated as Brulé, by which latter name they have since been
generally known.

[Illustration: FIG. 798.--Kiyuksas.]

Fig. 798.--The Oglalas engaged in a drunken brawl, which resulted in
a division of the tribe, the Kiyuksas (Cut-Offs) separating from the
others. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1841-’42.

[Illustration: FIG. 799.--First coming of traders.]

Fig. 799.--Nine white men came to trade with the Dakotas.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1800-’01.

The hatted head stands for a white man and also indicates that the eight
dots over it are for white men. According to this count the first whites
came in 1794-’95, and the party now depicted succeeded them and were the
first traders.

[Illustration: FIG. 800.--First coming of traders.]

Fig. 800.--The Good-White-Man came. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count,
1800-’01.

He was the first white man to trade and live with that division of the
Dakotas of which Cloud-Shield’s chart gives the early records.

[Illustration: FIG. 801.--First coming of traders.]

Fig. 801.--A trader brought the Dakotas their first guns. Cloud-Shield’s
Winter Count, 1801-’02.

[Illustration: FIG. 802.--First coming of traders.]

Fig. 802.--The Dakotas saw wagons for the first time. Red-Lake, a white
trader, brought his goods in them. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1830-’31.

The earliest traders came by the river, in boats.

[Illustration: FIG. 803.--Boy scalped.]

Fig. 803.--Some Crows came to the Dakota camp and scalped a boy.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1862-’63.

This is represented also in the next figure.

[Illustration: FIG. 804.--Boy scalped alive.]

Fig. 804.--The Crows scalped an Oglala boy alive. American-Horse’s
Winter Count, 1862-’63.

This unusually cruel outrage renewed the violence of warfare between
Dakota and Absaroka.

[Illustration: FIG. 805.--Horses killed.]

Fig. 805.--All of Standing Bull’s horses were killed. Cloud-Shield’s
Winter Count, 1832-’33.

Hoof-prints, blood-stains, and arrows are shown under the horse. It may
be remarked with regard to the name-device for Standing-Bull, that the
quadruped can stand on two legs, but cannot run or even walk with that
limitation, so that the exhibition of two legs only may properly signify
standing, though for convenience the fore legs are depicted.

[Illustration: FIG. 806.--Annuities received.]

Fig. 806.--They received their first annuities at the mouth of Horse
creek. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1851-’52.

A one-point blanket is depicted and denotes dry goods. It is surrounded
by a circle of marks which represent the people.

[Illustration: FIG. 807.--Annuities received.]

Fig. 807.--Many goods were issued to the Dakotas at Fort Laramie.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1851-’52.

The goods were the first they received from the United States
Government. The blanket which is represented stands for the whole issue.

White-Cow-Killer calls it
“Large-issue-of-goods-on-the-Platte-river-winter.”

This is a more conventionalized form of the preceding figure.

[Illustration: FIG. 808.--Annuities received.]

Fig. 808.--The Dakotas received annuities at Raw-Hide Butte.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1856-’57.

The house and the blanket represent the agency and the goods.

[Illustration: FIG. 809.--Mexican blankets bought.]

Fig. 809.--The Dakotas bought Mexican blankets of John Richard, who
bought many wagon-loads of the Mexicans. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count,
1858-’59.

[Illustration: FIG. 810.--Wagon Captured.]

Fig. 810.--They captured a train of wagons near Tongue river. The men
who were with it got away. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1867-’68.

The blanket protruding from the front of the wagon represents the goods
found in the wagons.

[Illustration: FIG. 811.--Clerk killed.]

Fig. 811.--The Oglalas killed the Indian agent’s (Seville’s) clerk
inside the stockade of the Red Cloud agency at Fort Robinson, Nebraska.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1873-’74.

[Illustration: FIG. 812.--Flag staff cut down.]

Fig. 812.--The Oglalas at the Red Cloud agency, near Fort Robinson,
Nebraska, cut to pieces the flagstaff which had been cut and hauled
by order of their agent, but which they would not allow him to
erect, as they did not wish to have a flag flying over their agency.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1874-’75.

This was in 1874. The flag which the agent intended to hoist was lately
at the Pine ridge agency, Dakota.

[Illustration: FIG. 813.--Horses taken.]

Fig. 813.--Horses taken by United States government. The Flame’s Winter
Count, 1876-’77.

This figure refers to the action of the military authorities of the
United States toward the Indian tribes which had been connected with
or suspected of favoring the outbreak which resulted in the defeat of
the force under Gen. Custer. A body of troops swept the reservations on
the Missouri river and took away all the ponies of the tribes, thereby
depriving them of their means of transportation for hostile purposes.
The hatted man with a star above his head is the brigadier-general in
command of the United States forces. The hoof prints without marks of
horseshoes indicate the Indian ponies as usual. The black blurs among
them probably refer to the considerable number of the ponies that fell
and died before they reached Bismark and other points of sale to which
they were driven. It was promised that the amount realized from the sale
of the drove should be returned to the owners, but the latter received
little.




CHAPTER XVII.

BIOGRAPHY.


Pictographs under this head may be grouped as: 1st. Continuous record
of events in life. 2d. Particular exploits or events. Pictographs of
both of these descriptions are very common. An excellent collection is
published in the George Catlin Indian Gallery in the U. S. National
Museum, with memoir and statistics by Thomas Donaldson, a part of the
Smithsonian Report for 1885, Pls. 100 to 110.


SECTION 1.

CONTINUOUS RECORD OF EVENTS IN LIFE.

An authentic and distinct example of a continuous record is the
following “autobiography,” which was prepared at Grand River, Dakota, in
1873, in a series of eleven drawings, by Running-Antelope, chief of the
Uncpapa Dakotas. Seven of these, regarded as of most interest, are now
presented. The sketches were painted in water colors and were made for
Dr. W. J. Hoffman, to whom the following interpretations were given by
the artist.

The record comprises the most important events in the life of
Running-Antelope as a warrior. Although frequently more than one person
is represented as slain, it is not to be inferred that all included in
the same figure were killed at one time unless it is so specified, but
that thus they were severally the victims of one expedition, of which
the warrior was a member or leader. The bird (_Falco cooperi?_) upon
the shield always borne by him, refers to the clan or band totem, while
the antelope always drawn beneath the horses, in the act of running,
identifies his personal name.

[Illustration: FIG. 814.--Killed two Arikara.]

Fig. 814.--Killed two Arikara Indians in one day. The lance held in
the hand, thrusting at the foremost of the enemy, signifies that
Running-Antelope killed him with that weapon; the left-hand figure was
shot, as is shown by the discharging gun, and afterwards struck with the
lance. This occurred in 1853.

[Illustration: FIG. 815.--Shot and scalped an Arikara.]

Fig. 815.--Shot and scalped an Arikara Indian in 1853. It appears that
the Arikara attempted to inform Running-Antelope of his being unarmed,
as the right hand is thrown outward with distended fingers, in imitation
of making the gesture for _negation, having nothing_.

[Illustration: FIG. 816.--Killed ten men and three women.]

Fig. 816.--Killed ten men and three squaws in 1856. The grouping of
persons strongly resembles the ancient Egyptian method of drawing.

[Illustration: FIG. 817.--Killed two chiefs.]

Fig. 817.--Killed two Arikara chiefs in 1856. Their rank is shown by the
appendages to the sleeve and coat, which are made of white weasel skins.
The arrow in the left thigh of the victor shows that he was wounded. The
scars remained distinct upon the thigh of Running-Antelope, showing that
the arrow had passed through it.

[Illustration: FIG. 818.--Killed one Arikara.]

Fig. 818.--Killed one Arikara in 1857. Striking the enemy with a bow is
considered the greatest insult that can be offered. See for a similar
concept among the eastern Algonquians (Leland, _b_). The act entitles
the warrior to count one _coup_ when relating his exploits in the
council chamber.

[Illustration: FIG. 819.--Killed two Arikara hunters.]

Fig. 819.--Killed two Arikara hunters in 1859. Both were shot, as is
indicated by the figure of a gun in contact with each Indian. The
cluster of lines drawn across the body of each victim represents the
discharge of the gun, and shows where the ball took effect. The upper
one of the two figures was in the act of shooting an arrow when he was
killed.

[Illustration: FIG. 820.--Killed five Arikara.]

Fig. 820.--Killed five Arikara in one day in 1863. The dotted line
indicates the trail which Running-Antelope followed, and when the
Indians discovered that they were pursued, they took shelter in an
isolated copse of shrubbery, where they were killed at leisure. The
five guns within the inclosure represent the five persons armed.

The Arikara are nearly always delineated in these pictures wearing the
topknot of hair, a fashion specially prevalent among the Absaroka,
though as the latter were the most inveterate enemies of the Sioux, and
as the word Palláni for Arikara is applied to all enemies, the Crow
custom may have been depicted as a generic mark.

Wiener (_e_) gives the following account of the tablet found at
Mansiche, reproduced as Fig. 821, one-fifth actual size:

[Illustration: FIG. 821.--Peruvian biography.]

    It gives all the descriptive elements of the life of the
    deceased; in fact his biography. He was a chieftain of royal blood
    (vide the red planache with five double plumes). He commanded an
    entire tribe. He had a military command (_v._ the mace which he
    holds in his right hand). He had taken part in three battles (_v._
    the three arms which three times proved his strength). He was a
    judge in his district (_v._ the sign of the speaking-trumpet in the
    center). He had under him four judges (_v._ the four signs of the
    speaking-trumpet in the corners). He had during his administration
    irrigated the country (_v._ the designs which surround the
    painting); and he had constructed great buildings (_v._ the checkers
    surrounding the meanders). He had busied himself besides all that in
    the raising of cattle (_v._ the indications of llamas). He had lived
    42 years (_v._ the blocks, which indicate years, just as the rings
    indicate the age of trees). He had had five children, three sons and
    two daughters (indicated by the little drops of sperm). Such is the
    life of this person, written by ideography on a tablet, which at
    first would be taken as a fantasy of an infant painter.


SECTION 2.

PARTICULAR EXPLOITS OR EVENTS.

[Illustration: FIG. 822.--Hunting record. Iroquois.]

In the Doc. Hist. N. Y. (_b_) is an illustration, presented here as Fig.
822, of an Iroquois “returning from hunting, who has slept two nights on
the hunting ground and killed three does; for when they are bucks they
add their antlers.”

From the same volume, page 9, the following extract is made, describing
Fig. 823:

[Illustration: FIG. 823.--Martial exploits. Iroquois.]

    _b._ This is the way they mark when they have been to war,
    and when there is a bar extending from one mark to the other it
    signifies that, after having been in battle, he did not come back to
    his village, and that he returned with other parties whom he met or
    formed.

    _c._ This arrow, which is broken, denotes that they were wounded
    in this expedition.

    _d._ Thus they denote that the belts which they gave to raise a
    war party and to avenge the death of some one, belonging to them or
    to some of the same tribe.

    _e._ He has gone back to fight without having entered his
    village.

    _f._ A man whom he killed on the field of battle, who had a bow
    and arrow.

    _g._ These are two men, whom he took prisoners, one of whom had
    a hatchet and the other a gun in his hand.

    _gg._ This is a woman who is designated only by a species of
    waistcloth.

Fig. 824 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year
1853-’54.

He calls the year Cross-Bear-died-on-the-hunt winter.

[Illustration: FIG. 824.--Cross-Bear’s death.]

The character on the extreme left hand is a “travail,” and means they
moved; the buffalo, to hunt buffalo; the bear with mouth open and
paw advanced, cross-bear. The involute character frequently repeated
in Battiste’s record signifies pain in the stomach and intestines,
resulting in death. In this group of characters there is not only
the brief story, an obituary notice, but an ideographic mark for a
particular kind of death, a noticeable name-totem, and a presentation of
the Siouan mode of transportation.

The word “travail” may require explanation. It refers to the peculiar
sledge which is used by many tribes of Indians for the purpose of
transportation. It is used on the surface of the ground when not covered
with snow even more than when snow prevails. In print the word is more
generally found in the plural, where it is spelled “travaux” and
sometimes “travois.” The etymology of this word has been the subject
of much discussion. It is probably one of the words which descended in
corrupted form from the language of the Canadian voyageurs, and was
originally the French word “traineau,” with its meaning of sledge.
The corrupt form “travail” was retained by English speakers from its
connection with the sound of the word “travel.”

Fig. 825 is taken from a roll of birch bark, known to be more than
seventy years old, obtained in 1882 from the Ojibwa Indians at Red
Lake, Minnesota. The interpretation was given by an Indian from that
reservation, although he did not know the author nor the history of
the record. With one exception, all of the characters were understood
and interpreted to Dr. Hoffman, in 1883, by Ottawa Indians at Harbor
Springs, Michigan.

[Illustration: FIG. 825.--A dangerous trading trip.]

_a_ represents the Indian who visited a country supposed to have been
near one of the great lakes. He has a scalp in his hand which he
obtained from the head of an enemy, after having killed him. The line
from the head to the small circle denotes the name of the person, and
the line from the mouth to the same circle signifies (in the Dakota
method), “That is it,” having reference to proper names.

_b_, the enemy killed. He was a man who held a position of some
consequence in his tribe, as is indicated by the horns, marks used
by the Ojibwas among themselves for shaman, wabeno, etc. It has been
suggested that the object held in the hand of this figure is a rattle,
though the Indians, to whom the record was submitted for examination,
are in doubt, the character being indistinct.

_c_, three disks connected by short lines signify, in the present
instance, three nights, i. e., three black suns. Three days from home
was the distance the Indian _a_ traveled to reach the country for which
he started.

_d_ represents a shell, and denotes the primary object of the journey.
Shells were needed for making ornaments and to trade, and traffic
between members of the different and even distant tribes was common,
although attended with danger.

_e_, two parallel lines are here inserted to mark the end of the present
record and the beginning of another.

The following narrative of personal exploit was given to Dr. W. J.
Hoffman by “Pete,” a Shoshoni chief, during a visit of the latter to
Washington, in 1880. The sketch, Fig. 826, was drawn by the narrator,
who also gave the following explanation of the characters:

[Illustration: FIG. 826.--Shoshoni raid for horses.]

_a_, Pete, a Shoshoni chief; _b_, a Nez Percés Indian, one of the party
from whom the horses were stampeded, and who wounded Pete in the side
with an arrow; _c_, hoof-marks, showing course of stampede; _d_, lance,
which was captured from the Nez Percés; _e_, _e_, _e_, saddles captured;
_f_, bridle captured; _g_, lariat captured; _h_, saddle-blanket
captured; _i_, body-blanket captured; _j_, pair of leggings captured;
_k_, three single legs of leggings captured.

The figures in the following group represent some of the particular
exploits and events in life which have been considered by the recorders
of the Winter Counts of the Dakotas to be specially worthy of note:

[Illustration: FIG. 827.--Life risked for water.]

Fig. 827.--While surrounded by the enemy (Mandans) a Blackfeet Dakota
Indian goes at the risk of his life for water for the party. The-Flame’s
Winter Count, 1795-’96. The interpreter stated that this was near the
present Cheyenne agency, Dakota. In the original character there is a
bloody wound at the shoulder, showing that the heroic Indian was
wounded. He is shown bearing a water vessel.

[Illustration: FIG. 828.--Runs by the enemy.]

Fig. 828.--Runs-by-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure suggests a
feat of special courage and fleetness in making a circuit of a hostile
force.

[Illustration: FIG. 829.--Runs around.]

Fig. 829.--Runs-Around. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure seems to
indicate a warrior surrounded and shot at by a number of enemies, who
yet escapes by his swiftness.

[Illustration: FIG. 830.--Goes through the camp.]

Fig. 830.--Goes-through-the-Camp. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure notes
the successful passage of a spy through the enemy’s camp.

[Illustration: FIG. 831.--Cut through.]

Fig. 831.--Cut-Through. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here a footman cuts his way
through a line of hostile horsemen.

[Illustration: FIG. 832.--Killed in tipi.]

Fig. 832.--Paints-His-Face-Red, a Dakota, was killed in his tipi by the
Pawnees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1837-’38. The right to paint the
face red was sometimes gained by providing the ceremonial requirements
for a commemoration of the dead, which were very expensive. There are
two facts depicted by the figure. The man and his tipi are surrounded by
a ring of enemies, who are shooting him, and, touched by the upper part
of the ring, is the bottom of another and more minute tipi, marked with
the sign of a fatal shot.

[Illustration: FIG. 833.--Killed in tipi.]

Fig. 833.--Paints-His-Cheeks-Red and his family, who were camping by
themselves, were killed by Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1837-’38. This character tells the same story as the one preceding, but
is more conventional.

[Illustration: FIG. 834.--Took the warpath.]

Fig. 834.--Spotted-Horse carried the pipe around and took the
warpath against the Pawnees to avenge the death of his uncle,
Paints-His-Cheeks-Red. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1838-’39. This
figure is the sequel to those immediately preceding.

[Illustration: FIG. 835.--White-Bull killed.]

Fig. 835.--White-Bull and many others were killed in a fight with the
Shoshoni. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1845-’46. This warrior seems to
have lost more than the normal quantity of scalp.

[Illustration: FIG. 836.--Brave-Bear killed.]

Fig. 836.--Brave-Bear was killed in a quarrel over a calf.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1854-’55. He was killed by enemies; hence
his scalp is gone.

[Illustration: FIG. 837.--Brave-Man killed.]

Fig. 837.--The-Brave-Man was killed in a great fight. Cloud-Shield’s
Winter Count, 1817-’18. The fight is shown by the arrows flying to and
from him. He is also scalped.

[Illustration: FIG. 838.--Crazy-Horse killed.]

Fig. 838.--A soldier ran a bayonet into Crazy-Horse and killed
him. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1877-’78. This was done in the
guard-house at Fort Robinson, Nebraska, September 5, 1877. The horse
in this instance does not distinctly exhibit the wavy lines shown
in several other representations of the chief which appear among
the illustrations of this paper. This omission is doubtless due to
carelessness of the Indian artist.

[Illustration: FIG. 839.--Killed for whipping wife.]

Fig. 839.--Striped-Face stabbed and killed his daughter’s husband for
whipping his wife. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1829-’30.

[Illustration: FIG. 840.--Killed for whipping wife.]

Fig. 840.--Spotted-Face stabs his daughter’s husband for whipping his
wife. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1829-’30. This is another form of the
preceding figure.

[Illustration: FIG. 841.]

Fig. 841.--Kaglala-kutepi, Shot-Close. The Oglala Roster. This may refer
to an incident in the warrior’s life in which he had a narrow escape,
or may, on the other hand, refer to his stealing upon and shooting from
near by at an enemy. The design, as often occurs, allows of double
interpretation. The close shooting is not accurate markmanship, but
with proximity as suggested by the arrow touching the head while still
near the bow. This figure may receive some interpretation from the one
following.

[Illustration: FIG. 842.]

Fig. 842.--The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1835-’36. A Minneconjou chief named
Lame-Deer shot an Assiniboin three times with the same arrow. He kept so
close to his enemy that he never let the arrow slip away from the bow
but pulled it out and shot it in again.

[Illustration: FIG. 843.--Lean-Wolf’s exploits.]

Fig. 843 consists of two stories pictured by Lean-Wolf, a Hidatsa chief,
showing the attack made by Sioux Indians in search of horses and the
result of the raid. In the upper figure, at the left end, is shown the
Sioux camp from which the trail of the horse thieves extends to near
the camp of the Hidatsa, at Fort Berthold, North Dakota. This village
is indicated by the circular dirt lodges within a square inclosure.
The Sioux captured some Indian horses and rode away, as indicated by
the prints of horse hoofs. A series of short lines from the Hidatsa
village indicates that Lean-Wolf and his companions followed on foot,
subsequently overtaking the Sioux, killing one and taking his scalp.
The scalp is shown above the figure of the human head, while the weapon
with which he struck the Sioux is also shown. This is the war club. The
lower division of the figure is similar to the upper. In the pursuit
of the Sioux, who had come to Fort Berthold on another occasion to
steal horses, Lean-Wolf assisted in capturing and killing three of the
marauders. In the left-hand group of the three human heads he is shown
to have killed an enemy; in the second he was the third to strike a
Sioux after he was shot, but took his scalp, and in the third, or right
hand, he was the fourth to strike the fallen enemy.

[Illustration: FIG. 844.--Record of hunt. Alaska.]

A record on ivory shown as Fig. 844 was obtained by Dr. Hoffman in San
Francisco, California, in 1882, and was interpreted to him by an Alaskan
native. The story represents the success of a hunt; the animals desired
are shown, as well as those which were secured.

The following is the explanation of the characters:

_a_, _b_, deer; _c_, porcupine; _d_, winter, or permanent, habitation.
The cross-piece resting upon two vertical poles constitutes the rack,
used for drying fish; _e_, one of the natives occupying the same lodge
with the recorder; _f_, the hunter whose exploits are narrated; _g_,
_h_, _i_, beavers; _j_, _k_, _l_, _m_, _n_, martens; _o_, a weasel,
according to the interpretation, although there are no specific
characters to identify it as different from the preceding; _p_, land
otter; _q_, a bear; _r_, a fox; _s_, a walrus; _t_, a seal; _u_, a wolf.

By comparing the illustration with the text it will be observed that all
the animals secured are turned toward the house of the speaker, while
the heads of those animals desired, but not obtained, are turned away
from it.

The following is the text in the Kiatéxamut dialect of the Innuit
language as dictated by the Alaskan, with his own literal translation
into English:

  Huí-nu-ná-ga    |huí-pu-qtú-a| pi-cú-qu-lú-a| mus'-qu-lí-qnut.|Pa-mú-qtu-līt'
  I, (from) my place.|I went   | hunting      | (for) skins.    |martens
  (settlement.)      |         |              | (animals)

  ta-qí-mĕn,|a-mí-da-duk'|a-xla-luk',|á-qui-á-muk|pi-qú-a|a-xla-luk';
  five,     |weasel      |one,       |land otter |caught |one;

  ku-qú-lu-hú-nu-mŭk'|a-xla-luk',|tun'-du-muk|tú-gu-qlí-u-gú|me-lú-ga-nuk',
  wolf               |one,       |deer       |(I) killed    |two,

  pé-luk |pi-naí-u-nuk,|nú-nuk   |pit'-qu-ní,     |ma-klak-muk'|pit'-qu-ní,
  beaver |three,       |porcupine|(I) caught none,|seal        |(I) caught none,

  a-cí-a-na-muk|pit'-qu-ni,  |ua-qí-la-muk|pit'-qu-ní, |ta-gú-xa-muk|pit'-qu-ní.
  walrus       |(I) caught none,|fox  |(I) caught none,|bear   |(I) caught none.




CHAPTER XVIII.

IDEOGRAPHY.


The imagination is stimulated and developed by the sense of sight
more than by any other sense, perhaps more than by all of the other
senses combined. The American Indians, and probably all savages, are
remarkable for acute and critical vision, and also for their retentive
memory of what they have once seen. When significance is once attached
to an object seen, it will always be recalled, though often with false
deductions. Therefore, like deaf-mutes, who depend mainly on sight,
the American Indians have developed great facility in communicating
by signs, and also in expressing their ideas in pictures which are
ideographic though seldom artistic. This tendency has likewise affected
their spoken languages. Their terms express with wonderful particularity
the characters and relations of visible objects, and their speeches,
which are in a high degree metaphoric, become so by the figurative
presentation in words of such objects accompanied generally by imitative
signs for them, and often by their bodily exhibition.

The statement once made that the aboriginal languages of North America
are not capable of expressing abstract ideas is incorrect, but the
tendency to use tangible and visible forms for such ideas is apparent.
This practice was most marked in reference to religious subjects, which
were often presented under the veil of symbols, as has been the common
expedient of most peoples who have emerged from the very lowest known
stages of human culture, but have not attained the highest.

Many instances appear in this work in which pictures expressive of an
idea present more than mere portraitures of objects, which latter method
has been styled imitative or iconographic writing.

It is, however, impossible to classify with scientific precision the
pictured ideograms collected, for the reason that many of them occupy
intermediate points in any scheme that would be succinct enough to
be practically useful. In the arrangement of the present chapter the
division is made into: 1st. Abstract ideas expressed pictorially. 2d.
Signs, symbols, and emblems. 3d. Significance of colors. 4th. Gesture
and posture signs depicted. When any of the graphic representations of
ideas have become successful, i. e., commonly adopted, it soon becomes
more or less conventionalized. Chapter XIX is devoted specially to that
branch of the general subject.


SECTION 1.

ABSTRACT IDEAS EXPRESSED PICTORIALLY.

The first stage of picture-writing, as considered in the present
chapter, was the representation of a material object in such style or
connection as determined it not to be a mere portraiture of that object,
but figurative of some other object or person. This stage is abundantly
exhibited among the American Indians. Indeed, their personal and tribal
names thus objectively represented constitute the largest part of their
picture-writing so far thoroughly understood.

The second step was when a special quality or characteristic of an
object, generally an animal, became employed to express a general
quality, i. e., an abstract idea. It can be readily seen how, among
the Egyptians, a hawk with bright eye and lofty flight might be
selected to express divinity and royalty, and that the crocodile should
denote darkness, while a slightly further advance in metaphors made
the ostrich feather, from the equality of its filaments, typical of
truth. All peoples whose rulers used special objective designations of
their rank, made those objects the signs for power, whether they were
crowns or umbrellas, eagle feathers, or colored buttons. A horse meant
swiftness, a serpent life--or immortality when drawn as a circle--a
dog was watchfulness, and a rabbit was fecundity. It is evident from
examples given in the present paper that the American tribes at the
time of the Columbian discovery had entered upon this second step of
picture-writing, though with marked inequality between tribes and
regions in advance therein. None of them appear to have reached such
proficiency in the expression of connected ideas by picture, as is
shown in the sign-language existing among some of them, which may
be accounted for by its more frequent use required by the constant
meeting of many persons speaking different languages. There is no more
necessary connection between abstract ideas and sounds, the mere signs
of thought that strike the ear, than there is between the same ideas
and signs addressed only to the eye. The success and scope of either
mode of expression depends mainly upon the amount of its exercise, in
which oral language undoubtedly has surpassed both sign-language and
picture-writing.

The examples now following in this chapter are by no means all the
graphic representations of abstract ideas collected. Indeed many others
are contained in the work under other headings, but the following are
selected for grouping here with an attempt at order. In the popular
definition, or want of definition, some of them would be classed as
symbols.


AFTER.

[Illustration: FIG. 845.--Charge after.]

Fig. 845.--Charge after; Red-Cloud’s Census.

Here is suggested the order in a charge upon an enemy, apparently a
Crow. The concept is not the general charge of a number of warriors upon
the Crows, but the succession between themselves of the men who made
that charge. The person whose name is represented probably followed in
but did not lead some celebrated charge.

[Illustration: FIG. 846.--Killed after.]

Fig. 846.--John Richard shot and killed an Oglala named Yellow-Bear,
and the Oglalas killed Richard before he could get out of the lodge;
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1871-’72. This occurred in the spring of
1872. As the white man was killed after the Indian, he is placed behind
him in the figure. The bear’s head is shown.


_AGE--OLD AND YOUNG._

OLD.

[Illustration: FIG. 847.--Old-Horse.]

Fig. 847.--Old-Horse; Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the old age is shown by
the wrinkles and projecting lips.

[Illustration: FIG. 848.--Old-Mexican.]

Fig. 848.--Old-Mexican; Red-Cloud’s Census. The man in European dress is
bent and supported by a staff, thus depicting the gesture-sign mentioned
in connection with Fig. 994. The Dakota had probably received his name
from killing an aged Mexican.


YOUNG.

[Illustration: FIG. 849.--Young-Rabbit.]

Fig. 849.--Young-Rabbit, a Crow, was killed in battle by Red-Cloud.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1861-’62. Here the youth of the Rabbit is
expressed by diminutive size and short legs.

[Illustration: FIG. 850.--Bad-Boy.]

Fig. 850.--Bad-Boy. Red-Cloud’s Census. The boyhood is expressed by the
short hair and short scalp lock.


BAD.

[Illustration: FIG. 851.--Bad-Horn.]

Fig. 851.--Bad-Horn. Red-Cloud’s Census. The bad quality of the horn is
expressed by its decayed and broken condition and its distorted curve.

[Illustration: FIG. 852.--Bad-Face.]

Fig. 852.--Bad-Face, a Dakota, was shot in the face. Cloud-Shield’s
Winter Count, 1794-’95. The bad face may have been broken out with
blotches of disease before the shot, or the scars may have been the
result of the shot, which gave occasion for a new name, as is common.
The idea of “bad” is often expressed by an abnormality, especially one
which disfigures.

[Illustration: FIG. 853.--Bad. Ojibwa.]

Fig. 853, taken from Copway (_d_), represents “bad.” The concept appears
to be the preponderance of “below” to “above.”


BEFORE.

[Illustration: FIG. 854.--Got there first.]

Fig. 854.--Got there first. Red-Cloud’s Census. The figure portrays a
successful escape of an unmounted Indian from a chase by enemies on
horseback. The chased man gets home to his tipi before being overtaken
by his pursuers, whose horses’ tracks are shown.


BIG.

[Illustration: FIG. 855.--Big-Turnip.]

Fig. 855.--Big-Turnip. Red-Cloud’s Census. The plant is also known as
the navet de prairie. The large size of the specimen, as compared with
the human head, is apparent.

[Illustration: FIG. 856.--Big-Crow.]

Fig. 856.--A Minneconjou Dakota, named Big-Crow, was killed by the Crow
Indians. Swan’s Winter Count, 1859-’60. He had received his name from
killing a Crow Indian of unusual size. The bird is portrayed much larger
than similar objects in the Winter Count, from which it is taken.

[Illustration: FIG. 857.--Grasp.]

Fig. 857.--Grasp. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the indication of size and
strength of the hand is suggested by one hand growing out from another,
a species of duplication. To have drawn two distinct hands would only
have been normal and not suggestive of unusual power of grip.

[Illustration: FIG. 858.--Big-Hand.]

Fig. 858.--Big-Hand. From Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the fingers are
widely separated and displayed.

[Illustration: FIG. 859.--Big-Thunder.]

Fig. 859.--Big-Thunder. From Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the size or power
is suggested by implication. The double or two-voiced thunder is big
thunder.

[Illustration: FIG. 860.--Big-Voice.]

Fig. 860.--Big-Voice. From Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure there are
still more voices than in the preceding.


CENTER.

[Illustration: FIG. 861.--Center-Feather.]

Fig. 861.--Upi-Yaslate. Center-Feather. The Oglala Roster. This is the
indication of a particular feather, i. e., the middle tail feather
of a bird, probably of an eagle, the tail feathers of which bird are
represented in many pictographs in this paper. There was some reason for
the selection of the center feather for the name, and to indicate the
center three feathers were depicted with a line touching the middle one.


DEAF.

[Illustration: FIG. 862.--Deaf-Woman.]

Fig. 862.--Wi-nugin-kpa, Deaf-Woman. The Oglala Roster. The ears
are covered by a line, i. e., are closed, and the ear most in view
is connected with the crown of the head, to show that the name is
expressed.


DIRECTION.

This title has been selected as being the most comprehensive one for the
five following figures. The first shows a moccasin with a serpentine
track, at the farthest end of which is an angular design, indicating
leadership as well as the direction taken. This suggests the leader of
a war party conducting his band over an uncertain trail. The second is
explanatory of the first. That the chief goes in front is indicated in
a manner the reverse of that which would appear in the designs common
in our military text-books. He is supposed to be in the opening in
the angle of the advance and not at its apex. The third figure shows
a steadfast leadership in the determined straight direction of attack
against the enemy. This is still more ideographically represented by the
single strong straight line showing that he “Don’t turn” in the fourth
figure of this group.

[Illustration: FIG. 863.--Direction.]

Fig. 863.--Warrior. Red-Cloud’s Census. The name does not give any idea
of the design.

[Illustration: FIG. 864.--Goes-in-Front.]

Fig. 864.--Goes-in-Front. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 865.--Don’t-turn.]

Fig. 865.--Don’t-turn. Red-Cloud’s Census. This means that the warrior
don’t--that is, won’t--turn from his direct course.

[Illustration: FIG. 866.--Don’t-turn.]

Fig. 866.--Don’t-turn. Red Cloud’s Census. This figure is a variant
of the last, and a body of mounted men following the leader, all on
horseback as shown by the lunules.

[Illustration: FIG. 867.--Returning Scout.]

Fig. 867.--Tunweya-gli, Returning-Scout. The Oglala Roster. The
returning is ingeniously represented by the line curving backward and
returning to the point of starting. The two balls above the head are
simply two fixed points, which establish the course of the line.


DISEASE.

[Illustration: FIG. 868.--Whooping cough.]

Fig. 868.--Many had the whooping cough. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1813-’14. The cough is represented by the lines issuing from the man’s
mouth, but the characteristics of the disease are better expressed in
the three charts of the Lone-Dog system, Figs. 196, 197, and 198.

[Illustration: FIG. 869.--Measles.]

[Illustration: FIG. 870.--Measles or smallpox.]

Fig. 869.--All the Dakotas had measles, very fatal. Swan’s Winter Count,
1818-’19. Battiste Good says: “Smallpox-used-them-up-again winter.”
They, i. e., the Dakotas, at this time lived on the Little White river,
about 20 miles above the Rosebud agency. The character in Battiste
Good’s chart is presented here in Fig. 870 as a variant.

[Illustration: FIG. 871.--Ate buffalo and died.]

[Illustration: FIG. 872.--Died of “whistle.”]

Fig. 871.--Dakota war party ate a buffalo and all died. Swan’s
Winter Count, 1826-’27. Battiste Good calls the same year,
“Ate-a-whistle-and-died winter,” Fig. 872, and explains that six Dakotas
on the warpath had nearly perished with hunger, when they found and ate
the rotting carcass of an old buffalo, on which the wolves had been
feeding. They were seized soon after with pains in the stomach, their
bellies swelled, and gas poured from the mouth and the anus, and they
“died of a whistle,” or from eating a whistle. The sound of gas escaping
from the mouth is illustrated in the figure. The character on the
abdomen and on its right may be considered to be the ideograph for pain
in that part of the body.

[Illustration: FIG. 873.--Smallpox.]

Fig. 873.--Many people died of smallpox. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count,
1782-’83. The charts all record two successive winters of smallpox, but
American-Horse makes the first year of the epidemic one year later than
that of Battiste Good, and Cloud-Shield makes it two years later.

[Illustration: FIG. 874.--Smallpox.]

Fig. 874.--Many died of smallpox. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1780-’81. Here the smallpox marks are on the face and neck of a Dakota,
as indicated by the arrangement of the hair.

[Illustration: FIG. 875.--Smallpox. Mexican.]

Kingsborough (_e_) explains Fig. 875 by these words in the text: “In
the year of Seven Rabbits, or in 1538, many of the people died of the
smallpox.” This may be compared with the two preceding figures.

[Illustration: FIG. 876.--Died of cramps.]

Fig. 876.--Many died of the cramps. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1849-’50. The cramps were those of Asiatic cholera, which was epidemic
in the United States at that time, and was carried to the plains by
the California and Oregon emigrants. The position of the man is very
suggestive of cholera.

[Illustration: FIG. 877.--Died in childbirth.]

Fig. 877.--Many women died in childbirth. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count,
1798-’99.

[Illustration: FIG. 878.--Died in childbirth.]

Fig. 878.--Many women died in childbirth. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1792-’93.

[Illustration: FIG. 879.--Sickness. Ojibwa.]

Fig. 879, from Copway (_e_), represents sickness. It evidently refers to
the loss of flesh consequent thereon. The sick man is a European.

[Illustration: FIG. 880.--Sickness. Chinese.]

Edkins (_a_) gives Fig. 880 as “sickness,” and calls it a picture of a
sick man leaning against a support. All words connected with diseases
are arranged under this head.


FAST.

The following figures clearly indicate rapidity of motion:

[Illustration: FIG. 881.--Fast-Horse.]

Fig. 881.--Fast-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 882.--Fast-Elk.]

Fig. 882.--Fast-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census.


FEAR.

The following ideograms for the concept of fear show respectively an
elk, a bear, and a bull surrounded by a circle of hunters. It would seem
that the latter were supposed to be afraid to attack the animals when
at bay in hand-to-hand fight, but stood off in a circle until they had
killed the enraged beast, or at least wounded it sufficiently to allow
of approach without danger.

[Illustration: FIG. 883.--Afraid-of-Elk.]

Fig. 883.--Afraid-of-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 884.--Afraid-of-Bull.]

Fig. 884.--Afraid-of-Bull. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 885.--Afraid-of-Bear.]

Fig. 885.--Afraid-of-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 886.--The Bear-stops.]

Fig. 886.--Matokinajin, The-Bear-Stops. The Oglala Roster. The bear is
surrounded by a circle of hunters, so is forced to stop. This figure is
in no essential respect different from the one preceding, yet the name
is suggestive of the converse of the fact expressed. In this case the
bear is forced to stop, and doubtless fear is exhibited by that animal
and not his hunters. Each of the ideas is appropriately expressed, the
point of consideration being changed.

[Illustration: FIG. 887.]

Fig. 887 is taken from Copway, loc. cit. It probably represents “fear,”
the concept being the imagined sinking or depression of the heart and
vital organs, as is correspondingly expressed in several languages.


FRESHET.

This small group shows the Dakotan modes of portraying the freshets
of the rivers on the banks of which they lived, which were often
disastrous. Each of the three figures pictures differently the same
event.

[Illustration: FIG. 888.--River freshet.]

Fig. 888.--“Many-Yanktonais-drowned winter.” The river bottom on a bend
of the Missouri river, where they were encamped, was suddenly submerged,
when the ice broke and many women and children were drowned. Battiste
Good’s Winter Count 1825-’26.

[Illustration: FIG. 889.--River freshet.]

Fig. 889.--Many of the Dakotas were drowned in a flood caused by a
rise in the Missouri river, in a bend of which they were encamped.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1825-’26. The curved line is the bend in
the river; the waved line is the water, above which the tops of the
tipis are shown.

[Illustration: FIG. 890.--River freshet.]

Fig. 890.--Some of the Dakotas were living on the bottom lands of the
Missouri river, below the Whetstone, when the river, which was filled
with broken ice, rose and flooded their village. Many were drowned or
else killed by the floating ice. Many of those that escaped climbed on
cakes of ice or into trees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1825-’26.


GOOD.

[Illustration: FIG. 891.--Good weasel.]

Fig. 891.--Good-Weasel. Red-Cloud’s Census. The character is represented
with two waving lines passing upward from the mouth in imitation of the
gesture sign, good talk, as made by passing two extended and separated
fingers (or all fingers separated) upward and forward from the mouth.
This gesture is made when referring either to a shaman or to a Christian
clergyman. It is connected with the idea of “mystic” frequently
mentioned in this work.


HIGH.

Various modes of delineating this idea are represented as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 892.--Top-man.]

Fig. 892.--Top-man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This character for Top-man, or
more properly “man above,” is drawn a short distance above a curved
line, which represents the character for sky inverted. The gesture for
sky is sometimes made by passing the hand from east to west, describing
an arc. Other pictographs for sky are shown in Fig. 1117.

[Illustration: FIG. 893.--High-Cloud.]

Fig. 893.--High-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. The light and horizontal
character of the cloud suggests that it is one of those classed by
meteorologists as belonging to the higher regions of the atmosphere.
This differs from all the varieties of clouds depicted in the Dakotan
system.

[Illustration: FIG. 894.--High-Bear.]

Fig. 894--High-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The length of the line and the
animal’s stretch of attitude suggest the altitude.

[Illustration: FIG. 895.--High-Eagle.]

Fig. 895.--High-Eagle. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here there is an additional
suggestion of elevation from the upward angle or pointer delineated
below the eagle’s body and in front of its legs.

[Illustration: FIG. 896.--Wolf on height.]

Fig. 896.--Wolf-stands-on-a-hill. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the
following representation of the same name show variation in execution.
The first, which is faint, as if distant vertically, is connected with
a straight line. The second shows the hill, appearing from vertical
distance too small to be the support of the wolf, which requires an
imaginary support for its hind legs.

[Illustration: FIG. 897.--Wolf on height.]

Fig. 897.--Wolf-stands-on-hill. Red-Cloud’s Census.


LEAN.

In the five figures next following the leanness of the several animals
is objectively portrayed. In Fig. 903 the idea is conveyed of “nothing
inside.”

[Illustration: FIG. 898.--Lean-Skunk.]

Fig. 898.--Lean-Skunk. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 899.--Lean-Dog.]

Fig. 899.--Lean-Dog. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 900.--Lean-Bear.]

Fig. 900.--Lean-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. This bear being excessively
hungry is rendered ferocious by devouring unpalatable provender.

[Illustration: FIG. 901.--Lean-Elk.]

Fig. 901.--Lean-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 902.--Lean-Bull.]

Fig. 902.--Lean-Bull. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 903.--Lean-Wolf.]

The original of Fig. 903 was made by Lean-Wolf, second chief of the
Hidatsa, in 1881, and represents the method which he had employed to
designate himself for many years past. During his boyhood he had another
name. This is a current, or perhaps it may be called cursive, form of
the name, which is given more elaborately in Fig. 548.


LITTLE.

[Illustration: FIG. 904.--Little-Ring.]

Fig. 904.--Little-Ring. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the six following
figures express smallness by their minute size relative to the other
characterizing figures among nearly three hundred in the census.

[Illustration: FIG. 905.--Little-Ring.]

Fig. 905.--Little-Ring. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 906.--Little-Crow.]

Fig. 906.--Little-Crow. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 907.--Little-Cloud.]

Fig. 907.--Little-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 908.--Little-Dog.]

Fig. 908.--Little-Dog. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 909.--Little-Wolf.]

Fig. 909.--Little-Wolf. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 910.--Little-Bear.]

Fig. 910.--Little-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 911.--Little-Elk.]

Fig. 911.--Little-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here there is an ideogram
explained by the sign-language for small, little, as follows:

Hold imaginary object between left thumb and index; point (carrying
right index close to tips) to the last. In the original appears a small
round spot over the back of the deer representing the imaginary point
made in the gesture.

[Illustration: FIG. 912.--Little-Beaver.]

Fig. 912.--Little-Beaver and three other white men came to trade.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1797-’98. In this figure the man is small
and the beaver abnormally large.

[Illustration: FIG. 913.--Little-Beaver.]

Fig. 913.--Little-Beaver’s trading house was burned down.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1808-’09. The beaver is not comparatively
so large as in the preceding figure, but still much too large for a
proper proportion with the human head. It is indicated that the man is
small.

[Illustration: FIG. 914.--Little-Beaver.]

Fig. 914.--Little-Beaver’s house was burned. Cloud-Shield’s Winter
Count, 1809-’10. White-Cow-Killer says, “Little-Beaver’s (the white man)
house-burned-down winter.” This is a third method of representing the
same name.

[Illustration: FIG. 915.--Little-Moon.]

Fig. 915.--Little-Moon. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure shows a phase of
the moon when the bright part of its disk is small.


LONE.

[Illustration: FIG. 916.--Lone-woman.]

Fig. 916.--Winyan-isnala, Lone-Woman. The Oglala Roster. It is possible
that the single straight line above the woman’s head shows unity,
loneliness, or independence, as it may be interpreted.

[Illustration: FIG. 917.--Lone-Bear.]

Fig. 917.--Lone-Bear was killed in battle. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count,
1866-’67. This figure is perhaps to be explained by the one preceding.
The bear is drawn sitting upright and solitary, not standing as it would
be with the device turned, feet to ground, as might be suspected to be
the intended attitude instead of that here shown.


MANY, MUCH.

In the two following figures the idea of “many” is conveyed by
repetition.

In the third, Fig. 920, the representation is that of a heap, for much.

[Illustration: FIG. 918.--Many-Shells.]

Fig. 918.--Many-Shells. Red Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 919.--Many deer.]

Fig. 919.--General Maynadier made peace with the Oglalas and Brulés.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1865-’66. The general’s name (the sound
of which resembles the words “many deer”) is indicated by the two deer
heads connected with his mouth by lines. The pictographers represented
his name in the same manner as they do their own. It is not an example
of rebus, but of misunderstanding the significance of the word as
spoken and heard by such Indians as had some knowledge of English. The
official interpreters would be likely to commit the error as they seldom
understand more than the colloquial English phrases.

[Illustration: FIG. 920.--Much snow.]

Fig. 920 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good for the year
1841-’42. He calls the year “Pointer-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead
winter.” Also “Deep-snow winter.”

The extended index denotes the man’s name, “Pointer,” the circular line
and spots, deep snow.

The spots denoting snow occur also in other portions of this count, and
the circle, denoting much, is in Fig. 260 connected with a forked stick
and incloses a buffalo head to signify “much meat.” That the circle is
intended to signify much is made probable, by the fact that a gesture
for “much” is made by passing the hands upward from both sides and
together before the body, describing the upper half of a circle, i. e.,
showing a heap.

[Illustration: FIG. 921.-Great, much.]

Fig. 921, from Copway, gives the character meaning “great,” really
“much.” See the above mentioned gesture.


OBSCURE.

[Illustration: FIG. 922.--Ring-Cloud.]

Fig. 922.--Ring-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. The semicircle for cloud
is the reverse in execution to that shown in Fig. 893. The ring is
partially surrounded by the cloud.

[Illustration: FIG. 923.--Cloud-Ring.]

Fig. 923.--Cloud-Ring. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the outline of the ring
is intentionally contorted and blurred, thus becoming obscure.

[Illustration: FIG. 924.--Fog.]

Fig. 924.--Fog. Red-Cloud’s Census. The obscurity here can only be
appreciated by comparison with the other figures of the chart. The
outline is drawn broad and with a blurred and in part double line, and
there is no distinguishing mark of identity, as if to suggest that the
man was so much obscured in the fog as not to be recognizable.


OPPOSITION.

The following two figures, 925 and 926, are introduced to show the
opposition in attitude, which would not be understood without knowledge
of the fact that these are perhaps the only instances in a collection
of nearly three hundred in which the characterizing faces are turned to
the right, all others being turned to the left. This shows the opposite
of normality, i. e., opposition, as suggested in each case, with a
different shade of meaning.

[Illustration: FIG. 925.--Kills-Back.]

Fig. 925.--Kills-Back. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the backward concept is
presented by the unusual attitude. The coup stick or lance is supposed
to be wielded in the reverse manner.

[Illustration: FIG. 926.--Keeps-the-Battle.]

Fig. 926.--Keeps-the-Battle. Red-Cloud’s Census. The concept is that of
stubborn retreat while fighting against the advancing foe.

[Illustration: FIG. 927.--Keeps-the-Battle.]

Fig. 927.--Keeps-the-Battle. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is the same name
as the preceding, but the opposition suggested is that which is usual
in pictographs of a battle, with the important addition of the opposed
arrow points being attached together by striking the same object, and
possibly being connected by an imaginary knot. This keeps or continues
the struggle.

[Illustration: FIG. 928.--His-Fight.]

Fig. 928.--Okicize-tawa, His-Fight. The Oglala Roster. The opposed guns
and tracks indicate the fight in which this warrior was conspicuous and
probably victorious. This figure is introduced here as typical of simple
opposition in battle.

[Illustration: FIG. 929.--River fight.]

Fig. 929.--Battiste Good’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. An encounter is
represented between two tribes, separated by the banks of a river, from
which arrows are fired across the water at the opposing party. The
vertical lines represent the banks, while the opposing arrows denote a
fight or an encounter.


POSSESSION.

[Illustration: FIG. 930.--Owns the arrows.]

Fig. 930.--Owns-the-Arrows. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a common mode of
expressing possession by exhibition in hand.

[Illustration: FIG. 931.--Has something sharp.]

Fig. 931.--Pesto-yuha, Has-something-sharp (weapon). Oglala Roster. The
weapon or sharp utensil is held in front to denote its possession.


PRISONER.

This group shows the several modes of expressing the idea of a prisoner.

[Illustration: FIG. 932.--Prisoner. Dakota.]

Fig. 932.--The Ponkas attacked two lodges of Oglalas, killed some of
the people, and made the rest prisoners. The Oglalas went to the Ponka
village a short time afterward and took their people from the Ponkas.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1802-’03.

In the figure an Oglala has a prisoner by the arm leading him away. The
arrow indicates that they were ready to fight. The hand grasping the
fore arm is the ideogram of prisoner.

[Illustration: FIG. 933.--Takes enemy.]

Fig. 933.--Takes-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. This man is represented
as not killed nor even wounded. He is touched by the coup stick or
feathered lance, when he can not escape, and becomes a prisoner.

Lafitau (_d_) gives the following account descriptive of Fig. 934, which
reminds of the classic Roman parade of prisoners in triumph:

[Illustration: FIG. 934.--Iroquois triumph.]

    Those who have charge of the prisoners prepare them for this
    ceremony, which is a sort of triumph, having for them something of
    glory and of sorrow at the same time; for, whether it is desired
    to do them honor or to enhance the triumph of the conquerors, they
    paint their faces black and red as on a solemn feast day. Their
    heads are decorated with a crown, embellished with feathers; in the
    left hand is placed a white stick covered with swan skin, which
    is a sort of commander’s baton or scepter, as if they represented
    the chief of the nation [sic] or the nation itself which had been
    vanquished; in the right hand is placed the rattle, and around the
    neck of the most prominent of the slaves the wampum necklace which
    the war chief has given or received when he raised the party and
    on which the other warriors have sealed their engagement. But if
    on one hand the prisoners are honored, on the other, to make them
    feel their miserable situation, they are deprived of everything
    else; so that they are left entirely naked and made to walk with the
    arms tied behind the back above the elbow.

[Illustration: FIG. 935.--Prisoners. Dakota.]

Fig. 935 is taken from Mrs. Eastman (_d_), and shows a Dakota method of
recording the taking of prisoners. _a_ and _c_ are the prisoners, _a_
being a female as denoted by the presence of mammæ, and _c_ a male; _b_
is the person making the capture. It is to be noted that the prisoners
are without hands, to signify their helplessness.

In Doc. Hist. New York (_c_) is the following description of Fig. 936:

[Illustration: FIG. 936.--Prisoners. Iroquois.]

    On their return, the Iroquois, if they have prisoners or scalps,
    paint the animal of the tribe to which they belong rampant (debout),
    with a staff on the shoulder along which are strung the scalps they
    may have and in the same number. After the animal are the prisoners
    they have made, with a chichicois (or gourd filled with beans which
    rattle) in the right hand. If they be women, they represent them
    with a cadenette or queue and a waistcloth.

    _a._ This is a person returning from war who has taken a
    prisoner, killed a man and woman, whose scalps hang from the end of
    a stick that he carries. _b._ The prisoner. _c._ Chichicois (or a
    gourd), which he holds in the hand. _d._ These are cords attached to
    his neck, arms, and girdle. _e._ This is the scalp of a man; what is
    joined on one side is the scalp-lock. _f._ This is the scalp of a
    woman; they paint it with the hair thin.

[Illustration: FIG. 937.--Prisoners. Mexico.]

The expression prisoner and slave are often convertible. The following
from Kingsborough (_f_), explaining this illustration reproduced as Fig.
937, refers in terms to slavery. “The figures are those of the wife and
son of a cacique who rebelled against Montezuma, and who, having been
conquered, was strangled. The ‘collars’ upon their necks show that they
have been reduced to slavery.”

SHORT.

[Illustration: FIG. 938.--Short-Bull.]

Fig. 938.--Short-Bull. Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 16. The buffalo is
markedly short even to distortion.

SIGHT.

[Illustration: FIG. 939.--Sees-the-Enemy.]

Fig. 939.--Sees-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this collection the
eye is not indicated except where that organ is directly connected with
the significance of the name. Here its mere presence suggests that
vision is the subject matter. But, in addition, the object above the
head is probably a hand mirror, which by its reflection is supposed to
“see” the objects reflected. The plains Indians make use of such mirrors
not only in their face painting but in flash signaling.

[Illustration: FIG. 940.--Crier.]

Fig. 940.--In a fight with the Mandans, Crier was shot in the head with
a gun. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1827-’28. This figure is introduced
to present another rare instance in which the eye is delineated. Here
the act is that of weeping.

[Illustration: FIG. 941.--Comes-in-Sight.]

Fig. 941.--Comes-in-Sight. Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 235. Distant objects,
probably buffalo or other animals of the chase, are observed coming into
the line of vision.

[Illustration: FIG. 942.--Bear-comes-out.]

Fig. 942.--Bear-comes-out. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the bear is supposed
to come into sight through a hole in the tipi.

[Illustration: FIG. 943.--Bear-comes-out.]

Fig. 943.--Bear-comes-out. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure is explained
by the one preceding. Only half of the bear--the fore part--is to
be seen as if emerging through some orifice. Heads and other parts
of animals are frequently portrayed as signifying the whole, by
synechdoche, but in this case the presentation of the head and
forequarters has special significance.

[Illustration: FIG. 944.]

Fig. 944.--Taken from Copway, p. 136, is the character which is employed
to represent “see.”

SLOW.

[Illustration: FIG. 945.--Slow-Bear.]

Fig. 945.--Slow-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure the bear seems
to be in backing or retrograde motion, which is slower than any normal
advance, and is therefore ideographically suggestive of slowness.

TALL.

[Illustration: FIG. 946.--Tall-Man.]

Fig. 946.--Tall-Man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the five following
animal figures show length and individual height objectively.

[Illustration: FIG. 947.--Tall-White-Man.]

Fig. 947.--Wasicun-wankatuya, Tall-White-Man. The Oglala Roster. The hat
shows the man of European origin, but his figure is large in the face
and short in the legs; so not tall in a usual sense. He was probably
killed by the Oglala.

[Illustration: FIG. 948.--Tall-White-Man.]

Fig. 948.--Tall-White-Man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This expresses the height
much more graphically than the one preceding.

[Illustration: FIG. 949.--Long-Panther.]

Fig. 949.--Long-Panther. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 950.--Tall-Panther.]

Fig. 950.--Tall-Panther. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 951.--Tall-Bull.]

Fig. 951.--Tall-Bull was killed by white soldiers and Pawnees on the
south side of the South Platte river. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1869-’70. The combined arrangement of the human head and the buffalo so
as to produce the effect of abnormal height in the latter is ingenious.
The plan of this chart did not allow of long lines above the head, so
the effect is attained by comparison of the standing buffalo with the
height of the man.

[Illustration: FIG. 952.--Tall-Pine.]

Fig. 952.--Tall-Pine. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this as in the two next
figures the length of the trunk of the tree is apparent.

[Illustration: FIG. 953.--Long-Pine.]

Fig. 953.--Long-Pine was killed in a fight with the Crows.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1879-’80. The absence of his scalp
denotes that he was killed by an enemy. The fatal wound was made with
the bow and arrow.

[Illustration: FIG. 954.--Long-Pine.]

Fig. 954.--Long-Pine, a Dakota, was killed by Dakotas, perhaps
accidentally or perhaps in a personal quarrel. Cloud-Shield’s Winter
Count, 1846-’47. He was not killed by a tribal enemy, as he has not lost
his scalp.


TRADE.

[Illustration: FIG. 955.--Trade.]

Fig. 955.--They were compelled to sell many mules and horses to enable
them to procure food, as they were in a starving condition. They
willingly gave a mule for a sack of flour. American-Horse’s Winter
Count, 1868-’69. The mule’s halter is connected with two sacks of flour.

[Illustration: FIG. 956.--Trade.]

Fig. 956 is taken from Prince Maximilian, of Wied’s (_h_) Travels. The
cross signifies, I will barter or trade. Three animals are drawn on the
right hand of the cross; one is a buffalo (probably albino); the two
others, a weasel (_Mustela Canadensis_) and an otter. The pictographer
offers in exchange for the skins of these animals the articles which
he has drawn on the left side of the cross. He has there, in the first
place, depicted a beaver very plainly, behind which there is a gun;
to the left of the beaver are thirty strokes, each ten separated by a
longer line; this means: I will give thirty beaver skins and a gun for
the skins of the three animals on the right hand of the cross.

The ideographic character of the design consists in the use of the
cross--being a drawing of the gesture-sign for “trade”--the arms being
interchanged in position. Of the two things each one is put in the place
before occupied by the other thing, the idea of exchange.


UNION.

The Dakotas often express this concept by uniting two or more figures by
a distinct inclusive line below the figures. This sometimes means family
relationship and sometimes common membership in the same tribe.

[Illustration: FIG. 957.--Brothers.]

Fig. 957.--Antoine Janis’s two boys were killed by John Richard.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1872-’73. The line of union shows them to
be intimately connected; in fact, they were brothers.

[Illustration: FIG. 958.--Same tribe.]

Fig. 958.--The Oglalas got drunk at Chug creek and engaged in a quarrel
among themselves, in which Red-Cloud’s brother was killed and Red-Cloud
killed three men. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1841-’42. The union line
shows that the quarrel was in the tribe.

[Illustration: FIG. 959.--Man and wife.]

Fig. 959.--Torn-Belly and his wife were killed by some of their own
people in a quarrel. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1855-’56. Here the man
and wife are united by the inclusive line.

[Illustration: FIG. 960.--Same tribe.]

Fig. 960.--Eight Minneconjou Dakotas were killed by Crow Indians at the
mouth of Powder river. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1805-’06. This device
is very frequently used to denote the death of the Dakotas. The black
strokes indicate the death of persons of the number delineated and the
union line shows that they were of the same tribe.

[Illustration: FIG. 961.--Same tribe.]

Fig. 961.--Blackfeet Dakotas kill three Rees. The-Flame’s Winter Count
for 1798-’99. Here the uniting line of death refers to others than
Dakotas, which does not often appear, but the principle is maintained
that the dead are of the same tribe.

WHIRLWIND.

[Illustration: FIG. 962.--Bear-Whirlwind.]

Fig. 962.--Mato-wamniyomni, Bear-Whirlwind. The Oglala Roster. This
figure shows over the bear’s head a variant of the character given in
Red-Cloud’s Census, Fig. 963. The figure appears, according to the
explanation given by several Oglala Dakota Indians, to signify the
course of a whirlwind with the transverse lines in imitation of the
circular movement of the air, conveying dirt and leaves, observed during
such aerial disturbances.

[Illustration: FIG. 963.--White-Whirlwind.]

Fig. 963.--Represents White-Whirlwind, above referred to, from
Red-Cloud’s Census. In this the designating character is more distinct.

[Illustration: FIG. 964.--Leafing.]

Fig. 964.--Leafing. Red-Cloud’s Census. This seems to be of the same
description. It is said to be drawn in imitation of a number of fallen
leaves packed against one another and whirled along the ground. It also
has reference to the season when leaves fall--autumn.

Mr. Keam’s MS. describing Fig. 965, says:

[Illustration: FIG. 965.--Whirlwind.]

    It is a decoration of great frequency and consisting of the
    single and double spirals. The single spiral is the symbol of
    Ho-bo-bo, the twister, who manifests his power by the whirlwind. It
    is also of frequent occurrence as a rock etching in the vicinity
    of ruins, where also the symbol of the Ho-bo-bo is seen. But the
    figure does not appear upon any of the pottery. The myth explains
    that a stranger came among the people, when a great whirlwind blew
    all the vegetation from the surface of the earth and all the water
    from its courses. With a flint he caught these symbols upon a rock,
    the etching of which is now in Keam’s Cañon, Arizona Territory. It
    is 17 inches long and 8 inches across. He told them that he was the
    keeper of breath. The whirlwind and the air which men breathe comes
    from this keeper’s mouth.

[Illustration: FIG. 966.--Whirlwind.]

Fig. 966 is a copy of part of the decoration on a pot taken from a mound
in Missouri, published in Second Annual Report of the Bureau Ethnology,
Pl. LIII, fig. 11. On the authority of Rev. S. D. Hinman, it is the
conventional device among the Dakotas to represent a whirlwind.


WINTER--COLD--SNOW.

[Illustration: FIG 967.--Froze to death.]

Fig. 967.--Glue, an Oglala, froze to death on his way to a Brulé
village. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1791-’92. A glue-stick is
represented back of his head. Glue, made from the hoofs of buffalo, is
used to fasten arrowheads to the shaft and is carried about on sticks.
The cloud from which hail or snow is falling represents winter.

[Illustration: FIG. 968.--Froze to death.]

Fig. 968.--A Dakota, named Glue, froze to death. Cloud-Shield’s Winter
Count, 1820-’21. This figure is introduced to corroborate of the
preceding one as regards the name Glue. It gives another representation
of the glue stick.

[Illustration: FIG. 969.--Crows froze.]

Fig. 969.--A Dakota named Stabber froze to death. American-Horse’s
Winter Count, 1782-’83. The sign for winter is the same as before, but
doubled, as if of twofold power or excessively severe.

[Illustration: FIG. 970.--Froze to death.]

Fig. 970.--The winter was so cold that many crows froze to death.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1788-’89. White-Cow-Killer says
“Many-black-crows-died winter.”

The Crow falling stiff and motionless is a good symbol for the effect of
excessive cold.

[Illustration: FIG. 971.]

Fig. 971.--The snow was very deep. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1827-’28. The piled-up snow around the bottoms of the tipis is graphic;
no other material than snow could make that kind of surrounding heap.

[Illustration: FIG. 972.--Cold, snow.]

Fig. 972.--From Copway, page 135, is the representation of “cold,”
“snow.”

[Illustration: FIG. 973.]

The Shoshoni and Banak sign for cold, winter, is: Clinch both hands and
cross the forearms before the breast with a trembling motion. It is
represented in Fig. 973. Cf. Battiste Good’s Winter count for 1747-’48
and 1783-’84.

[Illustration: FIG. 974.]

In Kingsborough (_g_) is the painting reproduced in Fig. 974 with this
description: “In the year of seven Canes and 1447 according to our
calculation, it snowed so heavily that lives were lost.”

[Illustration: FIG. 975.]

In the same work and volumes, p. 146 and Pl. 26, is the original of Fig.
975, with the explanation that: “In this year of seven Flints, or 1512,
there were heavy falls of snow.”

Wiener, op. cit., p. 762, gives the following description (condensed) of
Fig. 976, a remarkable example of ideography:

[Illustration: FIG. 976.--Peruvian garrison.]

    This is on a cloth on which the eight fortresses of Paramonga
    were presented. Between these bridges are drawn; these forts are of
    three stages and on each stage is a representation of a man or of
    two men. The men who are down on the plain had clothing of another
    color and even another colored face from those who appear on the
    different stages. Those who are on the plain at the foot of the
    fortress have no arms, but they have highly developed ears. The
    same is true of those who appear on the first stage. Those of the
    following stage are provided with arms, and the ears are of normal
    size. On the highest platform appear individuals with arms and they
    have ears like those on the second stage. In the middle a figure
    is provided with one arm and only one developed ear, which are on
    opposite sides. The men without arms are also without weapons.
    Those of the second stage carry at the height of the belt a kind of
    hatchet and those of the upper platform have each a club.

    Considering the character of the locality where this cloth was
    found, the number of forts there, the marshy land which prevented
    dry-shod communication between them, it can not be doubted that
    the subject matter was the representation of that region, but this
    representation is not a drawing on a plan, but is a description
    which does not only treat of the nature of the place and of the
    work that man raised there, but it also indicates the rôle that the
    inhabitants played there.

The function of the men with exaggerated ears and no arms was that of
scouts. The armed men with normal ears were guards or warriors bearing
different weapons, ax and club, and differently uniformed. The highest
figure with one large ear was the chief of the garrison.

It will be noticed that the scouts have enormous feet which do not rest
on the ground. This in connection with their exaggerated ears implies
that their duty is to listen and when they hear the enemy not to engage
him, as they have no arms or weapons, but to fly to the headquarters
and make the report. The duty of the warriors is not to listen, so
their ears are not abnormal, but to fight, and therefore they have
arms, one of which is exposed and the other holds a weapon. Their feet
are attached to their several stations. The chief must both listen and
direct, wherefore he is drawn with one exaggerated ear and one arm. His
feet do not touch the platform, which signifies that he has no special
station, but must move wherever he is most needed.


SECTION 2.

SIGNS, SYMBOLS, AND EMBLEMS.

The terms sign, symbol, and emblem are often used interchangeably
and therefore incorrectly. Many persons ascribe an occult and mystic
signification to symbols, probably from their general religious and
esoteric employment. All characters in Indian picture-writing have been
loosely styled symbols, and, as there is no logical distinction between
the characters impressed with enduring form and when merely outlined
in the ambient air, all Indian gestures, motions, and attitudes,
intended to be significant, might with equal appropriateness be called
symbolic. But an Indian sign-talker or a deaf-mute represents a person
by mimicry, and an object by the outline of some striking part of
its form, or by the pantomime of some peculiarity in its actions or
relations. Their attempt is to bring to mind the person or thing through
its characteristics, not to distinguish the characteristics themselves,
which is a second step. In the same manner a simple pictorial sign
attempts to express an object, idea, or fact without any approach to
symbolism. Symbols are less obvious and more artificial than mere signs,
are not only abstract, but metaphysical, and often need explanation
from history, religion, and customs. They do not depict, but suggest
subjects; do not speak directly through the eye to the intelligence,
but presuppose in the mind knowledge of an event or fact which the
sign recalls. The symbols of the ark, dove, olive branch, and rainbow
would be wholly meaningless to people unfamiliar with the Mosaic or
some similar cosmology, as would the cross and the crescent be to those
ignorant of history.

The loose classification by which symbols would include every gesture or
pictorial sign that naturally or conventionally recalls a corresponding
idea, only recognizes the fact that every action and object can, under
some circumstances, become a symbol. And indeed lovers of the symbolic
live in, on, and by the symbols which they manufacture.

A curious instance of the successful manufacture of a symbol by the
ingenuity of one man is in the one now commonly pictured of a fish
to represent Christ. The fish for obvious reasons has been connected
with Eurasian mythology, and therefore was a heathen symbol many
centuries before the Christian era; indeed, probably before the creed
of the Israelites had become formulated. It was used metaphorically
or emblematically by the early Christians without the apparent
propriety of the lamb-bearing shepherd, the dove, and other emblems
or symbols found in the catacombs, and Didron (_b_) says that only
in the middle of the fourth century Optatus, bishop of Milesia, in
Africa, declared the significance of the letters of the Greek word for
fish, ΙΧΘΥΣ, to be the initials of Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς Θεοῦ Ὑιος Σωτηρ,
which acrostic was received with acclamation, and new characteristics
were from time to time invented, adding force to the thenceforth
commonly displayed symbol. It may be noted that when symbols, which
were generally religious, received acceptance, they were soon used
objectively as amulets or talismans.

This chapter is not intended to be a treatise on symbolism, but it
is proper to mention the distinction in the writer’s mind between a
pictorial sign, an emblem, and a symbol; though it is not easy to
preserve accurate discrimination in classification of ideographic
characters. To partly express the distinction, nearly all of the
characters in the Winter Counts in this work are regarded as pictorial
signs, and the class represented by tribal and clan designations,
insignia, etc., is considered to belong to the category of emblems.
There is no doubt, however, that true symbols exist among the Indians,
as they must exist to some extent among all peoples not devoid of poetic
imagination. Some of them are shown in this work. The pipe is generally
a symbol of peace, although in certain positions and connections it
signifies preparation for war, and, again, subsequent victory. The
hatchet is a common symbol for war, and joined hands or approaching
palms denote peace. The tortoise has been clearly used as a symbol
for land, and many other examples can be admitted. Apart from the
exaggerations of Schoolcraft, true symbolism is found among the Ojibwa,
of which illustrations are presented. The accounts of the Zuñi, Moki,
and Navajo, before mentioned, show the constant employment of symbolic
devices by those tribes which are notably devoted to mystic ceremonies.
Nevertheless the writer’s personal experience is that when he has at
first supposed a character to be a genuine symbol, better means of
understanding has often proved it to be not even an ideograph, but a
mere objective representation. In this connection the remarks on the
circle, in Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for 1811-’12, and those on the cross
infra, may be in point.

The connection, to the unlettered Indian, between printed words,
pictures, and signs, was well illustrated through the spontaneous
copial, by a Cheyenne, of the ornate labels on packages of sugar and
coffee, which he had seen at a reservation, and the lines of which he
rather skillfully and very ingeniously repeated on a piece of paper when
sending to a post-trader to purchase more of the articles. The printed
label was to him the pictorial sign for those articles.

The following remarks are quoted from D’Alviella (_a_):

    There is a symbolism so natural, that, like certain implements
    peculiar to the stone age, it does not belong to any particular
    race, but constitutes a characteristic trait of mankind at a certain
    phase of its development. Of this class are representations of
    the sun by a disk or radiating face, of the moon by a crescent,
    of the air by birds, of water by fishes or a broken line, of
    thunder by an arrow or a club, etc. We ought, perhaps, to add a
    few more complicated analogies, as those which lead to symbolizing
    the different phases of human life by the growth of a tree, the
    generative forces of nature by phallic emblems, the divine triads
    by an equilateral triangle, or in general by any triple combination
    the members of which are equal, and the four principal directions
    of space by a cross. How many theories have been built upon the
    presence of the cross as an object of veneration among nearly all
    the peoples of the Old and New Worlds? Roman Catholic writers have
    justly protested, in recent years, against attributing a pagan
    origin to the cross of the Christians, because there were cruciform
    signs in the symbolism of religions anterior to Christianity. It is
    also right, by the same reason, to refuse to accept the attempts to
    seek for infiltrations of Christianity in foreign religions because
    they also possess the sign of redemption. * * * Nearly all peoples
    have represented the fire from the sky by an arm and, sometimes
    also, by a bird of strong and rapid flight. It was symbolized among
    the Chaldeans by a trident. Cylinders going back to the most ancient
    ages of Chaldean art exhibit a water jet gushing from a trident
    which is held by the god of the sky or of the storm. The Assyrian
    artist who first, on the bas-reliefs of Nimroud or Malthai, doubled
    the trident or transformed it into a trifid fascicle, docile to the
    refinements and elegancies of classic art, by that means secured for
    the ancient Mesopotamian symbol the advantage over all the other
    representations of thunder with which it could compete. The Greeks,
    like the other Indo-European nations, seem to have represented
    the storm-fire under the features of a bird of prey. When they
    received the Asiatic figure of the thunderbolt, they put it in the
    eagle’s claws and made of it the scepter of Zeus, explaining the
    combination, after their habit, by the story of the eagles bringing
    thunder to Zeus when he was preparing for the war against the
    Titans. Latin Italy transmitted the thunderbolt to Gaul, where, in
    the last centuries of paganism, it alternated on the Gallo-Roman
    monuments with the two-headed hammer.

The emblem writers, so designated, have furnished an immense body of
literature, and apparently have considered such pictures as those of the
Winter Counts in the present work and also all symbols to be included in
their proper scope. The best summary on the subject is by Henry Greene
(_a_), from which the following condensed extract is taken:

    Of the changes through which a word may pass the word emblem
    presents one of the most remarkable instances. Its present
    signification, type, or allusive representation is of comparatively
    modern use, while its original meaning is obsolete. Among the Greeks
    an emblem meant something thrown in or inserted after the fashion
    of what we now call marquetry and mosaic work, or in the form of a
    detached ornament to be affixed to a pillar, a tablet, or a vase,
    and put off or on as there might be occasion.

    Quintilian (lib. 2, cap. 4), in enumerating the arts of oratory
    used by the pleaders of his day, describes some of them as in the
    habit of preparing and committing to memory certain highly finished
    clauses, to be inserted (as occasion might arise) like emblems in
    the body of their orations. Such was the meaning of the term in the
    classical ages of Greece and Rome; nor was its signification altered
    until some time after the revival of literature in the fifteenth
    century.

    Thus, in their origin, emblems were the figures or ornaments
    fashioned by the tools of the artists, in metal or wood, independent
    of the vase, or the column, or the furniture they were intended to
    adorn; they might be affixed or detached at the promptings of the
    owner’s fancy. Then they were formed, as in mosaic, by placing side
    by side little blocks of colored stone, or tiles, or small sections
    of variegated wood. Raised or carved figures, however produced, came
    next to be considered as emblems; and afterwards any kind of figured
    ornament or device, whether carved or engraved or simply traced, on
    the walls and floors of houses or on vessels of wood, clay, stone,
    or metal.

