Title: The English-American, His Travail by Sea and Land: or, A New Survey of the West-India's
Author: Thomas Gage
Release date: March 25, 2017 [eBook #54425]
Language: English
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May it please your Excellency,
The Divine Providence hath hitherto so ordered my life, that for the greatest part thereof, I have lived (as it were) in exile from my native Countrey: which happened, partly, by reason of my education in the Romish Religion, and that in forraign Universities; and partly, by my entrance into Monasticall orders. For twelve years space of which time, I was wholly disposed of in that part of America called New-Spain, and the parts adjacent. My difficult going thither, being not permitted to any, but to those of the Spanish Nation; my long stay there; and lastly my returning home, not onely to my Country, but to the true knowledg and free-profession of the Gospels purity, gave me reason to conceive, That these great mercies were not appointed me by the heavenly Powers, to the end I should bury my Talent in the earth, or hide my light under a bushell, but that I should impart what I there saw and knew to the use and benefit of my English Country-men; And which the rather I held my self obliged unto, because in a manner nothing hath been written of these Parts for these hundred years last past, which is almost ever since the first Conquest thereof by the Spaniards, who are contented to lose the honour of that wealth and felicity they have there since purchased by their great endevours, so they may enjoy the safety of retaining what they have formerly gotten in peace and security. In doing whereof I shall offer no Collections, but such as shall arise from mine own observations, which will as much differ from what formerly hath been hereupon written, as the picture of a person grown to mans estate, from that which was taken of him when he was but a Childe; or the last hand of the Painter, to the first or rough draught of the picture. I am told by others, that this may prove a most acceptable work; but I doe tell my self that it will prove both lame and imperfect, and therefore had need to shelter my self under the shadow of some high protection, which I humbly pray your Excellency to afford me; nothing doubting, but as God hath lately made your Excellency the happy instrument, not onely of saving my self, but of many numbers of godly and well-affected people in this County of Kent, (where now I reside by the favour of the Parliament) from the imminent ruine and destruction plotted against them by their most implacable enemies; so the same God who hath led your Excellency through so many difficulties towards the settlement of the peace of this Kingdom, and reduction of Ireland, will, after the perfecting thereof (which God of his mercy hasten) direct your Noble thoughts to employ the Souldiery of this Kingdom upon such just and honourable designes in those parts of America, as their want of action at home may neither be a burden to themselves nor the Kingdome. To your Excellency therefore I offer a New-World, to be the subject of your future pains, valour, and piety, beseeching your acceptance of this plain but faithfull relation of mine, wherein your Excellency, and by you the English Nation shall see what wealth and honor they have lost by one of their narrow hearted Princes, who living in peace and abounding in riches, did notwithstanding reject the offer of being first discoverer of America; and left it unto Ferdinando of Arragon, who at the same time was wholly taken up by the Warrs, in gaining of the City and Kingdome of Granada from the Moores; being so impoverished thereby, that he was compelled to borrow with some difficulty a few Crowns of a very mean man, to set forth Columbus upon so glorious an expedition. And yet, if time were closely followed at the heels, we are not so farr behinde, but we might yet take him by the fore-top. To which purpose, our Plantations of the Barbadoes, St. Christophers, Mems, and the rest of the Caribe-Islands, have not onely advanced our journey the better part of the way; but so inured our people to the Clime of the Indies, as they are the more inabled thereby to undertake any enterprise upon the firm Land with greater facility. Neither is the difficulty of the attempt so great, as some may imagine; for I dare be bold to affirm it knowingly, That with the same pains and charge which they have been at in planting one of those pettie Islands, they might have conquer'd so many great Cities, and large Territories on the main Continent, as might very well merit the title of a Kingdome. Our Neighbors the Hollanders may be our example in this case; who whilst we have been driving a private Trade from Port to Port, of which we are likely now to be deprived, have conquered so much Land in the East and West-Indies, that it may be said of them, as of the Spaniards, That the Sunn never sets upon their Dominions. And to meet with that objection by the way, That the Spaniard being intituled to those Countries, it were both unlawfull and against all conscience to dispossess him thereof. I answer, that (the Popes donation excepted) I know no title he hath but force, which by the same title, and by a greater force may be repelled. And to bring in the title of First-discovery; to me it seems as little reason, that the sailing of a Spanish Ship upon the coast of India, should intitle the King of Spain to that Countrey, as the sayling of an Indian or English Ship upon the coast of Spain, should intitle either the Indians or English unto the Dominion thereof. No question but the just right or title to those Countries appertains to the Natives themselves; who, if they shall willingly and freely invite the English to their protection, what title soever they have in them, no doubt but they may legally transferr it or communicate it to others. And to say, That the inhumane butchery which the Indians did formerly commit in sacrificing of so many reasonable Creatures to their wicked Idols, was a sufficient warrant for the Spaniards to divest them of their Country; The same argument may by much better reason be inforced against the Spaniards themselves, who have sacrificed so many millions of Indians to the Idol of their barbarous cruelty, that many populous Islands and large Territories upon the main Continent, are thereby at this day utterly uninhabited, as Bartholomeo de las Casas, the Spanish Bishop of Guaxaca in New-Spain, hath by his Writings in Print sufficiently testified. But to end all disputes of this nature; since that God hath given the earth to the sons of Men to inhabite; and that there are many vast Countries in those parts, not yet inhabited either by Spaniard or Indian, why should my Country-men the English be debarred from making use of that, which God from all beginning no question did ordain for the benefit of mankinde?
But I will not molest your Excellency with any further argument
hereupon; rather offering my self, and all my weak endevours
(such as they are) to be employed herein for the good of my
Country; I beseech Almighty God to prosper your Excellency,
Who am
The most devoted and humblest of
your Excellencies servants,
THO. GAGE.
Reader, behold presented to thine eye,
What us Columbus off'red long agoe,
Of the New-World a new discoverie,
Which here our Author doth so clearly show;
That he the state which of these Parts would know,
Need not hereafter search the plenteous store
Of Hackluit, Purchas and Ramusio,
Or learn'd Acosta's writings to look o're;
Or what Herera hath us told before,
Which merit not the credit due from hence,
Those being but reck'nings of anothers score.
But these the fruits of self-experience:
Wherein our Author useth not the sence
Of those at home, who doe their judgments leave,
And after wandring farr with vast expence,
See many things, which they doe ne'r perceive;
Laborious are by study much at home
To know those Parts, which they came lately from.
Less doth he use us as the late writ Books
Of Journeys made unto the Levant-States;
Wherein when we doe pry with curious looks,
Of Greece and Troy to know the present fates;
They tell us what Thucidides relates,
What Strabo writes, what Homer crown'd with bayes,
What Authors more, who have out-worn their daies,
Besides what Plutarch and Polibius sayes:
So what they were, not what they are, they sing,
And shew their reading, not their travailing.
But here our Author neither doth us tell,
Or to us shew one inch of Sea or Ground,
Unless such acts which in his time befell,
Or what his eyes saw the Horizon bound:
He uttereth nought at all he heard by sound,
He speaks not of a City or a Street,
But where himself hath often gone the round,
And measured o're with his industrious feet.
And yet it must acknowledg'd be for true,
Since worthy Hawkins, and the famous Drake
Did first present unto the English view
This New-found-world, for great Eliza's sake;
Renowned Rawleigh twice did undertake
With labours great, and dangers not a few,
A true discovery of these Parts to make,
And thereof writ both what he saw and knew.
But as the man who in a Ship doth pass
Our narrow Seas, the flowings of each tide,
The Ships course, soundings, turnings of the glass,
What Land he makes on North or Southern side,
He may impart: But who they be abide,
Or what Religion, Language, or what Nation
Possess each Coast; since he hath never tride,
How can he make thereof a true Relation?
So those who have describ'd these Parts before,
Of Trade, Winds, Currents, Hurican's doe tell,
Of Headlands, Harbours, tendings of the shore,
Of Rocks and Isles: wherein they might as well
Talk or a Nut, and onely shew the shell;
The kernell neither tasted, touch'd nor seen
Had yet remain'd; but that it so befell,
That these Relations to us made have been;
Differing as much from what before y'have heard,
As doth a Land-Map from a Seamans Card.
But how these truths reveal'd to us should bee,
When none but Spaniards to those Parts may go;
Which was establish'd by severe Decree,
Lest Forain people should their secrets know;
This Order yet to be neglected so,
As that our Author had permission free,
Whose Nation too they count their greatest foe,
Seemeth almost a miracle to me.
Sure the prescience of that power Divine,
Which safely to those parts did him convey,
Did not for nought his constant heart incline
There twelve whole years so patiently to stay:
That he each thing exactly might survay,
Then him return'd, nay more did turn to us,
And to him shew'd of bliss the perfect way,
Which of the rest seems most miraculous.
For had the last of these not truly been,
These fair Relations we had never seen.
Nor can I think but this most usefull Book
In time to come, may like some new-born Starr,
Direct such Wisemen as therein will look,
And shew their way unto these Regions farr.
And though we now lie sunk in Civill war,
Yet you the worthy Patriots of this Land,
Let not your hearts be drowned in despair,
And so your future happiness withstand.
For time will come you shall enjoy a Peace,
But then no longer you must joy in sinn,
When they no more shall raign, these Wars shall cease,
And then your after bliss shall soon beginn.
The fiery trialls which you now are in,
In stead of foes shall prove your best of friends,
And you from servile base affection win,
To fit your hearts for high and Nobler ends:
Your Drums which us'd to beat their Martiall dance
Upon the banks of Garone, Seine and Soane;
Whilst you trode measures through the Realm of France,
Doe now at home (Oh grief!) on both sides groane,
As if they did your ill spilt blood bemoane;
Which long agoe with Richard, England's King,
When he the holy Warr maintain'd alone,
Their dreadfull notes did through Judea ring.
Now shall the tawnie Indians quake for fear,
Their direfull march to beat when they doe hear;
Your brave Red-Crosses on both sides display'd,
The noble Badges of your famous Nation,
Which you yet redder with your bloods have made,
And dy'd them deep in drops of detestation.
You shall again advance with reputation,
And on the bounds of utmost Western shore
Shall them transplant, and firmly fix their station,
Where English Colours ne'r did fly before.
Your well-built Ships, companions of the Sunn,
As they were Chariots to his fiery beams,
Which oft the Earths circumference have runn,
And now lie moar'd in Severn, Trent, and Tems,
Shall plough the Ocean with their gilded Stems,
And in their hollow bottoms you convay
To Lands inrich'd with gold, with pearls and gems,
But above all, where many thousands stay
Of wronged Indians, whom you shall set free
From Spanish yoke, and Romes Idolatry.
All this and more by you shall sure be done,
Yet I no Prophet, nor no Prophets sonne.
THOMAS CHALONER.
The policy, which for many yeares hath upheld the erring Church of Rome, hath clearly and manifestly been discovered by the many Errors which in severall times by sundry Synods or Generall Councells, (which commonly are but Apes of the Popes fancy, will, pleasure, and ambition) have been enacted into that Church. And for such purposes doth that man of Sinne, and Antichristian tyrant, keep constantly in Rome so many poor Pensionary Bishops as hounds at his table, smelling out his ambitious thoughts, with whom he fills the Synods, when he calls them, charging them never to leave off barking and wearying out the rest of the Prelates, untill they have them all as a prey unto his proud and ambitious designes; from which if any of them dare to start, not onely their Pensions shall be surely forfeited, but their souls shall bee cursed, and they as Hereticks Anathematized with a Censure of Excommunication latæ sententiæ. Hence sprung that Master-piece of Policy, decreeing that the Pope alone should be above the Generall Councell, lest otherwise one Mans pride might be curbed by many heads joyned together; And secondly, that Synodicall definition, that the Pope cannot erre, that though the Councels power, wisdome and learning were all sifted into one mans brain, all points of faith straitned into one head and channell; yet the People should not stagger in any lawfull doubts, nor the learned sort follow any more the light of reason, or the sunshine of the Gospel, but all yeelding to blind Obedience, and their most holy Fathers infallibility, in the foggie and Cimmerian mist of ignorance, might secure their souls from erring, or deviating to the Scylla or Charybdis of Schism and Heresie. What judicious eye, that will not be blinded with the napkin of ignorance, doth not easily see that Policy only hath been the chief Actor of those damnable Opinions of Purgatory, Transubstantiation, Sacrifice though unbloody (as they term it) of the Mass, Invocation of Saints, their Canonization or installing of Saints into the kingdom of heaven, Indulgences, auricular Confession, with satisfactory Penance, and many such like: All which doubtles have been commanded as points of Faith, not so much to save those wretched souls, as to advance that crackt-brain head in the conceits of his Europæan wonderers, who long agoe were espyed out by the Spirit of John wondring after the Beast, worshipping him for his power, and saying, Who is like unto the Beast, who is able to make warre with him? Revel. 13. 3, 4. Thus can Policy invent a Purgatory, that a Pope may be sought from all parts of Europe, nay now from East and West India's, to deliver souls from that imaginary Fire which never God created, but he himself hath fancyed, that so much glory may be ascribed to him, and his power wondered at, who can plunge into torments, condemn to burning, and when he list, deliver out of fire. Much more would he be admired, and his[Pg 2] goodnesse extolled, if he would deliver at once all those his Purgatory Prisoners without that Simoniacall receipt of money. But policy can afford an infinite price and value of a sacrifice of the Masse, to delude the ignorant people, that though they leave their whole estates to enrich Cloysters, and fat proud Prelates and Abbots; yet this is nothing, and comes farre short (being finite) to that infinite Sacrifice, which onely can and must deliver their scorching, nay broyling souls: And if this infinite Sacrifice be not enough, (which will not be enough, whereas Christs infinit satisfaction was not enough in the opinion in that erroneous Church) Policy will give yet power to a Pope si divitiæ affluant, if money and rich bribes abound, to grant such plenary Indulgences, which may upon one Saints day, or at such a Saints Altar, work that soul out, which lyeth lurking and frying in the deepest pit of Purgatory. O who is like unto the Beast? But will those that wonder at him, bee also wondred at as workers of wonders and miracles? Policy will give power to a Pope to canonize such, and set them at Gods right hand, fit to be prayed unto, and called upon as Judges of our necessities, and Auditors of our wants: But this honor must be given, after that the whole Colledge of Cardinalls have been clothed with new Purple Robes, and Loads of money brought to the Court of Rome; Witness those many thousand pounds, which the City of Barcelona, and the whole Country of Catalonia spent in the Canonizing of Raimundus de Pennafort, a Dominican Fryer: Witnesse at least ten Millions, which I have been credibly informed, that the Jesuites spent for the canonization of their two Twins, Ignatius Loiola, and Franciscus Xavier, whom they call the East India Apostle. And it is not seven years ago yet that it was my chance to travail from Frankford in Germany as far as Millan in company of one Fryer John Baptist a Franciscan, who told me, That was the fourth time of his going to Rome from Valencia in the Kingdome of Arragon in Spain about the Canonization of one John Capistrano of the same Order; and that besides the great Almes which he had begged over many Countreys, (and in that journey went purposely to Inspurg to the Prince Leopoldo for his Almes and Letters of commendation to the Pope and Cardinals) he had spent of the City of Valencia onely five thousand Duckets, and yet was not his Saint enthroned, as he desired, in heaven; But still money was wanting, and more demanded for the dignifying with a Saints title him, who had lived a Mendicant and begging Frier. Thus are those blinded Nations brought by Policy to run to Rome with rich treasures, and thus doe they strive who shall have most Saints of their Countrey or Nation, though impoverishing themselves; whilst at Rome ambition and Policy say not, It is enough, fit mates for the Horsleech his two daughters, crying, Give, give, Prov. 30. 15. Give, say they, and the rigid Penance justly to be imposed upon thee for thy sinnes most hainous, shall be extenuated and made easie for thee. Give, say they, and thou shalt be dispensed with to marry thy nearest Kinswoman or Kinsman. It would be a long story to insert here how the Popes Policy sucks out of England our gold and silver for the authorizing of our Papists private Chambers and Altars for the gaining of Indulgences in them, and delivering of souls out of Purgatory, when Masses are said and heard at them. Thus hath Romes policy blinded and deceived many of the European Kingdomes; and with the same greedinesse gapes at Asia and America. Who would not admire to see that at this day in America onely, the Popes authority and usurped power is extended to as many Countreys as all Europe containes, wherein no Religion but meer blinde Obedience and subjection to that Man of Sin is known? And daily may it more and more encrease, whereas the King of Spain gloryeth to have received from the Pope power over those Kingdomes farr greater than any other Princes of Europe have enjoyed from him. But the pity is, that what power these Princes have, they must acknowledge it from Rome, having given their own power and strength unto the Beast, Revel. 17. 13. suffering themselves to be divested of any Ecclesiasticall power over the Clergy, and unabled to tender any Oath of Supremacy and Allegiance to their own and naturall subjects, onely so farre as his Holinesse shall give them power. Which, Policy since the first Conquest of the West India's, and ambition to advance the Popes name, hath granted to the Kings of Spain, by a speciall title, naming those Kingdomes, El Patrimonio Real, The Royall Patrimony; upon this Condition, that the King of Spain must maintain there the preaching of the Gospel, Fryers, Priests and Jesuites to preach it with all the erroneous Popish doctrines, which tend to the advancement of the Popes glory, power, and authority. So that what power hee hath divested himself of, and invested the Pope with; what power other Princes are divested of, and[Pg 3] the King of Spain in his Kingdomes of Europe, from medling in Ecclesiasticall affaires, or with Ecclesiasticall men; Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Preists, Jesuites, Monkes and Fryers; that same power by way of Royall Patrimony is conferred upon him in the India's only. And this only politickly to maintain there Popery; else never would it have so much increased there; for poor Preists and mendicant Fryers would never have had means enough to be at the charges of sending yeerly Flockes and Sholes of Fryers thither, neither to keep and maintain them there; neither would the covetousnesse of the Popes themselves have afforded out of their full and rich treasures, means sufficient for the maintaning of so many thousand Preachers as at this day are preaching there, more Rome and Antichrists name, then the name of Christ and the truth of the Gospel. And policy having thus opened way to those American parts, the charges thus being laid upon the Crown of Spain, and the honour of a Royall Patrimony, with power over the Clergy thus conferred upon the Kings of Spain, how doth the Pope yeerly charge the Catholike King with troopes of Jesuites and Fryers to be conveyed thither? Now the Jesuites (the best scholars of Romes policy) seeing this to bee thus setled between the Pope and the King of Spain, for the increasing of their Order, and to suppresse the increase of other Religions there, have thought first of a way of challenging all the India's to themselves, alleadging that Francis Xavierius companion of Ignatius Loiola was the first Preacher that ever preached in the East India's, and so by right that they being of his profession ought only to be sent thither. But this their way being stopped by the opposition of all other Religious orders, especially by the solicitation of one Fryer Diego Colliado, a Dominican, as hereafter I will shew more largely: Now, secondly, their policy is to leane more to the Popes of Rome, then any other of those Orders, by a speciall Vow which they make above the three Vowes of other orders, Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience to their superiors; to wit, to be alwaies ready to go to preach when or whither soever the Pope shall send them, and to advance his name, defend his power in what parts soever, maugre whatsoever danger, or opposition. Thus though the remotenesse of America may discourage other Orders from going thither to preach, and their freewill which is left unto them to make choice of so long and tedious a journey may retard their readinesse, and the dangers of the Barbarians unwillingnesse to submit to a Popes power, and admit of a new Religion as superstitious as their own, may affright them from hazarding their lives among a barbarous, rude, and idolatrous people; yet if all others faile, the Pope, and the Jesuites being thus agreed, and the King of Spain bound by the new Royall Patrimony, Preachers have nor, nor shall ever be wanting in those parts: And in stead of the old Jesuites and Preachers grown in age, yeerly are sent thither Missions (as they call them) either of Voluntiers, Fryers mendicants, Preists or Monkes, or else of forced Jesuites: All which entring once into the List and Bond of Missionaries, must abide there, and be maintained by the King of Spain ten yeers. And whosoever before the ten yeers expired, shall desire to see Spain again, or runagate-like shall return, may be constrained (if taken in Spain) to return again to the India's, as it happened whilst I lived in those parts, to one Fryer Peter de Balcazar a Dominican, who privily flying back to Spain, was the year after shipped, and restored again to his forced service under the Pope of Rome. And thus doth policy open the wayes to those remote and forain parts of America. Thus hath policy wrought upon the Kings of Spain; and Jesuiticall policy meeting with Antichrists policy and Ambition, doth Rome yeerly visit her new nursed Children, greeting that Infantile Church of Asia and America with troopes of messengers one after another, like Jobs messengers, bringing under pretence of salvation, damnation and misery to their poor and wretched souls.
It is a most true and certain saying, Odia Religionum sunt acerbissima, hatred grounded in points and differences of Religion (let me adde, if ambition blow the fire to that hatred) is the most bitter and uncapable of reconciliation. Nay, it is an observation[Pg 4] worth noting of some (see Doctor Day upon the I Cor. 16. 9. Verse) that the neerer any are unto a conjunction in matters of Religion, and yet some difference retained, the deeper is the hatred; As hee observes, a Jew hates a Christian farre worse then hee doth a Pagan, or a Turke; a Papist hates a Protestant worse then hee doth a Jew, and a Formalist hates a Puritan worse then hee doth a Papist. No such hatred under heaven (saith hee) as that between a Formalist, and a Puritan, whereof our now Domestick and Civill Warres may bee a sad and woefull experience. A truth which made Paul burst out into a lamentable complaint, I Cor. 16. 9. saying, A great doore and effectuall is opened unto mee, and there are many adversaries.
And as when the doore of true Faith once is opened, then Adversaries begin to swarme and rage; so in all points of false and fained Religion where the entrance to it is laid open, hatred and enmity will act their parts. But much more if with such pretended Religion, Wealth and Ambition as counterfeit Mates thrust hard to enter at the opened doore, what strife, hatred, and envy doe they kindle even in the hearts of such who have vowed poverty and the contempt of worldly wealth? I may adde to what hath beene observed above, that no hatred is comparable to that which is betweene a Jesuite and a Fryer, or any other of Romes Religious Orders; And above all yet betweene a Jesuite, and a Dominican. The ambition and pride of Jesuites is inconsistent in a Kingdome or Common-wealth with any such as may bee equall to them in Preaching, Counsell or Learning. Therefore strive they so much for the education of Gentlemens Children in their Colledges, that by teaching the sonnes, the love of the fathers and mothers may bee more easily gained: and their love and good will thus gained, they may withall gaine to themselves whatsoever praise, honour, glory may bee fit to bee bestowed upon any other Ecclesiasticall Person. Which Policy and Ambition in them being so patent and knowne to all the World, hath stirred up in all other Religions a hatred to them uncapable ever of Reconciliation. This hath made them all to conspire against them, and to discover their unsatisfied covetousnesse in beguiling the rich widowes of what meanes hath beene left them by their deceased husbands, to erect and build those stately Colledges beyond the Seas, the sight whereof both outward and inward doth draw the ignorant people to resort more to their Churches and preaching then to any other. Thus whilest in Venice, they got the favour of one of the chief Senatours of that Common-wealth, they politickly drew him to make his will according to their will and pleasure, leaving to his son and heire no more then what they should think fit to afford him. But they appropriating to themselves the chiefest part of the young heires meanes, and with so proud a legacy thinking to overpower all other Orders, were by them opposed so, that the Will was called for by the whole State and Senatours of Venice, fully examined, and they commanded to restore to the heire the whole Estate as enjoyed by his Father. Well did that wise Senate conceive, that as one Noble man had been cheated by them of his fortunes, so might they one by one, and so at length the riches of Venice might become a treasure onely for Jesuites to maintaine the pride and pompe of their glorious fabricks. And though those vowed servants to the Pope obtained his Excommunication against the whole Estate of Venice upon non-complying with the foresaid Will and Testament; yet such was the preaching of all other Preists and Orders against them, that they caused the State to slight the Excommunication, and in lieu of making them heires of the deceased Senatours Estate, they shamefully banished them out of Venice. Thus also have the Preists and Fryers of Biscaya in Spain prevailed against the admitting of Jesuits into San-Sebastian, though by the favour of some they have in severall occasions obtained an house and erected a Bell to ring and summon in the People to their pretended Church and Colledge. Nay the very house wherein their Patron Ignatius Loiola lived, have they often seriously offered to buy for a Colledge; yet such hath been the opposition of the Preists and Fryers of that Countrey, that they have dashed to nought their often iterated endeavours to purchase that which they esteem their chiefest Relique. But to come neerer to our owne Countrey, what a combustion did this strife betweene Jesuites and other Preists of England cause among our Papists ten yeares agoe, when the Pope sending into England Doctor Smith pretended Bishop of Chalcedon to bee the Metropolitan head over all the Clergy and other Orders, how then was it to see the pride of the Jesuites as inconsistent with any one that might oversway them, or gain more credit then themselves? who never left persecuting the Bishop, till by the[Pg 5] Popes Letters they had banished him out of England. Which curtesie, the secular Preists gaining yet a head over them with title of Archdeacon, Doctor Champney, have ever since sought to repay home, by endeavouring alwayes to cast them out of England, as pernicious to the State of this Kingdome, more then Fryers or any other sort of Preists; Which they have sufficiently made known by discovering their covetousnesse in encroaching upon many Houses and Farmes, enriching themselves, as namely at Winifreds Well (so tearmed by them) where they had bought an Inne; and speedily fell to building there that they might make it a Colledge for Jesuites to entertaine there all Papists comers and goers to that Well, and so might win to themselves the hearts of most of the Papists of the Land, who doe yearly resort thither to bee washed and healed upon any light occasion either of Head-ach, Stomack-ach, Ague, want of children, where they blindly phansie a speedy remedy for all maladies, or wants of this World. Thus have the Preists discovered further our English Jesuites covetousnesse in the building of the Sope-houses at Lambeth under the name of Mr. George Gage their purse-bearer, and since projecting the Monopoly of Sope under Sir Richard Weston, Sir Basil Brooke, and many others names, who were but Agents and Traders with the Jesuites rich and mighty Stocke. Thus came out the discovery of the Levelling of Hils and Mountaines, cutting of rocks at Leige in the Low Countryes at the Colledge of the English Jesuites, a worke for Gardens and Orchards for their Novices recreation and pastime, which (as I have heard from their owne mouthes) cost them thirty thousand pound, which gift they squeezed out of one onely Countesse of this Land. Like to this may prove their Colledge at Gaunt, for which they have obtained already a faire beginning of eight thousand pounds from the Old Countesse of Shrewsberry, and from the greatest part of the Estate of Mr. Sackefield, whom whilst they had him in their Colledges, they cherished with their best dainties, and with hopes that one day hee should bee a Canonized Saint of their Religious Order. All these knaveries doe even those Preists of the same Popish Religion discover of them, and thereby endeavor to make them odious. And though of all, the Jesuites be the most covetous, yet may I not excuse the Secular Preists, Benedictine Monks, and the Fryers from this damnable sinne; who also strive for wealth and meanes for their Doway, Paris and Lisboe Colledges, and lose no opportunities at the death of their Popish favourites for the obtaining a Legacy of one or two hundred Pounds, assuring them their soules shall bee the better for their Masses. Thus doe those miserable wretches in the very heat of their zeale of soules seeke to suppresse one another, and having vowed Poverty, yet make they the Conversion of England the onely object of their Ambition and unsatiable Covetousnesse. But above all is this envy and hatred found between Dominicans and Jesuites, for these owe unto them an old grudge, for that when Ignatius Loiola lived, his Doctrine de Trinitate (which hee pretended was revealed to him from heaven, for hee was certainely past the Age of studying at his Conversion) was questioned by the Dominicans, and hee by a Church Censure publickly and shamefully whipped about their Cloisters for his erroneous principles. This affront done to their chief Patron hath stirred up in them an unreconciliable hatred towards the Order of the Dominicans, and hath made them even cracke their braines to oppose Thomas Aquinas his Doctrine. How shamefully doe those two Orders indeavour the destruction of each other, branding one another with calumnies of heresie in the Opinions especially de Conceptione Mariæ, de libero arbitrio, de Auxiliis? And of the two, the Jesuites is more bold and obstinate in malice and hatred. How did they some twenty yeares agoe, all Spaine over, about the Conception of Mary stirre up the people against the Dominicans, in so much that they were in the very streets tearmed Hereticks, stones cast at them, the King almost perswaded to banish them out of all his Dominions, and they poore Fryers forced to stand upon their Guard in their Cloisters in many Cities, especially in Sevill, Osuna, Antiquera and Cordova, to defend themselves from the rude and furious multitude. Much like this was that publike Conference and disputation betweene Valentia the Jesuite and Master Lemos the Dominican, before the Pope, concerning their altercation de Auxiliis; When the cunning Jesuite hoping to brand with heresie the whole Order of Dominicans, had caused Augustines Workes to bee falsly printed at Lions, with such words which might directly oppose the Thomists Opinion; and had prevailed, had not Lemos begged of the Pope that the Originall Bookes of Augustin might bee brought out of his Vatican Library, where was found the quite contrary words, to what the false Jesuite[Pg 6] had caused to be printed; hee was forced to confesse his knavery, was harshly reprehended, and with the apprehension of that great affront, the next night gave up his ghost to his father, the father of lies and falshood.
An other reason of this mortall enmity between these two Orders, is for that the Jesuites surpasse all others in ambition or honour, credit, and estimation, whence it is they cannot indure to behold the Dominicans to exceed them in any preferment. Now it is that by the Laws of Arragon and the Kingdome of Valencia, the Kings of Spain are tied to have a Dominican Fryer for their Confessor or ghostly father; which could but the Jesuites obtain, how would they then rule and govern Spain and the Kings heart? But though they could never yet prevail to alter this established law, yet have they prevailed now lately so that Antonio de Sotomayor the King of Spains Confessor should lie at rest in the Court of Madrid, with a pension and dry title only; and that Florencia that grand Statist should be Confessor to the Count of Olivares, the Royall Issue, the Queen, and should hear the Kings confessions oftner then his chosen and elected Confessor Sotomayor. Secondly, the Dominicans as first Authors of the Inquisition (which they prove from their Martyr Peter of Verona) still enjoy the highest places of that Court, which is a wofull sight to the Jesuites to see their Religion affaires handled, their Church kept pure from what they call heresy by any but themselves. O had they (as they have often strived for it) in their hands the judicature of that tribunall, how should all Dominicans, nay all sorts of Preists but their own, presently by them be branded with heresy? Thirdly, in Rome there is an other preferment successively due to Dominicans, from the time of Dominicus de Guzman founder of that Religion, to wit, to be magister Sacri Palatii, the Popes Palace master, instituted to this purpose that about him there may be some learned Divine (for commonly the Popes are more Statists, and Canonists, then Divines) to read a daily lecture of Divinity to such as will be instructed therein, and to resolve the Pope himselfe of whatsoever difficult points in Divinity may be questioned. This is the Dominicans due with a pension to maintain Coach and servants within the Palace of St. Peter. Which the Jesuites have often by favour and cunning Jesuiticall trickes endeavoured to bereave the Dominicans of; but proving labour in vain, they continue still in their unplacable enmity and hatred against them. And thus you see the fountaines of their strife; which as here in Europe hath been well seen, so hath this contentious fire overpowered the fire of their zeal of soules in the East and West-India's; and the wealth and riches of those Countries, the ambition of honor in their Gospel function hath more powerfully drawn them thither, then (what they pretend) the Conversion of a barbarous and idolatrous nation. This was well published to the view of the whole world by a most infamous libel which in the year 1626 fryer Diego di Colliado a missionary Fryer in Philippinas and Japan set out of the unheard of passages and proceedings of the Jesuites in those Eastern parts. At that time the Jesuites pretended that mission to themselves only, and petitioned the King of Spain, that only they might go thither to preach, having been the first plantation of Franciscus Xavier, and since continued successively by their Preists. To this purpose they remembred the King of the great charges he was at in sending so many Fryers and maintaining them there; all which should be saved, might they only have free ingresse into those Kingdomes. All which charges they offered themselves to beare, and further to bring up the Indians in the true faith, to instruct them and civilize them, to teach them all liberall sciences, and to perfect them in musick and all musicall instruments, and in fencing, dancing, vaulting, painting and whatsoever els might make them a compleat, and civill people. But against all this was objected by Diego Colliado, that not zeal only and charity moved them to this offer, but their ambition and covetousnesse, which would soon be seen in their encroaching upon the silly and simple Indians wealth, bringing instances of many thousand pounds which they had squeezed from the poore Barbarians in the Islands of Philippinas; And that their entring into Japan was more to enrich themselves, then to convert the Japonians to Christianisme; that whensoever they entred into that Kingdome they conveyed from Manila whole ships laden with the richest commodities of those Islands; that their trading was beyond all other Merchants trading, their Bench for exchange mony farre more accustomed then any other whither for China, for Japan, for Peru and Mexico; and that the Viceroy himselfe made use of none other, but theirs. That to keep out all other orders out of Japan, they had ingratiated themselves so farre, under pretence[Pg 7] of trading, into the Emperours favour by gifts of Watches, Clocks, Dials, Lockes, and Cabinets, and such like presents of most curious and artificiall Workmanship, that they had got free accesse to his Court, and counselled him to beware of Fryers, which cunningly crept into his Kingdome to preach a new law, perswading him by rigorous search and enquiries to root them out: thus politickly for their own ends hindering the increase of Christianisme by any means or instruments save themselves; and blinding the Emperors eyes with their cunning insinuations, that he might not see in them, what they desired he might discover in others, that they might appear in sheep skins, and others clothed with wolves skins; and so the Fryers might have little heart to trade, but enough to doe to save themselves from the stormy persecution, whilst they freely might enjoy the liberty of rich trading. This brand upon these cunning foxes was commanded to be printed, thankes given to Diego Colliado for discovering to the Estate their crafty proceedings, with not a few tenents maintained by them in Japan even against their owne Soveraigne; a fat Bishoprick was offered to the Fryer, which he refusing, commission was given unto him for the raising of forty Fryers out of Spain, and the conducting of them to the Islands of Philippinas, and that it should be free for all Preists and Fryers, as well as Jesuites, to passe to those parts for the preaching of Christ and the extending of Christianisme among the Heathens and Barbarians. O that this my discovery made to England of those dissembling and false Preists, would make us wise to know and discover under the ashes of their pretended Religion, the fire of strife and contention which they kindle in Kingdomes, and to rake up that covetousnesse, which we may easily find in them; tending to the ruine of many fair estates, and to the temporall and spirituall danger of this our flourishing Kingdome!
All the Kingdomes of America, that have been conquered by the Kings of Spain, are divided as into severall temporall governments, so into severall spirituall jurisdictions, under the name of Provinces, belonging unto severall religious Orders, and their Provincials. These though so farre distant from Europe, yet live with a dependency and subordination unto the Court of Rome, and are bound to send thither a strict account and relation of what most remarkable passages and successes happen there, as also what want of Preachers there is in every severall Province. Which is to be performed in this manner. Every religious Order (except the Jesuites and Dominicans, whose Generall continueth till death, unlesse a Cardinals cap be bestowed upon him) maketh election of one of the same order to be the head Ruler, or (as they call him) Generall over all those of the same profession every sixth year. The subjects unto this Generall which are dispersed in Italy, Germany, Flanders, France, Spain, East and West-India's are divided into sundry Provinces, as in Spain there is one Province of Andaluzia, another of Castilia nueva, new Castile, another of Castilia vieja, old Castile, another of Valencia, another of Arragon, of Murcia, of Catalonia; So likewise in America there is the Province of Mexico, of Mechoacan, of Guaxaca, of Chiapa and Guatemala, of Comayagua, Nicaragua and the like. Every Province of these hath a head named the Provinciall, chosen by the chief of the Province every three years; which election is called a Provinciall Chapter, and the former a Generall Chapter, which also is allotted to be in some chief City, commonly in Italy, France, or Spain. When the Provinciall Chapter is kept, then by the consent of all that meet in it is there one named by name of Procurator or Diffinitor, who is to goe in the name of the whole Province to the next election of the Generall, and there to demand such things as his Province shall think fit, and to give an account of the State of the Province from whence he is sent. Thus from the West-India's are sent Procurators, who commonly are the best prizes the Holland Ships meet with, for that they carry with them great wealth, and gifts to the Generalls, to the Popes and Cardinals and Nobles in Spain, as bribes to facilitate whatsoever just or unjust, right or wrong they are to demand. Among other businesses their charge is this, to make known the great want of laborers[Pg 8] in the aboundant and plentifull harvest of the India's (though not all Provinces demand Preachers from Spain, as I will shew hereafter) and to desire a number of thirty or forty young Preists, who may be fit for any Indian language and to succeed the old standers.
The Order of the Province being read to the Generall, or his Generall Chapter, then are Letters Patents granted unto this Procurator from the Generall, naming him his Vicar Generall for such a Province, and declaring his sufficiency and worthy parts, (though none at all in him, as I have beene witnesse of some) the great paines hee hath taken in the new planted Indian Church, and how fit hee hath been judged to convey to those parts, a Million of such as shall voluntarily offer themselves for the propagation of Christianity amongst those Barbarians. Then the tauny Indian Fryer being well set out with high Commendations, and fairly painted with flattering Elogies, presents these his Patents (and with them peradventure a little wedge of Gold, a Box of Pearles, some Rubies or Diamonds, a Chest of Cochinill, or Sugar, with some boxes of curious Chocolatte, or some feather works of Mechoacan, some small fruits of his great paines and labour) to the Pope; who for his first reward gives him his Toe and Pantofle to kisse, seconding this honour with a joyfull countenance to behold an Apostle, judging him worthy of the best of the Indian wealth, and his soule peradventure fit for the title of a Saint; This complacency in the gift and the giver, breeds immediately a motus proprius in his Holinesse to grant a Bull with a degree of the Popes Commissary, wherein this poore Mendicant Fryer is inabled to runne over all the Cloisters of his Profession in Spain, to gather up his thirty or forty yong Preachers. Who for their better encouragement are at their first listing by the Popes Authority absolved à culpa et à poena, from all sinne, and from their Purgatory and Hell due unto it, by a plenary Indulgence. And whosoever shall oppose, or any way discourage this Popes Commissary, or those that are or would be listed by him, are ipso facto excommunicated with an Anathem reserved only to this Commissary or his Holiness himself. O what is it to see, when such a Commissaries coming is knowen, how the young birds, that as in Cages are shut up within the walls of a Cloister, leap and cherish themselves with hopes of liberty? What is it to see disordered Fryers, who for their misdemeanours, and leaping over their Cloister wals in the night to find out their wanton harlots, have been imprisoned, now rejoyce at the coming of a Popes Commissary, and Plenary Indulgence, freeing them from sinnes past, and fitting them for the Conversion of souls, though there be not one averted from their Harlot, nor as yet truly and unfainedly converted to the love of God? True it is, I have knowne some that have written their names in the list of Indian Missionaries, men of sober life and Conversation, moved onely with a blind zeale of encreasing the Popish Religion: yet I dare say and confidently print this truth without wronging the Church of Rome, that of thirty or forty which in such occasions are commonly transported to the India's, the three parts of them are Fryers of leud lives, weary of their retired Cloister lives, who have beene punished often by their Superiours for their wilfull back-sliding from that obedience which they formerly vowed; or for the breach of their poverty in closely retaining money by them to Card and Dice, of which sort I could here namely insert a long and tedious Catalogue; or lastly such, who have been imprisoned for violating their vow of chastity with leud and lascivious women, either by secret flight from their Cloisters, or by publike Apostatizing from their Order, and cloathing themselves in Lay-mens Apparell, to run about the safer with their wicked Concubines. Of which sort it was my chance to bee acquainted with one Fryer John Navarro a Franciscan in the City of Guatemala, who after hee had in secular apparell enjoyed the leud company of one Amaryllis a famous Woman player in Spain for the space of a year, fearing at last hee might bee discovered, listed himselfe in a Million to Guatemala, the year 1632, there hoping to enjoy with more liberty and lesse feare of punishment any lustfull or carnfull object. Liberty, in a word, under the Cloak of Piety and Conversion of Soules, it is, that drawes so many Fryers (and commonly the younger sort) to those remote American parts; where after they have learned some Indian language, they are licenced with a Parish Charge to live alone out of the sight of a watching Prior or Superiour, out of the bounds and compasse of Cloister walls, and authorized to keep house by themselves, and to finger as many Spanish Patacones, as their wits device shall teach them to squeeze out of the newly Converted Indians wealth. This[Pg 9] liberty they could never injoy in Spain, and this liberty is the Midwife of so many foule falls of wicked Fryers in those parts. For the present onely, I shall return again to my Fryer John Navarro, who at his comming to Guatemala, being made for his wit and learning, Master and Reader of Divinity, and much esteemed of for his acute Preaching, among many others got the estimation and love of a chief Gentlewoman, (Qua semel est imbuta recens servabit odorem, testa diu) who continued in Navarro his heart the former sent of the unchast love of Amaryllis, so far that the Fryer being blinded and wounded with Cupids Arrow sticking in his heart, ran headlong to quench his lustfull thirst upon St. James his day, 1635. for bitter memory of the Tragical event (being the Spaniards common Advocate, and speciall Patron of that City, named St. Jago de Guatemala) where cruell Mars oppressing Venus in her wanton Acts, the injured husband acting Mars, & finding Navarro Cupids page saluting his Venus upon her bed, drew his sword, cutting the Fryer first in the head and face, who strugling with death, and purchasing his life with a swift and nimble flight to a Garden, where his own brother a Fryer of the same Order, & Pander to that foul act, entertained the Motherlesse children; for the husband having missed his fatall blow (willingly as some imagined, or unwillingly as others judged) in the Fryers heart, wilfully laid it in the throat of his unchast Wife, scarce leaving way for breath to make a speedy Confession of her sinne to Navarro his Brother; who tendring her soule as much as his Brother had tendred her body absolved her from her sinne, finding signes, though no uttering speech of Repentance, while the murderer fled, and the murdered lay in the doore of her house for a sad object to all, that immediately flocked thither to see that bloody Tragedy. The Wife being the same day buried, the Husband being retired to a close Sanctuary, Navarro was carried to his Convent to bee cured; and after his Cure was banished that Country; whom two yeares after it was my chance to meet in Cartagena returning to Spain with his scard face, bearing the marke of his lascivious life, and of that liberty which hee had injoyed in America. Such are the fruits of the zeale of those wretches, who upbraid our Church and Ministers for want of zeale to labour in the Conversion of Infidels. Who when they arrive to those parts, are entertained with ringing of Bells, with sounding of Trumpets most part of the way as they travaile, and as Apostles are received by the Indians, though soon like Judas they fall from their calling, and for pleasure and covetousnesse sell away Christ from their Soules. England may here learn to beware of such Converters, who are daily by name of Missionaries sent hither by the Pope to preach among us Popery; but like Navarro come to feed and cherish their wanton lusts, as I could give many instances, might I not be censured for long digressions in mingling English Histories with my American Travailes.
In all the Dominions of the King of Spain in America, there are two sorts of Spaniards more opposite one to another then in Europe the Spaniard is opposite to the French, or to the Hollander, or to the Portingall; To wit, they that are born in any parts of Spain and goe thither, and they that are borne there of Spanish parents, whom the Spaniards, to distinguish them from themselves, terme Criolio's, signifying the Natives of that Countrey. This hatred is so great, that I dare say, nothing might bee more advantagious then this, to any other Nation that would conquer America. And nothing more easily gained, then the Wils and affections of the Natives of the Country, to joyne with any other Nation to free and rescue themselves from that subjection, or kind of Slavery, which they suffer under the hard usage of the Spaniards, and their partiall Government and justice toward them, and those that come from Spain. This is so grievous to the poore Criolio's or Natives, that my selfe have often heard them say, They would rather bee subject to any other Prince, nay to the Hollanders, then[Pg 10] to the Spaniards, if they thought they might enjoy their Religion; and others wishing the Hollanders, when they tooke Truxillo in Honduras, had stayed in it and entred further into the land, they should have been welcome to them; and that the Religion they enjoyed with so much slavery, was nothing sweet unto them. This mortall hatred betwixt these two sorts of Spaniards, made the Criolio's so ready to joyn against the Marquesse of Gelves Viceroy of Mexico, in the tumult and mutiny of that City, wherein they cleaving to Don Alonso de Zerna, the Arch-Bishop caused the Viceroy to escape for his life by flight, and would then have utterly rooted out the Spanish Government, had not some Preists disswaded them from it; but of this I shall speak more largely hereafter. The cause of this deadly hatred hath proceeded from a jealousie which the Spaniards have ever had of the Criolio's, that they would faine withdraw themselves first from the commerce with Spain, and secondly, from the Government which is laid upon them; which is such, that the Criolio's must be alwaies under, and a subject, alwaies governed, but scarce any a Governour. Never yet was there seen any Criolio made Viceroy of Mexico, or Peru; or President of Guatemala, or Santa fe, or S. Domingo; or Governour of Yucatan, Cartagena, Havana; or Alcalde Mayor (as they call them) of Soconusco, Chiapa, San Salvador, and such like places of credit. So likewise in the Courts of Chancery, as Sto. Domingo, Mexico, Guatemala, Lima, and the rest, where commonly there are Six, called Oydores and one Fiscal, scarce one of them to be found a Criolio, or native of the Countrey; though there be among them those that descended of the chief Conquerors; as in Lima and Peru the Pizarros, in Mexico and Guaxaca the house of the Marquesse Del Valle, Ferdinando Cortez his Successors, others of the house of Giron, others of the house of Alvarado, others of the Guzmanes, finally many of the chiefest houses of Spain; yet none of these ever preferred to any dignity. And not onely thus are they kept from offices, but daily affronted by the Spaniards as uncapable of any Government, and termed halfe Indians by them.