    By a very easy and natural step figures and ornaments of many
    kinds, when placed on smooth surfaces, were named emblems; and as
    these figures and ornaments were very often symbolical, i. e.,
    signs or tokens of a thought, a sentiment, a saying, or an event,
    the term emblem was applied to any painting, drawing, or print
    that was representative of an action, of a quality of the mind,
    or of any peculiarity or attribute of character. Emblems in fact
    were and are a species of hieroglyphics, in which the figures or
    pictures, besides denoting the natural objects to which they bear
    resemblances, were employed to express properties of the mind,
    virtues and abstract ideas, and all the operations of the soul.

The following remarks of the same author (_b_) are presented in this
connection, though they pass beyond the scope of either symbols or
emblems into other divisions of pictography, as classified in the
present work:

    Coins and medals furnish most valuable examples of emblematical
    figures; indeed some of the emblem writers, as Sambucus, in 1564,
    were among the earliest to publish impressions or engravings of
    ancient Roman money, on which are frequently given very interesting
    representations of customs and symbolical acts. On Grecian coins
    we find, to use heraldic language, that the owl is the crest of
    Athens, a wolf’s head that of Argos, and a tortoise the badge of the
    Peloponnesus. The whole history of Louis XIV and that of his great
    adversary, William III, is represented in volumes containing the
    medals that were struck to commemorate the leading events of their
    reigns, and, though outrageously untrue to nature and reality by
    the adoption of Roman costumes and classic symbols, they serve as
    records of remarkable occurrences.

    Heraldry throughout employs the language of emblems; it is the
    picture-history of families, of tribes, and of nations, of princes
    and emperors. Many a legend and many a strange fancy may be mixed
    up with it, and demand almost the credulity of simplest childhood
    in order to obtain our credence; yet in the literature of chivalry
    and honors there are enshrined abundant records of the glory that
    belonged to mighty names.

    The custom of taking a device or badge, if not a motto, is
    traced to the earliest times of history. It is a point not to be
    doubted that the ancients used to bear crests and ornaments in the
    helmets and on the shields; for we see this clearly in Virgil, when
    he made the catalogue of the nations which came in favor of Turnus
    against the Trojans, in the eighth book of the Æneid; Amphiaraus
    then (as Pindar says), at the war of Thebes, bore a dragon on his
    shield. Similarly Statius writes of Capaneus and of Polinices that
    the one bore the Hydra and the other the Sphynx.

Emblems do not necessarily require any analogy between the objects
representing and the objects or qualities represented, but may arise
from pure accident. They may bear any meaning that men may choose to
attach to them, so their value still more than that of symbols depends
upon extrinsic facts and not intrinsic features. After a scurrilous jest
the beggar’s wallet became the emblem of the confederated nobles, the
Gueux of the Netherlands; and a sling, in the early minority of Louis
XIV, was adopted from the refrain of a song by the Frondeur opponents of
Mazarin.

The several tribal designations for Sioux, Arapaho, Cheyenne, etc., are
their emblems, precisely as the star-spangled flag is that of the United
States, but there is no intrinsic symbolism in them. So the designs for
individuals, when not merely translations of their names, are emblematic
of their family totems or personal distinctions, and are no more symbols
than are the distinctive shoulder-straps of an army officer.

The point urged is that while many signs can be used as emblems and both
can be converted by convention into symbols or be explained as such by
perverted ingenuity, it is futile to seek for that form of psychological
exuberance in the stage of development attained by the greater part of
the American tribes. All predetermination to interpret their pictographs
on the principles of symbolism as understood or pretended to be
understood by its admirers, and as are sometimes properly applied not
only to Egyptian hieroglyphics, but to Mexican, Maya, and some other
southern pictographs, results in mooning mysticism.

The following examples are presented as being either symbols or emblems,
according to the definition of those terms, and therefore appropriate
to this section. More will be found in Chapter XX, on Special
Comparisons, and indeed may appear under different headings; e. g.,
Battiste Good symbolizes hunting by a buffalo head and arrow, Fig. 321,
and war by a special head-dress, Fig. 395.

Sir A. Mackenzie (_c_) narrates that in 1793 he found among the
Athabascans an emblem of a country abounding in animals. This was a
small round piece of green wood chewed at one end in the form of a
brush, which the Indians use to pick the marrow out of bones.

Mr. Frank H. Cushing, in notes not yet reduced to final shape for
publication, gives two excellent examples of symbols among the Zuñi:

    (1) The circle or halo around the sun is supposed to be and is
    called by the Zuñi the House of the Sun-God. This is explained by
    analogy. A man seeks shelter on the approach of a rainstorm. As
    the sun circle almost invariably appears only with the coming of a
    storm, the Sun, like his child, the man, seeks shelter in his house,
    which the circle has thus come to be.

    The influence of this simple inference myth on the folklore
    of the Zuñi shows itself in the perpetuation, until within recent
    generations, of the round sun towers and circular estufas so
    intimately associated with sun worship, yet which were at first but
    survivals of the round medicine lodge.

    (2) The rainbow is a deified animal having the attributes of
    a human being, yet also the body and some of the functions of a
    measuring worm. Obviously, the striped back and arched attitude of
    the measuring worm, its sudden appearance and disappearance among
    the leaves of the plants which it inhabits, are the analogies on
    which this personification is based. As the measuring worm consumes
    the herbage of the plants and causes them to dry up, so the rainbow,
    which appears only after rains, is supposed to cause a cessation
    of rains, consequently to be the originator of droughts, under the
    influence of which latter plants parch and wither away as they do
    under the ravages of the measuring worms. Here it will be seen
    that the visible phenomenon called the rainbow gets by analogy the
    personality of the measuring worm, while from the measuring worm in
    turn the rainbow gets its functions as a god. Of this the cessation
    of rain on the appearance of the rainbow is adduced as proof.

The following is reported by Dr. W. H. Dall (_e_), and explains how the
otter protruding his tongue is the emblem of Shaman:

    The carvings on the rattles of the Tlinkit are matters belonging
    particularly to the shaman or medicine man, and characteristic of
    his profession. Among these very generally, if not invariably, the
    rattle is composed of the figure of a bird, from which, near the
    head of the bird or carved upon the back of the bird’s head, is
    represented a human face with the tongue protruding.

    This tongue is bent downward and usually meets the mouth of a
    frog or an otter, the tongue of either appearing continuous with
    that of the human face. In case it is a frog it usually appears
    impaled upon the tongue of a kingfisher, whose head and variegated
    plumage are represented near the handle in a conventional way. It is
    asserted that this represents the medicine man absorbing from the
    frog, which has been brought to him by the kingfisher, either poison
    or the power of producing evil effects on other people.

    In case it is an otter the tongue of the otter touches the
    tongue of the medicine man, as represented on the carving. * * *

    This carving is represented, not only on rattles, but on totem
    posts, fronts of houses, and other objects associated with the
    medicine man, the myth being that when the young aspirant for the
    position of medicine man goes out into the woods after fasting for
    a considerable period, in order that his to be familiar spirit
    may seek him, and that he may become possessed of the power to
    communicate with supernatural beings; if successful he meets with a
    river otter, which is a supernatural animal. The otter approaches
    him and he seizes it, kills it with the blow of a club, and takes
    out the tongue, after which he is able to understand the language
    of all inanimate objects, of birds, animals, and other living
    creatures. * * *

    This ceremony or occurrence happens to every real medicine man.
    Consequently the otter presenting his tongue is the most universal
    type of the profession as such, and is sure to be found somewhere in
    the paraphernalia of every individual of that profession.

With this account from the Pacific coast a similar determination of
emblems by the Indians in the northeastern parts of the United States
may be compared. The objects seen by them in their fasting visions not
only were decisive of their names but were held to show the course of
their lives. If a youth saw an eagle or bear he was destined to be a
warrior; if a deer he would be a man of peace; and a turkey buzzard or
serpent was the sign that he would be a medicine man. The figures of
those animals therefore were respectively the emblems of the qualities
and dispositions implied. See Fig. 159, supra, for a drawing of the
Sci-Manzi or “Mescal Woman” of the Kaiowa as it appears on a sacred
gourd rattle used in the mescal ceremony of that tribe, with description.

In Kingsborough (_h_) is the record that “in the year of Ten Houses, or
1489, a very large comet, which they name Xihuitli, appeared.”

[Illustration: FIG. 977.--Comet. Mexican.]

The comet is represented in the plate by the symbol of a caterpillar, in
allusion, perhaps, to its supposed influence in causing blights. This
may be compared with the measuring worm, symbol of the rainbow, supra.
The character is reproduced in Fig. 977.

In the same work and Codex, Pls. 10, 12, and 33, are three characters,
somewhat differing, representing earthquakes, which, according to the
text in Vol. VI, p. 137, et seq., occurred in Mexico in the years A. D.
1461, 1467, and 1542. The concept appears to be that of the disruption
and change of the position of the several strata of soil, which are
indicated by the diverse coloration. These characters are reproduced in
the present work in Pl. XLIX as the three on the right hand in the lower
line.

[Illustration: FIG. 978.--Robbery. Mexican.]

Fig. 978 is from the same work (_i_), Codex Mendoza, and is the symbol
for robbery, in allusion to the punishment of the convicted robber.

In the same work (_k_), Codex Vaticanus, is the following description,
in quaint language, of the plate now reproduced in Pl. XLIX:

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIX

MEXICAN SYMBOLS.]

    These are the twenty letters or figures which they employed in
    all their calculations, which they supposed ruled over men, as the
    figure shows, and they cured in a corresponding manner those who
    became ill or suffered pains in any part of the body. The sign of
    the wind was assigned to the liver; the rose to the breast; the
    earthquake to the tongue; the eagle to the right arm; the vulture to
    the right ear; the rabbit to the left ear; the flint to the teeth;
    the air to the breath; the monkey to the left arm; the cane to the
    heart; the herb, to the bowels; the lizard to the womb of women; the
    tiger to the left foot; the serpent to the male organ of generation,
    as that from which their diseases proceeded in their commencement;
    for in this manner they considered the serpent, wherever it
    occurred, as the most ominous of all their signs. Even still
    physicians continue to use this figure when they perform cures,
    and, according to the sign and hour in which the patient became
    ill, they examined whether the disease corresponded with the ruling
    sign; from which it is plain that this nation is not as brutal as
    some persons pretend, since they observed so much method and order
    in their affairs and employed the same means as our astrologers and
    physicians use, as this figure still obtains amongst them and may be
    found in their repertoires.

_a_, deer or stag; _b_, wind; _c_, rose; _d_, earthquake; _e_, eagle;
_f_, eagle of a different species; _g_, water; _h_, house; _i_, skull
or death; _j_, rain; _k_, dog; _l_, rabbit; _m_, flint; _n_, air; _o_,
monkey; _p_, cane; _q_, grass or herb; _r_, lizard; _s_, tiger; _t_,
serpent.

Dr. S. Habel (_d_) gives the description concerning Fig. 979, which is
presented here on account of the several symbols and gestures exhibited:

[Illustration: FIG. 979.--Guatemalan symbols.]

    This is a block of dark gray porphyry (vulcanite) 12 feet long,
    3 feet broad and 2 feet thick, the upper left corner of which is
    slightly broken off. The sculpture occupies 9 feet of its upper
    part. The upper portion represents the head and breast of a female,
    surrounded by a circle, from which the arms project. Besides the
    stereotyped frill surrounding the forehead, the only ornament of
    the head consists of two entwined rattlesnakes. The hair is of
    medium length and descends in tresses to the shoulders and breast.
    The ear is ornamented with circular disks inclosing smaller ones.
    Around the neck is a broad necklace of irregularly-shaped stones
    of extraordinary size. Below the necklace the breast is covered
    with a kind of scarf or textile fabric, the upper ends of which
    are fastened by buttons. To the center of this scarf seems to be
    attached a globe, the upper part of which is adorned by a knotted
    band from which four others ascend. From the lower part of the globe
    descends another band, with incisions characteristic of Mexican
    sculpture, while its sides are adorned by wreaths like wings. The
    wrists of both hands are covered with strings of large stones
    perforated in the center. From the semicircular bands emanate two
    of the twining staves; to the staves are attached knots, leaves,
    flowers, and various other emblems of a mythical character. The
    most conspicuous of these is the representation of a human face in
    a circle resembling the ordinary pictures of the full moon. The
    two central staves, originating from the neck, pass downward, and
    are differently ornamented. The fact that the head and part of the
    breast are surrounded by a circle, and that the image of the moon
    forms one of its ornaments, induces us to believe that this is the
    figure of the moon goddess. In the lower part of the sculpture
    appears, again, an individual imploring the deity with face upturned
    and elevated hand. The supplication is indicated by a curved staff
    knotted on the sides. Excepting a circular disk attached to the
    hair, the head is without ornament; the long hair hangs down to
    the breast and back, ending in a complicated ornament extending
    below the knees. In the lobe of the ear is a small ring from which
    a larger one depends. The breast is adorned with a globe similar
    to that on the breast of the goddess, only it is smaller. Around
    the wrist of the right hand is a plain cuff, while the left hand is
    covered by a skull; a stiff girdle, with a boar’s head ornamenting
    its back part, surrounds the waist. This girdle differs from the
    previous ones by being ornamented with circular depressions. From
    the front of the girdle descend two twisted cords surrounding the
    thigh, and a band tied in bow and ends. Below the right knee is a
    kind of garter with a pear-shaped pendant. The left foot, with the
    exception of the toes, is inclosed in a sort of shoe.

    In front of the adorer is a small altar, the cover of which has
    incisions similar to those in the pendant of the globe on the breast
    of the deity. On the altar is a human head, from the mouth of which
    issues a curved staff, while other staves in the shape of arrows
    appear on the side of the head.

Fig. 980 is reproduced by permission from Lieut. H. R. Lemly (_a_), U.
S. Army, who calls it a “stone calendar.” It is the work of the Chibcha
Indians of the United States of Colombia, and its several parts, some
of which are to be compared with similar designs in other regions, are
explained as follows:

    _a_, Ata, a small frog in the act of leaping. This animal was
    the base of the system, and in this attitude denoted the abundance
    of water. _b_, Bosa, a rectangular figure with various divisions,
    imitating cultivated fields. _c_, Mica, a bicephalous figure,
    with the eyes distended, as if to examine minutely. It signified
    the selection and planting of seed. _d_, Muihica, similar to the
    preceding, but with the eyes almost closed. It represented the dark
    and tempestuous epoch in which, favored by the rain, the seed began
    to sprout. _e_, Hisca, resembling _c_ and _d_ of the stone, but
    larger, with no division between the heads. It was the symbol of
    the conjunction of the sun and moon, which the Chibchas considered
    the nuptials or actual union of these celestial spouses--one of the
    cardinal dogmas of their creed. _f_, Ta, almost identical with _b_.
    It represented the harvest month. _g_, Cuhupcua, an earless human
    head upon one of the lateral faces of the stone. It was the symbol
    of the useless or so-called deaf month of the Chibchan year. _h_,
    Suhuza, perhaps a tadpole, and probably referred to the generation
    of these animals. _i_, Aca, a figure of a frog, larger than _a_, but
    in a similar posture. It announced the approach of the rainy season.
    _j_, Ulchihica, two united rhomboids--a fruit or seed, and perhaps
    an ear. It referred to their invitations and feasts. _k_, Guesa,
    a human figure in an humble attitude, the hands folded, and a halo
    about the head. It is supposed to represent the unfortunate youth
    selected as the victim of the sacrifice made every twenty Chibchan
    years to the god of the harvest.

The characters _b_ and _f_ below, markedly resemble one given by Pipart
(_a_), with the same signification. It referred to the preparation of
the ground for sowing.

[Illustration: FIG. 980.--Chibcha symbols.]

Wiener (_f_) gives the following summary of prominent Peruvian symbols:

    In the conventional system of the Peruvians a bird indicates
    velocity, a lion strength, the lion and the bird united in one
    figure strength and velocity together, and, deductively, power.
    The meander indicates fertility and the pyramid with degrees or
    steps indicates defense. A bird combined with the meander indicates
    rapid production. A rectangular oblong figure (the mouth) indicates
    speech and discourse. A circle with a depression almost in the form
    of a heart means a female child, a circle with a small blade or
    stalk a male child. The circle with two stalks is the symbol of a
    man--the worker. The circle with four stalks means a married couple,
    marriage, etc.

[Illustration: FIG. 981.--Syrian symbols.]

Fig. 981 is presented to show another collection of engraved symbols,
some of which with different execution resemble some found in North
America. It is a bronze tablet found in Syria in the collection of M.
Péretié, and is described by Maj. Claude R. Conder, R. F. (_a_):

    It measures 4-1/2 inches in height by 3-1/4 in width. The design
    is supposed to represent the fate of the soul according to Assyrian
    or Phenician belief. The tablet is divided into four compartments
    horizontally, the lowest being the largest and highest the most
    narrow. In the top compartment various astronomical symbols occur,
    many of which, as M. Canneau points out, occur on other Assyrian
    monuments. On the extreme right are the seven stars, next to these
    the crescent, next the winged solar disk, then an eight-rayed star
    in a circle. The remaining symbols are less easily explained, but
    the last is called by M. Canneau a “cidaris” or Persian tiara, while
    another appears to approach most nearly to the Trisul, or symbol of
    “fire,” the emblem of the Indian Siva.

    Below these symbols stand seven deities facing to the right,
    with long robes, and the heads of various animals. The first to the
    left resembles a lion, the second a wolf or hound, the fourth a
    ram, the sixth a bird, the seventh a serpent, while the third and
    fifth are less easily recognized. In the third compartment a body
    lies on a bier, with a deity at the head, and another at the feet.
    These deities have the right hand held up, and the left down (a
    common feature of Indian symbolism also observable in the attitude
    of the Mâlawiyeh dervishes), and the figure to the left appears to
    hold a branch or three ears of corn. Both are robed in the peculiar
    fish-headed costume, with a scaly body and fish tail, which is
    supposed to be symbolical of the mythical Oannes, who according to
    Berosus, issued from the Persian gulf and taught laws and arts to
    the early dwellers on the Euphrates. Behind the left-hand fish-god
    is a tripod stand, on which is an indefinite object; to the right of
    the other fish-god are two lion-headed human figures with eagles’
    claws, apparently contending with one another, the right arms being
    raised, the left holding hand by hand. To the right of these is
    another figure of Assyrian type, with a domed headdress and beard.

    In the lowest compartment the infernal river fringed with
    rushes, and full of fish, is represented. A fearful lion-headed
    goddess with eagles’ claws kneels on one knee on a horse (the emblem
    of death) which is carried in a kneeling attitude on a boat with
    bird-headed prow. The goddess crushes a serpent in either hand,
    and two lion cubs are represented sucking her breasts. To the left
    is a demon bearing a close resemblance to the one which supports
    the tablet itself, and which appears to urge on the boat from the
    bank; to the right are various objects, mostly of an indefinite
    character, among which M. Ganneau recognizes a vase, and a bottle,
    a horse’s leg with hoof, etc.; possibly offerings to appease the
    infernal deities. The lion-headed goddess might well be taken for
    the terrible infernal deity Kali or Durga, the worship of whose
    consort, Yama, was the original source of that of the later Serapis,
    whose dog was the ancestor of Cerberus. There is also a general
    resemblance between this design and the well-known Egyptian picture
    representing the wicked soul conveyed to hell in the form of a pig.

    The Oannes figures take the place of the two goddesses who in
    Egyptian designs stand at either end of the mummy and who form the
    prototype of the two angels for whom the pious Moslem provides
    seats at the head and foot of his tombstone. Perhaps the miserable
    horse who stumbles under the weight of the gigantic lion goddess
    may represent the unhappy soul itself, while the three ears of corn
    remind us of the grains of corn which have been found in skulls
    dug up in Syria by Capt. Burton. Corn is intimately connected with
    Dagon, the Syrian fish-god.

    As a tentative suggestion I may, perhaps, be allowed to propose
    that the seven deities in the second compartment are the planets,
    and that the symbols above belong to them as follows, commencing on
    the right:

    ------------+----------------+----------------+-------------
       Planet. | Assyrian name. | Head of deity. | Symbol.
    ------------+----------------+----------------+-------------
    1. Saturn   | Chiun         | Serpent        | Seven stars.
    2. Moon     | Nannar        | Bird           | Crescent.
    3. Sun      | Shamash       | Boar (?)       | Winged Disc.
    4. Mars     | Marduk        | Ram            | Rayed disc.
    5. Mercury  | Nebo          | (?)            | Two columns.
    6. Venus    | Ishtar        | Wolf (?)       | Trisul.
    7. Jupiter  | Ishn          | Lion           | Cidaris (?).
    ------------+----------------+----------------+-------------

    The serpent is often the emblem of Saturn, who, as the eldest
    of the seven (“the great serpent father of the gods”), naturally
    comes first and therefore on the right, and has seven stars for his
    symbol.

    The moon, according to Lenormant, was always an older divinity
    than the sun.

    The boar is often an emblem of the sun in its strength.

    The disc (litu) was the weapon employed by Marduk, the warrior
    god, as mentioned by Lenormant.

    The two pillars of Hermes are the proper emblem of the ancient
    Set or Thoth, the planet Mercury.

    The trisul belongs properly to the Asherah, god or goddess of
    fertility--the planet Venus.

    The Cidaris occurs in the Bavian sculptures in connection with
    a similar emblem. In the Chaldean system, Jupiter and Venus occur
    together as the youngest of the planets.

    It should also be noted that the position of the arms and the
    long robe covering the feet resemble the attitudes and dress of the
    Mâlawîyeh dervishes in their sacred dance, symbolic of the seven
    planets revolving (according to the Ptolemaic system) round the
    earth.

Didron (_c_) thus remarks upon the emblems in the Roman catacombs:

    The large fish marks the fisher who catches it or the
    manufacturer who extracts the oil from it. The trident indicates the
    sailor, as the pick the digger. The trade of digger in the catacombs
    was quite elevated; the primitive monuments thus represent these men
    who are of the lower class among us, and who in the beginning of the
    Christian era, when they dug the graves of saints and martyrs, were
    interred side by side with the rich and even beside saints, and were
    represented holding a pickaxe in one hand and a lamp in the other;
    the lamp lighted them in their subterranean labors. The hatchet
    indicates a carpenter, and the capital a sculptor or an architect.
    As to the dove, it probably designates the duties of the mother of
    a family who nourishes the domestic birdlings as would appear to be
    indicated by a mortuary design in Bosis. It is possible, moreover,
    that it originated from a symbolic idea, but this idea would be
    borrowed from profane rather than religious sentiments, and I would
    more willingly see in it the memorial of the good qualities of the
    dead, man or woman, the fidelity of the wife, or of the dove, which
    returning to the ark after the deluge announced that the waters
    had retired and the land had again appeared; from this we can not
    conclude that the fish filled a rôle analogous to it, nor above all
    that it is the symbol of Christ; the dove is in the Old Testament,
    the fish neither in the old nor in the new.

Edkins (_b_) says respecting the Chinese:

    It is easy to trace the process of symbol-making in the words
    used for the crenelated top of city walls, which are ya and c’hi,
    both meaning “teeth” and both being pictures of the object, and
    further, when the former is found also to be used for “tree buds”
    and “to bud.” Such instances of word creation show how considerable
    has been the prevalence of analogy and the association of ideas. The
    picture writing of the Chinese is to a large extent a continuation
    of the process of forming analogies to which the human mind had
    already become accustomed in the earlier stages of the history of
    language.

D’Alviella (_b_) furnishes this poetical and truthful suggestion:

    It is not surprising that the Hindoos and Egyptians should both
    have adopted as the symbol of the sun the lotus flower, which opens
    its petals to the dawn and infolds them on the approach of night,
    and which seems to be born of itself on the surface of the still
    waters.


SECTION 3.

SIGNIFICANCE OF COLORS.

The use of color to be considered in studies of pictography is probably
to be traced to the practice of painting on the surface of the human
body. This use is very ancient. The Ethiopians in the army of Xerxes
applied vermillion and white plaster to their skins, and the German
tribes when first known in history inscribed their breasts with the
figures of divers animals. The North British clans were so much addicted
to paint (or perhaps tattoo) that the epithet Picti was applied to them
by the Romans. In this respect comparisons may be made with the Wichita,
who were called by the French Pawnees Piqués, commonly rendered in
English Pawnee Picts, and Marco de Niça, in Hakluyt, (_e_) says that
Indians in the region of Arizona and New Mexico were called Pintados
“because they painted their faces, breasts, and arms.” The general
belief with regard to the employment of paint in the above and similar
cases is that the colors had a tribal significance by which men became
their own flags; the present form of flag not having great antiquity,
as Clovis was the first among western monarchs to adopt it. Then the
theory became current that colored devices, such as appeared on ensigns
and on clothing, e. g., tartans, were imitated from the painted marks on
the skin of the tribesmen. In this connection remarks made supra about
tattoo designs are applicable. There is but little evidence in favor of
the theory, save that fashions in colored decorations probably in time
became tribal practices and so might have been evolved into emblems. But
it is proper to regard such colorations as primarily ornamental, and to
remember that even in England as late as the eighth century some bands
of men were so proud of their decorated bodies that they refused to
conceal them by clothes.

This topic may be divided into: 1. Decorative use of color. 2. Idiocrasy
of colors. 3. Color in ceremonies. 4. Color relative to death and
mourning. 5. Colors for war and peace. 6. Colors designating social
status.


DECORATIVE USE OF COLOR.

The following notes give instances of the use of painting which appear
to be purely decorative:

Fernando Alarchon, in Hakluyt, (_f_) says of the Indians of the Bay of
California: “These Indians came decked after sundry fashions, some came
with a painting that couered their face all ouer, some had their faces
halfe couered, but all besmouched with cole and euery one as it liked
him best.”

John Hawkins, in Hakluyt, (_g_) speaking of the Florida Indians,
tells of “Colours both red, blacke, yellow, and russet, very perfect,
wherewith they so paint their bodies and Deere skinnes which they weare
about them, that with water it neither faded away nor altereth in color.”

Maximilian of Wied (_f_), reports:

    Even in the midst of winter the Mandans wear nothing on the
    upper part of the body, under their buffalo robe. They paint their
    bodies of a reddish brown colour, on some occasions with white clay,
    and frequently draw red or black figures on their arms. The face
    is, for the most part, painted all over with vermillion or yellow,
    in which latter case the circumference of the eyes and the chin are
    red. There are, however, no set rules for painting, and it depends
    on the taste of the Indian dandy; yet, still, a general similarity
    is observed. The bands, in their dances and also after battles,
    and when they have performed some exploit, follow the established
    rule. In ordinary festivals and dances, and whenever they wish to
    look particularly fine, the young Mandans paint themselves in every
    variety of way, and each endeavors to find out some new mode. Should
    he find another dandy painted just like himself, he immediately
    retires and makes a change in the pattern, which may happen three or
    four times during the festival. If they have performed an exploit,
    the entire face is painted jet black.

A colored plate in the report of the Pacific Railroad Expedition (_f_)
shows the designs adopted by the Mojave Indians for painting the body.
These designs consist of transverse lines extending around the body,
arms, and legs, or horizontal lines or different parts may partake of
different designs. Clay is now generally used.

Everard F. im Thurn (_h_) describes the painting of the Indians of
Guiana as follows:

    The paint is applied either in large masses or in patterns. For
    example, a man, when he wants to dress well, perhaps entirely coats
    both his feet up to the ankles with a crust of red; his whole trunk
    he sometimes stains uniformly with blue-black, more rarely with red,
    or covers it with an intricate pattern of lines of either color;
    he puts a streak of red along the bridge of his nose; where his
    eyebrows were till he pulled them out he puts two red lines; at the
    top of the arch of his forehead he puts a big lump of red paint, and
    probably he scatters other spots and lines somewhere on his face.
    The women, especially among the Ackawoi, who use more body-paint
    than other ornament, are more fond of blue-black than of red; and
    one very favorite ornament with them is a broad band of this, which
    edges the mouth, and passes from the corners of that to the ears.
    Some women especially affect certain little figures, like Chinese
    characters, which look as if some meaning were attached to them, but
    which the Indians are either unable or unwilling to explain.

Kohl (_a_) says of the Indians met by him around Lake Superior that “The
young men only paint--no women. When they become old they stop and cease
to pluck out their beards which are an obstacle in painting.” It is
probable that the custom of plucking the hairs originated in the attempt
to facilitate face and body painting.

Herndon (_b_) gives the following report from the valley of the Amazon:

    Met a Conibo on the beach. This man was evidently the dandy of
    his tribe. He was painted with a broad stripe of red under each eye;
    three narrow stripes of blue were carried from one ear, across the
    upper lip to the other--the two lower stripes plain, and the upper
    one bordered with figures. The whole of the lower jaw and chin were
    painted with a blue chain-work of figures, something resembling
    Chinese figures.

According to Dr. J. J. von Tschudi (_b_):

    The uncivilized Indians of Peru paint their bodies, but not
    exactly in the tattoo manner; they confine themselves to single
    stripes. The Sensis women draw two stripes from the shoulder, over
    each breast, down to the pit of the stomach; the Pirras women paint
    a band in a form of a girdle round the waist, and they have three of
    a darker color round each thigh. These stripes, when once laid on,
    can never be removed by washing. They are made with the unripe fruit
    of one of the Rubiacaceæ. Some tribes paint the face only; others,
    on the contrary, do not touch that part; but bedaub with colors
    their arms, feet, and breasts.

F. J. Mouat, M. D., in Jour. Roy. Geogr. Soc., (_a_) says that Andaman
Islanders rub red earth on the top of the head, probably for the purpose
of ornamentation. This fashion is similar to that of some North American
Indian tribes which rub red pigment on the parting of the hair.

Marcano (_e_) says:

    The present Piaroas of Venezuela are in the habit of painting
    their bodies, but by a different process. They make stamps out of
    wood, which they apply to their skins after covering them with
    coloring matter.

[Illustration: FIG. 982.--Piaroa color stamps.]

Fig. 982 shows examples of these stamps. The most noteworthy thing
about them is that they reproduce the types of certain petroglyphs,
particularly of those of the upper Cuchivero (see Figs. 152 and 153,
supra).

    The Piaroas either copied the models they found carved on the
    rocks by peoples who preceded them, or they are aware of their
    meaning and preserved the tradition of it. The former hypothesis is
    the only tenable one. Not being endowed with inventive faculties,
    it seems more natural that they should simply have copied the only
    models they found. The Indians of French Guiana paint themselves in
    order to drive away the devil when they start on a journey or for
    war, whence Crevaux concludes that the petroglyphs must have been
    carved for a religious purpose. But painting is to the Piaroas a
    question of ornamentation and of necessity. It is a sort of garment
    that protects them against insects, and which, applied with extra
    care, becomes a fancy costume to grace their feasts and meetings.

It is to be noted that at least one instance is found of the converse
of the Piaroa practice, by which the face-marks are used as the designs
of pictographs on inanimate objects. The Serranos, near Los Angeles,
California, formerly cut lines upon the trees and posts marking
boundaries of land, these lines corresponding to those adopted by the
owner as facial decorations.

A suggestion appropriate to this branch of the topic is presented in
the answer communicated in a personal conversation of a Japanese lady
who was asked why she blackened her teeth: “Any dog has white teeth!”
An alteration of the physical appearance is itself a distinction, and
the greater the difference between the decorated person and the want
of decoration in others the greater the distinction. Modern milliners,
dressmakers, tailors and hatters, and their patrons pursue the same ends
of fashionable distinction which are exhibited in rivalry for priority
and singularity. These arbitrary fluctuations of fashion, which are seen
equally in the Mandan and the millionaire, the Pueblan and the Parisian,
are to be considered with reference to the supposed tribal significance
of colors before mentioned. So far as they originated in fashion they
changed with fashion, and the studies made in the preparation of this
paper tend to a disbelief in their distinctness and stability. The
conservatism of religious and of other ceremonial practices and of
social customs preserved, however, a certain amount of consistency and
continuity.

IDEOCRASY OF COLORS.

It has often been asserted that there was and is an intrinsic
significance in the several colors. A traditional recognition of this
among the civilizations connected with modern Europe is shown by the
associations of death and mourning with black, of innocence and peace
with white, danger with red, and epidemic disease officially with
yellow. A comparison of the diverse conceptions attached to the colors
will show great variety in their several attributions.

The Babylonians represented the sun and its sphere of motion by gold,
the moon by silver, Saturn by black, Jupiter by orange, Mars by red,
Venus by pale yellow, and Mercury by deep blue. Red was anciently and
generally connected with divinity and power both priestly and royal. The
tabernacle of the Israelites was covered with skins dyed red, and the
gods and images of Egypt and Chaldea were of that color, which to this
day is the one distinguishing the Roman Pontiff and the cardinals.

In ancient art each color had a mystic sense or symbolism, and its
proper use was an essential consideration. With regard to early
Christian art Mrs. Clement (_a_) furnishes the following account:

    White is worn by the Saviour after his resurrection; by the
    Virgin in representations of the Assumption; by women as the emblem
    of chastity; by rich men to indicate humility; and by the judge as
    the symbol of integrity. It is represented sometimes by silver or
    the diamond, and its sentiment is purity, virginity, innocence,
    faith, joy, and light.

    Red, the color of the ruby, speaks of royalty, fire, divine
    love, the holy spirit, creative power, and heat. In an opposite
    sense it symbolized blood, war, and hatred. Red and black combined
    were the colors of Satan, purgatory, and evil spirits. Red and white
    roses are emblems of love and innocence or love and wisdom, as in
    the garland of St. Cecilia.

    Blue, that of the sapphire, signified heaven, heavenly love and
    truth, constancy and fidelity. Christ and the Virgin Mary wear the
    blue mantle; St. John a blue tunic.

    Green, the emerald, the color of spring, expressed hope and
    victory.

    Yellow or gold was the emblem of the sun, the goodness of God,
    marriage and fruitfulness. St. Joseph and St. Peter wear yellow.
    Yellow has also a bad signification when it has a dirty, dingy hue,
    such as the usual dress of Judas, and then signifies jealousy,
    inconstancy, and deceit.

    Violet or amethyst signified passion and suffering or love and
    truth. Penitents, as the Magdalene, wear it. The Madonna wears it
    after the crucifixion, and Christ after the resurrection.

    Gray is the color of penance, mourning, humility, or accused
    innocence.

    Black with white signified humility, mourning, and purity of
    life. Alone, it spoke of darkness, wickedness, and death, and
    belonged to Satan. In pictures of the Temptation Jesus sometimes
    wears black.

The associations with the several colors above mentioned differ widely
from those in modern folk-lore; for instance, those with green and
yellow, the same colors being stigmatized in the old song that “green’s
forsaken and yellow’s forsworn.”

The Hist. de Dieu, by Didron (_d_), contains the following:

    The hierarchy of colors could well, in the ideas of the Middle
    Ages, have been allied at the same time to symbolism. The most
    brilliant color is gold, and here it is given to the greatest
    saints. Silver, color of the moon, which is inferior to the sun, but
    its companion, however, should follow; then red, or the color of
    fire, attribute of those who struggle against passion, and which is
    inferior to the two metals, gold and silver, to the sun and moon,
    of which it is but an emanation; next green, which symbolizes hope,
    and which is appropriate to married people; lastly, the uncertain
    yellowish color, half white and half yellow, a modified color, which
    is given to saints who were formerly sinners, but who have succeeded
    in reforming themselves and are made somewhat bright in the sight of
    God by penitence.

A note in the Am. Journal of Psychology, Vol. I, November, 1887, p. 190,
gives another list substantially as follows:

    Yellow, the color of gold and fire, symbolizes reason.

    Green, the color of vegetable life, symbolizes utility and labor.

    Red, the color of blood, symbolizes war and love.

    Blue, the color of the sky, symbolizes spiritual life, duty, religion.

COLOR IN CEREMONIES.

The colors attributed to the cardinal points have been the subject
of much discussion. Some of these special color schemes of the North
American Indians are now mentioned.

Mr. James Stevenson, in an address before the Anthropological Society
of Washington, D. C.; Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. Army, in the Fifth
Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 449; and Mr. Thomas V. Keam, in
a MS. contribution, severally report the tribes mentioned below as using
in their ceremonial dances the respective colors designated to represent
the four cardinal points, viz:

                          N.     S.      E.       W.
    Stevenson--Zuñi    Yellow. Red.   White.   Black.
    Matthews--Navajo   Black.   Blue. White.   Yellow.
    Keam--Moki         White.   Red.   Yellow. Blue.

Mr. Stevenson, in his paper on the Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis,
in the Eighth Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, agrees with Dr.
Matthews regarding the ceremonial scheme of the Navajo colors symbolic
of the cardinal points, as follows: “The eagle plumes were laid to the
east, and near by them white corn and white shell; the blue feathers
were laid to the south, with blue corn and turquoise; the hawk feathers
were laid to the west, with yellow corn and abalone shell; and to the
north were laid the whippoorwill feathers, with black beads and corn of
all the several colors.”

In A Study of Pueblo Architecture, by Mr. Victor Mindeleff, in the
Eighth Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, the prayers of consecration
by the Pueblos are addressed thus:

    To the west: Siky’ak            oma’uwu          Yellow cloud.
    To the south: Sa’kwa            oma’uwu          Blue cloud.
    To the east: Pal’a              oma’uwu          Red cloud.
    To the north: Kwetsh            oma’uwu          White cloud.

Mr. Frank H. Cushing, in Zuñi Fetiches, Second Ann. Rep., Bureau of
Ethnology, pp. 16-17, gives the following:

    In ancient times, while yet all beings belonged to one family,
    Po-shai-ang-k’ia, the father of our sacred bands, lived with his
    children (disciples) in the City of the Mists, the middle place
    (center) of the medicine societies of the world. When he was about
    to go forth into the world he divided the universe into six regions,
    namely, the North (Direction of the swept or barren place); the
    West (Direction of the Home of the Waters); the South (Direction of
    the Place of the Beautiful Red); the East (Direction of the Home of
    Day); the Upper Regions (Direction of the Home of the High); and the
    Lower Regions (Direction of the Home of the Low).

    In the center of the great sea of each of these regions stood a
    very ancient sacred place--a great mountain peak. In the North was
    the Mountain Yellow, in the West the Mountain Blue, in the South the
    Mountain Red, in the East the Mountain White, above the Mountain
    All-color, and below the Mountain Black.

    We do not fail to see in this clear reference to the natural
    colors of the regions referred to--to the barren North and its
    auroral hues, the West with its blue Pacific, the rosy South, the
    white daylight of the east, the many hues of the clouded sky, and
    the black darkness of the “caves and holes of earth.” Indeed these
    colors are used in the pictographs and in all the mythic symbolism
    of the Zuñis to indicate the directions or regions respectively
    referred to as connected with them.

Mr. A. S. Gatschet (_a_), in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., gives the symbolic
colors of the Isleta Pueblo for the points of the compass, as “white for
the east; from there they go to the north, which is black; to the west,
which is blue; and to the south, which is red.”

Mr. James Mooney, in Seventh Ann. Rep., Bureau Ethnology, p. 342, says
that the symbolic color system of the Cherokees is:

    East--red--success; triumph.
    North--blue--defeat; trouble.
    West--black--death.
    South--white--peace; happiness.

In the ceremonies of the Indians of the plains it is common that the
smoke of the sacred pipe should be turned first directly upward, second
directly downward, and then successively to the four cardinal points,
but without absolute agreement among the several tribes as to the order
of that succession. In James’ Long (_i_), it is reported that in a
special ceremony of the Omaha regarding the buffalo the first whiff of
smoke was directed to them, next to the heavens, next to the earth,
and then successively to the east, west, north, and south. The rather
lame explanation was given that the east was for sunrise, the west for
sunset, the north for cold country, and the south for warm country.

The Count de Charencey, in Des Couleurs considérés comme symboles des
Pointes de l’Horizon, etc., and in Ages ou Soleils, gives as the result
of his studies that in Mexico and Central America the original systems
were as follows:

    _Quaternary system._   _Quinary system._
       East--Yellow.         South--Blue.
       North--Black.         East--Red.
       West--White.          North--Yellow.
       South--Red.           West--White.
                             Center--Black.

Mr. John Crawford (_a_) says:

    In Java the divisions of the horizon and the corresponding
    colors were named in the following order: first, white and the east;
    second, red and the south; third, yellow and the west; fourth, black
    and the north; and fifth, mixed colors and the focus or center.

Boturini (_a_) gives the following arrangement of the “symbols of the
four parts or angles of the world,” comparing it with that of Gemelli:

         _Gemelli._         _Boturini._
    1. Tochtli--South. 1. Tecpatl--South.
    2. Acatl--East.     2. Calli--East.
    3. Tecpatl--North. 3. Tochtli--North.
    4. Calli--West.     4. Acatl--West.

    SYMBOLS OF THE FOUR ELEMENTS.

         _Gemelli._         _Boturini._
    1. Tochtli--Earth. 1. Tecpatl--Fire.
    2. Acatl--Water.    2. Calli--Earth.
    3. Tecpatl--Air.    3. Tochtli--Air.
    4. Calli--Fire.     4. Acatl--Water.

Herrera (_a_) speaks only of the year symbols and colors, and, although
he does not directly connect them, indicates his understanding in regard
thereto by the order in which he mentions them:

    They divided the year into four signs, being four figures; the
    one of a house, another of a rabbit, the third of a cane, the fourth
    of a flint, and by them they reckoned the year as it passed on. *
    * * They painted a sun in the middle from which issued four lines
    or branches in a cross to the circumference of the wheel, and they
    turned so that they divided it into four parts and the circumference
    and each of them moved with its branch of the same color, which were
    four--green, blue, red, and yellow.

From this statement Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in Notes on certain Maya and
Mexican Manuscripts, Third Ann. Rep., Bureau of Ethnology, concludes
that Herrera’s arrangement would presumably be as follows:

    Calli--Green.
    Tochtli--Blue.
    Acatl--Red.
    Tecpatl--Yellow.

Combining these several lists it would appear that Calli, color green,
was Fire and West or Earth and East; Tochtli, color blue, was Earth and
South or Air and North; Acatl, color red, was Water and East or Water
and West; Tecpatl, color yellow, was Air and North or Fire and South.

The foregoing notes leave the symbolic colors of the cardinal points
in a state of confusion, and on calm reflection no other condition
could be expected. Taking the idea of the ocean blue, for instance, and
recognizing the impressive climatic effects of the ocean, the people
examined may be in any direction from the ocean and to each of them its
topographic as well as color relation differs. If it shall be called
blue, the color blue may be north, south, east, or west. So as to the
concepts of heat and cold, however presented in colors by the fancy,
heat being sometimes red and sometimes yellow, cold being sometimes
considered as black by the manifestation of its violent destruction of
the tissues and sometimes being more simply shown as white, the color
of the snow. Also the geographic situation of the people must determine
their views of temperature. The sun in tropical regions may be an object
of terror, in Arctic climes of pure beneficence, and in the several
seasons of more temperate zones the sun as fire, whether red or yellow,
may be destructive or life-giving. Regarding the symbols of the cardinal
points it seems that there is nothing intrinsic as to colors, but that
the ideograms connected with the topic are local and variant. As the
ancient assignments of color to the cardinal points are not established
and definite among people who have been long settled in their present
habitat, the hope of tracing their previous migration by that line of
investigation may not be realized.

The following account of the degree posts of the Grand Medicine Society
of the Ojibwa is condensed from an article by Dr. Hoffman in the Am.
Anthropologist for July, 1889:

    In constructing the inclosure in which the Midē' priests
    practice the rites and ceremonies of initiation, a single post, from
    4 to 5 feet in height and about 8 inches thick, is planted at a
    point opposite the main entrance, and about three-fourths the entire
    distance of the interior from it. This post is painted red, with a
    band of green about the top, of the width of a palm.

    The red and green colors are used to designate the Midē'
    society, but for what reason is not positively known. The green
    appears to have some connection with the south, the sources of
    heat and abundance of crops; the thunder-bird also comes from that
    direction in the springtime, bringing rain, which causes the grass
    and fruits to grow, giving an abundance of food.

    For the second degree two posts are erected within the
    inclosure, the first being like that for the first degree, the
    second being planted nearer the main entrance, though not far from
    the opposite end of the structure; this post is painted red and is
    covered with white spots made by applying white clay with the finger
    tip. These spots are symbolical of the migis shell, the sacred
    emblem of the Grand Medicine Society.

    The third degree contains three posts, the two preceding ones
    being used, to which a third is added and planted in a line with
    them; this post is painted black.

    In the fourth degree the additional post is really a cross, a
    crosspiece of wood being attached near the top; the lower part of
    the upright piece is squared, the side on the east being painted
    white; on the south, green; on the west, red; and on the north,
    black. The white is the source of light facing the direction of the
    rising sun, the green, apparently the source of warmth, rains, and
    abundance of crops, while the north is black, and pertains to the
    region from which come cold, disease, and desolation. The red is
    placed upon the western side, but there is a diversity of opinion
    regarding its significance. The most plausible theory appears to
    relate to the “road of the dead,” referred to in the ritual of the
    Ghost Society, as the path upon which the departed shadow partakes
    of the gigantic strawberry which he finds. The upper portion of the
    cross is white, upon which are placed irregularly red spots.

In the same article is the following account of face coloring in the
Midē' degrees:

    In connection with the colors of the degree posts, there is a
    systematic arrangement of facial ornamentation, each style to be
    characteristic of one of the four degrees, as well as the degree of
    the Ghost Society.

    According to the White Earth (Minnesota) method, the arrangement
    is as follows:

    First degree. One red stripe across the face from near the ears
    across the tip of the nose.

    Second degree. One stripe as above and another across the eyes,
    temples, and root of the nose.

    Third degree. The upper half of the face painted green and the
    lower half red.

    Fourth degree. The forehead and the left side of the face from
    the outer canthus of the eye downward is painted green; four spots
    of vermilion are made with the tip of the finger upon the forehead
    and four upon the green surface of the left cheek.

    According to Sikassige, a Mille Lacs Midē' priest, the
    ornamentation practiced during his youth was as follows:

    First degree. A broad band of green across the forehead and a
    narrow stripe of vermilion across the face just below the eyes.

    Second degree. A narrow stripe of vermilion across the temple,
    eyelids, and the root of the nose, a short distance above which is a
    similar stripe of green, then another of vermilion, and above this
    again one of green.

    Third degree. Red and white spots are daubed all over the face,
    the spots averaging three-fourths of an inch each in diameter.

    Fourth degree. Two forms are admissible; in the former the face
    is painted red, with a stripe of green extended diagonally across it
    from the upper part of the left temporal region to the lower part
    of the right cheek. In the latter the face is painted red with two
    short, horizontal parallel green bars across the forehead.

    Either of these may be adopted as a sign of mourning by a man
    whose deceased son had been intended for the priesthood of the Grand
    Medicine Society.

The religious and ceremonial use of the color red by the New Zealanders
is mentioned by Taylor (_d_):

    Closely connected with religion, was the feeling they
    entertained for the Kura, or Red Paint, which was the sacred color;
    their idols, Pataka, sacred stages for the dead, and for offerings
    or sacrifices, Urupa graves, chief’s houses, and war canoes, were
    all thus painted.

    The way of rendering anything tapu was by making it red. When
    a person died, his house was thus colored; when the tapu was laid
    on anything, the chief erected a post and painted it with the kura;
    wherever a corpse rested, some memorial was set up, oftentimes the
    nearest stone, rock, or tree served as a monument; but whatever
    object was selected, it was sure to be made red. If the corpse were
    conveyed by water, wherever they landed a similar token was left;
    and when it reached its destination, the canoe was dragged on shore,
    thus distinguished, and abandoned. When the hahunga took place,
    the scraped bones of the chief, thus ornamented, and wrapped in a
    red-stained mat, were deposited in a box or bowl, smeared with the
    sacred color, and placed in a tomb. Near his final resting place a
    lofty and elaborately carved monument was erected to his memory;
    this was called he tiki, which was also thus colored.

    In former times the chief anointed his entire person with red
    ocher; when fully dressed on state occasions, both he and his
    wives had red paint and oil poured upon the crown of the head and
    forehead, which gave them a gory appearance, as though their skulls
    had been cleft asunder.

Mr. S. Gason reports in Worsnop, op. cit.:

    On the Cooper, Herbert, and Diamentina rivers of the North there
    are no paintings in caves, but in special corroborees the bodies of
    the leading dancers are beautifully painted with every imaginable
    color, representing man, woman, animals, birds, and reptiles, the
    outlines being nearly faultless, and in proportion, independent of
    the blending of the colors.

    These paintings take about seven or eight hours’ hard tedious
    work for two men, one in front, the other at the back of the man
    who is to be painted, and when these men who are painted display
    themselves, surrounded by bright fires and rude torches, it has an
    enchanting effect to the others. After the ceremony is over, the
    paintings are allowed to be examined, and the artists congratulated
    or criticised.

    At the other ceremonies, after returning from “Bookatoo” (red
    ocher expedition), they paint a few of their dancers with all the
    colors of the rainbow, the outlines showing all the principal
    species of snakes. They are well drawn and colored, and take many
    hours of labor to complete.

    These paintings of snakes are done for the purpose of having a
    good harvest of snakes. The women are not allowed to attend at this
    ceremony, as it is one of their strict secret dances.

A few notes of other ceremonial and religious uses of color are
presented.

Capt. John G. Bourke (_f_) says that the Moki employ the colors in
prayers--yellow for pumpkins, green for corn, and red for peaches.
Black and white bands are typical of rain, and red and blue bands, of
lightning.

In James’s Long (_k_), it is mentioned of the Omaha that the boy
who goes to fast on the hill top to see his guardian spirit, as
a preparation rubs his body over with whitish clay, but the same
ceremonial among the Ouenebigonghelins near Hudson bay is described by
Bacqueville de la Potherie (_d_), with the statement that the postulant
paints his face black.

Peter Martyr (_a_) says the natives of the Island of Hispaniola [Haiti]
when attending a festival at the religious edifice, go in a procession
having their bodies and faces painted in black, red, and yellow colors.
Some had feathers of the parrot and other birds, with which they
decorated themselves. The women had no decoration.

Pénicaut’s Relation, A. D. 1704, in Margry (_f_), gives an account of
decorations of the victims who die with the grand chief, or Sun of the
Natchez. Their faces were painted vermilion, as the author says, “lest
they by paleness should show their fear.” Though the practice may have
thus originated as a mere expedient, red thus used would become in time
a sacrificial color.

But the color red can not always be deduced from such an origin. It
is connected with the color of fire and of blood. The Romans on great
festivals painted the face of Jupiter Capitolinus with vermilion. They
painted in the same way all the statues of the gods, demi-gods, heroes,
fauns, and satyrs. Pan is described by Virgil in Ecl. X, line 27:

    Pan, deus Arcadiæ venit, quem vidimus ipsi
    Sanguineis ebuli baccis minioque rubentem.

These verses are rendered with spirit by R. C. Singleton, Virgil in
English Rhythm, London, 1871, though the translator wrote “cinnabar”
instead of “red lead” and might as well have used the correct word,
“minium,” which has the same prosodial quantity as cinnabar.

    Pan came, the god of Arcady, whom we
    Ourselves beheld, with berries bloody red
    Of danewort, and with cinnabar aglow.

In Chapman’s translation of Homer’s hymn to Pan the god is again
represented stained with red, but with the original idea of blood.

    A lynx’s hide, besprinkled round about
    With blood, cast on his shoulders.

By imitation of greatness and the semblance of divinity the faces of
generals when they rode in triumph, e. g., Camillus as mentioned by
Pliny, quoting Verrius, were painted red.

On the tree which supports the Vatican figure of the Apollo Belvedere
are traces of an object supposed to be the στέμμα δελφικόν, which was
composed of bushy tufts of Delphian laurel bound with threads of red
wool into a series of knots and having at each end a tassel. This is
an old sign of consecration and is possibly connected with the
traditional gipsy sign of mutual binding in love signified by a red
knot, as mentioned in a letter from Mr. Charles G. Leland.

The Spaniards distinguished red as the color par excellence, and among
many of the savage and barbaric peoples red is the favorite and probably
once was the sacred color.


COLOR RELATIVE TO DEATH AND MOURNING.

Charlevoix (_a_) says of the Micmacs that “their mourning consisted in
painting themselves black and in great lamentations.”

Champlain (_f_), in 1603, described the mourning posts of the
northeastern Algonquian tribes as painted red.

Keatings’ Long (_g_) tells that the Sac Indians blackened themselves
with charcoal in mourning and during its continuance did not use any
vermilion or other color for ornamentation.

Some of the Dakota tribes blackened the whole face with charcoal for
mourning, but ashes were also frequently employed.

Col. Dodge (_a_) says that the Sioux did not use the color green in
life, but that the corpses were wrapped in green blankets. The late Rev.
S. D. Hinman, who probably was, until his death within the last year,
the best authority concerning those Indians, contradicts this statement
in a letter, declaring that the Sioux frequently use the color green in
their face-painting, especially when they seek to disguise themselves,
as it gives so different an expression. If it is not used as generally
as blue or yellow the reason is that it is seldom found in the clays
which were formerly relied upon and therefore it required compounding.
Also they do not use green as painting or designation for the dead, but
red, that being their decoration for the “happy hunting ground.” But the
color for the mourning of the survivors is black.

Thomas L. McKenny (_a_) says the Chippeway men mourn by painting their
faces black.

The Winnebago men blacken the whole face with charcoal in mourning. The
women make a round black spot on both cheeks.

Dr. Boas, in Am. Anthrop. (_a_), says of Snanaimuq, a Salish tribe:

    The face of the deceased is painted red and black. After the
    death of husband or wife the survivor must paint his legs and his
    blanket red. For three or four days he must not eat anything; then
    three men or women give him food, and henceforth he is allowed to
    eat.

In Bancroft (_d_) it is mentioned that the Guatemalan widower dyed his
body yellow.

Carl Bock (_b_) describes the mourning solemnities in Borneo as being
marked chiefly by white, the men and women composing the mourning
processions being enveloped in white garments, and carrying white flags
and weapons and ornaments, all of which were covered with white calico.

A. W. Howitt (_h_) says of the Dieri of Central Australia:

    A messenger who is sent to convey the intelligence of a death
    is smeared all over with white clay. On his approach to the camp
    the women all commence screaming and crying most passionately. * *
    * Widows and widowers are prohibited by custom from uttering a word
    until the clay of mourning has worn off, however long it may remain
    on them. They do not, however, rub it off, as doing so would be
    considered a bad omen. It must absolutely wear off of itself. During
    this period they communicate by means of gesture language.

A. C. Haddon (_b_) tells that among the western tribes of Torres strait
plastering the body with gray mud was a sign of mourning.

Elisée Reclus (_c_) says: “In sign of mourning the Papuans daub
themselves in white, yellow, or black, according to the tribes.”

D’Albertis (_d_) reports that the women of New Guinea paint themselves
black all over on the death of a relation, but that there are degrees of
mourning among the men, e. g., the son of the deceased paints his whole
body black, but other less related mourners may only paint the face more
or less black. In Vol. II, p. 9, a differentiation is shown, by which in
one locality the women daubed themselves from head to foot with mud. The
same author says, in the same volume, p. 378, that the skulls preserved
in their houses are always colored red and their foreheads frequently
marked with some rough design.

In Armenia, as told in The Devil Worshipers of Armenia, in Scottish
Geog. Mag., VIII, p. 592, widows dress in white.

In Notes in East Equatorial Africa, Bull. Soc. d’Anthrop. de Brux.
(_b_), it is told that in the region mentioned the women rub flour over
their bodies on the death or departure of the husband.

Sir G. Wilkinson (_a_) writes that the ancient Egyptians in their
mourning ceremonies wore white fillets, and describes the same use of
the color white in the funeral processions painted on the walls of
Thebes.

Dr. S. Wells Williams (_a_) reports of the Chinese mourning colors that
“the mourners are dressed entirely in white or wear a white fillet
around the head. In the southern districts half-mourning is blue,
usually exhibited in a pair of blue shoes and a blue silken cord woven
in the queue, instead of a red one; in the northern provinces white is
the only mourning color seen.”

Herr von Brandt, in the Ainos and Japanese, Journal of the Anthrop.
Inst. G. B. and I. (_e_), tells that the coffins of the deceased Mikados
were covered with red, that is, with cinnabar.


COLORS FOR WAR AND PEACE.

These colors, respecting the Algonquian Indians, are mentioned in 1763,
as published in Margry, to the effect that red feathers on the pipe
signify war, and that other colors [each of which may have a modifying
or special significance] mean peace.

W. W. H. Davis (_b_) recounts that “in 1680 the Rio Grande Pueblos
informed the Spanish officers that they had brought with them two
crosses, one painted red, which signified war, and the other white,
which indicated peace, and they might take their choice between the two.”

Capt. de Lamothe Cadillac (_b_), writing in the year 1696 of the
Algonquians of the Great Lake region near Mackinac, etc., describes
their decorations for war as follows:

    On the day of departure the warriors dress in their best. They
    color their hair red; they paint their faces red and black with much
    skill and taste, as well as the whole of their bodies. Some have
    headdresses with the tail feathers of eagles or other birds; others
    have them decorated with the teeth of wild beasts, such as the wolf
    or tiger [wild cat]. Several adorn their heads, in lieu of hats,
    with helmets bearing the horns of deer, roebuck, or buffalo.

Schoolcraft (_r_) says that blue signifies peace among the Indians of
the Pueblo of Tesuque.

The Dakota bands lately at Grand river agency had the practice of
painting the face red from the eyes down to the chin when going to war.

The Absaroka or Crow Indians generally paint the forehead red when on
the warpath. This distinction of the Crows is also noted by the Dakota
in recording pictographic narratives of encounters with the Crows.

Haywood (_e_) says of the Cherokees:

    When going to war their hair is combed and annointed with bear’s
    grease and the red root, _Sanguinaria canadensis_, and they adorn
    it with feathers of various beautiful colors, besides copper and
    iron rings, and sometimes wampum or peak in the ears; and they paint
    their faces all over as red as vermilion, making a circle of black
    about one eye and another circle of white about the other.

H. H. Bancroft (_e_) tells that when a Modoc warrior paints his face
black before going into battle it means victory or death, and that he
will not survive a defeat. In the same volume, p. 105, he says that when
a Thlinkit arms himself for war he paints his face and powders his hair
a brilliant red. He then ornaments his head with a white eagle feather
as a token of stern, vindictive determination.

Mr. Dorsey reports that when the Osage men go to steal horses from the
enemy they paint their faces with charcoal. [Possibly this may be for
disguise, on the same principle that burglars use black crape.] The same
authority gives the following description of the Osage paint for war
parties:

    Before charging the foe the Osage warriors paint themselves
    anew. This is called the death paint. If any of the men die with
    this paint on them the survivors do not put on any other paint.

    All the gentes on the “Left” side use the “fire paint,” which
    is red. It is applied by them with the left hand all over the face.
    And they use prayers about the fire: “As the fire has no mercy, so
    should we have none.” Then they put mud on the cheek, below the left
    eye, as wide as two or more fingers. The horse is painted with some
    of the mud on the left cheek, shoulder, and thigh.

The following extract is from Belden (_b_):

    The sign paints used by the Sioux Indians are not numerous, but
    very significant. When the warriors return from the warpath and have
    been successful in bringing back scalps, the squaws, as well as the
    men, paint with vermilion a semicircle in front of each ear. The bow
    of the arc is toward the nose and the points of the half-circle on
    the top and bottom of the ear; the eyes are then reddened and all
    dance over the scalps.

John Lawson (_a_) says of the North Carolina Indians:

    When they go to war * * * they paint their faces all over red,
    and commonly make a circle of black about one eye and another circle
    of white about the other, while others bedaub their faces with
    tobacco-pipe clay, lampblack, black lead, and divers other colors,
    etc.

De Brahm, in documents connected with the History of South Carolina
(_a_), reports that the Indians of South Carolina “painted their
faces red in token of friendship and black in expression of warlike
intentions.”

Rev. M. Eells (_a_) says of the Twana Indians of the Skokomish
reservation that when about to engage in war “they would tamanamus in
order to be successful and paint themselves with black and red, making
themselves as hideous as possible.”

The U. S. Exploring Expedition (_b_), referring to a tribe near the
Sacramento river, tells that the chief presented them with a tuft of
white feathers stuck on a stick about 1 foot long, which was supposed to
be a token of friendship.

Dr. Boas, in Am. Anthrop. (_b_), says of the Snanaimuq that before
setting out on war expeditions they painted their faces red and black.

Peter Martyr (_b_) says of the Ciguaner Indians:

    The natives came out of the forest painted and daubed with
    spots. For it is their custom, when they go to war, to daub
    themselves from the face to the knee with black and scarlet or
    purple color in spots, which color they [obtain] from some curious
    fruits resembling “Pyren,” which they plant and cultivate in their
    gardens with the greatest care. Similarly they also cause the hair
    to grow in a thousand very curious shapes, if it is not by nature
    long or black enough, so that they look not otherwise than if the
    similar devil or hellish Circe came running out of hell.

Curr (_c_) tells that the Australians whitened themselves with white
clay when about to engage in war. Some African tribes, according to Du
Chaillu, also paint their faces white for war.

Haddon (_c_) says of the western tribe of Torres straits:

    When going to fight the men painted their bodies red, either
    entirely so or partially, perhaps only the upper portion of the body
    and the legs below the knees, or the head and upper part of the body
    only. The body was painted black all over by those who were actually
    engaged in the death dance.

Du Chaillu (_c_) tells that among the Scandinavians there were peace and
war shields, the former white and the latter red. When the white was
hoisted on a ship it was a sign for the cessation of hostility, in the
same manner that a flag of the same color is now used to procure or mark
a truce. The red shield displayed on a masthead or in the midst of a
body of men was the sign of hostility.


COLOR DESIGNATING SOCIAL STATUS.

The following extract is translated, from Peter Martyr (_c_):

    For the men are in body long and straight, possess a vivid and
    natural complexion which compares somewhat with a red and genuine
    flesh color. Their whole body and skin is lined over with sundry
    paints and curious figures, which they consider as a handsome
    ornament and fine decoration, and the uglier a man’s painting or
    lining over is the prettier he considers himself to be, and is also
    regarded as the most noble among their number.

Mr. Dorsey reports of the Osages that all the old men who have been
distinguished in war are painted with the decorations of their
respective gentes. That of the Tsicu wactake is as follows: The face
is first whitened all over with white clay; then a red spot is made on
the forehead and the lower part of the face is reddened; then with the
fingers the man scrapes off the white clay, forming the dark figures by
letting the natural color of the face show through.

H. H. Bancroft (_f_), citing authorities, says the central Californians
(north of San Francisco bay) formerly wore the down of Asclepias (?)
(white) as an emblem of royalty; and in the same volume, p. 691, it is
told that the natives of Guatemala wore red feathers in their hats, the
nobles only wearing green ones.

The notes immediately following are about the significant use of color,
not readily divisible into headings.

Belden (_c_) furnishes the following remarks:

    The Yanktons, Sioux, Santees, and Cheyennes use a great deal
    of paint. A Santee squaw paints her face the same as a white woman
    does, only with less taste. If she wishes to appear particularly
    taking she draws a red streak half an inch wide from ear to ear,
    passing it over the eyes, the bridge of the nose, and along the
    middle of the cheek. When a warrior desires to be left alone he
    takes black paint or lampblack and smears his face; then he draws
    zigzag lines from his hair to his chin by scraping off the paint
    with his nails. This is a sign that he is trapping, is melancholy,
    or in love.

    A Sioux warrior who is courting a squaw usually paints his eyes
    yellow and blue and the squaw paints hers red. I have known squaws
    to go through the painful operation of reddening the eye-balls,
    that they might appear particularly fascinating to the young men.
    A red stripe drawn horizontally from one eye to the other means
    that the young warrior has seen a squaw he could love if she would
    reciprocate his attachment.

As narrated by H. H. Bancroft, the Los Angeles county Indian girls paint
the cheeks sparingly with red ocher when in love. This also prevails
among the Arikara, at Fort Berthold, Dakota.

La Potherie (_e_) says that the Indian girls of a tribe near Hudson
bay, when they have arrived at the age of puberty, at the time of
its sign, daub themselves with charcoal or a black stone, and in far
distant Yucatan, according to Bancroft (_h_), the young men restricted
themselves to black until they were married, indulging afterwards in
varied and bright colored figures.

The color green is chiefly used symbolically as that of grass, with
reference to which Father De Smet’s MS. on the dance of the Tinton Sioux
contains these remarks: “Grass is the emblem of charity and abundance;
from it the Indians derive the food for their horses and it fattens the
wild animals of the plains, from which they derive their subsistence.”

Brinton (_d_) gives the following summary:

    Both green and yellow were esteemed fortunate colors by the
    Cakchiquels, the former as that of the flourishing plant, the latter
    as that of the ripe and golden ears of maize. Hence, says Coto, they
    were also used to mean prosperity.

    The color white, _zak_, had, however, by far the widest
    metaphorical uses. As the hue of light, it was associated with day,
    dawn, brightness, etc.

Marshall (_b_) gives as the explanation why certain gracious official
documents are sealed with green that the color expresses youth, honor,
beauty, and especially liberty.

H. M. Stanley (_a_) gives the following use of white as a sign of
innocence: “Qualla drew a piece of pipeclay and marked a broad white
band running from the wrist to the shoulder along each arm of Ngalyema,
as a sign to all men present that he was guiltless.”

H. Clay Trumbull (_a_) says:

    The Egyptian amulet of blood friendship was red, as representing
    the blood of the gods. The Egyptian word for “red” sometimes stood
    for “blood.” The sacred directions in the Book of the Dead were
    written in red; hence follows our word “rubrics.” The rabbis say
    that, when persecution forbade the wearing of the phylacteries
    with safety, a red thread might be substituted for this token of
    the covenant with the Lord. It was a red thread which Joshua gave
    to Rahab as a token of her covenant relations with the people of
    the Lord. The red thread, in China, to-day, binds the double cup,
    from which the bride and bridegroom drink their covenant draught
    of “wedding wine,” as if in symbolism of the covenant of blood.
    And it is a red thread which, in India, to-day, is used to bind a
    sacred amulet around the arm or the neck. * * * Upon the shrines in
    India the color red shows that worship is still living there; red
    continues to stand for blood.

Mr. Mooney, in the Seventh Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, shows
that to the Cherokee the color blue signifies grief or depression of
spirits, a curious parallel to the colloquial English phrase “has the
blues” and wholly opposite to the poetical symbol of blue for hope.

The notes above collected on the general topic of color symbolism might
be indefinitely extended. Those presented, however, are typical and
perhaps sufficient for the scope of the present work. In regarding
ideography of colors the first object is to expunge from consideration
all merely arbitrary or fanciful decorations, which is by no means easy,
as ancient customs, even in their decadence or merely traditional,
preserve a long influence. But as a generalization it seems that all
common colors have been used in historic times for nearly all varieties
of ideographic expression by the several divisions of men, and that
they have differed fundamentally in the application of those colors.
Yet there was an intelligent origin in each one of those applications
of color. With regard to mourning the color black is now considered
to be that of gloom. It was still earlier expressed by casting ashes
or earth over the head and frame, and possibly the somber paint was
adopted for cleanliness, the concept being preserved and indeed
intensified by durable blackness instead of the mere transient dinginess
of dirt, although the actual defilement by the latter is thereby only
symbolized. This gloom is the expression of the misery of the survivors,
perhaps of their despair as not expecting any happiness to the dead
or any hope of a meeting in another world. Other lines of thought are
shown by blue, considered as the supposed sky or heavenly home of the
future, and by green, as suggesting renewal or resurrection, and those
concepts determine the mourning color of some peoples. Red or yellow may
only refer to the conceptions of the colors of flames, and therefore
might simply be an objective representation of the disposition of the
corpse, which very often was by cremation. But sometimes these colors
are employed as decoration and display to proclaim that the dead go
to glory. White, used as frequently by the populations of the world
as other funeral colors, may have been only to assert the purity and
innocence of the departed, an anticipation of the flattering obituary
notices or epitaphs now conventional in civilized lands.

With regard to the color red, it may be admitted that it originally
represents blood; but it may be, and in fact is, used for the
contradictory concepts of war and peace. It is used for war as
suggesting the blood of the enemy, for peace and friendship to signify
the blood relation or blood covenant, the strongest tie of love and
friendship.

So it would seem that, while colors have been used ideographically,
the ideas which determined them were very diverse and sometimes their
application has become wholly conventional and arbitrary. A modern
military example may be in point which has no connection with the
well-known squib of an English humorist. One of the officers of the
U. S. Army of the last generation when traveling in Europe was much
disgusted to observe that a green uniform was used in some of the armies
for the corps of engineers and for branches of the service other
than rifles or tirailleurs. He insisted that the color naturally and
necessarily belongs to the Rifles, because the soldiers of that arm
when clad with that color were most useful as skirmishers in wooded
regions. This reason for the selection of green for the riflemen who
composed a part of the early army of the United States is correct, but
in the necessity for the distinction of special uniforms for the several
component parts of a military establishment, whether in Europe or
America, the original and often obsolete application of color was wholly
disregarded and colors were selected simply because they were not then
appropriated by other branches of the service. So in the late formation
of the signal corps of the U. S. Army, the color of orange, which had
belonged to the old dragoons, was adopted simply because it was a good
color no longer appropriated.

With these changes by abandonment and adoption comes fashion, which has
its strong effect. It is even exemplified where least expected, i. e.,
in Stamboul. Every one knows that the descendants of the Prophet alone
are entitled to wear green turbans, but a late Sultan, not being of the
blood of Mohammed, could not wear the color, so the emirs who could do
so carefully abstained from green in his presence and the color for the
time was unfashionable.

As the evolution of clothing commenced with painting and tattooing, it
may be admitted that what is now called fashion must have had its effect
on the earlier as on the later forms of personal decoration. Granting
that there was an ideographic origin to all designs painted on the
person, the ambition or vanity of individuals to be distinctive and to
excel must soon have introduced varieties and afterward imitations of
such patterns, colors, or combinations as favorably struck the local
taste. The subject therefore is much confused.

An additional suggestion comes from the study of the Mexican codices. In
them color often seems to be used according to the fancy of the scribe.
Compare pages 108 and 109 of the Codex Vaticanus, in Kingsborough, Vol.
II, with pages 4 and 5 of the Codex Telleriano Remensis, in part 4 of
Kingsborough, Vol. I, where the figures and their signification are
evidently the same, but the coloration is substantially reversed.

A comparison of Henry R. Schoolcraft’s published coloration with the
facts found by the recent examination of the present writer is set forth
with detail on page 202, supra.

In his copious illustrations colors were exhibited freely and with
stated significance, whereas, in fact, the general rule in regard to
the birch-bark rolls is that they were never colored at all; indeed,
the bark was not adapted to coloration. His colors were painted on and
over the true scratchings, according to his own fancy. The metaphorical
coloring was also used by him in a manner which, to any thorough student
of the Indian philosophy and religions, seems absurd. Metaphysical
significance is attached to some of the colored devices, or, as he
calls them, symbols, which could never have been entertained by a
people in the stage of culture of the Ojibwa, and those devices, in
fact, were ideograms or iconograms.


SECTION 4.

GESTURE AND POSTURE SIGNS DEPICTED.

Among people where a system of ideographic gesture signs has prevailed
it would be expected that their form would appear in any mode of
pictorial representation used with the object of conveying ideas or
recording facts. When a gesture sign had been established and it became
necessary or desirable to draw a character or design to convey the same
idea, nothing could be more natural than to use the graphic form or
delineation which was known and used in the gesture sign. It was but one
more step, and an easy one, to fasten upon bark, skins, or rocks the
evanescent air pictures of the signs.

In the paper “Sign language among the North American Indians,” published
in the First Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, a large number
of instances were given of the reproduction of gesture lines in the
pictographs made by those Indians, and they appeared to be most frequent
when there was an attempt to convey subjective ideas. It was suggested,
therefore, that those pictographs which, in the absence of positive
knowledge, are the most difficult of interpretation were those to which
the study of sign-language might be applied with advantage. The topic
is now more fully discussed. Many pictographs in the present work, the
meaning of which is definitely known from direct sources, are noted in
connection with the gesture-signs corresponding with the same idea,
which signs are also understood from independent evidence or legitimate
deduction.

Dr. Edkins (_c_) makes the following remarks regarding the Chinese
characters, which are applicable also to the picture-writing of the
North American Indians, and indeed to that of all peoples among whom it
has been cultivated:

    The use of simple natural shapes, such as the mouth, nose, eye,
    ear, hand, foot, as well as the shape of branches, trees, grass,
    caves, holes, rivers, the bow, the spear, the knife, the tablet, the
    leaf--these formed, in addition to pictures of animals, much of the
    staple of Chinese ideographs.

    Attention should be drawn to the fact that the mouth and the
    hand play an exceptionally important part in the formation of the
    symbols.

    Men were more accustomed then than now to the language of signs
    by the use of these organs. Perhaps three-twentieths of the existing
    characters are formed by their help as one element.

    This large use of the mouth and hand in forming characters is,
    as we may very reasonably suppose, only a repetition of what took
    place when the words themselves were made.

    There is likely to be a primitive connection between
    demonstratives and names for the hand, because the hand is used in
    pointing.

Fig. 983 is a copy of a colored petroglyph on a rock in the valley of
Tule river, California, further described on page 52, et seq., supra.

_a_, a person weeping. The eyes have lines running down to the breast,
below the ends of which are three short lines on either side. The arms
and hands are in the exact position for making the gesture for rain. See
_h_ in Fig. 999, meaning eye-rain, and also Fig. 1002. It was probably
the intention of the artist to show that the hands in this gesture
should be passed downward over the face, as probably suggested by the
short lines upon the lower end of the tears. It is evident that sorrow
is portrayed.

[Illustration: FIG. 983.--Rock painting. Tule river, California.]

_b_, _c_, _d_, six persons apparently making the gesture for “hunger”
by passing the hands towards and backward from the sides of the body,
suggesting a gnawing sensation. The person, _d_, shown in a horizontal
position, may possibly denote a “dead man,” dead of starvation, this
position being adopted by the Ojibwa, Blackfeet, and others as a common
device to represent a dead body. The varying lengths of head ornaments
denote different degrees of status as warriors or chiefs.

_e_, _f_, _g_, _h_, _i_. Human forms of various shapes making gestures
for negation, or more specifically “nothing, nothing here,” a natural
and universal gesture made by throwing one or both hands outward toward
either side of the body. The hands are extended, and, to make the action
apparently more emphatic, the extended toes are also shown on _e_, _f_,
_g_, and _i_. The several lines upon the leg of _i_ probably indicate
trimmings upon the leggings.

The character at _j_ is strikingly similar to the Alaskan pictographs
(see _b_ of Fig. 460), indicating self with the right hand, and the left
pointing away, signifying to go.

_k._ An ornamented head with body and legs. It may refer to a Shaman,
the head being similar to the representations of such personages by the
Ojibwa and Iroquois.

Similar drawings occur at a distance of about 10 miles southeast of this
locality as well as at other places toward the northwest, and it appears
probable that the pictograph was made by a portion of a tribe which had
advanced for the purpose of selecting a new camping place, but failed
to find the quantities of food necessary for sustenance, and therefore
erected this notice to inform their followers of their misfortune and
determined departure toward the northwest. It is noticeable that the
picture is so placed upon the rock that the extended arm of _j_ points
toward the north.

The following examples are selected from a large number that could
be used to illustrate those gesture signs known to be included in
pictographs. Others not referred to in this place may readily be noticed
in several parts of the present paper where they appear under other
headings.

[Illustration: FIG. 984.--Coward.]

Fig. 984.--Afraid-of-him. Red-Cloud’s Census. The following is the
description of a common gesture sign used by the Dakotas for afraid,
fear, coward:

Crook the index, close the other fingers, and, with its back upward,
draw the right hand backward about a foot, from 18 inches in front of
the right breast. Conception, “Drawing back.”

[Illustration: FIG. 985.--Coward.]

Fig. 985.--Afraid-of-him. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is obviously the same
device without clear depiction of the arm, which is explained by the
preceding.

[Illustration: FIG. 986.--Little-Chief.]

Fig. 986.--Little-Chief. Red-Cloud’s Census. A typical gesture sign for
chief is as follows:

Raise the forefinger, pointed upwards, in a vertical direction and then
reverse both finger and motion; the greater the elevation the “bigger”
the chief. In this case the elevation above the head is slight, so the
chief is “little.”

[Illustration: FIG. 987.--Hit.]

Fig. 987.--The Dakotas went out in search of the Crows in order to
avenge the death of Broken-Leg-Duck. They did not find any Crows, but,
chancing on a Mandan village, captured it and killed all the people in
it. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1787-’88.

The mark on the tipi is not the representation of a hatchet or tomahawk,
but is explained by the gesture sign for “hit by a bullet from a gun,”
made by the Dakotas as follows:

With the hands in the position of the completion of the sign for
discharge of a gun, draw the right hand back from the left, that is,
in toward the body; close all the fingers except the index, which is
extended, horizontal, back toward the right, pointing straight outward,
and is pushed forward against the center of the stationary left hand
with a quick motion. Conception, “Bullet comes to a stop. It struck.”

[Illustration: FIG. 988.--Cow.]

Fig. 988.--The first stock cattle were issued to them. American-Horse’s
Winter Count, 1875-’76. The figure represents a cow surrounded by
people. A common gesture sign distinguishing the cattle brought by
Europeans from the buffalo is as follows:

Make sign for buffalo, then extend the left forefinger and draw the
extended index across it repeatedly at different places. Literally,
spotted buffalo.

[Illustration: FIG. 989.--Two.]

Fig. 989.--Kills-two. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure only the
suggestion of number is in point. Two fingers are extended.

[Illustration: FIG. 990.--Sign for Dakota.]

Fig. 990.--Four Crow Indians killed by the Minneconjou Dakotas.
The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1864-’65.

The four heads and necks are shown. The pictograph shows the tribe of
the conquerors and not that of the victims. The gesture sign for Dakota
is as follows:

Forefinger and thumb of right hand extended (others closed) are drawn
from left to right across the throat as though cutting it. The Dakotas
have been named the “cut-throats” by some of the surrounding tribes.

[Illustration: FIG. 991.--Noon.]

Fig. 991.--Noon. Red-Cloud’s Census. A Dakotan gesture sign for noon is
as follows:

Make a circle with the thumb and index for sun, and then hold the hand
overhead, the outer edge uppermost.

[Illustration: FIG. 992.--Hard.]

Fig. 992.--Hard. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is the representation of a
stone hammer and coincides with the Dakotan gesture sign for hard as
follows:

Same as the sign for stone, which is: With the back of the arched right
hand strike repeatedly in the palm of the left, held horizontal, back
outward, at the height of the breast and about a foot in front; the ends
of the fingers point in opposite directions. Refers to the time when the
stone hammer was the hardest pounding instrument the Indians knew.

[Illustration: FIG. 993.--Moon.]

Fig. 993.--Little-Sun. Red-Cloud’s Census. The moon is expressed both in
gestural and oral language as sun-little.

[Illustration: FIG. 994.--Old-Cloud.]

Fig. 994.--Old-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. Cloud is drawn in blue in the
original; old is signified by drawing a staff in the hand of the man.
The Dakotan gesture for old is described as follows:

With the right hand held in front of right side of body, as though
grasping the head of a walking-stick, describe the forward arch
movement, as though a person walking was using it for support. “Decrepit
age dependent on a staff.”

[Illustration: FIG. 995.--Call-for.]

Fig. 995.--Call-for. Red-Cloud’s Census. The gesture for come or to call
to one’s self is shown in this figure. This is similar to that prevalent
among Europeans, and so requires no explanation.

[Illustration: FIG. 996.--Wise-Man.]

Fig. 996.--The-Wise-Man was killed by enemies.

Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1797-’98. The following gesture sign
explains this figure:

Touch the forehead with the right index and then make the sign for big
directly in front of it. Conception, “Big brain.”

In this as in other delineations of gesture the whole of the sign could
not be expressed, but only that part of it which might seem to be the
most suggestive.

[Illustration: FIG. 997.--Sign for pipe.]

Fig. 997 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good and is drawn to
represent the sign for pipe, which it is intended to signify. The sign
is made by placing the right hand near the upper portion of the breast,
the left farther forward, and both held so that the index and thumb
approximate a circle, as if holding a pipe-stem. The remaining fingers
are closed.

The point of interest in this character is that, instead of drawing a
pipe, the artist drew a human figure making the sign for pipe, showing
the intimate connection between gesture-signs and pictographs. The pipe,
in this instance, was the symbol of peace.

[Illustration: FIG. 998.--Searches-the-Heavens.]

Fig. 998.--Mahpiya-wakita, Searches-the-Heavens; from the Oglala Roster.
The cloud is drawn in blue, the searching being derived from the
expression of that idea in gesture by passing the extended index of
one hand (or both) forward from the eye, then from right to left, as
if indicating various uncertain localities before the person, i. e.,
searching for something. The lines from the eyes are in imitation of
this gesture.


WATER.

[Illustration: FIG. 999.--Water symbols.]

The Chinese character for to give water is _a_, in Fig. 999, which may
be compared with the common Indian gesture to drink, to give water,
viz: “Hand held with the tips of fingers brought together and passed
to the mouth, as if scooping up water” (see Fig. 1000), obviously from
primitive custom, as with Mojaves, who still drink with scooped hands,
throwing the water to the mouth.

[Illustration: FIG. 1000.--Gesture sign for drink.]

Another common Indian gesture sign for water to drink--I want to
drink--is: “Hand brought downward past the mouth with loosely extended
fingers, palm toward the face.” This appears in the Mexican character
for drink, _b_, in Fig. 999, taken from Pipart (_a_). Water, i. e.,
the pouring out of water with the drops falling or about to fall, is
shown in Fig. 999, _c_, taken from the same author (_b_), being the
same arrangement of them as in the Indian gesture-sign for rain, shown
in Fig. 1002, the hand, however, being inverted. Rain in the Mexican
picture-writing is sometimes shown by small circles inclosing a dot, as
in the last two designs, but not connected together, each having a short
line upward marking the line of descent. Several other pictographs for
rain are given below.

[Illustration: FIG. 1001.--Water, Egyptian.]

With the gesture sign for drink may be compared Fig. 1001, the Egyptian
goddess Nu in the sacred sycamore tree, pouring out the water of life
to the Osirian and his soul represented as a bird, in Amenti, from a
funereal stelē in Cooper’s Serpent Myths (_b_).

The common Indian gesture for river or stream--water--is made by passing
the horizontal flat hand, palm down, forward and to the left from the
right side in a serpentine manner.

The Egyptian character for the same is _d_ in Fig. 999, taken from
Champollion’s Dictionary (_b_). The broken line is held to represent the
movement of the water on the surface of the stream. When made with one
line less angular and more waving it means water. It is interesting to
compare with this the identical character in the syllabary invented by a
West African negro, Mormoru Doalu Bukere, for water, _e_, in Fig. 999,
mentioned by Dr. Tylor (_b_).

The abbreviated Egyptian sign for water as a stream is _f_, in Fig. 999,
taken from Champollion, loc. cit., and the Chinese for the same is as in
_g_, same figure.

In the picture writing of the Ojibwa the Egyptian abbreviated character,
with two lines instead of three, appears with the same signification.

[Illustration: FIG. 1002.--Gesture for rain.]

The Egyptian character for weep, _h_, in Fig. 999, i. e., an eye with
tears falling, is also found in the pictographs of the Ojibwa, published
by Schoolcraft (_o_), and is also made by the Indian gesture of drawing
lines by the index repeatedly downward from the eye, though perhaps more
frequently made by the full sign for rain--made with the back of the
hand downward from the eye--“eye rain.” The sign is as follows, as made
by the Shoshoni, Apache, and other Indians: Hold the hand (or hands) at
the height of and before the shoulder, fingers pendent, palm down, then
push it downward a short distance, as shown in Fig. 1002. That for heat
is the same, with the difference that the hand is held above the head
and thrust downward toward the forehead; that for to weep is made by
holding the hand as in rain, and the gesture made from the eye downward
over the cheek, back of the fingers nearly touching the face.

[Illustration: FIG. 1003.--Water sign. Moki.]

The upper design in Fig. 1003, taken from the manuscript catalogue of
T.V. Keam, is water wrought into a meandering device, which is the
conventional generic sign of the Hopitus. The two forefingers are joined
as in the lower design in the same figure.

In relation to the latter, Mr. Keam says: “At the close of the religious
festivals the participants join in a parting dance called the ‘dance of
the linked finger.’ They form a double line, and crossing their arms in
front of them they lock the forefingers of either hand with those of
their neighbors, in both lines, which are thus interlocked together, and
then dance, still interlocked by this emblematic grip, singing their
parting song. The meandering designs are emblems of this friendly dance.”


CHILD.

The Arapaho sign for _child_, _baby_, is the forefinger in the mouth, i.
e., a nursing child, and a natural sign of a deaf-mute is the same. The
Egyptian figurative character for the same is seen in Fig. 1004 _a_. Its
linear form is _b_, same figure, and its hieratic is _c_, Champollion
(_c_).

These afford an interpretation to the ancient Chinese form for _son_,
_d_ in same figure, given in Journ. Royal Asiatic Society, I, 1834,
p. 219, as belonging to the Shang dynasty, 1756-1112 B. C., and the
modern Chinese form, _e_, which, without the comparison, would not
be supposed to have any pictured reference to an infant with hand or
finger at or approaching the mouth, denoting the taking of nourishment.
Having now suggested this, the Chinese character for _birth_, _f_ in
same figure, is understood as a parallel expression of a common gesture
among the Indians, particularly reported from the Dakota, for _born_,
_to be born_; viz, place the left hand in front of the body a little
to the right, the palm, downward and slightly arched, then pass the
extended right hand downward, forward, and upward, forming a short curve
underneath the left, as in Fig. 1005 _a_. This is based upon the curve
followed by the head of the child during birth, and is used generically.
The same curve, when made with one hand, appears in Fig. 1005 _b_.

It may be of interest to compare with the Chinese _child_ the Mexican
abbreviated character for _man_, Fig. 1004 _g_, found in Pipart (_c_).
The character on the right is called the abbreviated form of the one by
its side.

[Illustration: FIG. 1004.--Symbols for child and man.]

The Chinese character for _man_ is Fig. 1004 _h_, and may have the same
obvious conception as a Dakota sign for the same signification: “Place
the extended index pointing upward and forward before the lower portion
of the abdomen.”

[Illustration: FIG. 1005.--Gestures for birth.]

A typical sign made by the Indians for _no_, _negation_, is as follows:

The hand extended or slightly curved is held in front of the body, a
little to the right of the median line; it is then carried with a rapid
sweep a foot or more farther to the right.

The sign for _none_, _nothing_, sometimes used for simple negation,
is made by throwing both hands outward from the breast toward their
respective sides.

[Illustration: FIG. 1006.--Negation.]

With these compare the two forms of the Egyptian character for no,
negation, the two upper characters of Fig. 1006 taken from Champollion
(_d_). No vivid fancy is needed to see the hands indicated at the
extremities of arms extended symmetrically from the body on each side.

Also compare the Maya character for the same idea of negation, the
lowest character of Fig. 1006, found in Landa (_a_). The Maya word for
negation is “_ma_,” and the word “_mak_,” a six-foot measuring rod,
given by Brasseur de Bourbourg in his dictionary, apparently having
connection with this character, would in use separate the hands as
illustrated, giving the same form as the gesture made without the rod.

Another sign for _nothing_, _none_, made by the Comanche is: Flat
hand thrown forward, back to the ground, fingers pointing forward and
downward. Frequently the right hand is brushed over the left thus thrown
out.

[Illustration: FIG. 1007.--Hand.]

Compare the Chinese character for the same meaning, the upper character
of Fig. 1007. This will not be recognized as a hand without study of
similar characters, which generally have a cross-line cutting off
the wrist. Here the wrist bones follow under the crosscut, then the
metacarpal bones, and last the fingers, pointing forward and downward.

Leon de Rosny (_a_) gives the second and third characters in Fig. 1007
as the Babylonian glyphs for “hand,” the upper being the later and the
lower the archaic form.

[Illustration: FIG. 1008.--Signal of discovery.]

Fig. 1008 is reproduced from an ivory drill-bow (U. S. Nat. Mus., No.
24543) from Norton sound, Alaska. The figure represents the gesture sign
or signal of discovery. In this instance the game consists of whales,
and the signal is made by holding the boat paddle aloft and horizontally.

[Illustration: FIG. 1009.--Pictured gestures. Maya.]

Fig. 1009, reproduced from Fig. 365, p. 308, Sixth Ann. Rep. Bureau
of Ethnology, is a copy of Pl. 53 of the Dresden Codex, and is a good
example of the use of gestures in the Maya graphic system. The main
figure in the upper division of the plate, probably that of a deity or
ruler, holds his right hand raised to the level of the head, with the
index prominently separated from the other fingers. This is the first
part of a sign common to several of the Indian tribes of North America
and signifies affirmation or assent. The Indians close the fingers other
than the index more decidedly than in the plate and, after the hand
has reached its greatest height, shake it forward and down, but these
details, which indeed are not essential, could not well be indicated
pictorially. The human figure in the lower division is kneeling and
holds both hands easily extended before the body, palms down and index
fingers straight, parallel, and separated from the other fingers, which
are flexed or closed. This in its essentials is a common Indian gesture
sign for “the same,” “similar,” and also for “companion.” A sign nearly
identical is used by the Neapolitans to mean “union” or “harmony.” If
the two divisions of the plate are supposed to be connected, it might be
inferred through the principles of gesture language that the kneeling
man was praying to the seated personage for admission to his favor and
companionship, and that the latter was responding by a dignified assent.

[Illustration: FIG. 1010.--Pictured gestures. Guatemala.]

Dr. S. Habel (_e_) thus describes Fig. 1010, a sculpture in Guatemala:

    The upper half represents the head, arms, and part of the breast
    of a deity, apparently of advanced age, as indicated by the wrinkles
    in the face. The right arm is bent at the elbow, the finger tips of
    the outstretched hand apparently touching the region of the heart;
    the left upper arm is drawn up, the elbow being almost as high as
    the shoulder, and the fore arm and hand hanging at nearly right
    angles. From the head and neck issue winding staves, to which not
    only knots or nodes are attached, but also variously-shaped leaves,
    buds, flowers, and fruits. Apparently these are symbols of speech,
    replacing our letters and expressing the mandate of the deity.

    The lower part represents an erect human figure with the face
    turned up toward the deity imploring, and from the mouth emanates
    a staff with nodes variously arranged. The appeal is still
    further intensified by the raising of the right hand and arm. A
    human head partly covers the head of the figure, from which hang
    variously-shaped ribbons, terminating in the body and tail of a
    fish. Above the right wrist is a double bracelet, apparently formed
    of small square stones. The left hand is covered, gauntlet-like,
    by a human skull, and the wrist is ornamented by a double scaly
    bracelet. The waist is encircled by a stiff projecting girdle, which
    differs from the general style of this ornament by having attached
    to it on the side a human head, with another human head suspended
    from it. From the front of the girdle emanate four lines, which
    ascend towards the deity, uniting at the top. They seem to symbolize
    the emotions of the person, not expressed by words. From behind the
    image issue flames.




CHAPTER XIX.

CONVENTIONALIZING.


Before writing was invented by a people there were attempts in its
direction which are mentioned in other chapters of this paper. Human
forms were drawn pictorially in the act of making gesture signs and
in significant actions and attitudes and combinations of them. Other
natural objects, as well as those purely artificial, which represented
work or the result of work, were also drawn with many differing
significations. When any of these designs had become commonly adopted on
account of its striking fitness or even from frequent repetition with a
special signification, it became a conventional term of thought-writing,
with substantially the same use as when, afterward, the combinations
of letters of an alphabet into words became the arbitrary signs of
sound-writing. While the designs thus became conventional terms, their
forms became more and more abbreviated or cursive until in many cases
the original concept or likeness was lost. Sometimes when a specimen of
the original form is preserved, its identity in meaning with the current
form can be ascertained by correlation of the intermediate shapes.

The original ideography is often exhibited by exaggeration. For
instance, a loud voice has been sometimes indicated by a human face with
an enormous mouth. Hearing, among the Peruvians, was early expressed
by a man with very large ears; then by a head with such ears, and
afterwards by the form of the ears without the head. Soon such forms
became so conventionalized as to be practically ideographic writing.
In the same manner a numeral cipher has become the representation of a
mathematical quantity, a written musical note shows a kind and degree
of sound, and other pictured signs give values of weights and measures.
All of these signs express ideas independent of any language and may be
understood by peoples speaking all diversities of language.

So also the idea of smallness and subjection may be conveyed by drawing
an object in an obviously diminished size, of which examples are given
in this chapter. Another expedient, illustrations of which also appear,
is by repetition and combination, with reference to which the following
condensed remarks of James Summers (_a_) are in point:

    The earliest Chinese characters were pictorial; but pictures
    could not be made which would clearly express all ideas. One of the
    means devised to express concepts that could not be indicated by a
    simple sketch, was to combine two or more familiar pictures. For
    instance, a man with a large eye represents “seeing;” two men, “to
    follow;” three men, “many;” two men on the ground, “sitting.”

    All other means failing, the present great mass of characters
    was formed by a principle from which the class is called “phonetic;”
    because in the characters classed under it, while one part (called
    the “radical”) preserves its meaning, the other part (called the
    “phonetic” or “primitive”) is used to give its own sound to the
    whole figure. This part does sometimes, however, convey also its
    symbolic meaning as well as its sound.

But while the original mode of expressing ideas required various
devices, when an idea had become established in pictography there always
appeared an attempt to simplify the figure and reduce it in size, so as
to require less space in the drafting surface and also to lessen the
draftsman’s labor. This was more obvious in the degree in which the
figure was complicated and of frequent employment.

For convenience the subject is divided into: 1. Conventional devices. 2.
Syllabaries and alphabets.


SECTION 1.

CONVENTIONAL DEVICES.

PEACE.

Among the North American Indians and in several parts of the world
where, as among the Indians, the hand-grasp in simple salutation has not
been found, the junction of the hands between two persons of different
tribes is the ceremonial for union and peace, and the sign for the same
concept is exhibited by the two hands of one person similarly grasped as
an invitation to, or signification of, union and peace. The ideogram of
clasped hands to indicate peace and friendship is found in pictographs
from many localities. The exhibition and presentation of the unarmed
hand may have affected the practice, but the concept of union by linking
is more apparent.

[Illustration: FIG. 1011.]

Fig. 1011.--The Dakotas made peace with the Cheyenne Indians. The-Swan’s
Winter Count, 1840-’41. Here the hands shown with fingers extended, and
therefore incapable of grasping a weapon, are approaching each other.
The different coloration of the arms indicates different tribes. The
device on the right is a rough form of the forearm of the Cheyenne
marked as mentioned several times in this work.

[Illustration: FIG. 1012.]

Fig. 1012.--The Dakotas made peace with the Pawnees. American-Horse’s
Winter Count, 1858-’59. The man on the left is a Pawnee.

[Illustration: FIG. 1013.]

Fig. 1013.--A Mandan and a Dakota met in the middle of the Missouri
River, each swimming halfway across. They shook hands there and made
peace. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1791-’92.

Mulligan, post interpreter at Fort Buford, says that this was at Fort
Berthold, and is an historic fact; also that the same Mandan long
afterwards, killed the same Dakota.

[Illustration: FIG. 1014.]

Fig. 1014.--The Omahas came and made peace to get their people whom the
Dakotas held as prisoners. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1804-’05. The
attitudes and expressions are unusually artistic. The uniting line may
only intensify the idea of a treaty resulting in peace, but perhaps
recognizes the fact that the Omaha (on the left) and Dakota belong to
the same Siouan stock. The marks on the Omaha are not tribal, but refer
to the prisoners--the marks of their bonds.

[Illustration: FIG. 1015.]

Fig. 1015.--The Dakotas made peace with the Crows at Pine Bluff.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1816-’17. The arrow shows they had been
at war. The Indian at the left is a Crow. The distinctive and typical
arrangement of the hair of the several tribes in this and the preceding
figure are worthy of note.

[Illustration: FIG. 1016.]

Fig. 1016.--The Dakotas made peace with the Pawnees. Cloud-Shield’s
Winter Count, 1814-’15. The man with the marked forehead, blue in the
original, is a Pawnee, the other is a Dakota, whose body is smeared with
clay. The four arrows show that they had been at war, and the clasped
hands denote peace.

[Illustration: FIG. 1017.]

Fig. 1017.--They made peace with the Gros Ventres. American-Horse’s
Winter Count, 1803-’04. But one arrow is shown, indicating that the
subject in question was war, but that it was not waged at the time, as
would have been shown by two opposed arrows.

[Illustration: FIG. 1018.]

Fig. 1018.--Dakotas made peace with the Crow Indians. The-Swan’s Winter
Count, 1851-’52. Here the representatives of the two tribes show their
pipes crossed, indicating exchange as is expressed by a common gesture
sign.

[Illustration: FIG. 1019.]

Fig. 1019.--Made peace with Gen. Sherman and others at Fort Laramie.
The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1867-’68. This is the adoption of the white
man’s flag, as the paramount symbol on recognition of which peace was
made.


WAR.

[Illustration: FIG. 1020.]

Fig. 1020.--The Dakotas were at war with the Cheyennes. American-Horse’s
Winter Count, 1834-’35. The Cheyenne is the man with stripes on
his arm. The two arrows shot in opposite directions form one of the
conventional symbols for war.

[Illustration: FIG. 1021.]

Fig. 1021 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year
1840-’41. He names it “Came-and-killed-five-of-Little-Thunder’s-brothers
winter.” He explains that the five were killed in an encounter with
the Pawnees. The capote or headdress, always but not exclusively worn
by Dakota war parties, is shown, and is the special symbol of war as
also given in several other places in the same record. The five short
vertical lines below the arrow signify that five were killed.

[Illustration: FIG. 1022.]

Fig. 1022.--War-Eagle. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure shows a highly
abbreviated conventional symbol. The pipe used in the ceremonial manner
explained on page 539 et seq. means war and not peace, and the single
eagle feather stands for the entire bird often called the war-eagle.

The adoption of a mat or mattress as an emblem of war or a military
expedition is discussed and illustrated, supra, p. 553, Fig. 782.

In the Jesuit Relation for 1606, p. 51, it is narrated that “The Huron
and Northern Algonkin chiefs, when their respective war parties met the
enemy, distributed among their warriors rods which they carried for the
purpose, and the warriors stuck them in the earth as a token that they
would not retreat any more than the rods would.”

In their pictographs the rods became represented by strokes which were
not only numerical, but signified warriors.


CHIEF.

[Illustration: FIG. 1023.--Chief-Boy.]

Fig. 1023.--Naca-haksila, Chief-Boy. From the Oglala Roster. The large
pipe held forward with the outstretched hand is among the Oglalas the
conventional device for chief. This is explained elsewhere by the
ceremonies attendant on the raising of war parties, in which the pipe
is conspicuous. That the human figure is a boy is indicated by the
shortness of the hair and the legs.

[Illustration: FIG. 1024.--War Chief. Passamaquoddy.]

Fig. 1024, drawn by a Passamaquoddy Indian, shows the manner of
representing a war chief by that tribe:

It signifies a chief with 300 braves. The relative magnitude of the
leading human figure indicates his rank. In this particular compare
Figs. 137, 138, and 142. The device is common in the Egyptian glyphs.

Dr. Worsnop, op. cit., makes the following remarks about a similar
device in Australia:

    At Chasm island, in the Gulf of Carpentaria, indenting
    Australia, the third person of a file of thirty-two painted on the
    rock was twice the height of the others, and held in his hand
    something resembling the waddy, or wooden sword, of the natives
    of Port Jackson, and was probably intended to represent a chief.
    They could not as with us, indicate superiority by clothing or
    ornament, since they wear none of any kind, and therefore, with the
    addition of a weapon similar to the ancients, they seem to have
    made superiority of persons the principal emblem of superior power,
    of which, indeed power is usually a consequence in the very early
    stages of society.

The exhibition of horns as a part of the head dress, or pictorially
displayed as growing from the head, is generally among the tribes of
Indians an emblem of power or chieftancy. It is distinctly so asserted
by Schoolcraft, vol. I, p. 409, as regards the Ojibwa, and by Lafitau,
vol. II, 21, both authors presenting illustrations. The same concept
was ancient and general in the eastern hemisphere. The images of gods
and heads of kings were thus adorned, as at a later day were the crests
of the dukes of Brittany. Some writers have suggested that this symbol
was taken from the crescent moon, others that it referred to the vigor
of the bull. Col. Marshall (_a_), however, gives an instance of special
derivation. He says that the Todas, when idle, involuntarily twist and
split branches of twigs and pieces of cane into the likeness of buffalo
horns, because they dream of buffalo, live on and by it, and their whole
religion is based on the care of the cow.


COUNCIL.

[Illustration: FIG. 1025.]

Fig. 1025 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the
year 1851-’52. In that year the first issue of goods was made to the
Dakotas, and the character represents a blanket surrounded by a circle
to show how the Indians sat awaiting the distribution. The people are
represented by small lines running at right angles to the circle.

[Illustration: FIG. 1026.]

Fig. 1026.--The-Good-White-Man returned and gave guns to the Dakotas.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1799-1800. The circle of marks represents
the people sitting around him, the flint-lock musket the guns.

[Illustration: FIG. 1027.]

Fig. 1027.--Council at Spotted-Tail agency. The-Flame’s Winter Count,
1875-’76. Here the circle composed of short lines pointing to the center
takes the conventional form frequently used to designate a council.

[Illustration: FIG. 1028.]

Fig. 1028.--Surrounds-them. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure is
introduced in this place to show the distinction made by an
antagonistic “surround” and the peaceable ring depicted immediately
before.

[Illustration: FIG. 1029.]

Fig. 1029.--The Dakotas had a council with the whites on the Missouri
river below the Cheyenne agency, near the mouth of Bad creek. They had
many flags which the Good-White-Man gave them with their guns, and they
erected them on poles to show their friendly feelings. American-Horse’s
Winter Count, 1805-’06. This was perhaps their meeting with the Lewis
and Clarke expedition. The curved line is drawn to represent the council
lodge, which they made by opening several tipis and uniting them at
their sides to form a semicircle. The small dashes are for the people.
This is a compromise between the Indian and the European mode of
designating an official assemblage.


PLENTY OF FOOD.

[Illustration: FIG. 1030.]

Fig. 1030.--The Dakotas have an abundance of buffalo meat.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1856-’57. This is shown by the full drying
pole on which it was the usage after successful hunts to hang the pieces
of meat to be dried for preservation.

[Illustration: FIG. 1031.]

Fig. 1031.--The Oglalas had an abundance of buffalo meat and shared it
with the Brulés, who were short of food. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1817-’18. The buffalo hide hung on the drying pole, with the buffalo
head above it, indicates an abundance of meat, as in the preceding
figure.

[Illustration: FIG. 1032.]

Fig. 1032 is taken from Battiste Good’s Winter Count for the year
1745-’46, in which the drying-pole is as usual supported by two forked
sticks or poles. This is a variant of the two preceding figures.

[Illustration: FIG. 1033.]

Fig. 1033.--Immense quantities of buffalo meat. The-Swan’s Winter Count,
1845-’46. This is another form of drying-pole in which a tree is used
for one of the supports. The pieces of meat would not be recognized as
such without explanation by the preceding figures.

[Illustration: FIG. 1034.]

Fig. 1034 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the
year 1703-’04. The forked stick being one of the supports of the
drying pole or scaffold, indicates meat. The irregular circular
object means “heap,” i. e., large quantity, buffalo having been
very plentiful that year. The buffalo head denotes the kind of meat
stored. This is an abbreviated form of the device before presented, and
affords a suggestive comparison with some Egyptian hieroglyphics and
Chinese letters, both in their full pictographic origin and in their
abbreviation.

[Illustration: FIG. 1035.]

Fig. 1035.--The Dakotas had unusual quantities of buffalo. The-Swan’s
Winter Count, 1816-’17. This representation of a buffalo hide or side
is another sign for abundance of meat, and is the most abbreviated and
conventional of all, with the same significance, in the collections now
accessible.

[Illustration: FIG. 1036.]

Fig. 1036.--The Dakotas had unusual abundance of buffalo. The-Swan’s
Winter Count, 1861-’62. This is another mode of expressing the same
abundance. The buffalo tracks, shown by the cloven hoofs, are coming up
close to the tipi.

[Illustration: FIG. 1037.]

Fig. 1037.--They had an abundance of corn, which they got at the Ree
villages. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1823-’24.

The symbol shows the maize growing, and also is the tribal sign for
Arikara or Ree.


FAMINE.

[Illustration: FIG. 1038.]

Fig. 1038.--The Dakotas had very little buffalo meat, but plenty of
ducks in the fall. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1811-’12. The bare,
drying pole is easily interpreted, but the reversed or dead duck would
not be understood without explanation.

[Illustration: FIG. 1039.]

Fig. 1039.--Food was very scarce and they had to live on acorns.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1813-’14. The tree is intended for an oak
and the dots beneath it for acorns.

[Illustration: FIG. 1040.]

Fig. 1040.--A year of famine. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1787-’88.
They, i. e., the Dakotas, lived on roots, which are represented in front
of the tipi.

[Illustration: FIG. 1041.]

Fig. 1041.--They could not hunt on account of the deep snow, and were
compelled to subsist on anything they could get, as herbs (pézi) and
roots. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1790-’91.

[Illustration: FIG. 1042.]

Fig. 1042.--They had to sell many mules and horses to get food, as they
were starving. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1868-’69. White-Cow-Killer
calls it “Mules-sold-by-hungry-Sioux winter.” The figure is understood
as a conventionalized sign by reference to the historic fact
mentioned. The line of union between the horses’ necks shows that the
subject-matter was not a horse trade, but that both of the animals, i.
e., many, were disposed of.

[Illustration: FIG. 1043.]

Fig. 1043.--Kingsborough (_l_) gives the pictograph recording that “In
the year of One Rabbit and A. D. 1454 so severe a famine occurred that
the people died of starvation.” It is reproduced in Fig 1043.


STARVATION.

[Illustration: FIG. 1044.]

Fig. 1044.--Many horses were lost by starvation, as the snow was so deep
they couldn’t get at the grass. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1865-’66.

[Illustration: FIG. 1045.]

Fig. 1045, from the record of Battiste Good for the year 1720-’21,
signifies starvation, denoted by the bare ribs. This design is
abbreviated and conventionalized among the Ottawa and Pottawatomi
Indians. Among the latter a single line only is drawn across the breast,
shown in Fig. 1046. This corresponds also with one of the Indian
gesture-signs for the same idea.

[Illustration: FIG. 1046.]

See also the Abnaki sign of starvation, a pot upside down, in Fig. 456,
supra.


HORSES.

[Illustration: FIG. 1047.]

Fig. 1047.--They caught many wild horses south of the Platte river.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1811-’12. This figure shows a horse in
the process of being caught by a lasso.

[Illustration: FIG. 1048.]

Fig. 1048.--Many wild horses caught. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1812-’13.

[Illustration: FIG. 1049.]

Fig. 1049.--Dakotas first used a lasso for catching wild horses.
The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1812-’13. In these two figures the lasso is
shown without the animal, thus becoming the conventional sign for wild
horse.

[Illustration: FIG. 1050.]

Fig. 1050.--Crow Indians stole 200 horses from the Minneconjou Dakotas,
near Black Hills. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1849-’50. This figure is
inserted to show in the present connection the lunules, which signify
unshod horses. The Indians never shod their ponies, and the hoof marks
may be either of wild horses, herds of which formerly roamed the
prairies, or the common horses brought into subjection.

[Illustration: FIG. 1051.]

Fig. 1051.--Blackfeet Dakotas stole some American horses having shoes
on. Horseshoes seen for the first time. The-Swan’s Winter Count,
1802-’03. The horseshoe here depicted is the conventional sign for the
white man’s horse.


HORSE STEALING.

[Illustration: FIG. 1052.]

Fig. 1052.--Runs-off-the-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. “Runs off” in the
parlance of the plains means stealing.

[Illustration: FIG. 1053.]

Fig. 1053.--Runs-off-the-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure explains
the one preceding. The man has in his hand a lariat or perhaps a lasso.

[Illustration: FIG. 1054.]

Fig. 1054.--Drags-the-Rope. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a variant of
the last figure, without, however, the exhibition of anything, such as
tracks, to indicate horses.

[Illustration: FIG. 1055.]

Fig. 1055.--Dog, an Oglala, stole seventy horses from the Crows.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1822-’23. Each of the seven tracks stands
for ten horses. A lariat, which serves the purpose among others of a
long whip, and is usually allowed to trail on the ground, is shown in
the man’s hand.

[Illustration: FIG. 1056.]

Fig. 1056.--Sitting-Bear, American-Horse’s father, and others, stole
two hundred horses from the Flat Heads. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1840-’41. A trailing lariat is in the man’s hand.

[Illustration: FIG. 1057.]

Fig. 1057.--Brings-lots-of-horses. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a further
step in conventionalizing. The lariat is but slightly indicated as
connected with the horse track on the lower left-hand corner.

[Illustration: FIG. 1058.]

Fig. 1058.--The Utes stole all of the Brulé horses. Cloud-Shield’s
Winter Count, 1874-’75. The mere indication of a number of horse tracks
without any qualifying or determinative object means that the horses are
run off or stolen. This becomes the most conventionalized form of the
group.

[Illustration: FIG. 1059.]

Fig. 1059.--Steals-Horses. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure the horse
tracks themselves are more rude and conventionalized.

The Prince of Wied mentions, op. cit., p. 104, that in the Sac and Fox
tribes the rattle of a rattlesnake attached to the end of the feather
worn on the head signifies a good horse stealer. The stealthy approach
of the serpent, accompanied with latent power, is here clearly indicated.

[Illustration: FIG. 1060.]

Fig. 1060.--Making-the-Hole stole many horses from a Crow tipi. Such is
the translation in Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1849-’50. The man is
cutting the hole with a knife. Through the orifice thus made he obtains
access to the horse. But it is more probable that the single tipi
represents a village into which the horse-thief effected an entrance and
ran off the horses belonging to it.


KILL AND DEATH.

[Illustration: FIG. 1061.]

Fig. 1061.--Male-Crow, an Oglala, was killed by the Shoshoni.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1844-’45. The bow in contact with the
head of the victim is frequently the conventional sign for “killed by an
arrow.” This is not drawn in the Winter Counts on the same principle
as the touching with a lance or coup stick, elsewhere mentioned in this
paper, but is generally intended to mean killed, and to specify the
manner of killing, though in fact before the use of firearms the “coup”
was often counted by striking with a bow.

[Illustration: FIG. 1062.]

Fig. 1062.--Kills-in-tight-place. Red-Cloud’s Census. This man has
evidently been enticed into an ambush, to which his tracks lead.

[Illustration: FIG. 1063.]

Fig. 1063.--Uncpapas kill two Rees. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1799-1800.
The object over the heads of the two Rees, projecting from the man
figure, is a bow, showing the mode of death. The hair of the Arickaras
is represented. This is clearly conventional and would not be understood
from the mere delineation.

[Illustration: FIG. 1064.]

Fig. 1064.--Kills-by-the-camp. Red-Cloud’s Census. The camp is shown by
the tipi, and the idea of “kill” by the bow in contact with the head of
the victim.

[Illustration: FIG. 1065.]

Fig. 1065.--Kills-Two. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here is the indication of
number by upright lines united by a horizontal line, as designating the
same occasion and the same people, two of whom are struck by the coup
stick.

[Illustration: FIG. 1066.]

Fig. 1066.--Feather-Ear-Rings was killed by the Shoshoni.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1842-’43. The four lodges and the many
blood-stains intimate that he was killed in a battle when four lodges of
Shoshoni were killed. Again appears the character for successful gunshot
wound, before explained in connection with Fig. 987.

[Illustration: FIG. 1067.]

Fig. 1067.--Kills-the-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here there appears to
be a bullet mark in the middle of the paw representing the middle of
the whole animal. The idea of death may be indicated by the reverse
attitude of the paws, which are turned up, corresponding with the slang
expression “toes up,” to indicate death.

[Illustration: FIG. 1068.]

Fig. 1068.--They killed a very fat buffalo bull. American-Horse’s
Winter Count, 1835-’36. This figure is introduced to show an ingenious
differentiation. The rough outline of the buffalo’s forequarters is
given sufficiently to show that the arrow penetrates to an unusual
depth, which indicates the mass of fat, into the region of the buffalo’s
respiratory organs, and therefore there is a discharge of blood not only
from the point of entrance of the arrow, but from the nostrils of the
animal. No device of an analogous character is found among five hundred
of the Dakotan pictographs studied, so that the designation of abnormal
fat is made evident.

[Illustration: FIG. 1069.]

Fig. 1069.--They killed many Gros Ventres in a village which they
assaulted. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1832-’33. The single scalped
head shows the killing. This conventional sign is so common as hardly to
require notice.

[Illustration: FIG. 1070.--Killed. Dakota.]

Fig. 1070, taken from Mrs. Eastman’s Dakota (_e_), shows the Dakota
pictograph for “killed”: _a_ is a woman and _b_ a man killed, and _c_
and _d_ a boy and girl killed.

[Illustration: FIG. 1071.--Life and death. Ojibwa.]

Fig. 1071, taken from Copway (_g_), gives two characters which severally
represent life and death, the black disk representing death and the
simple circle life.

[Illustration: FIG. 1072.--Dead. Iroquois.]

In Doc. Hist. N. Y. (_d_), is the illustration now copied as Fig. 1072
with the statement that it shows the fashion of painting the dead among
the Iroquois; the first two are men and the third is a woman, who is
distinguished only by the waistcloth that she wears.

The device is further explained by the following paragraphs from the
same volume, on p. 6, which add other details:

    When they have lost any men on the field of battle they paint
    the men with the legs in the air and without heads, and in the same
    number as they have lost; and to denote the tribe to which they
    belonged, they paint the animal of the tribe of the deceased on its
    back, the paws in the air, and if it be the chief of the party that
    is dead, the animal is without the head.

    If there be only wounded, they paint a broken gun which,
    however, is connected with the stock, or even an arrow, and to
    denote where they have been wounded, they paint the animal of the
    tribe to which the wounded belong with an arrow piercing the part
    in which the wound is located; and if it be a gunshot they make the
    mark of the ball on the body of a different color.

[Illustration: FIG. 1073.--Dead man. Arikara.]

Fig. 1073.--This is drawn by the Arikara for “dead man” and perhaps
suggests the concept of nothing inside, i. e., no life, with a stronger
emphasis than given to “lean” in Fig. 903, supra. It must be noted,
however, that the Hidatsa draw the same character for “man” simply.

La Salle, in 1680, wrote that when the Iroquois had killed people they
made red strokes with the figure of a man drawn in black with bandaged
eyes. As this bandaging was not connected with the form of killing, it
may be conjectured that it ideographically meant death--the light of
life put out.

For other devices to denote “Kill,” see Figs. 93 and 94.


SHOT.

In this group the figures show obvious similarity yet seem to be
graphic, or at least ideographic, but on examining the text of the
several records conventionality is developed.

[Illustration: FIG. 1074.]

Fig. 1074.--Shot-at. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here is shown the discharge of
guns and lines of passage of the bullets, one of which is graphically
displayed passing the neck of the human figure, but without either
graphic mark of wound or the conventional sign for “hit” or “it struck.”
He was shot at by many enemies, but was not hit.

[Illustration: FIG. 1075.]

Fig. 1075.--Shot. Red-Cloud’s Census. There is no doubt that this man, a
Dakota, was actually shot with an arrow.

[Illustration: FIG. 1076.]

Fig. 1076.--Shot-at-his-horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here again are the
flashes made by the discharge of guns and the horse tracks showing
horses, but no specific indication of hitting. The mark within the
right-hand horse track may be compared with the passing bullet in Fig.
1074. The horse was shot at but not hit.

[Illustration: FIG. 1077.]

Fig. 1077.--Shot-his-horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure is to be
correlated with the last one, as it shows actual hitting and blood
flowing from the wound.

[Illustration: FIG. 1078.]

Fig. 1078.--Shot-in-front-the-lodge. Red-Cloud’s Census. Without
explanation derived from the context this figure would not be
understood. The right hand character means several bows united. Between
these and the tipi is the usual device for blood flowing vertically
downwards, meaning a fatal shot, and the device displayed horizontally
and touching the tipi means that the man shot belonged to that tipi or
lodge, in front of which he was shot.


COMING RAIN.

[Illustration: FIG. 1079.--Coming rain.]

Mr. Keam in his MS. describes Fig. 1079 as two forms of the symbol of
Aloseka, which is the bud of the squash. The form seen in the upper part
of the figure, drawn in profile, is also used by the Moki to typify the
east peak of the San Francisco mountains, the birthplace of the Aloseka;
when the clouds circle, it presages the coming rain. In the rock
carvings the curving profile is further conventionalized into straight
lines and assumes the lower form.

The collection of characters given in Figs. 1080 and 1081 are selected
from a list published by Maj. C. R. Conder (_b_). That list includes
all the Hittite designs distinctly deciphered which are so far known,
and they are divided by the author into two plates, one giving the
“Hittite emblems,” as he calls them, “of known sound,” and which are
all compared with the Cypriote, and some with the cuneiform, Egyptian,
and other characters; and the other comprising the “Hittite emblems of
uncertain sound.” The collection is highly suggestive for comparison of
the significance of many forms commonly appearing in several lands and
also as a study of conventionalizing. In these respects its presentation
renders it unnecessary to dwell as much as would otherwise be required
upon the collections of Egyptian and cuneiform characters, with which
students are more familiar and which teach substantially the same
lessons.


HITTITE EMBLEMS OF KNOWN SOUND.

[Illustration: FIG. 1080.--Hittite emblems of known sound.]

_a_, a crook. Cypriote _u_.

_b_, apparently a key. Cypriote _ke_. Compare the cuneiform emblem _ik_,
“to open.”

_c_, a tiara. Cypriote _ko_; Akkadian _ku_, “prince;” Manchu _chu_,
“lord.”

_d_, another tiara, apparently a variant of _c_.

_e_, hand and stick. Cypriote _ta_, apparently a causative prefix, like
the Egyptian determinative; Chinese _ta_, “beat.”

_f_, an herb. Cypriote _te_; Akkadian _ti_, “live;” Turkish _it_,
“sprout;” _ot_, “herb.”

_g_, the hand grasping. Cypriote _to_. Compare the Egyptian, cuneiform
and Chinese signs for “touch,” “take,” “have.” Akkadian _tu_, “have.”

_h_, apparently a branch. Cypriote _pa_. Compare Akkadian _pa_, “stick”
(Lenormant).

_i_, apparently a flower. Cypriote _pu_. Compare the Akkadian emblem
_pa_, apparently a flower. Akkadian _pu_, “long;” Tartar _boy_, “long,”
“growth,” “grass;” Hungarian _fu_, “herb.”

_j_, a cross. Cypriote _lo_; Carian _h_.

_k_, a yoke. Cypriote _lo_ and _le_; Akkadian _lu_, “yoke.”

_l_ probably represents rain. Compare the Egyptian, Akkadian, and
Chinese emblems for “rain,” “storm,” “darkness.”

_m_ seems to represent drops of water equivalent to the last. Cypriote
_re_.

_n_, possibly the “fire-stick.” Cypriote _ri_. Occurs as the name of a
deity. Akkadian _ri_, “bright,” the name of a deity.

_o_, two mountains. Cypriote _me_ or _mi_. The emblem for “country.”

_p_ resembles the cuneiform sign for “female.”

_q_, this is the sign of opposition in cuneiform, in Chinese and
Egyptian. Cypriote _mu_ or _no_ (_nu_, “not”).

_r_, a pot. Cypriote _a_ or _ya_. Compare the Akkadian _a_, “water.”

_s_, a snake. Perhaps the Cypriote _ye_.

_t_, apparently a sickle. Cypriote _sa_. Compare the Tartar _sa_, _se_,
“knife.”

_u_, the open hand. Cypriote _se_. Akkadian _sa_, “give.” Tartar _saa_,
“take.”

_v_ resembles the cuneiform and Chinese emblem for “breath,” “wind,”
“spirit.” Cypriote _zo_ or _ze_. Occurs as the name of a god. Akkadian
_zi_, “spirit.”

_w_ resembles the Chinese, cuneiform, and Egyptian emblem for heaven.
Akkadian _u_. It may be compared with the Carian letter _u_ or _o_.

_x_, the foot, used evidently as a verb, and resembles the cuneiform
_du_. Probably may be sounded as in Akkadian and used for the passive
(_du_, “come” or “become”).


HITTITE EMBLEMS OF UNCERTAIN SOUND.

[Illustration: FIG. 1081.--Hittite emblems of uncertain sound.]

_y_, a serpent. Occurs in the name of a god.

_z_, perhaps a monument. It recalls the Cypriote _ro_.

_aa_, apparently a monument.

_bb_, probably the sun (_ud_ or _tam_).

_cc_, apparently a house.

_dd_, perhaps the sole of the foot.

_ee_, a donkey’s head. Probably the god Set.

_ff_, a ram’s head. Probably with the sound _gug_ or _guch_ and the
meaning “fierce,” “mighty.”

_gg_, a sheep’s head. Probably _lu_ or _udu_.

_hh_, a dog or fox head.

_ii_, a lion’s head. Only on seals.

_jj_, a demon’s head. Used specially in a text which seems to be a magic
charm.

_kk_, two legs. Resembles the cuneiform _dhu_, and means probably “go”
or “run.”

_ll_, two feet. Probably “stand;” or “send,” as in Chinese.

_mm_, apparently an altar.

_nn_, perhaps a bundle or roll.

_oo_, apparently a knife or sword; perhaps _pal_.

_pp_, apparently a tree.

_qq_, apparently the sacred artificial tree of Asshur.

_rr_, a circle. Compare the cuneiform _sa_, “middle.”

_ss_, twins. As in Egyptian.

_tt_ resembles the Chinese emblem for “small.”

_uu_, a pyramid or triangle.

_vv_, apparently a hand or glove, pointing downwards. Possibly _tu_ or
_dun_ for “down.”

_ww_, apparently a ship, like the cuneiform _ma_. Appears only on seals.

_xx_, only once found on the Babylonian bowl, and seems to represent the
inscribed bowl itself.


SECTION 2.

SYLLABARIES AND ALPHABETS.

It is worthy of observation that the Greeks used the same word, γράφειν,
to mean drawing and writing, suggesting their early identity.
Drawing was the beginning of writing, and writing was a conventionalized
drawing. The connection of both with gesture signs has been noticed
above. A gesture sign is a significant but evanescent motion, and a
drawing is produced by a motion which leaves significant marks. When
man became proficient in oral language, and desired to give permanence
to his thoughts, he first resorted to the designs of picture-writing,
already known and used, to express the sounds of his speech.

The study of different systems of writing--such as the Chinese, the
Assyrian, and the Egyptian--shows that no people ever invented an
arbitrary system of writing or originated a true alphabet by any
fixed predetermination. All the known graphic systems originated in
picture-writing. All have passed through the stage of conventionalism
to that commonly called the hieroglyphic, while from the latter,
directly or after an intermediate stage, sprang the syllabary which
used modifications of the old ideograms and required a comparatively
small number of characters. Finally, among the more civilized of ancient
races the alphabet was gradually introduced as a simplification of the
syllabary, and still further reduced the necessary characters.

The old ideograms were, or may be supposed to have been, intelligible
to all peoples without regard to their languages. In this respect they
resembled the Arabic and Roman numerals which are understood by many
nations of diverse speech when written while the sound of the words
figured by them is unintelligible. Their number, however, was limited
only by the current ideas, which might become infinite. Also each idea
was susceptible of preservation in different forms, and might readily
be misinterpreted; therefore the simplicity and precision of alphabetic
writing amply compensated for its exclusiveness.

The high development of pictorial writing in Mexico and Central America
is well known. Some of these peoples had commenced the introduction of
phonetics into their graphic system, especially in the rendering of
proper names, which probably also was the first step in that direction
among the Egyptians. But Prof. Cyrus Thomas (_b_) makes the following
remark upon the Maya system, which is of general application:

    It is certain, and even susceptible of demonstration, that a
    large portion, perhaps the majority, of the characters are symbols.

    The more I study these characters the stronger becomes the
    conviction that they have grown out of a pictographic system similar
    to that common among the Indians of North America. The first step in
    advance appears to have been to indicate, by characters, the gesture
    signs.

It is not possible now to discuss the many problems contained in the
vast amount of literature on the subject of the Mexican and Central
American writing, and it is the less necessary because much of the
literature is recent and easily accessible. With regard to the Indian
tribes north of Mexico, it is not claimed that more than one system of
characters resembling a syllabary or alphabet was invented by any of
them. The Cherokee alphabet, so called, was adopted from the Roman by
Sequoya, also called George Gist, about A. D. 1820, and was ingenious
and very valuable to the tribe, but being an imitation of an old
invention it has no interest in relation to the present topic. The same
is manifestly true regarding the Cree alphabet, which was of missionary
origin. The exception claimed is that commonly, but erroneously, called
the Micmac hieroglyphics. The characters do not partake of the nature of
hieroglyphs, and their origin is not Micmac.


THE MICMAC “HIEROGLYPHICS.”

The Micmac was an important tribe, occupying all of Nova Scotia,
Cape Breton island, Prince Edward island, the northern part of New
Brunswick, and the adjacent part of the province of Quebec, and ranging
over a great part of Newfoundland. According to Rev. Silas T. Rand,
op. cit., Megum is the singular form of the name which the Micmacs
use for themselves. Rev. Eugene Vetromile (_a_) translates “Micmacs”
as “secrets practicing men,” from the Delaware and old Abnaki word
_malike_, “witchcraft,” and says the name was given them on account of
their numerous jugglers; but he derives Mareschite, which is an Abnaki
division, from the same word and makes it identical with Micmac. The
French called them Souriquois, which Vetromile translates “good canoe
men.” They were also called Acadians, from their habitat in Acadie, now
Nova Scotia.

The first reference in literature with regard to the spontaneous use by
Indians of the characters now called the “Micmac hieroglyphs” appears
in the Jesuit Relations of the year 1652, p. 28. In the general report
of that year the work of Father Gabriel Druillettes, who had been a
missionary to the Abnaki (including under this term the Indians of
Acadia, afterwards distinguished as Micmacs), is dwelt upon in detail.
His own words, in a subordinate report, appear to have been adopted
in the general report of the Father Superior, and, translated, are as
follows:

    Some of them wrote out their lessons in their own manner. They
    made use of a small piece of charcoal instead of a pen, and a
    piece of bark instead of paper. Their characters were novel, and
    so _particuliers_ [individual or special] that one could not know
    or understand the writing of the other; that is to say, that they
    made use of certain marks according to their own ideas as of a local
    memory to preserve the points and the articles and the maxims which
    they had remembered. They carried away this paper with them to study
    their lesson in the repose of the night.

No further remark or description appears.

It is interesting to notice that the abbé J. A. Maurault, (_a_) after
his citation of the above report of Father Druillettes, states in a
footnote translated as follows:

    We have ourselves been witnesses of a similar fact among
    the Têtes-de-Boule Indians of the River St. Maurice where we
    had been missionaries during three years. We often saw during
    our instructions or explanations of the catechism that the
    Indians traced on pieces of bark, or other objects very singular
    hieroglyphs. These Indians afterward passed the larger part of
    the following night in studying what they had so written, and in
    teaching it to their children or their brothers. The rapidity with
    which they by this manner learnt their prayers was very astonishing.

The Indians called by the Abbé Maurault the Têtes-de-Boule or Round
Heads, are also known as Wood Indians, and are ascertained to have been
a band of the Ojibwa, which shows a connection between the practice of
the Ojibwa and that of the Micmacs, both being of the Algonquian stock,
to mark on bark ideographic or other significant inscriptions which
would assist them to memorize what struck them as of special interest
and importance, notably religious rites. Many instances are given in the
present paper, and the spontaneous employment of prayer sticks by other
persons of the same stock is also illustrated in Figs. 715 and 716.

The next notice in date is by Père Chrétien Le Clercq (_a_), a member
of the Recollect order of Franciscans who landed on the coast of Gaspé
in 1675, learned the language of the Micmacs and worked with them
continuously for several years.

It would appear that he observed and took advantage of the pictographic
practice of the Indians, which may have been continued from that
reported by Father Druillettes a few years earlier with reference to
the same general region, or may have been a separate and independent
development in the tribe with which Father Le Clercq was most closely
connected.

His quaint account is translated as follows:

    Our Lord inspired me with this method the second year of my
    mission, when, being greatly embarrassed as to the mode in which I
    should teach the Indians to pray, I noticed some children making
    marks on birch bark with coal, and they pointed to them with their
    fingers at every word of the prayer which they pronounced. This
    made me think that by giving them some form which would aid their
    memory by fixed characters, I should advance much more rapidly
    than by teaching on the plan of making them repeat over and over
    what I said. I was charmed to know that I was not deceived, and
    that these characters which I had traced on paper produced all the
    effect I desired, so that in a few days they learned all their
    prayers without difficulty. I cannot describe to you the ardor with
    which these poor Indians competed with each other in praiseworthy
    emulation which should be the most learned and the ablest. It
    costs, indeed, much time and pains to make all they require, and
    especially since I enlarged them so as to include all the prayers of
    the church, with the sacred mysteries of the trinity, incarnation,
    baptism, penance, and the eucharist.

There is no description whatever of the characters.

[Illustration: FIG. 1082.--Title page of Kauder’s Micmac Catechism.]

The next important printed notice or appearance of the Micmac characters
is in the work of Rev. Christian Kauder, a Redemptorist missionary, the
title page of which is given in Fig. 1082. It was printed in Vienna
in 1866 and therefore was about two centuries later than the first
recorded invention of the characters. During those two centuries the
French and therefore the Roman Catholic influences had been much of the
time dormant in the habitat of the Micmacs (the enforced exodus of the
French from Acadie being about 1755). Father Kauder was one of the most
active in the renewal of the missions. He learned the Micmac language,
probably gathered together such “hieroglyphs” on rolls of bark as had
been preserved, added to them parts of the Greek and Roman alphabet and
other designs, and arranged the whole in systematic and grammatic form.
After about twenty years of work upon them he procured their printing
in Vienna. A small part of the edition, which was the first printed,
reached the Micmacs. The main part, shipped later, was lost at sea in
the transporting vessel.

[Illustration: FIG. 1083.--The Lord’s Prayer in Micmac hieroglyphics.]

Fig. 1083 shows the version of the Lord’s Prayer, published by Dr. J. G.
Shea (_a_) in his translation of Le Clercq’s First Establishment of the
Faith in New France, this and the preceding figure being taken from the
Bibliography of the Languages of the N. A. Indians by Mr. J. C. Pilling,
of the Bureau of Ethnology.

The publication of Father Kauder was a duodecimo in three parts:
Catechism, 144 pages; religious reflections, 109 pages; and hymnal, 208
pages. They are very seldom found bound together, and a perfect copy of
either of the parts or volumes is rare. On a careful examination of the
hieroglyphs, so called, it seems evident that on the original substratum
of Micmac designs or symbols, each of which represented mnemonically a
whole sentence or verse, a large number of arbitrary designs have been
added to express ideas and words which were not American, and devices
were incorporated with them intended to represent the peculiarities
of the Micmac grammar as understood by Kauder, and it would seem of a
universal grammar antedating Volapük. The explanation of these additions
has never been made known. Kauder died without having left any record or
explanation of the plan by which he attempted to convert the mnemonic
characters invented by the Indians into what may be considered an
exposition of organized words (not sounds) in grammatical form. An
attempt which may be likened to this was made by Bishop Landa in his
use of the Maya characters, and one still more in point was that of the
priests in Peru, mentioned in connection with Figs. 1084 and 1085, infra.

The result is that in the several camps of Micmacs visited by the
present writer in Cape Breton island, Prince Edward island, and Nova
Scotia, fragments of the printed works are kept and used for religious
worship, and also many copies on various sheets and scraps of paper have
been made of similar fragments, but their use is entirely mnemonic,
as was that of their ancient bark originals. Very few of the Indians
who in one sense can “read” them currently in the Micmac language,
have any idea of the connection between any one of the characters and
the vocables of the language. When asked what a particular character
meant they were unable to answer, but would begin at the commencement
of the particular prayer or hymn, and when arrested at any point would
then for the first time be able to give the Micmac word or words which
corresponded with that character. This was not in any religious spirit,
as is mentioned by Dr. Washington Matthews, in his Mountain Chant, Fifth
Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, with reference to the Navajo’s repeating
all, if any, of the chant, but because they only knew that way to use
the script. In that use they do as is mentioned of the Ojibwa, supra.
The latter often by their bark script keep the memory of archaic words,
and the Micmac keep that of religious phrases not well understood. A
few, and very few, of the characters, which were constantly repeated,
and were specially conspicuous, were known as distinct from the other
characters by one only of the Indians examined. It apparently had never
occurred to any of them that these same characters, which in their
special mnemonic connection represented Micmac words, could be detached
from their context and by combination represent the same words in other
sentences. Therefore, the expression “reading,” used in reference to
the operation, is not strictly correct. In most cases the recitation of
the script was in a chant, and the musical air of the Roman Catholic
Church belonging to the several hymns and chants was often imitated.
The object, therefore, which has been expressed in the above quoted
accounts of Fathers Druillettes and Le Clercq had been accomplished
regarding the then extant generation of Indians two hundred years before
Father Kauder’s publication. That object was for Indians under their
immediate charge to learn in the most speedy manner certain formulæ
of the church, by the use of which it was supposed that they would
gain salvation. The formation of an alphabet, or even a syllabary, by
which the structure of the language should be considered and its vocal
expression recorded, was not the object. It is possible that there was
an objection to the instruction of the Indians in a modern alphabet by
which they might more readily learn either French or English, and at
the same time be able to read profane literature and thereby become
perverted from the faith. These missionaries certainly refrained,
for some reason, not only from instructing the heathen in any of the
languages of civilization, but also from teaching them the use of an
alphabet for their own language.

It is probable that Father Kauder had some idea of reducing the language
of the Micmacs to a written form, based not upon verbal or even syllabic
notation, but upon some anomalous compromise between their ideographic
original or substratum and a grammatic superstructure. If so, he
entirely failed. The interesting point with regard to this remarkable
and unique attempt is, that there is undoubtedly a basis of Indian
designs and symbols included and occluded among the differentiated
devices in the three volumes mentioned, which arbitrarily express
thoughts and words by a false pictographic method, instead of sentences
and verses. But the change from the pictorial forms to those adopted,
if not as radical as that from the Egyptian hieroglyphs to the Roman
text, resembles that from the archaic to the modern Chinese. Therefore
it would follow that the present form of the characters is not one which
the Indians would learn more readily than an alphabet or a syllabary,
and that is the ascertained fact. At Cow bay, a Micmac camp, about 12
miles from Halifax, an aged chief who in his boyhood at Cape Breton
island was himself instructed by Father Kauder in these characters,
explained that Kauder taught them to the boys by drawing them on a
blackboard and by repetition, very much in the manner in which a
schoolmaster in civilized countries teaches the alphabet to children.
The actual success of the Cherokees in the free and general use of
Sequoya’s Syllabary, which was not founded on pictographs, but on signs
for sounds, should be noted in this connection.

Among the thousands of scratchings on the Kejemkoojik rocks, many of
which were undoubtedly made by the Micmac, only two characters were
found resembling any in Kauder’s volumes, and those were common symbols
of the Roman Catholic Church, and might readily have been made by the
Frenchmen, who also certainly left scratchings there. Altogether after
careful study of the subject it is considered that the devices in Father
Kauder’s work are so intrinsically changed, both in form and intent,
from the genuine Micmac designs that they can not be presented as
examples of Indian pictography.

Connected with this topic is the following account in the Jesuit
Relations of 1646, p. 31, relative to the Montagnais and other
Algonquians of the St. Lawrence river, near the Saguenay: “They confess
themselves with admirable frankness; some of them carry small sticks
to remind them of their sins; others write, after their manner, on
small pieces of bark.” This is but the application of the ideographic
writing on birch bark by the converts to the ceremonies and stories of
the Christian religion, as the same art had been long used for their
aboriginal traditions.

[Illustration: FIG. 1084.--Religious story. Sicasica.]

Examples of pictographic work, done in a spirit similar to that above
mentioned, are given by Wiener (_g_), describing the illustrations of
which Figs. 1084 and 1085 are copies, one-fifth real size.

In the most distant part of Peru, in the valley of Paucartambo, at
Sicasica, the history of the passion of Christ was found written in
the same ideographic system that the Indians of Ancon and the north of
the coast were acquainted with before the conquest. (Fig. 1084.) The
drawings were made with a pencil, probably first dipped in a mixture of
gum and mandioc flour. This tissue is of a dark brown and the designs
are of a very bright red.

[Illustration: FIG. 1085.--Religious story. Sicasica.]

The second series, Fig. 1085, which was found at Paucartambo, was
written in an analogous system on old Dutch paper. The designs are red
and blue.

In an article by Terrien de Lacouperie (_f_) is the following condensed
account, part of which relates to Fig. 1086, and may be compared with
the priestly inventions above mentioned:

[Illustration: FIG. 1086.--Mo-so MS. Desgodins.]

    Père Desgodins was able, in 1867, to make a copy of eleven
    pages from a manuscript written in hieroglyphics, and belonging
    to a tom-ba or tong-ba, a medicine man among the Mo-sos. These
    hieroglyphics are not, properly speaking, a writing, still less the
    current writing of the tribe. The sorcerers or tong-bas alone use
    it when invited by the people to recite these so-called prayers,
    accompanied with ceremonies and sacrifices, and also to put some
    spells on somebody, a specialty of their own. They alone know how to
    read them and understand their meaning; they alone are acquainted
    with the value of these signs, combined with the numbers of the
    dice and other implements of divination which they use in their
    witchcraft. Therefore, these hieroglyphics are nothing else than
    signs more or less symbolical and arbitrary, known to a small number
    of initiated who transmit their knowledge to their eldest son and
    successor in their profession of sorcerers. Such is the exact value
    of the Mo-so manuscripts; they are not a current and common writing;
    they are hardly a sacred writing in the limits indicated above.

    However, they are extremely important for the general theory of
    writing, inasmuch as they do not pretend to show in that peculiar
    hieroglyphical writing any survival of former times. According
    to these views, it was apparently made up for the purpose by the
    tom-bas or medicine men. This would explain, perhaps, the anomalous
    mixture of imperfect and bad imitations of ancient seal characters
    of China, pictorial figures of animals and men, bodies and their
    parts, with several Tibetan and Indian characters and Buddhist
    emblems.

    It is not uninteresting to remark here that a kind of meetway or
    toomsah, i. e., priest, has been pointed out among the Kakhyens of
    Upper Burma. The description is thus quoted:

    “A formal avenue always exists as the entrance to a Kakhyen
    village. * * * On each side of the broad grassy pathway are a
    number of bamboo posts, 4 feet high or thereabouts, and every 10
    paces or so, taller ones, with strings stretching across the path,
    supporting small stars of split rattan and other emblems. There are
    also certain hieroglyphics which may constitute a kind of embryo
    picture-writing but are understood by none but the meetway or
    priest.”


PICTOGRAPHS IN ALPHABETS.

Mr. W. W. Rockhill, in Am. Anthrop., IV, No. 1, p. 91, notices the
work of M. Paul Vial, missionary, etc., De la langue et de l’écriture
indigènes au Yûnân, with the following remarks:

    Père Vial has published a study upon the undeciphered script
    of the Lolos of Western China, of which the first specimen was
    secured some twelve years ago by E. Colborne Baber. Prof. Terrien
    de Lacouperie endeavored to establish a connection between these
    curious characters and the old Indian script known as the southern
    Ashoka alphabet. The present, Père Vial’s, work gives them a much
    less glorious origin. He says of them: “The native characters were
    formed without key, without method. It is impossible to decompose
    them. They are written not with the strokes of a brush, but with
    straight, curved, round, or angular lines, as the shape chosen for
    them requires. As the representation could not be perfect, they have
    stopped at something which can strike the eye or mind--form, motion,
    passion, a head, a bird’s beak, a mouth, right or left, lightness or
    heaviness; in short, at that portion of the object delineated which
    is peculiarly characteristic of it. But all characters are not of
    this expressive kind; some even have no connection with the idea
    they express. This anomaly has its reason. The native characters
    are much less numerous than the words of the language, only about
    thirty per cent. Instead of increasing the number of ideograms, the
    Lolos have used one for several words. As a result of this practice
    the natives have forgotten the original meaning of many of their
    characters.”

A summary of the original cuneiform characters, numbering one hundred
and seventy, gives many of them as recognizable sketches of objects.
The foot stands for “go,” the hand for “take,” the legs for “run,” much
as in the Egyptian and in the Maya and other American systems. The bow,
the arrow, and the sword represent war; the vase, the copper tablet, and
the brick represent manufacture; boats, sails, huts, pyramids, and many
other objects are used as devices.

W. St. Chad Boscawen (_a_) says:

    Man’s earliest ventures in the art of writing were, as we are
    well aware, of a purely pictorial nature, and even to this day such
    a mode of ideography can be seen among some of the Indian tribes. *
    * * There is no reasonable doubt but that all the principal systems
    of paleography now in vogue had their origin at some remote period
    in this pictorial writing. In so primitive a center as Babylonia we
    should naturally expect to find such a system had been in vogue, and
    in this we are not disappointed.

[Illustration: FIG. 1087.--Pictographs in alphabets.]

Fig. 1087 is presented as a brief exhibit of the pictographs in some
inchoate alphabets.




CHAPTER XX.

SPECIAL COMPARISONS.


The utility of the present work depends mainly upon the opportunity
given by the various notes and illustrations collected for students to
make their own comparisons and deductions. This chapter is intended to
assist in that study by presenting some groups of comparisons which
have seemed to possess special interest. For that reason descriptions
and illustrations are collected here which logically belong to other
headings.

Many of the pictographs discussed and illustrated in this chapter
and in the one following are the representation of animals and other
natural objects. It would therefore seem that they could be easily
identified, but in fact the modes of representation of the same object
among the several peoples differed, and when conventionalizing has also
become a factor the objects may not be recognized without knowledge of
the typical style. Sometimes there was apparently no attempt at the
imitation of natural objects, but marks were used, such as points,
lines, circles, and other geometric forms. These were combined in
diverse modes to express concepts and record events. Those marks and
combinations originated in many centers and except in rare instances
of “natural” ideograms those of one people would not correspond with
those of other peoples unless by conveyance or imitation. Typical
styles therefore appear also in this class of pictographs and, when
established, all typical styles afford some indication with regard to
the peoples using them.

This chapter is divided under the headings of: 1. Typical Style. 2.
Homomorphs and Symmorphs. 3. Composite forms. 4. Artistic skill and
methods.


SECTION 1.

TYPICAL STYLE.

Fig. 1088 is presented as a type of eastern Algonquian petroglyphs. It
is a copy of the “Hamilton picture rock,” contributed by Mr. J. Sutton
Wall, of Monongahela city, Pennsylvania. The drawings are on a sandstone
rock, on the Hamilton farm, 6 miles southeast from Morgantown, West
Virginia. The turnpike passes over the south edge of the rock.

[Illustration: FIG. 1088.--Algonquian petroglyph. Hamilton farm, West
Virginia.]

Mr. Wall furnishes the following description of the characters:

    _a_, outline of a turkey; _b_, outline of a panther; _c_,
    outline of a rattlesnake; _d_, outline of a human form; _e_, a
    “spiral or volute;” _f_, impression of a horse foot; _g_, impression
    of a human foot; _h_, outline of the top portion of a tree or
    branch; _i_, impression of a human hand; _j_, impression of a bear’s
    forefoot, but lacks the proper number of toe marks; _k_, impression
    of two turkey tracks; _l_, has some appearance of a hare or rabbit,
    but lacks the corresponding length of ears; _m_, impression of a
    bear’s hindfoot, but lacks the proper number of toe marks; _n_,
    outline of infant human form, with two arrows in the right hand;
    _o_, _p_, two cup-shaped depressions; _q_, outline of the hind part
    of an animal; _r_ might be taken to represent the impression of a
    horse’s foot were it not for the line bisecting the outer curved
    line; _s_ represent buffalo and deer tracks.

The turkey _a_, the rattlesnake _c_, the rabbit _l_, and the
“footprints” _j_, _m_, and _q_, are specially noticeable as typical
characters in Algonquian pictography.