Which generall contempt hath also spread it selfe in the Church, where no Criolio Preist is scarce ever preferred to be a Bishop, or Canon in a Cathedrall Church, but all such as come from Spain. So likewise in the religious orders they have many years indeavored to keep under and suppress such as have bin admitted to their orders of the natives of the Countrey, lest the number of them should prevail against those that are brought from Spain; they have been very nice in choosing of them, & though they have been forced to admit of some, yet stil the Provincials, the Priors, and all Superiors have been Spaniards born in Spain. Till now lately some Provinces have got the upper hand and prevailed against the Spaniards, & have so filled their cloisters with Criolio's or natives, that they have utterly refused to admit the supplies of Spanish Missions which formerly were sent unto them, and till this day are sent to others. In the Province of Mexico there are Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustines, Carmelites, Mercenarians, and Jesuites, whereof the Jesuites and Carmelites only to this day prevail against Criolio's, bringing every two or three years Missions from Spain. The last Mission that was sent to the Mercenarians was the year 1625. and then was the opposition such between that Mission and the Criolio's, that in the election of the next Provinciall in their Cloister of Mexico, the Fryers drew knives one against another, and were like to kill each other, had not the Viceroy gone to their Cloister to make peace, and imprison some of them. Yet at last by the multitude of voices the native party prevails, and till this day have exempted themselves from Spanish Missions, alleadging (as others have done) that they have Fryers enough in their Cloisters, and need none to be sent them from Spain; submitting themselves to the Pope, and presenting to him as stately gifts as ever Spaniards did before them. In the Province of Guaxaca none admit of Missionaries from Spain; true it is the Dominicans are but newly subdued by the Criolian party; and as yet are strongly pleading at Rome for Spanish Fryers, alleadging that the glory and lustre of their Religion hath been much blurred since the non-admittance of supplies of their zealous Compatriots. The Province of Guatemala, (which is of a large extent) containing Guatemala, Chiapa, the Zoques, part of Tabasco, the Zeldales, the Sacapulas, the Vera Paz, all the coast lying to the South sea Suchutepeques and Soconusco, Comayagua, Honduras, S. Salvador, Nicaragua hath in it these orders chiefly, Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustines, (who are subject to Mexico being one poore Cloister in Guatemala) Jesuites also in Guatemala subject to the government of Mexico and Mercenarians;[Pg 11] whereof the three orders of Dominicans, Franciscans, and Mercenarians, are the only Preachers and parish Preists throughout all the forenamed Provinces. And these three Orders have still kept under the Criolian party, never as yet suffering any of them to be Provinciall, bringing every two or three years some one year and some another, Missions of Fryers from Spain to maintain and keep up their faction against the Criolians. The Provinces of Peru being more distant from Spain, and hard to come to by sea, have no Missions sent unto them. There are of the most Romish religious orders, yet the chief are Dominicans; and they all live above their vow of poverty, abounding in wealth, riot, liberty and pleasures. In the Kingdome of Nuevo reino de Granada, and Cartagena, Santa fee, Barinas, Popayan, and the government of St. Martha, are Dominicans, Jesuites, Franciscans, Carmelites, Augustines and Mercenarians, whereof the Dominicans, Jesuites and Franciscans till this day admit of Missions from Spain. The Island of Cuba, Jamaica, la Margarita, Puerto rico, all are subject to the head Provinciall of Santo Domingo, being Dominicans, Jesuites, and Franciscans, and have all now and then Missions from Spain. Yucatan hath in it only Franciscans, who live most richly and plentifully, and strongly uphold the Spanish faction with European Missions: Mechoacan belongeth to the Mexican Fryers, and is in the same condition as was said before of Mexico. Thus have I briefly run over all America that pertains to the Crown of Castilia: for the East-India's they belong to the Crown of Portingall and Brasill, as first discovered and possessed by the Portingalls, and now doubtlesse are subject to King John, the new King of Portingall. Yet the Islands of Philippinas are subject to the King of Spain, and there are Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustines, and Jesuites, all which lie still in wait in Manila the Metropolitan City, for some sure shipping to Japan, to convert that Kingdome. And though they admit of some few Criolio's among them, especially some of their Converts of China and Japan; yet their chief number and strength is of Spanish Missionaries, who are more frequently conveyed thither then to the parts afore-mentioned of America. First they are sent in the ships that are bound for Nueva Espana and Mexico; and after they have rested two or three moneths in Mexico, they are sent to Acapulco, lying on the Mar del Zur, there they are shipped in two great Caracks which yearly go and come richly laden with China, Japan, and all East-India ware from Manila to Acapulco to enrich Mexico with farre greater riches then any are sent by the North sea from Spain. The voiage from Acapulco thither, is longer then from Spain to Mexico, and easy and pleasant, though the return is farre longer and most dangerous. The year of our Lord 1625. there were four Missions sent; the one of Franciscans to Yucatan, the other of Mercenarians to Mexico, the other two of Dominicans and Jesuites to Philippinas. At which time it was my fortune to reside among the Dominicans in Xerez in Andaluzia. The Popes Commissary for that Mission was Fryer Matheo de la Villa, who having a Commission for thirty and having gathered some 24 of them about Castilia and Madrid, sent them by degrees well stored with mony to Cales, to take up a convenient lodging for himselfe and the rest of his crew, till the time of the setting forth of the Indian Fleet. This Commissary named one Fryer Antonio Calvo to be his substitute, and to visit the Cloisters of Andaluzia lying in his way; namely Cordova, Sevill, St. Lucar, and Xerez, to try if out of them he could make up his compleat number of thirty, which was after fully compleated. About the end of May came this worthy Calvo to Xerez, and in his Company one Antonio Melendez of the Colledge of St. Gregory in Valladolid, with whom I had formerly neer acquaintance. This Melendez greatly rejoyced when he had found mee; and being well stocked with Indian Patacones, the first night of his coming invited me to his chamber to a stately supper. The good Xerez Sack which was not spared, set my friend in such a heat of zeale of converting Japonians, that all his talke was of those parts never yet seen, and at least six thousand leagues distant. Bacchus metamorphosed him from a Divine into a Orator, and made him a Cicero in parts of Rhetoricall eloquence. Nothing was omitted that might exhort mee to joyne with him in that function, which he thought was Apostolicall. Nemo Propheta in patria sua, was a great argument with him; sometimes he propounded Martyrdome for the Gospel sake, and the glory after it, to have his life and death printed, and of poore Fryer Antony a Clothiers son of Segovia to bee stiled St. Anthony by the Pope, and made collaterall with the Apostles in heaven; thus did Bacchus make him ambitious of honor upon the earth, and preferrement in heaven. But when he thought this Rhetoricke had not prevailed, then would he act a[Pg 12] Midas and Croesus, fancying the India's paved with tiles of gold and silver, the stones to be Pearls, Rubies, and Diamonds, the trees to bee hung with clusters of nutmegs bigger then the clusters of grapes of Canaan, the fields to be planted with Sugar Canes, which should so sweeten the Chocolatte, that it should farre exceed the milke and hony of the land of promise; the silkes of China hee conceited so common, that the sailes of the Ships were nothing else; finally he dreamed of Midas happinesse, that whatsoever he touched should be turned to gold: Thus did Xerez Nectar make my friend and mortified Fryer, a covetous worldling. And yet from a rich covetous Merchant did it shape him to a Courtier in pleasures; fancying the Philippinas to be the Eden, where was all joy without teares, mirth without sadnesse, laughing without sorrow, comfort without griefe, plenty without want, no not of Eves for Adams, excepted only that in it should be no forbidden fruit, but all lawfull for the taste and sweetning of the palate; and as Adam would have been as God, so conceited Melendez himselfe a God in that Eden, whom travelling, Indian Waites and trumpets should accompany; and to whom, entring into any Town, nosegaies should be presented, flowers and boughes should be strowed in his way, Arches should be erected to ride under, Bels for joy should be rung, and Indian knees for duty & homage, as to a God, should be bowed to the very ground. From this inducing argument, and representation of a Paradise, he fell into a strong Rhetoricall point of curiosity; finding out a tree of knowledge, and a Philosophicall maxime, Omnus homo naturaliter scire desiderat, man naturally inclines to know more and more; which knowledge he fancied could be no where more furnished with rare curiosities then in those parts; for there should the Gold and Silver, which here are fingered, in their growth in the bowels of the earth be known; there should the pepper be known in its season, the nutmeg and Clove, the Cinnamon as a rine or bark on a tree; the fashioning of the Sugar from a green growing Cane into a loaf; the strange shaping the Cochinil from a worme to so rich a Scarlet die; the changing of the Tinta which is but grasse with stalke and leaves into an Indigo black dye, should be taught and learned; and without much labour thus should our ignorance be instructed with various and sundry curiosities of knowledge and understanding. Finally, though Xerez liquor (grapes bewitching tears) had put this bewitching eloquence into my Antonies brain, yet he doubted not to preferre before it his wine of Philippinas, growing on tall and high trees of Coco, wherein he longed to drinke a Spanish Brindis in my company to all his friends remaining behind in Spain. Who would not bee moved by these his arguments to follow him, and his Calvo, or ball pated Superiour? Thus supper being ended my Melendez desired to know how my heart stood affected to his journey; and breaking out into a Voto a Dios with his converting zeal, he swore he should have no quiet nights rest untill he were fully satisfied of my resolution to accompany him. And having learned the Poets expression, Quid non mortalia pectora cogis, Auri sacra fames? he offered unto me halfe a dozen of Spanish pistols, assuring me that I should want nothing, and that the next morning Calvo should furnish me with whatsoever monies I needed, for to buy things necessary for the comfort of so long and tedious a journy. To whom I answered, suddain resolutions might bring future grief and sorrow, and that I should that night lye down and take counsell with my pillow, assuring him that for his sake I would doe much, and that if I resolved to goe, my resolution should draw on an other friend of mine, an Irish Fryer, named Thomas Deloon. Thus tooke I my leave of my Melendez, and retired my self to my chamber and bed, which that night was no place of repose and rest to me as formerly it had been. I must needs say Melendez his arguments, though most of them moved me not; yet the opportunity offered me to hide my self from all sight and knowledge of my dearest friends, stirred up in me a serious thought of an angry and harsh letter, which not long before I had received out of England from mine own father, signifying unto me the displeasure of most of my friends and kindred, and his own grievous indignation against me, for that having spent so much money in training me up to learning, I had not only utterly refused to be of the Jesuites Order (which was his only hopes) but had proved in my affections a deadly foe and enemy unto them. And that he would have thought his money better spent, if I had been a Scullion in a Colledge of Jesuites, then if I should prove a Generall of the Order of Dominicans; that I should never think to be welcome to my Brothers nor kindred in England, nor to him; that I should not expect ever more to heare from him, nor dare to see him if ever I returned to England; but[Pg 13] expect that he would set upon mee even Jesuites, whom I had deserted and opposed, to chace mee out of my Country; that Hailing house though hee had lost it with much more meanes for his Religion during his life; yet with the consent of my Eldest Brother (now Governour of Oxford, and Masse-founder in that our Famous University) hee would sell it away; that neither from the Estate, or money made of it, I might injoy a childs part due unto mee. These reasons stole that nights rest from my body, and sleep from my eyes, teares keeping them unclosed and open, lest Cynthia's black and mourning Mantle should offer to cover, close and shut them. To this Letters consideration was joyned a strong opposition, which serious Studies & ripenesse of Learning, with a carefull discussion of some Schoole-points and Controversies had bred in mee against some chief of the Popish Tenents. Well could I have wished to have come to England, there to satisfie and ease my troubled Conscience; well considered I, that if I stayed in Spain, when my Studies were compleatly finished, the Dominicans with a Popes Mandamus would send me home for a Missionary to my Country. But then well considered I the sight of a wrathfull Father, the power of a furious Brother a Colonell, who (as now landed in England to search me out, and do me mischief) then, when Zephryus with a pleasant gale seconded his Popish zeale, might violently assault mee. Well considered I the increased rout and rable of both their great friends, the Jesuites, who what with Court friends power, what with subtile plots and Policies would soone and easily hunt me out of England. Lastly, well considered I my Melendez his last inducing Argument of the increase of knowledge naturall by the insight of rich America and flourishing Asia, and of knowledge spirituall by a long contemplation of that new planted Church, and of those Church Planters lives and Conversations. Wherefore after a whole nights strife and inward debate, as the glorious Planet began to banish nights dismall horror, rising with a bright and cheerefull countenance, rose in my minde a firme and setled resolution to visit America, and there to abide till such time as Death should surprise my angry Father, Ignatius Loiola his devoted Mecænas, and till I might there gain out of Potosi or Sacatecas treasure that might Counterpoise that Childs part, which for detesting the foure Cornered Cap, and black Coat of Jesuites, my Father had deprived mee of. So in recompence of the Supper which my friend Anthony had bestowed upon mee, I gave him a most pleasing breakfast by discovering unto him my purpose and resolution to accompany him in his long and Navall journey. And at noon I feasted him with a dinner of one dish more then his breakfast, to wit, the company also of my Irish friend Thomas Deloon. After dinner wee both were presented to Calvo the bald pate Superiour; who immediately imbraced us, promised to us many curtesies in the way, read unto us a Memorandum of what dainties he had provided for us, what varieties of fish and flesh, how many Sheep, how many Gammons of Bacon, how many fat Hens, how many Hogs, how many barrels of white Bisket, how many Jars of wine of Casalla, what store of Rice, Figs, Olives, Capars, Raysins, Lemmons, sweet and sowre Oranges, Pomegranates, Comfits, Preserves, Conserves and all sorts of Portingall sweet meates; hee flattered us that hee would make us Masters of Arts, and of Divinity in Manila; then opened hee his purse, and freely gave us to spend that day in Xerez, and to buy what most we had a mind to, and to carry us to Cales; Lastly hee opened his hands to bestow upon us the holy Fathers Benediction, that no mischiefe might befall us in our way; I expected some Relique or naile of his great toe, or one of his velvet Pantofles to kisse; But peradventure with frequent kissing through Italy and all Castilia it was even worn thredbare. Much were wee frowned at by the Dominicans our chiefest friends of Xerez, but the liberty which with Melendez we injoyed that day about the City of Xerez tooke from us all sad thoughts, which so suddaine a departure from our friends might have caused in us. And Calvo much fearing that the love of some Nuns (too powerfull with Spanish Fryers) might yet keep us back from pursuing our purposed journey, with cunning policy perswaded us to depart from Xerez the next morning. Which willingly wee performed in company of Melendez and another Spanish Fryer of that City (leaving our Chests and Bookes to Calvo to send after us) and that day wee travailed like Spanish Dons upon our little Boricoes, or Asses towards Puerto de Santa Maria, taking in our way that stately Convent of Cartusians, and the River of Guadalethe, the former Poets River of oblivion, tasting of the fruits of those Elysian fields and Gardens and drinking of Guadalethes Crystall Streams, that so perpetuall oblivion might blind and cover all those Abstractive Species which the intuitive knowledge[Pg 14] of Spains and Xerezes pleasant objects had deeply stamped in our thoughts and hearts. At evening wee came to that Puerto so famous for harbouring Spains chief Gallies, and at that time Don Frederique de Toledo; who hearing of the arrivall of foure Indian Apostles, would not loose that occasion of some Soule-Sanctification (which he thought might bee his purchase) by entertaining us that night at Supper. The Town thought their Streets blessed with our walking in them, and wished they might injoy some Reliques from us, whom they beheld as appointed to Martyrdome for Christ and Antichrists sake together; the Galley slaves strived who should sound their Waits and Trumpets most joyfully, Don Frederique spared no cost in Fish and Flesh that night, doubting not but that receiving foure Prophets, hee should receive a fourefold reward hereafter. Supper being ended, wee were by Don Frederique his Gentlemen conveyed to the Cloister of the Minims appointed by Don Frederique to lodge us that night, who to shew their brotherly love washed our feet, and so recommended us to quiet and peaceable rest. The next morning after a stately breakfast bestowed upon us by those poor Mendicant Fryers, a boat was prepared for us and Don Frederique his Gentlemen to wait on us, and to convey us to Cales. Where wee found out our fellow Apostles, and the Popes Commissary Fryer Mathew De la Villa, who welcomed us with Romes Indulgences, a culpa & a poena, and with a flourishing Table stored with Fish and Flesh for dinner. There wee continued in daily honour and estimation, enjoying the sights most pleasant which Cales both by Sea and Land could afford unto us, untill the time of the Fleets departing. Which when it drew neere, our Grand Apostle Fryer Mathew De la Villa, (whom wee thought burned with zeal of Martyrdome) tooke his leave of us; shewing us the Popes Commission to nominate in his place whom hee list, and naming bald Calvo for Superiour, returning himselfe to Madrid with more desire to enjoy a Bishoprick in Spain (as wee understood) then to sacrifice his life in Japan. His departure caused a Mutiny among us, and cooled the spirit of two of our Missionaries, who privily fled from us. The rest were pleased with honest Calvo, for that hee was a simple and ignorant old man, (whom they could more jeere then any way respect) more Scullion-like in daily greazing his white habit with handling his fat Gammons of Bacon, then like a Popes Commissary; for his Masters Toe the proudest of our Missioners then would willingly have kissed; yet Calvoes greazy fists the humblest would loath to have kissed. Thus under a sloven was that Apostolicall Mission to bee conveyed first to Mexico three thousand Spanish Leagues from Spain, and afterwards three thousand Leagues further from thence to Manila the Metropolitan and Court City of the Islands of Philippinas.
Upon the first of July in the afternoon, Don Carlos de Ybarra Admirall of the Galeons that then lay in the Baye of Cales gave order that a warning Peece should be shot off to warne all Passengers, Souldiers, and Mariners to betake themselves the next morning to their Ships. O what was it to see some of our Apostolicall company who had injoyed much liberty for a moneth in Cales, who had began to entangle their hearts with some young Nuns love, now hang down their heads, and act with sad and demure lookes loath to depart, and cry out, Bonum est nos hic esse, it is good for us to be here? and amongst them one Fryer John De Pacheco made the warning Peece to be a warning to him to hide himself (who could no more be found amongst his fellow Missioners) thinking it a part of hard cruelty to forsake a young Franciscan Nun to whom he had engaged and wholly devoted his heart. What was it to see others with weeping eyes piercing through the Iron grates the tender Virgins hearts, leaving and bequeathing unto them some pledges of their wanton love, and receiving from them some Cordialls against Sea-sicknesse, Caps, Shirts and Hand-kerchiefs, to eye them or weare them when Æolus or Neptune should most oppose them? The second of July in the morning early notice was given unto us, that one Fryer Pablo de Londres, an old crab faced English Fryer living in St. Lucar had got the Duke of Medina his letter and sent it to the Governour of Cales[Pg 15] charging him to search for me & to stay me, signifying the King of Spains will and pleasure, that no English should passe to the India's, having a Countrey of their own to convert; this did that old fryer to stop my passage, having before wrote unto me many letters to the same purpose, and got a letter from that father Master that was in England before, with the Count of Gondomar, alias Fryer Diego de la Fluente, then Provinciall of Castilia, and sent it unto mee, wherein that Superiour offered mee many kind offers of preferrement, if I would desist from my journey, and return to him to Castilia; but none of these letters could prevail with mee; nor the Governours searching stop mee; for immediately I was conveyed alone to our ship, and there closely hid in a barrell that was emptied of Bisquet to that purpose; so that when the Governour came a ship-board to enquire for an English man, Fryer Calvo having the father of liers in my stead about him, resolutely denyed mee, who would not be found, because not sought for in a barrells belly. This found our Apostles sport and talk that first day. Then went out the ships one by one crying A dios, A dios, and the Towne replying Buen viaie, buen viaie; when all were out and no hopes of enjoying more Cales pleasures and liberty, then began my young Fryers to wish themselves again a Land, some began presently to feed the fishes with their Nuns sweet dainties; others to wonder at the number of stately ships, which with eight Galeons that went to convey us beyond the Islands of Canaria were fourty one in all; some for one Port of the Indiaes, and some for another. To Puerto Rico went that year two ships; to Santo Domingo three, to Jamaica two, to Margarita one, to the Havana two, to Cartagena three, to Campeche two, to Honduras and Truxillo two, and to St. John de Ulhua, or Vera Crux sixteen; all laden with Wines, Figs, Raisins, Olives, Oyle, Cloth, Carsies, Linnen, Iron, and quick silver for the Mines, to fetch out the pure silver of Sacatecas from the earthen drosse from whence it is digged. The persons of most note that went that year, was first the Marquesse de Serralvo with his Lady, who went for Viceroy of Mexico, in stead of the Conde de Gelves then retired to a Cloister for feare of the common people, who the year before had mutinied against him; this Marquesse went in the ship called St. Andrew, and with him in the same ship went Don Martin de Carillo a Preist, and Inquisitor of the Inquisition of Valladolid; who was sent for Visiter Generall to Mexico, to examine the strife between the Conde de Gelves and the Arch-Bishop, and the mutiny that for their sakes had happened, with full Commission and Authority to imprison, banish, hang and execute all Delinquents. In the ship called Santa Gertrudis went Don John Nino de Toledo, who was sent to be President of Manila in Philippinas; and in the same ship with him went the whole Mission of thirty Jesuites sent to Philippinas; who had already got the favour of the President, and politickly sought to be passengers in the same ship, that so they might the more ingratiate themselves to him; for this cunning generation studies purposely how to insinuate themselves with Kings, Princes, Great men, Rulers, and Commanders. In the ship called St. Antony went my Dominican Mission of 27 Fryers. In the ship called Nostra Sennora de Regla went four and twenty Mercenarian Fryers bound for Mexico; part of those that afterwards drew their knives to slash and cut the Criolio's of their Profession. Thus with the Convoy of eight Galeons for fear of Turkes and Hollanders (whom the Spanish Dons shake and tremble at) set forward our fleet with a pleasant and prosperous gale, with a quiet and milken sea, untill we came to the Golfe, called Golfo de Yeguas, or of kicking Mares, whose waves and swelling surges did so kick our ships, that wee thought they would have kicked our St. Anthonies gilded image out of our ship, and bereaved my Antonio Melendez of his gilt and painted idol, (to whom hee daily bowed and prayed against the mercilesse element,) and that all our ships galleries would have been torn from us with these spurnings and blowes of that outragious Golfe. But at last having overcome the danger of this Golfe, the eight Galeons took their leave of us, and left our Merchant ships now to shift for themselves. The departure of these Galeons was most solemnly performed on each side, saluting each other with their Ordnance, visiting each other with their Cock-boates, the Admirall of the Fleet feasting with a stately dinner in his ship, the Admirall of the Galeons; and the like performing most of the other ships to the severall Colonells and Captains and other their allied friends that were of the Roiall Fleet. Here it was worth noting to heare the sighes of many of our Indian Apostles, wishing they might return again in any of those Galeons to Spain; their zeal was now cold, and some endeavoured many waies for Calvo his licence to returne (which[Pg 16] could not be granted) others imployed themselves most of that day in writing letters to their friends, and Sisters in Cales. Thus dinner being ended, and the two Admiralls solemnly taking their leaves, the warning piece being shot off for the Galeons to joyn together, and turne their course to Spain, we bad mutuall adieu, crying one to another Buen Viaie, Buen passage; we kept our course towards America, sailing before the wind constantly till we came to America; a thing worth noting in that voiage from Spain to the Indies; that after the Islands of Canaria are once left, there is one constant wind, continuing to America still the same without any opposition or contrariety of other winds; and this so prosperous and full on the sailes, that did it blow constantly, and were it not interrupted with many calmes, doubtlesse the voiage might be ended in a moneth or lesse. But such were the calmes that many times we had, that we got not to the sight of any land till the twentieth day of August; so that neer six weeks we sailed as on a river of fresh water, much delighting and sporting our selves in fishing many sorts fishes, but especially one, which by the Spaniards is called Dorado, the golden fish, for the skin and scales of it that glitter like gold; of this sort we found such abundance, that no sooner was the hooke with any small bait cast into the sea, when presently the Dorado was caught, so that we tooke them many times for pleasure, and cast them againe into the sea, being a fish fitter to be eaten fresh then salted. Many were the feasts and sports used in the ships, till wee discovered the first land, or Island called Desseada. The last day of July (being according to the Jesuites Order, and Romes appointment, the day of Ignatius their Patron and founder of their Religion) the gallant ship called Sta. Gertrudis (wherein went 30 Jesuites) for theirs and their Saints sake made to all the rest of the Fleet a most gallant shew, shee being trimmed round about with white linnen, her flags and top gallants representing some the Jesuites arms, others the picture of Ignatius himself, and this from the evening before, shooting off that night at least fifty Shot of Ordinance, besides four or five hundred squibs (the weather being very calme) and all her masts and tacklings hung with paper Lanthornes having burning lights within them; the waits ceased not from sounding, nor the Spaniards from singing all night. The daies solemne sport was likewise great, the Jesuites increasing the Spaniards joy with an open procession in the ship, singing their superstitious Hymnes and Anthemes to their supposed Saint, and all this seconded with roaring Ordnance, no powder being spared for the compleating of that daies joy and triumph. The fourth of August following, being the day which Rome doth dedicate to Dominick, the first founder of the Dominicans or Preachers Order, the ship wherein I was, named St. Anthony, strived to exceed Sta. Gertrudis, by the assistance of the 27 Dominicans that were in her. All was performed both by night and day; as formerly in Sta. Gertrudis, both with powder, squibs, lights, Waits and musick. And further did the Dominicans joy and triumph exced the Jesuites, in that they invited all the Jesuites, with Don John Nino de Toledo the President of Manila, with the Captaine of the ship of Sta. Gertrudis, to a stately dinner both of Fish and Flesh; which dinner being ended, for the afternoones sport they had prepared a Comedy out of famous Lope de Vega, to be acted by some Souldiers, Passengers and some of the younger sort of Fryers; which I confesse was as stately acted and set forth both in shewes and good apparell, in that narrow compasse of our ship, as might have been upon the best stage in the Court of Madrid. The Comedy being ended, and a banquet of sweet meates prepared for the closing up of that daies mirth, both ours, and Sta. Gertrudis Cock-boat carried backe our invited friends, bidding each other adieu with our Waits and chiefest Ordnance. Thus went we on our Sea Voiage without any storme, with pleasant gales, many calmes, dayly sports and pastimes till we discovered the first land called Desseada upon the twentieth day of August.
The Admirall of our Fleet wondring much at our slow sailing, who from the second of July to the 19 of August had seen nor discovered any land, save only the Islands of Canaria; the same day in the morning called to Councell all the Pilots of the ships,[Pg 17] to know their Opinions concerning our present being, and the neernesse of Land. The Ships therefore drew neere unto the Admirall one by one, that every Pilot might deliver his opinion. Here was cause of laughter enough, for the passengers to heare the wise Pilots skil; One saying, we were three hundred miles, another two hundred, another one hundred, another fifty, another more, another lesse, all erring much from the truth (as afterward appeared) save onely one old Pilot of the smallest Vessell of all, who affirmed resolutely, that with that small gale wherewith wee then sailed, wee should come to Guadalupe the next morning. All the rest laughed at him, but he might well have laughed at them, for the next morning by Sun-rising wee plainly discovered an Island called Desseada by the Spaniards, or the desired Land, for that at the first discovery of the India's it was the first Land the Spaniards found, being then as desirous to find some Land after many dayes sailing as wee were. After this Island presently we discovered another called Marigalante, then another called Dominica, and lastly, another named Guadalupe, which was that wee aimed at to refresh our selves in, to wash our foule cloathes, and to take in fresh water, whereof wee stood in great need. By two or three of the clock in the afternoone wee came to a safe Rode lying before the Island, where wee cast our Anchors, no wayes fearfull of the naked Barbarians of that and the other Islands, who with great joy doe yearly expect the Spanish Fleets coming, and by the Moones doe reckon the Moneths, and thereby make their guesse at their comming, and prepare some their sugar Canes, others the Plantin, others the Tortois, some one Provision, some another to barter with the Spaniards for their small Haberdash, or Iron, Knives, or such things which may help them in their Wars, which commonly they make against some other Islands. Before our Anchors were cast, out came the Indians to meet us in their Canoa's, round like Troughes, some whereof had beene painted by our English, some by the Hollanders, some by the French, as might appeare by their severall Armes, it being a common Rode and harbour to all Nations that saile to America.