Mr. P. W. Sheafer furnishes, in his Historical Map of Pennsylvania,
Philadelphia, 1875, a sketch of a pictograph on the Susquehanna
river, Pennsylvania, below the dam at Safe Harbor, part of which is
reproduced in Fig. 1089. This appears to be purely Algonquian, and has
more resemblance to Ojibwa characters than any other petroglyph in the
eastern United States yet noted.

[Illustration: FIG. 1089.--Algonquian petroglyphs. Safe Harbor,
Pennsylvania.]

See also Figs. 70, et seq., supra, under the heading of Pennsylvania,
as showing excellent types of eastern Algonquian petroglyphs and
resembling those on the Dighton rock.

[Illustration: Fig. 1090.--Algonquian petroglyphs. Cunningham’s island,
Lake Erie.]

Fig. 1090 is reproduced from Schoolcraft (_p_), and is a copy taken
in 1851 of an inscription sculptured on a rock on the south side of
Cunningham’s island, Lake Erie. Mr. Schoolcraft’s explanation, given in
great detail, is fanciful. It is perhaps only necessary to explain that
the dotted lines are intended to divide the partially obliterated from
the more distinct portions of the glyph. The central part is the most
obscure.

It is to be remarked that this petroglyph is in some respects similar
in general style to those before given as belonging to the eastern
Algonquian type, but is still more like some of the representations of
the Dighton rock inscription, one of them being Fig. 49, supra, and
others, which it still more closely resembles in the mode of drawing
human figures, are in the copies of Dighton rock on Pl. LIV, Chap. XXII.
In some respects this Cunningham’s island glyph occupies a typical
position intermediate between the eastern and western Algonquian.

A good type of western Algonquian petroglyphs was discovered by the
party of Capt. William A. Jones (_b_), in 1873, with an illustration
here reproduced as Fig. 1091, in which the greater number of the
characters are shown, about one-fifth real size.

[Illustration: FIG. 1091.--Algonquian petroglyphs. Wyoming.]

An abstract of his description is as follows:

    * * * Upon a nearly vertical wall of the yellow sandstones,
    just back of Murphy’s ranch, a number of rude figures had been
    chiseled, apparently at a period not very recent, as they had become
    much worn. * * * No certain clue to the connected meaning of this
    record was obtained, although Pínatsi attempted to explain it when
    the sketch was shown to him some days later by Mr. F. W. Bond, who
    copied the inscriptions from the rocks. The figure on the left,
    in the upper row, somewhat resembles the design commonly used to
    represent a shield, with the greater part of the ornamental fringe
    omitted, perhaps worn away in the inscription. We shall possibly
    be justified in regarding the whole as an attempt to record the
    particulars of a fight or battle which once occurred in this
    neighborhood. Pínatsi’s remarks conveyed the idea to Mr. Bond that
    he understood the figure [the second in the upper line] to signify
    cavalry, and the six figures [three in the middle of the upper line,
    as also the three to the left of the lower line] to mean infantry,
    but he did not appear to recognize the hieroglyphs as the copy of
    any record with which he was familiar.

Throughout the Wind river country of Wyoming many petroglyphs have been
found and others reported by the Shoshoni Indians, who say that they
are the work of the “Pawkees,” as they call the Blackfeet, or, more
properly, Satsika, an Algonquian tribe which formerly occupied that
region, and their general style bears strong resemblance to similar
carvings found in the eastern portion of the United States, in regions
known to have been occupied by other tribes of the Algonquian linguistic
stock.

The four specimens of Algonquian petroglyphs presented here in Figs.
1088-91 and those referred to, show gradations in type. In connection
with them reference may be made to the numerous Ojibwa bark records in
this work; the Ottawa pipestem, Fig. 738; and they may be contrasted
with the many Dakota, Shoshoni, and Innuit drawings also presented.

The petroglyphs found scattered throughout the states and territories
embraced within the area bounded by the Rocky mountains on the
east and the Sierra Nevada on the west, and generally south of the
forty-eighth degree of latitude, are markedly similar in the class
of objects represented and the general style of their delineation,
without reference to their division into pecked or painted characters;
also in many instances the sites selected for petroglyphic display
are of substantially the same character. This type has been generally
designated as the Shoshonean, though many localities abounding in
petroglyphs of the type are now inhabited by tribes of other linguistic
stocks.

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, has furnished a small
collection of drawings of Shoshonean petroglyphs from Oneida, Idaho,
shown in Fig. 39, supra.

Five miles northwest from this locality and one-half mile east from
Marsh creek is another group of characters on basalt bowlders,
apparently totemic, and drawn by Shoshoni. A copy of these, also
contributed by Mr. Gilbert, is given in Fig. 1092.

[Illustration: FIG. 1092.--Shoshonean petroglyphs. Idaho.]

All of these drawings resemble the petroglyphs found at Partridge
creek, northern Arizona, and in Temple creek canyon, southeastern Utah,
mentioned supra, pages 50 and 116, respectively.

[Illustration: FIG. 1093.--Shoshonean petroglyphs. Utah.]

Mr. I. C. Russell, of the U. S. Geological Survey, has furnished
drawings of rude pictographs at Black Rock spring, Utah, represented in
Fig. 1093. Some of the other characters not represented in the figure
consist of several horizontal lines, placed one above another, above
which are a number of spots, the whole appearing like a numerical record
having reference to the figure alongside, which resembles, to a slight
extent, a melon with tortuous vines and stems. The left-hand upper
figure suggests the masks shown in Fig. 713.

[Illustration: FIG. 1094.--Shoshonean rock-painting. Utah.]

Mr. Gilbert Thompson, of the U. S. Geological Survey, has discovered
pictographs at Fool creek canyon, Utah, shown in Fig. 1094, which
strongly resemble those still made by the Moki of Arizona. Several
characters are identical with those last mentioned, and represent human
figures, one of which is drawn to represent a man, shown by a cross,
the upper arm of which is attached to the perinæum. These are all
drawn in red color and were executed at three different periods. Other
neighboring pictographs are pecked and unpainted, while others are both
pecked and painted.

Both of these pictographs from Utah may be compared with the Moki
pictographs from Oakley springs, Arizona, copied in Fig. 1261.

Dr. G. W. Barnes, of San Diego, California, has kindly furnished
sketches of pictographs prepared for him by Mrs. F. A. Kimball, of
National city, California, which were copied from records 25 miles
northeast of the former city. Many of them found upon the faces of large
rocks are almost obliterated, though sufficient remains to permit
tracing. The only color used appears to be red ocher. Many of the
characters, as noticed upon the drawings, closely resemble those in New
Mexico, at Ojo de Benado, south of Zuñi, and in the canyon leading from
the canyon at Stewart’s ranch, to the Kanab creek canyon, Utah. This
is an indication of the habitat of the Shoshonean stock apart from the
linguistic evidence with which it agrees.

From the numerous illustrations furnished of petroglyphs found in Owens
valley, California, reference is here made to Pl. II _a_, Pl. III _h_,
and Pl. VII _a_ as presenting suggestive similarity to the Shoshonean
forms above noted, and apparently connecting them with others in New
Mexico, Arizona, Sonora, and Central and South America.

[Illustration: FIG. 1095.--Arizona petroglyph.]

Mr. F. H. Cushing (_a_) figured three petroglyphs, now reproduced in
Figs. 1095 and 1096, from Arizona, and referred to them in connection
with figurines found in the ruined city of Los Muertos, in the Salado
valley, as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 1096.--Arizona petroglyph.]

    Beneath the floor of the first one of these huts which we
    excavated, near the ranch of Mr. George Kay Miller, were discovered,
    disposed precisely as would be a modern sacrifice of the kind in
    Zuñi, the paraphernalia of a Herder’s sacrifice, namely, the paint
    line, encircled, perforated medicine cup, the Herder’s amulet stone
    of chalcedony, and a group of at least fifteen remarkable figurines.
    The figurines alone, of the articles constituting this sacrifice,
    differed materially from those which would occur in a modern
    Zuñi “New Year Sacrifice” of the kind designed to propitiate the
    increase and prosperity of its herds. While in Zuñi these figurines
    invariably represent sheep (the young of sheep mainly; mostly also
    females), the figurines in the hut at “Los Guanacos,” as I named the
    place, represented with rare fidelity * * * some variety, I should
    suppose, of the auchenia or llama of South America.

    Summing up the evidence presented by the occurrence of numerous
    “bola stones” in these huts and within the cities; by the remarkably
    characteristic forms of these figurines; by the traditional
    statement of modern Zuñis regarding “small hairy animals” possessed
    by their ancestors, no less than by the statements of Marcus
    Nizza, Bernal Diaz, and other Spanish writers to the same effect,
    and adding to this sum the facts presented in sundry ritualistic
    pictographs, I concluded, very boldly, * * * that the ancient
    Pueblos-Shiwians, or Aridians, * * * must have had domesticated a
    North American variety of the auchenia more nearly resembling, it
    would seem, the guanaco of South America than the llama.

It is ascertained that the petroglyphs copied by Mr. Cushing as
above are pecked upon basaltic rock in the northern face of Maricopa
mountains, near Telegraph pass, south of Phœnix, Arizona.

The following information is obtained from Dr. H. Ten Kate (_a_):

    In several localities in the sierra in the peninsula of
    California and Sonora are rocks painted red. These paintings are
    quite rude and are inferior to many of the pictographs of the
    North American Indians. Figs. 1097 and 1098 were found at Rincon
    de S. Antonio. The right-hand division of Fig. 1097 is a complete
    representation, and the figures copied appear on the stone in the
    order in which they are here given. The left-hand division of the
    same figure represents only the most distinct objects, selected from
    among a large number of others, very similar, which cover a block of
    marble several meters in height. The object in the upper left-hand
    corner of Fig. 1097 measures 20 to 21 centimeters; the others are
    represented in proportion.

[Illustration: FIG. 1097.--Petroglyphs, Lower California.]

[Illustration: FIG. 1098.--Petroglyphs in Lower California.]

These two figures resemble petroglyphs reported from the Santa Inez
range, west of Santa Barbara, Lower California.

The same author, op. cit., p. 324, says:

    Fig. 1098 represents symbols which were the most easily
    distinguished among the great number of those which cover two
    immense granite blocks at Boca San Pedro. The rows of dots (or
    points) which are seen at the left of this figure measure 1.50
    meters, the parallel lines traced at the right are about 1 meter.

This figure is like another found farther east (see Fig. 31) from Azuza
canyon, California.

A number of Haida pictographs are reproduced in other parts of this
work. In immediate connection with the present topic Fig. 1099 is
presented. It shows the carved columns in front of the chief’s house at
Massett, Queen Charlotte island.

[Illustration: FIG. 1099.--Haida Totem Post.]

The following illustrations from New Zealand are introduced here for
comparison.

[Illustration: FIG. 1100.--New Zealand house posts.]

Dr. F. von Hochstetter (_b_) writing of New Zealand, says:

    The dwellings of the chiefs at Ohinemutu are surrounded with
    inclosures of pole fences, and the Whares and Wharepunis, some
    of them exhibiting very fine specimens of the Maori order of
    architecture, are ornamented with grotesque wood carvings. Fig. 1100
    is an illustration of some of them. The gable figure with the lizard
    having six feet and two heads is very remarkable. The human figures
    are not idols, but are intended to represent departed sires of the
    present generation.

Niblack (_c_) gives a description of the illustration reproduced as Fig.
1101.

[Illustration: FIG. 1101.--New Zealand tiki.]

    Tiki. At Raroera Pah, New Zealand. From Wood’s Natural History,
    page 180. Of this he says: “This gigantic tiki stands, together with
    several others, near the tomb of the daughter of Te Whero-Whero,
    and, like the monument which it seems to guard, is one of the finest
    examples of native carving to be found in New Zealand. The precise
    object of the tiki is uncertain, but the protruding tongue of the
    upper figure seems to show that it is one of the numerous defiant
    statues which abound in the islands. The natives say that the lower
    figure represents Maui the Auti who, according to Maori tradition,
    fished up the islands from the bottom of the sea.”

Dr. Bransford (_b_) gives an illustration, copied here as the left-hand
character of Fig. 1102, with the description of the site, viz: “On a
hillside on the southern end of the island of Ometepec, Nicaragua,
about a mile and a half east of Point San Ramon.” On a rough, irregular
stone of basalt, projecting 3 feet above ground, was the following
figure on the south side:

[Illustration: FIG. 1102.--Nicaraguan petroglyphs.]

This suggests comparison with some of the Moki and British Guiana
figures.

The same authority gives on page 66, from the same island and
neighborhood, the illustration copied as the right-hand character of the
same figure.

By comparing some of the New Mexican, Zuñi, and Pueblo drawings with the
above figure the resemblance is obvious. This is most notable in the
outline of the square abdomen and the widespread legs.

[Illustration: FIG. 1103.--Nicaraguan petroglyphs.]

Fig. 1103, also mentioned and figured by Dr. Bransford as found with the
preceding in Nicaragua, resembles some of the petroglyphs presented in
the collection from Owens valley, California.

The carvings in Fig. 1104 are from British Guiana, and are reproduced
from im Thurn (_i_):

[Illustration: FIG. 1104.--Deep carvings in Guiana.]

Most of these figures so strongly resemble some from New Mexico, and
perhaps Arizona, as to appear as if they were made by the same people.
This is specially noticeable in the lowermost characters, and more
particularly so in the last two, resembling the usual Shoshonean type
for toad or frog.

The petroglyph of Boca del Infierno, a copy of which is furnished by
Marcano (_f_), reproduced as Fig. 1105, is thus described:

[Illustration: FIG. 1105.--Venezuelan petroglyphs.]

    In the strange combination that surmounts it, _a_, there are
    seen at the lower part two figures resembling the eyes of jaguars,
    but asymmetric. Still the difference is apparent rather than real.
    These eyes are always formed of three circumferences, the central
    one being at times replaced by a point, as in the eye at the left;
    the one at the right shows its three circumferences, but the
    outermost is continuous with the rest of the drawing. The two eyes
    are joined together by superposed arches, the smallest of which
    touches only the left eye, while the larger one, which is not in
    contact with the left eye, forms the circumference of the right
    eye. The whole is surrounded by 34 rays, pretty nearly of the same
    size, except one, which is larger. Is there question of a jaguar’s
    head seen from in front with its bristling mane, or is it a sunrise?
    All conjecture is superfluous, and it is useless to search for the
    interpretation of these figures, whose value, entirely conventional,
    is known only by those who invented them.

    In _b_ of the same pictograph, alongside of a tangle of various
    figures, always formed of geometric lines, we distinguished, at the
    left, three points; in the middle a collection of lines representing
    a fish. Let us note, finally, the dots which, as in the preceding
    case, run out from certain lines.

    The design of _c_, while quite as complex, has quite
    another arrangement. At the left we see again the figure of the
    circumferences surrounding a dot, and these are surmounted by a
    series of triangles; at the bottom there are two little curves
    terminated by dots. At _d_ two analogous objects are represented;
    they may be what Humboldt took to be arms or household implements.

In the above figure, the uppermost character, _a_, is similar to various
representations of the “sky,” as depicted upon the birch-bark midē'
records of the Ojibwa. The lower characters are similar to several
examples presented under the Shoshonean types, particularly to those in
Owens valley, California.

Dr. A. Ernst in Verhandl. der Berliner, Anthrop. Gesell. (_c_) gives a
description of Fig. 1106, translated and condensed as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 1106.--Venezuelan petroglyphs.]

    The rock on which the petroglyph is carved is 41 kilometers WSW.
    of Caracas, and 27 kilometers almost due north of La Victoria, in
    the coast mountains of Venezuela. The petroglyph is found on two
    large stones lying side by side and leaning against other blocks of
    leptinite, though resembling sandstone. The length of the two stones
    is 3.5 m., their height 2 m. The stones lie beside the road from the
    colony of Tovar to La Maya, on the border of a clearing somewhat
    inclined southward not far from the woods. The surface is turned
    south. Concerning the meaning of the very fragmentary figures I can
    not even express a conjecture.

Araripe (_c_) furnishes the following description of Fig. 1107:

[Illustration: FIG. 1107.--Brazilian petroglyphs.]

    In the district of Inhamun, on the road from Carrapateira to
    Cracará, at a distance of half a league, following a footpath which
    branches off to the left, is a small lake called Arneiros, near
    which is a heap of round and long stones; on one of the round ones
    is an inscription, here given in the order in which the figures
    appear, on the face toward the north, engraved with a pointed
    instrument, the characters being covered with red paint.

The same authority, p. 231, gives the following description of the lower
group in Fig. 1108. It is called Indian writing in Vorá, in Faxina,
province of São Paulo.

[Illustration: FIG. 1108.--Spanish and Brazilian petroglyphs.]

    From a rock which is more than 40 meters in height, a large mass
    has been detached leaving a greater inclination of 10 meters. This
    incline, together with the wall formed by the detached portion,
    constitutes a sheltered place which was used by the Indians as a
    resting place for their dead.

    On the walls of this grotto are figures engraved in the stone
    and painted with “indelible” colors in red and black. It would seem
    that the Indians had engraved in these figures the history of the
    tribe. The designs are as follows:

    A human figure with ornaments of feathers on the head and neck;
    a palm tree rudely engraved and painted; a number of circular holes,
    24 or more or less, in a straight line; a circle with a diameter
    of 15 inches, having dentated lines on the edge; two concentric
    circles resembling a clock face, with 60 divisions; immediately
    following this the figure of an idol, and various marks all painted
    in a very firm black; a figure of the sun with a +; a T; six more
    circles; a human hand and foot well carved, etc. In the wall are
    fragments of bones.

The two upper groups are copies of petroglyphs in Fuencaliente,
Andalusia, Spain, which are described in Chap. IV, sec. 3, and are
introduced here for convenient comparison with characters in the lower
group of this figure, and also with others in Figs. 1097 and 1107.

[Illustration: FIG. 1109.--Brazilian petroglyphs.]

Dr. Ladisláu Netto (_c_) gives an account of characters copied from the
inscriptions of Cachoeira Savarete, in the valley of the Rio Negro, here
reproduced as Fig. 1109. They represent men and animals, concentric
circles, double spirals, and other figures of indefinite form. The
design in the left hand of the middle line evidently represents a group
of men gathered and drawn up like soldiers in a platoon.

The same authority, p. 552, furnishes characters copied from rocks near
the villa of Moura in the valley of the Rio Negro, here reproduced as
Fig. 1110. They represent a series of figures on which Dr. Netto remarks
as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 1110.--Brazilian petroglyphs.]

    It is singular how frequent are these figures of circles two
    by two, one of which seems to simulate one of the meanders that in
    a measure represent the form of the Buddhic cross. This character,
    represented by the double cross, is very common in many American
    inscriptions. It probably signifies some idea which has nothing to
    do with that of nandyavarta.

[Illustration: FIG. 1111.--Brazilian petroglyphs.]

The same authority, p. 522, gives carvings copied from the rocks of the
banks of the Rio Negro, from Moura to the city of Mañaus, some of which
are reproduced as Fig. 1111. The group on the left Dr. Netto believes
to represent a crowned chief, having by his side a figure which may
represent either the sun or the moon in motion, but which, were it
carved by civilized men, would suggest nothing more remarkable than a
large compass.

[Illustration: FIG. 1112.--Brazilian pictograph.]

The same authority, p. 553, presents characters copied from stones on
the banks of the Rio Negro, Brazil, here reproduced as Fig. 1112.

They are rather sketches or vague tracings and attempts at drawing
than definite characters. The human heads found in most of the figures
observed at this locality resemble the heads carved in the inscriptions
of Central America and on the banks of the Colorado river. The left-hand
character, which here appears to be simply a rude drawing of a nose and
the eyes belonging to a human face, may be compared with the so-called
Thunderbird from Washington, contributed by Rev. Dr. Eels (see Fig. 679).

Dr. E. R. Heath (_b_), in his Exploration of the River Beni, introducing
Fig. 1113, says:

[Illustration: FIG. 1113.--Brazilian petroglyphs.]

    Periquitos rapids connects so closely with the tail of “Riberáo”
    that it is difficult to say where one begins and the other ends.
    Our stop at the Periquitos rapids was short yet productive of a few
    figures, one rock having apparently a sun and moon on it, the first
    seen of that character.

He further says:

[Illustration: FIG. 1114.--Brazilian petroglyphs.]

    On some solid water-worn rocks, at the edge of the fall, are the
    following figures [Fig. 1114]. There were many fractional parts of
    figures which we did not consider of sufficient value to copy.


SECTION 2.

HOMOMORPHS AND SYMMORPHS.

It has already been mentioned that characters substantially the same, or
homomorphs, made by one set of people, have a different signification
among others. The class of homomorphs may also embrace the cases common
in gesture signs, and in picture writing, similar to the homophones in
oral language, where the same sound has several meanings among the same
people.

It would be very remarkable if precisely the same character were
not used by different or even the same persons or bodies of people
with wholly distinct significations. The graphic forms for objects
and ideas are much more likely to be coincident than sound is for
similar expressions, yet in all oral languages the same precise sound,
sometimes but not always distinguished by different literation, is
used for utterly diverse meanings. The first conception of different
objects could not have been the same. It has been found, indeed, that
the homophony of words and the homomorphy of ideographic pictures is
noticeable in opposite significations, the conceptions arising from
the opposition itself. The same sign and the same sound may be made
to convey different ideas by varying the expression, whether facial
or vocal, and by the manner accompanying their delivery. Pictographs
likewise may be differentiated by modes and mutations of drawing. The
differentiation in picturing or in accent is a subsequent and remedial
step not taken until after the confusion had been observed and had
become inconvenient. Such confusion and contradiction would only be
eliminated from pictography if it were far more perfect than is any
spoken language.

This heading, for convenience, though not consistently with its
definition, may also include those pictographs which convey different
ideas and are really different in form of execution as well as in
conception, yet in which the difference in form is so slight as
practically to require attention and discrimination. Examples are given
below in this section, and others may be taken from the closely related
sign-language, one group of which may now be mentioned.

[Illustration: FIG. 1115.--Tree.]

The sign used by the Dakota, Hidatsa, and several other tribes for
“tree” is made by holding the right hand before the body, back forward,
fingers and thumb separated; then pushing it slightly upward, Fig. 1115;
that for “grass” is the same, made near the ground; that for “grow” is
made like “grass,” though, instead of holding the back of the hand near
the ground, the hand is pushed upward in an interrupted manner, Fig.
1116. For “smoke” the hand (with the back down, fingers pointing upward
as in grow) is then thrown upward several times from the same place
instead of continuing the whole motion upward. Frequently the fingers
are thrown forward from under the thumb with each successive upward
motion. For “fire” the hand is employed as in the gesture for smoke, but
the motion is frequently more waving, and in other cases made higher
from the ground.

[Illustration: FIG. 1116.--Grow.]

Symmorphs, a term suggested by the familiar “synonym,” are designs not
of the same form, but which are used with the same significance or
so nearly the same as to have only a slight shade of distinction and
which sometimes are practically interchangeable. The comprehensive
and metaphorical character of pictographs renders more of them
interchangeable than is the case with words; still, like words, some
pictographs with essential resemblance of meaning have partial and
subordinate differences made by etymology or usage. Doubtless the
designs are purposely selected to delineate the most striking outlines
of an object or the most characteristic features of an action; but
different individuals and likewise different bodies of people would
often disagree in the selection of those outlines and features. In
an attempt to invent an ideographic, not an iconographic, design for
“bird,” any one of a dozen devices might have been agreed upon with
equal appropriateness, and, in fact, a number have been so selected by
several individuals and tribes, each one, therefore, being a symmorph
of the other. Gesture language gives another example in the signs for
“deer,” designated by various modes of expressing fleetness, also by his
gait when not in rapid motion, by the shape of his horns, by the color
of his tail, and sometimes by combinations of those characteristics.
Each of these signs and of the pictured characters corresponding with
them may be indefinitely abbreviated and therefore create indefinite
diversity. Some examples appropriate to this line of comparison are now
presented.


SKY.

[Illustration: FIG. 1117.--Sky.]

The Indian gesture sign for sky, heaven, is generally made by passing
the index from east to west across the zenith. This curve is apparent in
the Ojibwa pictograph, the left-hand character of Fig. 1117, reported
in Schoolcraft (_q_), and is abbreviated in the Egyptian character
with the same meaning, the middle character of the same figure, from
Champollion (_e_). A simpler form of the Ojibwa picture sign for sky is
the right-hand character of the same figure, from Copway (_h_).


SUN AND LIGHT.

[Illustration: FIG. 1118.--Sun. Oakley springs.]

Fig. 1118 shows various representations of the sun taken from a
petroglyph at Oakley springs.

[Illustration: FIG. 1119.--Sun. Gesture sign.]

The common Indian gesture sign for sun is: Right hand closed, the index
and thumb curved, with tips touching, thus approximating a circle, and
held toward the sky, the position of the fingers of the hand forming a
circle as is shown in Fig. 1119. Two of the Egyptian characters for sun,
the left-hand upper characters of Fig. 1120 are the common conception
of the disk. The rays emanating from the whole disk appear in the two
adjoining characters on the same figure, taken from the rock etchings
of the Moki pueblos in Arizona. From the same locality are the two
remaining characters in the same figure, which may be distinguished from
several similar etchings for “star,” Fig. 1129, infra, by their showing
some indication of a face, the latter being absent in the characters
denoting “star.”

[Illustration: FIG. 1120.--Devices for sun.]

With the above characters for sun compare the left-hand character of
Fig. 1121, found at Cuxco, Peru, and taken from Wiener (_h_).

[Illustration: FIG. 1121.--Sun and light.]

In the pictorial notation of the Laplanders the sun bears its usual
figure of a man’s head, rayed. See drawings in Scheffer’s History of
Lapland, London, 1704.

The Ojibwa pictograph for sun is seen in the second character of Fig.
1121, taken from Schoolcraft (_r_). The sun’s disk, together with
indications of rays, as shown in the third character of the same figure,
and in its linear form, the fourth character of that figure, from
Champollion, Dict., constitutes the Egyptian character for light.

[Illustration: FIG. 1122.--Light.]

Fig. 1122.--Light. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is to be compared with the
rays of the sun as above shown, but still more closely resembles the old
Chinese character for light, or more specifically “light above man,” in
the left-hand character of Fig. 1123, reported by Dr. Edkins.

[Illustration: FIG. 1123.--Light and sun.]

The other characters of the same figure are given by Schoolcraft (_s_)
as Ojibwa symbols of the sun.

[Illustration: FIG. 1124.--Sun. Kwakiutl.]

The left-hand character of Fig. 1124, from Proc. U. S. Nat. Museum
(_a_), shows the top of an heraldic column of the Sentlae (Sun) gens of
the Kwakiutl Indians in Alert bay, British Columbia, which represents
the sun surrounded by wooden rays. A simpler form is seen in the right
character of the same figure where the face of the sun is also fastened
to the top of a pole. The author, Dr. Boas, states that Fig. 1125 is the
sun mask used by the same gens in their dance. This presents another
mode in which the common symbolic connection of the eagle (the beak of
which bird is apparently shown) with the sun is indicated.

[Illustration: FIG. 1125.--Sun mask. Kwakiutl.]

Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in Aids to the Study of the Manuscript Troano, Sixth
Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 348, gives the left-hand character in Fig. 1126
as representing the sun.

[Illustration: FIG. 1126.--Suns.]

General Forlong (_a_) states that the middle device of the same figure
represents the sun as Mihr, the fertilizer of the seed.

Dr. Edkins (_e_) gives the right-hand device of the same figure as a
picture of the sun. Originally it was a circle with a stroke or dot in
the middle.


MOON.

[Illustration: FIG. 1127.--Gesture for moon.]

A common Indian gesture sign for moon, month, is the right hand closed,
leaving the thumb and index extended, but curved to form a half circle
and the hand held toward the sky, in a position which is illustrated in
Fig. 1127, to which curve the Moki drawing, the upper left-hand device
in Fig. 1128, and the identical form in the ancient Chinese have an
obvious resemblance.

[Illustration: FIG. 1128.--Moon.]

The crescent, as Europeans and Asiatics commonly figure the satellite,
appears also in the Ojibwa pictograph, the lower left-hand character in
Fig. 1128, taken from Schoolcraft (t), which is the same, with a slight
addition, as the Egyptian figurative character.

The middle character in Fig. 1128 is the top of an upright post of a
house of the moon gens of the Kuakiutl Indians taken from Boas (_g_). It
represents the moon.

Schoolcraft (_u_) gives the right-hand character of the same figure for
the moon, i. e., an obscured sun, as drawn by the Ojibwa.


STARS.

[Illustration: FIG. 1129.--Stars.]

Fig. 1129 shows various forms of stars, taken from a petroglyph at
Oakley Springs, Arizona. Most of them show the rays in a manner to
suggest the points of stars common in many parts of the world.


DAYTIME AND KIND OF DAY.

Fig. 1130, copied from Copway (_h_), presents respectively the
characters for sunrise, noon, and sunset.

[Illustration: FIG. 1130.--Day. Ojibwa.]

An Indian gesture sign for “sunrise,” “morning,” is: Forefinger of right
hand crooked to represent half of the sun’s disk and pointed or extended
to the left, slightly elevated. In this connection it may be noted that
when the gesture is carefully made in open country the pointing would
generally be to the east, and the body turned so that its left would be
in that direction. In a room in a city, or under circumstances where
the points of the compass are not specially attended to, the left side
supposes the east, and the gestures relating to sun, day, etc., are made
with such reference. The half only of the disk represented in the above
gesture appears in the Moki pueblo drawings for morning and sunrise.

[Illustration: FIG. 1131.--Morning. Arizona.]

Fig. 1131 shows various representations of sunrise from Oakley Springs,
Arizona.

J. B. Dunbar (_b_), in The Pawnee Indians, says:

    As an aid to the memory the Pawnees frequently made use of
    notches cut in a stick or some similar device for the computation
    of nights (for days were counted by nights), or even of months and
    years. Pictographically a day or daytime was represented by a six or
    eight pointed star as a symbol of the sun. A simple cross (a star)
    was a symbol of a night and a crescent represented a moon or lunar
    month.

A common Indian gesture for day is when the index and thumb form a
circle (remaining fingers closed) and are passed from east to west.

[Illustration: FIG. 1132.--Day.]

Fig. 1132 shows a pictograph found in Owens valley, California, a
similar one being reported in the Ann. Rep. Geog. Survey West of the
100th Meridian for 1876, Washington, 1876, pl. opp. p. 326, in which the
circle may indicate either day or month (both these gestures having the
same execution), the course of the sun or moon being represented perhaps
in mere contradistinction to the vertical line, or perhaps the latter
signifies one.

[Illustration: FIG. 1133.--Days. Apache.]

Fig. 1133 is a pictograph made by the Coyotèro Apaches, found at Camp
Apache, in Arizona, reported in the Tenth Ann. Rep. U. S. Geol. and
Geogr. Survey of the Terr., Washington, 1878, Pl. LXXVII. The sun and
the ten spots of approximately the same shape represent the days,
eleven, which the party passed in traveling through the country. The
separating lines are the nights, and may include the conception of
covering over and consequent obscurity referred to in connection with
the pictographs for night.

[Illustration: FIG. 1134.--Clear, stormy. Ojibwa.]

The left-hand character in Fig. 1134, copied from Copway (_h_),
represents smooth water or clear day.

The right-hand character in the same figure, from the same authority, p.
135, represents storm or a windy day.


NIGHT.

[Illustration: FIG. 1135.]

Fig. 1135.--Kills-the-Enemy-at-Night. Red-Cloud’s Census. Night is
indicated by the black circle around the head, suggesting the covering
over with darkness, as is shown in the common gesture for night, made
by passing both flat hands from their respective sides, inward and
downward, before the body. The sign for kill is denoted here by the bow
in contact with the head, in accordance with a custom among the Dakota
of striking the dead enemy with the bow or coup stick.

[Illustration: FIG. 1136.]

Fig. 1136.--Kills-Enemy-at-Night. Red-Cloud’s Census. This drawing is
similar to the preceding. The differentiation is sufficient to allow of
a distinction between the two characters, each representing the same
name, though belonging to two different men.

[Illustration: FIG. 1137.]

Fig. 1137.--Smokes-at-Night. Red-Cloud’s Census. Again the concept is
expressed by the covering over with darkness.

[Illustration: FIG. 1138.]

Fig. 1138.--Kills-at-Night. Red-Cloud’s Census. Night is here shown by
the curve for sky and the suspension, beneath it, of a star, or more
probably in Dakotan expression, a night sun, i. e., the moon.

[Illustration: FIG. 1139.]

Fig. 1139.--A Crow chief, Flat-Head, comes into the tipi of a Dakota
chief, where a council was assembled. Flame’s Winter Count, 1852-’53.
The night is shown by the black top of the tipi.

[Illustration: FIG. 1140.--Ojibwa.]

Fig. 1140 is taken from Copway (_f_). It represents “night.”

[Illustration: FIG. 1141.--Sign for night.]

A typical Indian gesture for night, illustrated by Fig. 1141, is: Place
the flat hands horizontally about 2 feet apart, move them quickly in an
upward curve toward one another until the right lies across the left.
“Darkness covers all.”

[Illustration: FIG. 1142.--Night. Egyptian.]

The conception of covering executed by delineating the object covered
beneath the middle point of an arch or curve, appears also clearly in
the Egyptian characters for night, Fig. 1142, Champollion (_f_).

[Illustration: FIG. 1143.--Night. Mexican.]

In Kingsborough (_m_) is the painting reproduced as Fig. 1143.

This painting expresses the multitude of eyes, i. e., stars in the sky,
and signifies the night. Eyes in Mexican paintings are painted exactly
in this manner.


CLOUD.

[Illustration: FIG. 1144.--Cloud shield.]

Fig. 1144.--Cloud shield. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure shows in
conjunction with the disk, probably a shield but possibly the sun, a
dim cloud, and below is a line apparently holding up clouds from which
the raindrops have not yet begun to fall. This may be collated with the
pictographs for rain and also for snow, as figured below.

[Illustration: FIG. 1145.--Clouds, Moki.]

A Cheyenne sign for cloud is as follows: (1) Both hands partially
closed, palms facing and near each other, brought up to level with
or slightly above but in front of the head; (2) suddenly separated
sidewise, describing a curve like a scallop; this scallop motion is
repeated for “many clouds.” The same conception is in the Moki etchings,
the three left-hand characters of Fig. 1145 (Gilbert MS.), and in
variants from Oakley Springs, the two right-hand characters of the same
figure.

[Illustration: FIG. 1146.--Cloud, Ojibwa.]

The Ojibwa pictograph for cloud, reported in Schoolcraft (_n_), is more
elaborate, Fig. 1146. It is composed of the sign for sky to which that
for clouds is added, the latter being reversed, as compared with the
Moki etchings, and picturesquely hanging from the sky.


RAIN.

[Illustration: FIG. 1147.--Rain. Ojibwa.]

Fig. 1147.--From Copway, loc. cit., represents rain, cloudy.

[Illustration: FIG. 1148.--Rain. Pueblo.]

The gesture sign for rain is illustrated in Fig. 1002. The pictograph,
Fig. 1148, reported as found in New Mexico, by Lieut. Simpson, in
Ex. Doc. No. 64, 31st Congress, 1st session, 1850, p. 9, is said to
represent Montezuma’s adjutants sounding a blast to him for rain. The
small character inside the curve which represents the sky, corresponds
with the gesturing hand, but may be the rain cloud appearing.

[Illustration: FIG. 1149.--Rain. Moki.]

The Moki drawing for rain, i. e., a cloud from which the drops are
falling, is given in Fig. 1149, in six variants taken from a petroglyph
at Oakley Springs.

[Illustration: FIG. 1150.--Rain. Chinese.]

Edkins (_f_) gives Fig. 1150 as the Chinese character for rain. It is a
picture of rain falling from the clouds. He adds, p. 155:

    Rain was anciently without the upper line, and instead of the
    vertical line in the middle there were four, but all shorter. Above
    each of them and within the concave was a dot. These four dots were
    raindrops, the four lines were the direction of their descent, and
    the concave was the firmament.


LIGHTNING.

Among the northern Indians of North America the concept of lightning is
included in that of thunder, and is represented by the thunder bird, see
Chap. XIV, sec. 2, supra.

[Illustration: FIG. 1151.--Lightning. Moki.]

Fig. 1151 shows three ways in which lightning is represented by the
Moki. They are copied from a petroglyph at Oakley Springs, Arizona. In
the middle character the sky is shown, the changing direction of the
streak and clouds with rain falling. The part relating specially to the
streak is portrayed in an Indian gesture sign as follows: Right hand
elevated before and above the head, forefinger pointing upward, brought
down with great rapidity with a sinuous, undulating motion, finger still
extended diagonally downward toward the right.

[Illustration: FIG. 1152.--Lightning. Moki.]

Fig. 1152 is a copy from a vase in the collection of relics of the
ancient builders of the southwest table lands in the MS. Catalogue of
Mr. Thomas V. Keam, and represents the body of the mythic Um-tak-ina,
the Thunder. This body is a rain cloud with thunder [lightning] darting
through it, and is probably of ancient Moki workmanship.

[Illustration: FIG. 1153.--Lightning. Moki.]

Fig. 1153, also from Keam’s MS., gives three other representations of
the Moki characters for lightning. The middle one shows the lightning
sticks which are worked by the hands of the dancers.

[Illustration: FIG. 1154.--Lightning. Pueblo.]

Fig. 1154 also represents lightning, taken by Mr. W. H. Jackson,
photographer of the late U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Survey, from the
decorated walls of an estufa in the Pueblo de Jemez, New Mexico. The
former is blunt, for harmless, and the latter terminates in an arrow or
spear point, for destructive or fatal lightning.

Connected with this topic is the following extract from Virgil’s Æneis,
Lib. VIII, 429:

    Tres imbris torti radios, tres nubis aquosæ
    Addiderant, rutili tres ignis et alitis austri.

The “radii” are the forks or spikes by which lightning is designated,
especially on medals. It consisted of twelve wreathed spikes or darts
extended like the radii of a circle. The wings denote the lightning’s
rapid motion and the spikes or darts its penetrating quality. The
four different kinds of spikes refer to the four seasons. The “tres
imbristorti radii” or the three spikes of hail, are the winter when
hail storms abound. The “tres nubis aquosæ radii,” the three spikes
of a watery cloud, denote the spring. The “tres rutili ignis radii,”
the three spikes of sparkling fire, are the summer when lightning is
frequent and the “tres alitis austri radii,” or the three spikes of
winged wind, are for autumn with its many wind storms.


HUMAN FORM.

[Illustration: FIG. 1155.--Human form.]

Fig. 1155.--_a_ among the Arikara signifies men. The characters are
used in connection with horseshoes, to denote “mounted men” _b_. In
other pictographs such spots or dots are merely numerical. _c_ is drawn
by the Kiatéxamut branch of the Innuits for man. It is an abbreviated
form and rare. _d_, drawn by the Blackfeet, signifies “Man-dead.” This
is from a pictograph in Wind River mountains, taken from Jones’s (_c_)
Northwestern Wyoming. _e_ is also a Kiatéxamut Innuit drawing for man.
This figure is armless; generally represents the person addressed.

[Illustration: FIG. 1156.--Human form.]

Fig. 1156.--_a_ is also a Kiatéxamut Innuit drawing for man. The
person makes the gesture for negation. _b_ and _c_, from a Californian
petroglyph, are men also gesturing negation. _d_, from Schoolcraft
(_v_), is the Ojibwa “symbol” for disabled man.

[Illustration: FIG. 1157.--Human form.]

Fig. 1157.--_a_ is the Kiatéxamut Innuit drawing for Shaman. _b_, used
by the same tribe, represents man supplicating. _c_, reproduced from
Schoolcraft (_u_), is the Ojibwa representative figure or man.

[Illustration: FIG. 1158.--Human form.]

Fig. 1158.--_a_, from Schoolcraft, loc. cit., is an Ojibwa drawing of
a headless body. _b_, from the same, is another Ojibwa figure for a
headless body, perhaps female. _c_, contributed by Mr. Gilbert Thompson,
is a drawing for a man, made by the Moki in Arizona. _d_, reproduced
from Schoolcraft (_w_), is a drawing from the banks of the River
Yenesei, Siberia, by Von Strahlenberg (_a_). _e_ is given by Dr. Edkins,
op. cit., p. 4, as the Chinese character for, and originally a picture
of, a man.

[Illustration: FIG. 1159.--Human form. Alaska.]

The representation of a headless body does not always denote death.
An example is given in Fig. 1159, _a_, taken from an ivory drill-bow
in the collection of the Alaska Commercial Company, of San Francisco,
California. It was made by the Aigaluxamut natives of Alaska. As the
explanation gives no suggestion of a fatal casualty, the concept may be
that the hunter got lost or “lost his head,” according to the colloquial
phrase.

The figures of men in a canoe are represented by the Kiatéxamut Innuit
of Alaska, as shown in the same figure, _b_. The right-hand upward
stroke represents the bow of the boat, while the two lines below the
horizontal stroke denote the paddles used by the men, who are shown
as the first and second upward strokes above the canoe; in the same
figure, _c_ shows the outline of human figures, copied from a walrus
ivory drill-bow (U. S. Nat. Mus., No. 44398) from Cape Nome, Alaska.
The second pair closely resemble forms of the thunder-bird as drawn
by various Algonquian tribes and as found in petroglyphs upon rocks
in the northeastern portion of the United States; in the same figure,
_d_, selected from a group of human forms, is incised upon a walrus
ivory drill-bow obtained at Port Clarence, Alaska, by Dr. T. H. Bean,
of the National Museum. The specimen is numbered 40054. The fringe-like
appendages on the arms may indicate the garment worn by some of the
Kenai or other inland Athabascan Indians of Alaska.

[Illustration: FIG. 1160.--Bird-man. Siberia.]

Fig. 1160, from Strahlenberg, op. cit., was found in Siberia, and is
identical with the character which, according to Schoolcraft, is drawn
by the Ojibwa to represent speed and the power of superior knowledge
by exaltation to the regions of the air, being, in his opinion, a
combination of bird and man.

It is to be noticed that some Ojibwa recently examined regard the
character merely as a human figure with outstretched arms, and fringes
pendent therefrom. It has, also, a strong resemblance to some of
the figures in the Lone-Dog Winter Counts (those for 1854-’55 and
1866-’67, pages 283 and 285, respectively), in which there is no attempt
understood to signify anything more than a war-dress.

[Illustration: FIG. 1161.--American. Ojibwa.]

Fig. 1161, according to Schoolcraft (_t_), is the Ojibwa drawing
symbolic for an American.

[Illustration: FIG. 1162.--Man. Yakut.]

Bastian (_a_), in Ethnologisches Bilderbuch, says:

    Upon a shaman’s drum, from the Yakuts of Siberia, is the figure
    of a human form greatly resembling some forms of the American types.
    The appendages beneath the arms, given in Fig. 1162, suggest also
    some forms of the thunder-bird as drawn by the Ojibwa.

[Illustration: FIG. 1163.--Human forms. Moki.]

Fig. 1163 is a copy of human forms found by Mr. Dellenbaugh in
petroglyphs in Shinumo canyon, Utah. They probably are of Moki
workmanship.

[Illustration: FIG. 1164.--Human form. Navajo.]

Fig. 1164, from Mr. Stevenson’s paper in the Eighth Annual Report of the
Bureau of Ethnology, p. 283, is the form of a man, drawn in the sand in
the Hasjelti ceremony of the Navajo.

[Illustration: FIG. 1165.--Man and woman. Moki.]

The left-hand character of Fig. 1165 is described in Keam’s MS. as
follows:

    This is a conventional design of dragon flies, and is often
    found among rock etchings throughout the plateau [Arizona]. The
    dragon flies have always been held in great veneration by the Mokis
    and their ancestors, as they have been often sent by Oman to reopen
    springs which Muingwa had destroyed and to confer other benefits
    upon the people.

    This form of the figure, with little vertical lines added to the
    transverse lines, connects the Batolatci with the Ho-bo-bo emblems.
    The youth who was sacrificed and translated by Ho-bo-bo reappeared a
    long time afterwards, during a season of great drought, in the form
    of a gigantic dragon fly, who led the rain clouds over the lands of
    Ho-pi-tu, bringing plenteous rains.

Describing the middle character of the figure, he says: “The figure
represents a woman. The breath sign is displayed in the interior. The
simpler design in the right-hand character consists of two triangles,
one upon another, and is called the ‘woman’s head and body.’”

[Illustration: FIG. 1166.--Human form. Colombia.]

Fig. 1166, reproduced by permission from the Century Magazine for
October, 1891, p. 887, is a representation of a golden breastplate
found in the United States of Colombia, and now in the Ruiz-Randall
collection. The human figure is nearly identical with some of those
described and illustrated in the present work as found in other
localities.

Crevaux, quoted by Marcano, (_g_) in speaking of the photographs of
French Guyana, makes these useful suggestions:

    The drawings of frogs found by Brown on the Esesquibo
    are nothing else than human figures such as the Galihis, the
    Roucouyennes, and the Oyampis represent them every day on their
    pagaras, their pottery, or their skin. We ourselves, on examining
    these figures with legs and arms spread out, thought that they were
    meant for frogs, but the Indians told us that that was their manner
    of representing man.

In Necropolis of Ancon in Peru, by W. Reiss and A. Stubel, (_a_) are
descriptions of figures _a_ to _g_ in Pl. L, all being painted sepulcher
tablets one-seventh of the actual size. The descriptions are condensed.
The general characteristics of the tablets are that they are in a
tabular form, made of reeds, and covered with a white cotton fabric, the
edges of which are stitched together behind and attached to a pole,
short at top, and projecting to a greater length downwards. On the front
is a slightly sketched design in red and black lines, while a winding or
undulating border usually runs around the sides. Nearly all the space
within this border is occupied by a human figure surrounded by isolated
symbols or ornaments. The head and features of the conventionalized
figure is out of all proportion to the small body, which is often merely
suggested by a few strokes.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. L

TABLETS AT ANCON, PERU.]

_a._ The features and high headdress of a human figure, represented
by concentric black and red lines. To the short arms are attached
outstretched three-fingered hands, the right holding some object, while
body and legs are arbitrarily indicated. The legs are twice reproduced
in black and red lines. The space between the figure and border is
occupied by six simple designs, two black and one red on either side.

_b._ The human figure, comparatively simple and distinct, distinguished
by large ear ornaments, with designs similar to those of the preceding
figure, but varying in number and disposition.

_c._ Highly fantastic figure with diverse ornamentations; the space
in the corners cut off by designs, of which the upper two show a bird
motive, such as frequently occurs on earthenware and woven fabrics.

_d._ This is doubtless meant to represent a figure clothed down to the
feet.

_e._ Here the human figure is formed of black lines, connected at right
angles with complementary red lines. A wide top-piece covers the head,
which consists of two small rectangles, leaving room only to indicate
the eyes, while the mouth, placed rather too low down, is suggested by
a red stroke. The arms are bent downwards; hands and feet with triple
articulation. Within the red and black frame the figure is encircled by
crosses, dots, and a conventional star.

_f._ Human figure filling most of the space, which is inclosed only by
a narrow edging. Surface painting distinguishes the wide body, which
is rounded off below and to which the triangular head is fitted above.
Hands with five, feet with three, articulations; crenelled head gear;
necklace suggested by dots; the corners of the ground-surface filled in
with rectangular sharply-edged ornaments.

_g._ Human figure consisting of two disconnected parts; triangular head
and body; hands and feet with two articulations; frame of red and black
dovetailed teeth.

[Illustration: FIG. 1167.--Human form. Peru.]

Wiener (_i_), describing illustrations reproduced here as Fig. 1167,
says:

    The tissue found at Moché, _a_, represents a man with flattened
    head, exaggerated ears, and the thumb of the right hand too much
    developed. When correlated with that from Ancon, _b_, with its
    coarse paintings, it becomes a sort of caligraphy in which all the
    letters are traced with the greatest care, while _b_, and also the
    sepulchral inscription _c_, found at the same place, become cursive.

The design _a_ of this series presents peculiarities found in Zuñi
drawings on pottery. The appendages from the side of the head among
the latter denote large coils of hair so arranged by tying. Their
significance is that the wearer is an unmarried woman. The remaining
designs also resemble types of human figures found upon Zuñi and Pueblo
pottery, being rather of a decorative character than having special
significance.


HUMAN HEAD AND FACE.

A large number of human faces as drawn by members of different tribes
and stocks of North American Indians appear in the present paper. Some
of them are iconographic and others are highly conventionalized. Other
examples from other regions of the world are also presented under
various headings.

In the present connection it may be useful to examine a series of
drawings from the prehistoric pottery of Brazil in the National Museum
at Rio de Janeiro. Although the U. S. National Museum contains many
specimens of a similar character, some of which have been copied and
published, the Brazilian types show an instructive peculiarity in the
reduction of the face to certain main lines and finally to the eyes, so
that the latter are placed apart and independent in a symmetric field.

The following Figs. 1168 to 1174 are reproduced from Dr. Ladisláu Netto
(_d_), all of them being from Brazil and from paintings and carvings on
Marajo ware.

[Illustration: FIG. 1168.--Human face. Brazil.]

Fig. 1168 shows broken lines without the aid of curves, but gracefully
attached to an instrument, either lance or trident, which present the
outline of the contours of a face.

[Illustration: FIG. 1169.--Human faces. Brazil.]

The characters in Fig. 1169 are somewhat more elaborate. The eyes are
decorated with lines and the contour of the face is round.

[Illustration: FIG. 1170.--Human faces. Brazil.]

The characters in Fig. 1170 are carved human faces, some of which would
not be recognized as such unless shown in the series.

[Illustration: FIG. 1171.--Double-faced head. Brazil.]

The face in Fig. 1171 represents the horizontal projection or plan of
a double-faced head. The central H represents in this case the top of
the head, each of the shafts of the H being neither more nor less than
the double arch of the eyebrows, joined to which the representation of
the nose in a triangular figure may be recognized. The most noticeable
point is that if this surface be applied in imagination to the cranium
of the bifrontal head, of which it seems to be the covering or skin, the
features of the double-faced heads of the Marajo idols are immediately
recognized, including the orifices by which those idols are hung on
cords, which orifices are seen in the dividing line of the two faces.

[Illustration: FIG. 1172.--Funeral urn. Marajo.]

Fig. 1172 presents the general form of decoration found upon vases
bearing figures of the face as above mentioned. It is a funeral urn,
carved and engraved, from Marajo, reduced to one-fifth.

[Illustration: FIG. 1173.--Marajo vase.]

Frequently the face is produced in relief, in which a larger portion of
a vessel is taken to produce more lifelike imitation, as in Fig. 1173.
It is the neck of an anthropomorphic vase of Marajo ornamented with
grooves and lines, red on a white ground, reduced to one-half.

[Illustration: FIG. 1174.--Marajo vases.]

Fig. 1174 _a_, real size, is the neck of a Marajo vase, representing a
human head. The nose and chin are very prominent, the eyes horizontal
and slit in the same direction. This head is remarkable for the relief
of the eyebrows which, after reaching the height of the ears, form these
organs, describing above a second curve in the inverse direction of the
curve of the brow, each brow thus forming an S. There are other heads in
which the eyebrows are prolonged to form the relief of the ears at the
outer extremity. In these cases the whole relief represents a semicircle
more or less irregular, while on the contrary this relief forms the
figure S.

Same figure, _b_, real size, is the neck of an ornithomorphic,
anthropocephalous vase. It has on the face the classic and conventional
T to represent the nose and brows. The eyes are formed by the symbolic
figure equally conventional in the ceramics of the mound-builders of
Marajo, and the ears differ very little from the characters seen in
other figures.

Same figure, _c_, four-fifths real size, is the neck of a Marajo vase
representing, by engraving and painting, all the conventional characters
of the different parts of the human face employed by the mound-builders
of Marajo. This vase preserves perfectly the primitive colors, which
show vermilion lines on a white ground. A double protuberance from each
ear, the design which forms the eyes, and that which surrounds and
outlines the mouth, the nose, and the ears, are characteristic traces
of the decorative art of the human face which few heads present in such
perfection.

Same figure, _d_, four-fifths real size, is the neck of a Marajo vase
more simple than the preceding one, but with more regular and distinct
features.

The Brazilian system above illustrated, which reduces the face to
certain main lines and finally to the eyes, in such manner that the eyes
are placed apart and each is put by itself in a symmetric field, has
its parallel in North America. This is the practice of the Bella Coola
Indians and their neighbors at the present day. They divide the surface,
to be ornamented into zones and fields, by means of broad horizontal and
vertical lines, each field containing, according to its position, now a
complete face, now only an indication of it, the especial indication
being made by the eye. The eyes themselves are given different shapes,
according to the different animals represented, being now large and
round, now oblong and with pointed angles. These peculiarities, which
have become conventional, are retained when the eye is represented
alone, so that by this method it may still be easy to recognize which
animal--for example, a raven or a bear, is intended to be portrayed.

The left-hand character in Fig. 1175, from Champollion (_g_), is the
Egyptian character for a human face. The predominance of the ears
probably has some special significance.

[Illustration: FIG. 1175.--Human heads.]

Schoolcraft (_u_) gives the right-hand character of the same figure as a
man’s head, with ears open to conviction, as made by the Ojibwa.

Both of these may be compared with the exaggerated ears in Fig. 1167.


HAND.

The impression, real or represented, of a human hand is used in several
regions in the world with symbolic significance.

Among the North American Indians the mark so readily applied is of
frequent occurrence, with an ascertained significance, which, however,
differs in several tribes.

Fig. 1176, taken from Copway (_b_), represents the hand, and also
expresses “did so.” This signification of “do,” or action, and hence
“power,” is also given to the same character in the Egyptian and Chinese
ideograms.

[Illustration: FIG. 1176.--Hand. Ojibwa.]

Among several Indian tribes a black hand on a garment or ornament means
“the wearer of this has killed an enemy.” The decoration appears upon
Ojibwa bead belts, and the Hidatsa and Arikara state that it is an old
custom of showing bravery. The character was noticed at Fort Berthold,
and the belt bearing it had been received from Ojibwa Indians of
northern Minnesota. The mark of a black hand drawn of natural size or
less, and sometimes made by the impress of an actually blackened palm,
was also noticed, with the same significance, on articles among the
Hidatsa and Arikara in 1881.

Schoolcraft (_x_) says of the Dakota on the St. Peters river that a red
hand indicates that the wearer has been wounded by his enemy, and a
black hand that he has slain his enemy.

Irving (_b_) remarks, in Astoria, of the Arikara warriors: “Some had the
stamp of a red hand across their mouths, a sign that they had drunk the
life-blood of a foe.”

In other parts of the present paper the significance of the mark is
mentioned and may be briefly summarized here.

Among the Sioux a red hand painted on a warrior’s blanket or robe means
that he has been wounded by the enemy, and a black hand that he has
been in some way unfortunate. Among the Mandan a yellow hand on the
breast signifies that the wearer had captured prisoners.

Among the Titon Dakota a hand displayed meant that the wearer had
engaged in a hand-to-hand struggle with an enemy. The impress of a hand,
stained or muddy, upon the body or horse was the Winnebago mark that the
wearer had killed a man.

The drawing of linked fingers or joined hands has been before discussed,
p. 643, and in several petroglyphs illustrated in this paper the
single hand appears. It is a common device on rocks, and doubtless
with varieties of signification, as above mentioned in other forms of
pictograph.

[Illustration: FIG. 1177.--Joined hands. Moki.]

It will suffice now to add that the figure of a hand with extended
fingers is very common in the vicinity of ruins in Arizona as a rock
etching, and is also frequently seen daubed on the rocks with colored
pigments or white clay. But Mr. Thomas V. Keam explains the Arizona
drawings of hands on the authority of the living Moki. In his MS., in
describing Fig. 1177, he says:

    The outline of two outstretched hands joined at the wrists and
    figure of a hand with extended fingers is very common as a rock
    etching.

    These are vestiges of the test formerly practiced among young
    men who aspired for admission to the fraternity of Salyko. The
    Salyko is a trinity of two women and a woman from whom the Hopitu
    obtained the first corn. The first test above referred to was that
    of putting their hands in the mud and impressing them upon the rock.
    Only those were chosen as novices the imprints of whose hands had
    dried on the instant.

Le Plongeon (_a_) tells that the tribes of Yucatan have the custom of
printing the impress of the human hand, dipped in a red-colored liquid,
on the walls of certain sacred edifices.

A. W. Howitt, in manuscript notes on Australian pictographs, says:

    In very many places there are representations of a human hand
    imprinted or delineated upon the rocks or in caverns. In the
    mountains on the western side of the Darling river, in New South
    Wales, I have observed such, and the aborigines whom I questioned
    upon the subject said that these representations were made in sport.
    This reply would, however, be also given were any white man to find
    and draw their attention to one of the figures which are made in
    connection with the initiation ceremonies. The representations of
    hands are made in two ways. In one the hand is smeared with red
    ocher and water, and impressed upon the rock surface. In the other
    the hand, being placed upon the rock, a mouthful of red ocher or
    pipe-clay and water is squirted over it. The hand being then removed
    there remains its representation surrounded and marked out by the
    colored wash.

Thomas Worsnop (_b_) says:

[Illustration: FIG. 1178.--Cave painting, Australia.]

    Mr. Winnecke, in 1879, saw several drawings on rocks and in
    caves, [Fig. 1178], and describes them as follows:

    There are found in several large caves near Mount Skinner and
    Ledans hill, in latitude 22° 30′ south and longitude 134° 30′ east.
    The natives appear to have selected the smooth surface of granite
    rocks inside several large caves, which spots are not subject to
    the influence of wind or rain. These caves are resorted to by the
    natives during excessive rainy seasons, as indicated by their camp
    preparations, and it is beyond doubt that these drawings have
    been performed during these periods of forced inactivity by some
    artistically inclined native. Those I am alluding to are somewhat
    numerous in these particular localities and present a uniform
    appearance.

    _a_, apparently represents a heart pierced in the center by a
    spear. The outline of the object representing the heart has been
    delineated with red ocher, whilst the spear has been drawn with
    a burnt stick or piece of coal. I have only seen this particular
    sketch in one instance, where four distinct drawings of the same
    object exactly below and equidistant from each other have been made
    in anything but a crude manner, the outline having been carefully
    and very distinctly traced on the rocks, showing a degree of
    perfection scarcely to be anticipated from these wild inhabitants.
    The breadth of the heart is about 5 inches and its length about 6
    inches. The length of the spear portion is about 3 feet. [The device
    reminds of St. Valentine’s day.]

    _b_, consists of two parallel lines about 6 inches apart, with
    regular marks between, and probably represents the native’s notion
    of a creek with emu tracks traversing its bed. This drawing has been
    made with a coal, and is found depicted on smooth rocks in various
    localities.

    _c_, has been drawn both with coal and red ocher. It is found
    in many places, and seems to be a favorite drawing of the natives.
    I have found it depicted in several localities in the interior of
    Australia. It is generally supposed to represent a hand.

    _d._ This figure is made by the natives in the following manner:
    Placing their extended hand against a smooth rock, after having
    previously moistened the same, they fill their mouths with powdered
    charcoal, which they then blow violently along the outline of their
    extended hand, thus leaving the portions of rock covered perfectly
    clean, whilst the space between their fingers and elsewhere around
    about becomes covered with the black substance. This drawing is not
    very common. I found several specimens near the Sabdover river. I
    have, however, been informed that it has been seen in other and
    distant parts of Australia.

Renan (_a_) says in the chapter on the Nomad Semites:

    The real monuments of the period were, as in the case with
    all people who can not write, the stones which they reared, the
    columns erected in memory of some event, and upon which was often
    represented a hand, whence the name of _iad_ [finger post].

Major Conder (_c_) writes that in Jerusalem a rough representation of
a hand is marked by the native races on the wall of every house while
building. Some authorities connect it with the five names of God, and
it is generally considered to avert the evil eye. The Moors generally,
and especially the Arabs in Kairwan, apply paintings of red hands above
the doors and on the columns of their houses as talismans to drive away
the envious. Similar hand prints are found in the ruins of El Baird near
Petra. Some of the quaint symbolism connected with horns is supposed to
originate from such hand marks. The same people make the gesture against
the evil eye by extending the five fingers of the left hand.

H. Clay Trumbull (_b_) gives the following:

    It is a noteworthy fact that among the Jews in Tunis, near
    the old Phenician settlement of Carthage, the sign of a bleeding
    hand is still an honored and a sacred symbol as if in recognition
    of the covenant-bond of their brotherhood and friendship. “What
    struck me most in all the houses,” says a traveler (Chevalier de
    Hesse-Wartegg) among these Jews, “was the impression of an open
    bleeding hand on every wall of each floor. However white the walls,
    this repulsive (yet suggestive) sign was to be seen everywhere.”

The following is extracted from Panjab Notes and Queries, Vol. I, No. 1
(October, 1883), p. 2:

    At the Temple of Balasundarí Deví at Tilokpúr, near Náhan, the
    priests stamp a red hand on the left breast of the coat of a pilgrim
    who visits the temple for the first time to show that he has, as
    it were, paid for his footing. If the pilgrim again visits the
    temple and can show the stamp he pays only 4 annas as his fee to the
    priests.

Gen. A. Hontum-Schindler, Teheran, Persia, in a letter of December 19,
1888, tells:

    All through Persia, principally in villages though, a rough
    representation of a hand, or generally the imprint of a right hand,
    in red, may be seen on the wall or over the door of a house whilst
    in building, or on the wall of a mosque, booth, or other public
    building. It is probably an ancient custom, although the Persians
    connect it with Islam, and they say that the hand represents that of
    Albas, a brother of Husain (a grandson of the prophet Mohammed), who
    was one of the victims at the massacre of Kerbela in 680, and who
    had his right hand cut off by el Abrad ibu Shaibân. In India I have
    noticed similar marks, hands, or simply red streaks.

In Journal of the Proc. Royal Soc. Antiq., Ireland, I, 3, fifth series,
1890, p. 247, is the following:

    The hand an emblem of good luck in Ireland.--In Maj. Conder’s
    “Syrian Stone Lore,” published for the Palestine Exploration
    Committee by Bentley & Son (1886), p. 71, occurs the following
    passage: “Among other primitive emblems used by the Phenicians
    is the hand occurring on votive steles at Carthage, sometimes in
    connection with the sacred fish. This hand is still a charm in
    Syria, called Kef Miriam, ‘the Virgin Mary’s hand,’ and sovereign
    against the evil eye. The red hand is painted on walls, and occurs,
    for instance, in the Hagia Sophia at Constantinople and elsewhere.
    It is common also in Ireland and in India (Siva’s hand) and on
    early scepters, always as an emblem of good luck.” What actual
    foundation is there for the above statement as regards Ireland?
    About twenty years ago the first Monday in January was known in
    the south of Ireland as “Handsel Monday,” and looked upon as in
    some way indicating the prosperity the year succeeding was to bring
    forth. But whether, as the name would seem to imply, this had any
    connection with the hand as an emblem of good luck I am unaware.--J.
    C.

[Illustration: FIG. 1179.--Irish cross.]

Gen. Forlong (_b_) makes the following remarks:

    The “red hand of Ireland” is known alike to Turanians, Shemites,
    and Aryans, and from the Americas to farthest Asia. The hand, being
    an organ peculiar to man, is in the East a sign of Siva, and seems
    to have been identified with his emblem even by the Medes. All men
    have usually worshiped and plighted their troth or sworn by manual
    signs, so the hand naturally stands as the sign of man himself; but
    more than this, Easterns attach a significance to it as an organ
    without which the procreating one is useless. In Germany, says J.
    Grimm, the hand was _Tyr_, or the son of Odin, “the one-handed,”
    for he lost one limb by the biting wintry wolf--that is, he
    became powerless to produce.... He was then the “golden-handed,”
    fertilizer, whom ancient Irans denoted by their name Zerdosht, and
    Irish Kelts placed as a talisman on their Ulster shield.... The
    Irish solo-phalik idea is seen in the “crosses” of Clon-Mac-Noise
    and Monasterboise, where, as in Fig. 1179, all the fingers are
    carefully placed in the center of the circle of fertility. The Vedas
    constantly speak of Savatar as “the golden-handed sun,” who lost
    this limb owing to his efforts when at sacrifice, and who remained
    impotent until the deity restored to him a hand of gold.

    Hindus, like the high Asian tribes and the old Mexicans, usually
    impress a hand covered with blood or vermilion on the door posts
    of their temple--that is, on the Delpheus or “door of life;” and
    the great Islamite, Mahmood, when he captured Constantinople, rode
    up to the holy feminine shrine of St. Sophia, and reaching up as
    high as he could, there unwittingly imprinted this bloody sign of
    Great Siva. We must remember how often the hand appears with other
    significant objects on the arms of men and nations, and notably so
    on Roman standards.... Fig. 1180.

    In the old shrines of America, Leslie says, the “sacred hand was
    a favorite subject of art,” and Stevens in his Yucatan says, “The
    red hand stared us in the face over all the ruined buildings of the
    country, ... not drawn or printed, but stamped by the living hand,
    the pressure of the palm upon the stone being quite distinct, the
    thumb and fingers being extended as we see in the Irish and Hindu
    hands.”

[Illustration: FIG. 1180.--Roman standard.]


FEET AND TRACKS.

In the two first illustrations of this group the respective figures of
the man and the eagle are in the act of forming tracks on the ground.
Such tracks are shown in the next two figures, but without the context
might not be recognized as such. The fifth figure is more distinctly
ideographic, showing the foot and leg as in the act of making the
impress, and the eagle’s feather to indicate the kind of track which
would have been made by a running eagle.

[Illustration: FIG. 1181.]

Fig. 1181.--Goes-Walking. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 1182.]

Fig. 1182.--Running-Eagle. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 1183.]

Fig. 1183.--Tracks. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 1184.]

Fig. 1184.--Walking-Bull-Track. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 1185.]

Fig. 1185.--Eagle-Track. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 1186.--Feet.]

Fig. 1186, copied from Copway (_b_), gives three characters of which the
first represents “ran,” the second “walked” or “passed,” and the third
“stand,” characters similar both to the tracks and the feet found on
many petroglyphs in North America.

They are also found in the terraces of temples of Thebes, of Karnak, and
especially at Nakhaur in South Bihar.

P. le Page Renouf (_a_), in An Elementary Grammar of the Ancient
Egyptian Language, gives the right-hand character of the same figure as
the generic determinative implying motion.


BROKEN LEG.

This group gives several modes of expressing, pictorially, broken legs.

[Illustration: FIG. 1187.]

Fig. 1187.--Many were thrown from their horses while surrounding
buffalo, and some had their legs broken. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count,
1847-’48. The legs are distorted and the line may refer to the slippery
ice touched by the toes.

[Illustration: FIG. 1188.]

Fig. 1188.--Lone-Horn’s father broke his leg. The-Flame’s Winter Count,
1832-’33. This is a strongly marked representation.

[Illustration: FIG. 1189.]

[Illustration: FIG. 1190.]

Fig. 1189.--A Minneconjou Dakota named Broken-Leg died. The-Flame’s
Winter Count, 1846-’47. The-Flame’s representation is objective, but
Battiste Good gives another more ideographic. The arm in his character,
given in Fig. 1190, is lengthened so as nearly to touch the broken leg,
which is shown distorted, instead of indicating the injury by the mere
distortion of the leg itself. The bird over the head, and connected by a
line with it, probably represents the teal as a name-totem. Perhaps he
was called Broken-Leg after the injury.

[Illustration: FIG. 1191.]

Fig. 1191.--There were a great many accidents and some legs were broken,
the ground being covered with ice. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1847-’48. Here the fracture is very obvious--too much so to be intended
as objective--rather delineating the idea of the breaking and separation
of the bone.

[Illustration: FIG. 1192.]

Fig. 1192.--Broken-Leg was killed by the Pawnees. His leg had
been broken by a bullet in a previous fight with the Pawnees.
American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1807-’08. Here the leg is entirely
removed from its normal position.

[Illustration: FIG. 1193.--Broken leg. Chinese.]

Dr. Edkins (_g_) gives Fig. 1193, _a_, as a picture of a bent leg
broken, and adds, “The true radical and phonetic for which this stands
as representative is rather _b_, ‘fault,’ ‘move.’”


VOICE AND SPEECH.

This group relates to sounds issuing from the mouth, that is, to voice
and speech:

[Illustration: FIG. 1194.]

Fig. 1194.--The-Elk-that-Holloes-Walking. The-Swan’s Winter
Count, 1860-’61. Interpreter A. Lavary said, in 1867, that
The-Elk-that-Holloes-Walking, then chief of the Minneconjous, was
then at Spotted-Tail’s camp. His father was Red-Fish. He was the
elder brother of Lone-Horn. His name is given as A-hag-a-hoo-man-ie,
translated The-Elk’s-Voice-Walking, compounded of he-ha-ka, elk,
and omani, walk; this according to Lavary’s literation. The correct
literation of the Dakota word meaning elk is heqaka; voice, ho; and
to walk, walking, mani. Their compound would be heqaka ho mani, the
translation being the same as above given.

[Illustration: FIG. 1195.]

Fig. 1195.--Elk-walking-with-his-Voice. Red-Cloud’s Census: This is
explained by the following figure.

[Illustration: FIG. 1196.]

Fig. 1196 is taken from the manuscript drawing book of an Indian
prisoner at St. Augustine, Florida, now in the Smithsonian Institution,
No. 30664. It represents an antelope and the whistling sound produced by
the animal on being surprised or alarmed. It also shows the tracks, and
supplies the idea of walking not exhibited by the preceding two figures.

[Illustration: FIG. 1197.]

Fig. 1197.--Dog-with-good-voice. Red-Cloud’s Census. The peculiar
angular divisions of the line may indicate the explosive character
of a dog’s bark as distinct from a long-drawn howl. Among the many
lines indicating voice which appear in the Dakota pictographs none has
been found identical with this, and therefore it probably has special
significance.

[Illustration: FIG. 1198.]

Fig. 1198.--Bear-that-growls. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure gives a
marked differentiation. The sound of growling does not appear to come
from the mouth, but from the lower part of the neck or the upper part of
the chest, from which the lines here are drawn to emanate. They are also
confined by a surrounding line, to suggest the occluded nature of the
sound.

[Illustration: FIG. 1199.--Speech. Ojibwa.]

Fig. 1199, from Copway (_b_), represents “speak.”

[Illustration: FIG. 1200.--Talk. Mexican.]

The Mexican pictograph, Fig. 1200, taken from Kingsborough (_n_), is
illustrative of the sign made by the Arikara and Hidatsa for “tell” and
“conversation.” “Tell me” is: Place the flat right hand, palm upward,
about 15 inches in front of the right side of the face, fingers pointing
to the left and front; then draw the hand inward toward and against the
bottom of the chin. For “conversation,” talking between two persons,
both hands are held before the breast, pointing forward, palms up, the
edges being moved several times toward one another. Perhaps, however,
the picture in fact only means the common poetical image of “flying
words.”

[Illustration: FIG. 1201.--Talk. Maya.]

Fig. 1201 is from Landa (_b_) and suggests one of the gestures for
“talk,” and more especially that for “sing,” in which the extended and
separated fingers are passed forward and slightly downward from the
mouth--“many voices.” Although late criticisms of the bishop’s work are
unfavorable to its authenticity, yet even if it were prepared by a Maya,
under his supervision, the latter would probably have given him some
genuine native conceptions, and among them gestures would be likely to
occur.

Gustav Eisen (_a_), in describing Fig. 1202, says:

[Illustration: FIG. 1202.--Talk. Guatemala.]

    The original, from near Santa Lucia, Guatemala, represents a
    sepulchral tablet, on which are seen the portraits of perhaps man
    and wife, their different headdresses, etc., indicating decidedly
    their different sexes. From the mouths of the respective portraits
    extend as usual curved figures with notes or nodes.


DWELLINGS.

Irving (_c_) noticed fifty years ago that each tribe of Indians has a
different mode of shaping and arranging lodges, and especially that the
Omaha make theirs gay and fanciful with undulating bands of red and
yellow or with dressed and painted buffalo skins.

The left-hand upper characters of Fig. 1203 represents Dakota lodges as
drawn by the Hidatsa. These characters when carelessly or rudely drawn
can only be distinguished from personal marks by their position and
their relation to other characters.