Before wee resolved to goe to shore, wee tasted of those Indian fruites, the plantin above all pleasing our taste and Palate. Wee could not but much wonder at that sight never yet seene by us of people naked, with their haire hanging down to the middle of their backes, with their faces cut out in severall fashions, or flowers, with thin plates hanging at their Noses, like Hog-rings, and fauning upon us like children, some speaking in their unknowne tongue, others using signs for such things as we imagined they desired. Their signe for some of our Spanish Wine was easily perceived, and their request most willingly granted to by our men, who with one reasonable Cup of Spanish Sacke presently tumbled up their heeles, and left them like swine tumbling on the Deck of our Ship. After a while that our people had sported with these rude and Savage Indians, our two Cock-Boates were ready to carry to shore such as either had clothes to wash, or a desire to bathe themselves in a River of fresh Water which is within the Island, or a mind to set their feet again upon unmoveable Land, after so many daies of uncertain footing in a floating and reeling Ship. But that day being farre spent, our Fryers resolved to stay in the Ship, and the next whole day to visit the Island; many of the Mariners and Passengers of all the Ships went that evening to shore, some returning at night, and some without feare continuing with the Indians all night on shore. The next morning my selfe and most of our Fryers went and having hired some Spaniards to wash our cloathes, we wandred sometimes all together sometimes two and two, and sometimes one alone about the Island, meeting with many Indians, who did us no hurt, but rather like children fauned upon us, offering us of their fruits, and begging of us whatsoever toies of pins, points or gloves they espied about us. Wee ventured to goe to some of their houses which stood by a pleasant River, and were by them kindly entertained, eating of their fish, and wild deeres flesh. About noone wee chanced to meet with some of the Jesuites of Santa Gertrudis Ship in the midst of the Mountain, who were very earnest in talke with a Mulatto, all naked like the rest of the Indians. This Mulatto was a Christian, born in Sevill in Spain, and had been slave there formerly to a rich Merchant, his name was Lewis, and spoke the Spanish Language very perfectly. Some twelve yeeres before, hee had run away from his Master by reason of hard and slavish usage, and having got to Cales, offering his service to a Gentleman then bound for America, the Gentleman fearing not that his true Master should ever have more notice of him from a new World, took him a Ship board with[Pg 18] him as his slave. The Mulatto remembring the many stripes which hee had suffered from his first cruell Master, and fearing that from America hee might by some intelligence or other be sent back again to Spain, and also jealous of his Second Master (whose blowes hee had begun to suffer in the Ship) that hee would prove as cruell as his first; when the Ships arrived at Guadalupe, resolved rather to die among the Indians (which hee knew might be his hardest fortune) then evermore to live in slavery under Spaniards. So casting his life upon good or bad fortune, hee hid himselfe among the trees in the Mountaine till the Ships were departed; who after being found by the Indians, and giving them some toyes which hee had got by stealth from his Master, hee was entertained by them, they liking him, and hee them. Thus continued this poore Christian slave among those Barbarians from yeare to yeare; who had care to hide himselfe at the comming of the Spanish Fleet yearely. In twelve yeares that hee had thus continued amongst them, hee had learned their language, was married to an Indian, by whom hee had three children living. The Jesuites by chance having met with him, and perceiving more by the Wooll upon his head, that hee was a Mulatto, then by his black and tauny skin (for those Indians paint themselves all over with a red colour) they presently imagined the truth that hee could not come thither but with some Spaniard, so entering into discourse with him, and finding him to speak Spanish, they got the whole truth of him. Then wee joyning with the Jesuites, began to perswade the poore Christian to forsake that heathenish life, wherein his soule could never bee saved, promising him if hee would goe along with us, hee should bee free from slavery forever. Poore Soule, though hee had lived twelve yeares without hearing a word of the true God, worshipping stockes and stones with the other Heathens; yet when hee heard again of Christ, of eternall damnation in hells torments, and of everlasting Salvation in Heavens joyes, hee began to weep, assuring us that hee would goe with us, were it not for his Wife and Children, whom hee tenderly loved, and could not forsake them. To this wee replyed, that thee might be a meanes of saving likewise their Souls, if hee would bring them with him; and further that wee would assure him that care should bee taken that neither hee, his Wife, nor children should ever want meanes competent for the maintenance of their lives. The Mulatto hearkned well to all this, though a suddaine feare surprized him, because certaine Indians passed by, and noted his long conference with us. The poore and timorous Mulatto then told us, that hee was in danger, for having been knowen by us, and that hee feared the Indians would kill him, and suspect that wee would steale him away; which if they did, and it were noised about the island, wee should soone see their love changed into cruell rage and Mutiny. Wee perswaded him not to feare any thing they could doe to us, who had Souldiers, Guns and Ordnance to secure ours and his life also, wishing him to resolve to bring his Wife and Children but to the Sea side, where our men were drying their Clothes, and would defend him, and a Boat should bee ready to convey him with his Wife and Children a Ship board. The Mulatto promised to doe as wee had counselled him, and that hee would entice his Wife and Children to the Sea side to barter with us their Wares for ours, desiring some of the Jesuites (whom hee said he should know by their black Coates) to bee there ready for him with a Cock-Boat. Lewis departed, as to us hee seemed resolute in what hee had agreed; Our joy likewise was great with the hope of bringing to the light of Christianity five Soules out of the darknesse of heathenish Idolatry. The Jesuites who had begun with this Mulatto were desirous that the happy end and conclusion might bee their glory. So taking their leaves of us, they hastened to the Sea to informe the Admirall of what they had done, and to provide that the Cock-Boat of their Ship might bee in readinesse to receive Lewis, and his family. Wee likewise returned to the shore to see if our Shirts, and Clothes were dry. Most of us (among whom my selfe was one) finding our Linnen ready and our Boat on Shore went aboard to our Ship, leaving two or three of our company with many of other Ships on shore, especially the Jesuites waiting for their prey. When we came to our Ship, most of our Fryers with what love they had found in the Barbarians, were inflamed with a new zeale of staying in that Island, and converting those Heathens to Christianity, apprehending it an easie businesse (they being a loving people) and no wayes dangerous to us, by reason of the Fleet that yearely passeth that way, and might enquire after our usage. But by some it was objected, that it was a rash and foolish[Pg 19] zeale with great hazard of their lives, and many inconveniences were objected against so blind and simple an attempt. But those that were most zealous slighted all reasons, saying that the worst that could happen to them could bee but to be butchered, sacrificed and eaten up; and that for such a purpose they had come out of Spain to be crowned with the Crowne of Martyrdome for confessing and preaching Jesus Christ. While wee were hot in this solemne consultation, behold an uproare on the shoare; our people running to and fro to save their lives, leaving their clothes, and hasting to the Cock-Boats, filling them so fast and so full, that some sunke with all the people in them; Above al, most pitiful and lamentable were the cries of some of our women, many casting themselves to the Sea, choosing rather to venture to be taken up by some Boat, or at worst to bee drowned, then to bee taken and to bee cruelly butchered by the Indians. Wee wondering at this suddain alteration, not knowing the cause of it, at last perceived the Arrowes to come out thick from the Wood from behind the Trees, and thereby guessed at the truth that the Barbarians were mutinied. The uproare lasted not halfe an houre, for presently our Admirall shot off two or three Peeces of Ordnance and sent a Company of Souldiers to shore to guard it and our people with their Muskets; which was well and suddainly performed, and all the Indians soon dispersed. Three of our Fryers who had remained on the land, our Cock-Boat brought them to us with more of our Passengers, among whom one Fryer John de la Cueva, was dangerously shot and wounded in one of his shoulders; this Fryer had beene earnest with mee to stay on shore with him, which I refused, and so escaped that cruell and fiery onset of the Indians. Besides those that were drowned and taken up at shore (which were fifteen persons) two Jesuites were found dead upon the Sand, three more dangerously wounded, three passengers likewise slaine, ten wounded, besides three more of the Fleet which could never bee found alive or dead, and were thought to have beene found in the Wood by the Indians, and to have beene murthered by them. Our Mulatto Lewis came not according to his word; but in his stead a suddaine Army of treacherous Indians, which gave us motive enough to thinke, that either Lewis himselfe had discovered the Jesuites Plot to take him away with his Wife and Children; or that the Indians suspecting it by his talke with us had made him confesse it. And certainly this was the ground of their Mutiny; for whereas Lewis before had said, that hee would know the Jesuites by their black Coats, it seemes hee had well described them above all the rest unto the Indians, for (as it was after well observed) most of their Arrowes was directed to the black Markes, and so five of them in little above a quarter of an houre slaine and wounded. All that night our Souldiers guarded the Coast, often shooting off their Muskets, to affright the Indians, who appeared no more unto us. All that night wee slept little, for wee watched our Ship; lest the Indians in their Canoas should set upon us and take us asleepe. Some lamented the dead and drowned, others pitied our wounded Fryer John De la Cueva, who all that night lay in great torment and misery, others laughed and jeared at those zealous Fryers, who would have stayed in that Island to Convert the Barbarians, saying they had had their full desire of Martyrdome, for had they beene but that night with the Indians, doubtlesse they had beene shred for their Suppers. But now wee perceived their zeale was coole, and they desired no more to stay with such a Barbarous kind of People; but rather wished the Admirall would shoot off the warning Peece for us all to take up our Anchors, and depart from so dangerous a place. In the morning all the Ships made hast to take in such fresh water as was necessary for their voiage yet to America, a strong watch being kept along the Coast, and a Guard guarding our men to the River; and all the morning while this was doing not one Indian could bee found or seen, nor our three men that were missing, appeared. Thus at noone with a pleasant and prosperous Gale we hoisted up our Sailes, leaving the Islands, and harbour of Guadalupe.
Upon the 22 day of August, wee sailed so pleasantly that wee soone left the sight of the Islands; The Indians uproare had weaved for us a thred of long discourse; It[Pg 20] made some hate their calling to teach and convert Indians, but Calvo hee encouraged us, telling us many Stories of the good and gentle nature of the Indians of Philippinas, to whom we were going, and that most of them were Christians already, who esteemed their Preists as Gods upon the earth; and that those that were not as yet converted to Christianity, were kept in awe by the power of the Spaniards. Our chiefe care the first two or three daies was to looke to our plantins which we got from the Indians. This fruit pleased us all exceedingly, judging it to bee as good, or better then any fruit in Spain. It is not gathered ripe from the tree; but being gathered green, it is hung up some daies, and so ripens and growes yellow and mellow, and every bit as sweet as honey. Our Sugar Canes were no lesse pleasing unto us, whilst chewing the pith, we refreshed and sweetned our mouthes with the juice. We fed for the first week almost upon nothing but Tortois; which seemed likewise to us that had never before seen it, one of the Sea monsters, the Shell being so hard as to beare any Cart wheel, and in some above two yards broad; when first they were opened, we were amazed to see the number of egges that were in them, a thousand being the least that we judged to be in some of them. Our Spaniards made with them an excellent broth with all sorts of spices. The meat seemed rather flesh then Sea fish, which being corned with salt, and hung up two or three dayes in the aire, tasted like Veal. Thus our Hens, our Sheep, our powdred Beef, and gammons of Bacon, which we brought from Spain, were some dayes slighted, while with greedy stomacks we fell hard to our Sea Veale.
After foure dayes sail, our Fryer John de la Cueva, who had been shot by the Indians, died; all his body being swelled, which gave us just occasion to thinke, that the arrow which was shot into his shoulder was poisoned. His buriall was as solemnly performed as could be at Sea. His grave being the whole Ocean, he had weighty stones hung to his feet, two more to his shoulders, and one to his brest; and then the superstitious Romish Dirige and Requiem being sung for his soul, his Corpse being held out to the Sea on the ship side, with ropes ready to let him fall, all the ship crying out three times, buen Viaie (that is, a good Voiage) to his soul chiefly, and also to his Corpse ready to travail to the deep to feed the Whales; at the first cry all the Ordnance were shot off, the ropes on a suddain loosed, and John de la Cueva with the weight of heavy stones plunged deep into the Sea, whom no mortall eyes ever more beheld. The like we saw performed in the ship of Santa Gertrudis, to another Jesuite, one of the three who had been dangerously wounded by the Indians of Guadalupe; who likewise died like our Fryer, his body being swelled as with poyson. Now our sailing was more comfortable then before; for we passed in the sight of the land of Puerto Rico, and then of the great Island of Sto. Domingo; and here our company began to be lessened, some departing to Puerto Rico, and Sto. Domingo, others to Cartagena, and Havana, and Honduras, Jamaica, and Jucatan. We remained now alone the Fleet for Mexico; and so sailed till we came to what the Spaniards call la Sonda, or the sound of Mexico; for here we often sounded the Sea; which was so calme, that a whole week we were stayed for want of wind, scarce stirring from the place where first we were caught by the calme. Here likewise we had great sport in fishing, filling again our bellies with Dorados, and saving that provision which we had brought from Spain. But the heat was so extraordinary, that the day was no pleasure unto us; for the repercussion of the suns heat upon the still water and pitch of our ships, kindled a scorching fire, which all the day distempered our bodies with a constant running sweat, forcing us to cast off most of our clothes. The evenings and nights were somewhat more comfortable, yet the heat which the sun had left in the pitched ribs and plankes of the ship was such, that under deck and in our Cabins wee were not able to sleep, but in our shirts were forced to walke, or sit, or lie upon the deck. The Mariners fell to washing themselves and to swimming, till the infortunate death of one in the ship called St. Francisco, made them suddainly leave off that sport. The neerer wee come to the main land, the sea abounds with a monstrous fish called by the Spaniards, Tiburon. Some mistake this fish for the Caiman, or Crocodile, holding them both for one; and thinking that it is only the Caiman or Crocodile (by abuse called Tiburon) which devoures mans flesh, a whole joynt at a bit in the water. But the mistake is grosse, for the Caiman is plated all over with shells, whereas the Tiburon hath no shells, but only like other great Sea fishes, hath a thick skin. The Caiman though the Indians eat of it, yet the Spaniards hate it; who eat of the Tiburon; and in our ship catching one with a tridentall iron[Pg 21] Fork, and haling him with a Cable rope to the ship side, and then binding him with it, (being as much as a dozen or fifteen men could do to hoise him up into the ship) we found him to be a most monstrous creature, twelve els long at least, which we salted, and found likewise to eat like flesh, as hath been said of the Tortois. This kind is as ravenous after mans flesh as the Crocodile, and many of them were to be seen in this Sound of Mexico.
The Spaniards bathing themselves dayly by the ships side, (where there is no such danger of the Tiburon; who useth not to come too neere the ships) one Mariner of the ship called St. Francisco being more venturous then the rest, and offering to swimme from his ship, to see some friends in another not farre off, chanced to be a most unfortunate prey to one of them, who before any boat could be set out to help him, was thrice seen to bee pulled under water by the Monster, who had devoured a leg, an arme, and part of his shoulder; the rest of the body was after found and taken up, and carried to S. Francisco, and there buried in the forme and manner as hath been said of our Fryer John de la Cueva. They that goe downe to the sea in ships, these see the workes of the Lord, and his wonders in the deepe, Ps. 107. 23, 24. Here they shall see not only Whales, but other Fishes like Monsters mastering strong and valiant men, with severall sets of sharpe, strong and mighty teeth, devouring at one bit whole limmes with flesh and bones together. This mischance sadded all our Fleet for three daies till it pleased God to refresh our burning heat with a cool and prosperous wind, driving us out of that calm Sound, which (if we had continued in it with that excessive heat) might have proved most unsound and unhealthy to our bodies. Three daies after we had sailed, being Munday in the morning about seven of the clock, one of our Fryers saying Masse, and all the people in the ship kneeling to hear it, and to adore their bread God, one Mariner with a loud and suddain voice crieth out Tierra, Tierra, Tierra, Land, Land, Land, which rejoyced the hearts of all that were in the ship, as it seemed, more then their Masse, for leaving that, and their God upon the Altar with the Preist to eat him alone, they arose from their knees, to behold the Continent of America. Great was the joy of all the ships that day; and great was the slaughter which our old Calvo made among his fowles, (which he had spared formerly) to feast that day his Fryers. About ten of the clock the whole face of the land was visibly apparent, and wee with full sale running to imbrace it. But our wise Admirall knowing the danger of the Coast, and especially the dangerous entring into the Haven, by reason of the many rockes that lie about it, and are known only by markes and flags set out to give all ships warning of them; perceiving that with the wind wherewith wee sailed then, we should not come till towards evening to the Port: and lastly, fearing lest some North-wind (which is dangerous upon that Coast, and ordinary in the month of September) should in the night arise, and endanger all our ships upon the rockes; he therefore called to Councell all the Pilots, to know whether it were best to keep on our sailing with full sail that day, with hopes to get that day in good time into the Haven, or else with the middle sail only to draw neer, that the next morning with more security wee might with the help of boats from land be guided in. The result of the Councell was not to venture that day too neer unto the Port, for fear of being benighted, but to pull down all, but the middle sail. The wind began to calme, and our ships to move slowly towards land, and so we continued till night. A double watch was kept that night in our ship, and the Pilot was more watchfull himselfe and more carefull then at other times; But our Fryers betooke themselves to their rest; which continued not long; for before midnight the wind turned to the North, which caused a suddain and generall cry and uproar in ours, and all the other ships. Our Mariners came to the Fryers, using almost the same words of Jonah 1. 6. What meanest thou, O sleeper? Arise call upon thy God, if so bee that God will thinke upon us, that we perish not. They changed the name of God into the blessed Virgin Mary, in whom they seeme to confide in such occasions more then in God himselfe. Their feare was more for the apprehension of danger by that kind of wind, and of what might happen, then for what as yet the wind threatned, which was not strong nor boisterous; however hallowed wax candles were lighted by the Fryers, knees bowed to Mary, Letanies and other hymnes and prayers sung aloud unto her, till towards the dawning of the day; when behold the North wind ceased, our wonted gale began to blow again, it being Gods will and pleasure, and no effect of the howling Fryers prayers to Mary, who yet superstitiously[Pg 22] to deceive the simple people, cryed out, Milagro, Milagro, Milagro, a miracle, a miracle, a miracle. By eight a clock in the morning wee came to the sight of the houses, and made signes for boats to convey us into the Haven; which immediately with great joy came out, and guided us one by one between those Rockes, which make that Port as dangerous as any I have discovered in all my travailes both upon the North and South sea. Our Waits plaied most pleasantly, our Ordnance saluted both Towne and Fort over against it, our hearts and countenances reciprocally rejoyced; wee cast our Anchors, which yet were not enough to secure our ships in that most dangerous Haven, but further with Cable ropes we secured them to Iron rings, which for that purpose are fastned into the Wall of the Fort, for feare of the strong and boisterous Northerne winds. And thus welcoming one another to a new world, many boates waiting for us, we presently went with joy to set footing in America.
Upon the 12 day of September, we happily arrived in America in that famous Towne, called St. John de Ulhua, otherwise Vera Crux; famous for that it was the first beginning of the famous conquest of that valiant and ever renowned Conqueror Hernando Cortez. Here first was that noble and generous resolution, that never heard of policy, to sinke the ships, which had brought the first Spaniards to that Continent, greater then any of the other three parts of the world, to the intent that they might thinke of nothing but such a conquest as after followed, being destitute of the helpe of their ships, and without hopes evermore to returne to Cuba, Yucatan, or any of those parts from whence they had come. Here it was, that the first five hundred Spaniards strengthned themselves against millions of enemies, and against the biggest fourth part of all the world. Here were the first Magistrates, Judges, Aldermen, Officers of Justice named. The proper name of the Towne is S. John de Ulhua, otherwise called Vera Crux, from the old Harbour and Haven of Vera Crux, six leagues from this, and so called for that upon good Friday it was first discovered. But the old Vera Crux proving too dangerous an Harbour for ships, by reason of the violence of the Northern winds; it was utterly forsaken by the Spaniards, who removed to St. John de Ulhua, where their ships found the first safe road by reason of a Rocke, which is a strong defence against the winds. And because the memory of the worke of that good Friday should never be forgotten; to S. John de Ulhua they have added the name also of Vera Crux, taken from that first Haven which was discovered upon good Friday, Anno 1519.
As soone as we came to shore, wee found very solemne preparations for entertainment, all the Towne being resorted to the Sea side, all the Preists and Canons of the Cathedrall Church, all the religious Orders of the severall Convents (which are there Dominicans, Franciscans, Mercenarians, and Jesuites) being in a readinesse with their Crosses borne before them, to guide the new Viceroy of Mexico, in procession to the chiefe Cathedrall Church. The Fryers and Jesuites were quicker in going to land then the great Don the Marquesse de Serralvo and his Lady. Some of them kissed the ground as holy in their opinion, for the Conversion of those Indians to Christianity, who before had worshipped Idols, and sacrificed to Devils; others kneeled upon their knees making short prayers, some to the Virgin Mary, others to such Saints as they best affected; and so betooke themselves to the places and stations of those of their profession. In the mean time all the Cannon playing both from ships and Castle, landed the Viceroy and his Lady and all his Traine, acccompanyed with Don Martin de Carrillo the Visiter generall for the strife between the Count of Gelves the last Viceroy, & the Archbishop of Mexico. The great Don and his Lady being placed under a Canope of state, began the Te Deum to be sung with much variety of musicall instruments, all marching in procession to the Cathedrall, where with many lights of burning lampes, torches, & Wax candles, was to the view of all set upon the high Altar their God of bread; to whom all knees were bowed; a prayer of thanks-giving sung, holy water by a Preist[Pg 23] sprinkled upon all the people, and lastly a Masse with three Preists solemnly celebrated. This being ended the Viceroy was attended on by the Chief High Justice, named Alcalde Major by the Officers of the Town, some Judges sent from Mexico to that purpose, and all the Souldiers of the Ships and Town unto his lodging; The Fryers likewise in Procession with their Crosse before them were conducted to their severall Cloisters. Fryer Calvo presented his Dominicans to the Prior of the Cloister of St. Dominicke, who entertained us very lovingly with some sweet Meates, and everyone with a Cup of the Indian drink called Chocolatte, whereof I shall speake hereafter. This refreshment being ended, wee proceeded to a better, which was a most stately Dinner both of Fish and Flesh; no Fowles were spared, many Capons, Turky Cocks, and Hens were prodigally lavished, to shew us the abundance and plenty of Provision of that Country. The Prior of this Cloister was no stayed, ancient, grey-headed man, such as usually are made Superiours to govern young and wanton Fryers; but hee was a Gallant and Amorous young Sparke, who (as wee were there informed) had obtained from his Superiour the Provinciall the Government of that Convent with a Bribe of a thousand Duckats. After dinner hee had some of us to his Chamber, where wee observed his lightnesse and little savour of Religion or Mortification in him; We thought to have found in his Chamber some stately Library, which might tel us of Learning and love of Study; but we found not above a dozen old Bookes, standing in a corner covered with dust and Cobwebs, as if they were ashamed that the Treasure that lay hid in them, should be so much forgotten, and undervalued, and the Guitarra (the Spanish Lute) preferred and set above them. His Chamber was richly dressed and hung with many pictures, and with hangings, some made with Cotten Wooll, others with various coloured feathers of Mechoacan, his Tables covered with Carpets of Silk; his Cubboards adorned with severall sorts of China Cups and Dishes, stored within with severall dainties of sweet Meates and Conserves.
This sight seemed to the zealous Fryers of our Mission most vaine, and unbeseeming a poore and mendicant Fryer; to the others, whose end in comming from Spain to those parts was Liberty, and loosnesse, and covetousnesse of riches, this sight was pleasing and gave them great incouragement to enter further into that Country, where soone a Mendicant Lazarus might become a proud and wealthy Dives. The discourse of the young and light headed Prior was nothing but vaine boasting of himself, of his birth, his parts, his favour with the chiefe Superior or Provinciall, the love which the best Ladies, the richest Merchants Wives of the Towne bare unto him, of his cleere and excellent voice, and great dexterity in Musick, whereof he presently gave us a taste, tuning his Guitarra and singing to us some verses (as hee said, of his owne composing) some lovely Amaryllis, adding scandall to scandall, loosenesse to liberty, which it grieved some of us to see in a Superiour who should have taught with words, and in his life and Conversation examples of Repentance and Mortification. No sooner were our senses of hearing delighted well with Musick, our Sight with the objects of Cotten-Wool, Silke and Feather workes, but presently our Prior caused to be brought forth of all his store of dainties, such variety as might likewise relish well and delight our sense of tasting. Thus as wee were truely transported from Europe to America, so the World seemed truely to bee altered, our senses changed from what they were the night & day before when we heard the hideous noise of the Mariners hoising up Sailes, when wee saw the deep and monsters of it, when we tasted the stinking water, when we smelt the Tarre and Pitch; but here wee heard a quivering and trembling voice and instrument well tuned, wee beheld wealth and riches, wee tasted what was sweet, and in the Sweet-meates smelt the Muske and Civit, wherewith that Epicurean Prior had seasoned his Conserves. Here wee broke up our discourse and pastimes, desirous to walke abroad and take a view of the Towne, having no more time then that, and the next day to stay in it. Wee compassed it round about that afternoone; and found the situation of it to bee sandy, except on the South-West side, where it is Moorish ground, and full of standing Bogs, which with the great heates that are there, cause it to bee a very unhealthy place; The number of Inhabitants may bee three thousand, and amongst them some very rich Merchants, some worth two hundred, some three hundred, and some foure hundred thousand Duckats. Of the buildings little we observed, for they are all, both Houses, Churches, and Cloisters built with Boards and Timber, the Walls of the richest mans house being made but of boards, which with the impetuous Winds[Pg 24] from the North hath bin cause that many times the town hath bin for the most part of it burnt down to the ground. The great Trading from Mexico, & by Mexico from the East-India's, from Spain, from Cuba, Sto. Domingo, Jucatan, Portabello, and by Portabello from Peru, from Cartagena and all the Islands lying upon the North Sea, and by the River Alvarado going up to Zapotecas, St. Ildefonso, and towards Guaxaca, and by the River Grijalva, running up to Tabasco, Los Zoques and Chiapa de Indios, maketh this little Town very rich, and to abound with all the Commodities of the Continent Land, and of all the East and West-India's Treasures. The unhealthinesse of the place is the reason of the paucity of Inhabitants, and the paucity of them, together with the rich Trading and commerce, the reasons that the Merchants therein are extraordinary rich; who yet might have been farre richer, had not the Town been so often fired, and they in the fire had great losses. All the strength of this Towne is first the hard and dangerous entrance into the Haven; and secondly, a rock which lyeth before the Town lesse then a Musket shot off; upon which is built a Castle, and in the Castle a slight Garrison of Souldiers. In the Town there is neither Fort, nor Castle, nor scarce any people of warlike mindes. The Rocke and Castle are as a Wall, defence, and inclosure to the Haven, which otherwise lyeth wide open to the Ocean, and to the Northern Winds. No Ship dares cast anchor within the Haven, but onely under the Rock and Castle, and yet not sure enough so with Anchors, except with Cables also they be bound and fastened to Rings of Iron for that purpose to the side of the Rock; from whence sometimes it hath happened that Ships floating with the Stream too much on one side the Rocke have been driven off and cast upon the other Rockes or out to the Ocean, the Cables of their Anchors, and those wherewith they have beene fastned to the Castle being broken with the force of the Winds. This happened to one of our Ships the first night after we landed; who were happy that we were not then at Sea; for there arose such a storme and Tempest from the North, that it quite broke the Cables of one Ship and drove it out to the maine Sea, and wee thought it would have blowne and droven us out of our beds after it, for the slight boarded houses did so totter & shake, that we expected every houre when they would fal upon our heads. We had that first night enough of St. John de Ulhua, and little rest, though feasted as well at Supper as at Dinner by our vaine boasting Prior, who before wee went to bed, had caused all our feet to bee washed, that now in easier beds then for above two moneths together the strait and narrow Cabins of the Ship had allowed us, our sleep might be more quiet, and more nourishing to our bodies; but the whistling Winds and tottering Chambers, which made our Beds uneasie Cradles to us, caused us to flie from our rest at midnight, and with our bare (though washed) feet to seeke the dirty Yard for safer shelter. In the morning the Fryers of the Cloister who were acquainted with those winds and storms, laughed at our fearefulnesse, assuring us, that they never slept better then when their Beds were rocked with such like blasts. But that nights affrightment made us weary already of our good and kind entertainment; wee desired to remove from the Sea side; which our Superiour Calvo yeelded to, not for our feare sake so much, as for his feare, lest with eating too much of the fruits of that Countrey, and drinking after them too greedily of the water (which causeth dangerous Fluxes, and hasteneth death to those that newly come from Spain to those parts) wee should fall sick, and die there, as hundreds did after our departure for want of temperance in the use of those fruits, which before they had never seen, or eaten. Thirty Mules were ready for us, which had bin brought a purpose from Mexico, and had waited for us in St. John de Ulhua six days before ever the Fleet arrived. Calvo that day busied himselfe a Ship board in sending to shore our Chests, and such Provision as had been left of Wines, and Bisket, Gammons of Bacon, and salted Beefe, whereof there was some store, besides a dozen Hens and three Sheep, which was much wondred at, that so much should be left after so long a voiage. In the mean time we visited our friends and tooke our leaves of them in the forenoone; and after Dinner seats were prepared for us in the Cathedrall Church to sit and see a Comedy acted, which had beene on purpose studied and prepared by the Town for the entertainment of the new Viceroy of Mexico. Thus two daies onely we abode in St. John de Ulhua, and so departed.
Upon the 14 day of September we left the Town and Port of S. John de Ulhua, entring into the rode to Mexico, which we found the first three or four leagues to bee very sandy, as wide and open as is our rode from London to S. Albans. The first Indians we met with, was at the old Vera Crux, a Towne seated by the sea side, which the Spaniards that first conquered that countrey thought to have made their chief Harbour: but afterwards by reason of the small shelter they found in it for their ships against the North winds, they left it, and removed to S. John de Ulhua. Here we began to discover the power of the Preists and Fryers over the poore Indians, and their subjection and obedience unto them. The Prior of S. John de Ulhua had writ a letter unto them the day before of our passing that way, charging them to meet us in the way, and to welcome us into those parts; which was by the poor Indians gallantly performed; for two miles before we came to the Towne, there met us on Horse-back some twenty of the chiefe of the Towne, presenting unto every one of us a nosegay of flowers; who rid before us a bow shot, till we met with more company on foot, to wit, the Trumpeters, the Waits; (who sounded pleasantly all the way before us) the Officers of the Church, such as here we call Church-wardens, though more in number, according to the many sodalities or confraternities of Saints whom they serve, these likewise presented to each of us a nosegay; next met us the singing men and boyes, all the Quiristers, who softly and leisurely walked before us singing, Te Deum laudamus, till we came to the midst of the Towne, where were two great Elme trees, the chiefe Market place; there was set up one long arbour with green bowes, and a table ready furnished with boxes of conserves, and other sweet meates, and diet-bread, to prepare our stomacks for a cup of Chocolatte, which while it was seasoning with the hot water and Sugar, the chiefe Indians and Officers of the Towne made a speech unto us, having first kneeled downe and kissed our hands one by one; they welcomed us into their Countrey, calling us the Apostles of Jesus Christ, thanked us for that we had left our own Countrey, our friends, our fathers and mothers for to save their soules; they told us they honoured us as Gods upon earth; and many such complements they used till our Chocolatte was brought. We refreshed ourselves for the space of one hour, and gave hearty thanks to the Indians for their kind respects unto us, assuring them that nothing was more deare unto us in this world then their souls, which that we might save, wee regarded not sea, nor land dangers, nor the unhumane cruelties of barbarous and savage Indians, (who as yet had no knowledge of the true God) no nor our owne lives.
And thus we took our leaves, giving unto the chief of them some Beads, some medals, some Crosses of brasse, some Agnus Dei, some reliques brought from Spain, and to every one of the Town an Indulgence of fourty years, (which the Pope had granted unto us, to bestow where, and upon whom, and as often as wee would) wherewith we began to blind that simple people with ignorant, erroneous, and Popish principles. As we went out of the Arbour to take our Mules, behold the Market place was full of Indian men and women; who as they saw us ready to depart, kneeled upon the ground as adoring us for a blessing, which as we rid along, we bestowed upon them with lifted up hands on high, making over them the signe of the Crosse. And this submission of the poor Indians unto the Preists in those parts; this vain-glory in admitting such ceremonious entertainment and publike worship from them, did so puffe up some of our young Fryers hearts, that already they thought themselves better then the best Bishops in Spain, who though proud enough, yet never travail there with such publike acclamations as we did. The Waits and Trumpets sounded againe before us, and the chiefe of the Town conducted us a mile forward, and so tooke their leaves. The first two daies we lodged but in poore small Indian Townes, among whom we still found kind entertainment, and good store of provision, especially of Hens, Capons, Turkeys, and severall[Pg 26] sorts of fruits. The third day at night we came to a great Towne consisting of neere two thousand inhabitants, some Spaniards, some Indians, called Xalappa de la Vera Crux. This Towne in the yeare 1634. was made a new Bishops Sea (the Bishoprick of the City, called La Puebla de los Angeles being divided into two) and this being not above the third part of it, is thought to be worth ten thousand duckats a yeer. It stands in a very fertile soile for Indian wheat called Maiz, and some Spanish wheat. There are many Townes about it of Indians; but what makes it rich, are the many farmes of Sugar, and some which they call Estantia's, rich farmes for breeding of Mules, and cattell; and likewise some Farmes of Cochinil. In this Towne there is but one great Church and an inferiour Chappell, both belonging to a Cloister of Franciscan Friers, wherein we were lodged that night and the next day, being the Lords day. Though the revenues of this Cloister be great, yet it maintaines not above halfe a dozen Fryers, where twenty might be plentifully maintained, that so those few lubbers might be more abundantly, and like Epicures fed and nourished. The Superiour or Guardian of this Cloister was no lesse vaine then the Prior of S. John de Ulhua; and though he were not of our profession, yet he welcomed us with stately entertainment. Here and wheresoever further we travailed, we still found in the Preists and Fryers loosenesse of life, and their waies and proceedings contrary to the waies of their profession, sworne to by a solemne Vow and Covenant. This Order especially of the mendicant Franciscan Fryers voweth (besides chastity and obedience) poverty more strictly to be observed, then any other Order of the Romish Church; for their Clothing ought to be corse sackcloth, their girdles made of hemp should be no finer then strong halters, their shirts should be but woollen, their legs should know no stockings, their feet no shoes, but at the most and best either wooden clogs, or sandals of hemp, their hands and fingers should not so much as touch any money, nor they have the use or possession or propriety of any, nor their journeys be made easy with the help of Horses to carry them, but painfully they ought to travaile on foot; and the breach of any of these they acknowledge to be a deadly and mortall sinne, with the guilt of a high soul-damning and soul-cursing excommunication. Yet for all these bonds and obligations, those wretched Impes live in those parts as though they had never vowed unto the Lord, shewing in their lives that they have vowed what they are not able to performe. It was to us a strange and scandalous sight to see here in Xalappa a Fryer of the Cloister riding in with his lackey boy by his side, upon a goodly gelding, (having gone but to the Townes end, as we were informed, to heare a dying mans confession) with his long habit tucked up to his girdle, making shew of a fine silke orange colour stockin upon his legs, and a neate Cordovan shoe upon his foot, with a fine Holland paire of drawers, with a lace three inches broad at knee. This sight made us willing to pry further into this and the other Fryers carriages, under whose broad sleeves we could perceive their dublets quilted with silke, and at their wrists the laces of their Holland shirts. In their talke we could discerne no mortification, but meer vanity and worldlinesse. After supper some of them began to talk of carding and dicing; they challenged us, that were but new comers to those parts, to a Primera; which though most of ours refused, some for want of money, some for ignorance of that game, yet at last with much ado they got two of our Fryers to joyn with two of theirs; so the cards were handsomely shuffled, the vies and revies were doubled, losse made some hot & blind with passion, gain made others eager and covetous; and thus was that religious Cloister made all night a gaming house, and sworne religious poverty turned into profane and worldly covetousnesse. We that beheld some part of the night the game, found enough to observe, for the more the sport increased, scandalls to the sport were added, both by drinking and swearing that common oath Voio a Christo, Voio a Dios, and also by scoffing and jearing at the religious vowes of poverty which they had vowed; for one of the Franciscans though formerly he had touched money, and with his fingers had laid it to the Stake on the table; yet sometimes to make the company laugh, if he had chanced to winne a double vie (and sometimes the vies and revies went round of twenty patacons) then would he take the end of one sleeve of his habit, and open wide the other broad sleeve, and so with his sleeve sweep the money into his other sleeve, saying, I have vowed not to touch money, nor to keep any, I meaned then a naturall contact of it; but my sleeve may touch it, and my sleeve may keep it: shewing with scoffes and jests of his lips, what religion was in his heart. My eares tingled with[Pg 27] hearing such oathes, my tongue would have uttered some words of reproofe, but that I considered my self a guest and stranger in a strange house, and that if any thing I should say, it would doe no good; so silently I departed to my rest, leaving the Gamesters, who continued til Sun-rising, and in the morning I was informed that the jesting Fryer, that rather roaring Boy then religious Franciscan, fitter for Sardanapalus or Epicurus his Schoole, then to live in a Cloister, had lost fourescore and odde Patacons, his sleeve (it seemes) refusing to keep for him what hee had vowed never to possesse. Here I began to find out by experience of these Franciscans, that liberty and loosnesse of life it was that brought yeerly so many Fryers and Jesuites from Spain to those parts, rather then zeale of Preaching the Gospel and Converting Soules to Christ, which indeed being an act of highest Charity, they make a speciall badge of the truth of their Religion: But the loosnesse of their lives sheweth evidently that the love of money, of vain-glory, of Power and Authority over the poore Indians, is their end and aime more then any love of God. From Xalappa we went to a place called by the Spaniards, La Rinconada, which is no Towne nor Village, and therefore not worth mentioning in such a Rode as now I am in; yet as famous in two things, it must not bee omitted amongst greater places. This place stands so far from any other Town, that Travellers can scarce make their journeys without either baiting there at noone, or lying there at night, or declining three or foure miles out of the Rode to some Indian Town. It is no more then one house, which the Spaniards call, Venta, or as our English, Innes, seated in the corner of a low Valley, which is the hottest place from St. John de Ulhua to Mexico; about it are the best Springs and Fountaines in all the Rode, and the water though warme with the heat of the Sun, yet as sweet as any Milk. The Inne-keepers knowing wel the Spaniards heat, that it seeks coole and refreshing drink, have speciall care so to lay in water in great earthen Vessels, which they set upon a moist and waterish Sand, that it is so cold that it maketh the teeth to chatter. This sweetnesse and this coolnesse together of that water in so hot and scorching a Countrey, was to us a wonder, who could find no other refreshment from that extraordinary heat. Besides our Provision here of Beefe, Mutton, Kid, Hens, Turkeys, Rabbets, Fowles, and especially Quailes, was so plentifull and cheape, that wee were astonished at it. The Valley and Countrey about it is very rich and fertile, full of Spanish Farmes of Sugar, and Cochinil, Spanish and Indian Wheate. But what maketh mee more especially remember this Venta, or Inne, is, for that though Art and experience of man have found a way to provide for Travellers in so hot a place coole and refreshing water, and God have given it the sweetnesse of Milk, and to the place such abundance of Provision; yet all this in the day onely is comfortable and pleasant; but in the night the Spaniards call it, Cumfites en infierno, that is to say, Cumfits in hell, for not onely the heat is so extraordinary, that it is impossible to bee feeding without wiping away the continuall sweat of the Face, whose drops from the Browes are alwayes ready to blind our eyes and to fill with sauce our dishes, but the swarmes of Gnats are such that waking and sleeping no device of man is able to keep them off. True it is, most of us had our Pavilions which wee carried with us to hang about and over our beds, but these could not defend us from that piercing and stinging Vermine, which like Egypts Plague of Frogs would be sure to be in every place, and through our Curtaines to come upon our very Beds. Yet in the day they are not; but just at Sun setting they begin to swarme about, and at Sun rising away they goe. After a most tedious and troublesome night, when wee found the rising of the Sun had dispersed and banished them away, wee thought it best for us to flie away from that place with them; and so from thence earely wee departed to a Towne as pleasant and fertill and abounding with Provision as this Rinconada, and free from such busie guests and individuall Mates and Companions as the night before had intruded themselves upon us. The next night wee got to a Towne called Segura, inhabited both by Indians and Spaniards, consisting of about a thousand Inhabitants; here again without any charges we were stately entertained by Franciscan Fryers, as light and vain glorious as those of Xalappa. This Town had its first beginning and foundation from Hernando Cortez, and is called Segura de la Frontera, being built up by him for a Frontier Town to secure the Spaniards that came from St. John de Ulhua to Mexico, against the Culhuacans and people of Tepeacac, who were allied to the Mexicans, and so much annoyed the Spaniards. But what most incensed Cortez was, that after his first repulse from Mexico, the Indians insulting over him and the rest of his Company, whom they heard had[Pg 28] beene dangerously wounded, and were retired to Tlaxcallan to recover and strengthen themselves; the two Townes, Culhua and Tepeacac, then in League with the Mexicans against Cortez and the Town of Tlaxcallan, lying in wait for the Spaniards, took twelve of them, and sacrificed them alive to their Idols and eat their flesh. Whereupon Cortez desired Maxixca, a chief Captain of Tlaxcallan, and divers other Gentlemen of that Towne to goe with him and to help him to bee avenged of the people of Tepeacac for the cruelty used to twelve of his Spaniards, and for the daily and great hurt they also did to the Inhabitants of Tlaxcallan with the helpe of their allied friends the Culhuacans and Mexicans. Maxixca and the chief of Tlaxcallan forthwith entred into counsell with the States and and Communalty of the Town, and there determined with generall consent to give unto him forty thousand fighting Men, besides many Tamemez, who are Foot Carriers, to beare the Baggage, Victuall, and other things. With this number of Tlaxcalteca's, his owne men, and horses, Cortez went to Tepeacac, requiring them in satisfaction of the death of the twelve Christians, that they should now yeeld themselves to the obedience of the Emperour and King of Spain his Master, and hereafter never more to receive any Mexican into their Town or houses, neither yet any of the Province of Culhua. The Tepeacacs answered that they had slain the Spaniards for good and just cause, which was that being time of Warre, they presumed to passe through their Countrey by force without their will and License. And also that the Mexicans and Culhuacans were their friends and Lords, whom alwayes they would friendly entertaine within their Towne and houses, refusing utterly their offer and request, protesting to give no obedience to whom they knew not, wishing them therefore to return incontinent to Tlaxcallan, except they had desire to end their weary days, and to be sacrificed and eaten up as their twelve friends had been. Cortez yet invited them many times with peace; and seeing it prevailed not, he began his Wars in earnest. The Tepeacacs with the favour of the Culhuacans were brave and lusty, and began to stop and defend the Spaniards entrance into their Town. And being many in number with divers valiant men among them, began to skirmish sundry times; but at the end they were overthrown and many slain without killing any Spaniard, although many Tlaxcalteca's were killed that day. The Lords and principall persons of Tepeacac seeing their overthrow, and that their strength could not prevaile, yeelded themselves unto Cortez for Vassals of the Emperour with condition to banish for ever their allied friends of Culhua; and that hee should punish and correct at his will and pleasure all those which were occasion of the death of the twelve Spaniards. For which causes and obstinacy, at the first Cortez judged by his sentence that all the Townes which had been privy to the murther, should for ever remain Captives and slaves; others affirm that he overcame them without any condition, and corrected them for their disobedience, being Sodomites, Idolaters and eaters of mans flesh, and chiefly for example of all others. And in conclusion, they were condemned for slaves, and within twenty daies that these Wars lasted, hee pacified all that Province, which is very great, hee drave from thence the Culhuacans, hee threw down the Idols, and the chiefest persons obeyed him. And for more assurance he built there this Town, naming it Segura De la Frontera, appointing all Officers for the purpose, whereby the Christians and strangers might passe without danger from Vera Crux to Mexico. This Town likewise, as all the rest from St. John de Ulhua to Mexico, is very plentifull of provision, and many sorts of fruits, namely Plantins, Sapottes, and Chicosapottes, which have within a great black kernell as big as our horse Plums, the fruit it self is as red within as Scarlet, as sweet as Honey; but the Chicosapotte, is lesse and some of them red, some browne coloured, and so juicy that at the eating the juyce like drops of Honey fall from them, and the smell is like unto a baked Peare. Here likewise were presented unto us Clusters of Grapes as faire as any in Spain, which were welcome unto us, for that wee had seen none since we came from Spain, and wee saw by them that the Countrey thereabouts would be very fit for Vineyards, if the King of Spain would grant the planting of Vines in those parts; which often hee hath refused to doe, lest the Vineyards there should hinder the Trading and Trafique between Spain and those parts, which certainly had they but Wine, needed not any commerce with Spain. This Towne is of a more temperate Climate then any other from Vera Crux to Mexico, and the people who formerly had been eaters of Mans flesh, now as civill and politick, as loving and curteous as any[Pg 29] in the rode. From whence we declined a little out of our way more Westward (the rode being North-Westward) only to see that famous Towne of Tlaxcallan, whose inhabitants joyned with Cortez, and wee may say were the chiefe instruments of that great and unparalleld Conquest.
Tlaxcallan being worth all the rest of the Townes and Villages between S. John de Ulhua and Mexico; I thought it not fit to parallell it with the others in naming it briefely and passing by it as a Traveller, but rather I judged it convenient, and beseeming my present History, to record to posterity with one whole Chapter, the greatnesse of it, and the valour of its inhabitants, from the conquest of America made by Hernando Cortez. Who being upon his march to Mexico, and having arrived to Zaclotan, and being informed that the Tlaxcalteca's were men of valour, and enemies to Montezuma the Emperour of Mexico, thought it his best policy to joyne with them against the Mexicans.