[Illustration: FIG. 1203.--Dwellings.]

The right-hand upper characters of the same figure signify, among the
Hidatsa, earth lodges. The circles represent the ground plan of the
lodges, while the central markings are intended to represent the upright
poles, which support the roof on the interior. Some of these are similar
to the Kadiak drawing for island, Fig. 439.

The left-hand lower character of the figure represents buildings erected
by civilized men; the character is generally used by the Hidatsa to
designate government buildings and traders’ stores.

The remaining character is the Hidatsati, the home of the Hidatsa; an
inclosure having earth lodges within it.

[Illustration: FIG. 1204.]

Fig. 1204.--Dakotas and Rees meet in camp together and are at peace.
The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1792-’93. The two styles of dwellings, viz,
the tipi of the Dakotas and the earth lodge of the Arikaras, are
depicted.

[Illustration: FIG. 1205.]

Fig. 1205.--The Dakotas camped on the Missouri river, near the Gros
Ventres, and fought with them a long time. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count,
1792-’93. The Dakota tipi and the Gros Ventre lodge are shown in the
figure. The gun shows that war was raging.

[Illustration: FIG. 1206.]

Fig. 1206.--The Dakotas camped near the Rees and fought with them.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1795-’96. This figure is a variant of the
one foregoing.

[Illustration: FIG. 1207.]

Fig. 1207.--Some of the Dakotas built a large house and lived
in it during the winter. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1815-’16.
White-Cow-Killer calls it “Made-a-house-winter.” It would seem to be a
larger dwelling than the ordinary tipi, and that wood entered into its
construction. This is made more clear by the figure next following.

[Illustration: FIG. 1208.]

Fig. 1208.--They lived in the same house that they did last winter.
Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1816-’17.

[Illustration: FIG. 1209.]

Fig. 1209.--Adobe houses were built by Maj. J. W. Wham, Indian agent
(afterwards paymaster, U. S. Army), on the Platte river, about 30
miles below Fort Laramie. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1871-’72.
White-Cow-Killer calls it “Major-Wham’s-house-built-on-Platte-river
winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 1210.]

Fig. 1210.--American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1815-’16. The figure is
intended to represent a white man’s house. Other forms are shown in
Lone-Dog’s Winter Count, Chap. X, sec. 2.

[Illustration: FIG. 1211.--Dwelling. Moki.]

Fig. 1211 shows different representations of Moki houses copied from a
petroglyph at Oakley Springs, Arizona.

Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in A Study of the Manuscript Troano, Contrib. N. A.
Ethn., Vol. V, p. 128, gives the following description of Fig. 1212:

[Illustration: FIG. 1212.--Dwelling. Maya.]

    The side wall in Fig. 1212 appears to be composed of blocks of
    some kind placed one upon another, probably of stone, each bearing
    the _Muluc_ character. The character at the top of the wall with a
    cross in it, somewhat resembling that in the symbol for _Ezanab_,
    is very common in these figures. This probably marks the end of the
    beam which was placed on the wall to support the roof. The curved
    line running from this to the top portion probably represents the
    rafter; the slender thread-like lines (yellow in the original) the
    straw or grass with which the roof was thatched.

    The checkered part may represent a matting of reeds or brushwood
    on which the straw was placed.

[Illustration: FIG. 1213.--House. Egyptian.]

Champollion (_h_) gives the Egyptian characters for house, reproduced in
Fig. 1213.


ECLIPSE OF THE SUN.

[Illustration: FIG. 1214.--Eclipse of the sun.]

Fig. 1214.--Dakotas witnessed eclipse of the sun; they were terribly
frightened. The sun is a dark globe and the stars appear. The-Swan’s
Winter Count, 1869-’70.

The left-hand design on the lower line of Pl. XLIX is reproduced from
Kingsborough. “In this year there was a great eclipse of the sun.”

Humboldt infers from this painting that the Mexicans were informed of
the real cause of the eclipses; which would not be at all surprising
considering the many other curious things with which they were
acquainted, the knowledge of which they must have derived from the
West. It is proper to observe that on the 127th page of the Vatican
MS., where a representation of the same eclipse occurs, the disk of the
moon does not appear to be projecting over that of the sun. The Vatican
MS. appears to have been copied from a Mexican painting similar to but
not the same as that which Pedro de los Rios copied, whose notes and
interpretations the Italian interpreter had before his eyes and strictly
followed.


METEORS.

This group shows the pictorial representation of meteors by the Dakotas.
The translations as well as the devices are suggestive.

[Illustration: FIG. 1215.]

Fig. 1215.--A large roaring star fell. It came from the east and
shot out sparks of fire along its course. Cloud-Shield’s Winter
Count, 1821-’22. Its track and the sparks are shown in the figure.
White-Cow-Killer says “One-star-made-a-great-noise winter.”

This and the three following figures evidently refer to the fall of a
single large meteor in the land of the Dakotas some time in the winter
of 1821-’22. The fact can not be verified by scientific records. There
were not many correspondents of scientific institutions in the upper
Missouri region at the date mentioned.

[Illustration: FIG. 1216.]

Fig. 1216.--Large ball of fire with hissing noise (aerolite).
The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1821-’22.

[Illustration: FIG. 1217.]

Fig. 1217.--Dakota Indians saw an immense meteor passing from southeast
to northwest, which exploded with great noise. The-Swan’s Winter Count,
1821-’22.

[Illustration: FIG. 1218.]

Battiste Good says for the same phenomenon:
“Star-passed-by-with-loud-noise winter.” His device is shown in Fig.
1218, showing the meteor, its pathway, and the clouds from which it came.

The five winter counts next cited all undoubtedly refer to the
magnificent meteoric display of the morning of November 13, 1833, which
was witnessed throughout North America and which was correctly assigned
to the winter corresponding with that of 1833-’34. All of them represent
stars having four points, except The-Swan, who draws a globular object
followed by a linear track.

[Illustration: FIG. 1219.]

Fig. 1219.--It rained stars. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1833-’34.
White-Cow-Killer calls it “Plenty-stars winter.”

[Illustration: FIG. 1220.]

Fig. 1220.--The stars moved around. American-Horse’s Winter Count,
1833-’34. This shows one large four-pointed star as the characterizing
object and many small stars, also four-pointed.

[Illustration: FIG. 1221.]

Fig. 1221.--Many stars fell. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1833-’34. The
character shows six stars above the concavity of the moon.

[Illustration: FIG. 1222.]

Fig. 1222.--Dakotas witnessed magnificent meteoric showers; much
terrified. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1833-’34.

[Illustration: FIG. 1223.]

Battiste Good calls it “Storm-of-stars winter,” and gives as the device
a tipi with stars falling around it. This is presented in Fig. 1223. The
tipi is colored yellow in the original and so represented in the figure
according to the heraldic scheme.

[Illustration: FIG. 1224.--Meteors. Mexican.]

Fig. 1224 is taken from Kingsborough, I, Pls. XXIX and XXX. The
description, given in Codex Tell.-Rem., VI, p. 148, et seq., is as
follows: Regarding the left-hand device figure, “In the year of Three
Rabbits, or in 1534, Don Antonio de Mendoça arrived as Viceroy of New
Spain. They say that the star smoked.”

Regarding the lower figure: “In the year of Eleven Houses, or in
1529, Nuño de Guzman set out for Yalisco on his march to subdue
that territory; they pretend that a serpent descended from the sky,
exclaiming that troubles were preparing for the natives since the
Christians were directing their course thither.”


THE CROSS.

Referring to the numerous forms of cross delineated in the work of Mr.
W. H. Holmes (_d_), it is to be noted that most of them are equilateral
or the Greek pattern, and that similar ornaments or instruments now used
by the Dakotas are always worn so that the cross upon them stands as if
resting on one foot only and not on two, as is the mode in which St.
Andrew’s cross is drawn.

The “Greek” cross represents to the Dakota the four winds, which issue
from the four caverns in which the souls of men existed before their
incarnation in the human body. All “medicine-men,” i. e., conjurers
and magicians, recollect their previous dreamy life in those places
and the instructions then received from the gods, demons, and sages.
They recollect and describe their preexistent life, but only dream and
speculate as to the future life beyond the grave.

[Illustration: FIG. 1225.--Cross. Dakota.]

The top of the cross is the cold all-conquering giant, the North-wind,
most powerful of all. It is worn on the body nearest the head, the seat
of intelligence and conquering devices. The left arm covers the heart;
it is the East-wind, coming from the seat of life and love. The foot
is the melting burning South-wind, indicating, as it is worn, the seat
of fiery passion. The right arm is the gentle West-wind, blowing from
the spirit land, covering the lungs, from which the breath at last
goes out, gently, but into unknown night. The center of the cross is
the earth and man, moved by the conflicting influences of the gods and
winds. This cross is often illustrated as in Fig. 1225. It is sometimes
drawn and depicted in beadwork and also on copper, as in Fig. 1226,
extracted from the Second Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., Pl. LII, Fig. 4, where
it appears cut out of a copper plate found in an Ohio mound.

[Illustration: FIG. 1226.--Cross. Ohio mound.]

But among some of the Indian tribes the true Latin cross is found, viz,
upright with three members of equal length, and the fourth, the foot,
much longer. The use of this symbol antedates the discovery of America,
and is carried far back in tradition and myth. When a missionary first
asked a Dakota the name of this figure, which he drew for him in the
sand, wishing to use the information in his translation of Bible and
Creed, the Dakota promptly replied Sus-be-ca, and retraced the figure
saying “That is a Sus-be-ca.” It was therefore promptly transferred to
Scripture and Creed where it still reads “He was nailed to the Susbeca,”
etc. “God forbid that I should glory save in the Susbeca of our Lord
Jesus Christ.” To the good missionary this was plain and satisfactory;
for the Dakota had demonstrated by tracing it in the sand that Susbeca
was the name of the figure called in English, “cross.” The foregoing
statement is made on the excellent authority of Rev. S. D. Hinman.

But when the Dakota read his new Bible or Creed, he must have been
puzzled or confused to find, “He was nailed to a mosquito-hawk,” or,
“God forbid that I should glory save in the mosquito-hawk of our Lord
Jesus Christ.”

[Illustration: FIG. 1227.--Dragon fly.]

The same disposition of straight lines which is called the Latin cross
was and is used by the Dakota to picture or signify both in pictograph
and gesture sign, the mosquito-hawk, more generally called dragon fly.
The Susbeca or mosquito-hawk is a supernatural being. He is gifted
with speech. He warns men of danger. He approaches the ear of the man
moving carelessly or unconcernedly through the deep grass of the meadow
or marsh--approaches his ear silently and at right angles, as shown in
Fig. 1227_a_, and says to him, now alarmed, “Tci”-“tci”-“tci!”--which
is an interjection equivalent to “Look out!” “You are surely going to
destruction!” “Look out!” “Tci”-“tci”-“tci!”

Now the mosquito-hawk is easily knocked down and caught and has a
temptingly small neck. But woe to the man or woman or child who with the
cruelty commonly practiced on all living things by Indians of all ages
and states, dares to wring off his head. Whoever shall do this before
the winter comes shall be beheaded by the detested Ojibwa. It is true,
for long ago a reckless young warrior feeling annoyed or insulted by
the infernal “Tci”-“tci”-“tci!” so unceremoniously uttered in explosive
breaths near his ear, tried it, and his headless trunk was found ere he
escaped from the swamp.

The cross has its proper significance in this use not only in
representing quite faithfully the shape of the insect but also the angle
of his approach. It is variously drawn, but usually as in Fig. 1227,
_a_, or _b_, and in painting or embroidery, _c_, and sometimes _d_.

One reason for the adoption of the dragon fly as a mysterious and
supernatural being, is on account of its sudden appearance in large
numbers. When in the still of the evening, before the shades of darkness
come, there is heard from the meadow a hum as of the sound of crickets
or frogs, but indistinct and prolonged; on the morrow the Susbeca will
be hovering over it; it is the sound of their coming, but whence no man
kens. See also Fig. 1165 and remarks.

Among the Ojibwa of northern Minnesota the cross is one of the sacred
symbols of the society of the Midē or shamans, and has special reference
to the fourth degree. A neophyte who has been advanced to the third
initiation or degree, is instructed in ritualistic chants purporting to
relate the struggle between Mi'nabō'zho, the mediator between the Ojibwa
and Ki'tshi Ma'nidō, and the malevolent Bear spirit, which contest
occurred when Mi'nabō'zho entered the fourth degree structure at the
time when the first Indian was inducted therein for initiation.

The structure as erected at this day is built in the form of an oblong
square having openings or doors at the four cardinal points. At these
openings Mi'nabō'zho appeared and shot into the inclosure charmed
arrows, to expel the horde of demons occupying the sacred place, and the
Bear spirit was the last to yield to his superior powers. The openings
being opposite to one another, north and south and east and west,
suggested to Mi'nabō'zho the cross, which is now erected whenever a
third degree Midē receives this last and highest honor.

The cross is made of saplings, the upright pole reaching the height of 4
to 6 feet, the transverse arms being somewhat shorter, each being of the
same length as that part of the pole between the arms and the top. The
upper parts are painted white, or besmeared with white clay, over which
are spread small spots of red, the latter suggesting the sacred shell or
mēgis, the symbol of the order. The lower arm or pole is squared, the
surface toward the east being painted white, to denote the source of
light and warmth. The face on the south is green, denoting the source
of the thunder bird who brings the rains and causes the appearance of
vegetation; the surface toward the west is covered with vermilion and
relates to the land of the setting sun, the abode of the dead. The
north is painted black, as that faces the direction from which come
affliction, cold, and hunger.

Illustrations and additional details on this topic are presented in the
paper of Dr. Hoffman (_a_).

In the chart presented in that paper, Pl. B, a midē' structure is also
shown, within which are a number of crosses, each of which designates
the spirit of a deceased midē priest.

Upon several birch-bark scrolls received from Ojibwa midē priests
are characters resembling rude crosses, which are merely intended to
designate wigwams, resembling in this respect similar characters made by
Hidatsa to designate Sioux lodges as shown in Fig. 1203.

[Illustration: FIG. 1228.--Crosses. Eskimo.]

Groups of small crosses incised upon ivory bow drills and representing
flocks of birds, occur on Eskimo specimens, Nos. 45020 and 44211, in
the collection of the U. S. National Museum. They are reproduced in
Fig. 1228. In Figs. 429 and 1129, representing petroglyphs at Oakley
Springs, Arizona, are crosses which are mentioned by Mr. G. K. Gilbert
as signifying stars. The simple cross appears to be the simplest type
of character to represent stellar forms. See Figs. 1219, 1220, 1221 and
1223.

Fig. 28, supra, represents a cross copied from the Najowe Valley group
of colored pictographs, 40 miles west of Santa Barbara, California. The
cross measures 10 inches in length, the interior portion being painted
black, while the outside or border is of a dark red tint. This drawing,
as well as numerous others in close connection, is painted on the walls
of a shallow cave or rock-shelter in the limestone formation.

Fourteen miles west of Santa Barbara, on the summit of the Santa Ynez
mountains, are caverns having a large opening, facing the northwest and
north, in which crosses occur of the types given in Fig. 33, supra.

The interior portion of the cross is of a dull, earthy red, while the
outside line is of a faded black tint. The cross measures nearly a foot
in extent.

[Illustration: FIG. 1229.--Cross. Tulare valley, California.]

At Tulare Indian agency, Tulare valley, California, is an immense
bowlder of granite which has become broken in such a manner that one of
the lower quarters has moved away from the larger mass sufficiently to
leave a passageway 6 feet wide and nearly 10 feet high. The interior
walls are well covered with large, painted figures, while upon the
ceiling are numerous forms of animals, birds, and insects. Among this
latter group is a white cross measuring about 18 inches in length, Fig.
1229, presenting a unique appearance, for the reason that white coloring
matter applied to petroglyphs is, with this single exception, entirely
absent in that region.

One of the most interesting series of rock sculpturings in groups is
that in Owens valley, south of Benton, California. Among these various
forms of crosses occur, and circles containing crosses of various simple
and complex types, as shown in Pls. I to XI and in Mojave desert,
California, illustrated in Fig. 19, but the examples of most interest in
the present connection are the two shown herewith in Fig. 1230, _a_ and
_b_.

[Illustration: FIG. 1230.--Crosses. Owens valley, California]

The larger one, _a_, occurs upon a large bowlder of trachyte, blackened
by exposure, located 16 miles south of Benton, at a locality known as
the Chalk Grade. The circle is a depression about 1 inch in depth, the
cross being in high relief within. Another smaller cross, _b_, found 3
miles north of the one above-mentioned, is almost identical, each of the
arms of the cross, however, extending to the rim of the circle.

In this locality occurs also the form of the cross _c_, in the same
figure, and some examples having more than two cross arms. Other simple
forms clearly represent the human form, but by erosion the arms and body
have become partially obliterated so as to lose all trace of resemblance
to humanity.

In the same figure, _d_, from a rock in the neighborhood, exhibits
the outline of the human form, while in _e_ parts of the extremities
have been removed by erosion so that the resemblance is less striking;
in _f_ a simple cross occurs, which may also have been intended to
represent the same, but through disintegration the extremities have
been so greatly changed or erased that their original forms can not be
determined.

Rev. John McLean (_a_) says: “On the sacred pole of the sun lodge of the
Blood Indians two bundles of small brushwood taken from the birch tree
were placed in the form of a cross. This was an ancient symbol evidently
referring to the four winds.”

Among the Kiatéxamut, an Innuit tribe, a cross placed on the head, as
in Fig. 1231, signifies a Shaman’s evil spirit or demon. This is an
imaginary being under control of the Shaman to execute the wishes of the
latter.

[Illustration: FIG. 1231.--Cross. Innuit.]

Many of the mescal eaters at the Kaiowa mescal ceremony wear the
ordinary Roman Catholic crucifixes, which they adopt as sacred emblems
of the rite, the cross representing the cross of scented leaves upon
which the consecrated mescal rests during the ceremony, while the human
figure is the mescal goddess.

Concerning Fig. 1232, Keam, in his MS., says:

[Illustration: FIG. 1232.--Crosses. Moki.]

    The Maltese cross is the emblem of a virgin; still so recognized
    by the Moki. It is a conventional development of a more common
    emblem of maidenhood, the form in which the maidens wear their hair
    arranged as a disk of 3 or 4 inches in diameter upon each side of
    the head. This discoidal arrangement of their hair is typical of the
    emblem of fructification worn by the virgin in the Muingwa festival,
    as exhibited in the head-dress illustration _a_. Sometimes the hair,
    instead of being worn in the complete discoid form, is dressed from
    two curving twigs and presents the form of two semicircles upon each
    side of the head. The partition of these is sometimes horizontal
    and sometimes vertical. A combination of both of these styles, _b_,
    presents the form from which the Maltese cross was conventionalized.
    The brim decorations are of ornamental locks of hair which a maiden
    trains to grow upon the sides of the forehead.

The ceremonial employment of the cross by the Pueblo is detailed in Mr.
Stevenson’s paper entitled Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical
Sand-painting of the Navajo Indians, in the Eighth Ann. Rept. Bur.
Ethn., p. 266, where it denotes the scalp-lock.

In the present paper the figure of the cross among the North American
Indians is presented under other headings with many differing
significations. Among other instances it appears on p. 383 as the
tribal sign for Cheyenne; on p. 582 as Dakota lodges; on p. 613 as the
character for trade or exchange; on p. 227 as the conventional sign for
prisoner; on p. 438 for personal exploits; while elsewhere it is used in
simple numeration.

But, although this device is used with a great variety of meanings,
when it is employed ceremonially or in elaborate pictographs by the
Indians both of North and South America, it represents the four winds.
The view long ago suggested that such was the significance of the many
Mexican crosses, is sustained by Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in his Notes on
Maya and Mexican MSS., Second Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 61, where strong
confirmatory evidence is produced by the arms of the crosses having the
appearance of conventionalized wings, similar to some representations
of the thunder-bird by more northern tribes. Yet the same author, in
his paper on the Study of the MS. Troano, Contrib. N. A. Ethn., V,
144, gives Fig. 1233 as the symbol for wood, thus further showing the
manifold concepts attached to the general form.

[Illustration: FIG. 1233.--Crosses. Maya.]

Bandelier (_a_) thinks that the crosses which were frequently used
before the conquest by the aborigines of Mexico and Central America were
merely ornaments and were not objects of worship, while the so-called
crucifixes, like that on the “Palenque tablet,” were only the symbol of
the “new fire” or close of a period of fifty-two years. He believes them
to be merely representations of “fire-drills,” more or less ornamented.

Mr. W. H. Holmes (_e_) shows by a series representing steps in the
simplification of animal characters that in Chiriqui a symmetrical cross
was developed from the design of an alligator.

[Illustration: FIG. 1234.--Crosses. Nicaragua.]

Carl Bovallius (_a_) gives an illustration, copied here as Fig. 1234, of
pictographs in the island of Ceiba, Nicaragua.

Zamacois (_a_) says that “the cross figured in the religion of various
tribes of the peninsula of Yucatan and that it represented the god of
rain.”

[Illustration: FIG. 1235.--Cross. Guatemala.]

Dr. S. Habel (_f_), describing Fig. 1235, says:

    On it is a person in a reclining position, with a single band
    tied around his forehead, forming a knot with two pendent tassels.
    From his temple rises an ornament resembling the wing of a bird.
    The emaciated face, as well as the recumbent position of the body,
    indicates a state of sickness. The hair is interwoven behind with
    many ribbons forming loops, which are bound together by a clasp,
    and then spread out in the shape of a fan. The ear is ornamented
    with a circular disk, to the center of which are attached a plume
    and a twisted ornament similar to a queue. On the breast is a kind
    of brooch, which is hollow like a shell, and in which are imbedded
    seven pearls. Around the waist are three rows of a twisted fabric,
    which is knotted in front in a bow, the ends descending between
    the thighs. Another band, of a different texture, stretches out
    horizontally from the region of the above-mentioned knot. Attached
    to this girdle is another fabric, of a scaly texture, which
    surrounds the thighs. The right leg, below the knee, is encircled
    with a ribbon and a rosette. This would seem to be the undress
    substitute for the band and pendant. In front of the recumbent
    person stands the representation of a skeleton, quite well executed.
    Other points noticeable about this skeleton are the hair on the head
    and the fact that its hands are fleshy and the fingers and toes have
    nails. Like all representations by these sculptures, the skeleton is
    also embellished with ornaments.

    From the back of the head emanate two objects similar to horns,
    which, if they were not differently ribbed, might represent flames.
    The ear is ornamented with a circular disk, with a pendant from its
    center. A double-ruffled collar surrounds the neck and a serpent
    encircles the loins. Both the shoulders and arms are enveloped in
    flames. From the mouth emanates a bent staff, touching the first of
    a row of ten circles. Beneath the second and third circles are five
    bars, three of which are horizontal. The lowest one is the longest,
    while the two upper ones are shorter and of different lengths. On
    the uppermost of these bars rest two others, crossing each other
    obliquely, and touching with their upper ends two of the aforesaid
    circles. From the last of these circles descend serpentine lines,
    which touch the ground behind the recumbent person.

Gustav Eisen, op. cit., describing Fig. 1236, says:

    From near Santa Lucia, Guatemala, is a stone tablet, most likely
    a sepulchral tablet, having in its center a forced dead head, with
    outstretched tongue. Above the same are seen two crossed bars,
    perhaps meant to represent two crossed bones.

[Illustration: FIG. 1236.--Cross. Guatemala.]

W. F. Wakeman (_a_) makes the following remarks:

    A cross was used by the people of Erin as a symbol of some
    significance at a period long antecedent to the mission of St.
    Patrick or the introduction of Christianity to this island. It is
    found, not unfrequently, amongst the scribings picked or carved
    upon rock surfaces and associated with a class of archaic designs,
    to the meaning of which we possess no key. * * * It may be seen on
    prehistoric monuments in America, on objects of pottery found by Dr.
    Schliemann at Hissarlik and at Mycenæ, and, in more than one form,
    on pagan Roman altars still preserved in Germany and Britain. With
    the Chinese it was for untold ages a symbol of the earth. The Rev.
    Samuel Beal, B. A., rector of Flastone, North Tyrone, professor of
    Chinese in University College, London, writes: “Now, the earliest
    symbol of the earth was a plain cross, denoting the four cardinal
    points; hence we have the word chaturanta, i. e., the four sides,
    both in Pâli and Sanscrit, for the earth; and on the Nestorian
    tablet, found at Siganfu some years ago, the mode of saying “God
    created the earth” is simply this: “God created the +.””

A writer in the Edinburgh Review in an article entitled “The
Pre-Christian Cross,” January, 1870, p. 254, remarks: “The Buddhists
and Brahmins who together constitute nearly half the population of the
world, tell us that the decussated figure of the cross, whether in a
simple or complex form, symbolizes the traditional happy abode of their
primeval ancestors.”

[Illustration: FIG. 1237.--Crosses. Sword-maker’s marks.]

Rudolf Cronau (_c_), describing Fig. 1237, says that in the Berlin
Zeughause are swords of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, bearing
the marks shown in _a_, _b_, _c_, and _d_, while those having the marks
_e_ and _f_ are from swords in the Historical Museum at Dresden.

The remarkable resemblance of some of these characters to forms on
petroglyphs in the three Americas, presented in this paper, will at once
be noticed.

D’Alviella (_c_), remarks:

    One of the most frequent forms of the cross is called the gamma
    cross, because its four arms are bent at a right angle so as to form
    a figure like that of four Greek gammas turned in the same direction
    and joined at the base. We meet it among all the peoples of the Old
    World, from Japan to Iceland, and it is found in the two Americas.
    There is nothing to prevent us from supposing that in the instance
    it was spontaneously conceived everywhere, like the equilateral
    crosses, circles, triangles, chevrons, and other geometrical
    ornaments so frequent in primitive decoration. But we see it, at
    least among the peoples of the Old Continent, invariably passing for
    talisman, appearing in the funeral scenes or on the tombstones of
    Greece, Scandinavia, Numidia, and Thibet, and adorning the breasts
    of divine personages--of Apollo and Buddha--without forgetting
    certain representations of the Good Shepherd in the Catacombs.

It is, however, impossible within the present limits, to attempt even
a summary of the vast amount of literature on this topic. Perhaps one
symbolic use of the form which is not commonly known is of sufficient
interest to be noted. Travelers say that crosses are exhibited in the
curtains of the monasteries of the Thibetan Buddhists, to mean peace and
quietness. With the same conception the loopholes of the Japanese forts
were in time of peace covered with curtains embroidered with crosses,
which when war broke out were removed.

It is also impossible to refrain from quoting the following, translated
with condensation, from de Mortillet (_a_). The illustration referred to
is reproduced in the present paper by Fig. 1238, the right-hand figure
being from the vase, and that on the left the recognized monogram of
Christ:

[Illustration: FIG. 1238.--Cross. Golasecca.]

    There can no longer be any doubt as to the use of the cross as a
    religious symbol long before the advent of Christianity. The worship
    of the cross, extensive throughout Gaul before the conquest, already
    existed during the bronze age, more than a thousand years before
    Christ.

    It is especially in the sepulchres of Golasecca that this
    worship is revealed in the most complete manner, and there, strange
    to say, has been found a vessel bearing the ancient monogram of
    Christ, designed perhaps 1,000 years before the coming of Jesus
    Christ. Is the isolated presence of this monogram of Christ in the
    midst of numerous crosses, an entirely accidental coincidence?

    Another curious fact, very interesting to prove, is that this
    great development of the worship of the cross before the coming
    of Christ seems to coincide with the absence of idols and indeed
    of any representation of living objects. Whenever such objects
    appear, it may be said that the crosses become more rare and finally
    disappear altogether. The cross has then been, in remote antiquity,
    long before Christ, the sacred emblem of a religious sect which
    repudiated idolatry.

The author, with considerable naiveté, has evidently determined that
the form of the cross was significant of a high state of religious
culture, and that its being succeeded by effigies, which he calls idols,
showed a lapse into idolatry. The fact is simply that, next after one
straight line, the combination of two straight lines forming a cross is
the easiest figure to draw, and its use before art could attain to the
drawing of animal forms, or their representation in plastic material,
is merely an evidence of crudeness or imperfection in designing. It
is worthy of remark that Dr. Schliemann, in his “Troja,” page 107,
presents as his Fig. 38 a much more distinct cross than that given
by M. de Mortillet, with the simple remark that it is “a geometrical
ornamentation.”

Probably no cause has more frequently produced archeologic and
ethnologic blunders than the determination of Christian explorers
and missionaries to find monograms of Christ in every monument or
inscription where the cross figure appears. The early missionaries to
America were obliged to explain the presence of this figure there by a
miraculous visit of an apostle, St. Thomas being their favorite. Other
generations of the same good people were worried in the same manner
by the cross pattée or Thor hammer of the Scandinavians, and by the
conventionalized clover leaf of the Druids. This figure often has been
a symbol and as often an emblem or a mere sign, but it is so common in
every variety of application that actual evidence is necessary to show
in any special case what is its real significance.

       *       *       *       *       *

Gen. G. P. Thruston (_a_) gives the following account of Pl. LI, which
suggests several points of comparison with figures under other headings
in this paper:

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LI

THRUSTON TABLET, TENNESSEE.]

    There has been discovered in Sumner county, Tennessee, near the
    stone graves and mounds of Castalian springs, a valuable pictograph,
    the ancient engraved stone which we have taken the liberty to
    entitle a Group of Tennessee Mound Builders.

    This engraved stone, the property of the Tennessee Historical
    Society, is a flat, irregular slab of hard limestone, about 19
    inches long and 15 inches wide. It bears every evidence of very
    great age. * * * The stone was found on Rocky creek, in Sumner
    county, and was presented, with other relics, to the Tennessee
    Historical Society about twelve years ago. * * *

    It is evidently an ideograph of significance, graven with a
    steady and skillful hand, for a specific purpose, and probably
    records or commemorates some important treaty or public or tribal
    event. * * * Indian chiefs fully equipped with the insignia of
    office, are arrayed in fine apparel. Two leading characters
    are vigorously shaking hands in a confirmatory way. The banner
    or shield, ornamented with the double serpent emblem and other
    symbols, is, doubtless, an important feature of the occasion. Among
    the historic Indians, no treaty was made without the presence or
    presentation of the belt of wampum. This, the well-dressed female of
    the group appears to grasp in her hand, perhaps as a pledge of the
    contract. The dressing of the hair, the remarkable scalloped skirts,
    the implements used, the waistbands, the wristlets, the garters, the
    Indian leggings and moccasins, the necklace and breastplates, the
    two banners, the serpent emblem, the tattoo stripes, the ancient
    pipe, all invest this pictograph with unusual interest. * * * The
    double serpent emblem or ornament upon the banner may have been
    the badge or totem of the tribe, clan, or family that occupied
    the extensive earthworks at Castalian springs in Sumner county,
    near where the stone was found. The serpent was a favorite emblem
    or totem of the Stone Grave race of Tennessee, and is one of the
    common devices engraved on the shell gorgets taken from the ancient
    cemeteries. * * * The circles or sun symbol ornaments on the banners
    and dresses are the figures most frequently graven on the shell
    gorgets found near Nashville.

The following summary of the translation, kindly furnished by Mr. Pom
K. Soh of an article, “Pictures of Dokatu or so-called bronze bell,” by
Mr. K. Wakabayashi (_a_), in the Bulletin of the Tōkyō Anthropological
Society, refers to Pl. LII. The author saw the bell described at the
town of Takoka, Japan, in August, 1891. The “pictures” on it were
fourteen in number, cast in the metal of the bell, each one occupying a
separate compartment and running around the bell in several bands. The
author took rubbings of the pictures, lithographs of which are published
as illustrations of his article, and from these the eight pictures
now presented in actual size are selected, the remainder being of the
same general character, and some of them nearly identical with those
selected. The information obtained is that the bell, which is iron and
not bronze, was procured before, and perhaps long before, the present
century from Jisei, in the village of Sasakura in the state of Yetsin,
and had been excavated from a mountain at Samki. Copies of the markings
upon it were taken in 1817 to a high authority at Yedo, now Tōkyō. It
is believed that the markings illustrate or are related to a national
story, “Kanden Ko Hitsu,” written by Ban Kokei. A few similar bells or
fragments of them, some being bronze, have been found in various parts
of the Japanese empire. One, which is bronze, height about 3-1/2 feet,
and diameter somewhat more than 1 foot, was dug up in Hanina in the year
A. D. 821.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LII

PICTURES ON DŌTAKU, JAPAN.]

The interest of the drawings on Pl. LII, in the present connection,
consists in their remarkable similarity, both in form and apparent
motive, with several of those found in the western continent and
figured in the present work. Thus, _a_ is to be compared with
characters on Figs. 437 and 1227 and others referring to the human form,
the cross, and the dragon-fly; _b_ with Figs. 57, 165 _b_ and 1261 _l_;
the two characters in _c_, respectively, with Fig. 1262; the mantis,
and Fig. 1129, one form of star; _d_ with a common turtle form, as in
Fig. 50; _e_ with Fig. 166, an Ojibwa human form, and also exhibiting
gesture, and Fig. 113 a Brazilian petroglyph; and _f_ with Fig. 657, a
north-eastern Algonquian drawing. The three last-mentioned pictures,
_e_ and _f_ and _g_, exhibit the peculiar internal life organ (often
the conventionalized heart), noticed in Figs. 50, 700, and 701, and it
is to be remarked that the largest quadruped in _g_ has the life organ
connected with the mouth, while the other quadrupeds, and those in
_h_, show no depiction of internal organs. The human figure in _g_ is
noticeable for the American form of bow, and the upper character of _h_
is to be compared with Figs. 104 and 148.


SECTION 3.

COMPOSITE FORMS.

The figures in this group are selected from a larger number in which the
union of two animals of different kinds or that of an animal and another
object indicates the union of the several qualities or attributes
supposed to belong to those animals or objects. The form and use of such
composite figures are familiar from the publication of the inscriptions
on Egyptian monuments and papyri.

[Illustration: FIG. 1239.]

Fig. 1239.--Eagle-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here are the branching
antlers of the elk and the tail of the eagle.

[Illustration: FIG. 1240.]

Fig. 1240.--Eagle-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. Eagle feathers replace the
horse’s mane.

[Illustration: FIG. 1241.]

Fig. 1241.--Eagle-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a variant of the
preceding, the change being shown in the tail.

[Illustration: FIG. 1242.]

Fig. 1242.--Eagle-Swallow. Red-Cloud’s Census. The characteristics of
the two birds are obvious.

[Illustration: FIG. 1243.]

Fig. 1243.--Eagle-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 1244.]

Fig. 1244.--Weasel-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. With only hasty view the
really characteristic form of the weasel might be mistaken for a rudely
drawn gun.

[Illustration: FIG. 1245.]

Fig. 1245.--Horned-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 1246.]

Fig. 1246.--Bull-Lance. Red-Cloud’s Census. The object attached to the
bull’s muzzle is the common ornamented lance of the Plains tribes.

[Illustration: FIG. 1247.]

Fig. 1247.--Shield-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The ornamented shield is
borne on the bear’s body.

[Illustration: FIG. 1248.]

Fig. 1248.--Ring-Owl. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 1249.]

Fig. 1249.--Sunka-wanbli, Dog-Eagle; from the Oglala Roster. The
mingling of the attributes of the dog and the eagle with special
reference to swiftness may be suggested.

[Illustration: FIG. 1250.]

Fig. 1250.--Zintkala-wicasa, Bird-Man; also from the Oglala Roster. An
indication of a bird gens is suggested without information, but perhaps
it is only a representation of the usual vision required from and
therefore obtained by boys before reaching manhood.

[Illustration: FIG. 1251.]

Fig. 1251.--Sunkakan-heton, Horse-with-horns; also from the Oglala
Roster. Perhaps this is not intended as a composite animal, but as
a horse possessing special and mystic power, as is indicated by the
gesture sign for wakan, and, as elsewhere in pictographs, by lines
extending from each side of the head. The same sub-chief appears in
Red-Cloud’s Census with the name translated into English as Horned-Horse.

This union of the human figure with that of other animals is of interest
in comparison with the well-known forms of similar character in the art
of Egypt and Assyria.

[Illustration: FIG. 1252.--Wolf-man. Haida.]

The feet of the accompanying Fig. 1252, reproduced from Bastian (_b_)
on the Northwest Coast of America, can not be seen, being hidden in
the head of the figure beneath. It is squatting, with its hands on its
knees, and has a wolf’s head. Arms, legs, mouth, jaws, nostrils, and
ear-holes are scarlet; eyebrows, irises, and edges of the ears black.

[Illustration: FIG. 1253.--Panther-man. Haida.]

The drawing Fig. 1253 was made by Mr. J. G. Swan while on a visit to
the Prince of Wales archipelago, where he found two carved figures with
panthers’ heads, and claws upon the fore feet, and human feet attached
to the hind legs. These mythical animals were placed upon either side of
a corpse which was lying in state, awaiting burial.

The Egyptians represented the evil Typhon by the hippopotamus, the most
fierce and savage of their animals; the hawk was the symbol for power,
and the serpent that for life. Plutarch, in Isis and Osiris, 50, says
that in Hermopolis these symbols were united, a hawk fighting with a
serpent being placed on the hippopotamus, thus accentuating the idea of
the destroyer. The Greeks sometimes substituted the eagle for the hawk,
and pictured it killing a hare, the most prolific of quadrupeds, or
fighting a serpent, the same attribute of destruction being portrayed.
But the eagle when alone meant simply power, as did the hawk in Egypt.
The Scandinavians posited the eagle on the head of their god Thor and
the bull on his breast to express a similar union of attributes.


SECTION 4.

ARTISTIC SKILL AND METHODS.

Dr. Andree (_d_), in Das Zeichnen bei den Naturvölkern, makes the
following remarks, translated with condensation:

    The great ability of the Eskimo and their southern neighbors,
    the natives of northwest America (Koliushes, Thlinkits, etc.), in
    representative art is well known and needs no further insisting.
    Among all primitive peoples they have made the greatest advances in
    the conventionalization of figures, which indicates long practice
    in painting. The totem figures, carved both in stone and in wood
    and tattooed on the body, show severe conventionalization and have
    perfect heraldic value. Ismailof, one of the earliest Russian
    explorers that came in contact with the Koliushes, relates that
    European paintings and drawings did not strike them with the least
    awe. When a chief was shown portraits of the Russian imperial family
    he manifested no astonishment. That chief was accompanied by his
    painter, who examined everything very closely, in order to paint
    it afterward. He was able in particular “to paint all manner of
    objects on wooden tablets and other material (leather),” using blue
    iron earth, iron ocher, colored clays, and other mineral colors.
    Among these peoples, too, painting is employed as a substitute for
    writing, in order to record memorable things.

    Far below the artistic achievements of the Eskimo and of the
    natives of the American northwest (Haida, Thlinkit, etc.) are those
    of the redskins east of the Rocky mountains. They are, however,
    very productive in figure drawing; nay, that art has advanced to a
    kind of picture writing, which, it is true, is not distinguished by
    artistic finish. That “fling” which, depending on good observation
    of nature, appears in the drawings of Australians, Bushmen, etc.,
    and the good characterization of the figures, are lacking among
    the Indians; and though, as is frequently the case, their animals
    are better represented than the men, yet they can not compare
    with the animal figures of the Eskimo or Bushmen. Dr. Capitan,
    who had drawings made by the Omahas shown in 1883 in the Jardin
    d’acclimatation of Paris, says concerning them: “It is singular to
    note that by the side of very rudimentary representations of human
    figures the pictures of horses are drawn with a certain degree of
    correctness. If the Indians take pains in anything it is in the
    painting of their buffalo skins, which are often worn as mantles.
    On red-brown ground are seen black figures, especially of animals;
    on others, on white ground, the heroic deeds and life events of
    distinguished Indians, represented in black or in other colors.
    You see the wounded enemies, the loss of blood, the killed and the
    captives, stolen horses, all executed in the peculiar manner of an
    art of painting still in the stage of infancy, with earth colors
    black, red, green, and yellow. Almost all the Missouri tribes
    practice painting on buffalo skins; the most skillful are the
    Pawnees, Mandans, Minitaris, and Crows. Among the Mandans, Wied met
    individuals who possessed “a very decided talent” for drawing.”

The same author, in the same connection, reasserts the old statement
that there is an established difference in artistic capacity between
the so-called mound-builders and the present Indians, so great that it
either shows a genetic difference between them or that the Indians had
degenerated in that respect. This statement is denied by the Bureau of
Ethnology, but the point to be now considered is whether it is true that
the historic North American Indians are as low in artistic skill as is
alleged.

The French traveler Crevaux, as quoted by Marcano (_g_), says that he
had the happy idea of giving pencils to the Indians, in order to see
whether they were capable of producing the same drawings. The young
Yumi rapidly drew for him sketches of man, dog, tiger; in brief, of
all the animals of the country. Another Indian reproduced all sorts of
arabesques, which he was wont to paint with genipa. Crevaux saw that
these savages, who are accused of being absolutely ignorant of the fine
arts, all drew with extraordinary facility.

The same idea, i. e., of testing the artistic ability of Indians in
several tribes, occurred to the present writer and to many other
travelers, who generally have been surprised at the skill in free-hand
drawing and painting exhibited. It would seem that the Indians had
about the same faults and decidedly more talent than the average
uninstructed persons of European descent who make similar attempts.
An instance of special skill in portrait painting is given by Lossing
(_a_), where a northern tribe in 1812 made a bark picture of Joseph
Barron, a fugitive, to obtain his identification by sending copies of
it to various tribes. The portrait given as an illustration in the work
cited is very distinct and lifelike. This, however, was a special task
prompted by foreign influence. While the Indians had no more knowledge
of perspective than the Japanese, they were unable or indisposed to
attempt the accurate imitation of separate natural objects in which the
Japanese excel. Before European instruction or example they probably
never produced a true picture. Some illustrations in the present work,
which show a continuous series of men, animals, and other objects, are
no more pictures than are the consecutive words of a printed sentence,
both forms, indeed, being alike in the fact that their significance is
expressed by the relation between the separate parts. The illustration
which at a first glance seems to be most distinctively picturesque
is Fig. 659, but it will be noticed that the personages are repeated,
the scene changed, and the time proceeds, so that there is no view of
specified objects at any one time and place.

[Illustration: FIG. 1254.--Moose, Kejimkoojik.]

Fig. 1254 shows two drawings from Kejimkoojik, N. S., reduced to
one-fourth, each supposed to represent a moose, though possibly one
of them is a caribou, and the mode of execution vividly suggests some
of the examples of prehistoric art found in Europe and familiar by
repeatedly published illustrations.

[Illustration: FIG. 1255.--Hand, Kejimkoojik.]

Fig. 1255 is the etching of a hand from the Kejimkoojik rocks, reduced
one-half. Its peculiarity consists in the details by which the lines of
the palm and markings on the balls of the thumb and fingers are shown.
If this is the real object of the design it shows close observation,
though it is not suggested that any connection with the pseudo-science
of palmistry is to be inferred.

In connection with this drawing the following translated remarks in
Verhandl. Berlin. Gesellsch. für Anthrop. (_d_), may be noted:

    The frequency with which partial representations of the eye are
    met with appeared to me so striking that I requested Mr. Jacobson
    to ask the Bella Coola Indians whether they had any special idea
    in employing the eye so frequently. To my great surprise the
    person addressed pointed to the palmar surface of his finger tips
    and to the fine lineaments which the skin there presents; in his
    opinion a rounded or longitudinal field, such as appears between
    the converging or parallel lines, also means an eye, and the reason
    of this is that originally each part of the body terminated in an
    organ of sense, particularly an eye, and was only afterward made to
    retrovert into such rudimentary conditions.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIII

GERMAN KNIGHTS AND APACHE WARRIORS.]

The lower character in Pl. LIII is copied from Rudolph Cronau (_c_)
Geschichte der Solinger Klingenindustrie, where it is presented as an
illustration of the knights of the thirteenth century, after a sketch in
a MS. of the year 1220, in the library of the University of Leipsig.

The upper character in the same plate is a copy of a drawing made in
1884 by an Apache Indian at Anadarko, although the insignia of the
riders are more like those used by the Cheyenne than those of the
Apache. A striking similarity will be noticed in the motive of the two
sketches of the mounted warriors and their steeds as well as in their
decorations, from which in Europe the devices called heraldic were
differentiated. Doubtless still better examples could be obtained to
compare the degree of artistic skill attained by the several draftsmen,
but these are used as genuine, convenient, and typical. See also the
Mexican representation of horses and riders under the heading of
meteors, Fig. 1224.

These horses are far less skillfully portrayed than they are by the
Plains tribes, which may be explained by the fact that the Mexicans had
not yet become familiar with the animal.

A story told by Catlin to the general effect that the Siouan stock of
Indians did not understand the drawing of human faces in profile has
been repeated in various forms. The last is by Popoff (_a_):

    When Catlin was drawing the profile of a chief named Matochiga,
    the Indians around him seemed greatly moved, and asked why he did
    not draw the other half of the chief’s face. “Matochiga was never
    ashamed to look a white man square in the face.” Matochiga had not
    till then seemed offended at the matter, but one of the Indians said
    to him sportively, “The Yankee knows that you are only half a man,
    and he has only drawn half of your face because the other half is
    not worth anything.”

Another variant of the story is that Catlin was accused of practicing
magic, by which the half of the subject’s head should get into his
power, and he was forced to stop his painting and flee for his life.
The explorer and painter who tells the story is not considered to be
altogether free from exaggeration, and he may have invented the tale to
amuse his auditors in his lectures and afterwards his readers, or he may
have been the victim of a practical joke by the Indians, who are fond of
such banter, and the well-known superstitions about sorcerers gaining
possession of anything attached to the person would have rendered their
anger plausible. But certain it is that the people referred to, before
and after and at the time of the visit of Catlin to them, were in the
habit of drawing the human face in profile, and, indeed, much more
frequently than the full or front face. This is abundantly proved by
many pictures in existence at that time and place which have been seen
by this writer, and a considerable number of them are copied in the
present work. Thus much for one of the oft-cited fictions on which the
allegation of the Indian’s stupidity in drawing has been founded.

Another false statement is copied over and over again by authors, to
the effect that from a similar superstition the Indians are afraid to,
and therefore do not, make delineations of the whole human figure.
The present work shows their drawing of front, side, and rear views
of the whole human figure, presenting as each view may allow, all the
limbs and features. This, however, is rare, not from the fear charged,
but because the artists directed their attention, not to iconography,
but to ideography, seizing some special feature or characteristic for
prominence and disregarding or intentionally omitting all that was
unnecessary to their purpose.

On the other hand the Indians have sometimes been unduly praised
for acumen in observation and for skill in their iconography. For
instance, in the lectures of Mr. Edward Muybridge, explaining the
highly interesting photographs of consecutive movements of animals from
which he formulates the novel science of zoöpraxography, the lecturer
attributes to the Indians a scientific and artistic method of drawing
horses in motion which has excelled in that respect all the most famous
painters and sculptors. But Mr. Muybridge bases his statement upon a
small number of Indian drawings, apparently seen by him in Europe, the
characteristics of which do not appear in the many drawings of horses
in the possession of the present writer, a considerable number of which
are published in this work. The position of the legs in the drawings
praised is doubtless fortuitous. The Indian in his delineation of horses
cared little more than to show an animal with the appropriate mane,
tail, and hoofs, and the legs were extended without the slightest regard
to natural motion. The drawing of the Indians closely resembles the
masterly abstractions of the living forms devised by the early heraldic
painters which later were corrupted by an attempt to compromise with
zoölogy, resulting in a clumsy naturalism if not caricature.

A comparison of artistic rather than of pictographic skill may
frequently be made, for instance the art of the Haida in carving, which
shows remarkable similarity to that in Central and South America, and
made public by Habel, op. cit., and H. H. Bancroft (_i_).

The style of drawing is strongly influenced by the material on which
it is made. This topic must receive some consideration here, though
too extensive for full treatment. The substances on which and the
instruments by which pictographs are made in America are discussed in
Chaps. VII and VIII of this work, and the remarks and illustrations
there presented apply generally to other forms of drawing and painting.
Examples of drawing on every kind of material known to the American
aborigines appear in this work. Carving, pecking, and scratching
of various kinds of rock are illustrated, also paintings on skins
and on wood. The Innuit carving on walrus ivory, of which numerous
illustrations are furnished, is notable for its minuteness as well as
distinctness. The substance was precious, the working surface limited,
and the workmanship required time and care. Birch bark, common in the
whole of the northern Algonquian region, was an attractive material. It
was used much more freely and was worked more easily than walrus ivory,
and in two modes, one in which outlines are drawn by any hard-pointed
substance on the inner side of the bark when it is soft and which remain
permanent when dry, the other made by scraping on the rough outer
surface, thus producing a difference in color. Many examples of the
first-mentioned method are shown throughout this work, and of the latter
in Pl. XVI and Fig. 659. Having before them this large collection of
varied illustrations readers can judge for themselves of the effect of
the material in determining the style among people who had substantially
the same concepts.

It is universally admitted that the material used, whether papyrus or
parchment, stone or wood, palm leaves or metal, wax or clay, and the
appropriate instruments, hammer, knife, graver, brush or pen, decided
the special style of incipient artists throughout the world. The Chinese
at first worked with knives on bamboo and stone, and even after they
had obtained paper, ink, and fine hair pencils, the influence of the
old method continued. The cuneiform characters are due to the shape of
the wooden style used to impress the figures on unbaked clay. It may
generally be remarked that in materials having a decided “grain,” of
which bamboo is the most obvious instance, the early stage of art with
its rude implements was forced to work in lines running with the grain.

[Illustration: FIG. 1256.--Engravings on bamboo, New Caledonia.]

Dr. Andree (_e_) gives the illustration presented here as Fig. 1256 with
these remarks:

    The advances made by the Kanakas of New Caledonia in drawing are
    illustrated by the bamboo staves covered with engraved drawings,
    which they carry about as objects of fashion, somewhat as we do
    our walking sticks, and a number of which are preserved in the
    ethnographic museum of Paris (Trocadero). They have been described
    by E. T. Hamy. In these finely incised drawings ornaments of the
    simplest kind (straight lines and zigzag models) are combined
    with figures and tree groups. The artistic execution is a rather
    primitive one, yet the figures by no means lack character and
    vividness. There are seen on the bamboo the pointed-roofed huts of
    the chieftains, turtles, fowl, lizards, and between them scenes from
    the life of the Kanakas. A man beats his wife, men discharge their
    bows, others stand idle in rank and file, adorned with the cylindric
    straw hat described by Cook, which at this day has almost entirely
    disappeared.

The explanation of many peculiar forms of Indian drawing and painting is
to be found in the stage of mythologic sophiology reached by the several
tribes. For instance, Mr. W. H. Holmes, op. cit., discovered that in
Chiriqui all the decorations originated in life forms of animals,
none being vegetal and none clearly expressive of the human figure or
attempting the portrayal of physiognomy. This peculiarity doubtless
arose from the exclusively zoomorphic character of the religion of
the people. Other mythologic concepts have given a special trend to
the art of other tribes and peoples. This results in conventionalism.
The sculptures of Persia chiefly express the power and glory of the
God-King, and the Egyptian statues are canonical idealizations of
an abstract human being, type of the race. It is to be noticed that
Indians also show conservatism and conventionalization in their ordinary
pictures. Within what may be called a tribal, or more properly stock,
system, every Indian draws in precisely the same manner. The figures
of a man, of a horse, and of every other object delineated are made
by everyone who attempts to make any such figure, with seeming desire
for all the identity of which their mechanical skill is capable, thus
showing their conception and motive to be the same. In this respect
the drawing of the Indians may be likened to that of boys at a public
school, who are always drawing, and drawing the same objects and with
constant repetition of the same errors from one school generation to
another.

In discussing artistic skill only in its relation to picture-writing the
degree of its excellence is not intrinsically important, though it may
be so for comparison and identification. The figures required were the
simplest. Among these were vertical and horizontal straight lines and
their combinations, circles, squares, triangles, a hand, a foot, an ax
or a bow, a boat or a sledge. Both natural and artificial objects were
drawn by a few strokes without elaboration. The fewer the marks the
more convenient was the pictograph, if it fulfilled its object of being
recognized by the reader. The simple fact without esthetic effect was
all that the pictographic artists wanted to show, and when an animal
was represented it was not by imitation of its whole form, but by
emphasis of some characteristic which must be made obvious, even if it
distorted the figure or group and violated every principle of art as now
developed.




CHAPTER XXI.

MEANS OF INTERPRETATION.


The power of determining the authorship of pictographs made on materials
other than rocks, by means of their general style and type, can be
estimated by a comparison of those of the Abnaki, Ojibwa, Dakota, Haida,
Innuit, Shoshoni, Moki, etc., presented in various parts of this paper.

[Illustration: FIG. 1257.--Typical character. Guiana.]

Everard F. im Thurn (_k_), in reference to Fig. 1257, remarks:

    Wherever a peculiar, complex, and not very obvious figure
    occurs in many examples it is legitimate to assume that this had
    some ulterior object and meaning. Now this figure, occurring in the
    shallow engravings of Guiana, is of such kind. It is not a figure
    which an Indian would be likely to invent in an idle moment even
    once, for such a man very seldom, probably never, except in these
    particular figures, has been known to draw straight lines. Moreover,
    even if it were a figure that one Indian might idly invent, it is
    certainly highly improbable that this would be copied by many other
    Indians in various places. And, lastly, a figure strikingly like
    the one in question, if, indeed, it is not identical, occurs in
    certain Mexican picture writings. For example, in the Mexican MSS.
    [reproduced in Kingsborough, _op. cit._, I, from Sir Thomas Bodley’s
    MSS., pp. 22, 23, and from the Selden MSS., also in the Bodleian,
    p. 3] several figures occur so like that of the shallow engravings
    of Guiana that there can be but little doubt of their connection.
    The recurrence of this peculiar figure in these writings is surely
    sufficient evidence of the fact that they are not without intention.
    If it were possible to obtain a clue to the meaning of the Mexican
    figures it might serve as a key to decipher the hieroglyphic
    writings of Guiana.

With regard to the study of the individual characters themselves to
identify the delineators of pictographs, the various considerations of
fauna, religion, customs, tribal signs, indeed most of the headings of
this paper, will be applicable.

It is convenient to divide this chapter into: 1. Marked characters of
known significance. 2. Distinctive costumes, weapons, and ornaments. 3.
Ambiguous characters, with ascertained meaning.


SECTION 1.

MARKED CHARACTERS OF KNOWN SIGNIFICANCE.

It is obvious that before attempting the interpretation of pictographs
concerning which no direct information is to be obtained, there should
be a collection, as complete as possible, of known characters, in order
that through them the unknown may be learned. When any considerable
number of objects in a pictograph are actually known the remainder may
be ascertained by the context, the relation, and the position of the
several designs, and sometimes by the recognized principles of the art.

The present writer has been engaged, therefore, for a considerable time
in collating a large number of characters in a card-catalogue arranged
primarily by similarity in forms, and in attaching to each character
any significance ascertained or suggested. As before explained, the
interpretation upon which reliance is mainly based is that which has
been made known by direct information from Indians who themselves were
actually makers of pictographs at the time of giving the interpretation.
Apart from the comparisons obtained by this collation, the only mode of
ascertaining the meaning of the characters, in other words, the only key
yet discovered, is in the study of the gesture sign included in many of
them.

A spiral line frequently seen in petroglyphs is explained by the Dakota
to be a snail shell, and, furthermore, this device is seen in Pl. XX,
and fully described in that connection as used in the recording and
computation of time.

The limits of this paper do not allow of presenting a complete list of
the characters in the pictographs which have become known. But some of
the characters in the petroglyphs, Figs. 1258, 1259, and 1260, which are
not discussed under various headings, supra, should be explained. The
following is a selection of those which were interpreted to Mr. Gilbert.

[Illustration: FIG. 1258.--Moki devices.]

The left hand device of Fig. 1258 is an inclosure, or pen, in which
ceremonial dances are performed. That on the right is a headdress used
in ceremonial dances.

Compare the drawing from Fairy Rocks, N. S., Fig. 549.

[Illustration: FIG. 1259.--Frames and arrows. Moki.]

Fig. 1259 gives sketches of the frames or sticks used in carrying wood
on the back; also shows different forms of arrows.

[Illustration: FIG. 1260.--Blossoms. Moki.]

Fig. 1260 represents the blossoms of melons, squashes.

The appearance of objects showing the influence of European civilization
and christianization should always be carefully noted. An instance
where an object of that character is found among a multitude of others
not liable to such suspicion is in the heart surmounted by a cross,
in the upper line of Fig. 437. This suggests missionary teaching and
corresponding date.

Maximilian of Wied (_g_) says:

    Another mode of painting their robes by the Dakotas is to
    represent the number of valuable presents they have made. By these
    presents, which are often of great value, they acquire reputation
    and respect among their countrymen. On such robes we observed long
    red figures with a black circle at the termination placed close to
    each other in transverse rows; they represent whips, indicating the
    number of horses given, because the whip belonging to the horse is
    always bestowed with the animal. Red or dark-blue transverse figures
    indicate cloth or blankets given; parallel transverse stripes
    represent firearms, the outlines of which are pretty correctly drawn.

It may be desirable also to note, to avoid misconception, that where,
throughout this work, mention is made of particulars under the headings
of customs, religion, etc., which might be made the subject of graphic
illustration in pictographs, and for that reason should be known
as preliminary to the attempted interpretation of the latter, the
suggestion is not given as a mere hypothesis. Such objective marks
and conceptions of the character indicated which can readily be made
objective, are in fact frequently found in pictographs and have been
understood by means of the preliminary information to which reference
is made. When interpretations obtained through this line of study are
properly verified, they can take places in the card catalogue little
inferior to those of interpretations derived directly from aboriginal
pictographers.

The interpretation by means of gesture-signs has already been discussed,
Chap. XVIII, Sec. 4.

Capt. Carver (_b_) describes how an Ojibwa drew the emblem of his own
tribe as a deer, a Sioux as a man dressed in skins, an Englishman as a
human figure with a hat on his head, and a Frenchman as a man with a
handkerchief tied around his head.

In this connection is the quotation from the Historical Collections of
Louisiana, Part III, 1851, p. 124, describing a pictograph, as follows:
“There were two figures of men without heads, and some entire. The first
denoted the dead and the second the prisoners. One of my conductors told
me on this occasion that when there are any French among either, they
set their arms akimbo, or their hands upon their hips, to distinguish
them from the savages, whom they represent with their arms hanging down.
This distinction is not purely arbitrary; it proceeds from these people
having observed that the French often put themselves in this posture,
which is not used among them.”

It is also said suggestively, by C. H. Read (_f_) in Jour. of the
Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Br. and I., that in the carvings of the West
African negroes, the typical white man is constantly figured with a
brandy bottle in one hand and a large glass in the other.

[Illustration: FIG. 1261.--Moki characters. The following is the
explanation:

    _a._ A beaver.
    _b._ A bear.
    _c._ A mountain sheep (_Ovis montana_).
    _d._ Three wolf heads.
    _e._ Three jackass rabbits.
    _f._ Cottontail rabbit.
    _g._ Bear tracks.
    _h._ An eagle.
    _i._ Eagle tails.
    _j._ A turkey tail.
    _k._ Horned toads (_Phryosoma_ sp. ?).
    _l._ Lizards.
    _m._ A butterfly.
    _n._ Snakes.
    _o._ A rattlesnake.
    _p._ Deer track.
    _q._ Three bird tracks.
    _r._ Bitterns (wading birds).
]

Instructive particulars regarding pictographs may be discovered in the
delineation of the fauna in reference to its present or former habitat
in the region where the representation of it is found.

As an example of the number and kind of animals pictured as well as of
their mode of representation, the foregoing Fig. 1261, comprising many
of the Moki inscriptions at Oakley Springs, Arizona, is presented by
Mr. G. K. Gilbert. These were selected by him from a large number of
etchings for the purpose of obtaining the explanation, and they were
explained to him by Tubi, an Oraibi chief living at Oraibi, one of the
Moki villages.

[Illustration: FIG. 1262.--Mantis. Kejimkoojik.]

The large object in Fig. 1262, scratched on the Kejimkoojik rocks, Nova
Scotia, is probably intended for a mantis or “rear-horse,” but strongly
reminds the observer of the monkey forms in the petroglyphs of Central
and South America.

[Illustration: FIG. 1263.--Animal forms. Sonora.]

Ten Kate (_b_) shows in Fig. 1263 those animal forms which were not
obliterated from the face of the rock of El-Sauce, Sonora; they were
very nearly in the order in which they are represented. The fish at the
upper right hand is 20 centimeters long.


SECTION 2.

DISTINCTIVE COSTUMES, WEAPONS, AND ORNAMENTS.

On examining the relics of ancient peoples or their modern
representatives, the instruments and arms accompanying them and the
clothing upon them mark the social status of the individual. In the
social life of past generations, and still to-day, certain garments
with their adjuncts indicate certain functions. The lawyer, the
mechanic, the priest, and the soldier are easily recognizable. These
garments do not only give general indications, but minute details, so in
looking upon a certain soldier it is known what country he serves, how
many men are under his orders, and how many chiefs are above him. It is
known if he marches on horseback or afoot, if he handles the rifle or
the saber, works the cannon, designs fortifications, or builds bridges.
Also, by looking on his decorated breast, it is shown if he has made
campaigns and participated in historic battles, and whether or not he
has gained distinction. This is told by the color, cut, and ornaments of
his clothes and by the weapon he bears. Some details are also furnished
by the cut of the hair, and even the style of foot-gear. The above
remarks apply to the highest civilization, but all kinds of personal
and class designations by means of distinctive costumes, weapons, and
adornments were and still are most apparent and important among the less
cultured peoples.

The American Indians seldom clothed themselves, except in very cold
weather, save for purposes of ornament. They habitually wore no other
garment than the breech-cloth, but in their ceremonies and social
dances they bedecked themselves with full and elaborate costumes, often
regulated with special punctilio for the occasion. The boreal tribes,
such as the Alaskan, Athapascan, and Chippewayan, who were obliged to
protect themselves for a large part of the year by furs and skins,
developed characteristic forms of dress which in pictography take the
place occupied by painting and tattooing among tribes where the person
was more habitually exposed. Among the southern tribes there was need of
protection against the rays of the sun, as in Mexico, where cotton and
other fibers were used. In general some of the forms of wearing apparel,
if only varieties in the make of moccasins or sandals, designated the
tribe of the wearers, and therefore often became adopted as pictorial
signs. Ceremonial clothing is often elaborately decorated with beads,
porcupine quills, claws and teeth of animals, shells, and feathers. Many
of these garments are further ornamented with paintings of a totemic
or mythologic character, or bear the insignia of the wearer’s rank and
social status. Metal ornaments, such as armlets, bracelets, anklets,
earrings and bells, were also worn, the material and quantity being in
accordance with the wearer’s ability and pecuniary condition. Upon both
social and ceremonial occasions the headgear displayed eagle feathers
and the plumes of other species of birds, and tufts of hair dyed in red
or other colors. Necklaces were made of claws, shells, deer and antelope
hoofs, the teeth of various animals, snake-skins, and even human
fingers.

Immediately following are some of the Dakota designations in the
particulars mentioned:

[Illustration: FIG. 1264.]

Fig. 1264.--Shield. Red Cloud’s Census. The shield here is without
device, though frequently one is painted on the war shields. Such
painting may be the pictograph of the gens or of the personal
designation, or may show the marks of rank.

[Illustration: FIG. 1265.]

Fig. 1265.--Wahacanka, Shield. The Oglala Roster. The marks or bearings
on the shield probably are personal and similar to those commonly called
heraldic, but in this drawing are too minute for accurate blazonry.

[Illustration: FIG. 1266.]

Fig. 1266.--Black-Shield “says his prayers” (in the interpreter’s
phrase; that is, he performed the rites elsewhere explained); and takes
the war-path to avenge the death of two of his sons who had been killed
by the Crows. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1859-’60.

[Illustration: FIG. 1267.]

Fig. 1267.--Eagle-Feather. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is probably the same
name as translated Lone-Feather in the following figure, in which the
feather also comes from an eagle’s tail:

[Illustration: FIG. 1268.]

Fig. 1268.--Lone-Feather said his prayers and took the warpath to avenge
the death of some relatives. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1842-’43.

[Illustration: FIG. 1269.]

Fig. 1269.--Feathers. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure and the next refer
to some special ornamentation.

[Illustration: FIG. 1270.]

Fig. 1270.--Feathers. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 1271.]

Fig. 1271.--Bone-Necklace. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure and the three
following show special kinds of neck ornaments.

[Illustration: FIG. 1272.]

Fig. 1272--Beads. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 1273.]

Fig. 1273.--Stone-Necklace. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 1274.]

Fig. 1274.--Feather-Necklace. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 1275.]

Fig. 1275.--Wolf-Robe was killed by the Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter
Count, 1850-’51.

He is killed and scalped while wearing a robe of wolf-skin.

[Illustration: FIG. 1276.]

Fig. 1276.--Wears-the-Bonnet. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is the ornamented
war bonnet of the Dakotas.

[Illustration: FIG. 1277.]

Fig. 1277.--Garter. Red-Cloud’s Census.

[Illustration: FIG. 1278.]

Fig. 1278.--Wicanapsu-owin, Wears-human-fingers as earrings. The Oglala
Roster.

The place for the fingers to be worn is indicated by the line
terminating in a loop.

The Indian accumulated no wealth except in things useful during his
life. His ornaments were made from shells which in their natural shape
are innumerable; from the skins of animals which require only skill
to take and dress them; and from stone and copper, demanding only
strength to procure and transport them. The value of an Indian ornament
is in the skill, care and patience required in making it. Thus the
wampum-bead became of intrinsic value, similar in that to gold and
silver in civilization; the stone carefully wrought into the fashion of
a pipe became the emblem of authority and the instrument of worship;
and copper, slowly and toilfully delved and fashioned with the rudest
of tools and appliances, became almost a fetich of superstition. So
likewise the quill of the porcupine, worked into a design in embroidery
with the most exquisite care, was an ornament fit for warriors and
chiefs. But on the cradle or basket-nest for the expected or new-born
child, upon the gown or woman’s dress of the favorite daughter, and upon
the moccasins and trappings for the growing son, hand and head and heart
were employed for months and even years.

The Dakotan bride, swayed by the yearning of expectant maternity,
perhaps also by ambition to excel in the sole permitted mode of its
display, adorned her lodge with ornamented cradles, each new one
becoming in design more beautiful and intricate than the last, until her
yearning was answered, when the cradles not needed were exchanged for
horses and ornaments, which became the endowment of the new-born child.

Some note should be made of the sense of correspondence and contrast
of colors which the Dakota, at least, exhibits; the rules which he
originates and observes forming that which is called artistic taste.
The Indian’s use of colors corresponds more nearly than that of most
barbarians with that common in high civilization, except that he
perceives so little distinction between blue and green that but one name
generally suffices for both colors. It is remarkable that among the
wilder and plains tribes of Dakotas dead colors in beads are preferred
and arranged with good effect, and that among these, specially, the use
of neutral tints is common. Probably both of these results were produced
from the old and exclusive employment of clays for pigments--clays of
almost all colors and shades being found in the country over which the
Dakotas roamed.

The peculiarities of dress or undress would seem to have first struck
the people of the eastern hemisphere as well adapted to pictorial
representation. Singularly enough to modern ideas, the braccæ or
trousers were to the Romans the symbol of barbarism, whereas now the
absence of the garments, called even “indispensable,” has the same
significance. Maj. C. R. Conder (_d_) gives this good lesson literally
“a propos de bottes:”

    A curious peculiarity of dress also serves to indicate the
    racial connection. In Cappadocia and in Anatolia the monuments
    represent figures with a boot or shoe curled up in front. An
    Assyrian representation of an Armenian merchant shows the same
    boot. Sir C. Wilson first compared it with the boot now worn by the
    peasantry of Asia Minor. Perrot compares it with the cavalry boot
    worn in Syria and with what we call a Turkish slipper. The Etruscans
    wore a similar shoe called calceus repandus by the Romans. On the
    monuments at Karnak the Hittites are represented wearing the same
    shoe, and although it is not of necessity a mark of race, it is
    still curious that this curly-toed boot was common to the various
    Turanian peoples of Syria, Asia Minor, Armenia, and Italy.

[Illustration: FIG. 1279. Weapons.]

Schoolcraft (_t_) gives the characters on the left hand of Fig. 1279 as
two Ojibwa war clubs, and the right-hand character in the same figure is
represented in a Wyoming petroglyph as a bow.

Many other weapons distinctive to their draughtsmen are shown in this
paper.

[Illustration: FIG. 1280. Australian wommeras and clubs.]

It may be well to insert here Fig. 1280, showing the wommeras and clubs
of the Australians, taken from Curr (_d_), not only on account of their
forms but of the pictorial designs on some of them, which should be
compared with those of the Moki and other Indian tribes.

A large number of pictographic figures distinguishing bodies of Indians
by different mode of head dress have already been given. Some additional
detail may be added about the Absaroka who have in this regard been
imitated by the Hidatsa and Arikara.

They wear horse hair taken from the tail, attached to the back of their
heads and allowed to hang down their backs. It is arranged in eight or
ten strands, each about as thick as a finger and laid parallel with
spaces between them of the width of a single strand. Pine gum is then
mixed with red ocher or vermilion and by means of other hair, or fibers
of any kind laid crosswise, the strands are secured and around each
intersection of hair a ball of gum is plastered to hold it in place,
secured to the real growth of hair on the back of the head. About four
inches further down a similar row of gum balls and cross strings is
placed, and so on down to the end. The Indians frequently incorporate
the false hair with their own so as to lengthen the latter without any
marked evidence of the deception. Nevertheless the transverse fastenings
with their gum attachments are present. In picture-writing this is shown
upon the figure of a man by parallel lines drawn downward from the back
of the head, intersected by cross lines, the whole appearing like small
squares or a piece of net. See Figs. 484 and 485, supra.

A quaint account of social designation by the arrangement of the hair
among the Northeastern Algonquins is recorded in the Jesuit Relations of
1639, pp. 44-5:

    When a girl or woman favors some one who seeks her, she cuts the
    hair in the fashion adopted by the maidens of France, hanging over
    the forehead, which is an ugly style as well in this country as in
    France; St. Paul forbidding women to show their hair. The women here
    wear their hair in bunches at the back of the head, in the form of a
    truss, which they decorate with beads when they have them. If, after
    marrying some one, a woman leaves him without cause, or if, being
    promised and having accepted some present, she fails to keep her
    word, the presumptive husband sometimes cuts her hair, which renders
    her very despicable and prevents her from getting another spouse.

There is a differentiation of this usage among the Pueblos generally,
who, when accurate and particular in delineation, designate the women of
that tribe by a huge coil of hair over either ear. This custom prevails
also among the Coyotèro Apaches, the women wearing the hair in a coil to
denote a virgin, while the coil is absent in the case of a married woman.

Regarding the apparent subject matter of pictographs an obvious
distinction may be made between hunting and land scenes such as would
be familiar to interior tribes and those showing fishing and aquatic
habits common to seaboard and lacustrine peoples. Similar and more
perspicuous modes of discrimination are available. The general scope of
known history, traditions, and myths may also serve in identification.
Known habits and fashions of existing or historically-known tribes have
the same application, e. g., the portrayal on a drawing of a human face
of labrets or nose rings limits the artist to defined regions, and then
other considerations may further specify the work.

When the specific pictorial style of distinctive peoples is ascertained
its appearance on rocks may give evidence of their habitat and
migrations, and on the other hand their authorship of the petroglyphs
being received as a working hypothesis, the latter may be confirmed and
the characters interpreted through the known practices and habits of the
postulated authors.


SECTION 3.

AMBIGUOUS CHARACTERS WITH ASCERTAINED MEANING.

Under this heading specimens of the card catalogue before mentioned
are presented. The characters would not probably be recognized for
the objects they are intended to represent and many of them might be
mistaken for attempts to delineate other objects. A much larger number
of similar delineations are to be found under other headings in this
work, especially in Chap. XIII on Totems, titles, and names.

[Illustration: FIG. 1281.--Turtle. Maya.]