Whereupon hee dispatched unto them foure Indians of a Towne called Zempoallan, as Ambassadours to acquaint them of his coming into those parts, and of his desire to visit their Towne, not for any harme he intended to them, but rather for their good. The Tlaxcalteca's fearing Cortez, and judging him a friend of Montezuma, because upon his way to visit him, and having heard of the many costly presents which the Emperour had sent unto him; they resolved to resist his coming, and to send him no answer to his ambassage; but tooke the four Messengers which he had sent, and imprisoned them, minding to sacrifice them unto their Gods as Espies. Cortez seeing the long tarrying of the Messengers, departed from Zaclotan, without any intelligence from Tlaxcallan. His camp had not marched much after their departure from that place, but they came to a great circuit of stone made without lime or morter, being of a fadome and a halfe high, and twenty foot broad, with loupe holes to shoot at; this wall crossed over a whole valley, from one mountain to another, and but one only entrance or gate, in the which the one wall doubled against the other, and the way there was fourty paces broad, in such sort that it was an evil and perillous passage, if any had been there to defend it. Cortez demanded the cause of that circuit, and who had built it; the Indians that went with him, told him that it was but a division from their countrey and Tlaxcallan, and that their Antecessors had made the same to disturbe the entrance of the Tlaxcalteca's in time of warre, who came to rob and murther them because of the friendship betwixt them and Montezuma, whose vassals they were. That strange and costly wall seemed a thing of great majesty to the Spaniards, and more superfluous then profitable, yet they suspected that the Tlaxcalteca's were valiant warriers, who had such defence made against them. But Cortez setting all fear aside, with three hundred Souldiers on a ranke, entred the way in the wall, and proceeded in good order all the way forwards, carrying the Ordnance ready charged, and he himselfe the Leader of all his Army, and sometimes he would be halfe a league before them, to discover and make the way plain. And having gone the space of three leagues from that circuit, he commanded his Foot-men to make haste, because it was somewhat late, and he with his Horse-men went to descry the Way forwards, who ascending up a hill, two of the formost Horse-men met with fifteen Indians armed with swords, and targets, and tuffes of feathers, which they used to weare in the warres. These fifteen being Spies, when they saw the Horse-men, began to flie with fear, or else to give advice. But Cortez approaching with other three Horsemen called to them to stay; which they by no means would hearken unto; till six more Horse-men ran after them, and overtooke them. The Indians then joyning all together with determination rather to die then to yeeld, shewed to the Spaniards signes to stand still. But the Horsemen coming to[Pg 30] lay hands on them; they prepared themselves to battel, and fought, defending themselves for a while. In this fight the Indians slew two of their Horses, and (as the Spaniards do witnesse) at two blowes they cut off a Horse head, bridle and all. Then came the rest of the Horsemen, the Army also of the Indians approached, for there were in sight neer five thousand of them in good order, to succour their fifteen fighting men; but they came too late for that purpose, for they were all slain by the Spanish fury, because they would not render themselves in time, and had killed two of their Horses. Yet notwithstanding their fellowes fought, until they espied the Spanish Army coming, and the Ordnance, then they returned leaving the field to the Spaniards, whose Horse-men followed them, and slew about seventy of them, without receiving any hurt. With this the Indians perceiving the great advantage which the Spaniards had against them with their Horses, and meaning to come upon them subtilly with a more powerful Army, that they might the better deceive and delude them, they sent unto Cortez two of the four Messengers which had been sent unto them with other Indians, saying, that they of Tlaxcallan knew nothing of the things that had happened, certifying likewise that those with whom he had fought, were of other communities, and not of their jurisdiction, being sorrowfull for that which had passed; and for so much as it happened in their countrey, they would willingly pay for the two Horses which were slain, praying them to come in good time to their Towne, who would gladly receive them, and enter into their league of friendship, because they seemed to bee valiant men; But all this was a feigned and a false message. Yet Cortez beleeved them, and gave them thanks for their courtesie and good will; and that according to their request he would goe unto their Towne, and accept their friendship. And touching the death of his Horses, hee required nothing, for that within short time he expected many more; yet sorrowfull he was not so much for the want of them, as that the Indians should thinke that Horses could die or be slain. Cortez proceeded forwards about two leagues, where the Horses were killed, although it was almost sun set, and his men wearied, having travelled far that day. He planted his Army by a river side, remaining all that night with good watch both of Foot-men and Horse-men, fearing some assault; but there was no attempt given that night. The next morning at sun rising, Cortez departed with his Army in good order, and in the midst of them went the Fardage and Artillerie, and after a little marching they met with the other two Messengers whom they had sent from Zaclotan; they came with pitifull cryes exclaiming of the Captaines of the power of Tlaxcallan, who had bound them and detained them from returning; but with good fortune that night they had broken loose, and escaped, for otherwise in the morning following they had been sacrificed to the God of Victory, and after the sacrifice they had been eaten for a good beginning of the warres; the Tlaxcalteca's protesting to doe the like to the bearded men (for so they termed the Spaniards) and to as many as came with them. They had no sooner told their tale, when there appeared behind a little hil about a thousand Indians, very well appointed after their fashion, and came with such a marvellous noise and cry, as though their voyces should have pierced the heavens; hurling at the Spaniards, stones, darts, and shot with bowes and arrowes. Cortez made many tokens of peace unto them, and by his Interpreters desired them to leave the battail. But so much the more as he intreated for peace, the more hasty and earnest were they, thinking either to overcome them, or else to hold them play, to the intent that the Spaniards should follow them to a certaine ambush that was prepared for them, of more then fourescore thousand men. Here the Spaniards began to cease from words, and to lay hand upon their weapons; for that company of a thousand were as many as on the Spaniards side were fighting men; though they were well practised in the warres, very valiant, and also pitched in a better place for fight. This battail endured certaine houres, and at the end the Indians being either wearied, or else meaning to take the Spaniards in the snare appointed, began to flie towards the main battail, not as overcome, but to joyne with their own side. The Spaniards being hot in the fight and slaughter, which was not little, followed them with all their fardage, and unawares fell into the ambush, among an infinite number of Indians armed; they stayd not, because they would not put themselves out of order, and passed through their campe with great haste and fear. The Indians began to set upon the Spanish Horse-men, thinking to have taken their lances from them, their courage was so stout; many of the Spaniards had there perished, had it not been for their Indian friends, who[Pg 31] had come with them from Zempoallan and Zaclotan. Likewise the courage of Cortez did much animate them; for although hee led his Army making way, yet divers times hee turned him back to place his men in order, and to comfort them, and at length came out of that dangerous way and ambush, where the Horses might help, and the Ordnance stand instead, which two things did greatly annoy the Indians to their great wonder and marvell, and at the sight thereof began to flie. In both incounters remained many Indians slain and wounded, and of the Spaniards some were hurt, but none killed, who gave most hearty thankes unto God for their delivery from so great a multitude as were foure score thousand against one thousand onely of Indians and Spaniards joyned together. The Indians of Zempoallan and Zaclotan did play the valiant men that day, wherefore Cortez honoured them with hearty thankes. Then they went to pitch their Campe in a village called Teoacazinco, where was a little Tower and a Temple, and there fortified themselves. The night following the Spaniards slept not quietly with fear of a third Invasion of the Tlaxcalteca's. As soone as it was day Cortez sent to the Captains of Tlaxcallan to require them of Peace and Friendship, willing them quietly to suffer them to passe through their Countrey to Mexico, for that they meant them no hurt, but rather good wil. The answer of the captains of Tlaxcallan was, that the next day they would come and talke with him and declare their minds. Cortez was well prepared that night, for the answer liked him not, but rather seemed brave, and a matter determined to be done, as some had told him (whom hee tooke prisoners) who likewise certified that the Tlaxcalteca's were joyned together, to the number of a hundred and fifty thousand men to give battaile the next day following, and to swallow up alive the Spaniards whom so mortally they did hate, thinking them to bee friends unto the Emperour Montezuma, unto whom they wished all evill and mischief. Their intent was therefore with all their whole power to apprehend the bearded men, and to make of them a more solemne Sacrifice unto their Gods then at any time they had done, with a generall banquet of their flesh, which they called Celestiall.
The Captaines of Tlaxcallan divided their Souldiers into foure Battailes, the one to Tepeticpac, another to Ocotelulco, the third to Tizatlan, and the fourth to Quiahuiztlan, that is to say, the men of the Mountaines, the men of the Limepits, the men of the Pinetrees, and the Water men; all these foure sorts of men did make the Body of the Common-weelth of Tlaxcallan, and commanded both in time of War and Peace. Every of these Captaines had his just portion or number of Warriers, but the Generall of all the whole Army was called Xicotencatl, who was of the Limepits; and hee had the Standard of the Common-wealth, which is a Crane of gold with his wings spread, adorned with Emeralds and Silver worke, which Standard was according to their use either carryed before the whole Host, or else behind them all. The Lieutenant Generall of the Army was Maxixcazin; and the number of the whole Army was a hundred and fifty thousand men. Such a great number they had ready against foure hundred Spaniards, and seven hundred Indians of Zempoallan and Zaclotan, and yet at length overcome; and after this fight they were the greatest friends that Cortez had in those parts against Montezuma. These Captaines came with their Companies, that the fields where they were seemed a Forrest. They were gallant Fellowes and well Armed according to their use, although they were painted, so that their faces shewed like Devils, with great tuffes of Feathers, and they boasted gallantly. Their Weapons and Armour were Slings, Staves, Speares, Swords, Bowes and Arrowes, Sculles, Splintes, Gantlets, all of Wood, guilt or else covered with Feathers or Leather; their Corselets were made of Cotton Wooll, their Targets and Bucklers gallant and strong, made of wood covered with leather and trimmed with latten, and feathers, their Swords were staves with an edge of flint stone cunningly joyned into the staffe, which would cut very well and make a sore wound. Their instruments of War were hunters hornes, and Drummes called Ataballs made like a Caldron and covered with Vellam. So that the Spaniards in all their discovery of India did never see a better Army together, nor better ordered; that which I could not omit to speake of here, having come in the order of my history to Tlaxcallan, where this numerous and gallant Indian Army was set forth against 400 Spaniards and 600 Indians their friends. These Indians thus ordered in Battail bragged very much against the Spaniards, and said amongst themselves, What mad people are these bearded men that threaten us and yet know us not? But if they will bee so bold to invade[Pg 32] our Countrey without our licence, let us not set upon them so soone, it is meet they have a little rest, for wee have time enough to take and bind them; let us also send them meat, for they are come with empty stomackes, and so they shall not say that we do apprehend them with wearinesse and hunger. Whereupon they sent unto the Spaniards three hundred Turkey cocks and two hundred baskets of bread, called Centli; the which present was a great succour and refreshment for the need the Spaniards stood in. And soone after, Now (say they) let us goe and set upon them, for by this time they have eaten their meat, and now we will eat them, and so shall they pay us the victuals that we sent. These & such like brags they used, seeing so few Spaniards before them, and not knowing the strength of their Ordnance against their so numerous an host. Then the foure Captaines sent two thousand of their valiantest men of warre, and old Souldiers, to take the Spaniards quietly, with commandement that if they did resist, either to binde them, or else to kill them, meaning not to set their whole Army upon them, saying, that they should get but small honour for so great a multitude to fight against so few. The two thousand Souldiers passed the trench that was betwixt the two campes, and came boldly to the Tower where the Spaniards were. Then came forth the Horse-men, and after them the Foot-men, and at the first encounter, they made the Indians feele how the iron swords would cut; at the second, they shewed of what force those few in number were, of whom a little before they had so jested: but at the third brunt, they made those lusty Souldiers flie, who were come to apprehend them, for none of them escaped, but only a few such as knew the passage of the trenches or ditch. Then the main battail and whole Army set forth with a terrible and marvellous noise, and came so fierce upon the Spaniards, till they entred into their campe without any resistance, and there were at handy strokes with the Spaniards, and in a good space could not get them out, many of them being killed, which were so bold to enter. In this sort they fought four houres, before they could make way among their enemies. Then the Indians began to faint, seeing so many dead on their side, and the great wounds they had, and that they could kill none of the Christians; yet the battail ceased not, till it drew neere night, and then they retired. Whereof Cortez and his Souldiers were exceeding glad, for they were fully wearied with killing of Indians. The next day in the morning Cortez went forth to runne the fields as he had done before, leaving halfe his men to keepe the campe; and because he should not be espied, he departed before day, and burned about ten Townes, and sacked one Towne, which was of three thousand houses, in the which were found but few people, because the most of them were gone to their campe. After the spoile he set fire on the Town, and came his way to his campe with a great prey by noone time. The Indians pursued thinking to take away their prey, and followed them into the camp, where they fought five houres, and could not kill one Spaniard, although many of their side were slain; for even as they were many, and stood on a throng together, the Ordnance made a wonderfull spoil among them, so that they left off fighting, and the victory remained for the Spaniards, whom the Indians thought were inchanted, because their arrowes could not hurt them. The next day following, the four Captaines sent three severall things in present to Cortez, and the messengers that brought them said. Sir, behold here five slaves, and if thou be that rigorous God that eatest mans flesh and blood, eat these which we bring unto thee, and we will bring thee more. And if thou be the gentle and meek God, behold here frankincense and feathers. And if thou bee a mortall man, take here fowle, bread and cherries. Cortez answered that both he and his were mortall men even as they were. And because that alwaies he had used to tell them truth, wherefore did they use to tell him lies, and likewise to flatter him, for he desired to be their friend, advising them not to be mad and stubborn in their opinion, for if they so did, assuredly they should receive great hurt and dammage.
Notwithstanding this answer, there came againe about thirty thousand of them even to Cortez his campe, to prove their corslets, as they had done the day before, but they returned with broken pates. Here is to be noted that although the first day the whole host of Indians came to combat with the Spaniards; yet the next day they did not so, but every severall Captaine by himselfe, for to divide the better the travaile and paines equally among them; and because that one should not disturbe another through the multitude, considering that they should fight but with a few, and in a narrow place; and for this consideration their battails were more fresh and strong, for[Pg 33] each Captain did contend who should doe most valiantly for to get honour, and especially in killing one Spaniard, for they thought that all their hurts should be satisfied with the death of one Spaniard, or taking one Prisoner. Likewise is to be considered the strangenesse of their battail, for notwithstanding their controversie fifteen daies that they were there, whether they fought or no, they sent unto the Spaniards cakes of bread, Turkey cocks and cherries. But this policy was not to give them that meat for good will, but onely to espie and see what hurt was done amongst them, and also to see what feare or stomack they had to proceed. But finding by their many spies that the Spaniards were nothing daunted nor diminished, they resolved to send unto Cortez Xicotencatl, who was chiefe and generall Captain in Tlaxcallan, and of all the warres; he brought in his company fifty persons of authority to keep him company. They approached neer where Cortez was, and saluted each other according to the use of their countrey. Their salutations ended, and the parties being set downe; Xicotencatl began the talke, saying. Sir, I am come on mine owne behalfe and also of my fellow Captain and Lieutenant Maxixca, and in the name of many other noble personages, and finally in the name of the whole State and Common-wealth of Tlaxcallan, to beseech and pray you to admit us into your friendship, and to yeeld our selves and countrey unto your King, craving also at your hand pardon for our attempt in taking up armes against you, wee not knowing what you were, nor what you fought for in our countrey. And where we presumed to resist and defend your entrance, wee did it as against strangers whom we knew not, and such men as we had never heretofore seen; and fearing also that you had been friends to Montezuma, who is, and alwaies hath been our mortall enemy. And we had rather all in generall to end our lives, then to put our selves in subjection to him; for we thinke our selves as valiant men in courage as our fore-fathers were, who alwaies have resisted against him and his grand-father, who was as mighty as now is he. We would also have withstood you and your force, but we could not, although we proved all our possibility by night and day, and found your strength invincible, and we no lucke against you. Therefore since our fate is such, we had rather be subject unto you then unto any others; for wee have knowne and heard by the Zempoallanezes, that you doe no evill, nor came not to vexe any, but were most valiant and happy, as they have seen in the warres, being in your company. For which consideration, we trust that our liberty shall not be diminished, but rather our own persons, wives and families better preserved, and our houses and husbandry not destroyed. And in some of his talke, the tears trickling down his cheeks, he besought Cortez to weigh that Tlaxcallan did never at any time acknowlege any superiour Lord or King, nor at any time had come any person among them to command, but only he, whom now they did voluntarily elect and choose as their Superiour and Ruler. Cortez much rejoyced with this ambassage, and to see such a mighty Captaine, who commanded a hundred and fifty thousand Souldiers, come unto his camp to submit himselfe; judging it also matter of great weight to have that Common-wealth in subjection, for the enterprise which he had in hand, whereby he fully made an account, that the wars were at an end, to the great contentation of him and his company, and with great fame and reputation among the Indians. So with a merry and loving countenance he answered, laying first to their charge, the hurt and damage which he had received in their countrey, because they refused at the first to hearken unto him, and quietly to suffer him to enter into their countrey, as he had required and desired by his messengers sent unto them from Zaclotan. Yet all this notwithstanding, he did both pardon the killing of his two Horses, the assaulting of him in the high way, and the lies which they had most craftily used with him, (for whereas they themselves fought against him, yet they laid the fault to others) likewise their pretence to murther him in the ambush prepared for him (enticing him to come to their Towne) without making first defiance according to the law of Arms. Yet these injuries notwithstanding, he did lovingly receive their offer made in subjection to the Emperour, and that very shortly he would be with him in Tlaxcallan. At this same time there were Ambassadours from Montezuma with Cortez, who grieved much to see the League that was now beginning between the Tlaxcalteca's and the Spaniards; they advised Cortez to give no credit unto them, saying, they meant nothing but treason, and lies, and to lock them up in Tlaxcallan. Cortez answered the Ambassadours, that although their advice were true, yet he did determine to goe thither, for that he feared them lesse in the Towne then in[Pg 34] the field. They hearing this answer and determination, besought him to give unto one of them licence to returne unto Mexico, to advertise Montezuma of all that was past, with an answer to their ambassage, promising within six dayes to have newes from Mexico, and till then prayed him not to depart with his campe. Cortez granted their request, and abode there the time appointed, expecting their answer, and within himselfe rejoycing to see how the Mexicans began to feare, that his peace with the Tlaxcalteca's would be their ruine and destruction, as indeed afterwards it proved. In this mean season came many of Tlaxcallan to the campe, some brought Turkey cockes, other brought bread and cherries, with merry countenances, desiring them to goe home with them unto their houses. The sixt day the Mexican Ambassadour came according to promise, and brought unto Cortez ten jewels of gold, both rich and well wrought, and fifteen thousand garments of Cotton exceeding gallant, and most earnestly besought him on the behalfe of Montezuma, that he should not danger himselfe in trusting to the words of the Tlaxcalteca's, who were so poore that with necessity they would rob him of the things and presents which his Master had sent him, yea and likewise murther him, knowing of the friendship between his Master and him. At the very same time all the chiefest Lords of Tlaxcallan came to intreat him to goe with them to Tlaxcallan, where he should be cherished, lodged and well provided: for it was a great dishonour and shame unto them to permit such personages to abide in such vile cottages, as they were in. And if (said they) you trust us not, then we are ready to give you for your security whatsoever pledges or gages you shall demand. And they did both swear and faithfully promise that they might safely goe with them, saying also that the Oath and Faith of their Common-wealth should never be broken for all the goods in the world. Thus was Cortez on both sides earnestly solicited, and intreated; the Mexicans fearing his League and friendship with the Tlaxcalteca's, and these hoping that his friendship with them would be their chiefe protection against the tyranny of Montezuma. But Cortez aiming chiefly at the Empire of Mexico, which Montezuma his dissembled friendship would never helpe him to enjoy; and seeing the good will of so many gentlemen his new friends of Tlaxcallan, the most mortall enemies of Montezuma, and likewise the Indians of Zempoallan, of whom he had good credit, did so importune him, and assure him of his going, he commanded his Fardage to be laden, and also his Ordnance, and departed toward Tlaxcallan, with as good order as it had been to a battail; and at the Tower where he had pitched his camp, he left certain crosses for a memory with a great heape of stones (which till this day remain in the place, and my selfe have seen them) and entred into Tlaxcallan the eighteenth of September. There came out such a multitude of people to see him and to meet him in the way, that it was a wonder to see. He was lodged in the greatest Temple, which had many great and fair lodgings sufficient for him and all his company, except the Indians of Zempoallan and Zaclotan his friends, who were lodged in other Temples. He set certaine limits, out of the which he commanded straitly that none of his company should passe upon pain of death, and also commanded that they should take nothing, but what should be given them. His commandement was well observed, for none presumed to goe a stones cast without his licence. The Indian gentlemen shewed great pleasure and curtesie to the strangers, and provided them of all things necessary, and many of them gave their daughters unto them in token of true friendship, and likewise to have fruit of their bodies, to be brought up for the wars, being such valiant men. Cortez being throughly satisfied of their hearty good wills, demanded of them the estate and riches of Montezuma. They exalted him greatly as men that had proved his force. And as they affirmed it was neer a hundred yeers, that they maintained warres with him and his father Axaica, and others his uncles and grand-fathers; they assured him also that the gold and treasure of Montezuma was without number, and his power and dominion over all the land, and his people innumerable; for (said they) he joyneth sometimes two hundred thousand men, yea and three hundred thousand for one battail. And if it pleased him, he would make as many men double, and thereof they were good witnesse, because they had many times fought with them. Cortez told them he was nothing discouraged at all that his power, but intended a journey to Mexico, not doubting to oppose Montezuma, if hee should encounter him in the way. He promised them likewise that he would free them from his tyranny, and subdue in his way all those Townes which were allied to the Mexicans,[Pg 35] and did any way annoy them and their Common-wealth. They gave him hearty thankes, assuring him to assist him and accompany him to Mexico; and for the present offered him twenty thousand men, making a solemne League and Covenant never to forsake him. Thus was Tlaxcallan subdued and sworne to the power and command of the Spaniards, being in those times one of the chiefest, though not richest, Townes in America; whose Inhabitants after clave most faithfully to Cortez, and were chief instruments for the subduing of Mexico; and therefore to this day are freed from tribute by the Kings of Spain, paying not the money which as a tribute taxe is layed upon every Indian to bee payed yeerely, but onely in acknowledgement of subjection they pay yeerely one corne of Maiz, which is their Indian Wheat. This great Towne of Tlaxcallan is properly in the Indian tongue as much as to say, as bread well baked, for there is more Graine called Centli gathered, then in all the Province roundabout. In times past the Towne was called Texcallan, that is to say, a Valley betwixt two hills. It is planted by a River side, which springeth out of a hill called Atlancapetec, and watereth the most part of the Province, and from thence issueth out into the South Sea, by Zacatullan. This Town hath foure goodly streets, which are called Tepeticpac, Ocotelulco, Tizatlan, Quiahuiztlan. The first street standeth on high upon a hill, farre from the River which may be about half a League, and because it standeth on a hill, it is called Tepeticpac, that is to say, a hill, and was the first population, which was founded there on high because of the Wars. An other street is situated on the hill side towards the River; because at the building thereof, there were many Pine trees, they named it Ocotelulco, which is to say, A pine apple plot. This street was beautifull, and most inhabited of all the Town, and there was the chiefest Market place, where all the buying and selling was used, and that place they called Tianquiztli; in that street was the dwelling house of Maxixca. Along the River side in the plaine standeth another street called Tizatlan, because there is much Lime and Chalke. In this street dwelled Xicotencatl, Captaine Generall of the whole Common-wealth. There is another street named by reason of the brackish water, Quiahuiztlan; but since the Spaniards came thither, all those buildings are almost altered, after a better fashion, and built with stone. In the plain by the riverside standeth the Town house, & other Offices, as in the City of Venice. This Tlaxcallan was governed by Noble and rich men; they used not that one alone should rule, but did rather flie from that Government as from tyranny, and therefore hated Montezuma as a tyrant. In their Wars (as I have said before) they had foure Captaines, which governed each one street, of the which foure they did elect a Captaine Generall. Also there were other Gentlemen, that were Under-Captaines, but a small number. In the Wars they used their Standard to bee carried behind the Army, but when the battaile was to be fought, they placed the Standard, where all the Hoste might see it, & he that came not incontinent to his Ancient, payed a penalty. Their Standard had two Crosse-bow Arrowes set thereon, which they esteemed, as the Reliques of their Ancestours. This Standard two old Souldiers and valiant men, being of the chiefest Captaines, had the charge to carry, in the which an abuse of soothsaying either of losse or victory was noted. In this order they shot one of these Arrowes against the first enemies that they met, and if with that Arrow they did either kill or hurt, it was a token that they should have the victory, and if it neither did kil nor hurt, then they assuredly believed that they should lose the field. This Province or Lordship of Tlaxcallan had 28 Villages and Townes, wherein were contained 150000 housholders. They are men well made, and were good Warriers, the like were not among the Indians. They are very poore, and have no other riches, but onely the Graine and Corne called Centli, and with the gain and profit thereof, they doe both clothe themselves, and provide all other necessaries. They have many Market places, but the greatest and most used daily, standeth in the street of Ocotelulco, which formerly was so famous, that 20000 persons came thither in one day to buy and sell, changing one thing for another, for they knew not what money meaned. They have now and had formerly all kind of good policy in the Town; there are Goldsmiths, Feather-dressers, Barbers, hot houses, and Potters, who make as good earthen Vessel, as is made in Spain. The earth is fat and fruitfull for Corne, fruit, and pasture, for among the Pinetrees groweth so much grasse, that the Spaniards feed their Cattell there, which in Spain they cannot doe. Within two Leagues of the Town standeth a round hill[Pg 36] of six miles of heigth, and five and forty miles in compasse, and is now called St. Bartholomewes hill, where the snow freezeth. In times past they called that hill Matealcucic, who was their God for water. They had also a God for Wine, who was named Ometochtli, for the great drunkenesse which they used. Their chiefest God was called Camaxtlo, and by another name Mixcovatl, whose Temple stood in the street of Ocotelulco, in the which Temple there was sacrificed some yeeres above eight hundred persons. In the Towne they speak three languages, that is to say, Nahualh, which is the courtly speech, and chiefest in all the land of Mexico; another is called Otomir, which is most commonly used in the Villages; There is one onely street that speaketh Pinomer, which is the grossest speech. There was also formerly in the Town a common Jayle, where Felons lay in Irons, and all things which they held for sinne, were there corrected. At the time that Cortez was there it happened that a townsman stole from a Spaniard a little gold; whereof Cortez complained to Maxixca, who incontinent made such enquiry, that the offender was found in Chololla, which is another great Town five Leagues from thence; they brought the Prisoner with the gold, and delivered him to Cortez, to doe with him his pleasure. Cortez would not accept him, but gave him thankes for his diligence; then was hee carried with a cryer before him, manifesting his offence, and in the Market place upon a Scaffold they brake his joynts with a cudgell: the Spaniards marvelled to see such strange justice, and began to bee more confident that as in this point they had endeavoured to pleasure and right them, so likewise they should afterwards find them very forward to doe their wills and pleasures for the better conquering of Mexico and Montezuma. Ocotelulco and Tizatlan, are the two streets which now are most inhabited. In Ocotelulco standeth a Cloister of Franciscan Fryers who are the Preachers of that Town; they have there joyning to their Cloister a very faire Church, to which belong some fifty Indians singers, Organists, players on Musicall Instruments, Trumpeters and Waits, who set out the Masse with a very sweet and harmonious Musick, and delight the fancy and senses, while the spirit is sad and dull as little acquainted with God, who will bee worshipped in spirit and in truth. In Tepeticpac and Quiahuiztlan are two Chappels onely, to which on the Lords Day, and upon other occasions the Fryers of the Cloister resort to say Masse. In this Cloister wee were entertained a day and two nights with great Provision of Flesh and Fish, which is very plentifull by reason of the River; The Fryers are allowed by the Town a dozen Indians who are free from other Services onely to fish for the Fryers. They change their turnes by Weekes, foure one Weeke and foure another, except they be called upon for some speciall occasion, and then they leave all other worke, and attend onely with fish upon the Fryers. The Town now is inhabited by Spaniards and Indians together; and is the seat of a chief Officer of Justice sent from Spain every three yeares, called Alcalde Major, whose power reacheth to all the Townes within twenty Leagues about. Besides him the Indians have likewise among themselves, Alcaldes, Regidores and Alguaziles, superiour and inferiour Officers of Justice appointed yeerely by the Alcalde Major, who keepes them all in awe, and takes from them for his Service as many as hee pleaseth without paying any thing for the Service done unto him. The hard usage of this Alcalde Major and other Spaniards hath much decayed that populous Town, which should rather have been cherished, then disheartned by the Spaniards, who by meanes of it gained all the rest of the Country.
The next place most remarkable in the Rode wherein wee travelled was the City called by the Spaniards, La Puebla de los Angeles, the City of Angels. To the which wee were desirous to goe, knowing that in it there was a Convent of Dominicans of our profession, not having met with any such since the day we departed from St. John de Ulhua. Here wee refreshed our selves at leasure three dayes, finding our selves very welcome to our owne Brethren, who spared nothing that[Pg 37] was fit for our entertainment. Wee visited all the City, and tooke large notice of it, judging of the wealth and riches of it not only by the great Trading in it, but by the many Cloisters both of Nuns and Fryers, which it maintaineth, such being commonly very burthensome to the places where they live, an idle kind of beggers who make the people believe the maintaining of them is meritorious and saving to their Soules, and that their prayers for them is more worth then the meanes and sustenance which they receive from them. Of these there is in that City a very great Cloister of some fifty or threescore Dominicans, another of more Franciscans, another of Augustins, another of Mercenarians, another of discalced Carmelites, another of Jesuits, besides foure of Nuns. This City is seated in a low and pleasant Valley, about ten leagues from a very high Mountaine, which is alwayes covered with snow; It standeth twenty leagues from Mexico, it was first built and inhabited in the yeare 1530. by the command of Don Antonio de Mendoza Viceroy of Mexico, together with the consent of Sebastian Ramirez, who was a Bishop, and had been President in time past in Sto. Domingo, and was that yeare in stead of Nunnio de Guzman, (who had behaved himselfe very evill both with the Indians and Spaniards) sent to bee President of the Chancery of Mexico with these other foure Judges the Licenciates John de Salmeron, Gasco Quiroga, Francisco Ceynos, and Alonso Maldonado. These Judges governed the land farre better then Nunnio de Guzman before them had done; and among other remarkable things they did, was to cause this City to bee inhabited; and set at liberty the Indians who inhabited there before, and were grievously suppressed and inslaved by the Spaniards, and therefore many of them departed from thence, who had inhabited there before, and went to seeke their living at Xalixco, Honduras, Guatemala and other places, where Warre then was. This City was formerly called by the Indians Cuetlaxcoapan, that is to say, a Snake in water; the reason was, because there are two Fountaines, the one of evill water, and the other of good. This City is now a Bishops Sea, whose yeerely Revenues since the cutting off from it Xalappa De la Vera Crux, are yet worth above twenty thousand Duckats; By reason of the good and wholesome aire it dayly increaseth with Inhabitants, who resort from many other places to live there; but especially the yeare 1634. when Mexico was like to bee drowned with the inundation of the lake, thousands left it, and came with all their goods and Families to this City of the Angels, which now is thought to consist of ten thousand Inhabitants. That which maketh it most famous is the Cloth which is made in it, and is sent farre and neere, and judged now to bee as good as the Cloth of Segovia, which is the best that is made in Spain, but now is not so much esteemed of, nor sent so much from Spain to America by reason of the abundance of fine Cloth which is made in this City of Angels. The Felts likewise that are made, are the best of all that Country; there is likewise a glassehouse, which is there a rarity, none other being as yet knowne in those parts. But the mint house that is in it, where is coyned halfe the Silver that cometh from Sacatecas, makes it the second to Mexico; and it is thought that in time it will bee as great and populous as Mexico. Without it there are many Gardens, which store the Markets with provision of Salets; the soile abounds with Wheat, and with Sugar Farmes; among the which not farre from this City there is one so great and populous (belonging to the Dominican Fryers of Mexico) that for the work onely belonging unto it, it maintained in my time above two hundred black-more slaves men and women besides their little children. The chief Town betweene this City of Angels, and Mexico, is called Guacocingo consisting of some five hundred Indians, and one hundred Spaniards Inhabitants. Here is likewise a Cloister of Franciscans, who entertained us gallantly, and made shew unto us of the dexterity of their Indians in Musick. Those fat Fryers wanted not like the rest all Provision necessary for the body. But their greatest glory and boasting to us was the education which they had given to some children of the Town, especially such as served them in their Cloister, whom they had brought up to dancing after the Spanish fashion at the sound of the Guitarra. And this a dozen of them (the biggest not being above fourteene years of age) performed excellently for our better entertainment that night, wee were there till midnight, singing both Spanish and Indian tunes, capering and dancing with their Castannettas, or knockers on their fingers with such dexterity, as not onely did delight, but amaze and astonish us. True it is, wee thought those Franciscans might have been better imployed at that time in their Quire at their midnight[Pg 38] devotions according to their profession; but we still found vowed religious duties more and more neglected, and worldlinesse too too much imbraced, by such as had renounced and forsaken the world and all its pleasures, sports and pastimes.
This Towne of Guacocingo is almost as much as Tlaxcallan priviledged by the Kings of Spain; for that it joyned with Tlaxcallan against the Mexicans, in defence of Hernando Cortez and the rest of the Spaniards that first conquered that land. These of Guacocingo being confederated with the inhabitants of Tlaxcallan, Chololla, and Huacacholla strongly defended the inhabitants of Chalco, when they sent to Cortez for succour, declaring that the Mexicans made great spoile among them. Which succour Cortez at that time not being able to send them; being busied in sending for his Vergantines to besiege Mexico by water as well as by land, he remitted them to the helpe of the Tlaxcalteca's, and unto these of Guacocingo, Chlolla, and Huacacholla; who shewed great valour as yet never buried in oblivion, in relieving Chalco against the strength, and power of Montezuma, which had issued out of Mexico, to keep the Spaniards from drawing neer unto that City. For that fact is this Towne with the others fore-mentioned, untill this day priviledged and highly esteemed of the Spaniards. From hence wee made our last journey to the City of Mexico, parting over the side of that high hill which we had discovered at the City of Angels, some thirty miles off. There are no Alpes like unto it for height, cold, and constant snow that lieth upon it. From Spain to that place we had not felt any such extremity of cold, which made the Spaniards that had come out of the hot climate of Spain, and endured excessive heat at sea, wonder and admire. This last journey from Guacocingo to Mexico we reckoned to be thirty English miles, and of the thirty miles we judged at least the fifteen to be up and downe the hill; and yet the top of it (whither we ascended not) was far higher. From that highest part of it which we travailed over, we discovered the City of Mexico, and the lake about it, which seemed to us to be neer at hand, standing some ten English miles in a plain from the bottome of this mountaine. When Hernando Cortez went the second time from Tlaxcallan to Mexico, to besiege it by land and by water, with Vergantines which for that purpose he had caused to be made, on the side of this mountaine were his land Forces lodged, where many had perished with cold, had it not been for the store of wood which they found there. But in the morning he ascended upwards on this hill, and sent his scout of foure Foot-men and four Horse-men to discover, who found the way stopped with great trees newly cut downe by the Mexicans, and placed crossewise in the way. But they thinking that yet forwards it was not so, proceeded forth as well as they might, till at length the let with great huge Cedars was such, that they could passe no further, and with this newes were forced to return, certifying Cortez that the Horse-men could not passe that way in any wise. Cortez demanded of them whether they had seen any people; they answered No. Whereupon he proceeded forward, with all the Horse-men, and a thousand Foot-men, commanding all the residue of his Army to follow him with as much speed as might be; so that with that company which he carried with him, he made way, taking away the trees that were cut downe to disturbe his passage; and in this order in short time passed his host without any hurt or danger, but with great pain and travaile; for certainly if the Mexicans had been there to defend that passage, the Spaniards had not passed; for it was then a very evill way (though now it be a reasonable wide open rode, where Mules laden with wares from St. John de Ulhua, and the Sugar farmes daily passe) and the Mexicans also thought the same to be sure with the trees which were crossed the way; whereupon they were carelesse of that place, and attended their coming in plain ground; for from Tlaxcallan to Mexico are three wayes, of the which Cortez chose the worst, imagining the thing that afterwards fell out, or else some had advised him how that way was cleare from the enemies. At the descent of this hill Cortez abode and rested himselfe, till all the whole Army were come together, to descend downe into the plaine; for from hence they descried the fires and beacons of their enemies in sundry places, and all those who had attended their coming by the other two waies, were now gathered together, thinking to set upon them betwixt certain bridges (which are in the plain made for travellers by reason of the many dikes and currents of water which issue from the lake) where a great company abode expecting their coming. But Cortez sent twenty Horse-men who made way among them, and then followed the whole Army, who slew many of them without receiving any hurt. Thus did the remembrance of those[Pg 39] antiquities newly refreshed by the object of the hill and plain beneath, make that cold and hard passage more comfortable and easie unto us. The first Towne we came to below the hill, was Quahutipec, of the jurisdiction of Tezcuco; where we also called to mind, that this was the place, neer unto which was pitched the Campe of the Indians of Culhua, which was neer a hundred thousand men of warre, who were sent by the Seniors of Mexico and Tezcuco to encounter Cortez; but all in vain; for his Horse-men broke through them, and his Artillerie made such havock among them, that they were soon put to flight.
Three leagues from hence on our right hand as we travailed, we discovered Tezcuco by the side of the lake, and out of the Rode; yet it ministred unto us matter of a large discourse, taken from the time of Cortez and the first Conquerers, who found it a great City, and at that time even as big as Mexico; though in it Cortez met with no resistance; for as he journeyed towards it, foure principall persons inhabitants of it met with his forces, bearing a rod of gold with a little flag in token of peace, saying that Coacuacoyocin their Lord had sent them to desire him not to make any spoile in his City, and Townes about it; and likewise to offer his friendship, praying also that it might please him with his whole Army to take his lodging in the Town of Tezcuco, where he should be well received. Cortez rejoycing at this message, yet jealous of some treachery, and mistrusting the people of Tezcuco (whose forces joyned with the Mexicans and Culhuacans he had met with a little before) went forward on his way and came to Quahutichan and Huaxuta (which then were suburbs of the great City Tezcuco, but now are petty Villages by themselves) where he and all his host were plenteously provided of all things necessary, and threw down the Idols. This done he entred into the City, where his lodging was prepared in a great house, sufficient for him and all the Spaniards, with many other his Indian friends. And because that at his first entry, he saw neither women nor children, he suspected some treason, and forthwith proclaimed upon pain of death that none of his men should goe out. In the evening the Spaniards went up into the Zoties and galleries to behold the City, and there they saw the great number of Citizens that fled from thence with their stuffe, some towards the mountaines, and others to the water side to take boat, a thing strange to see the great haste and stirre to provide for themselves. There were at that time at least twenty thousand little boats (called Canoas) occupied in carrying houshold-stuffe and passengers; Cortez would faine have remedied it, but the night was so nigh at hand, that he could not. He would gladly also have apprehended the Lord, but hee was one of the first that fled unto Mexico. This Towne of Tezcuco to this day is famous among the Spaniards; for that it was one of the first, if not the first (which according to the Histories of those parts is very probable) that received a Christian King to rule and governe. For Cortez hearing that Coacuacoyocin then King of that City and Townes adjacent was fled, caused many of the Citizens to be called before him, and having in his company a young gentleman of a Noble house in that countrey, who had been lately Christened, and had to name Hernando (Cortez being his God-father, who loved him well) said unto the Citizens, that this new Christian Lord Don Hernando was sonne unto Nezavalpincintli their loving Lord, wherefore he required them to make him their King, considering that Coacuacoyocin was fled unto the enemies, laying also before them his wicked fact in killing of Cacuza his owne brother, onely to put him from his inheritance and Kingdome, through the enticement of Quahuatimoecin a mortall enemy to the Spaniards. In this sort was that new Christian Don Hernando elected King, and the fame thereof being blown abroad, many Citizens repaired home again to visit their new Prince, so that in short space the City was as well replenished with people, as it was before, and being also well used at the Spaniards hands, they served them diligently in all things that they were commanded. And Don Hernando abode ever after a faithfull friend unto the Spaniards in their warres against Mexico, and in short time learned the Spanish tongue. And soone after came the inhabitants of Quahutichan, Huaxuta, and Autenco to submit themselves, craving pardon if in any thing they had offended. Within two daies after Don Hernando was made King of this great City and Territorie belonging to it (whose borders reach unto the borders of Tlaxcallan) came certaine gentlemen of Huaxuta and Quahutichan, to certifie unto him, how all the power of the Mexicans was coming towards them, and to know if it were his pleasure, that they should carry their wives, children and other goods into the[Pg 40] mountaines, or else to bring them where he was, their feare was so great. Cortez for the King his God-child and favourite made unto them this answer, saying, Bee ye of good courage, and feare ye not. Also I pray you to command your wives and families to make no alteration, but rather quietly to abide in your houses. And concerning the enemies I am glad of their coming, for yee shall see how I will deale with them. But the enemies went not to Huaxuta, as it was thought, neverthelesse Cortez having intelligence where they were, went out to encounter them with two pieces of Ordnance, twelve Horsemen and two hundred Spaniards, and with many Indians of Tlaxcallan. He fought with the enemy, and slew but few, for they fled to the water, and so escaped in their Canoa's. Thus did Cortez in Tezcuco defend himselfe and friends from the great power of the Mexicans, who daily attempted to be revenged on him, and the new Christian King whom he had made. But Cortez, thinking that place the most convenient to lanch his Vergantines to the water, and hearing that they were finished at Tlaxcallan, sent Gonzalo de Sandoval to bring them from Tlaxcallan; who at the border of that Province met with them being brought in pieces, as tables, planks and nayles, with all other furniture, the which eight thousand men carried upon their backes. There came also for their safe conduct twenty thousand men of warre, and a thousand Tamemez, who were the Carriers of victuals, and servants. Chichimecatetl, a principall and valiant Indian and Captaine of a thousand men had the Rere-gard. And Tupitil and Teutecotl, very principall gentlemen, had the Vant-gard with ten thousand men. In the midst were placed the Tamemez, and those that carried the Foyst, with all the apparell of the Vergantines. Before those two Captains went a hundred Spaniards, and eight Horse-men, and behind and last came Gonzalo de Sandoval with all the residue, and seven Horse-men. Thus they tooke their way towards Tezcuco, with a marvellous noise, crying, Christians, Christians, Tlaxcallan, Tlaxcallan, and Spaine. When they came to Tezcuco, they entred in very good order, with the sound of Drummes, Snail shels, and other like instruments of musick; and against their entry into the City, they put on all their bravery of clothes, and bushes of feathers, which was a gallant sight; they were six houres in entring into the Towne, keeping their array. At the fame of this many Provinces came to submit and offer their service unto Cortez, some for fear of destruction, and others for the hatred which they bare to the Mexicans; so that now Cortez was strong both with Spaniards and Indians; and his Court at Tezcuco was as great, or greater then Montezuma's formerly had been at Mexico. And here Cortez made his preparation for the siege of Mexico with all hast, and furnished himselfe with scaling ladders, and other necessaries fit for such a purpose. His Vergantines being nayled and throughly ended, he made a sluce, or trench of halfe a league of length, twelve foot broad and more, and two fadome in depth. This worke was fifty daies a doing, although there were foure hundred thousand men daily working; truly a famous worke and worthy of memory, which hath made Tezcuco gloriously mentioned, though now almost decayed in the great number of inhabitants. The Dock or Trench being thus finished, the Vergantines were calked with towe and cotton wooll, and for want of Tallow and oyle, they were (as some Authors report) driven to take mans grease, not that Cortez permitted them to slay men for that effect, but of those which were slaine in the warres, and of such as sallied dayly out of Mexico to hinder this work, and fighting were slaine. The Indians, who were cruel and bloody Butchers, using sacrifice of mans flesh, would in this sort open the dead body and take out the grease. The Vergantines being lanched, Cortez mustered his men, and found nine hundred Spaniards, of the which were fourscore and six Horse-men, and a hundred and eighteen with Crosse-bowes, and Hargabushes; and all the residue had sundry weapons, as Swords, Daggers, Targets, Launces, and Halberts. Also they had for armour, Corslets, coats of Mayle, and Jackes. They had moreover three great Peeces of cast Iron, fifteen small peeces of brasse, and ten hundred weight of powder, with store of shot, besides a hundred thousand Indians, men of warre. On Whitsunday all the Spaniards came into the field, that great plaine below the high mountaine spoken of before, where Cortez made three chiefe Captaines, among whom he divided his whole Army. Unto Pedro de Alvarado the first Captaine he appointed thirty Horse-men, and a hundred and seventy Foote men of the Spaniards, two peeces of Ordnance, and thirty thousand Indians, commanding him to campe in Tlacopan. Unto Christoval de Olid the second Captaine[Pg 41] hee gave three and thirty horsemen, and a hundred and eighteen footmen of the Spanish Nation, two Peeces of Ordnance and thirty thousand Indians, and appointed him to pitch his campe in Culhuacan. To Gonzalo de Sandoval, who was the third Captaine, hee gave three and twenty horsemen, and a hundred and threescore footmen, two peeces of Ordnance, and forty thousand Indians, with Commission to choose a place to pitch his campe. In every Vergantine hee planted a peice or Ordnance, six Hargabushes, or Crosse-bowes, and three and twenty Spaniards, men most fit for that purpose. Hee appointed also Captaines for each, and himselfe for Generall, whereof some of the chiefest of his Company began to murmur, that went by land, thinking that they had been in greater danger; wherefore they required him to goe with the maine battaile, and not by water. Cortez little esteemed their words; for although there was more danger in the land then in the water, yet it did more import to have greater care in the Warres by water, then on the land, because his men had beene in the one, and not in the other. Besides the chiefest hopes that Cortez had to winne Mexico, were these Vessels, for with them he burned a great part of the Canoa's of Mexico, and the rest hee so locked up, that they were no help unto the Mexicans, and with twelve onely Vergantines hee did annoy his enemy as much by water, as the rest of his Army did by land. All this preparation for the siege of Mexico by land and water, with above a hundred thousand Indians, besides the Spaniards above mentioned, and the twelve Vergantines by water, was finished in this City of Tezcuco, which is a sufficient argument of the greatnesse of it at that time, maintaining with Provision fit and necessary so many thousands of people, and it yeelded matter enough unto us for a large discourse, whilst not farre from the sight of it wee travelled in the open and direct plaine Rode to Mexico. And as we talked of the greatnesse of it in former times, so likewise wee now wondered to consider it to bee but a small Government, where doth constantly reside a Spanish Governour sent from Spain, whose power reacheth to those borders of Tlaxcallan and Guacocingo, and to most of the petty Townes and Villages of the plaine, which were formerly under the command and power of a King; but now are not able to make up above a thousand Duckats a yeer, which is supposed to bee the yeerly revenues of the Governour; and Tezcuco it self this day judged to consist onely of a hundred Spaniards, and three hundred Indian Inhabitants, whose chiefe riches come by gardening, and sending daily in their Canoa's Herbes and Salets to Mexico. Some wealth likewise they get by their Cedar trees which grow there, and are ready timber for the buildings of Mexico. Yet now also are these Cedars much decayed by the Spaniards, who have wasted and spoiled them in their too too sumptuous buildings. Cortez onely was accused by Pamfilo de Narvaez, for that hee had spent seven thousand beames of Cedar trees in the worke of his owne house. Gardens there were in Tezcuco formerly, that had a thousand Cedar trees for walls and circuite, some of them of a hundred and twenty foot long, and twelve foot in compasse from end to end; but now that Garden that hath fifty Cedar trees about it, is much regarded. At the end of this plain wee passed through Mexicalcinco, which formerly was a great Town, but now not of above an hundred Inhabitants, and from thence to Guetlavac, a petty Village, yet most pleasant for the shade of many fruit trees, Gardens, and stately houses which for their recreation some Citizens of Mexico have built there, being at the foot of the Cawsey which from this Town through the Lake reacheth about five English miles to Mexico. And thus upon the third day of October, 1625. wee entred into that famous and gallant City, yet not abiding in it, but onely passing through it, till we came to a house of recreation, standing among the Gardens in the way to Chapultepec, named Saint Jacintho, belonging to the Dominicans of Manila in the East-India's, (whither our course was intended) where wee were stately entertained, and abode till after Candlemasse day, the time of our second shipping at Acoapulco (80 leagues from Manila) by the South-Sea to Manila the chief City of the Islands named Philippinas.