Prof. C. Thomas (_c_) gives _a_, _b_, _c_, and _d_, in Fig. 1281 as
representing the turtle.

That they do so is shown by the head of the animal, _e_, taken from
the Cortesian Codex. This is one of the many examples in which
the significance of drawings can be ascertained from a series of
conventionalized forms. Other instances are given in the present paper,
and more in the works of Mr. W. H. Holmes, published in several of the
Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology.

[Illustration: FIG. 1282.--Armadillo. Yucatan.]

Fig. 1282 is given in the last cited volume and page as the symbol of
the armadillo of Yucatan.

[Illustration: FIG. 1283.--Dakota drawings.]

The drawings of which Fig. 1283 presents copies were made by Dakota
tribesmen: _a_, fox; _b_, black fox; _c_, wolf; _d_, black deer; _e_,
beaver; _f_, spotted horse; _g_, porcupine; _h_, white hawk; _i_, bald
eagle; _k_, crow; _l_, swallow; _m_ and _n_, war bonnet; _o_, leggins;
_p_, gun; _q_, pipe.

[Illustration: FIG. 1284.--Ojibwa drawings.]

The characters in Fig. 1284 are Ojibwa drawings. With the exception of
the last one they are copies of selected sketches made by Gaga Sindebi
at White Earth, Minn., in 1891, as parts of a Midē' song.

_a_, a wolf. The dark chest markings and the large tail are in imitation
of those parts of the timber wolf. The coyote is not now found in the
region where the author of the song lives; but is more particularly a
prairie animal.

_b_, a wolf. The pronounced jaw indicates his carnivorous nature.

_c_, a badger. Although the form resembles that of the bear the
difference is shown by the darkened body to imitate the gray fur.

_d_, a bear.

_e_, a bear. This style of drawing is not common, it being rather short
and stout, while the legs and ears are unusually pronounced.

_f_, the figure of a bear manido, to which is attached a feather
denoting the mythic character of the animal.

_g_, the figure represents a “lean bear,” as is specified by the
appearance of the ribs showing his lean condition.

_h_, a lizard. The ribs are ridges, which are found upon some forms of
_Siredon_, one species of which occurs in the ponds and small lakes of
Minnesota.

_i_, a toad.

_k_, a raccoon. The bands of color are indicated in the drawing.

_l_, a porcupine. Resembles some forms of the sacred bear manido as the
latter is sometimes drawn.

_m_, the crane. The three round spots over the head represent three
songs sung by the midē' to the crane manido.

_n_, the thunder-bird or eagle, having four heads. This character
appears to be unique, as it has at no time been noticed upon any of the
numerous midē' records in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology.

_o_, the character represents a man using the rattle, as in the ceremony
of incantation. The projections above the head denote his superior
powers.

_p_, a midē', holding in his right hand a bear’s paw medicine bag, and
in his left hand an arrow. The character resembles similar drawings to
denote vessels in which herbs are boiled and from the top of which vapor
is issuing.

_q_, a midē' medicine sack. The character appears like similar drawings
of the otter; in the present instance, however, the ornamentation upon
the skin shows it to be not a living animal.

_r_, a beaver’s tail, from Schoolcraft (_y_). Many other illustrations
of this general nature are given by Mr. Schoolcraft, nearly all colored
according to his fancy.




CHAPTER XXII.

CONTROVERTED PICTOGRAPHS.


No large amount of space need be occupied in the mention of detected
pictographic frauds, their present and future importance being small,
but much more than is now allowed would be required for the full
discussion of controverted cases.

There is little inducement, beyond the amusement derived from hoaxing,
to commit actual frauds in the fabrication of petroglyphs. It must,
however, be remembered that coloration and carving of a deceptive
character are sometimes produced by natural causes, e. g., pictured
rocks on the island of Monhegan, Maine, figured by Schoolcraft (_z_),
are classed in “Science” VI, No. 132, p. 124, as freaks of surface
erosion. Mica plates were found in a mound at Lower Sandusky, Ohio,
which, after some attempts at interpretation, proved to belong to the
material known as graphic or hieroglyphic mica, the discolorations
having been caused by the infiltration of mineral solution between the
laminæ.

The instances where inscribed stones from mounds have been ascertained
to be forgeries or fictitious drawings are to be explained as sometimes
produced by simple mischief, sometimes by craving for personal
notoriety, and in other cases by schemes either to increase the
marketable value of land supposed to contain more of the articles or to
sell those exhibited.

With regard to more familiar and more portable articles, such as
engraved pipes, painted robes, and like curios, it is well known that
the fancy prices paid for them by amateurs have stimulated their
unlimited manufacture by Indians at agencies who make a business of
sketching upon ordinary robes or plain pipes the characters in common
use by them, without regard to any real event or person, and selling
them as significant records. Some enterprising traders have been known
to furnish the unstained robes, plain pipes, paints, and other materials
for the purpose, and simply pay a skillful Indian for his work, when the
fresh antique or imaginary chronicle is delivered.

As the business of making and selling archæologic frauds has become so
extensive in Egypt and Palestine, it can be no matter of surprise that
it has been attempted by enterprising people of the United States, about
whom the wooden-nutmeg imputation still clings. The Bureau of Ethnology
has discovered several centers of the manufacture of antiquities.

It was once proclaimed that six inscribed copper plates had been found
in a mound near Kinderhook, Pike county, Illinois, which were reported
to bear a close resemblance to Chinese. This resemblance seemed not
to be extraordinary when it was ascertained that the plate had been
engraved by the village blacksmith, copied from the lid of a Chinese
tea-chest.

The following recent notice of a case of alleged fraud is quoted from
Science, Vol. III, No. 58, March 14, 1884, page 334:

    Dr. N. Roe Bradner exhibited [at the Academy of Natural
    Sciences, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania] an inscribed stone found
    inside a skull taken from one of the ancient mounds at Newark,
    Ohio, in 1865. An exploration of the region had been undertaken,
    in consequence of the finding of stones bearing markings somewhat
    resembling Hebrew letters, in the hope of finding other specimens
    of a like character. The exploration was supposed to have been
    entirely unproductive of such objects until Dr. Bradner had found
    the engraved stone, now exhibited, in a skull which had been given
    to him.

This was supplemented by an editorial note in No. 62 of the same
publication, page 467, as follows:

    A correspondent from Newark, Ohio, warns us that any inscribed
    stones said to originate from that locality may be looked upon as
    spurious. Years ago certain parties in that place made a business of
    manufacturing and burying inscribed stones and other objects in the
    autumn, and exhuming them the following spring in the presence of
    innocent witnesses. Some of the parties to these frauds afterwards
    confessed to them; and no such objects, except such as were
    spurious, have ever been known from that region.

The correspondent of Science probably remembered the operations of
David Wyrick, of Newark, who, to prove his theory that the Hebrews were
the mound-builders, discovered in 1860 a tablet bearing on one side a
truculent “likeness” of Moses with his name in Hebrew, and on the other
a Hebrew abridgment of the ten commandments. A Hebrew bible afterwards
found in Mr. Wyrick’s private room threw some light on the inscribed
characters.

A grooved stone ax or maul, first described by the late Dr. John Evans,
of Pemberton, New Jersey, was reproduced by Dr. Wilson (_a_). Several
characters are cut in the groove and on the blade. They are neither
Runic, Scandinavian, nor Anglo-Saxon. It was found near Pemberton, New
Jersey, prior to 1859. Dr. E. H. Davis, who saw the stone, does not
regard the inscription as ancient. The characters had been retouched
before he saw them.

A grooved stone ax or maul, sent to Col. Whittlesey in 1874, from Butler
county, Ohio, about the size of the Pemberton ax, was covered with
English letters so fresh as to deceive no one versed in antiquities. The
purport of this inscription is that in 1689 Capt. H. Argill passed there
and secreted two hundred bags of gold near a spring.

It was claimed that an inscribed stone had been plowed up on the eastern
shore of Grand Traverse bay, Michigan, and an imperfect cast of it
was among the collections of the state of Michigan at the Centennial
Exhibition. The original is or was in the cabinet of the Kent county
Institute, Grand Rapids, Michigan. It is imperfectly executed, probably
with a knife, and evidently of recent make, in which Greek, Bardic, and
fictitious letters are jumbled together without order.

In 1875 a stone maul was discovered in an ancient mine pit near Lake
Desor, Isle Royal, Lake Superior, on which were cut several lines that
were at first regarded as letters.

An instructive paper by Mr. Wm. H. Holmes “On Some Spurious Mexican
Antiquities and their Relation to Ancient Art,” is published in the
Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1886, Pt. 1, pp. 319-334.


SECTION 1.

THE GRAVE CREEK STONE.

An inscribed stone found in Grave creek mound, near the Ohio river,
in 1838, has been the subject of much linguistic contention among
persons who admitted its authenticity. Twenty-four characters on it
have been considered by various experts to be alphabetic, and one is
a supposed hieroglyphic sign. Mr. Schoolcraft says that twenty-two
of the characters are alphabetic, but there has been a difference of
opinion with regard to their origin. One scholar finds among them four
characters which he claims are ancient Greek; another claims that four
are Etruscan; five have been said to be Runic; six, ancient Gaelic;
seven, old Erse; ten, Phenician; fourteen, old British; and sixteen,
Celtiberic. M. Levy Bing reported at the Congress of Americanists at
Nancy, in 1875, that he found in the inscription twenty-three Canaanite
letters, and translated it: “What thou sayest, thou dost impose it, thou
shinest in thy impetuous clan and rapid chamois.” (!) M. Maurice Schwab
in 1857 rendered it: “The Chief of Emigration who reached these places
(or this island) has fixed these statutes forever.” M. Oppert, however,
gave additional variety by the translation, so that all tastes can be
suited: “The grave of one who was assassinated here. May God to avenge
him strike his murderer, cutting off the hand of his existence.”

Col. Chas. Whittlesey (_a_) gives six copies of the Grave creek stone,
all purporting to be facsimiles, which have been published and used in
the elaborate discussions held upon its significance. Of these, three
are here reproduced with Col. Whittlesey’s remarks, as follows:

[Illustration: FIG. 1285.--Grave creek stone.]

Copy No. 1 is reproduced as Fig. 1285, drawn by Capt. Eastman.

    Capt. Seth Eastman was a graduate and teacher of drawing at West
    Point. He was an accomplished draftsman and painter detailed by
    the War Department to furnish the illustrations for “Schoolcraft’s
    Indian Tribes,” published by the Government. This copy was made in
    his official capacity, with the stone before him, and therefore
    takes the first rank as authority. There are between the lines
    twenty-two characters, but one is repeated three times and another
    twice leaving only twenty. The figure, if it has any significance,
    is undoubtedly pictorial.

[Illustration: FIG. 1286.--Grave creek stone.]

Copy No. 3, now Fig. 1286, was used by Monsieur Jomard at Paris, 1843.

    From this copy M. Jomard considered the letters to be Lybian, a
    language derived from the Phenician. At the right of the upper line
    one is omitted and another bears no resemblance to the original.
    The fifth character of the second line is equally defective and
    objectionable. The second, fifth, and sixth of the lower line are
    little better. In the rude profile of a human face beneath an eye
    has been introduced and the slender cross lines attached to it have
    assumed the proportions of a dagger or sword. For the linguist or
    ethnologist this copy is entirely worthless.

[Illustration: FIG. 1287.--Grave creek stone.]

Copy No. 4, now Fig. 1287, was sent to Prof. Rafn, Copenhagen, 1843.

    This is so imperfect and has so many additions that it is little
    better than a burlesque upon the original. No one will be surprised
    that the learned Danish antiquarian could find in it no resemblance
    to the Runic, with which he was thoroughly familiar.

A mere collocation of letters from various alphabets is not an alphabet.
Words can not be formed or ideas communicated by that artifice. When a
people adopts the alphabetical signs of another it adopts the general
style of the characters and more often the characters in detail. Such
signs had already an arrangement into syllables and words which had a
vocalic validity as well as known significance. A jumble of letters from
a variety of alphabets bears internal evidence that the manipulator
did not have an intelligent meaning to convey by them, and did not
comprehend the languages from which the letters were selected. In the
case of the Grave creek inscription the futile attempts to extract
a meaning from it on the theory that it belongs to an intelligent
alphabetic system show that it holds no such place. If it is genuine
it must be treated as pictorial and ideographic, unless, indeed, it is
cryptographic, which is not indicated.


SECTION 2.

THE DIGHTON ROCK.

In this connection some allusion must be made to the learned discussions
upon the Dighton rock before mentioned, p. 86. The originally Algonquian
characters were translated by a Scandinavian antiquary as an account
of the party of Thorfinn, the Hopeful. A distinguished Orientalist
made out clearly the word “melek” (king). Another scholar triumphantly
established the characters to be Scythian, and still another identified
them as Phenician. But this inscription has been so manipulated that it
is difficult now to determine the original details.

An official report made in 1830 by the Rhode Island Historical Society
and published by the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, in
“Antiquitates Americanæ,” by C. C. Rafn (_e_), presents the best account
known concerning the Dighton rock and gives copies made from time to
time of the inscription, which are here reproduced, Pl. LIV. The text is
condensed as follows, but in quoting it the statement that the work was
not done by the Indians is without approval.

[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIV

I. _Dr. Danforth’s Drawing 1680_

II. _Dr. Cotton Mather’s 1712_

III. _Dr. Greenwood’s 1730_

IV. _Mr. Stephen Sewell’s 1768_

V. _Mr. James Winthrop’s 1788_

VI. _Mr. Kendall’s 1807_

VII. _Mr. Job Gardner’s 1812_

VIII. _Dr. Baylies and Mr. Goodwin’s 1790_

IX. _The Rhode Island Historical Society’s 1830_

DIGHTON ROCK.]

    It is situated about 6-1/2 miles south of Taunton, on the east
    side of Taunton river, a few feet from the shore, and on the west
    side of Assonet neck, in the town of Berkley, county of Bristol, and
    commonwealth of Massachusetts; although probably from the fact of
    being generally visited from the opposite side of the river, which
    is in Dighton, it has always been known by the name of the Dighton
    Writing Rock. It faces northwest toward the bed of the river, and is
    covered by the water 2 or 3 feet at the highest, and is left 10 or
    12 feet from it at the lowest tides; it is also completely immersed
    twice in twenty-four hours. The rock does not occur in situ, but
    shows indubitable evidence of having occupied the spot where it
    now rests since the period of that great and extensive disruption
    which was followed by the transportation of immense bowlders to,
    and a deposit of them in, places at a vast distance from their
    original beds. It is a mass of well characterized, fine grained
    graywacke. Its true color, as exhibited by a fresh fracture, is a
    bluish gray. There is no rock in the immediate neighborhood that
    would at all answer as a substitute for the purpose for which the
    one bearing the inscription was selected, as they are aggregates
    of the large conglomerate variety. Its face, measured at the base
    is 11-1/2 feet, and in height it is a little rising 5 feet. The
    upper surface forms with the horizon an inclined plane of about 60
    degrees. The whole of the face is covered to within a few inches of
    the ground with unknown hieroglyphics. There appears little or no
    method in the arrangement of them. The lines are from half an inch
    to an inch in width; and in depth, sometimes one-third of an inch,
    though generally very superficial. They were, inferring from the
    rounded elevations and intervening depressions, pecked in upon the
    rock and not chiseled or smoothly cut out. The marks of human power
    and manual labor are indelibly stamped upon it. No one who examines
    attentively the workmanship will believe it to have been done by
    the Indians. Moreover, it is a well attested fact that nowhere
    throughout our widespread domain is a single instance of their
    recording or having recorded their deeds or history on stone.

    “The committee also examined the various drawings that have been
    made of this inscription.

    “The first was made by Cotton Mather as early as 1712; and may
    be found in No. 338, vol. 28, of the Philosophical Transactions, pp.
    70 and 71; also in vol. 5, Jones’s abridgment, under article fourth.

    “Another was made by James Winthrop in 1788, a copy of which may
    be found in the Memoirs of the American Academy, vol. 2, part 2, p.
    126.

    “Dr. Baylies and Mr. Goodwin made another drawing in 1790, a
    copy of which is inclosed.

    “Mr. E. A. Kendall in 1807 took another which may be found in
    the Memoirs of the American Academy, vol. 3, part 1, p. 165.

    “And one has been more recently [1812] made by Mr. Job Gardner,
    a lithograph from which is also inclosed.

    “Dr. Isaac Greenwood exhibited a drawing of the inscription
    before the Society of Antiquarians of London bearing the date of
    1730. The drawing by the Historical Society of Rhode Island bears
    the date of 1830.

    “We send you a copy of the inscription, as given on said
    representation of the rock, being what you probably desire; but
    having made an accurate drawing of the rock itself for your
    special use, we have not deemed it necessary to forward the one
    above referred to. We also send a copy of Judge Winthrop’s drawing
    contained in the same work, and of one taken by Stephen Sewell in
    1768.

    “You will likewise find among the drawings a copy of what
    purports to be ‘a faithful and accurate representation of the
    inscription,’ taken by Dr. Danforth in 1680. This is not sent with
    any idea that it will prove serviceable in your present inquiry,
    but simply to show what strange things have been conjured up by
    travelers and sent to Europe for examination. We are, indeed, at
    times almost compelled to believe there must have been some other
    inscription rock seen; and yet from the accompanying accounts it
    would appear that all refer to the same one; besides, there is a
    degree of similarity in the complicated triangular figures which
    appear on all.”

See, also, the illustration from Schoolcraft, Fig. 49, supra, with
further account. The fact was mentioned on p. 87 that the characters
on the Dighton Rock strongly resembled those on the Indian God Rock,
Pennsylvania, and some others specified. Lately some observers have
noticed the same fact with a different deduction. They presuppose
that the Dighton inscription is Runic, and therefore that the one in
Pennsylvania was carved by the Norsemen. This logic would bring the
Vikings very far inland into West Virginia and Ohio.


SECTION 3.

IMITATIONS AND FORCED INTERPRETATIONS.

From considerations mentioned elsewhere, and others that are obvious,
any inscriptions purporting to be pre-Columbian, showing apparent use
of alphabetic characters, signs of the zodiac, or other evidences of
a culture higher than that known among the North American Indians,
must be received with caution, but the pictographs may be altogether
genuine, and their erroneous interpretation may be the sole ground for
discrediting them.

The course above explained, viz, to attempt the interpretation of all
unknown American pictographs by the aid of actual pictographers among
the living Indians, should be adopted regarding all remarkable “finds.”
This course was pursued by Mr. Horatio N. Rust, of Pasadena, California,
regarding the much-discussed Davenport Tablets, in the genuineness of
which he believes. Mr. Rust exhibited the drawings to Dakotas with the
result made public at the Montreal meeting of the American Association
for the Advancement of Science, and also in a letter, an extract from
which is as follows:

    As I made the acquaintance of several of the older and more
    intelligent members of the tribe, I took the opportunity to show
    them the drawings. Explaining that they were pictures copied from
    stones found in a mound, I asked what they meant. They readily
    gave me the same interpretation (and in no instance did either
    interpreter know that another had seen the pictures, so there could
    be no collusion). In Plate I, of the Davenport Inscribed Tablets
    [so numbered in the Proceedings of the Davenport Academy, vol. II],
    the lower central figure represents a dome-shaped lodge, with smoke
    issuing from the top, behind and to either side of which appears a
    number of individuals with hands joined, while three persons are
    depicted as lying upon the ground. Upon the right and left central
    margins are the sun and moon, the whole surmounted by three arched
    lines, between each of which, as well as above them, are numerous
    unintelligible characters. * * * The central figure, which has been
    supposed by some to represent a funeral pile, was simply the picture
    of a dirt lodge. The irregular markings apparently upon the side
    and to the left of the lodge represent a fence made of sticks and
    brush set in the ground. The same style of fence may be seen now in
    any Sioux village.

    The lines of human figures standing hand-in-hand indicate that a
    dance was being conducted in the lodge. The three prostrate forms at
    right and left sides of the lodge represent two men and a woman who,
    being overcome by the excitement and fatigue of the dance, had been
    carried out in the air to recover. The difference in the shape of
    the prostrate forms indicates the different sexes.

    The curling figures or rings above the lodge represent smoke,
    and indicate that the dance was held in winter, when fire was used.

An amusing example of forced interpretation of a genuine petroglyph is
given by Lieut. J. W. Gunnison (_a_), and is presented in the present
work in connection with Fig. 81, supra.

[Illustration: FIG. 1288.--Imitated pictograph.]

Fig. 1288 is a copy of a drawing taken from an Ojibwa pipestem,
obtained by Dr. Hoffman from an officer of the United States Army, who
had procured it from an Indian in St. Paul, Minnesota. On more minute
examination, it appeared that the pipestem had been purchased at a shop
in St. Paul, which had furnished a large number of similar objects--so
large as to awaken suspicion that they were in the course of daily
manufacture. The figures and characters on the pipestem were drawn in
colors. In the present figure, which is without colors, the horizontal
lines represent blue and the vertical red, according to the heraldic
scheme. The outlines were drawn in a dark neutral tint, in some lines
approaching black; the triangular characters, representing lodges,
being also in a neutral tint, or an ashen hue, and approaching black in
several instances. The explanation of the figures, made before there was
any suspicion of their authenticity, is as follows:

The first figure is that of a bear, representing the person to whom the
record pertains. The heart above the line, according to an expression
in gesture language, would signify a brave heart, increased numbers
indicating much or many, so that the three hearts mean a large brave
heart.

The second figure, a circle inclosing a triradiate character, refers to
the personal totem. The character in the middle somewhat resembles the
pictograph sometimes representing stars, though in the latter the lines
center upon the disks and not at a common point.

The seven triangular characters represent the lodges of a village to
which the person referred to belongs.

The serpentine lines immediately below these signify a stream or river,
near which the village is situated.

The two persons holding guns in their left hands, together with another
holding a spear, appear to be the companions of the speaker or recorder,
all of whom are members of the turtle gens, as shown by that animal.

The curve from left to right is a representation of the sky, the sun
having appeared upon the left or eastern horizon. The drawing, so far,
might represent the morning when a female member of the crane gens, was
killed--shown by the headless body of a woman.

The lower figure of a bear is the same apparently as the upper, though
turned to the right. The hearts are drawn below the line, i. e., down,
to denote sadness, grief, remorse, as it would be expressed in gesture
language, and to atone for the misdeed committed the pipe is brought and
offering made for peace.

Altogether the act depicted appears to have been accidental, the woman
belonging to the same tribe, as can be learned from the gens of which
she was a member. The regret or sorrow signified in the bear, next to
the last figure, corresponds with that supposition, as such feelings
would not be manifested on the death of an enemy.

The point of interest in this drawing is, that the figures are very
skillfully copied from the numerous characters of the same kind
representing Ojibwa pictographs, and given by Schoolcraft. The
arrangement of these copied characters is precisely what would be
common in the similar work of Indians. In fact, the group constitutes
an intelligent pictograph and affords a good illustration of the
manner in which one can be made. The fact that it was sold under false
representations is its objectionable feature.

Another case brought officially to the Bureau of Ethnology shows
evidence of a more determined fraud. In 1888 and earlier a so-called
“Shawnee doctor” had displayed as a chart in the nature of an aboriginal
diploma, a brightly colored picture 36 by 40 inches, a copy of which was
sent, to be deciphered, to the Bureau by a gentleman who is not supposed
to have been engaged in fraud or hoax. The mystic chart is copied in
Fig. 1289. There was little difficulty in its explanation.

[Illustration: FIG. 1289.--Fraudulent pictograph.]

The large figures on the border can not be pretended to be of Indian
origin. The smaller interior figures constituting the body of the chart
are all, with trifling exceptions, exact copies of figures published
and fully explained in G. Copway’s “Traditional History, etc., of the
Ojibway Nation,” op. cit. Several of the same figures appear above in
the present work. The principal exceptions are, first, a modern knife;
second, a bird with a decidedly un-Indian human head, and, third,
a cross with two horizontal arms of equal length. The figures from
Copway are not in the exact order given in his list and it is possible
that they may have been placed in their present order to simulate the
appearance of some connected narrative or communication, which could
readily be done in the same manner as the words of a dictionary could be
cut out and pasted in some intelligent sequence.

Among the curiosities of literature in connection with the
interpretation of pictographs may be mentioned La Vèritè sur le Livre
des Sauvages, par L’Abbé Em. Domenech, Paris, 1861, and Researches
into the Lost Histories of America, by W. S. Blacket, London and
Philadelphia, 1884.

[Illustration: FIG. 1290.--Chinese characters.]

The following remarks of Dr. Edkins (_h_) are also in point:

    The early Jesuits were accustomed to interpret Chinese
    characters on the wildest principles. They detected religious
    mysteries in the most unexpected situations. Kwei “treacherous,” is
    written with Kieu “nine,” and above it one of the covering radicals,
    Fig. 1290_a_. This, then, was Satan at the head of the nine ranks of
    angels. The character, same Fig., _b_, c’hwen “a boat,” was believed
    to contain an allusion to the deluge. On the left side is the ark
    and on the right are the signs for eight and for persons. The day
    for this mode of explaining the Chinese characters has gone by.




CHAPTER XXIII.

GENERAL CONCLUSIONS.


The result of the writer’s studies upon petroglyphs as distinct from
other forms of picture writing may now be summarized.

Perhaps the most important lesson learned from these studies is that no
attempt should be made at symbolic interpretation unless the symbolic
nature of the particular characters under examination is known, or can
be logically inferred from independent facts. To start with a theory, or
even a hypothesis, that the rock writings are all symbolic and may be
interpreted by the imagination of the observer or by translation either
from or into known symbols of similar form found in other regions, were
a limitless delusion. Doubtless many of the characters are genuine
symbols or emblems, and some have been ascertained through extrinsic
information to be such. Sometimes the more modern forms are explained
by Indians who have kept up the pictographic practice, and the modern
forms occasionally throw light upon the more ancient. But the rock
inscriptions do not evince mysticism or esotericism, cryptography,
or steganography. With certain exceptions they were intended to be
understood by all observers either as rude objective representations
or as ideograms, which indeed were often so imperfect as to require
elucidation, but not by any hermeneutic key. While they often related to
religious ceremonies or myths, such figures were generally drawn in the
same spirit with which any interesting matter was portrayed.

While the interpretation of petroglyphs by Indians should be obtained
if possible, it must be received with caution. They very seldom know
by tradition the meaning of the older forms, and their inferences are
often made from local and limited pictographic practices. There is
no more conscientious and intelligent Indian authority than Frank La
Flêche, an Omaha, and he explains the marks on a rock in Nebraska as
associated with the figures of deceased men and exhibiting the object
which caused their death, such as an arrow or ax. This may be a local
or tribal practice, but it certainly does not apply to similar figures
throughout the Algonquian and Iroquoian areas, where, according to the
concurrent testimony for more than two centuries, similar figures are
either designations of tribes and associations, or in their combinations
are records of achievements.

Lossing (_b_) gives the following explanation of markings on a well
known rock:

    Among the brave warriors in the battle [of Maumee] who were the
    last to flee before Wayne’s legion, was Me-sa-sa, or Turkey-foot, an
    Ottawa chief, who lived on Blanchards Fork of the AuGlaize River.
    He was greatly beloved by his people. His courage was conspicuous.
    When he found the line of dusky warriors giving way at the foot of
    Presque Isle hill, he leaped upon a small bowlder, and by voice and
    gesture endeavored to make them stand firm. He almost immediately
    fell, pierced by a musket ball, and expired by the side of the
    rock. * * * They carved many rude figures of a turkey’s foot on the
    stone, as a memorial of the English name of the lamented Me-sa-sa.
    The stone is still there, by the side of the highway at the foot of
    Presque Isle hill, within a few rods of the swift-flowing Maumee.
    Many of the carvings are still quite deep and distinct, while others
    have been obliterated by the abrasion of the elements.

This tale may be true, but it surely does not account for the
turkey-foot marks which are so common in the northeastern Algonquian
region, extending from Dighton rock to Ohio, that they form a typical
characteristic of its pictographs. They have been considered to be the
sign for the bird, the turkey, which was a frequent totem. Lossing’s
story is an example of the readiness of an Indian, when in an amiable
and communicative mood, to answer queries in a manner which he supposes
will be satisfactory to his interviewer. He will then give any desired
amount of information on any subject without the slightest restriction
by the vulgar bounds of fact. It is dangerous to believe explanations
on such subjects as are now under consideration, unless they are
made without leading questions by a number of Indian authorities
independently.

Specially convenient places for halting and resting on a journey,
either by land or water, such as is mentioned supra, on Machias bay,
generally exhibit petroglyphs if rocks of the proper character are
favorably situated there. The markings may be mere graffiti, the product
of leisure hours, or may be of the more serious descriptions mentioned
below.

Some points are ascertained with regard to the motives of the painters
and sculptors on rocks. Some of the characters were mere records
of the visits of individuals to important springs or to fords on
regularly established trails. In this practice there may have been in
the intention of the Indians very much the same spirit which induces
the civilized man to record his name or initials upon objects in the
neighborhood of places of general resort. But there was real utility in
the Indian practice, which more nearly approached to the signature in
a visitor’s book at a hotel or public building, both to establish the
identity of the traveler and to give the news to friends of his presence
and passage. At Oakley springs, Arizona territory, totemic marks have
been found, evidently made by the same individual at successive visits,
showing that on the number of occasions indicated he had passed by those
springs, probably camping there, and the habit of making such record
was continued until quite recently by the neighboring Indians. The same
repetition of totemic names has been found in great numbers in the
pipestone quarries of Minnesota, on the rocks near Odanah, Wisconsin,
and also at some old fords in West Virginia. These totemic marks are
so designed and executed as to have intrinsic significance and value,
wholly different in this respect from names in alphabetic form, which
grammatically are proper but practically may be common.

Rock carvings are frequently noticed at waterfalls and other points
on rivers and on lake shores favorable for fishing, which frequency
is accounted for by the periodical resort of Indians to such places.
Sometimes they only mark their stay, but occasionally there also appear
to be records of conflict with rival or inimical tribes which sought to
use the same waters.

Evidence is presented in the present work that the characters on
rock pictures sometimes were pointers or “sign-posts” to show the
direction of springs, the line of established trails, or of paths that
would shorten distances in travel. It has been supposed that similar
indications were used guiding to burial mounds and other places of
peculiar sanctity or interest, but the evidence of this employment is
not conclusive. Many inquiries have been made of the Bureau of Ethnology
concerning Indian marks supposed to indicate the sites of gold, silver,
and copper mines and buried treasure generally, which inquiries were
answered only because it was recognized as the duty of an office of the
government to respond, so far as possible, to requests for information,
however silly, which are made in good faith.

Petroglyphs are now most frequently found in those parts of the world
which are still, or recently have been, inhabited by savage or barbarian
tribes. Persons of these tribes when questioned about the authorship of
the rock drawings have generally attributed them to supernatural beings.
Statements to this effect from many peoples of the three Americas and
of other regions, together with the names of rockwriting deities, are
abundantly cited in the present work. This is not surprising, nor
is it instructive, except as to the mere fact that the drawings are
ancient. Man has always attributed to supernatural action whatever he
did not understand. Also, it appears that in modern times shamans have
encouraged this belief and taken advantage of it to interpret for their
own purposes the drawings, some of which have been made by themselves.
But notwithstanding these errors and frauds, a large proportion of the
petroglyphs in America are legitimately connected with the myths and the
religious practices of the authors. The information obtained during late
years regarding tribes such as the Zuñi, Moki, Navajo, and Ojibwa, which
have kept up on the one hand their old religious practices and on the
other that of picture writing, is conclusive on this point. The rites
and ceremonies of these tribes are to some extent shown pictorially on
the rocks, some of the characters on which have until lately been wholly
meaningless, but are now identified as drawings of the paraphernalia
used in or as diagrams of the drama of their rituals. Unless those
rituals, with the creeds and cosmologies connected with them had been
learned, the petroglyphs would never have been interpreted. The fact
that they are now understood does not add any new information, except
that perhaps in some instances their age may show the antiquity and
continuity of the present rites.

A potent reason for caution in making deductions based only on copies
of figures published incidentally in works of travel is that it can
seldom be ascertained with exactness what is the true depiction
of those figures as actually existing or as originally made. The
personal equation affects the drawings and paintings intended to
be copies from the rock surfaces and also the engravings and other
forms of reproductions, and the student must rely upon very uncertain
reproductions for most of his material. The more ancient petroglyphs
also require the aid of the imagination to supply eroded lines or
faded colors. Travelers and explorers are seldom so conscientious as
to publish an obscure copy of the obscure original. It is either made
to appear distinct or is not furnished at all, and if the author were
conscientious the publisher would probably overrule him.

Thorough knowledge of the historic tribes, including their sociology,
sophiology, technology, and especially their sign language, will
probably result in the interpretation of many more petroglyphs than
are now understood, but the converse is not true. The rock characters
studied independently will not give much primary information about
customs and concepts, though it may and does corroborate what has
been obtained by other modes of investigation. A knowledge of Indian
customs, costumes, including arrangement of hair, paint, and all tribal
designations, and of their histories and traditions, is essential to
the understanding of their drawings; for which reason some of those
particulars known to have influenced pictography have been set forth in
this work and objects have been mentioned which were known to have been
portrayed graphically with special intent.

Other objects are used symbolically or emblematically which, so far as
known, have never appeared in any form of pictographs, but might be
found in any of them. For instance, Mr. Schoolcraft says of the Dakotas
that “some of the chiefs had the skins of skunks tied to their heels
to symbolize that they never ran, as that animal is noted for its slow
and self-possessed movements.” This is one of the many customs to be
remembered in the attempted interpretations of pictographs. The present
writer does not know that a skunk skin or a strip of skin which might
be supposed to be a skunk skin attached to a human heel has ever been
separately used pictorially as the ideogram of courage or steadfastness,
but with the knowledge of this objective use of the skins, if they were
found so represented pictorially, the interpretation would be suggested
without any direct explanation from Indians.

A partial view of petroglyphs has excited hope that by their correlation
the priscan homes and migrations of peoples may be ascertained.
Undoubtedly striking similarities are found in regions far apart from as
well as near to each other. A glance at the bas-reliefs of Boro Boudour
in Java, now copied and published by the Dutch authorities, at once
recalls figures of the lotus and uræus of Egypt, the horns of Assyria,
the thunderbolt of Greece, the Buddhist fig tree, and other noted
characters common in several parts of the world. If the petroglyphs
of America are considered as the texts with which all others may be
compared, it is believed that the present work shows illustrations
nearly identical with many much-discussed carvings and paintings on the
rocks of the eastern hemisphere, those in Siberia being most strongly
suggestive of connection. But from the present collection it would seem
that the similarity of styles in various regions is more worthy of
study than is the mere resemblance or even identity of characters, the
significance of which is unknown and may have differed in the intent of
the several authors. Indeed it is clear that even in limited areas of
North America, diverse significance is attached to the same figure and
differing figures are made to express the same concept.

The present work shows a surprising resemblance between the typical
forms among the petroglyphs found in Brazil, Venezuela, Peru, Guiana,
part of Mexico, and those in the Pacific slope of North America. This
similarity includes the forms in Guatemala and Alaska, which, on account
of the material used, are of less assured antiquity. Indeed it would be
safe to include Japan and New Zealand in this general class. In this
connection an important letter from Mr. James G. Swan, respecting the
carved wooden images of the Haidas, accentuates the deduction derived
only from comparison. Mr. Swan says that he showed to the Indians of
various coast tribes the plates of Dr. Habel’s work on sculptures in
Guatemala, and that they all recognized several of the pictures which
he notes. They also recognized and understood the pictures of the Zuñi
ceremonials, masks, and masquerades scenes published by Mr. F. H.
Cushing.

Without entering upon the discussion whether America was peopled from
east to west, or from either, or from any other part of the earth, it
is for the present enough to suggest that the petroglyphs and other
pictographs in the three Americas indicate that their pre-Columbian
inhabitants had at one time frequent communication with each other,
perhaps not then being separated by the present distances of habitat.
Styles of drawing and painting could thus readily be diffused, and,
indeed, to mention briefly the extralimital influence, if as many
Japanese and Chinese vessels were driven upon the west American coast
in prehistoric times as are known by historic statistics to have been
so driven, the involuntary immigrants skilled in drawing and painting
might readily have impressed their styles upon the Americans near their
landing place to be thence indefinitely diffused. This hypothesis would
not involve migration.

Interest has been felt in petroglyphs, because it has been supposed
that if interpreted they would furnish records of vanished peoples
or races, and connected with that supposition was one naturally
affiliated that the old rock sculptures were made by peoples so far
advanced in culture as to use alphabets or at least syllabaries, thus
supporting the theory about the mythical mound builders or some other
supposititious race. All suggestions of this nature should at once be
abandoned. The practice of pictography does not belong to civilization
and declines when an alphabet becomes popularly known. Neither is there
the slightest evidence that an alphabet or syllabary was ever used in
pre-Columbian America by the aborigines, though there is some trace
of Runic inscriptions. The fact that the Maya and Aztec peoples were
rapidly approaching to such modes of expressing thought, and that the
Dakota and Ojibwa had well entered upon that line of evolution, shows
that they had proceeded no farther, and it is admitted that they were
favorable representatives of the tribes of the continent in this branch
of art. The theory mentioned requires the assumption, without a particle
of evidence, that the rock sculptures are alphabetic, and therefore were
made by a supposititious and extinct race. Topers of the mysterious
may delight in such dazing infusions of perverted fancy, but they are
repulsive to the sober student.

The foregoing remarks apply mainly to rock inscriptions and not to
pictographs on other substances, the discussion and illustration of
which occupy the greater part of the present work. In that division
there is no need of warning against wild theories or uncertain data. The
objects are in hand and their current use as well as their significance
is understood. Their description and illustration by classes is
presented in the above chapters with such detail that further discussion
here would be mere repetition.

One line of thought, however, is so connected with several of the
classifications that it may here be mentioned with the suggestion that
the preceding headings, with the illustrations presented under each,
may be reviewed in reference to the methodical progress of pictography
toward a determined and convenient form of writing. This exhibition of
evolution was arrested by foreign invasion before the indirect signs of
sound had superseded the direct presentments of sight for communication
and record. Traces of it appear throughout the present paper, but are
more intelligently noticed on a second examination than in cursory
reading. In the Winter Counts of Battiste Good there are many characters
where the figure of a human being is connected with an object, which
shows his tribal status or the disease of which he died, and the
characters representing the tribe or disease are purely determinative.

The discrimination which is made between animals and objects portrayed
simply as such, and as supernatural or mystic, is shown in the many
illustrations of Ojibwa and Zuñi devices, in which the heart is
connected with a line extending to the mouth, and those of the Ojibwa
and the Dakota, where the spirals indicate spirit or wakan. Animals are
often portrayed without such lines, in which cases it is understood
that they are only the animals in natural condition, but with the
designations or determinatives they are intended to be supernatural.
Among the Ojibwa animals connected with certain ceremonies are
represented as encircled by a belt or baldric, an ornamented baldric
of the same character being used by the participants in the ceremonial
chant dance; so that the baldric around the animal determines that the
figure is that of a supernatural and mystic, not an ordinary, animal.
This is an indication of the start from simple pictography towards an
alphabet by the use of determinatives as was done by the Chinese.

It is not believed that much information of historical value will be
obtained directly from the interpretation of the petroglyphs in America.
The greater part of those already known are simply peckings, carvings,
or paintings connected with their myths or with their every-day lives.
It is, however, probable that others were intended to commemorate
events, but the events, which to their authors were of moment, would be
of little importance as history, if, as is to be expected, they were
selected in the same manner as is done by modern Indian pictographers.
They referred generally to some insignificant fight or some season of
plenty or of famine, or to other circumstances the interest in which has
long ago died away.

The question may properly be asked, why, with such small prospect of
gaining historic information, so much attention has been directed to
the collection and study of petroglyphs. A sufficient answer might be
submitted, that the fact mentioned could not be made evident until after
that collection and study, and that it is of some use to establish the
limits of any particular line of investigation, especially one largely
discussed with mystical inferences to support false hypotheses. But
though the petroglyphs do not and probably never will disclose the kind
of information hoped for by some enthusiasts, they surely are valuable
as marking the steps in one period of human evolution and in presenting
evidence of man’s early practices. Also though the occurrences
interesting to their authors and therefore recorded or indicated by
them are not important as facts of history, they are proper subjects
of examination, simply because in fact they were the chief objects of
interest to their authors, and for that reason become of ethnologic
import. It is not denied that some of the drawings on rocks were made
without special purpose, for mere pastime, but they are of import even
as mere graffiti. The character of the drawings and the mode of their
execution tell something of their makers. If they do not tell who those
authors were, they at least suggest what kind of people they were as
regards art, customs, and sometimes religion. But there is a broader
mode of estimating the quality of known pictographs. Musicians are
eloquent in lauding of the great composers of songs without words. The
ideography, which is the prominent feature of picture writing, displays
both primordially and practically the higher and purer concept of
thoughts without sound.

The experience of the present writer induces him to offer the following
suggestions for the benefit of travelers and other observers who may
meet with petroglyphs which they may desire to copy and describe.

As a small drawing of large rock inscriptions must leave in doubt
the degree of its finish and perhaps the essential objects of its
production, it is requisite, in every instance, to affix the scale of
the drawing, or to give a principal dimension to serve as a guide. A
convenient scale for ordinary petroglyphs is one-sixteenth of actual
size. The copy should be with sufficient detail to show the character
of the work. It is useful to show the lithologic character of the rock
or bowlder used; whether the drawing has been scratched into the face
of the rock, or incised more deeply with a sharp implement, and the
depth of such incision; whether the design is merely outlined, or the
whole body of the figures pecked out, and whether paint has been applied
to the pecked surface, or the design executed with paint only. The
composition of paint should be ascertained when possible. The amount of
weathering or erosion, together with the exposure, or any other feature
bearing on the question of antiquity, might prove important. If actual
colors are not accessible for representation the ordinary heraldic
scheme of colors can be used.

That sketches, even by artists of ability, are not of high value
in accuracy, is shown by the discrepant copies of some of the most
carefully studied pictographs, which discrepancies sometimes leave in
uncertainty the points most needed for interpretation. Sketches, or
still better, photographs are desirable to present a connected and
general view of the characters and the surface upon which they are
found. For accuracy of details “squeezes” should be obtained when
practicable.

A simple method of obtaining squeezes of petroglyphs, when the lines
are sufficiently deep to receive an impression, is to take ordinary
manilla paper of loose texture, and to spread the sheet, after being
thoroughly wetted, over the surface, commencing at the top. The top edge
may be temporarily secured by a small streak of starch or flour paste.
The paper is then pressed upon the surface of the rock by means of a
soft bristle brush, so that its texture is gently forced into every
depression. Torn portions of the paper may be supplied by applying
small patches of wet paper until every opening is thoroughly covered.
A coating of ordinary paste, as above mentioned, is now applied to the
entire surface, and a new sheet of paper, similarly softened by water,
is laid over this and pressed down with the brush. This process is
continued until three or four thicknesses of paper have been used. Upon
drying, the entire mold will usually fall off by contraction. The edge
at the top, if previously pasted to the rock, should be cut. The entire
sheet can then be rolled up, or if inconveniently large can be cut in
sections and properly marked for future purposes. This process yields
the negative. To obtain the positive the inner coating of the negative
may be oiled, and the former process renewed upon the cast.

The characters when painted with bright tints and upon a light-colored
surface, may readily be traced upon tracing linen, such as is employed
by topographers. Should the rock be of a dark color, and the characters
indistinct, a simple process is to first follow the characters in
outline with colored crayons, red chalk, or dry colors mixed with water
and applied with a brush, after which a piece of muslin is placed over
the surface and pressed so as to receive sufficient coloring matter to
indicate general form and relative position. After these impressions
are touched up, the true position may be obtained by painting the lines
upon the back of the sheet of muslin, or by making a true tracing of the
negative.

An old mode of securing the outline was to clear out the channels of the
intaglios, then, after painting them heavily, to press a sheet of muslin
into the freshly painted depressions. The obvious objection to this
method is the damage to the inscription. Before such treatment, if the
only one practicable, all particulars of the work to be covered by paint
should be carefully recorded.

The locality should be reported with detail of State (or territory),
county, township, and distance and direction from the nearest
post-office, railway station, or country road. In addition the name of
any contiguous stream, hill, bluff, or other remarkable natural feature
should be given. The name of the owner of the land is of temporary
value, as it is liable to frequent changes. The site or station should
be particularly described with reference to its natural characteristics
and geological history. When petroglyphs are in numbers and groups,
their relation to each other to the points of the compass or to
topographical features, should be noted, if possible, by an accurate
survey, otherwise by numeration and sketching.

The following details should be carefully noted: The direction of the
face of the rock; the presence of probable trails and gaps which may
have been used in shortening distances in travel; localities of mounds
and caves, if any, in the vicinity; ancient camping grounds, indicated
by fragments of pottery, flint chips or other refuse; existence of
aboriginal relics, particularly flints which may have been used in
pecking (these may be found at the base of the rocks upon which
petroglyphs occur); the presence of small mortar-holes which may have
served in the preparation of colors.

With reference to pictographs on other objects than rock it is important
to report the material upon which they appear and the implements
ascertained to be used in their execution examples of which are given in
other parts of this work.

With reference to all kinds of pictographs, it should be remembered
that mere descriptions without graphic representations are of little
value. Probable age and origin and traditions relating to them should
be ascertained. Their interpretation by natives of the locality who
themselves make pictographs or who belong to people who have lately made
pictographs is most valuable, especially in reference to such designs
as may be either conventional, religious, or connected with lines of
gesture-signs.




LIST OF WORKS AND AUTHORS CITED.


The object of this alphabetical list is to permit convenient reference
to authorities without either deforming the pages of the present work
by footnotes or cumbering the text with more or less abbreviated
indications of editions, volumes, and pages, as well as titles and
names, which in some cases would have required many repetitions. The
list is by no means intended as a bibliography of the subject, nor
even as a statement of the printed and MS. works actually studied and
consulted by the present writer in the preparation of his copy. The
details and niceties of bibliographic description are not attempted,
the titles being abbreviated, except in a few instances where they are
believed to be of special interest. The purpose is to include only the
works which have been actually quoted or cited in the text, and, indeed,
not all of those, as it was deemed unnecessary to transfer to the
list some well-known works of which there are no confusing numbers of
editions. When a publication is cited in the text but once, sufficient
reference is sometimes made at the place of citation. When it would seem
that the reference should be more particular the work is mentioned in
the text, generally by the name of the author, followed by an italic
letter of the alphabet in a parenthesis, which letter is repeated in the
same form under the author’s name in the alphabetical list followed by
mention of the edition from which the citation was taken, the number of
the volume when there is more than one volume of that edition, and the
page; also a reference, when needed, to the illustration reproduced or
described.

Example: When the voluminous official publication of Schoolcraft is
first quoted on p. 35, the reference is to p. 351 of his first volume,
and the name “Schoolcraft” is followed by (_a_). On turning to that
name in the list there appears under it a note of the work and the
letter (_a_) is followed by “I, p. 351.” The references to this author
are so many that all the letters of the alphabet are successively
employed--indeed, some of them do duty several times, as several
references in the text are to the same page or plate. The references
to this single author would therefore have required at least thirty
footnotes, or corresponding words in the text, instead of thirty italic
letters divided between the several places of citation.

The abbreviation and simplicity of the plan is shown where there are
many editions of the work cited. One of the most troublesome for
reference of all publications is that of the Travels, etc., of Lewis and
Clarke. The letter (_a_) after those names on p. 419, repeated under the
same names in the list, refers to p. 66 of the edition specified.

When the italic letter in parenthesis precedes the title of a work in
the list, reference is made to that work as a whole without specific
quotation. So also when no such italic letter appears. Occasionally the
title and imprint of a magazine or other continuous publication appears
in the list without note of volume and page. This occurs where the
authority is noted elsewhere, generally more than once, with only curt
reference to the serial publication, and is intended to avoid repetition.

The simple scheme is designed, while avoiding bibliographic prolixity,
to give practical assistance to the reader in finding the authorities
cited, when desired. Scientific pretense has sometimes been sacrificed
for simplicity and convenience.




LIST.


~ADAIR~ (JAMES).

    The History of the American Indians; particularly those Nations
    adjoining to the Mississippi, East and West Florida, Georgia, South
    and North Carolina, and Virginia. * * * By James Adair, Esquire, a
    Trader with the Indians, and Resident in their Country for Forty
    Years. London; 1775. 4^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 389.

~AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST.~

    The American Anthropologist, published quarterly under the
    auspices of the Anthropological Society of Washington. Washington,
    D. C. Vol. I[-VI]. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) II, 1889, No. 4, p. 323. (_b_) ibid., p. 524.

~AMERICAN NATURALIST.~

    The American Naturalist, a monthly journal devoted to the
    natural sciences in their widest sense. Philadelphia. Vol.
    I[-XXVII]. 8^{o}.

~AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY.~

    Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, held at
    Philadelphia, for promoting useful knowledge. Philadelphia (Penna.).
    Vol. I[-XXX]. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) XXIX, p. 216.

~ANDREE~ (_Dr._ RICHARD).

    Das Zeichnen bei den Naturvölkern. Separatabdruck aus den
    Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien. Bd. XVII,
    der neuen Folge Bd. VII. Wien; 1887. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 6. (_b_) p. 4. (_c_) ib. (_d_) p. 8. (_e_) p. 5.

    Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche, von Richard Andree.
    Mit 6 Tafeln und 21 Holzschnitten. Stuttgart; 1878. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 260. (_b_) p. 194.

~ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.~

    The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain
    and Ireland. London; 1872[-1892]. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) XIX, May, 1890, p. 368. (_b_) XVI, Feb., 1887, p. 309.
    (_c_) I, 1872, p. 334. (_d_) X, Feb., 1880, p. 104. (_e_) III, Feb.,
    1873, p. 131. (_f_) XVII, Nov., 1887, p. 86.

~ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF TŌKYŌ.~

    See _Tōkyō Anthropological Society of._

~ANTHROPOLOGIE.~

    See _L’Anthropologie._

~ANTHROPOLOGISCHE GESELLSCHAFT IN BERLIN.~

    See _Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie._

~ANTHROPOLOGISCHE GESELLSCHAFT IN WIEN.~

    Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in
    Wien. In Commission bei Alfred Hölder, k.k. Hof- und
    Universitäts-Buchhändler. Wien; 4^{o}.

    (_a_) XVI, iii. and iv. Heft, 1886, Tafel X.

~APPUN~ (C. F.).

    Südamerikanischen, mit Sculpturen bedeckten Felsens. In
    Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie,
    Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. Berlin; Mai, 1877.

    (_a_) pp. 6 and 7, Pl. XVI.

~ARARIPE~ (TRISTÃO DE ALENCAR).

    Cidades Petrificades e Inscripções Lapidares no Brazil. By
    Tristão de Alencar Araripe. In Revista Trim. do Inst. Hist. e Geog.
    Brazil, Tome L, 2^o folheto. Rio de Janeiro; 1887.

    (_a_) p. 275 et seq. (_b_) p. 291. (_c_) p. 277.

~ARCHAIC ROCK INSCRIPTIONS.~

    Archaic Rock Inscriptions; an Account of the Cup and Ring
    Markings on the Sculptured Stones of the Old and New Worlds. * * * A
    Reader, Orange Street, Red Lion Square, London; 1891. Sm. 8^{o}.

~AUSLAND~, _Das_

    Das Ausland. Wochenschrift für Erd- und Völkerkunde.
    Herausgegeben von Siegmund Günther. Stuttgart. Verlag der J. G.
    Cotta’schen Buchhandlung, Nachfolger. 4^{o}.

    (_a_) 1884, No. 1, p. 12.


~BANCROFT~ (HUBERT HOWE).

    The Native Races of the Pacific States of North America. By
    Hubert Howe Bancroft. San Francisco; 1882. Vol. I[-V]. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) I, p. 379. (_b_) I, p. 48. (_c_) I, p. 332. (_d_) II, p.
    802. (_e_) I, p. 333. (_f_) I, p. 387. (_g_) I, p. 403. (_h_) II, p.
    374. (_i_) IV, pp. 40-50.

~BANDELIER~ (A. F.).

    Report of an Archæological Tour in Mexico in 1881. By A. F.
    Bandelier. Papers of the Archæological Institute of America.
    American Series, II. Boston; 1884. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 184.

~BARTLETT~ (JOHN RUSSELL).

    Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incidents in Texas, New
    Mexico, California, Sonora, and Chihuahua, connected with the United
    States and Mexican Boundary Commission, during the years 1850, ’51,
    ’52, and ’53. By John Russell Bartlett, United States Commissioner
    during that period. New York; 1854. 2 vols. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) II, pp. 192-206. (_b_) ibid., pp. 170-173.

~BASTIAN~ (A.).

    (_b_) Amerika’s Nordwest-Küste. Neueste Ergebnisse
    ethnologischer Reisen. Aus den Sammlungen der königlichen Museen
    zu Berlin. Herausgegeben von der Direction der ethnologischen
    Abtheilung. Berlin; 1884. Folio.

    Ethnologisches Bilderbuch (mit erklärendem Text), 25 Tafeln. Von
    Adolf Bastian. Berlin; 1887. Folio.

    (_a_) Pl. VI.

~BELDEN~ (G. P.).

    Belden, the White Chief, or Twelve Years among the Wild Indians
    of the Plains. From the diaries and manuscripts of George P. Belden.
    * * * Edited by Gen. James S. Brisbin, U. S. A. Cincinnati and New
    York; 1870. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 277. (_b_) p. 145. (_c_) p. 144.

~BERLINER GESELLSCHAFT FÜR ANTHROPOLOGIE.~

    Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie,
    Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. Redigirt von Rud. Virchow. Berlin.
    8^{o}.

    (_a_) No. 20, March, 1886. (_b_) Sitzung 16, November, 1889, p.
    655. (_c_) ibid., p. 651. (_d_) March 20, 1886, p. 208.

~BERTHELOT~ (S.).

    Notice sur les Caractères Hiéroglyphiques Gravés sur les
    Roches Volcaniques aux îles Canaries. In Bulletin de la Société de
    Géographie, rédigé avec le Concours de la Section de Publication
    par les Secrétaires de la Commission Centrale. Sixième Série, Tome
    Neuvième, année 1875. Paris; 1875.

    (_a_) p. 117 et seq. (_b_) p. 189.

~BERTHOUD~ (_Capt._ E. L.).

    (_a_) In Kansas City Review of Science and Industry, VII, 1883,
    No. 8, pp. 489, 490.

~BLOXAM~ (G. W.).

    Aroko, or Symbolic Letters. In Journal Anthrop. Inst. Great
    Britain and Ireland. 1887.

    (_a_) pp. 291 et seq. (_b_) p. 295. (_c_) p. 298.

~BOAS~ (_Dr._ FRANZ).

    Report on the Northwestern Tribes of the Dominion of Canada. In
    Report of the Fifty-ninth Annual Meeting of the British Association
    for the Advancement of Science. London; 1889.

    (_c_) p. 12. (_e_) pp. 852, 853. (_f_) p. 841.

    Felsenzeichnung von Vancouver Island. In Verhandlungen der
    Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, ausserordentliche Sitzung
    am 14. Februar 1891.

    (_a_) p. 160. Fig. p. 161.

    The Houses of the Kwakiutl Indians, British Columbia. In
    Proceedings of the U. S. National Museum for 1888. Washington. 8^{o}.

    (_b_) pp. 197 et seq. (_d_) p. 212, Pl. XL. (_g_) p. 208.

~BOBAN~ (EUGÈNE).

    Documents pour servir à l’Histoire du Mexique. Catalogue
    raisonné de la Collection de M. E.-Eugène Goupil (Ancienne coll.
    J.-M.-A. Aubin). Manuscrits figuratifs et autres sur papier indigène
    d’agave Mexicana et sur papier européen antérieurs et postérieurs à
    la Conquête du Mexique. (XVI^e siècle). Avec une introduction de M.
    E.-Eugène Goupil et une lettre-préface de M. Auguste Génin. Paris;
    1891. 2 vols. 4^{o}, and atlas folio.

    (_a_) II, p. 273. (_b_) II, pp. 331, 342.

~BOCK~ (CARL).

    The Head-Hunters of Borneo: A narrative of travel up the
    Mahakkam and down the Barrito; also journeyings in Sumatra. By Carl
    Bock. London; 1881. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 67. (_b_) p. 41.

~BOLLER~ (HENRY A.).

    Among the Indians. Eight years in the Far West: 1858-1866.
    Embracing sketches of Montana and Salt Lake. By Henry A. Boller.
    Philadelphia; 1868. 12^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 284.

~BOSCAWEN~ (W. ST. CHAD).

    The Prehistoric Civilization of Babylonia. In Journal of the
    Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. VIII,
    No. 1; August, 1878.

    (_a_) p. 23.

~BOSSU~ (_Capt._).

    Travels through that part of North America formerly called
    Louisiana. By Mr. Bossu, captain in the French marines. Translated
    from the French by John Rheinhold Forster. Illustrated with Notes,
    relative chiefly to Natural History. London; 1771. 2 vols. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) I, p. 164.

~BOTURINI~ (BENADUCI).

    Idea de una Nueva Historia General de la América Septentrional,
    fundada sobre material copioso de Figuras, Symbolos, Caracteres y
    Geroglíficos, Cantares y Manuscritos de Antores Indios, ultimamente
    descubiertos. Dedicada al Rey N^{tro} Señor en su real y supremo
    consejo de las Indias el Cavallero Lorenzo Boturini Benaduci, Señor
    de la Torre, y de Pono. Madrid; 1746. 4^{o}.

    (_a_) pp. 54-56.

~BOURKE~ (_Capt._ JOHN G.).

    The Snake-Dance of the Moquis of Arizona; being a Narrative of
    a Journey from Santa Fé, New Mexico, to the Villages of the Moqui
    Indians of Arizona, etc. By John G. Bourke, Captain, Third U. S.
    Cavalry. New York; 1884. 8^{o}.

    (_f_) p. 120.

    The Medicine Men of the Apaches. By John G. Bourke, Captain,
    Third Cavalry, U. S. Army. In the Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau
    of Ethnology.

    (_a_) p. 550 et seq. (_b_) p. 562. (_c_) ib. (_d_) p. 580. (_e_)
    p. 588. (_f_) ib.

~BOVALLIUS~ (CARL).

    Nicaraguan Antiquities. By Carl Bovallius; pub. by Swed. Soc.
    Anthrop. and Geog. Stockholm; 1886. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) Pl. 39.

~BOYLE~ (DAVID).

    4th Ann. Rep. Canadian Institute, 1890.

    (_a_) p. 23. (_b_) ib.

~BRANSFORD~ (_Dr._ J. F.).

    Archæological Researches in Nicaragua. By J. F. Bransford, M.
    D., Passed Assistant Surgeon, U. S. Navy. [Constitutes No. 383,
    Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge.] Washington; 1881.

    (_a_) p. 64, fig. 123. (_b_) p. 65.

~BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG~ (_Abbé_ CHARLES ÉTIENNE).

    See _Landa_.

~BRAZILEIRO, REVISTA TRIMENSAL.~

    See _Revista Trimensal do Instituto Hist. e Geog. Brazileiro_.

~BRINTON~ (_Prof._ DANIEL G.).

    On the “Stone of the Giants.” In Report of the Proceedings of
    the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia for the years
    1887-1889. Philadelphia; 1891.

    (_a_) p. 78 et seq. (_c_) ib.

    On the Ikonomatic Method of Phonetic Writing, with special
    reference to American Archæology. Read before the Am. Philosoph.
    Soc. Oct. 1, 1886.

    (_b_) p. 3.

    The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths, Central America. By
    Daniel G. Brinton, M. D. Separate and in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc. 8^o.

    (_d_) XIX, p. 613.

    (_e_) The Maya Chronicles. Edited by Daniel G. Brinton, M.
    D. Philadelphia; 1882. 8^{o}. Number 1 of Brinton’s Library of
    Aboriginal American Literature.

    (_f_) The Lenape and their Legends, with the complete text and
    symbols of the Walam Olum. By Daniel G. Brinton, M. D. Philadelphia;
    1885. 8^{o}.

    (_g_) The Myths of the New World. A treatise on the symbolism
    and mythology of the red race of America. By D. G. Brinton. New
    York; 1876. 8^{o}.

~BROWN~ (CHAS. B.).

    The Indian Picture Writing in British Guiana. By Charles B.
    Brown. In Journal of the Anthropological Inst. of Gt. Britain and
    Ireland.

    (_a_) II, 1873, pp. 254-257.

~BROWN~ (EDWARD).

    The Pictured Cave of La Crosse Valley, near West Salem,
    Wisconsin. In Report and Collections of the State Historical Society
    of Wisconsin for the years 1877, 1878, and 1879, Vol. VIII, Madison;
    1879.

    (_a_) pp. 174-181, Figs. 2, 5, 9, 14.

~BRUXELLES, SOCIÉTÉ D’ANTHROPOLOGIE DE.~

    See _Société d’Anthropologie de Bruxelles_.

~BUCKLAND~ (_Miss_ A. W.).

    On Tattooing. In Journal Anthrop. Inst. Gt. Britain and Ireland,
    XVII, No. 4. May, 1888.

    (_a_) p. 318 et seq.

~BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.~

    Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of
    the Smithsonian Institution. Washington. Roy. 8^o. I[-X].

    First Annual Report [for 1879-’80]. 1881. Sign Language among
    North American Indians compared with that among other peoples and
    deaf mutes. By Garrick Mallery. pp. 263-552.

    (_a_) p. 498.

    Same Report. A Further Contribution to the Study of the Mortuary
    Customs of the North American Indians. By Dr. H. C. Yarrow, Act.
    Asst. Surg. U. S.

    A. pp. 87-203.

    (_a_) p. 195.

    Fourth Annual Report [for 1882-’83]. 1886. Pictographs of North
    American Indians. A Preliminary Paper. By Garrick Mallery. pp. 3-256.

    References to other authors in this series appear under their
    respective names.

~CADILLAC~ (_Capt._ DE LAMOTHE).

    (_a_) Collier qui doit être porté à Montréal. In Margry, Part V,
    pp. 290-291.

    (_b_) In Margry, Part V, p. 90.

~CANADA, ROYAL SOCIETY OF.~

    Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada.
    I[-IX]. Montreal and Toronto. Large 4^o.

    ~CANADA~, Report of the Deputy Superintendent-General of Indian
    Affairs of. Ottawa; 1879. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 113.

~CANADIAN INSTITUTE.~

    Proceedings of the Canadian Institute of Toronto, being a
    continuation of the Canadian Journal of Science, Literature, and
    History. 20 vols. in 3 series, commencing 1852. Toronto. First
    series 4^o, last series 8^o.

~CARNE~ (PERRIER DU).

    (_a_) In L’Anthropologie, II, 1891, No. 2, p. 269.

~CARPENTER~ (EDWARD).

    From Adam’s Peak to Elephanta. Sketches in Ceylon and India. By
    Edward Carpenter. London; 1892. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 129.

~CARTAILHAC~ (ÉMILE).

    La France préhistorique d’après les sépultures et les monuments.
    Par Émile Cartailhac. Paris; 1889. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 234.

~CARVER~ (_Capt._ JONATHAN).

    Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, in the
    years 1766, 1767, and 1768. By J. Carver, esq., captain of a company
    of Provincial troops during the late war with France. Illustrated
    with copper plates. London; 1778. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 418. (_b_) ib. (_c_) p. 357.

~CATLIN~ (GEORGE).

    Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the
    North American Indians. Fourth edition. London; 1844. 2 vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) II, p. 98.

~CHAMPLAIN~ (_Le Sieur_ SAMUEL DE).

    Les voyages de la Novvelle France occidentale, dicte Canada,
    faits par le S^r de Champlain Xainctongeois, Capitaine pour le Roy
    en la Marine du Ponant, & toutes les Descouuertes qu’il a faites
    en ce païs depuis l’an 1603 iusques en l’an 1629. Où se voit comme
    ce pays a esté premierement descouuert par les François, sous
    l’authorité de nos Roys tres-Chrestiens, iusques au regne de sa
    Majesté à present regnante Lovis XIII. Roy de France & de Nauarre.
    Auec vn traitté des qualitez & conditions requises à vn bon &
    parfaict Nauigateur pour cognoistre la diuersité des Estimes qui se
    font en la Nauigation; Les Marques & enseignments que la prouidence
    de Dieu a mises dans les Mers pour redresser les Mariniers en leur
    routte, sans lesquelles ils tomberoient en de grands dangers, Et
    la maniere de bien dresser Cartes marines auec leurs Ports, Rades,
    Isles, Sondes & autre chose necessaire à la Nauigation. Ensemble
    vne Carte generalle de la description dudit pays faicte en son
    Meridien selon la declinaison de la guide Aymant, & vn Catechisme ou
    Instruction traduicte du François au langage des peuples Sauuages de
    quelque contree, auec ce qui s’est passé en ladite Nouuelle France
    en l’année 1631. Paris; 1632. Sm. 4^o.

    Œuvres de Champlain publiées sous le patronage de l’Université
    Laval par l’abbé C. H. Laverdière, M. A., professor d’histoire à la
    faculté des arts et bibliothécaire de l’université; Seconde édition.
    Québec; 1870. [6 vols. Sm. 4^o (the fifth in two parts), paged
    consecutively at bottom. 2 p. ll., pp. i-lxxvi, 1-1478, 1 l. The
    pagination of the original edition appears at the top. Vol. V is a
    reprint in facsimile as to arrangement, of the 1632 edition of Les
    Voyages].

    (_a_) V, 1st pt., p. 159. (_b_) ib. 157. (_c_) III, p. 57. (_d_)
    V, 2d pt., p. 40. (_e_) III, p. 194. (_f_) II, p. 19.

~CHAMPOLLION~ (JEAN FRANCOIS, _le jeune_).

    Grammaire Egyptienne, ou principes généraux de l’écriture sacrée
    égyptienne appliquées à la représentation de la langue parlée.
    Publiée sur le manuscrit autographe. Paris; 1836-’41. Sm. folio.

    (_a_) p. 113. (_d_) p. 519. (_g_) p. 91. (_h_) p. 57.

    Dictionnaire Egyptien, en écriture hiéroglyphique; publié
    d’après les manuscrits autographes, par M. Champollion-Figeac.
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    (_b_) p. 429. (_c_) p. 31. (_e_) p. 1. (_f_) p. 3.

~CHARENCEY~ (_Count_ HYACINTHE DE).

    (_a_) Des Couleurs considérées comme Symboles des points de
    l’Horizon chez les Peuples. From Actes de la Société Philologique.
    Tome VI, No. 3, Oct., 1876; Paris; 1877.

    Essai sur la symbolique des points de l’horizon dans l’extrême
    orient. Hyacinthe de Charencey. Caen; 1876. 8^o.

~CHARLEVOIX~ (_Père_ F. X. DE).

    History and General Description of New France. By the Rev. Père
    François Xavier de Charlevoix. Translated with Notes by John Gilmary
    Shea. New York; 1866-1872. 2 vols. Imperial 8^o.

    (_a_) I, p. 266.

~CHAVERO~ (ALFREDO).

    La piedra del Sol. Estudio arqueológico por Alfredo Chavero. In
    Anales del Museo Nacional de México.

    (_a_) III, p. 124.

~CLEMENT~ (CLARA ERSKINE).

    A Handbook of Legendary and Mythological Art. By Clara Erskine
    Clement. Boston; 1883. Small 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 7.

~COALE~ (CHARLES B.).

    Life and Adventures of William Waters. By Charles B. Coale.
    Richmond; 1878. 12^o.

    (_a_) p. 136.

~COMMISSION SCIENTIFIQUE AU MEXIQUE.~

    See _Mexique, Mission Scientifique au_.

~CONDER~ (_Maj._ CLAUDE R.)

    Hittite Ethnology. In Journal Anthropological Institute of Great
    Britain and Ireland, XVII, pt. 2, Nov., 1887.

    (_d_) p. 141.

    Palestine Exploration Fund. Quarterly Statement for July, 1881.
    London; 1881.

    (_a_) pp. 214-218. (_c_) p. 16.

    On the Canaanites. In Journal of the Transactions of the
    Victoria Institute, Vol. XXIV, No. 93. London; 1889, pp. 56-62.

    (_b_) p. 57.

~CONGRÈS INTERNATIONAL DES AMÉRICANISTES.~

    Compte-rendu de la cinquiéme session, Copenhague, 1883.
    Copenhague, 1884. 8^o.

~CONTRIBUTIONS TO NORTH AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY.~

    Vol. I[-VI]. Washington. Government Printing Office;
    1877[-1890]. 4^o. (Department of the Interior. U. S. Geographical
    and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region. J. W. Powell in
    charge.)

~COOPER~ (W. R.).

    The Serpent Myths of Ancient Egypt. By W. R. Cooper, F. R. S. L.
    London; 1873. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 24. (_b_) p. 43.

~COPE~ (_Prof._ E. D.).

    Report on the Remains of Population observed in Northwestern
    New Mexico. By Prof. E. D. Cope. In Report upon United States
    Geographical Surveys west of the one hundredth meridian, in charge
    of First Lieut. Geo. M. Wheeler. 7 vols. Washington, 4^o.

    (_a_) VII, 1879, p. 358.

~COPWAY~ (G.).

    The Traditional History and characteristic sketches of the
    Ojibway Nation. By G. Copway, or Kah-gi-ga-gah-bowh, chief of the
    Ojibway Nation. London; 1850. Sm. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 134. (_b_) p. 136. (_c_) pp. 135, 136. (_d_) p. 135.
    (_e_) p. 134. (_f_) p. 135. (_g_) p. 134. (_h_) ibid.

~CRANE~ (_Miss_ AGNES).

    Ancient Mexican Heraldry. By Agnes Crane. In Science, Vol. XX,
    No. 503.

    (_a_) p. 175.

~CRAWFURD~ (JOHN).

    History of the Indian Archipelago. By John Crawford * * *.
    Edinburgh; 1820. 3 vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) I, p. 290.

~CRONAU~ (RUDOLF).

    Geschichte der Solinger Klingenindustrie. Von Rudolf Cronau.
    Stuttgart; 1885. Folio.

    (_b_) p. 17. (_c_) pp. 18, 19.

    Im Wilden Westen. Eine Künstlerfahrt durch die Prairien und
    Felsengebirge der Union. Von Rudolf Cronau. * * * Braunschweig;
    1889. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 85.

~CUMMING~ (R. GORDON).

    Sporting Adventures in South Africa. By Gordon Cumming. London;
    1856. 2 vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) I, p. 207.

~CURR~ (EDWARD M.).

    The Australian Race. By Edward M. Curr. London; 1886. 3 vols.
    8^o, and folio atlas.

    (_a_) I, p. 149 et seq. (_b_) ibid., p. 94. (_c_) III, p. 544.
    (_d_) I, plate facing p. 145.

~CUSHING~ (FRANK HAMILTON).

    Preliminary Notes on the origin, working hypothesis and primary
    researches of the Hemenway Southwestern Archæological Expedition. In
    Congrès International des Américanistes. Compte-rendu de la septième
    session. Berlin; 1890.

    (_a_) p. 151.


~D’ALBERTIS~ (L. M.).

    New Guinea; What I did and what I saw. By L. M. D’Albertis.
    Boston; 1881. 2 vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) II, p. 66. (_b_) ibid., p. 301. (_c_) I, pp. 213, 215,
    519. (_d_) I, 262 and 264.

~DALL~ (WILLIAM H.).

    On Masks, Labrets and certain aboriginal customs, with an
    inquiry into the bearing of their geographical distribution. In
    Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1885;
    pp. 67-202.

    (_d_) p. 75. (_e_) p. 111.

    Contributions to North American Ethnology, I.

    (_a_) p. 79. (_f_) p. 86.

    Alaska and its Resources. London; 1870. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 142. (_b_) p. 412. (_c_) p. 95.

~D’ALVIELLA~ (_Count_ GOBLET).

    The Migration of symbols. By the Count Goblet D’Alviella. In
    Popular Science Monthly; 1890. (Sept. and Oct.) (Trans. from Révue
    des Deux Mondes; Paris; May 1, 1890, p. 121.)

    (_a_) pp. 674, 779. (_b_) p. 676. (_c_) p. 677.

~DAVIDSON~ (ALEXANDER) AND ~STRUVÉ~ (BERNARD).

    History of Illinois from 1673 to 1884, by Alexander Davidson and
    Bernard Struvé. Springfield, Ill.; 1884. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 62.

~DAVIS~ (W. W. H.).

    The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico. By W. W. H. Davis.
    Doylestown, Pa.; 1869. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 405. (_b_) p. 292.

~DAWSON~ (_Dr._ GEORGE M.).

    Notes on the Shuswap people of British Columbia. By George M.
    Dawson, LL. D., F. R. S., Assistant Director Geological Society of
    Canada. In Transactions of Royal Soc. of Canada, Section II, 1891.

    (_a_) p. 14.

~DE CLERCQ~ (F. S. A.).

    Ethnographische Beschrijving van de West- en Noordkust van
    Nederlandsch Nieuw-Guinea door F. S. A. De Clercq, met medewerking
    van J. D. E. Schmeltz. Leiden; 1893. 4^o.

    (_a_) p. 31.

~DELLENBAUGH~ (F. S.).

    The Shinumos. A Prehistoric People of the Rocky Mountain Region.
    By F. S. Dellenbaugh. In Bull. Buffalo Soc. Nat. Sciences; Buffalo,
    N. Y.; Vol. III, 1875-1877.

    (_a_) p. 172.

~DE SMET~ (_Rev._ PETER).

    See _Smet_ (_Père_ Peter _de_).

~DE SCHWEINITZ~ (_Bishop_ EDMUND).

    The life and times of David Zeisberger, the western pioneer and
    apostle of the Indians. By Edmund De Schweinitz. Philadelphia; 1870.
    8^o.

    (_a_) p. 160.

~DETROIT~ (SIEGE OF, DIARY OF THE).

    Diary of the Siege of Detroit in the War with Pontiac. Albany;
    1860. 4^o.

    (_a_) p. 29.

~DIDRON~ (M.).

    Iconographie Chrétienne. Histoire de Dieu. Par M. Didron, de la
    Bibliothèque Royale, Secrétaire du Comité Historique des Arts et
    Monuments. Paris; 1843. 4^o.

    (_a_) p. 338. (_b_) p. 330. (_c_) p. 343. (_d_) p. 145.

~DODGE~ (_Col._ R. I.).

    Our Wild Indians; Thirty-three years’ personal experience among
    the Red Men of the Great West. * * * By Colonel Richard Irving
    Dodge, U. S. Army. Hartford; 1882. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 163.

~DORMAN~ (RUSHTON M.).

    The Origin of Primitive Superstitions and their development into
    the worship of spirits and the doctrine of spiritual agency among
    the aborigines of America. By Rushton M. Dorman. Philadelphia; 1881.
    8^o.

~DORSEY~ (_Rev._ J. OWEN).

    Teton Folk-lore. In American Anthropologist, Vol. II, No. 2.
    Washington; 1889.

    (_a_) p. 144. (_b_) p. 147.

~DU CHAILLU~ (PAUL B.).

    The Viking Age. The early history, manners, and customs of the
    ancestors of the English-speaking nations. By Paul B. Du Chaillu. *
    * * New York; 1889. 2 vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) II, p. 116 et seq. (_b_) ibid., p. 133. (_c_) ibid., p. 10.

~DUNBAR~ (JOHN B.).

    The Pawnee Indians. Their History and Ethnology. In Magazine of
    American History. New York and Chicago; 1881.

    (_a_) IV, No. 4, p. 259. (_b_) VIII, p. 744.

~DUPAIX~ (M.).

    In Kingsborough’s Mexican Antiquities. See _Kingsborough_.

    (_a_) V, p. 241. Pl. in IV, Pt. 2, No. 44.

~DURAN~ (_Fr._ DIEGO).

    Historia de las Indias de Nueva-España y Islas de Tierra Firma.
    Por El Padre Fray Diego Duran. México; 1867. 4^o.


~EASTMAN~ (MARY).

    Dahcotah; or, Life and Legends of the Sioux around Fort
    Snelling. By Mrs. Mary Eastman; with Preface by Mrs. C. M. Kirkland.
    New York; 1849. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 72. (_b_) p. 207. (_c_) p. 262. (_d_) p. xxvi. (_e_) p.
    xxviii.

~EDKINS~ (_Rev. Dr._ J.).

    Introduction to the Study of the Chinese Characters. By J.
    Edkins, D.D. London; 1876. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 26. (_b_) p. 42. (_c_) p. 41. (_d_) Append. A, p. 3.
    (_e_) p. 20. (_f_) p. 35. (_g_) p. 14. (_h_) p. viii.

~EDWARDS~ (_Mrs._ A. B.).

    A Thousand Miles up the Nile. By Mrs. A. B. Edwards. London;
    1889. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 205.

~EELLS~ (_Rev._ M.).

    Twana Indians of the Skokomish Reservation in Washington Terr.
    In Bull. U. S. Geolog. Survey, Vol. III, pp. 57-114. Washington;
    1877. 8^o.

~EISEN~ (GUSTAV).

    Some Ancient Sculptures from the Pacific Slope of Guatemala.
    In Mem. of the California Academy of Sciences, Vol. II, No. 2. San
    Francisco; July, 1888.

    (_a_) p. 17.

~EMORY~ (_Lt. Col._ WILLIAM HELMSLEY).

    Notes of a Military Reconnoissance from Fort Leavenworth, in
    Missouri, to San Diego, in California, etc. By Lieut. Col. W. H.
    Emory, made in 1846-’47. [Thirtieth Congress, first session; Ex.
    Doc. No. 41.] Washington; 1848. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 89. (_b_) p. 63.

~ETHERIDGE~ (R., _jr._).

    The Aboriginal Rock-Carvings at the Head of Bantry Bay. In
    Records of the Geological Survey of New South Wales, Vol. II, Pt. 1;
    1890.

    (_a_) p. 26 et seq.

~ETHNOLOGY, CONTRIBUTIONS TO NORTH AMERICAN.~

    See _Contributions to North American Ethnology_.

~ETHNOLOGY (BUREAU OF).~

    See _Bureau of Ethnology_.

~EWBANK~ (THOMAS).

    North American Rock-writing and other aboriginal modes of
    recording and transmitting thought. By Thomas Ewbank, Vice-President
    of the Ethnological Society. Morrisania, N. Y.; 1866. Pamph., pp. 49.

~EXPLORING EXPEDITION~ (United States).

    See _Wilkes_ (_Commodore_ Charles).


~FABER~ (ERNEST).

    Prehistoric China. By Ernest Faber. In Journal of the China
    Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, n. s., XXIV.

~FEWKES~ (_Dr._ J. WALTER).

    Journ. of American Folk Lore; Oct.-Dec., 1890.

    (_a_) p. 10.

    Am. Anthrop., V, No. 1, 1892.

    (_b_) p. 9.

    Journ. Am. Ethnol. and Archæol., II.

    (_c_) p. 159.

~FLETCHER~ (_Dr._ ROBERT).

    Tattooing among civilized people. In Transactions of the
    Anthropological Society of Washington, II, p. 411.

~FORLONG~ (_Gen._ J. G. R.).

    River of Life, or Sources and Streams of the Faiths of Man in
    all Lands. * * * By Maj.-Gen. J. G. R. Forlong. London; 1883. 2
    vols. 4^o.

    (_a_) I, p. 509. (_b_) II, p. 434.

~FRAZER~ (_Prof._ PERSIFOR, _jr._).

    The Geology of Lancaster County. In Second Geological Survey of
    Pennsylvania: Report of Progress in 1877. CCC, Harrisburg; 1880.

    (_a_) pp. 92, 94, 95. (_b_) p. 62.

~GATSCHET~ (ALBERT S.).

    A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, with a linguistic,
    historic, and ethnographic introduction. By Albert S. Gatschet. * *
    * Philadelphia; 1884. 2 vols. 8^o. [Printed in Brinton’s Library of
    Aboriginal American Literature. No. IV.]

~GIBBS~ (_Dr._ GEORGE).

    Tribes of Western Washington and Northern Oregon. In
    Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. I, pp. 159-240.
    Washington; 1877. 4^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 222. (_b_) ib.

~GILDER~ (WILLIAM H.).

    Schwatka’s Search. Sledging in the Arctic in quest of the
    Franklin records. By William H. Gilder. New York; 1881. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 250.

~GONGORA Y MARTINEZ~ (MANUEL DE).

    Antiguedades Prehistóricas de Andalucía, monumentos,
    inscripciones, armas, utensilios y otros importantes objetos
    pertenecientes á los tiempos mas remotos de su poblacion. Por Don
    Manuel de Gongora y Martinez. * * * Madrid; 1868. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 64.

~GREEN~ (HENRY).

    Shakespeare and the Emblem Writers; an exposition of their
    similarities of thought and expression. Preceded by a view of
    emblem-literature down to A. D. 1616. By Henry Green, M. A. London;
    1870. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) pp. 4-12. (_b_) p. 13.

~GREGG~ (JOSIAH).

    Commerce of the Prairies, or the Journal of a Santa Fé Trader,
    during eight expeditions across the Great Western Prairies and a
    residence of nearly nine years in Northern Mexico. By Josiah Gregg.
    Second ed. New York; 1845. 2 vols. 12^{o}.

    (_a_) II, p. 286.

~GUNNISON~ (_Lieut._ J. W.).

    The Mormons, or Latter-Day Saints in the Valley of the Great
    Salt Lake; a History of the Mormons. By Lieut. J. W. Gunnison of the
    Topographical Engineers. Philadelphia; 1852. 12^{o}.

    (_a_) pp. 62-63.

~GÜNTHER~ (C.).

    Die anthropologische Untersuchung der Bella-Coola. In
    Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie,
    Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. Sitzung vom 20. März 1886. Berlin; 1886.

    (_a_) pp. 208, 209.


~HAAST~ (_Dr._ JULIUS VON).

    Some Ancient Rock Paintings in New Zealand. Journal
    Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. Vol. VIII.
    1878.

    (_a_) p. 50 et seq.

~HABEL~ (_Dr._ S.).

    The Sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumal-Whuapa in Guatemala. By
    S. Habel. Washington; 1879. Constitutes No. 269 of Smithsonian
    Contributions to Knowledge, 1878, Vol. XXII.

    (_a_) pp. 64-66. (_b_) p. 85. (_c_) p. 66. Sculp. No. 1, Pl. I.
    (_d_) Sculp. No. 4. Pl. II, p. 68. (_e_) pp. 67-68. (_f_) p. 77.

~HABERLANDT~ (M.).

    Ueber Schrifttafeln von der Osterinsel. In Mittheilungen der
    anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien. XVI. Band (der neuen Folge
    VI. Band), III. und IV. Heft. 1886.

~HADDON~ (ALFRED C.).

    The Ethnography of the Western Tribe of Torres Straits. In
    Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and
    Ireland. Vol. XIX, No. 3. 1890.

    (_a_) p. 366. (_b_) p. 365. (_c_) ib.

~HAKLUYT~ (RICHARD).

    Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the
    English Nation. A new edition, with additions. London; 1809[-1812].
    5 vols. and supplement. 4^{o}.

    (_a_) III, 1810, p. 372. (_b_) ib., p. 276. (_c_) ib., p. 415.
    (_d_) ib., p. 369. (_e_) ib., p. 40. (_f_) ib., p. 508. (_g_) ib.,
    p. 615.

~HARIOT~ (THOMAS).

    A brief and true report of the new found land of Virginia,
    of the commodities and of the nature and manners of the naturall
    inhabitants. * * * By Thomas Hariot. Frankfurti ad Mœnvm. De Bry,
    anno 1590. Reprinted in facs. by J. Sabin & Sons. New York; 1872.
    4^{o}.

    (_a_) Pl. XXIII.

~HARTMAN~ (_Prof._ R.).

    (_a_) p. 6 of the session of May 26, 1877, of the Berliner
    Gesellschaft für Anthropologie.

~HAYWOOD~ (JOHN).

    The Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee up to the first
    Settlements therein by the White People in the year 1768. By John
    Haywood. Nashville; 1823. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 113. (_b_) p. 160. (_c_) p. 169. (_d_) pp. 322-323.
    (_e_) p. 228.

~HEATH~ (_Dr._ E. R.).

    The Exploration of the River Benī. In Journal of the American
    Geographical Society of New York, Vol. XIV. pp. 157-164. New York;
    1882.

    (_a_) p. 157. (_b_) p. 161.

~HERNDON~ (_Lieut._ WM. LEWIS) AND GIBBON (_Lieut._ LARDNER).

    Exploration of the Valley of the Amazon, made under direction
    of the Navy Department. By Wm. Lewis Herndon and Lardner Gibbon,
    Lieutenants United States Navy. Washington; 1853. 2 vols. 8^{o}.
    [Ex. Doc. 36, Senate, 32d Cong., 2d Sess.]

    (_a_) I, p. 319. (_b_) ibid., p. 201.

~HERRERA~ (ANTONIO DE).

    The General History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America
    Commonly call’d the West-Indies, from the First Discovery thereof;
    with the best Account the People could give of their Antiquities.
    Collected from the Original Relations sent to the Kings of Spain.
    By Antonio de Herrera, Historiographer to his Catholic Majesty.
    Translated into English by Capt. John Stevens. * * * Second edition,
    London; 1740. 6 vols. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) Decade II, B. 10, Chap. 4.

~HIND~ (HENRY YOULE).

    Explorations in the Interior of the Labrador Peninsula, etc. By
    Henry Youle Hind. London; 1863; 2 vols. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) II, p. 105. (_b_) I, p. 270.

~HOCHSTETTER~ (_Dr._ FERDINAND VON).

    New Zealand, its physical geography, geology and natural
    history. By Dr. Ferdinand von Hochstetter, Professor at the
    Polytechnic Inst. of Vienna, etc. Stuttgart; 1867. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 437. (_b_) p. 423.

~HOFFMAN~ (_Dr._ W. J.)

    (_a_) The Midewiwin or “Grand Medicine Society” of the Ojibwa.
    In Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology; Washington;
    1891; pp. 143-300.

    (_b_) Pictography and Shamanistic Rites of the Ojibwa. In The
    American Anthropologist; Washington; July, 1888; pp. 209-229.

~HOLM~ (G.).

    Ethnologisk Skizze af Angmagsalikerne (Særtryk af Meddelelser om
    Grønland. X.) Kjøbenhavn; 1887. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 101. (_b_) p. 108.

~HOLMES~ (WILLIAM HENRY).

    Report on the Ancient Ruins of Southwestern Colorado, examined
    during the summers of 1875 and 1876. Washington; 1879. [Extract from
    10th Ann. Rep. of U. S. Geological Survey, 1879.]

    (_a_) pp. 401-405, Pls. XLII and XLIII.

    Ancient Art of the Province of Chiriqui, United States of
    Colombia, by William H. Holmes. Washington; 1888. 8^{o}. In the
    Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

    (_b_) p. 21. (_e_) p. 181.

    Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans. In Second Ann. Report of
    the Bureau of Ethnology.

    (_c_) p. 253 et seq. (_d_) Pl. LII.

~HOLUB~ (_Dr._ EMIL).

    On the Central South African Tribes from the South Coast to
    the Zambesi. In Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great
    Britain and Ireland, Vol. X, No. 1. August, 1880.

    (_a_) p. 6. (_b_) p. 7.

~HOUZÉ~ (_Dr._ E.) AND ~JACQUES~ (_Dr._ VICTOR).

    Étude d’anthropologie. Les Australiens du Musée du Nord. By Dr.
    E. Houzé and Dr. Victor Jacques. Bruxelles; 1885. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 92.

~HOWITT~ (ALFRED W.).

    On Some Australian Ceremonies of Initiation. By A. W. Howitt, F.
    G. S. London; 1884. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 17. (_d_) p. 8. (_f_) p. 2.

    Notes on Songs and Song Makers of Some Australian Tribes. By A.
    W. Howitt, F. G. S. London; 1887. 8^{o}.

    (_b_) p. 328.

    The Dieri and other kindred Tribes of Central Australia. In
    Journal of the Anthrop. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XX,
    No. 1. 1890.

    (_c_) p. 71. (_e_) p. 72. (_g_) ib. (_h_) ib.

~HUMBOLDT~ (ALEXANDER _von_).

    Aspects of Nature. By Alexander von Humboldt. London; 1850. 2
    vols. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) I, pp. 196-201.


~IMPERIAL~ ACADEMY OF SCIENCES.

    Scientific papers of the Imperial Academy of Sciences, Vol. III,
    pt. 5. St. Petersburg; 1855.

~IM THURN~ (EVERARD F.).

    Among the Indians of Guiana; being Sketches chiefly
    Anthropologic from the Interior of British Guiana. London; 1883.
    8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 391 et seq. (_b_) p. 410. (_c_) p. 316. (_d_) p. 39.
    (_e_) p. 319. (_f_) p. 195. (_g_) p. 219. (_h_) p. 196. (_i_) pp.
    392, 393, Figs. 25 and 26. (_k_) p. 405.

~INDIAN AFFAIRS.~

    Canada, Report of the Deputy Superintendent-General of. (See
    _Canada_.)

~IRVING~ (WASHINGTON).

    Astoria; or Anecdotes of an enterprise beyond the Rocky
    Mountains. By Washington Irving. Philadelphia; 1836. 2 vols. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) I, p. 226. (_b_) ib., p. 227. (_c_) ib., p. 169.

~JACQUES~ (V.) AND ~STORMS~ (É.)

    Notes sur l’Ethnologie de la Partie Orientale de l’Afrique
    Équatoriale. By V. Jacques and É. Storms. In. Bull. Soc. d’Anthrop.
    de Bruxelles. Tome V. Bruxelles; 1887.

~JAGOR~ (F.).

    Die Badagas im Nilgiri-Gebirge. In Verhandlungen der Berliner
    Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, etc. Jahrgang 1876. p. 195.

    Über die Hieroglyphen der Osterinsel und über Felseinritzungen
    in Chile. In Verhandl. der Berliner Gesellsch. für Anthrop., etc.
    Jahrgang 1876, pp. 16, 17, Figs. 2, 3.

    (_a_) Verhandl. der Berliner Gesellsch. für Anthrop., etc.,
    Jahrgang 1882, p. 170.

~JAMES~ (_Dr._ EDWIN).

    See _Tanner_ (John).

~JAMES’ LONG’S EXPEDITION.~

    See _Long_ (_Major_ Stephen Harriman).

~JAPAN.~

    Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Yokohama. * * * Tōkyō.
    8^{o}.

~JEMISON~ (MARY).

    See _Seaver_ (James E.).

~JESUIT RELATIONS.~

    Relations des Jésuites; contenant ce qui s’est passé de plus
    remarquable dans les Missions des pères de la Compagnie de Jésus,
    dans la Nouvelle France. Québec; 1858; 3 vols. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) II, 1646, p. 48.

~JOHNSTON~ (H. H.).

    The River Congo, from its mouth to Bolobo; with a general
    description of the natural history and anthropology of its western
    basin. By H. H. Johnston, F. F. S., F. R. G. S. * * * Second ed.
    London; 1884. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 420.

~JONES~ (A. D.).

    Illinois and the West. By A. D. Jones. Boston; 1838. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 59.

~JONES~ (CHARLES C., _jr._).

    Antiquities of the Southern Indians, particularly of the Georgia
    Tribes. By Charles C. Jones, jr. New York, 1873. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) pp. 377-379. (_b_) ib.

~JONES~ (_Rev._ PETER).

    History of the Ojebway Indians. By Rev. Peter Jones. London;
    1861. 12^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 121. (_b_) p. 94.

~JONES~ (_Capt._ WILLIAM A.).

    Report upon the Reconnaissance of Northwestern Wyoming. By
    William A. Jones, U. S. A. Washington; 1875. 8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 268. (_b_) p. 269. (_c_) p. 207, fig. 33.


~KANE~ (PAUL).

    Wanderings of an artist among the Indians of North America. * *
    * London; 1859.

    (_a_) p. 393.

~KEATING’S LONG’S EXPEDITION.~

    See _Long_ (_Major_ Stephen Harriman).

~KELLER~ (FRANZ).

    The Amazon and Madeira Rivers. Sketches and descriptions
    from the note-book of an explorer. By Franz Keller, engineer.
    Philadelphia; 1875. Large 8^{o}.

    (_a_) p. 65 et seq. (_b_) p. 159 et seq.

~KENDALL~ (EDWARD AUGUSTUS).

    Travels through the northern parts of the United States, in the
    years 1807 and 1808. By Edward Augustus Kendall, Esq. New York;
    1809. 3 vols. 8^o.

~KINGSBOROUGH~ (EDWARD KING, _Lord_).

    Antiquities of Mexico: Containing fac-similes of Ancient Mexican
    Paintings and Hieroglyphics * * * together with the Monuments of New
    Spain, by M. Dupaix. London; 1831-’48. 9 vols. Imp. folio.

    (_a_) Vol. VI, Codex Telleriano Remensis, p. 150 (vol. I, Codex
    T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 33). (_b_) VI, Codex T. R., p. 135 (vol. I, Codex
    T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 4). (_c_) VI, Codex T. R., p. 141 (I, Codex T.
    R., pt. 4, Pl. 19). (_d_) VI, Codex T. R., p. 148 (I, Codex T. R.,
    pt. 4, Pl. 29). (_e_) VI, Codex T. R., p. 150 (I, Codex T. R., pt.
    4, Pl. 32). (_f_) VI, Coll. Mendoza, p. 74 (I, Coll. Mendoza, Pl.
    67). (_g_) VI, Codex T. R., p. 136 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 7).
    (_h_) VI, Codex T. R., p. 141 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 20). (_i_)
    VI, Coll. Mend., p. 86 (I, Coll. Mend., Pl. 71, Fig. 30). (_k_) VI,
    Codex Vaticanus, p. 222 (II, Codex Vat., Pl. 75). (_l_) VI, Codex T.
    R., p. 136 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 7). (_m_) VI, Coll. Mend.,
    p. 69 (I, Coll. Mend., Pl. 64, Fig. 5). (_n_) (II, Codex Vat., Pl.
    100.) (_o_) VI, Codex T. R., p. 142 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 22).
    (_p_) VI, Coll. Mend., p. 71 (I, Coll. Mend., Pl. 75).

In the above citations the double references, one in and one not in
parentheses, are necessary because the text and the copies of paintings
are in different volumes. The above references not in parentheses refer
to the text alone. The several parts of the volumes containing the
plates are mentioned because the pagination of those volumes is not
continuous.

~KOHL~ (J. G.).

    Kitchi-Gami. Wanderings round Lake Superior. By J. G. Kohl.
    London; 1860. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 18.


~LACOUPERIE~ (_Prof. Dr._ TERRIEN DE).

    Beginnings of Writing in and around Thibet. In Journ. Royal
    Asiatic Society. New series, Vol. XVII, Pt. III. London; 1885.

    (_a_) p. 442 et seq. (_b_) ib. (_c_) p. 443. (_d_) p. 424. (_e_)
    p. 428. (_f_) p. 459.

~LAFITAU~ (_Père_ JOSEPH FRANÇOIS).

    Mœurs des Sauvages Amériquaines, Comparées aux Mœurs des
    Premiers Temps. By le Père Lafitau. Paris; 1724. 2 vols. 4^o.

    (_a_) II, p. 261. (_b_) II, p. 43. (_c_) ib. (_d_) ib., p. 266.

~LAHONTAN~ (_Baron_).

    New Voyages to North America. Containing an Account of the
    Several Nations of that vast continent, etc. By the Baron Lahontan,
    Lord Lieutenant of the French Colony at Placentia in Newfoundland. *
    * * London; 1703. 2 vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) II, p. 82. (_b_) ib., p. 84. (_c_) ib., p. 246. (_d_) ib.,
    p. 225.

LAMOTHE. See _Cadillac_.

~LANDA~ (DIEGO _de_).

    Relation des Choses de Yucatan de Diego de Landa; Texte
    Espagnol et Traduction Française en regard, comprenant les Signes
    du Calendrier et de l’Alphabet Hiéroglyphique de la Langue Maya,
    accompagné de documents divers historiques et chronologiques, avec
    une Grammaire et un Vocabulaire Abrégés Français-Maya, précédés
    d’un essai sur les sources de l’histoire primitive du Mexique et
    de l’Amérique Centrale, etc., d’après les monuments Égyptiens
    et de l’Histoire primitive de l’Égypte d’après les monuments
    Américains. Par l’Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, Ancien Administrateur
    ecclésiastique des Indians de Rabinal (Guatemala), Membre de la
    Commission scientifique du Mexique, etc. Paris and Madrid; 1864. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 316. (_b_) ib.

~LANDRIN~ (ARMAND).

    (_a_) Écriture figurative et Comptabilité en Bretagne;
    par Armand Landrin, Conservateur du Musée d’Ethn. In Revue
    d’Ethnographie. Tome premier, No. 5, Sept.-Oct. Paris; 1882.

~LANGEN~ (A.).

    Key-Inseln und die dortigen Geistergrotten. In Verhandlungen
    der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und
    Urgeschichte. Sitzung vom 17. October 1885. 1885.

    (_a_) pp. 407-409. Taf. XI.

~L’ANTHROPOLOGIE.~

    L’Anthropologie. Paraissant tous les deux mois sous la direction
    de MM. Cartailhac, Hamy, Topinard. * * * Paris; 1890. 8^o. [The
    present journal is a consolidation of “Matériaux pour l’histoire de
    l’homme,” “Revue d’Anthropologie,” and “Revue d’Ethnographie.”]

    (_a_) II, No. 6, p. 693. (_b_) I, No. 5, p. 566. (_c_) II. No.
    2, 1891, p. 150. (_d_) _II_, No. 2, Mar.-Avr. 1891, p. 148.

~LA PLATA.~ See _Museo de la Plata_.

~LAUDONNIÈRE~ (_Capt._ RÉNÉ).

    The Second voyage into Florida made and written by Captain
    Laudonnière, which fortified and inhabited there two summers and one
    whole winter. In Hakluyt’s Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels,
    and Discoveries of the English nation, q. v.

    (_a_) III, pp. 384-419.

~LAWSON~ (A. C.).

    Ancient Rock Inscriptions on the Lake of the Woods. In The
    American Naturalist, Vol. XIX, Philadelphia, 1885. pp. 654-657.

    (_a_) Pl. XIX and Fig. 1.

~LAWSON~ (JOHN).

    The History of Carolina, containing the exact Description and
    Natural History of that country, together with the Present State
    thereof and a Journal of a Thousand miles traveled through several
    Nations of Indians. Giving a particular Account of their Customs,
    Manners, etc. By John Lawson, Gent., Surveyor-General of North
    Carolina. London; 1714. 12^o.

    (_a_) p. 190.

~LE CLERCQ~ (_Père_ CHRÉTIEN).

    Nouvelle Relation de la Gaspesie, qui contient les Mœurs & la
    Religion des Sauvages Gaspesiens Porte-Croix, adorateurs du Soleil,
    & d’autres Peuples de l’Amérique Septentrionale, dite le Canada.
    Dediée à Madame la Princesse d’Epinoy. Par le Père Chrétien Le
    Clercq, Missionnaire Recollet de la Province de Saint Antoine de
    Pade en Artois, & Guardian du Convent de Lens. Paris; 1691. 16^o.

    (_a_) p. 139.

~LELAND~ (CHARLES G.).

    The Algonquin Legends of New England. * * * By Charles G.
    Leland. Boston; 1884. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 40. (_b_) p. 44.

~LEMLY~ (_Lieut._ H. R.).

    Who was El Dorado? By Lieut. H. R. Lemly, U. S. Army. In Century
    Magazine for October, 1891.

    (_a_) p. 889.

~LE PAGE DU PRATZ.~

    Histoire de la Louisiane. Contenant la Découverte de ce vaste
    Pays. Par M. Le Page du Pratz. Paris; 1758. 3 vols. 12^o.

    (_a_) II, p. 432. (_b_) III, p. 241.

~LE PLONGEON~ (_Dr._ AUGUSTUS).

    Vestiges of the Mayas; or, Facts tending to prove that
    communications and intimate relations must have existed in very
    remote times between the inhabitants of Mayab and those of Asia and
    Africa. By Augustus Le Plongeon, M. D. New York; 1881. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 29.

~LEWIS~ (_Capt._ MERIWETHER) AND ~CLARKE~ (_Capt._).

    Travels to the source of the Missouri River, etc., and across
    the American Continent to the Pacific Ocean, * * * in the years
    1804, 1805, and 1806. By Captains Lewis and Clarke. Published from
    the Official Report. * * * London; 1814. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 66. (_b_) p. 375. (_c_) p. 379.

~LEWIS~ (T. H.).

    Incised Bowlders in the upper Minnesota Valley. In The American
    Naturalist for July, 1887.

    (_a_) p. 642. (_b_) p. 639 et seq. (_c_) ib.

    (_d_) Sculptured Rock at Trempeleau, Wisconsin. By T. H. Lewis.
    In The American Naturalist for September, 1889, pp. 782, 783.

~LONG~ (JOHN).

    Voyages and Travels of an Indian Interpreter and Trader,
    Describing the Manners and Customs of the North American Indians;
    with an Account of the Posts situated on the river St. Lawrence,
    Lake Ontario, etc. To which is added, A Vocabulary of the Chippeway
    Language. * * * By J. Long, London; 1791. 4^o.

    (_a_) p. 47.

~LONG~ (_Maj._ STEPHEN HARRIMAN).

    Account of an expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains
    in 1819 and 1829, under command of Major Stephen H. Long. Compiled
    by Edwin James. Phila.; 1823. 2 vols. 8^o. [Commonly known as James’
    Long’s Expedition].

    (_b_) I, p. 478. (_c_) ib., p. 287. (_d_) ib., p. 207. (_f_)
    ib., p. 125. (_h_) ib., p. 296. (_i_) ib., p. 208. (_k_) ib., p. 240.

    Narrative of an expedition to the source of St. Peter’s River,
    etc., performed in the year 1823 under the command of Stephen H.
    Long, Major U. S. T. E. Compiled by William H. Keating. Phila.;
    1824. 2 vols. 8^o. [Commonly called Keating’s Long’s Expedition.]

    (_a_) I, p. 217. (_e_) ib., p. 334. (_g_) ib., p. 226.

~LOSSING~ (BENSON J.).

    The American Revolution and the war of 1812; or, Illustrations
    by pen and pencil of the History, Biography, Scenery, Relics, and
    Traditions of our wars with Great Britain. By Benson J. Lossing. New
    York Book Concern; 1875. 3 vols. Large 8^o.

    (_b_) III, p. 55.

    The Pictorial Field-Book of the War of 1812. * * * By Benson J.
    Lossing. New York; 1868.

    (_a_) p. 191, footnote.

~LUBBOCK~ (_Sir_ JOHN).

    Prehistoric Times as illustrated by ancient remains and the
    manners and customs of modern savages. By Sir John Lubbock, Bart.,
    M. P., etc. London; 1878. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 11.

~LYND~ (JAMES W.).

    The Religion of the Dakotas. In Collections of the Minnesota
    Historical Society. St. Paul; 1860. 3 vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) II, pt. 2, pp. 79, 80. (_b_) ib., pp. 59, 60. (_c_) ib.,
    p. 68. (_d_) ib., p. 80.

~MACKENZIE~ (_Sir_ ALEXANDER).

    Voyages from Montreal on the River St. Lawrence, through the
    Continent of North America, to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans; in the
    years 1789 and 1793. * * * By Sir Alexander Mackenzie. Philadelphia;
    1802. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 236. (_b_) p. 33. (_c_) p. 173.

~MADISON~ (_Rt. Rev._ JAMES).

    On the supposed fortifications of the western country. In
    Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, VI, pt. 1, 1804.

    (_a_) pp. 141. 142.

~MAGNAT~ (CASIMIR).

    Traité du Langage Symbolique, emblématique et religieux des
    Fleurs. Par Casimir Magnat. Paris; 1855. 8^o.

~MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.~

    Collections of the Maine Historical Society. * * * Portland [and
    Bath;] 1831[-1876]. 7 vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) VII, p. 393.

~MALLERY~ (_Col._ GARRICK).

    See _Bureau of Ethnology_.

~MARCANO~ (_Dr._ G.).

    Ethnographic Précolombienne du Vénézuéla. Région des Raudals de
    l’Orénoque. In Mémoires de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris; 2^e
    Série, Tome Quatrième, Deuxième Fascicule. Paris; 1890. pp. 99-218.

    (_a_) p. 197. (_b_) p. 203. (_c_) p. 199. (_d_) p. 210. Pl. XXX,
    Fig. 25. (_e_) p. 200. (_f_) p. 210.

~MARCOY~ (PAUL).

    Travels in South America. By Paul Marcoy. New York; 1875. 2
    vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) II, p. 353. (_b_) _ib._

~MARGRY~ (PIERRE).

    Découvertes et établissements des Français dans l’ouest et
    dans le sud de l’Amérique septentrionale (1614-1754). Mémoires et
    documents originaux recuillis et publiés par Pierre Margry. Paris;
    1875-1886. 6 vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) VI, p. 518. (_b_) IV, p. 172. (_c_) III, p. 363. (_d_) I,
    p. 159. (_e_) II, p. 325. (_f_) V, p. 454. (_g_) I, p. 264.

~MARSHALL~ (FREDERIC).

    Curiosities of Ceremonies. By Frederic Marshall. London; 1880.
    8^o.

    (_a_) p. 190. (_b_) p. 65.

~MARSHALL~ (_Lieut.-Col._ WILLIAM E.).

    Travels amongst the Todas, or the Study of a Primitive Tribe
    in South India. By William E. Marshall, Lieutenant-Colonel of her
    Majesty’s Bengal Staff Corps. London; 1873. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 109. (_b_) p. 65.

~MARTYR~ (PETER).

    The History of the West Indies, * * * By Peter Martyr. Benzoni’s
    trans. Basel; 1582.

    (_a_) Lib. I, Chap. XXVI. (_b_) II, p. CCCX.

    Histori von der Franzosen Zug in die Landschafft Floridam.

    (_c_) Cap. III, Die Neue Welt, Basel; 1583.

~MASON~ (_Prof._ OTIS T.).

    Basket-work of the North American aborigines. In Report of the
    Smithsonian Institution, for 1884. Washington; 1885. Pt. II, pp.
    291-306.

    (_a_) p. 296.

    ~MATÉRIAUX~ pour l’Histoire primitive et naturelle de l’Homme.
    Revue Mensuelle Illustrée dirigée par M. Émile Castailhac. Toulouse
    et Paris. 8^o.

~MATTHEWS~ (_Dr._ WASHINGTON, U. S. A.).

    The Mountain Chant. A Navajo ceremony. By Dr. Washington
    Matthews, U. S. A. In the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of
    Ethnology, pp. 379-467.

~MAURAULT~ (_Abbé_ J. A.).

    Histoire des Abenaquis depuis 1605 jusqu’à nos jours. Par l’Abbé
    J. A. Maurault. Quebec. Gazette de Sorel; 1866. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 138.

~MAXIMILIAN~ (PRINCE OF WIED).

    See _Wied-Neuwied_ (Maximilian, Prince of).

~McADAMS~ (WM.).

    Records of Ancient Races in the Mississippi Valley; being an
    account of some of the pictographs, sculptured hieroglyphics,
    symbolic devices, emblems, and traditions of the prehistoric races
    of America, with some suggestions as to their origin. * * * By Wm.
    McAdams. St. Louis; 1887. 8^o.

~McGUIRE~ (JOSEPH D.).

    Materials, Apparatus, and Processes of the Aboriginal Lapidary.
    By Joseph B. McGuire. In The American Anthropologist, April, 1892,
    Vol. V, No. 2.

    (_a_) p. 165.

~McKENNEY~ (THOMAS L.).

    Sketches of a Tour to the Lakes; of the Character and Customs
    of the Chippeway Indians; and of the Incidents connected with
    the Treaty of Fond du Lac. By Thomas L. McKenney, of the Indian
    Department. * * * Baltimore; 1827. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 293.

~McLEAN~ (_Rev._ JOHN).

    (_a_) The Blackfoot Sun Dance. By Rev. John McLean. Toronto;
    1889. 8^o.

~MEMOIRES DE LA SOCIETE D’ANTHROPOLOGIE DE PARIS.~

    See _Paris_ (Mémoires de la Société d’Anthropologie de).

~MEXICO~ (ANALES DEL MUSEO NACIONAL DE).

    Anales del museo nacional de México. Mexico. Vol. I[-V] 1887 ?
    4^o.

~MEXICO~ (DOCUMENTOS PARA LA HISTORIA DE).

    Memorias para la Historia Natural de California; escritas por
    un religioso de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio de México. In
    Documentos para la Hist. de México; Tomo V, p. 220. Mexico; 1857.
    8^o.

    (_a_) p. 254.

~MEXIQUE~ (MISSION SCIENTIFIQUE AU.)

    Mission Scientifique au Mexique et dans l’Amérique Centrale.
    Publiée par ordre du Ministre de l’Instruction Publique [France].
    Paris and Madrid; 1864. Folio.

~MILNE~ (_Prof._ JOHN).

    Notes on stone implements from Utaru and Hakodate, with a few
    general remarks on the prehistoric remains of Japan. In Trans. of
    the Asiatic Society, Japan; VIII, Pt. I.

    (_a_) p. 64.

~MINING AND SCIENTIFIC PRESS.~ San Francisco, Cal.

    (_a_) Nov. 29, 1880. p. 247.

~MONTAGU~ (_Lady_ MARY WORTLEY).

    The Letters and Works of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu; edited by
    Lord Wharncliffe. London; 1837. 3 vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) II, p. 31.

~MORE~ (JAMES F.).

    The History of Queen’s County, N.S. By James F. More, Esq.
    Halifax; 1873. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 213.

~MORENO~ (F. P.).

    Esploracion Arqueologica de la Provincia de Catamarca. Estracto
    del informe anual correspondiente, Museo de la Plata, á 1890-’91. q.
    v.

    (_a_) p. 8.

~MORSE~ (_Prof._ Edward S.).

    Some recent Publications on Japanese Archeology. In the American
    Naturalist, September, 1880.

    (_a_) p. 658.

~MORTILLET~ (GABRIEL _de_).

    Le Signe de la Croix avant le Christianisme. By Gabriel de
    Mortillet. Paris; 1866. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 173.

~MÜLLER~ (F. MAX).

    Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion. London and New
    York; 1879. 8^o. Hibbert Lectures for 1878.

~MURDOCH~ (JOHN).

    Ethnological Results of the Point Barrow Expedition. In Ninth
    Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

    (_a_) p. 390. (_b_) p. 138.

~MUSEO DE LA PLATA.~

    Revista del Museo de la Plata. Dirijida por Francisco P. Moreno,
    Fundador y Director del Museo. Tomo I. La Plata. Talleres de
    publicaciones del Museo. 1890-’91. Large 8^o.


~NATIONAL MUSEUM~ (PROCEEDINGS OF).

    Proceedings of the United States National Museum. Vols. 1[-13],
    1875[-1890]. Washington. 8^o.

~NATIONAL MUSEUM~ (REPORTS OF).

    Report of the National Museum under the direction of the
    Smithsonian Institution. With Ann. Reports Smithsonian Institution,
    1881, pub. 1883[-1889, pub. 1891]. Washington. 8^o.

~NEBEL~ (_Don_ CARLOS).

    Viaje Pintoresco y Arqueolojico sobre la parte mas interesante
    de la República Mejicana, en los años transcurridos desde 1829 hasta
    1834. Por el arquitecto Don Carlos Nebel. Paris y Mejico; 1840. Fol.

~NETTO~ (_Dr._ LADISLÁU).

    Investigações sobre a Archeologia Brazileira. In Archives
    do Museu Nacional do Rio de Janeiro; Vol. VI, 1º, 2º, 3º, e
    4º Trimestres, Correspondente a 1881, Consagrado a Exposição
    Anthropologica Brazileira, realisada no Museu Nacional a 29 de Julho
    de 1882. Rio de Janeiro; 1885. 4^o.

    (_a_) p. 551. (_b_) p. 552. Pl. XIII. (_c_) p. 551. (_d_) p. 306.

~NEW YORK~ (THE DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE STATE OF).

    See _O’Callahan_ (E. B.).

~NEW YORK~ (DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE COLONIAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF).

    Albany; irregularly issued; 1853 to 1883. 14 vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) IX, pp. 46 and 385. (_b_) XII, p. 49, and XIII, p. 398.

~NIBLACK~ (_Ensign_ ALBERT P., _U. S. N._).

    The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska and Northern British
    Columbia. By Albert P. Niblack, Ensign, U. S. Navy. In Report of the
    U. S. Nat. Museum, 1887-’88, pp. 225-386. Washington; 1890. Pll.
    I-LXX.

    (_a_) p. 321. (_b_) p. 272. (_c_) p. 278. (_d_) p. 324. (_e_)
    Pl. LV.

~NORDENSKJÖLD~ (ADOLF ERICK).

    Vega-Expeditionens Vetenskapliga Iakttagelser. By A. E.
    Nordenskjöld. Stockholm; 1882-87. 5 vols. 8^o.

    Contains:

    Nordqvist (Oscar). Bidrag till Kännedomen om Tschuktscherna.

~NORDQVIST~ (OSCAR).

    Bidrag till Kännedomen om Tschuktscherna. In Nordenskjöld (Adolf
    Erick). Vega-Expeditionens Vetenskapliga Iakttagelser.

    (_a_) II, p. 241.

~NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA~ (THE).

    Being results of recent ethnological researches from the
    Collections of the Royal Museums at Berlin; published by the
    Directors of the Ethnological department. Translated from the
    German. New York; 1884. Fol.

    (_a_) Pl. 7, Fig. 3.


~O’CALLAGHAN~ (_Dr._ E. B.).

    The Documentary History of the State of New York; arranged under
    the direction of the Hon. Christopher Morgan, Secretary of State. By
    E. B. O’Callaghan, M. D. Albany; 1849. 4 vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) I, 1849, pp. 4, 5. (_b_) ibid., p. 7. (_c_) ib., p. 5.
    (_d_) ib., p. 78.

~OHIO STATE BOARD OF CENTENNIAL MANAGERS.~

    Final Report of the Ohio State Board of Centennial Managers to
    the General Assembly of the State of Ohio. Columbus; 1877. 8^o.


~PACIFIC RAILROAD EXPEDITION.~

See _Whipple_ (Lieut. A. W.).

~PARIS~ (MÉMOIRES DE LA SOCIÉTÉ D’ANTHROPOLOGIE DE).

    Paris; 1873-1892. Publié par la Société d’Anthropologie. 7 vols.
    in two series. Large 8^o.

    Bulletins de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris. Paris. 8^o.
    Publiés par fascicules trimestriels.

~PARKMAN~ (_Dr._ FRANCIS).

    The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian war after the conquest
    of Canada. By Francis Parkman. Boston; 1883. 2 vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) II, p. 265.

    La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West. By Francis
    Parkman. Twelfth edition. Boston; 1883. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 59.

~PATTIE~ (JAMES O.).

    The personal narrative of James O. Pattie, of Kentucky, during
    an expedition from St. Louis through the vast regions between that
    place and the Pacific Ocean, and thence back through the City of
    Mexico to Vera Cruz, during journeyings of six years; in which he
    and his father, who accompanied him, suffered unheard-of hardships
    and dangers; had various conflicts with the Indians, and were made
    captives, in which captivity his father died. * * * Cincinnati;
    1833. 12^o.

    (_a_) pp. 15 and 22.

~PEET~ (_Rev._ S. D.).

    (_a_) The Emblematic Mounds of Wisconsin; Animal effigies, their
    shapes and attitudes. [A paper read before the American Association
    for the Adv. of Science.] In Am. Antiquarian. Chicago; 1884. 8^o.

~PEIXOTO~ (ROCHA).

    A tatuagem em Portugal. Por Rocha Peixoto. In Revista de
    Sciencias Naturales e Sociaes, Vol. II, No. 708. Porto; 1892. 8^o.


~PERROT~ (_Père_ NICOLAS).

    Mémoire sur les Mœurs, Coutumes et Religion des Sauvages de
    l’Amérique Septentrionale. Par Nicolas Perrot; publié pour la
    première fois par le R. P. J. Tailhau de la Compagnie de Jésus.
    Leipsig and Paris; 1864. [Bibliotheca Americana, Collection
    d’ouvrages inédits ou rares sur l’Amérique.]

    (_a_) p. 172.

~PESCHEL~ (OSCAR).

    The Races of Man and their Geographical Distribution. Translated
    from the German of Oscar Peschel. New York; 1876. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 175.

~PHILLIPS~ (HENRY, _jr._).

    (_a_) History of the Mexicans as told by their Paintings. In
    Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc., XXI, p. 616.

~PIKE~ (_Maj._ Z. M.).

    An Account of Expeditions to the Sources of the Mississippi
    and through the Western Parts of Louisiana to the Sources of the
    Arkansaw, Kans., La Platte and Pierre Jaun Rivers. By Maj. Z. M.
    Pike. Philadelphia; 1810. 8^o.

    (_a_) App. to Pt. I, p. 22.

~PINART~ (ALPHONSE L.).

    Note sūr les Pétroglyphes et Antiquités des Grandes et Petites
    Antilles. Par A. L. Pinart. Paris; 1890. Folio. Fac-simile of MS.

    (_a_) p. 3 et seq.

    Aperçu sur l’Ile d’Aruba, ses Habitants, ses Antiquités, ses
    Pétroglyphes. Par A. L. Pinart. Paris; 1890. Folio. Fac-simile of MS.

    (_b_) p. 1 et seq.

~PIPART~ (_Abbé_ JULES).

    Éléments Phonétiques dans les Écritures figuratives des Anciens
    Mexicains. In Compte Rendu du Cong. Inter. des Américanistes, 2^{me}
    Session; Paris; 1878. Vol. II.

    (_a_) p. 551. (_b_) p. 349. (_c_) p. 359.

~PLENDERLEATH~ (_Rev._ W. C.).

    The White Horses of the West of England, with notices of some
    other ancient Turf-monuments. By the Rev. W. C. Plenderleath, M. A.,
    Rector of Cherhill, Wilts. London; (no year). 12^o.

    (_a_) pp. 5-35. (_b_) pp. 7-17. (_c_) pp. 33-34. (_d_) pp. 35-36.

~POPOFF~ (M. LAZAR).

    The origin of painting. In Popular Science Monthly, Vol. XL, No.
    1, Nov., 1891. [Translated for the Popular Science Monthly from the
    Revue Scientifique.]

    (_a_) p. 103.

~POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY~.

    The Popular Science Monthly. Edited by W. J. Youmans, Vols. 1
    [XLIII]. New York. 8^o.

~PORTER~ (EDWARD G.).

    The Aborigines of Australia. In Proceedings of the American
    Antiquarian Society. New series, Vol. VI, pt. 3. Worcester; 1890.

    (_a_) p. 320.

~POTANIN~ (G. N.).

    Sketches of North Western Mongolia. In Ethnologic Material, No.
    4. St. Petersburg; 1883. 8^o.

    (_a_) Pl. I. (_b_) Pls. IV to XI.

~POTHERIE~ (BACQUEVILLE DE LA).

    (_a_) Histoire de l’Amérique Septentrionale Divisée en Quatre
    Tomes. Tome Premier, contenant le Voyage du Fort de Nelson, dans la
    Baye d’Hudson, à l’Extrémité de l’Amérique. Par M. de Bacqueville de
    la Potherie, né à la Guadeloupe, dans l’Amérique Méridionale, Aide
    Major de la dite Isle. Paris; 1753. 4 vols. 16^o.

    (_b_) III, p. 43. (_c_) IV, p. 174. (_d_) I, p. 129. (_e_) ib.,
    p. 128.

~POWELL~ (_Maj._ J. W.).

    (_a_) Outlines of the Philosophy of the North American Indians.
    By J. W. Powell. N. Y. 1877. 8^o.

~POWELL~ (_Dr._ J. W.).

    Report on British Columbia. In Rep. of the Deputy
    Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs [Canada] for 1879. Ottawa.
    8^o.

~POWERS~ (STEPHEN).

    Tribes of California. By Stephen Powers. In Contributions to
    North American Ethnology, Vol. III. Washington; 1877.

    (_a_) p. 244. (_b_) p. 321. (_c_) p. 20. (_d_) p. 166.

    Northern Californian Indians. In Overland Monthly, San
    Francisco. Vol. VIII, 1872, and Vol. XII, 1874.

~PRATZ~ (LE PAGE DU).

    See _Le Page du Pratz_.

~PUTNAM~ (A. W.).

    History of Middle Tennessee; or Life and Times of Gen. James
    Robertson. By A. W. Putnam. Nashville; 1859. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 321.

~PUTNAM~ (_Prof._ F. W.).

    The Serpent Mound of Ohio. In The Century Illus. Monthly
    Magazine, April, 1890. New York. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 871.


~RAFN~ (CHARLES CHRISTIAN).

    Antiquitates Americanæ. Edidit Societas Regia Antiquariorum
    Septentrionalium. Studio et opera Charles Christian Rafn.
    Copenhagen; 1845. Folio.

    (_a_) p. 359. (_b_) p. 360. (_c_) p. 397. (_d_) p. 401. (_e_) p.
    357.

~RAND~ (_Rev._ SILAS).

    A First Reading Book in the Micmac Language; comprising the
    Micmac numerals and the names of the different kinds of beasts,
    birds, fishes, trees, etc., of the maritime Provinces of Canada.
    Also some of the Indian names of places and many familiar words and
    phrases, translated literally into English. By Rev. Silas Rand.
    Halifax; 1875. 12^o.

    (_a_) p. 91.

~RAU~ (_Dr._ CHARLES).

    Observations on Cup-shaped and other Lapidarian Sculptures in
    the Old World and in America. By Charles Rau. In Contributions to
    North American Ethnology. Vol. V. Washington; 1882; pp. 1-112. Figs.
    1-161. 4^o.

    (_a_) p. 60. (_b_) p. 65. (_c_) p. 64. (_d_) p. 9.

~REBER~ (_Dr._ FRANZ VON).

    History of Ancient Art. By Dr. FRANZ VON Reber. Translated and
    augmented by Joseph Thacher Clarke. New York; 1882. 8^o.

~RECLUS~ (ÉLISÉE).

    The Earth and its Inhabitants. By Élisée Reclus. Edited by A. H.
    Keane, B.A. New York; 1890. Large 8^o.

    (_a_) Oceanica, p. 476. (_b_) ib. p. 134. (_c_) ib. p. 304.

~REISS~ (W.) AND ~STUBEL~ (A.).

    Necropolis of Ancon in Peru. By W. Reiss and A. Stubel. London
    and Berlin. 1880-1887. Large folio.

    (_a_) Pls. 33 and 33a.

~RENAN~ (ERNEST).

    History of the People of Israel till the time of King David. By
    Ernest Renan. Boston; 1889. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 19.

~RENOUF~ (P. LE PAGE).

    An Elementary Grammar of the Ancient Egyptian Language, in
    the hieroglyphic type. By P. Le Page Renouf, one of Her Majesty’s
    Inspectors of Schools. London and Paris; date of dedication, 1875.
    [No publication date.]

    (_a_) p. 2.

    ~REVISTA TRIMENSAL~ do Instituto Historico e Geographico
    Braziliero. Fundado no Rio de Janeiro. Debaixo da immediata
    protecção de S. M. I. O. Sr. D. Pedro II. Vols. I[-L]. Rio de
    Janeiro. 8^o.

~REVUE D’ETHNOGRAPHIE.~

    Lately incorporated with two other serials and published under
    the title of L’Anthropologie, q.v.

    (_a_) V, No. 2; 1886.

~REVUE GÉOGRAPHIQUE INTERNATIONALE.~

    Journal mensuel illustré des sciences géographiques. Paris;
    1884; 9^e année. Editorial notice of report made to the Société de
    Géographie de Tours, by General Colonieu.

    (_a_) No. 110, p. 197.

~RIVERO~ (MARIANO EDWARD) AND VON ~TSCHUDI~ (JOHN JAMES).

    Peruvian Antiquities. By Mariano Edward Rivero, * * * and John
    James von Tschudi. Translated into English, from the original
    Spanish, by Francis L. Hawkes, D. D. LL. D. New York and Cincinnati;
    1855. 8^o.

    (_a_) pp. 105-109.

~RIVETT-CARNAC~ (J. H.).

    Archæological Notes on Ancient Sculpturings on Rocks in Kumaon,
    India, similar to those found on monoliths and rocks in Europe. By
    J. H. Rivett-Carnac, Esq., Bengal Civil Service. * * * Reprinted
    from the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Calcutta; 1883.

    (_a_) p. 1. (_b_) p. 15.

~ROCK INSCRIPTIONS.~

    See _Archaic Rock Inscriptions_.

~ROEDIGER~ (FRITZ).

    Prehistoric Sign Stones, as boundary stones, milestones, finger
    posts, and maps. In Verhandl. der Berlin. Gesellschaft für Anthrop.;
    1890.

    (_a_) p. 526.

~ROGERS~ (_Rev._ CHARLES).

    Social Life in Scotland from early to recent times. By the Rev.
    Charles Rogers. Edinburgh; 1884. 3 vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) I, p. 35.

~ROSNY~ (LÉON DE).

    Archives Paléographiques, * * * Par Léon de Rosny. Paris; 1870.
    8^o.

    (_a_) Tom. I, 2^{me} liv. Avril-juin, p. 93.

~ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY.~

    The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London. Vols.
    I[-L?] London. 8^o.

    (_a_) XXXII, 1862, p. 125.

~RUTHERFORD~ (DAVID GREIG).

    (_a_) Notes on the People of Batanga, West Tropical Africa. In
    Jour. of Anthrop. Inst. G. B. & I., X, 1881, p. 466.

~SAGARD~ (GABRIEL).

    Histoire du Canada et Voyages que les frères Mineurs recollet
    y ont faicts pour conversion des infidèles depuis l’an 1615. Par
    Gabriel Sagard Theodat, avec un dictionnaire de la langue Huronne.
    Nouvelle edition publiée par M. Edwin Tross. Paris; 1866. 4 vols.
    8^o.

    (_a_) III, p. 724. (_b_) II, p. 347.

~SAYCE~ (_Prof._ A. H.).

    Address to the Anthropological Section of the British
    Association at Manchester. By Prof. A. H. Sayce. In Journal of the
    Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland.

    (_a_) Nov., 1887, p. 169.

~SCHOOLCRAFT~ (HENRY R.).

    Historical and Statistical Information respecting the History,
    Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States.
    Collected and prepared under the direction of the Bureau of Indian
    Affairs, per act of Congress of March 3d, 1847. By Henry R.
    Schoolcraft. Illustrated by S. Eastman, Capt. U. S. Army. Published
    by authority of Congress. Philadelphia; 1851-1857. 6 vols. 4^o.

    (_a_) I, p. 351. (_b_) IV, 119. (_c_) III, 73 et seq. (_d_) I,
    409, Pl. 58, Fig. 67. (_e_) IV, 253, Pl. 32. (_f_) V, 649. (_g_)
    III, p. 306. (_h_) I, 336, Pl. 47, Fig. c. (_i_) I, Pl. 58, op. p.
    408. (_k)_ ib. (_l_) I, Pl. 59, Figs. 79 and 103, text on pp. 409,
    410. (_m_) I, p. 356. (_n_) III, p. 306. (_o_) I, Pl. 54, Fig. 27.
    (_p_) III, p. 85. (_q_) I, Pl. 18, Fig. 21. (_r_) I, Pl. 56, Fig.
    67. (_s_) I, Pls. 58, 59, Figs. 8, 9, and 98. (_t_) I, Pl. 58. (_u_)
    ib. (_v_) I, Pl. 59, No. 91. (_w_) I, Pl. 64. (_x_) II, p. 58. (_y_)
    I, p. 410, Pl. 59, Fig. 102. (_z_) VI, p. 610.

~SCHWATKA’S SEARCH.~

    (See _Gilder, Wm. H._)

~SCHWEINFURTH~ (GEORG).

    The Heart of Africa. By Georg Schweinfurth. New York; 1874. 2
    vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) II, p. 23.

~SEAVER~ (JAMES E.).

    A Narrative of the life of Mrs. Mary Jemison, who was taken
    by the Indians in the year 1755, when only about twelve years of
    age, and has continued to reside amongst them to the present time.
    Carefully taken from her own words. Nov. 29, 1823. By James E.
    Seaver. London; 1826. 24^o.

    (_a_) p. 70.

~SHEA~ (_Dr._ JOHN GILMARY).

    First establishment of the Faith in New France. Now first
    translated by John Gilmary Shea. New York; 1881. 2 vols. 8^o. (See
    also _Le Clercq_ (_Père_ Chrétien).

    (_a_) I. p. 19.

~SHRIFNER~ (ANTON).

    Ethnographic Importance of Property Marks. In Scientific
    Treatises of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. St. Petersburg; 1855.
    8^o.

    (_a_) p. 601. (_b_) ib.

~SHTUKIN~ (N. S.).

    An Explanation of Certain Picture-writings on the Cliffs of the
    Yenesei River. In No. 4 of Quarterly Isvestia of the Imp. Geogr.
    Soc., St. Petersburg; 1882.

~SIMPSON~ (_Lieut._ JAMES H.).

    Journal of a Military Reconnaissance from Santa Fé, New Mexico,
    to the Navajo Country in 1849. By Lt. James H. Simpson, U. S. T.
    Engineers. Phila.; 1852. 8^o.

    (_a_) Pl. 72.

~SIMPSON~ (_Sir_ JAMES Y.).

    On Ancient Sculpturings of Cups and Concentric Rings, * * * In
    Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. Appendix to
    Volume VI. Edinburgh; 1867. pp. 1-147. Pls. I-XXXII.

~SIMPSON~ (THOMAS).

    Narrative of the Discoveries of the North Coast of America;
    effected by the officers of the Hudson’s Bay Company during the
    years 1836-’39. By Thomas Simpson, Esq. London; 1843. 8^o.

~SMET~ (_Père_ PETER DE).

    Missions de l’Orégon et Voyages aux Montagnes Rocheuses, aux
    sources de la Colombie, de l’Athabasco et du Sascatschawin, en
    1845-’46. Par le Père P. de Smet de la Société de Jésus. English
    translation, New York; 1847. 12^o.

    (_a_) p. 288. (_b_) p. 320.

~SMITH~ (_Capt._ JOHN).

    The True Travels, Adventures and Observations of Captain John
    Smith, in Europe, Asia, Africke and America; beginning about the
    yeere 1593 and continued to this present 1629. From the London
    edition of 1629. Richmond; 1819. 2 vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) I, p. 230.

~SMITHSONIAN REPORTS.~

    Annual Report of the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian
    Institution. 1847[-1892]. Washington. 8^o.

~SOCIÉTÉ D’ANTHROPOLOGIE DE BRUXELLES.~

    Bulletin de la Société d’Anthropologie de Bruxelles. Bruxelles.
    8^o.

    (_a_) V, 1886-’87, p. 109. (_b_) ib., p. 108.

~SOCIÉTÉ D’ANTHROPOLOGIE DE PARIS.~

    (See _Paris_.)

~SOUCHÉ~ (B.).

    Notes sur quelques découvertes d’archéologie préhistorique aux
    environs de Pamproux. Niort; 1879. 8^o. Partly reported in Matériaux
    pour l’Histoire Prim., etc.

    (_a_) 2^e série, xi. 1880, p. 147.

~SOUTH CAROLINA, DOCUMENTS CONNECTED WITH THE HISTORY OF.~

    Edited by P. C. J. Weston. London; 1856.

    (_a_) p. 220.

~SPENCER~ (HERBERT).

    The Principles of Sociology. By Herbert Spencer. New York; 1884.
    2 vols. 12^o.

    (_a_) II, p. 72 et seq.

~SPROAT~ (GILBERT MALCOMB).

    Scenes and Studies of Savage Life. By Gilbert Malcomb Sproat.
    London; 1868. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 269.

~STANLEY~ (HENRY M.).

    The Congo and the Founding of its Free State. A story of work
    and exploration. By Henry M. Stanley. New York; 1885. 2 vols. 8^o.

    (_a_) I, p. 373.

~STARCKE~ (_Dr._ C. N.).

    The Primitive Family in its origin and development. By Dr. C. N.
    Starcke. New York; 1889. 8^o. [International Scientific Series.]

    (_a_) p. 42.

~STARR~ (_Prof._ FREDERICK).

    Dress and Adornment. In Popular Science Monthly, Vol. XL, Nos. 1
    and 2; 1891.

    (_a_) p. 499.

~STEARNS~ (_Prof._ ROBERT E. C.).

    Ethnoconchology; a Study of Primitive Money. In the Report of
    the U. S. National Museum; 1886-’87.

    (_a_) p. 304.

~STEPHENSON~ (_Dr._ M. F.).

    Geology and Mineralogy of Georgia. By Dr. M. F. Stephenson.
    Atlanta; 1871. 16^o.

    (_a_) p. 199.

~STEVENSON~ (JAMES).

    Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical Sand Painting of the
    Navajo Indians. By James Stevenson. In the Eighth Annual Report of
    the Bureau of Ethnology, for 1886-87, pp. 229-285. Washington; 1891.

~STRAHLENBERG~ (PHILIP JOHN VON).

    (_a_) An Historico-Geographical Description of the north and
    eastern parts of Europe and Asia, but more particularly of Russia,
    Siberia, and Great Tartary. By Philip John von Strahlenberg. London;
    1738. 2 vols. 4^o.

~SUMMERS~ (JAMES).

    A Handbook of the Chinese Language. By James Summers. Oxford;
    1863. 8^o.

    (_a_) Part I, p. 16.


~TANNER~ (JOHN).

    Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner * * *
    during Thirty Years’ Residence among the Indians in the interior
    of North America. Prepared for the press by Edwin James, M. D. New
    York; 1830. 8^o.

    (_a_) pp. 341-344. (_b_) p. 193. (_c_) p. 176. (_d_) p. 174.
    (_e_) pp. 176 and 314. (_f_) p. 367. (_g_) pp. 174 and 189.

~TAYLOR~ (_Rev._ RICHARD).

    Te Ika a Maui; or New Zealand and its Inhabitants. By Rev.
    Richard Taylor. M. A., F. G. S. London; 1870. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 379. (_b_) Ib. (_c_) p. 320. (_d_) p. 209.

~TEN KATE~ (_Dr._ H. F. C.).

    Some Ethnographic Observations in the California Peninsula and
    in Sonora. In Revue d’Ethnographie, Vol. II, 1888.

    (_a_) p. 321. (_b_) p. 324.

~THOMAS~ (_Prof._ CYRUS).

    Aids to the Study of the Maya Codices. In Sixth Annual Report
    of the Bureau of Ethnology. Washington; 1888. pp. 253-371. Figs.
    359-388.

    (_b_) p. 371. (_c_) p. 348.

    Burial Mounds of the Northern Section of the United States. In
    Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Washington; 1888.
    pp. 3-119. Pll. I-VI, Figs. 1-49.

    (_a_) p. 100.

~THOMAS~ (JULIAN).

    Cannibals and Convicts in the Western Pacific. By Julian Thomas.
    London; 1886. 8^o.

    (_a_) p. 37.

~THOMSON~ (_Paymaster_ WILLIAM J., _U. S. N._).

    Te Pito Te Henua; or Easter Island. In Report U. S. National
    Museum for 1888-’89; Washington; 1891. pp. 447-552. Pls. XII-LX,
    Figs. 1-20. (_a_) p. 480. Pl. XXIII.

~THURN~ (EVERARD F. IM).

    See _im Thurn_ (E. F.).

~THRUSTON~ (GATES P.).

    The Antiquities of Tennessee and the adjacent States, and the
    state of aboriginal society in the scale of civilization represented
    by them. By Gates P. Thruston. Cincinnati; 1890. 8^o.

    (_a_) pp. 90-96.

~TOKYO~ (~Anthropological Society of.~)

    The Bulletin of the Tōkyō Anthropological Society. Tōkyō
    Anthrop. Society office, Hongo, Tōkyō. Vols. I-[VII]. 8^o.

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~TREICHEL~ (A.).

    Die Verbreitung des Schulzenstabes und verwandter Geräthe.
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~TRUMBULL~ (HENRY CLAY).

    The Blood Covenant a Primitive Rite and its Bearings on
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~TSCHUDI~ (_Dr._ J. J. VON).

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~TURNER~ (GEORGE).

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~UNITED STATES NATIONAL MUSEUM.~

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~VETROMILE~ (_Rev._ EUGENE).

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~VICTORIA INSTITUTE.~

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~WALLACE~ (_Prof._ ALFRED R.).

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~WESTON~ (P. C. J.). See _South Carolina_.

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~WILLIAMS~ (_Dr._ S. WELLS).

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~WINCHELL~ (_Prof._ N. H.).

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~YARROW~ (_Dr._ H. C.).

    See _Bureau of Ethnology_.


~ZAMACOIS~ (_D._ NICETO DE).

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    (_a_) I, p. 238.

~ZEITSCHRIFT FÜR ETHNOLOGIE.~

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INDEX.

[The names of authors and works which appear in the List of Works and
Authors cited (pp. 777-808) are not included in this index.]


  A.

  Abacus, a mnemonic device of Chinese and Greeks, 226

  Abiqui, New Mexico, petroglyphs near, 97

  Abnaki Indians, study of pictographs of, XII
    petroglyphs of, 32
    gods of, presiding over petroglyphs, 32
    birch-bark pictographs of, 201, 213-214, 468-469
    wikhegan, or birch-bark letter of, 330-331
    notices of direction and time used by, 334
    notice of condition used by, 347
    masks worn as insignia of authority by women of, 425
    designation of Queen Victoria by, 443

  Absaroka or Crow Indians, tribal designations of, 380
    sign for medicine man of, 466
    war color of, 631
    headdress of, 753-755

  Abstract ideas expressed pictorially, 584-607
    After, 585;
    age, 585-586;
    bad, 586;
    before, 586;
    big, 586-587;
    center, 587;
    deaf, 587;
    direction, 588;
    disease, 588-590;
    fast, 590;
    fear, 590-591;
    freshet, 591-592;
    good, 592;
    high, 592-593;
    lean, 593-594;
    little, 594-595;
    lone, 595-596;
    many, much, 596;
    obscure, 597;
    opposition, 597-598;
    possession, 598;
    prisoner, 598-600;
    short, 600;
    sight, 600-601;
    slow, 601;
    tall, 601-602;
    trade, 602;
    union, 602-603;
    whirlwind, 603-604;
    winter, cold, snow, 603-606.

  Accounting, pictographic methods of, 259-264

  Africa, petroglyphs in, 178-185
    message of peace used in, 361
    aroko or symbolic letters used in, 371-374
    cowries of, 374-375
    message of complaint for debt used in, 374-375
    tattooing in, 415-416
    scarification in, 417
    property marks in, 442
    mourning ceremony in, 630
    war colors in, 633

  After, pictographs for, 585

  Age, pictographs for, 585-586

  Ahuitzotzin, Mexican emperor, pictograph for, 134-135

  Ainos, tattooing among, 412-413
    inscriptions probably made by, 185-186

  Alaskan Indians, petroglyphs of, 47
    notices of hunt by, 332-333
    notices of direction by, 333-334
    notices of condition by, 350-353
    tattoo of, 402-405
    mythic drawings on ivory by, 476-477
    shamanism of, 497-500
    shaman’s lodge of, 507-508
    votive offering to the dead by, 519
    grave-posts of, 520-521
    pictographic records of customs of, 541-542
    biographic records of, 581-582
    signal of discovery by, 645

  Alfara, Anastasio, gold ornaments from Costa Rica donated by, XXII

  Algeria, petroglyphs in, at Tyout and Moghar, 178-179

  Algonquian bibliography, work on, XX-XXI

  Algonquian Indians, petroglyphs by, 106, 109-110, 111, 112
    wampum belts of, 228-229
    military drill of, 258
    insignia of military rank of, 258
    pictographic notice of departure and return by, 330
    declaration of war by, 358
    invitation sticks of, 364-365
    emblems of, 377
    tribal designation of, 378-379
    grave-posts of, 517-518
    record of battle by, 554-555
    record of victory by, 557-558
    mourning color of, 629
    colors of war and peace of, 631
    petroglyphs of, 676-680
    hair dressing of, 755

  Alton, Illinois, petroglyphs near, 80

  Amalecite Indians, birch-bark notice of trip by, 334-336
    tribal emblem of, 379

  Amazon, decorative body painting by Indians on the, 620

  America, North, petroglyphs in, 37-140

  American horse, winter count of, 269

  Andaman islanders, head decoration of, 222
    tattoo of, 418
    decoration of head by, 621

  Annamite tradition concerning tattoo, 413

  Anthropological Institute of New York, pictographs published by, 106

  Apache Indians, izze-cloth or medicine cord of, 225
    time records of, 258-259
    charms and amulets of, 502-503
    hair dressing of women of, 755
    drawings of, compared with German sketches, 740

  Appointment, records of, 257-258

  Appun, C. F., sculptured rock described by, 147-148

  Arabs, tattooing among, 414

  Arapaho Indians, tribal designation of, 381
    gesture signs of, 643

  Arch Spring, near Zuñi, New Mexico, petroglyphs at, 96

  Arequipa, Peru, petroglyphs near, 157-159

  Argentine republic, petroglyphs in, 157

  Arikara or Ree Indians, pictographs on wood by, 214
    decorating and coloring of skins by, 220
    tribal designations of, 381-385
    sign of achievement by, 436
    property marks of, 441
    hunting and other pictographs of, 537, 538
    conventional device of, for dead man, 660

  Arison, William, pictographs copied by, 111

  Arizona, work in, XVII
    petroglyphs in, 48-51, 476, 512, 682-683

  Armenia, inscriptions on tombstones in, 524
    colors used for mourning in, 630

  Aroko, or symbolic letters of West Africa, 371-374

  Artificial objects, pictographs on, 215-217

  Aruba island, West Indies, petroglyphs in, 139-140

  Asheville, North Carolina, petroglyphs near, 99

  Asia, petroglyphs in, 185-188

  Assiniboin, Montana, rock pictures in, 33

  Assiniboin tribal designation, 381

  Athapascan dialects of Oregon, linguistic study of, XIX

  Athapascan Indians, chart-making by, 341
    practice of tattoo by, 395
    emblem of, 612

  Atosis, Abnaki myth of, 471

  Australia, petroglyphs in, 161-165

  Australian natives, decoration of body with feathers by, 207
    pictographs on skins by, 219
    songs and song writers of, 250
    messengers and mode of invitation of, 368, 369
    message sticks of, 369-371
    scarification of, 416-417
    messengers of vengeance (pinya) of, 433
    mythic personages of, 489-490
    charm of fetich of, 504

  Australian natives, magic and initiation ceremonies of, 513-514
    messenger of death of, 525
    ceremonial use of color by, 628
    mourning ceremony of, 630
    war colors of, 633
    conventional representations by, 652-653
    wommeras and clubs of, 753

  Authors and works cited, list of, 777-808

  Ava, Illinois, petroglyphs near, 77

  Aztec inscription, Mexico, 133-134

  Azuza Canyon, California, rock paintings in, 69, 354-356


  B.

  Babylonians, significance of color among, 622

  Bad, pictographs for, 586

  Bahama islands, petroglyphs in, 137-139

  Bailey, Vernon, petroglyphs reported by, 117

  Bald Friar rock, Maryland, petroglyphs on, 83-86

  Bandelier, A., petroglyphs reported and sketched by, 98, 131

  Bantry bay, Australia, petroglyphs at, 164-165

  Bark, pictographs on, 213

  Barnes, Mr., petroglyphs reported by, 64

  Barnesville Track rock, Ohio, 102-104

  Barre, Wisconsin, petroglyphs at, 126

  Barrés Indians of Brazil, dyes used by, 222

  Barton, W. E., petroglyphs described by, 81

  Battiste Good, Winter Count of, 268-269, 287-328
    revelation of, 289-290

  Baskets, pictographs on, 217

  Basutoland, South Africa, petroglyphs in, 182-183

  Battle records, 554-566
    Iroquois and Algonkin, 554-555, 556
    Ojibwa, 556-557
    Algonkin, 557-558
    French, from Indian account, 558
    from Winter Counts, 561-563
    of Little Bighorn, 563-566

  Before, pictographs for, 589

  Bella Coola Indians, ceremonial dress of, 431

  Bendire, Capt. Charles, petroglyphs reported by, 122

  Bengal, account sticks or strings used by natives of, 264

  Benton, Owens Valley, Cal., petroglyphs near, 58

  Big, pictographs for, 586-587

  Big Indian Rock, Pennsylvania, 106-107

  Big Road, Oglala chief, 420

  Bilqula Indians, tattoo of, 407

  Biography, pictographic forms of, 571-582
    classification of, 571
    continuous record, 571-575
    particular events, 575-582

  Birchbark pictographs, Abnaki, 201, 213-214, 468-469
    Amalecite, 334-336

  Blackfeet Indians, figures sketched by, 130

  Black Rock spring, near Milford, Utah, petroglyphs at, 117

  Blake, Lady Edith, petroglyphs described and sketched by, 137-139

  Boas, Franz, work of, XXIII

  Bone, pictographs on, 206

  Book cliff canyon, Utah, petroglyphs in, 117

  Borneo, mourning color used in, 630

  Borrinqueños, ancient inhabitants of Puerto Rico, 137

  Brazil, petroglyphs in, 150-157, 689, 691, 692
    cup sculptures in, 195-196
    tattoo in, 407

  Brazilian petroglyphs, compared with Spanish petroglyphs, 690

  British Columbia, petroglyphs in, 44-48

  British Guiana, dyes used by Indians of, 222
    petroglyphs in, 686-687

  British islands, cup sculptures in, 189

  Brittany, France, petroglyphs in, 176-177
    methods of account-keeping in, 264

  Broken leg, pictographic representation of, 716-717

  Brown, C. Barrington, rock paintings mentioned by, 144

  Brown, L. W., petroglyphs reported by, 111, 112

  Brown, Mrs. Wallace myths related by, 468

  Browns cave, La Crosse valley, Wisconsin, petroglyphs in, 126

  Browns valley, Minnesota, petroglyphs in, 90

  Browns valley, South Dakota, petroglyphs near, 114

  Brulé Dakota, tribal designation of, 382
    origin of, as pictographically recorded, 567

  Burmah, tattooing in, 413

  Bushmen, inscriptions by, 180-183


  C.

  Cachoeira do Riberão, Brazil, petroglyphs on, 150-151

  Caïcara, Venezuela, sculptured rock near, 148

  California, linguistic work in, XIV-XV, XVI-XVII
    petroglyphs in, 52-72
    gesture signs in petroglyphs of, 637-639

  California Indians, pictographs by, on feather blankets, 207
    coloring matter used by, 221
    method of keeping accounts of, 262-263
    mode of challenge of, 362
    mode of collecting debts by, 374
    tattoo of, 406
    face painting by, 619
    emblems of royalty, of 633

  Canada, linguistic work in, XVII
    petroglyphs in, 37-45

  Canadian Indians, quill pictographs of, 207

  Canary islands, pictographs of, compared with California petroglyphs,
        58, 59
    petroglyphs in, 183-185

  Canyon de Chelly, New Mexico, petroglyphs in, 96

  Canyon Segy, Arizona, petroglyphs in, 50

  Cara Pintada, Mexico, 131

  Cardinal points, colors attributed to, 623-626

  Carisa plain, California, petroglyphs in, 68
    Carson river, petroglyphs on, 92

  Catlin, George, cited, 741

  Cayuga Indians, tree-carvings by, 213

  Cayuga lake, pictographs on, 213

  Cayuse vocabulary obtained, XIV

  Ceará, Brazil, petroglyphs in, 155-157

  Center, pictographs for, 587

  Central America, petroglyphs in, 141-142

  Chaleur Bay, face decoration of Indian
  women of, 220

  Challenge, pictographic form of, 362

  Chalk grade, Owens valley, California, petroglyphs at, 58, 59

  Chandeswar, India, cup sculptures at, 196

  Charencey, Count de, cited on Mexican symbolic colors, 625

  Charms and amulets, 501-505

  Chasm island, Australia, petroglyphs at, 161

  Chelan lake, Washington, petroglyphs at 33, 122-123

  Cherokee Indians, linguistic work among, XV-XVI
    work on language of, XIX
    battle of, with Shawnees, 122
    map made by, 341
    symbolic use of colors by, 624-634
    war color of, 631
    alphabet of, 665

  Cheyenne Indians, letter-writing by, 363-364
    tribal designations of, 382-383

  Chibcha Indians, symbols used by, 615-616

  Chicagua rapids, Venezuela, petroglyphs at, 148-150

  Chihuahua, Mexico, petroglyphs in, 131

  Chikasa Indians, tattoo of, 394

  Child, gesture signs for, 643-644

  Chile, petroglyphs in, 159-160

  Chilkat Indians, pictographs by, 217
    cedar bark blankets made by, 217
    ceremonial garments of, 429-430

  China, petroglyphs in, 185

  Chinese, mnemonic devices of 226, 227
    topographic representations by, 344
    ideographs by, for sickness, 590
    ideographs for prisoners by, 600
    symbolic writing of, 618
    conventional characters of, 649-650
    mourning colors of, 631
    ideographs and gesture signs of, 637, 642, 643, 644, 645

  Chinook Indians, medicine bag of, 504
    burial vaults of, 523-524

  Chippewa Indians, practice of tattoo by, 406-407
    mourning color of, 630

  Chiriqui, cup sculptures in, 193-194

  Chiulee creek, Arizona, petroglyphs on, 51

  Choctaw Indians, ancient notices of, 347
    mode of divination of, 494-495

  Christian art, significance of color in, 622-623

  Chronology, pictographic, 265-328

  Chukchis of Siberia, tattooing of, 414

  Chumanas Indians of Brazil, dyes used by, 222

  Ciguaner Indians, war colors of, 632-633

  Claim or demand, mode of presenting, 374-375

  Clarke, W. M., petroglyphs reported by, 115

  Clarksville, Tennessee, petroglyphs near, 114

  Clouds, signs and symbols for, 700-701

  Cloud-Shield, Winter Count of, 269-523

  Cold, pictographs for, 605-606

  Color, significance of, 618-637
    decorative use of, 619-622
    ideocrasy of, 622-623
    ceremonial use of, 623-629
    relative to death and mourning, 629-631
    for war and peace, 631-633
    designating social status, 633-635
    symbolic use of, in general, 635-636

  Coloring matter and its application in pictography, 219-222

  Colorado, petroglyphs in, 72-75

  Colorado river, Utah, petroglyphs on, 118, 119, 120

  Columbia River, Washington, petroglyphs on, 123

  Comanche Indians, drawings on bone by, 206
    gesture signs of, 645

  Connecticut, petroglyphs in, 75-76

  Controverted pictographs, 759-767

  Conventional pictographic devices, 650-664
    Peace, 650-651;
    war, 651-652;
    chief, 652-653;
    council, 653-654;
    plenty of food, 654-655;
    famine, 655-656;
    starvation, 656

  Conventionalizing in pictography, 649-675
    development of, 649-650

  Copper, pictographs on, 212-213

  Corados, pictured notices by, 357

  Corbusier, William, petroglyphs reported by, 129-130
    account of Dakota customs by, 265
    religious ceremonies described by, 505-507

  Coronel, A. F., ethnologic collection of, 71
    cited, 72

  Costa Rica, Anastasia Alfaro donates gold ornaments from, XXII

  Costumes, weapons, and ornaments (distinctive), pictographs of,
        749-756

  Cree Indians, exploit marks of, 440
    notice of death given by, 518

  Criley, John, petroglyphs reported by, 77

  Cross, pictographs, symbols, and significations of the, 724-735

  Crow Indians, tribal designation of, 380

  Cueva Pintada, petroglyph at, 98

  Cult societies, pictographic devices of, 528-530

  Cunningham, Charles W., petroglyphs reported by, 356-357

  Cunninghams island, Lake Erie, petroglyphs on, 678

  Cup sculptures, 189-200
    classification of, 189-192

  Curtin, Jeremiah, work of, XVI-XVII, XIX

  Cushing, Frank Hamilton, Zuñi sand painting described by, 210-211

  Customs, illustrated in pictographs, 528-550


  D.

  Dakota or Sioux Indians, gods of, 32-33
    dye stuffs used by, 220

  Dakota or Sioux Indians, notched sticks used by, for recording time,
        227
    system of chronology of, 265
    Ojibwa name for, 272
    tribal names of, 272
    mythic records of, 290-293
    Battiste Good’s record of, 293-328
    topographic representation by, 344-345
    tribal designations of, 383
    gentile designations of, 389-390
    superstition of, regarding tattoo, 395
    devices of, for personal names, 442-443, 459-460
    god Haokah of, 479-480
    thunder birds of, 483-485
    pictographs of, connected with thunder-bird myth, 486
    shamanism or medicine-making of, 493-495
    fetiches of, 501, 503
    ceremonial colors of, 512
    burial scaffolds of, 518-519
    commemoration of dead by, 523
    pictographs of, relating to customs, hunting, war, etc., 534-537,
        539-540
    games of, 547
    records of expeditions by, 552-554
    records of notable events by, 567-570
    records in general by, 576, 578-581
    ideographic records by, 585-605
    mourning ceremony of, 629
    war color of, 631
    significant use of color by various tribes of, 633-634
    pictographs for gesture signs of, 639-641
    conventional devices of, for peace, war, chief, counsel, plenty of
        food, famine, starvation, horses, horse-stealing, kill and
        death, shot, 650-661
    composite forms in pictographs of, 735-736
    painted robes of, 747
    distinctive dress, ornaments, and weapons of, 751-753
    drawings of, 756

  Dakota language, translation made from Teton dialect of, XIX
    work on, XIX

  Davenport tablets, the, 764-765

  Davidson, William C., vases donated by, XXI

  Dayaks, tattooing among, 413

  Dead mountain, Nevada, petroglyphs at, 95

  Deaf, pictographs for, 587

  Death valley, California, petroglyphs in, 60-61

  Declaration of war pictographically represented, 358-359

  Denison, James S., communication from, 105

  Dellenbaugh, F. S., drawings by, 51

  Departure and return, Algonquian pictographic notice of, 330

  Depuch island, Australia, petroglyphs on, 162-163

  Desgodins, Pere, Mo-so manuscript copied by, 673-674

  Dighton rock, Massachusetts, descriptions of, 86-87, 762-764

  Direction, pictographic notices of, 334

  Direction indicated by drawing topographic features, 341-347

  Director, report of, III-XXX

  Disease, pictographic representation of, 588-590

  Dorsey, J. Owen, work of, XVIII-XIX
    cited concerning Omaha names, 92
    report by, on use of colors by Osage Indians, 221
    explanation of Osage records by, 251
    notes on Indian personal names by, 446

  Douglas, Prof., remarks by, on cup sculptures, 198

  Downing, Alfred, petroglyphs described by, 123

  Drawing, instruments for, 219

  Drums, magic, 514-517

  Duck river, Tennessee, petroglyphs on, 114

  Dutch, of Brazil, petroglyphs attributed to, 150

  Dwellings, pictographs of, 719-722


  E.

  Eakins, D. W., customs of Muskoki Indians described by, 258

  Earth, pictographs on, 210-212

  Easter island, Oceanica, petroglyphs in, 169-171

  Eclipse of the sun, pictographs of, 722

  Effigy mounds, 212

  Egypt, petroglyphs in, 179-180

  Egyptians (ancient), symbols of deities of, 466
    mourning ceremonies of, 631
    symbolic color of, 634
    symbolic characters of, 642, 643, 645

  El Paso county, Texas, Indian map on rock in, 344

  El Paso del Norte, Texas, petroglyphs near, 115

  Emblems, use of, in early and modern times, 376-373
    signification of, 610-611

  Emmert, John W., work of, XI, XII

  Enchanted mountain, Georgia, petroglyphs in, 76

  England, turf monuments in, 172-173

  Épone, France, petroglyphs in, 175-176

  Escamela, Mexico, stone of the giants at, 133

  Escondido, California, petroglyphs near, 62-63

  Esopus, New York, petroglyphs at, 98

  Espanola, New Mexico, petroglyphs near, 97

  Esquimau tattooing, 392-396

  Esselen vocabulary obtained, XV

  Europe, petroglyphs in, 171-178

  Expenditures during the year, XXX

  Extra-limital petroglyphs, 161-188


  F.

  Face decoration by Indian women of Bay of Chaleur, 220

  Fairy rocks, Kejimkoojik lake, Nova Scotia, inscriptions on, 38-42

  Fancher, G. L., pottery donated by, XXI-XXII

  Fast, pictograph for, 590

  Fayette county, Pennsylvania, glyphs from Indian grave in, 112

  Fear, pictograph for, 590-591

  Feathers and quills, pictographs on, 207-208

  Featherstonhaugh, Thomas, Indian relics donated by, XXII

  Feet and tracks, human and animal, pictographs of, 715-716

  Fictile fabrics, pictographs on, 215

  Field work, X-XVII

  Financial statement, XXX

  Finke river, Australia, petroglyphs on, 162

  Florida chief, Satouriona, tattoo of, 393

  Florida Indians, declaration of war by, 359
    decorative painting by, 619

  Flower messages of Turks and Persians, 368

  Fauna, delineation of, 749

  Fool creek canyon, Utah, pictographs at, 117

  Forsyth county, Georgia, petroglyphs in, 76

  Fort Washakie, Wyoming, petroglyphs near, 129-130

  Fort Wrangell, Alaska, petroglyphs near, 47

  Fowke, Gerard, work of, XI

  France, petroglyphs in, 175-177
    emblems on tombstones in, 524
    gambling pebbles from, 549-550

  Fremont, Samuel, aid by, XVIII-XIX

  French Acadians, story of, told by Louis Labrador, 42
    defeat of, at Port Royal, 42

  Freshet, pictograph for, 591-592

  Frost, L. L., pictographs reported by, 69

  Fulton, R. L., petroglyphs described by, 92-95


  G.

  Galibis, natives of South America, appointment notices of, 257

  Games pictured, 547-550

  Garden rock, Asheville, North Carolina, 99

  Gaston, Oregon, petroglyphs, near, 105

  Gatschet, Albert S., work of, XVII, XIX
    petroglyphs reported by, 105
    report by, on coloring matter used by Klamath Indians, 221
    on use of colors by Pueblos, 624

  Geneva Picture rock, Pennsylvania, 111

  Gentile and clan designations, 388-391

  Georgia, petroglyphs in, 76

  German swordmaker’s marks, 446

  German sketches (mediaeval) compared with Apache drawings, 740

  Gesture and posture signs depicted, 637-642

  Giant bird Kaloo, myth of, 472-473

  Giant petroglyph, England, 173

  Gibbs, George, petroglyphs described by, 123

  Gila river, Arizona, pictographs on, 49

  Gila river valley, Arizona, petroglyphs in, 51

  Gilbert, G. K., communication by, 48
    petroglyphs described by, 50
    drawings by, 77
    inscriptions copied and described by, 116, 117
    petroglyphs described by, 329

  Gill, De Lancey W., aid by, XXI
    acknowledgment to, 30

  Glooscap, hero-god of Abnaki, 469-470, 473

  Gods of Abnaki presiding over petroglyphs, 32

  Good, pictograph for, 592

  Gourds, pictographs on, 208-209

  Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa investigated, XIII

  Grave Creek stone, the, 761-762

  Grave posts, Algonquian, 517-518

  Great Britain and Ireland, petroglyphs in, 171-173

  Greek mnemonic device, 226

  Greenland Innuit tattoo, 392

  Greenland native map, 346

  Guadeloupe, petroglyphs in, 139

  Guatemala, petroglyphs in, 142

  Guatemalan Indians, symbols used by, 614-615
    mourning color of, 630
    colors for social distinction of, 633
    priest of, 431
    gesture signs of, 647-648

  Guiana, petroglyphs in, 144-147

  Guiana Indians, superstition of, 146
    appointment notices of, 257-258
    name-system of, 444-445
    painting of body by, 620

  Gypsy notice of direction, 340


  H.

  Haida Indians, demon of, 47
    basket work of, 217
    pictographs by, 217
    tattoo of, 396-405
    myths of, 477-478, 479
    thunder-birds of, 485
    gambling sticks of, 547-548
    totem post of, 684-685
    composite forms in pictographs, 737

  Haiti, religious and ceremonial use of color in, 628

  Hamats, custom of biting among, 407

  Handkerchief rock, Tazewell county, Virginia, 122

  Hallock, Charles, cited, 33
    pictographs reported by, 90
    pictographs described by, 42, 43
    petroglyphs reported by, 116

  Harpeth river, Tennessee, petroglyphs on, 114, 115

  Hawaii, account books used by natives of, 226-227

  Healdsburg, California, petroglyphs near, 69

  Henshaw, H. W., work of, XIV-XV, XVIII, XXI

  Hewitt, J. N. B., work of, XVII, XX
    on etymology of Iroquoian word for war mattress, 555

  Hidatsa Indians, instruments for pictography used by, 218, 219
    paintings by, on robes or skins, 219
    use of notched sticks by, for recording time, 227
    tribal designation of, 384
    pictographic notices by, 336-337
    map made by, 342
    individual designations of, 424

  Hidatsa Indians, exploit marks of, 437-440
    pictographs of hunting and fruit-gathering by, 533-534
    record of chief of, 581

  High, pictograph for, 592-593

  Hill, Edwin A., petroglyphs reported by, 97

  Hillers, J. K., work of, XXIII
    pictograph copied by, 353

  Hindoo and Egyptian symbol, lotus flower, 618

  Hindu women, superstition of, 196

  Hindu pictographs in rice flour, 211

  Hindustan, cup sculptures in, 196

  Hinman, S. D., classification of pictography by, 204
    pictorial roster obtained by, 420

  History, pictographic methods of recording, 551-570

  Hittite emblems of sound, 662-664

  Hoddentin used by Zuñi Indians, 221

  Hoffman, W. J., work of, XIII, XIV, XVIII
    acknowledgments to, 30
    rock paintings reported and described by, 52-53, 56, 60, 64, 71-72,
        99-100
    petroglyphs described and copied by, 106, 109, 121, 127
    report by, on Hualpai Indians, 221
    report by, on Indian mnemonic devices, 223
    information furnished by, 358
    report by, on Ojibwa Grand Medicine Society, 626-627

  Hog island, Maine, petroglyphs on, 83

  Holman, Paul, report by, concerning pictographs, 49

  Holmes, William H., work of, X, XXI
    petroglyphs copied and described by, 88-89
    paper by, mentioned, 209, 211
    rock sculptures described by, 475

  Holston river, Tennessee, petroglyphs on, 115

  Hopi Indians, game of, 548-549

  Howitt, A. W., pictographs described by, 219

  Hualpai Indians, decoration of body by, 226

  Huaytara, Peru, petroglyphs in, 156

  Hubbell collection of ancient Indian pottery examined and photographed,
   XVII

  Hudson Bay Indians, significant use of color by, 634

  Human body, pictographs on, 205

  Human form, pictographs of, 703-716
    Head and face, 707-711;
    hand, 711-715;
    feet, 715, 716.

  Humboldt county, Nevada, petroglyphs in, 95

  Huron Indians, wampum messages of, 229
    method of recording used by, 257
    declaration of war by, 358
    tattooing of, 393-394
    conventional war tokens of, 652


  I.

  Idaho, petroglyphs in, 77, 680

  Ideography, 583-648
    preliminary remarks on, 583-584
    progressive stages of, 584

  Illinois, petroglyphs in, 77-80

  Illinois river, petroglyphs on, 79-80

  Imitations and forced interpretations of pictographs, 764-767

  Independence stone, Ohio, 102

  India, petroglyphs in, 186
    cup sculptures in, 196-198
    declaration of war by natives of, 361
    tattooing in, 413

  Indian god rock, Pennsylvania, 109-110

  Indian personal names, work on, XIX

  Indian physiognomy, work on, XXIII

  Individual designation, 419-460

  Individual achievements, signs of, 433-441

  Innuit Indians, instruments used by, for carving on bone, 218
    method of keeping accounts of, 264
    pictograph of whale hunting by, 531

  Inscription rock, El Moro, New Mexico, 96

  Insignia or tokens of authority, 419-433

  Interpretation, means of, 745-758

  Invitation sticks, 364-366

  Iowa, petroglyphs in, 80

  Iroquoian bibliography, work on, XX

  Iroquois Indians, war post of, 227
    use of wampum beads by, 228-230
    tribal designations of, 377-378
    tattoo designs of, 394
    insignia of chiefs of, 419
    record of battles by, 554-555
    military terms of, 555
    record of events by, 575-576
    illustration of prisoner by, 600
    conventional devices of, for dead men and death, 660-661

  Instruments by which pictographs are made, 218-222

  Ireland, petroglyphs in, 171
    cup sculptures in, 194

  Italy, petroglyphs in, 178

  Itamaraca, rock of, Brazil, 151-152


  J.

  Japan, petroglyphs in, 185-186

  Japanese, mnemonic devices of, 226
    letter-writing of, 368
    mourning colors of, 631

  Java, symbolic colors of the cardinal points in, 625

  Jebu messages of complaint, 374-375

  Jĕssakkī'd curing disease, 254

  Johnson, G. K., pottery donated by, XXI

  Johnson, Willard D., pictographs reported by, 77

  Jones, C. C., vessels donated by, XXI


  K.

  Kaibab (Arizona) Indians, personal names of, 444

  Kaiowa Indians, tribal designations of, 384
    gourd pictograph by, 208-209
    emblem of, 613

  Kalosh (Alaska) Indians, graves of, 524

  Kanawha, West Virginia, petroglyphs at, 34

  Kanawha river, West Virginia, petroglyphs on, 125

  Kansas, petroglyphs in, 80-81

  Karánkawa vocabulary obtained, XVII

  Kauder, Christian, works of, in Micmac language, 667-670

  Keam, Thomas V., rock drawings reported by, 50
    on ceremonial use of colors by Moki Indians, 623

  Keam’s Canyon, Arizona, rock drawings in, 50
    ideographic petroglyphs in, 604, 605

  Kei (or Arue) islands, Oceanica, petroglyphs in, 167-168

  Kekeewin and kekeenowin, definition of, 35

  Kentucky, petroglyphs in, 81

  Kejimkoojik lake, Nova Scotia, work on pictographs at, XII
    inscribed rocks at, 38-42
    mythic petroglyphs at, 468-487
    drawings at, 740-749

  Kickapoo Indians, mnemonic songs of, 250

  Kickapoo (Shawnee) prophet, 508-509

  Kinahan, G. H., cup sculptures described by, 194

  Kítshi Man'idō, Ojibwa mythic personage, 255

  Kiwach, myth of, 473

  Klamath language, work on, XIX

  Klamath Indians, coloring matter used by, 221
    tattoo of, 406

  Knotted cords and objects tied, 223-227

  Ktá-i Tupákshi (Standing Rock), Oregon, 106

  Kwakiutl Indians, British Columbia, totemic carvings of, 391
    tattoo of, 407
    myth of, 479


  L.

  Labrador, ethnologic work in, XXIV

  La Crosse, Wisconsin, copies made of pictographs near, XIV

  La Flesche, Francis, petroglyphs described by, 91-92

  Lake of the Woods, Manitoba, petroglyphs on, 43

  Lake Superior, Wisconsin, petroglyphs on, 126
    painting of body by Indians on, 620

  Lake Tyrrell, Australia, pictograph on bark from, 222

  Las Flechas, Mexico, petroglyph at, 181

  Layton, Pennsylvania, petroglyphs at, 111

  Lean, pictograph for, 593-594

  Lean Wolf, a Hidatsa chief, drawings by, 342, 424

  Leland, Charles G., communication from, 346

  Lightning, gesture signs and symbols for, 701-702

  Lisières, France, petroglyph in, 177

  Little, pictograph for, 594-595

  Little Bighorn, battle of, 563-566

  Little Coal river, West Virginia, petroglyphs on, 125

  Little Indian rock, Pennsylvania, 106, 107

  Little Standing Buffalo, aid by, XIX

  Lolos of China, written characters of, 674

  Lone, pictograph for, 595-596

  Lone Dog, Winter Count of, 266, 273-287

  Lone Butte, Nevada, petroglyphs on, 92

  Los Angeles, California, mnemonic devices of Indians of, 223

  Los Letreros, Canary islands, petroglyphs of, 183-185

  Lower California, rock paintings in, 131
    petroglyphs in, 683


  M.

  MacDonnell, Australia, petroglyphs in, 161

  Machias bay, Maine, rock inscriptions at, 34

  Machiasport, Maine, petroglyphs in, 81-83

  Madeira and Mamoré rivers, Brazil, petroglyphs on, 152-155

  Magiguadavic river, Maine, rock carvings on, 32

  Mahadeo, Hindu god, worship of, 196-198

  Maine, work on pictographs in, XII
    petroglyphs in, 81-83

  Malay natives, tattooing of, 412

  Malecite Indians, birch-bark pictographs of, XII-XIII

  Mallery, Garrick, work of, XII-XIII, XVIII
    notice and summary of paper on picture writing by, XXVI-XXX
    paper on picture writing of the American Indians by, 1-807

  Mandan Indians, oracle stone of, 32
    tribal designations of, 385
    signs of exploit worn by warriors of, 436
    decorative painting of body by, 619-620

  Mangaia, tattooing in, 413

  Manitoba, petroglyphs in, 43-44

  Manti, Utah, petroglyphs at, 117-118

  Maori Indians, genealogical board of, 228

  Maryland, petroglyphs in, 83-86

  Maco manuscript, 673-674

  Many, pictograph for, 596

  Mason, Charles S., drawings furnished by, 77

  Massachusetts, petroglyphs in, 86-87

  Materials by which pictographs are made, 218-222

  Mato-Sapa (Black Bear), chart made by, 268

  Matthews, Washington, cited, 210
    on ceremonial use of colors by Navajo, 623

  Maya Indians, gesture signs of, 645-647
    symbolic characters of, 645
    written characters of, 756

  McCall’s Ferry, Pennsylvania, petroglyphs at, 108

  McChesney, Charles E., account of battle of Little Bighorn by, 563

  McWhorter, L. V., petroglyphs reported by, 126

  Meath county, Ireland, cairn in, 171-172

  Medicine-arrow, pictographs of, 503

  Medicine-man, pictographs of, 463, 464, 466

  Megaque’s last battle, 560-561

  Menomoni Indians, myth of, 481
    grave posts of, 521-522

  Merriam, C. Hart, petroglyph photographed by, 61

  Merriam, Col. Henry C., petroglyphs described by, 122-123

  Message sticks, 369-371

  Meteors, pictographs of, 722-724

  Mexican Emperor Ahuitzotzin, pictograph for, 134-135

  Mexican Indians, method of preparing accounts by, 264
    military insignia of, 431-432
    personal names of, 460
    mythic figure of (Ahuitzotl), 488
    superstition of, 500
    customs of, pictographically illustrated, 542-547
    hieroglyphic record of, 567
    ideographic illustration of small-pox by, 589
    ideographic illustration of snow by, 606
    symbols of, 613-614, 644
    symbolic colors for cardinal points, 625
    color in the codices of, 636
    conventional pictograph of, 656

  Mexican and Central American pictorial writing, 665

  Mexico, petroglyphs in, 131-136
    Aztec inscription from, 133-134

  Micmac Indians, work on pictographs of, XII
    birch-bark pictographs by, 201
    rock scratchings of, imitated, 218
    notice of direction by, 341
    pictographs of fishing by, 530-531
    tribal emblems of, 379
    insignia dress and masks of, 424-429
    medicine lodges of, 509-511
    mourning colors of, 629
    hieroglyphics of, 666-671
    catechism of, 667-668
    Lord’s prayer, as written by, 669
    various printed words of, 670

  Middleton, James D., work of, XI
    petroglyphs reported by, 80, 81

  Midé lodges, ceremonies of, 508

  Mide rites, birch-bark roll of, 202-203

  Midē'wiwin, or Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa, investigated,
        XIII
    ceremonial chant of, 232-246
    migration record of, 566, 567

  Millsboro, Pennsylvania, petroglyphs at, 110

  Minabozho, tradition of, 252

  Mindeleff, Cosmos, work of, XXII-XXIII

  Mindeleff, Victor, work of, XVII, XXI, XXII
    description of Pueblo prayer ceremonies by, 511
    on ceremonial use of colors by Pueblo Indians, 622

  Minitari, Gros Ventre, or Hidatsa tribal designations, 384

  Minneconjou myth, 482

  Minnesota, petroglyphs in, 87-90

  Minnesota valley, traditions concerning rock inscriptions in, 34

  Mississippi river, signals of peace by Indians on, 361

  Mnemonic picture writing, 223-264

  Moghar, Algeria, petroglyphs at, 178-180

  Modoc women, tattoo of, 406

  Modoc war color, 631

  Mojave desert, California, petroglyph in, 61

  Mohave Indians, inscriptions by, 95
    pigments used by, 221
    tattoo of women of, 406
    painting of body by, 620

  Moki Indians, notices on rocks by, 329-330
    mythic drawings by, 488, 506
    ceremonial by priests of, 512
    ceremonial use of colors by, 623-624, 628
    conventional device of, for rain and symbol of Aloseka, 662
    gesture signs of, 643
    devices of, 746 748

  Mongols, magic drums of, 514-517

  Montana, pictured rocks in, 90

  Mooney, James, work of, XV-XVI, XIX, XXI
    petroglyphs reported by, 99
    pictograph described by, 208
    on use of colors by Cherokees, 624, 634

  Morgantown, West Virginia, petroglyphs near, 124-125

  Mormons, petroglyph near Manti, Utah, as interpreted by, 118

  Mortuary practices, 517-527

  Mosher, Lieut., petroglyphs reported by, 51

  Mosman, Mrs. A. T., clay articles loaned by, XXII

  Mound canyon, Arizona, petroglyphs in, 51

  Mound explorations, work in, X-XI, XXII

  Much, pictograph for, 596

  Muskhogean bibliography, work on, XX

  Muskoki Indians, numeration marks of, 258

  Myths and mythic animals pictured, 468-490


  N.

  Naqómqilis (Wakashan) Indians, pictographs by, 213

  Najowe valley, California, petroglyphs in, 65-68

  Nambé, New Mexico, petroglyph at, 98

  Names, Indian personal, work on, XIX

  Nasquapees of Labrador, notices of direction, etc. by, 340
    birch bark, letter by, 341

  Natchez Indians, method of recording appointment by, 257
    declaration of war by, 358
    ceremonial use of color by, 628

  Navajo Indians, work among, XVIII
    sand paintings of, 210-211
    ceremonial use of colors by, 623-624

  Nebraska, petroglyphs in, 90-92

  Negation, gesture sign for, 644

  Nelson, E. W., petroglyphs described by, 60-61

  Nevada, petroglyphs in, 92-96

  Newark, Ohio, fraudulent inscribed stones from, 760

  Newark Track rock, Ohio, 101-102

  New Brunswick, work in, XII-XIII

  New Caledonia, drawings from, 743

  Newcombe, Cyrus F., petroglyphs reported by, 72

  New Guinea, tattooing of Papuans in, 411-412
    scarification in, 417
    mourning colors used in, 630

  New Hebrides, tattooing in, 418

  New Mexico, petroglyphs in, 96-98, 353, 682

  New York, petroglyphs in, 98-99

  New Zealand, petroglyphs in, 165-167
    tattooing in, 409-410
    grave effigies in, 525-526
    religious and ceremonial use of color in, 627-628
    wood carvings in, 685-686

  Nez Percé vocabulary obtained, XIV

  Nicaragua, petroglyphs in, 141, 686

  Nicobarese mortuary tablet, 527

  Night, signs and symbols for, 699-700

  Nikari-Karu Indians of Guiana, mnemonic device of, 226

  Nipigon bay, Ontario, pictograph on, 42-43

  Nootka or Aht Indians, at Vancouver island, British Columbia, 44
    legend of, 44
    tattoo of, 407

  Normocs, tattoo of, 407

  Norris, P. W., petroglyphs reported by, 87, 125
    pictographs obtained by, 459

  North America, petroglyphs in, 37-140
    tattoo in, 392-407

  North Carolina, linguistic work in, XV-XVI
    petroglyphs in, 99-101
    war color of Indians in, 632

  Notched or marked sticks, 227-228

  Notices, pictographic forms of, 329-357

  Nova Scotia, work on pictographs in, XII
    petroglyphs in, 37-42

  Numeration, 258-259

  Nye county, Nevada, inscribed rock in, 94


  O.

  Oakley spring, Arizona, petroglyphs at, 329-330

  Obscure, pictograph for, 597

  Oceanica, petroglyphs in, 165-171

  Odanah, Ojibwa village, Wisconsin, 126

  Oglala, Dakota, individual designation of, 424

  Oglala roster, 420-424
    description and history of, 420-421
    pictographs from, 641, 642, 652

  Ohio, petroglyphs in, 101-104

  Ojibwa Indians, work among, XIII
    concentric circles used as symbols by, 199-200
    hieroglyphic writing of, 202
    pictographs on copper by, 212-213
    birch-bark pictographs of, 213
    instruments for birch-bark pictographs used by, 218
    instruments for drawing on wood used by, 219
    wampum belt of, 230
    ceremonial songs of, 232-250
    songs of Midēwiwin, 232-246
    song for Metai or medicine hunting, 246-250
    musical notation of, 250
    Midē records of, 252-255
    tradition of, concerning origin of Indians, 255-256
    birch-bark record of treaty by, 256-257
    notice of direction used by, 337-338
    illustration of battlefield by, 342
    topographic signs employed by, 345
    notice of condition by, 347
    notice of warning by, 353
    declaration of peace by, 360
    letter-writing by, 362-363
    invitation sticks of, and ceremony of invitation and acceptance,
        365-366
    summons to Midē ceremony of, 367
    tribal designation of, 385
    tattooing of women of, 395
    shamanism of, 466-467, 474, 475, 495-496
    manidos, or spirits, illustrated by, 480
    mythic wild cats illustrated by, 481-482
    thunder-birds represented by, 487
    hunting records of, 532, 538
    records of battle by, 556-557, 559-660
    record of migration of, 566-567
    biographical record of, 577-578
    ideographic illustrations by, 586-605
      Bad, 586;
      sickness, 590;
      fear, 591;
      great, 596;
      see, 601;
      cold, snow, 605.
    ceremonial use of colors by, 626-627
    conventional devices of, 653
    devices of, for life and death, 660
    tribal and national emblems of, 747
    weapons of, 753
    drawings of, 757-758

  Ojo de Benado, New Mexico, petroglyphs at, 97-98

  Ojo Pescado, New Mexico, petroglyphs near, 97

  Oliver, Alice M., aid by, XVII

  Omaha Indians, personal names of, list obtained, XIX
    tribal designations of, 385
    tattoo designs of, 395
    insignia worn by police of, 420
    record of war expeditions by, 552
    ceremonial colors used by, 625, 628

  Onas, Mohawk name for William Penn, 443

  Oneida, Idaho, petroglyphs in, 77

  Onontio, Iroquois name for governor of Canada, 443

  Ontario, petroglyphs in, 42-43

  Opposition, pictograph for, 597-598

  Oregon, petroglyphs in, 104-106

  Origin of Indians, tradition of, 255-256

  Orongo Indians of Easter island, houses of, 169

  Osage Indians, coloring matter used by, 221
    mythic tradition and chart of, 251-252
    practice of tattoo by, 394
    mourning custom of, 519
    war color of, 632
    colors used by, for social or military distinction, 633

  Ottawa Indians, instruments used by, for birch-bark pictographs, 218
    pictograph by, 529-530

  Ottawa and Pottawatomie Indians, pictographic notices by, 350

  Owens valley, California, petroglyphs in, 56-60


  P.

  Pacific coast, tattoo on, 396-407

  Passamaquoddy Indians, pictographs of, examined, XII
    shop accounts of, 259-262
    pictographic notice of direction by, 339-340
    pictographic notice of condition, or wikhegan by, 347-350
    wikhegan, or message to the President from, 367
    tribal emblem of, 378-379
    birch-bark drawing by, 474
    record of battle by, 560-561
    conventional device of, 652

  Painted caves, Crocket county, Texas, 116

  Painted rock, Indian personal name, 35

  Painting upon robes or skins, 219

  Painting on the human body, 618-619

  Paint rock, North Carolina, petroglyphs on, 99-101

  Pai Ute Indians, in Owens valley, California, 60
    topographic illustration by, 342, 343

  Palestine, cup sculptures in, 198

  Papuans, notice of warning by, 357
    mourning colors of, 630

  Parsons, F. H., aid by, XXI

  Partridge creek, Arizona, petroglyphs on, 50

  Passés Indians of Brazil, dyes used by, 222

  Pawnee Indians, pictographs on wood by, 214
    tribal designations of, 386
    medicine arrow of, pictographically represented, 503

  Pawnee Loup Indians, notice of war party by, 336

  Peach Springs, Arizona, petroglyphs near, 50

  Pedra Lavrada, Brazil, 157

  Peace and friendship, profession of, pictographically represented,
        359-362

  Peale, A. C., aid by, XXI

  Penn wampum belt, history of, 231

  Pennsylvania, petroglyphs in, 106-113, 678

  Penobscot Indians, pictographs by, examined, XII
    vocabulary of, obtained, XVII
    notice of direction by, 338-339
    tribal emblem of, 379

  Piasa rock, near Alton, Illinois, description of, 77-79
    definition of name, 78

  Pictorial tribal designations, 377-388

  Pictographs of Abnaki and Micmac Indians examined, XII, XIII

  Pictographs on stone, imitated, 218

  Pictographs in alphabets, 674-675

  Pictured cave near La Crosse, Wisconsin, copies made of pictographs
        at, XIV

  Picture writing of the American Indians, notice and summary of paper
        on, XXVI-XXX
    paper by Garrick Mallery on, 1-807

  Piedra Pintada (Painted rock) creek canyon, Colorado, petroglyphs
        in, 72

  Piegan Indians, notice by, 356

  Pilling, James C., work of, X, XX

  Pinart, Alphonse, pictographs reported by, 62

  Pipestone, Minnesota, petroglyphs copied at, XIII, 87-88

  Piute Creek, California, pictographs at, 62

  Piute map of Colorado river, 342

  Plains tribes, notices by, 340

  Plancarte, F., Indian relics donated by, XXII

  Playsanos Indians of California, gravestones of, 519

  Pokinsquss, myth of, 469-470

  Polynesia, tattooing in, 408

  Ponka Indians, personal names of, XIX
    tribal designations of, 386-387

  Pontiac, wampum belt of, 230

  Pope, George, petroglyphs described by, 117

  Portsmouth, Rhode Island, petroglyphs at, 113

  Possession, pictographic signs for, 598

  Potomac river valley, work on pottery of, XXI

  Pottawatomie Indians, mnemonic songs of, 250

  Pottery of the Potomac valley, work on, XXI

  Powell, J. W., work of, XVIII
    cited, concerning Indian personal names, 444

  Powhatan tribes of Virginia, work on, XX

  Powhatan, deerskin mantle of, 209

  Prairie du Rocher, Illinois, petroglyphs near, 80

  Prayer sticks, 508-509

  Praying beads of Buddhists, 226

  Prisoners, Indian treatment of, 552
    ideographically represented, 598-600

  Provo river, Utah, petroglyphs on, 117

  Profession of peace and friendship, 359-362

  Property, division of, among North American Indians, 441

  Property marks, 441-442

  Proudfit, S. V., pottery from the Potomac valley loaned by, XXII

  Publications issued and distributed during the year, X

  Pueblo architecture, work on, XXII
    models of, prepared, XXII-XXIII

  Pueblo Indians of New Mexico map made by, 341
    cosmology of, 467-468
    prayer ceremonies of, 511
    ceremonial use of colors by, 624
    colors for war and peace used by, 631

  Pueblo pottery, coloring of, 220

  Puerto Cabello, Venezuela, sculptured rock near, 147-148

  Puerto Rico, petroglyphs in, 136-137

  Puget Sound, Washington, pictographs found on, 214

  Pyramid lake, Nevada, petroglyphs at, 92


  Q.

  Quick, J. H., petroglyphs described by, 90-91

  Quipu, a mnemonic device of Indians of Peru and Guiana, 224-226


  R.

  Rain, gesture signs and symbols for, 701

  Rattlesnake rock, Mojave desert, California, 61

  Record of expedition, battle, migration, and other notable events,
        552-570

  Red Cloud’s census, description and history of, 445-447
    pictographs from, 390-391, 421-423, 463-465, 486, 494, 534-535,
        585-598, 639-641, 652, 653, 657

  Red Horse petroglyph, England, 173

  Red lake, Minnesota, birch-bark record obtained at, XIII, 252

  Religion, pictographs concerning, 461-527
    general discussion and classification, 461-527

  Religious ceremonies, 505-517

  Reno, Nevada, petroglyphs in, 95

  Reveillé, Nye county, Nevada, inscribed rocks in, 94

  Reynolds, Henry L., work of, XI, XXII
    pottery from Potomac valley, loaned by, XXII

  Rhode Island, petroglyphs in, 113

  Riggs, S. R., editorial work on manuscript left by, XIX

  Rio Mancos, Colorado, petroglyphs on, 73-74

  Rio Negro, Brazil, petroglyphs on, 152

  Roche Percé, Souris river, Manitoba, 43

  Rock creek, Colorado, petroglyphs on, 72

  Rock-paintings, Indian superstition concerning, 466-467

  Rockhill, W. W., notice of Paul Vial’s work by, 674

  Rocky Dell creek, New Mexico, rock paintings at, 96

  Rock hill, California, petroglyphs on, 52

  Rogers, Charles, remarks by, on cup sculptures, 200

  Romans, custom of tattooing among, 408
    emblems of, 525, 618
    ceremonial use of color by, 628-629

  Rowe canyon, Arizona, petroglyphs in, 356-357

  Running Antelope, Dakota chief, biography by, 571-575

  Russell, I. C., pictographs sketched by, 117


  S.

  Sac Indians, mourning ceremonies of, 518-629
    conventional devices of, 658

  Sacred rock paintings, 466-467

  Salish Indians, work on language of, XXIII
    tattoo among, 407
    funeral customs of, 524
    mourning colors of, 630

  Samoa, tattooing in, 410-411

  Samoyed message of demand, 375

  Sand, pictographs on, 210-212

  San Antonio springs, New Mexico, petroglyphs at, 97

  San Bernardino, California, pictographs reported near, 62

  San Diego county, California, petroglyphs in, 63

  San Francisco mountain, Arizona, petroglyphs near, 48-49

  San Marcos pass, California, petroglyphs near, 64

  San Juan river, Colorado, petroglyphs near, 73
    petroglyphs on, 74-75

  Santa Barbara, California, coloring matter of pictographs in, 221

  Santa Lucia Cosumalhuapa, Guatemala, sculptures of, 226

  Sapiel Selmo, Passamaquoddy chief, 338

  Satsika (Blackfeet) Indians, insignia of Tail Bearer of, 429
    societies of, 528-529

  Sawyer, Wells M., acknowledgments to, 30

  Scandinavian colors for war and peace, 635

  Scarification, 416-418

  Schoolcraft, Henry R., exaggerated accounts of Ojibwa pictographs by, 202

  Scotland, cup sculptures in, 193

  Scythian declaration of war, 362

  Seeman, Berthold, remarks by, on cup sculptures, 193-194

  Serpent, pictographs of, 476-477
    emblematic use of, 617

  Serrano Indians of California, property marks of, 441
    face mark of, 621

  Shafer, P. W., pictographs published by, 106-10

  Shaman, definition of term, 490-499

  Shamanism, 490-500

  Shastika Indian women, face decoration of, 220

  Shawnees, battle of, with Cherokees, 122

  Shells, pictographs on, 209-210

  Shinumo canyon, Arizona, petroglyphs in, 51-121

  Short, pictographs for, 600

  Shoshoni Indians, petroglyphs interpreted by, 128, 129
    use of notched sticks by, for recording time, 227
    pictographic notice of hunt by, 331
    pictographic notice of guidance by, 353-354
    tribal designations of, 387-388
    biographical record of, 578
    gesture signs of, for cold, 606
    petroglyphs by, 680-682

  Shuswap Indians of British Columbia, notices by, 340

  Siberia, use of knotted cords for mnemenic purposes in, 226
    petroglyphs in, 186-188
    tattooing in, 414

  Siberian and Tartar inscriptions, 188

  Sicasica, Peru, writings found at, 672

  Sierra Leone, scarification in, 417

  Sight, pictographs for, 600-601

  Signs, symbols, and emblems, 607-618
    classification of, 607-609

  Simons, A. B., clay articles loaned by, XXII

  Siouan dialects, work in, XIX

  Siouan family, divisions of, 272

  Sioux or Dakota Indians, paper prepared on camping circles of, XIX
    tribal designations of, 379-388
    origin of name of, 272
    message of, to Ojibwa, 360
    exploit marks of, 433-435
    sign of mourning of, 519
    cult societies of, 528
    record of battle by, 563-566
    mourning color, 629-630
    colors for victory used by, 632

  Six Nations, deed from, to King of Great Britain, 378

  Skins, pictographs on, 206-207

  Slow, pictographs for, 601

  Snanaimuq Indians, war paint of, 632

  Snow, pictographs for, 605-606

  Social and religious missives, 362-374

  Songs, order of, 231-250
    explanation of, 231-232

  Sonora, Mexico, petroglyphs in, 131, 749

  South Africa, petroglyphs in, 180-183

  South America petroglyphs in, 142-160
    tattoo in, 407

  South Carolina, war color of Indians in, 632

  South Dakota, petroglyphs in, 114

  South Sea Islanders, mnemonic devices of, 224

  Spain, petroglyphs in, 177-178

  Spaniards, ceremonial use of color by, 629

  Spanish and Brazilian petroglyphs, 690

  Special comparisons, 676-744

  Stephen. A. M., work of, XVII-XVIII

  Stevenson, James notice of death and biographic sketch of, XXIV-XXV
    on ceremonial use of colors by Zuñi, 623
    paper by, mentioned, 210

  Stone of the Giants, Mexico, 138

  Stone, pictographs on, 205-206

  Strings used for mnemonic purposes, 223

  Substances on which pictographs are made, 205-217

  Supernatural, symbols of the, 462-468

  Susanville, California, pictographs near, 69

  Swan, James G., contribution by, on tattoo, 402

  Sweden, petroglyphs in, 173-175

  Symbolism, development of, 609-610

  Symbols of the supernatural, 462-468

  Syllabaries and alphabets, 664-675
    development of, 664-665

  Syrian symbols, 616-618


  T.

  Taboo, 504-505

  Tall, pictograph for, 601-602

  Tallies or notched sticks, in Great Britain, 228

  Tamanaques Indians, legend of, 33

  Tartars, use of notched sticks as records by, 228
    notice of warning by, 357
    magic drums of, 514-517

  Tassin, A. G., drawing and explanation of petroglyphs by, 95

  Tattoo, significance of, 391-419
    use of, by ancient monarchs, 407-408
    in ancient Rome, 408
    among Arabs, 414
    summary of studies on, 418-419

  Taylor, H. R., sketch furnished and information communicated by, 82-83

  Tazewell County Virginia, petroglyphs in, 121-122

  Temple Creek canyon Utah, petroglyphs in, 116-117

  Tennessee, petroglyphs in, 114-115

  Tepumereme, Venezuela, sculptured rock of, 148

  Teocuauhxicalli, Mexican sculptured stone, 135-136

  Teton Dakota, translations made from dialect of, XIX
    insignia of police of, 419-420
    shield device of, 436

  Texas, petroglyphs in, 215-217

  Textile fabrics, pictographs on, 215-217

  The-Flame, winter count of, 268

  The-Swan, winter count of, 268

  Thlinkit (Tlinkit) Indians, shamanistic emblem of, 612-613
    war colors of, 632

  Thomas, Cyrus work of, X, XXI, XXII
    cited, 209
    on Mexican and Maya symbolic colors, 625

  Thompson, Gilbert, petroglyphs reported by, 92

  Thunder bird, pictographs of, 58, 479, 483-487
    Ojibwa, 58, 487;
    Kwakiutl, 479;
    Dakota, 483-485;
    Haida 485;
    Twana, 485;
    Micmac, 487;
    Venezuelan, 487;
    Haida, 399.

  Tibeto-China, mode of declaring war in, 359

  Time records of Apache Indians, 258-259

  Tiverton, Rhode Island, petroglyphs in, 113

  Tlalmanalco, Mexico, inscribed rock near, 132-133

  Topography represented in pictographs, 341-347

  Torres straits islanders, scarification of, 417

  Totemic system, explanation of, 388-389

  Totems, titles and names, 376-391

  Trade, pictographs for, 602

  Treaties, mnemonically recorded, 256-257

  Trees, pictographs on, 213

  Trempealeau, Wisconsin, petroglyphs at, 127, 128

  Truckee river, Nevada, petroglyphs on, 93

  Tsimshian Indians, pictograph by, 217
    tattoo of, 407
    secret societies and ceremonies of, 512

  Tuálati Indians, tradition of, 105

  Tule River agency, California, petroglyphs at, 52-56

  Turf monuments in England, 172-173, 212

  Turkish love letter, 368

  Turner, Lucien M., work of, XXIV

  Turner, H. W., petroglyphs described by, 52

  Tusayan pueblos, work among, XVII-XVIII

  Tuscarora Indians, legends obtained, XVII
    linguistic work among, XX

  Twana Indians, thunder bird of, 485
    war paint of, 632

  Tyout, Algeria, petroglyphs at, 178, 179


  U.

  Umatilla vocabulary obtained, XIV

  Unalaska, relics of art found in, 220

  Uncpapa Dakota, personal name, 445

  Union, pictographic signs for, 602, 603

  Utah, petroglyphs in, 116-121, 681

  Ute Indians, declaration of peace by, 360

  United States, petroglyphs in, 45-130

  United States of Colombia, petroglyphs in, 143, 144


  V.

  Vancouver island, British Columbia, petroglyphs on, 44-45

  Venezuela, petroglyphs in, 147-150
    cup-sculptures in, 195
    mythic pictographs in, 487
    color stamps used by Piaroas of, 621
    petroglyphs in, compared with Ojibwa and Shoshonean types, 688

  Voice and speech, pictographically illustrated, 717-719

  Victory, pictographic record of, 557-558

  Virginia, petroglyphs in, 121-122
    tattooed figures on Indians of, 393


  W.

  Wakashan Indians, pictographs by, 215

  Walker Lake, Nevada, petroglyphs near, 93

  Wall, J. Sutton pictographs described by, 110, 111
    pictographs copied by, 111

  Wampum used in treaty, 231
    forms and uses of, 228-231
    significance of colors in, 229, 230

  War, pictographic form of declaration of, 358, 359

  Warning and guidance, pictographic notices of, 353-357

  Washington, petroglyphs in, 122, 123

  Washington, Pennsylvania, petroglyph near, 109

  Washoe Indians in Nevada, 93

  Water, gesture signs for, 642-643

  Watterson’s ranch, Owens valley, Cal., petroglyphs at, 59

  Weasel girls, myth of, 471-472

  Webster, North Carolina, petroglyphs at, 99

  Wellsville, Ohio, petroglyphs near, 104

  West Indies, petroglyphs in, 136-140

  West Virginia, petroglyphs in, 124-126, 475, 676-678

  Whipple, Lieut., pictographs reported by, 61-62

  Whirlwind, pictographs for, 603-604

  White Earth reservation, Minnesota, work at, XIII
    Ojibwa Midē' ceremony at, 254

  White Horse petroglyphs, England, 172

  Whitney, Willard J., petroglyphs reported by, 62

  Wichita Indians, practice of tattoo by, 375

  Wikhegan, definition of, 35, 330

  Wilkesboro, North Carolina, petroglyphs at, 99

  Wind River valley, Wyoming, petroglyphs in, 128-129

  Winnebago personal names, list obtained, XIX

  Winnebago Indians, coloring matter used by, 221
    pictographic notice by, 334
    signs of exploit by, 440
    mythic animal of, 482
    record of battle by, 558-559
    mourning color of, 630

  Winslow, E., relation by, concerning Indian records, 250

  Winter, pictographs for, 605-606

  Winter counts of the Dakota Indians, 266-328
    history and explanation of, 266-273
    comparison of, 270
    pictographs from, 273-328, 380-387, 447-465, 494-495, 503, 523,
        535-538, 540, 547, 553-554, 561-562, 567-570, 578-581, 585-598,
        600-605, 634-642, 650-661, 716-717, 721, 751

  Wisconsin, petroglyphs in, 126-128

  Wood, pictographs on, 213-214

  Woodthorpe, Lieut.-Col., account of tribes in India by, 361

  Wright, Charles D., petroglyphs described by, 72-73

  Writing and drawing, original identity of, 664-665

  Wyoming, petroglyphs in, 128-130, 678-680


  Y.

  Yampais spring, Arizona, petroglyphs at, 50

  Yenesei river, Siberia, petroglyphs on, 186

  Yokut Indians, pictographs on baskets by, 217

  Young, William, cited, 378

  Yuma Indians, map of Colorado river by, 342
    religious ceremonies of, 505-507

  Yuris Indians of Brazil, dyes used by, 222


  Z.

  Zulu tattoo marks, 415-416

  Zuñi Indians, study of architecture of, XVII
    tally sticks of, 259
    sand paintings of, 210-211
    coloring materials used by, 221
    symbols used by, 612
    ceremonial use of color by, 623-624




Transcriber’s note


Illustrations have been moved next to the text to which they refer. Page
numbers in the list of Illustrations may not match their locations in
the eBook.

Plate headings have been standardised in the format: "BUREAU OF
ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. X"


The printed text used non-standard typography which could not be
replicated entirely in the eBook. In particular:

on p. 171, "∩" represents an inverted U symbol printed in the text;

on p. 172, the capital S in "S-shaped curve" was rotated 90 degrees;

on p. 185, the text beginning "“The inscriptions are cut" was printed on
a new line, but not indented;

on p. 252, the letter s in "Waↄiñʞa-ↄüʇse" and "uta¢a^nʇsi" was inverted;

on p. 417, "Λ" represents an inverted V symbol printed in the text;

on p. 708, the capital H in "The central H" was rotated 90 degrees.


The "remarks in smaller type" referred to on p. 232 are indented in the
eBook.

"e.g." has been regularised to "e. g."


The following printing errors have been corrected:

p. xviii "corret spondence" changed to "correspondence"

p. xxi "earthern" changed to "earthen"

p. xxiv "Congress of the United State." changed to "Congress of the
United States"

p. 6 "Petroglypps in Australia" changed to "Petroglyphs in Australia"

p. 11 "West Virgina" changed to "West Virginia"

p. 11 "dancers, bearing" changed to "dancers bearing"

p. 12 "San Marcos pass, California 62-67" changed to "San Marcos pass, California 62"

p. 12 "Washington, Pednsylvania" changed to "Washington, Pennsylvania"

p. 18 "Ah-ton-we-tuck" changed to "Ah-tón-we-tuck"

p. 18 "On-saw-kie" changed to "On-sáw-kie"

p. 18 "753. Scalped h ead. D akota" changed to "753. Scalped head.
Dakota"

p. 21 "1071. Life and death. Obijwa" changed to "1071. Life and death.
Ojibwa"

p. 27 "anthroplologic" changed to "anthropologic"

p. 39 "sharpely" changed to "sharply"

p. 42 "Mr Charles Hallock" changed to "Mr. Charles Hallock"

p. 55 "Fig. 14," changed to "Fig. 14."

p. 59 "Pls. VIII to IX" changed to "Pls. VIII to XI"

Plate VII "OWENS VALLEY CALIFORNIA." changed to "OWENS VALLEY,
CALIFORNIA."

pp. 69-70 "sand stone" changed to "sandstone"

p. 86 "inscriptian" changed to "inscription"

p. 90 "t e shape" changed to "the shape"

p. 95 "in the library of the of the" changed to "in the library of the"

p. 98 "Nambe" changed to "Nambé"

p. 101 "Fig 63 is" changed to "Fig. 63 is"

p. 101 "Fig. 63.--Newark" changed to "FIG. 63.--Newark"

p. 107 "excellant" changed to "excellent"

p. 111 "as Fig. 75" changed to "as Fig. 75."

p. 118 "Colorado river, only only" changed to "Colorado river, only"

p. 122 "stangely painted" changed to "strangely painted"

p. 123 "history of a a" changed to "history of a"

p. 123 "more less distinctly" changed to "more or less distinctly"

p. 139 "numbers in Oruba" changed to "numbers in Aruba"

p. 142 "that the beginning" changed to "than the beginning"

p. 143 "Mr A. L Pinart" changed to "Mr. A. L. Pinart"

p. 145 "Fig 1104" changed to "Fig. 1104"

p. 147 "religous" changed to "religious"

p. 147 (Illustration) "Fig. 107.--Sculptured" changed to "FIG.
107.--Sculptured"

p. 148 "insignificent" changed to "insignificant"

p. 156 "Cracara" changed to "Cracará"

p. 157 (Illustration) "Fig. 123.--Petroglyphs" changed to "FIG.
123.--Petroglyphs"

p. 159 (Illustration) "Fig. 126.--Petroglyphs" changed to "FIG.
126.--Petroglyphs"

p. 165 "peculiarty" changed to "peculiarity"

p. 166 "FIG 133." changed to "FIG. 133."

p. 168 (Illustration) "Fig. 124.--Petroglyphs" changed to "FIG.
124.--Petroglyphs"

p. 168 (Illustration) "Fig. 125.--Inscribed" changed to "FIG.
125.--Inscribed"

p. 172 "to cairn" changed to "to a cairn"

p. 176 "crypt of the of the" changed to "crypt of the"

p. 186 "the Yenisei river" changed to "the Yenesei river"

p. 187 "Chandeshwar, India" changed to "Chandeshwar, India."

p. 188 "733" changed to "723"

p. 195 "serves at its pendant" changed to "serves as its pendant"

p. 208 "Fig. 683" changed to "Fig. 685"

p. 209 "Ashmoleon" changed to "Ashmolean"

p. 219 "suppleness," changed to "suppleness."

p. 220 "corsair aspect”" changed to "corsair aspect.”"

p. 235 "Midē friends" changed to "Midē friends"

p. 236 "When he went" changed to "when he went"

p. 236 "Still represented" changed to "still represented"

p. 237 "Manidō, the Thunderer" changed to "Manidō, the Thunderer"

p. 241 "symbol of the Mīdē" changed to "symbol of the Midē"

p. 247 (Illustration) "FIG. 165--Song" changed to "FIG. 165.--Song"

p. 254 (Illustration) "FIG. 170--Minabozho." changed to "FIG.
170.--Minabozho."

p. 256 "FIG. 174 is copy" changed to "Fig. 174 is copy"

p. 257 "the drum used used" changed to "the drum used"

p. 257 "Chap. x, Sec. 2." changed to "Chap. x, Sec. 2)."

p. 260 "X cr 10" changed to "X or 10"

p. 262 (Illustration) "FIG. 180.--Bookaccount." changed to "FIG.
180.--Book account."

p. 265 "life time. one old man." changed to "life time, one old man."

p. 271 "1811-’02." changed to "1801-’02."

p. 274 "distingushed" changed to "distinguished"

p. 276 "Crow Feather was their" changed to "Crow-Feather was their"

p. 276 "bird portruding" changed to "bird protruding"

p. 281 "Th Sans Arcs" changed to "The Sans Arcs"

p. 283 "1851-52." changed to "1851-’52."

Plate XXI "A 901-930" changed to "A 901-930."

p. 290 "shall live." changed to "shall live.”"

p. 295 "Fig. 267,1710-’11." changed to "Fig. 267, 1710-’11."

p. 296 "who-was eagle-hunting" changed to "who-was-eagle-hunting"

p. 299 "each others movements." changed to "each other’s movements."

p. 301 "lodge and said." changed to "lodge and said,"

p. 302 "Omaha-horses winter." changed to "Omaha-horses winter.”"

p. 302 "Ventre winter." changed to "Ventre winter.”"

p. 302 "reverance" changed to "reverence"

p. 302 "Killed-two-Assiniboines" changed to "Killed-two-Assiniboins"

p. 304 "Assiniboins-came" changed to "“Assiniboins-came"

p. 305 "beef winter." changed to "beef winter.”"

p. 309 "Fig.339" changed to "Fig. 339"

p. 309 "Fig.340" changed to "Fig. 340"

p. 309 (Illustration) "Fig. 342" changed to "Fig. 342."

p. 310 (Illustration) "Fig. 343" changed to "Fig. 343."

p. 313 "name Don’t Eat-Buffalo-Heart" changed to "name
Don’t-Eat-Buffalo-Heart"

p. 317 "again-winter.”" changed to "again winter.”"

p. 317 "rotton-wood" changed to "rotten-wood"

p. 324 "the Blue-creek" changed to "the-Blue-creek"

p. 336 "topograpyh" changed to "topography"

p. 341 "winter quarters It" changed to "winter quarters. It"

p. 344 "topograpic features" changed to "topographic features"

p. 357 "Parauapanama" changed to "Paranapanama"

p. 359 "were supended" changed to "were suspended"

p. 359 "delare war" changed to "declare war"

p. 374 "Egyptain" changed to "Egyptian"

p. 374 "decribes" changed to "describes"

p. 377 "Ottowa" changed to "Ottawa"

p. 379 "familarly" changed to "familiarly"

p. 400 (Illustration) "Haida tattoo, dogfish" changed to "Haida tattoo,
dogfish."

p. 404 "kahatta" changed to "kahátta"

p. 412 (Illustration) "Tattooed Paupan" changed to "Tattooed Papuan"

p. 418 "14 to inspire" changed to "14, to inspire"

p. 420 "Big Road and his" changed to "Big-Road and his"

p. 425 "549.--Micmac" changed to "FIG. 549.--Micmac"

p. 427 two lines "The designs show some marks suggesting the artistic
devices used in / the Roman Catholic Church, though the figuration of
the cross is by no" were printed in reverse order.

p. 433 "know-ng" changed to "knowing"

p. 435 "considered as Objibwas" changed to "considered as Ojibwas"

p. 442 (Illustration) "Fig. 579.--African" changed to "FIG.
579.--African"

p. 467 "misshappen" changed to "misshapen"

p. 476 "it seems, probable" changed to "it seems probable"

p. 478 "missionary." changed to "missionary.”"

p. 496 "medicines are used" changed to "medicines are used."

p. 496 "Sometimes the muzzin ne-neence" changed to "Sometimes the
muzzin-ne-neence"

p. 502 "bags whieh are considered" changed to "bags which are considered"

p. 513 "Caramūlŭn is said" changed to "Daramūlŭn is said"

p. 513 "~(1)~ A piece" changed to "(1) A piece"

p. 515 "and a seive" changed to "and a sieve"

p. 519 "chaplet." changed to "chaplet.”"

p. 535 "the pole. American-Horses’" changed to "the pole.
American-Horse’s"

p. 551 "Eugéne" changed to "Eugène"

p. 554 "and a a ditch" changed to "and a ditch"

p. 555 "an individul was distinguished" changed to "an individual was
distinguished"

Illustration: "Plate XLV" changed to "Plate XLV."

p. 578 "Blackfeet Dakota indian" changed to "Blackfeet Dakota Indian"

p. 579 "the heroic indian" changed to "the heroic Indian"

Illustration: "PL. XLVII" changed to "PL. XLVII."

p. 582 "Kiatexamut" changed to "Kiatéxamut"

p. 588 "third figure show" changed to "third figure shows"

p. 590 "Objiwa." changed to "Ojibwa."

p. 592 "from the the mouth" changed to "from the mouth"

p. 592 (Illustration) "FIG. 892" changed to "FIG. 892."

p. 593 "The first,which" changed to "The first, which"

p. 593 "Fig.896" changed to "Fig. 896"

p. 593 "unaplatable" changed to "unpalatable"

p. 595 (Illustration) "Little-Moon," changed to "Little-Moon."

p. 596 (Illustration) "FIG. 918" changed to "FIG. 918."

p. 600 (Illustration) "FIG. 940" changed to "FIG. 940."

p. 601 (Illustration) "FIG. 946" changed to "FIG. 946."

p. 604 "Cloud Shield’s Winter Count" changed to "Cloud-Shield’s Winter
Count"

p. 604 "given in Red Cloud’s" changed to "given in Red-Cloud’s"

pp. 604-5 "the Ho-be-bo" changed to "the Ho-bo-bo"

p. 614 "12 feet long" changed to "12 feet long."

Illustration: "Tenth Annual Report. Plate XLIX" changed to "Tenth Annual
Report Plate XLIX."

p. 628 "chief annointed" changed to "chief anointed"

p. 640 "Fig. 988. The first" changed to "Fig. 988.--The first"

p. 640 "by the Minneonjou" changed to "by the Minneconjou"

p. 647 "sculpture in Guamatela" changed to "sculpture in Guatemala"

p. 647 "Apparrently" changed to "Apparently"

p. 647 "eplacing our letters" changed to "replacing our letters"

p. 652 "This isexplained" changed to "This is explained"

p. 652 "the human figureis" changed to "the human figure is"

p. 653 "this symbols" changed to "this symbol"

p. 665 "A.D. 1820" changed to "A. D. 1820"

p. 678 "Figs. 106" changed to "Figs. 70"

p. 681 "F. A Kimball" changed to "F. A. Kimball"

p. 682 "forms of thsee" changed to "forms of these"

p. 685 "grostesque wood" changed to "grotesque wood"

p. 687 "which is larger" changed to "which is larger."

p. 689 "indellible" changed to "indelible"

p. 698 "Coyotero" changed to "Coyotèro"

p. 704 "Bildebuch" changed to "Bilderbuch"

p. 708 "at Rio Janeiro" changed to "at Rio de Janeiro"

p. 712 "longtitude" changed to "longitude"

p. 715 "Hindu hands." changed to "Hindu hands.”"

p. 722 "Pedro de las Rios" changed to "Pedro de los Rios"

p. 729 "FIG. 1233. Crosses." changed to "FIG. 1233.--Crosses."

p. 723 "presented in Fig. 1223" changed to "presented in Fig. 1223."

p. 732 "the +.”" changed to "the +.””"

p. 738 "for drawing." changed to "for drawing.”"

p. 740 "psuedo-science" changed to "pseudo-science"

p. 742 "thenorthern Algonquian" changed to "the northern Algonquian"

p. 747 "purely arbirary" changed to "purely arbitrary"

p. 755 "marying some one" changed to "marrying some one"

p. 757 "carniverous" changed to "carnivorous"

p. 766 "Ojibway Nation." changed to "Ojibway Nation,"

p. 772 "among the petroglpyhs" changed to "among the petroglyphs"

p. 773 "by the aborignes" changed to "by the aborigines"

p. 779 "~AUSLAND~, _Das_" changed to "~AUSLAND~, _Das_."

p. 781 "and in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc. 8^o" changed to "and in Proc. Am.
Philos. Soc. 8^o."

p. 785 "(Sept. and Oct)" changed to "(Sept. and Oct.)"

p. 787 "(_Commodore_ Charles." changed to "(_Commodore_ Charles)."

p. 791 "Emil" changed to "EMIL"

p. 792 "(I Coll. Mend., Pl. 75)" changed to "(I, Coll. Mend., Pl. 75)"

p. 795 "591-306" changed to "291-306"

p. 795 "Toulouse et Paris. 8^o" changed to "Toulouse et Paris. 8^o."

p. 796 the entry beginning "~McGUIRE~ (JOSEPH D.)" was printed as one
paragraph; the format has been regularised.

p. 796 "1857.80" changed to "1857. 8^o"

p. 799 "Kans, La Platte" changed to "Kans., La Platte"

p. 801 "Pedro II. Vols. 1" changed to "Pedro II. Vols. I"

p. 802 "59, Figs," changed to "59, Figs."

p. 809 "Abacu" changed to "Abacus"

p. 810 "near Zuni" changed to "near Zuñi"

p. 810 "color among" changed to "color among, 622"

p. 810 "213-214 468-469" changed to "213-214, 468-469"

p. 811 "Caicara" changed to "Caïcara"

p. 811 "Ceara" changed to "Ceará"

p. 811 "643, 644, 645." changed to "643, 644, 645"

p. 812 "118 119, 120" changed to "118, 119, 120"

p. 812 "starvation, 656." changed to "starvation, 656"

p. 812 the entries for "Corbusier" and "Corados" were printed out of
order.

p. 812 "etc 534-537" changed to "etc., 534-537"

p. 813 "Easterisland" changed to "Easter island"

p. 813 "mediaevel" changed to "mediaeval"

p. 813 "Oregon, petrogyphs" changed to "Oregon, petroglyphs"

p. 814 "on Hualpa Indians" changed to "on Hualpai Indians"

p. 815 "Karankawa" changed to "Karánkawa"

p. 815 "Iroquois Indians." changed to "Iroquois Indians,"

p. 815 "Jessakkid" changed to "Jĕssakkīd"

p. 815 "Kitshi Manido" changed to "Kítshi Manidō"

p. 815 "Kta-i Tupakshi" changed to "Ktá-i Tupákshi"

p. 815 "Lisieres" changed to "Lisières"

p. 815 "707-702" changed to "701-702"

p. 816 "Mamore" changed to "Mamoré"

p. 816 "Mide" changed to "Midé"

p. 816 "Midewiwin" changed to "Midēwiwin"

p. 816 The sub-entry for "Migration record of" was printed as a separate
entry.

p. 816 "178-176" changed to "178-180"

p. 817 "Naqomqilis" changed to "Naqómqilis"

p. 817 "New Mexico, petroplyphs" changed to "New Mexico, petroglyphs"

p. 818 "351-252" changed to "251-252"

p. 820 "colors by Zuni" changed to "colors by Zuñi"

p. 821 "work among, XVII-XVII" changed to "work among, XVII-XVIII"

p. 821 "Mide cermony" changed to "Midē ceremony"

p. 821 "Tualati" changed to "Tuálati"


The letters identifying the elements in Fig. 653, Fig. 719 and
Fig. 936 were not clearly printed.


The following are used inconsistently in the text:

Ânishinabēg and Ânishinabég

archæologist and archeologists (and related words)

Arikara and Arickara

armpit and arm-pit

At-o-sis and Atosis

Baholikonga, Baho-li-kong-ya and Baho li-kong-ya

birchbark and birch-bark

boulder and bowlder

breechcloth and breech-cloth

Clément and Clement

crosspiece and cross-piece

débris and debris

demigods and demi-gods

dogfish and dog-fish

Easter island and Easter Island

extralimital and extra-limital

facsimile and fac-simile

folklore and folk-lore

footpath and foot-path

Góngora and Gongora

Good-Weasel and Good weasel

headdress and head-dress

Hindoo and Hindu

Hoofprints and Hoof-prints

Hopitu and Ho-pi-tu

horsetracks and horse-tracks

inclosures and enclosures

Lenâpé and Lenape

Makwa Manidō and Makwá Manidō

Mañaus and Manaus

Midē' and Midē

northeastern and north-eastern

Oglalas and Oglálas

Ojibway and Ojibwa

pipeclay and pipe-clay

pipestem and pipe-stem

Révue and Revue

right hand and right-hand

rockwriting and rock-writing

smallpox and small-pox

snowshoe and snow-shoe

SOCIÉTÉ and SOCIETE

subclan and sub-clan

subchief and sub-chief

Susbeca and Sus-be-ca

synecdoche and synechdoche

tatoo, tatto and tattoo (and derived forms)

thunder bird, thunder-bird and thunderbird

today and to-day

Wakan-Tanka and Wakan Tanka

warpath and war-path

wildcats and wild-cats


On p. 127 the text refers to two characters _k_; only one is shown in
the illustration.


The following possible errors have not been changed:

On p. 206, several of the figures listed as "Alaskan and Eskimo
carvings" appear unrelated.

p. 271 "having been selected"

p. 496 "figures of a man or women"

p. 558 "City of Monreal"

p. 727 incorrectly refers to Fig. 429 as representing petroglyphs at
Oakley Springs, Arizona.

Inconsistent use of small capitals for volume numbers in the List of
Works and Authors Cited has not been regularised.


The following were hyphenated at the end of lines:

p. 381 magpi-yato

p. 388 Kong-rat

p. 484 U-mi-ne

p. 567 Neta-wa-ya-sink

p. 567 Wikup'bi^n-mi^ns

p. 567 Shage'skike'-dawan'ga

p. 567 Ta'pakwe'-ĭkak