It hath been no small peece of Policy in the Fryers and Jesuites of Manila and the Islands of Philippinas to purchase neere about Mexico, some house and Garden to carry thither such Missionary Preists as they yeerly bring from Spain for those parts. For were it not that they found some rest and place of Recreation, but were presently closed up in the Cloisters of Mexico to follow those Religious duties (which sore against their wills most of them are forced to) they would soone after a tedious journey from Spain by Sea and land relent of their purposes of going forward, and venturing upon a second voiage by the South-Sea; and would either resolve upon a returne to Spain, or of staying in some part of America; as my selfe and five more of my company did, though secretly and hiddenly, and sore against the will of Fryer Calvo and others, who had the tutoring and conducting of us. Therefore that all such as come from Spain to bee shipped againe at Acoapulco for Philippinas, may have all manner of incouragement, rest and recreations becomming their Professions, whilst they doe abide in America, and may not bee disheartned by those that live about Mexico, (who doe truely envy all that passe that way to Asia) the Fryers and Jesuites have purchased for their Missions houses of Recreation among the Gardens, which are exempted from the power and command of the Superiors of Mexico, and are subordinate unto the Government of the Provincials of Philippinas, who send from thence their substitute Vicars to rule, and to looke to the forementioned houses and Gardens. To the Dominicans belonged this house called St. Jacintho, whither wee were carried, and where wee did abide neere five moneths, having all things provided that were fit and necessary for our Recreations, and for our better encouragement to a second voiage by Sea. The Gardens belonging to this house might bee of fifteen Acres of ground, divided into shady walkes under the Orange and Lemmon trees; there wee had the Pomegranates, Figges, and Grapes in abundance, with the Plantin, Sapotte, Chicosapotte, Pine-fruit, and all other fruits that were to bee found in Mexico. The Herbes and Salets, and great number of Spanish Cardoes which were sold out, brought in a great Rent yeerely; for every day there was a Cart attended to bee filled and sent to the Market of Mexico; and this not at seasons of the yeere, as here in England and other parts of Europe, but at all times and seasons, both Winter and Summer, there being no difference of heat, cold, frosts, and snow, as with us; but the same temper all the whole yeer, the Winter differing onely from the Summer by the raine that falls, and not by excessive frosts that nip. This wee enjoyed without dores; but within wee had all sorts and varieties both of fish and flesh. What most wee wondred at, was the abundance of sweet-Meats; and especially of Conserves that were provided for us; for to every one of us during the time of our abode there, was brought on Munday morning halfe a dozen Boxes of Conserve of Quinces, and other fruits, besides our Biskets, to stay our stomackes in the mornings and at other times of the day; for in our stomackes we found a great difference betweene Spain and that Countrey. For in Spain and other parts of Europe a mans stomack will hold out from meale to meale, and one meale here of good cheer will nourish and cherish the stomack foure and twenty houres; But in Mexico and other parts of America wee found that two or three houres after a good meale of three or foure severall dishes of Mutton, Veale or Beefe, Kid, Turkies, or other Fowles, our stomackes would bee ready to faint, and so wee were faine to support them with either a cup of Chocolatte, or a bit of Conserve or Bisket, which for that purpose was allowed us in great abundance. This seemed to mee so strange, (whereas the meat seemed as fat and hearty, excepting the Beefe, as ours in Europe) that I for some satisfaction presently had recourse to a Doctor of Physick; who cleared my doubt with this answer, That though the meat we fed on was as faire to looke on, as in Spain; yet the substance and nourishment in it came farre short of it, by reason of the pasture, which is dryer and hath not the change of springs which the pastures of Europe have,[Pg 43] but is short and withers soone away. But secondly, hee told mee that the Climate of those parts had this effect, to produce a faire shew, but little matter or substance. As in the flesh wee fed on; so likewise in all the fruits there, which are most faire and beautifull to behold, most sweet and luscious to taste, but little inward virtue or nourishment at all in them, not halfe that is in a Spanish Camuesa, or English Kentish Pippin. And as in Meat, and fruit there is this inward and hidden deceit, so likewise the same is to bee found in the people that are borne and bred there, who make faire outward shewes, but are inwardly false and hollow hearted. Which I have heard reported much among the Spaniards to have beene the answer of our Queene Elizabeth of England to some that presented unto her of the fruits of America, that surely where those fruits grew, the women were light, and all the people hollow and false hearted. But further reasons I omit to search into for this; of experience onely I write, which taught me that little substance & virtue is in the great abundance and variety of food which there is enjoyed, our stomackes witnessing this truth, which ever and anon were gaping and crying, Feed, feed. Our Conserves therefore and dainties were plentifully allowed us; and all other incouragements and no occasion denied us of going to visit Mexico, (which was not two full miles from us) all the while wee abode there. It was a pleasant walke for us to goe out in the morning, and to spend all the day in the City and come home at night; our way lying by Arches made of stone, three miles long to convey the water from Chapultepec unto the City. Take therefore, gentle Reader, from mee what for the space of five moneths I could learne concerning it in former and present times. The situation of this City is much like that of Venice; but onely differs in this, that Venice is built upon the Sea-water, and Mexico upon a lake, which seeming one, indeed is two; one part whereof is standing water; the other ebbeth and floweth according to the wind that bloweth. That part which standeth, is wholesome, good, and sweet, and yeeldeth store of small fish. That part which ebbeth and floweth, is of saltish, bitter, and pestiferous water, yeelding no kind of fish, small or great. The sweet water standeth higher then the other, and falleth into it, and reverteth not backward, as some conceive it doth. The salt Lake containeth fifteen miles in breadth, and fifteen in length, and more then five and forty in Circuite; and the Lake of sweet water containeth even as much; in such sort that the whole Lake containeth much about a hundred miles. The Spaniards are divided in opinions concerning this water and the springs of it; some hold that all this water hath but one spring out of a great and high Mountaine which standeth Southwest within sight of Mexico, and that the cause that the one part of the Lake is brackish or saltish, is that the bottome or ground is all salt; But however this opinion bee true or false, certaine it is and by experience I can witnesse that of that part of the salt water great quantity of Salt is dayly made, and is part of the great Trading of that City into other parts of the Countrey, nay it is sent part of it to the Philippinas Islands. Others say that this Lake hath two springs, and that the fresh water springeth out of that Mountaine which standeth Southwest from Mexico, and the salt brakish water springeth out of other high Mountaines which stand more Northwest; But these give no reason for the saltnesse of it, without it bee the agitation of it in the ebbing and flowing; which not being with tides like the Sea, but with the winds onely (which indeed make it as stormy sometimes as is the Sea) why may not the winds produce the same effect in the fresh water Lake? I think rather, if it spring from a different spring from that from whence springeth the fresh water, the brackishnesse and saltishnesse of it may proceed from some brackish and sulphurous minerals through which it passeth in those Mountaines. For by experience I know the like in the Province of Guatemala, where by a Towne called Amatitlan, there is a standing Lake of water not altogether sweet and fresh, but a little brackish, which certainly hath its spring from a fiery Mountaine called there a Vulcan, (whose burning proceeds from the Mines of brimstone that are within it) from whence spring neere the same Towne likewise two or three springs of exceeding hot water, which are resorted to for wholesome bathes, as coming through a sulphurous mine, and yet the standing Lake proceeding from the same Mountaine is of that quality that it maketh the ground about it salt, and especially in the mornings the people go to gather up the salt which lyeth upon the ground by the water side like unto a hoary frost. But thirdly, others concieve that that part of the Lake of Mexico which is saltish and brackish comes through the earth from the North Sea; and though springs of water which come from the Sea lose their[Pg 44] brackishnesse through the earth, yet this may keepe some brackishnesse by reason of the minerals, which are many in those parts; or by reason of the great, wide and open concavities of those mountaines, which being very hollow within (as wee find by experience of the Earthquakes which are more frequent there then here by reason of the wind that getteth into those concavities, and so shake the earth to get out) give no way to the water to sweeten through the earth, or to lose all that saltnesse which it brought with it from the Sea. But whatsoever the true reason bee, there is not the like Lake knowne of sweet and saltish water, one part breeding fish, the other breeding none at all. This Lake had formerly some fourescore Townes, some say more, situated round about it; many of them containing five thousand housholds, and some ten thousand, yea and Tezcuco (as I have said before) was as bigge as Mexico. But when I was there, there might bee thirty Townes and Villages about it, and scarce any of above five hundred housholdes between Spaniards and Indians; such hath beene the hard usage of the Spaniards towards them, that they have even almost consumed that poore Nation. Nay two yeers before I came from those parts, which were the yeers of 1635. and 1636. I was credibly informed that a million of Indians lifes had been lost in an indeavour of the Spaniards to turne the water of the Lake another way from the City, which was performed by cutting away through the Mountaines, for to avoid the great inundations that Mexico was subject unto, and especially for that the yeer 1634. the waters grew so high that they threatned destruction to all the City, ruinating a great part, and coming into the Churches that stood in the highest part of it, in so much that the people used commonly boats and Canoa's from house to house. And most of the Indians that lived about the Lake were imployed to strive against this strong Element of water, which hath been the undoing of many poore wretches, but especially of these thirty Towns and Villages that bordered near upon the Lake; which now by that great work is further from the houses of the City; and hath a passage made another way, though it was thought it would not long continue, but would find againe its old course towards Mexico. This City when Cortez first entred into it, (was as some say) of sixty, but more probably it is reported to have beene of fourescore thousand houses. Montezuma his palace was very great, large and beautifull, which in the Indian language was named Tepac; and that had twenty doores or gates, which had their outcoming into the common streets. It had three Courts; and in the one stood a faire Fountaine, many hals, and a hundred chambers of three and twenty, and thirty foot long, an hundred bathes, and hot houses; and all this without nailes, yet very good workmanship. The walls were made of Masons worke, and wrought of Marble, Jaspe, and other black stone, with veines of red, like unto Rubies and other stones which glistered very faire; the roofs were wrought of timber, and curiously carved, being of Cedar, Cypres, and Pine tree; the Chambers were painted and hung with cloth of Cotton, and of Coneys haire and feathers. The beds onely were unseeming this great state, very poore and of no value, such as to this day the best and richest Indians use; for they weare nothing but mantles laid upon mattes, or upon hey, or else mattes alone. Within this Palace lived a thousand women, nay some affirme three thousand, reckoning gentlewomen, servants and slaves, all together; But the most were principall Indians daughters; of whom Montezuma tooke for himselfe those that liked him best, and the others hee gave in marriage to gentlemen his servants. It is credibly reported among the Spaniards that hee had at one time a hundred and fifty women his wives with child, who commonly tooke medicines to cast their creatures, because they knew that they should not inherit the State; and these had many old women to guard them, for no man was permitted to looke upon them. Besides this Tepac; which signifieth, Palace, Montezuma had yet in Mexico another house with very curious lodgings and fair Galleries, built upon pillars of Jaspe, which looked towards a goodly Garden, in the which there were at least a dozen Ponds, some of salt water for Sea fowles, and others of fresh water for River fowles and Lake fowles, which Ponds were devised with Sluces to empty and to fill at pleasure for the cleannesse of the Fowles feathers; and these Fowles are said to have beene so many in number, that the Ponds could scarcely hold them, and of such severall sorts, and of such strange and various coloured feathers, that the most of them the Spaniards knew not, nor had at any time seen the like. There did belong to that house above three hundred persons of service, who had their severall charge concerning these Fowles; some had care to cleanse the Ponds;[Pg 45] others were appointed to fish for bait; others served them with meat; and to every kind of fowle they gave such bait as they were wont to feed of in the fields or rivers; others did trim their feathers; others had care to look to their egs; others to set them abrood; & the principallest office was to pluck the feathers; for of them were made rich mantles, tapistry, targets, tuffes of feathers, and many other things wrought with gold and silver.
Besides this house, Montezuma had yet another house within Mexico, appointed only for hawking fowles, and fowles of rapine. In which house there were many high Halls, wherein were kept men, women, and children, such as were dwarfes, crook-backs or any monstrous persons, and with them such as were born white of colour, which did very seldome happen; nay some would deform their children on purpose to have them carried to the Kings house, to helpe to set forth his greatnesse by their deformity. In the lower Halls of this house there were Cages for fowls of rapine of all sorts, as Hawkes, Kites, Boyters (which are very many in those parts) and of the Hawkes neer a dozen sundry kinds of them. This house had for daily allowance five hundred Turkey cocks, and three hundred men of service, besides the Falconers and Hunters, which some say were above a thousand men. The Hunters were maintained in that house, because of the ravenous Beasts which were also kept in the lower Halls in great cages made of timber, wherein were kept in some Lions, in other Tygres, in other Ownzes, in other Wolves; in conclusion, there was no four-footed beast that wanted there, only to the effect, that the mighty Montezuma might say that he had such things in his house; and all were fed daily with Turkey cocks, Deare, Dogges, and such like. There were also in another Hall great earthen vessels, some with earth, and some with water, wherein were Snakes, as grosse as a mans thigh, Vipers, Crocodiles which they call Caymanes, of twenty foot long with scales and head like a Dragon; besides many other smaller Lisarts and other venemous beasts and Serpents, as well of the water as of the land. To these Snakes and the other venemous beasts they usually gave the blood of men sacrificed to feed them. Others say they gave unto them mans flesh, which the great Lisarts, or Caimanes eat very well. But what was wonderfull to behold, horrid to see, hideous to heare in this house, was the Officers dayly occupations about these Beasts, the floor with blood like a gelly, stinking like a slaughter-house, and the roaring of the lions, the fearfull hissing of the Snakes and Adders, the dolefull howling and barking of the Wolves, the sorrowfull yelling of the Ownzes and Tigres, when they would have meat. And yet in this place, which in the night season seemed a dungeon of Hell, and a dwelling place of the Devill, could a heathen Prince pray unto his Gods and idols: for neer to this Hall was another of a hundred and fifty foot long and thirty foot broad, where was a chappell with the roofe of silver and gold in leafe wainscotted and decked with great store of pearl and stone, as Agats, Cornerines, Emeralds, Rubies, and divers other sorts; and this was the Oratory where Montezuma prayed in the night season, and in that chappell the Devill did appear unto him, and gave him answer according to his prayers, which as they were uttered among so many ugly and deformed beasts, and with the noise of them which represented Hell itselfe, were fitted for a Devils answer. He had also his Armoury, wherein was great store of all kind of such Ammunition which they used in their wars, as Bowes, Arrowes, Slings, Launces, Darts, Clubs, Swords and bucklers, and gallant Targets more trimme then strong, and all made of wood, gilt or covered with leather. The wood whereof they made their Armour and Targets was very hard and strong; and at their arrowes ends they inclosed a little peece of flint-stone, or a peece of a fish-bone called Libisa, which was so venemous, that if any were hurt with it, and the head remained in the wound, it so festered that it was almost incurable. Their Swords were of wood, and the edge thereof was flint-stone, inclosed or joyned into a staffe; and with these swords they cut speares, yea and a Horses neck at a blow, and could make dents into iron, which seemeth a thing unpossible and incredible. These flints were joyned into the staffes with a certain kind of glew, which was made of a root called Zacolt, and Teuxalli, which is a kind of strong sand, whereof they made a mixture, and after kneaded it with blood of Battes, or Reare-mice and other fowle, which did glew so strong, that it scarce ever uncleaved again; and of these Montezuma had in his house of Armour great store. But besides these houses it is wonderfull to relate, yet many others which that great heathen Emperour had for his only recreation and pastime, with excellent fair gardens of medicinall[Pg 46] herbs, sweet flowers, and trees of delectable savour. But of one garden more especially it is said, that in it there were a thousand personages made, and wrought artificially of leaves and flowers. And Montezuma would not permit that in this garden should be any kind of Pot-herbs, or things to be sold, saying that it did not appertain to Kings to have things of profit among their delights and pleasures, for that such did appertaine to Merchants. Yet out of Mexico he had Orchards with many and sundry fruits; and likewise pleasant houses in woods and forrests, of great compasse, environed with water, in the which he had fountaines, rivers, ponds with fish, rockes and coverts where were Harts, Bucks, Hares, Foxes, Wolves and such like, whither he himselfe seldome went; but the Lords of Mexico used to goe to sport themselves in them. Such and so many were the houses of Montezuma, wherein few Kings were equall with him. He had dayly attending upon him in his privy guard six hundred noblemen and gentlemen, and each of them three or foure servants, and some had twenty servants or more according to their estate; and the most credible report goes, that in this manner he had three thousand men attendants in his Court, all which were fed in his house of the meat that came from his table. There were in those times under the Mexicall empire three thousand Lords of Townes, who had many vassals; but more especially there were thirty of high estate, who were able to make each of them a hundred thousand men of warre. And all these noble men did abide in Mexico, certaine time of the yeare in the Court of Montezuma, and could not depart from thence without especiall licence of the Emperour, leaving each of them a sonne or brother behind them for security of rebellion; and for this cause they had generally houses in the City; such and so great was the Court of Montezuma. Moreover he spent nothing in the buildings of all these his houses, for he had certayne Townes that payed no other tribute, but only to work and repair continually his houses at their own proper cost, and payed all kind of workemen, carrying upon their backes, or drawing in sleds stone, lyme, timber, water, and all other necessaries for the worke. Likewise they were bound to provide all the wood that should be spent in the Court, which was five hundred mens burthens, and some daies in the winter much more. But especially for the Emperours chimneys they brought the barke of Oke trees, which was esteemed for the light. Thus was that great City formerly illustrated with a mighty Monarch, his houses, and attendants. There were then also in Mexico three sorts of streets, very broad and faire; the one sort was only of water, with many bridges, another sort of only earth, and the third of earth and water, the one half being firme ground to walke upon, and the other halfe for boats to bring provision to the City; the most part of the houses had two doores, the one toward the Cawsey, and the other toward the water, at the which they tooke boat to goe whither they list. But this water (though so neer to the houses) being not good to drinke, there is other water fresh and sweet brought by conduit to Mexico, from a place called Chapultepec three miles distant from the City, which springeth out of a little hill, at the foot whereof stood formerly two statues, or images wrought in stone, with their Targets and Launces, the one of Montezuma, the other of Axaiaca his father. The water is brought from thence to this day in two pipes built upon Arches of brick and stone like a fair bridge; and when the one pipe is foule, then all the water is conveyed into the other, till the first be made cleane. From this fountaine all the whole City is provided, and the Water-men go selling the same water from street to street, some in little boats, others with earthen Tankards upon Mules or Asses backs. The chiefe and principall division of this City when the Spaniards first conquered it, was into two streets, the one was called Tlatelulco, that is to say, a little Island, and the other Mexico, where Montezuma his dwelling and Court was, signifying in the language a spring. And because of the Kings palace there, the whole City was named Mexico. But the old and first name of the City according to some Histories was Tenuchtitlan, which signifieth fruit out of a stone, being a compounded name of Tetl, which in the language is stone, and Nuchtli, which is a sweet fruit called generally in Cuba, and all other parts of America by the Spaniards, Tunas; the name of the tree whereon this fruit groweth is called Nopal. And when this City begunne to be founded it was placed neer unto a great stone that stood in the midst of the lake, at the foot whereof grew one of these Nopal trees; which is the reason why Mexico giveth for armes and device the foot of a Nopal tree springing from a stone according to the first name of the City Tenuchtitlan.[Pg 47] But others do affirme that this City hath the name of the first founder of it, called Tenuch, the second sonne of Iztacmixcoatl, whose sonnes and descendents did first inhabit all that part of America, which is now called new Spain. Mexico is as much as to say a spring or fountain, according to the property of the vowell or speech, from whence some judge that City to be so named. But others doe affirme that Mexico hath its name from a more ancient time, whose first founders were called Mexiti, for unto this day the Indian dwellers in one street of this City are called of Mexica. And that these Mexiti tooke name of their principall idol called Mexitli, who was in as great veneration as Vitzilopuchtli, God of the warre. But others affirme (and this opinion is most received among the Spaniards) that the Mexicans first were the inhabitants of nova Galicia; from whence they made a violent irruption Anno Domini 720. and lingered in divers places till the yeare 902. when under the leading of Mexi their chiefe Captaine they built this City, and called it after the name of their Generall. They were in all seven Tribes, which ruled long in an Aristocraticall state; till the most puissant of the Tribes called Navatalcas elected a King to whom they submitted themselves. The first King that was thus elected, was called Vitzilovitli; the second, Acamopitzli; the third, Chimalpapoca; the fourth, Izchoalt; the fifth, Montezuma the first; the sixth, Acacis; the seventh, Axaiaca; the eighth, Antzlol, the ninth, Montezuma the second, who reigned when Cortez came first; the tenth, was Quahutimoc, who lost Mexico, and in whom ended that Indian Empire. The most fortunate of these Kings was Izchoalt, who by his cousin Tlacacllec, subdued the other six Tribes, and brought them under the Mexican Kings. And after the death of Izchoalt, Tlacacllec was by the first electours (which were six in number) chosen King, as a man of whose vertue they had formerly made tryall. But he very nobly refused it, saying that it was more convenient for the Common-wealth that another should be King, and that he should execute that which was otherwise more fit for the necessity of the State, then to lay the whole burthen upon his back; and that without being King, he would not leave to labour for the publike as well as if he were King. Upon this generous refusall they made choice of Montezuma the first. The most unhappy Kings of that nation (at whose birth could not but be some dysastrous aspect of the Planets) were the two last Montezuma the second, and Quahutimoc, who were both vanquished by Ferdinando Cortez, who tooke Montezuma prisoner out of his owne palace, and with fair words and language carried him to his lodging in Mexico; and kept him there, knocking a paire of gyves on his legges, untill the execution of Qualpopoca Lord of Nabutlan, now called Almeria (who was to be burnt for killing nine Spaniards) was past. But this imprisonment of their Emperour stirred up the hearts of all the Mexicans to conspire against Cortez and the Spaniards, against whom they fought a most fierce and bloody battaile two or three daies together, crying out for their Emperour, and threatning them with the cruellest death that ever man suffered. Whereupon Cortez desired Montezuma to goe up into the Sotie of his house which they were battering with stones, and to command his subjects to cease from their heat and fury; who at Cortez his request went up and leaned over the wall to talke with them, and beginning to speake unto them, they threw so many stones out of the street, houses, and windows, that one happened to hit Montezuma on the temples of his head, with which blow he fell down dead to the ground; and this was his end, even at the hands of his owne subjects and vassals against their wills, in the City of his greatest glory, and in the power and custody of a forain and strange nation. The Indians affirm that he was of the greatest blood of all his linage, and the greatest King in estate that ever was in Mexico. And from hence it may very well be noted, that when Kingdomes doe most flourish, then are they nighest to a change; or els to change their Lord, as doth appeare in this History of Montezuma, whose great glory and majesty presaged the downfall of that City and people; who though after the death of Montezuma they made Quahutimoc their Emperour, and persisting in their furious battery against Cortez his palace, caused him and all his Spaniards to flie out of Mexico; yet having strengthened themselves againe in Tlaxcallan; and prepared sixteen, or as others say, eighteen Vergantines for the lake, they soone after besieged Mexico so by water and land, that the Citizens were in great necessity, and so many dead with hunger and sicknesse, that there were heapes of dead bodies in the houses, only to keep close their extreme misery; who would not yeeld even when they saw their King Quahutimoc his fair houses burned, and the greatest[Pg 48] part of their City consumed with fire and beaten downe plaine with the ground, so long as they could injoy any one street, Tower, or Temple to defend themselves and oppose the Spaniards; who after many fierce and bloody fights by land and with their boates by water having wonne the chief Market place and most of the City, as they went walking in the streets found heapes of dead bodies in the houses, streets, and in the water, and the very barkes of trees and roots gnawne by the hungry creatures, and the men so leane and yellow that it was a pitifull sight to behold. And with this Cortez yet required them to yeeld; but they although they were so leane of body were strong in heart, and answered that hee should not speak of any friendship to them, nor yet hope of their spoile, for when no fortune would favour them, then they would either burne their treasure, or throw it into the Lake, where they should never profit thereby, and that they would fight while one alone should remain alive.
Cortez desirous to see what remained of the City to win, went up into a high Tower, and having well viewed the City, hee judged that of eight parts one remained yet to win. And assailing the same, the sorrowfull Citizens bewailing their unfortunate fate and destiny, beseeching the Spaniards to make an end, and to kill them all out of hand; others standing at the brim of the water neere unto a draw-bridge cried out, Oh Captain Cortez, seeing that thou art the Child of the Sun, why dost thou not intreat the Sun thy Father to make an end of us? Oh thou Sun that canst goe round about the World in a day and a night, wee pray thee make an end of us and take us out of this miserable life, for we desire death to goe and rest with our God Quetcavatlh who tarrieth for us. Cortez seeing the great extremity that these poor wretched people were in, thinking now that they would yeeld unto him, sent a message to Quahutimoc, desiring him to consider his Subjects great extremity, which yet might be greater if hee yeelded not to Peace. But when the stubborn King heard this ambassage, hee was so moved with ire and choler, that forthwith hee commanded Cortez his Ambassadour to bee sacrificed, and gave the rest of the Spaniards that went with him for answer blowes with stones, staves, and Arrowes, saying that they desired death and no Peace. Whereupon Cortez seeing the King to stubborn and refractory after so much slaughter and misery of his subjects, after so many Combates and skirmishes made with the losse of almost all the City, sent forthwith Sandoval with his Vergantines one way, and went himself another combating the houses and forts that yet remained, where hee found small resistance, so that hee might doe what hee pleased. One would have thought there had not been five thousand left in all the City seeing the heapes of dead bodies that lay about the streets and in the houses, and yet such was this last combate, that there were that day slain and taken prisoners forty thousand persons. The lamentable cry and mourning of the women and children, would have made a strong heart relent, the stench also of the dead bodies was wonderfull noysome. That night Cortez purposed to make an end the next day of the Warres; and Quahutimoc pretended to flie, and for that purpose had enbarked himself in a Canoa of twenty Oares. When the day appeared, Cortez with his men, and foure Peeces of Ordnance came to the corner where those that yet remained were shut up as Cattel in a Pound. Hee gave order to Sandoval and Alvarado what they should doe, which was to be ready with their Vergantines, and to watch the coming out of the Canoa's, which were hidden betwixt certaine houses, and especially to have regard unto the Kings person, and not to hurt him, but to take him alive. Hee commanded the residue of his men to force the Mexican boates to goe out, and hee himselfe went up into a Tower, inquiring for the King, where hee found Xihuacoa, Governour and Captaine Generall of the City, who would in no wise yeeld himself. Then came out of the City a great multitude of old folkes, men, women and children to take boat. The throng was so great with hast to enter the Canoa's, that many by that meanes were drowned in the lake. Cortez required his men not to kill those miserable creatures; But yet hee could not stay the Indians his friends of Tlaxcallan, and other places, who slew and sacrificed above fifteen thousand. The men of Warre stood in the housetoppes, and Zoties beholding their perdition. All the Nobility of Mexico were enbarked with the King. Then Cortez gave signe with the shot of a hand-Gunne, that his Captaines should bee in a readinesse, so that in short space they wan fully and wholly the great City of Mexico. The Vergantines likewise brake in among the Fleet of boates[Pg 49] without any resistance, and presently beat down Quahutimoc his Royall Standard. Garcia Holguin who was a Captaine of one of the Vergantines, espied a great Canoa of twenty Oares deep laden with men, who (being by one of his prisoners informed that the King was in it) gave chase to it and presently overtooke it. When Quahutimoc, who stood upon the Puppe of his Canoa ready to fight, saw the Spaniards Crosse-bowes bent to shoot, and many drawne swords against him, hee yeelded himselfe, declaring that hee was King. Garcia Holguin being a glad man of such a prisoner tooke him and carried him unto Cortez, who received him very respectfully. But when Quahutimoc came neer unto him, hee laid his hand upon Cortez his dagger, saying, I have done all my best and possible endeavour to defend my self and my Vassals according to my duty, hoping not to have come to this estate and place where now I stand; and considering that you may doe with mee what you please, I beseech you to kill mee, and that is my onely request. Cortez comforted him with faire words, giving him hope of life; and tooke him up into a Zotie, requiring him to command his Subjects that yet held out, to yeeld and render themselves. Which Quahutimoc presently performed; and at that time after so many Prisoners taken, and so many thousands slain and starved, there were about threescore and ten thousand persons, who seeing their Prince a Prisoner, threw down their weapons and submitted themselves. Thus did Hernando Cortez winne the famous and stately City of Mexico, on the 13 day of August, Anno Dom. 1521. In remembrance whereof every yeere on that day they make in Mexico a sumptuous feast and solemne procession, wherein is carried the Standard Royall, with the which the City was wonne. In the losse of it was as much to bee observed as Antiquity can produce of any Victory; wherein was one Emperour the greatest that ever was in those parts slain; and another as great a Warrier as ever America had knowne, taken Prisoner. The Siege endured from the time the Vergantines came from Tlaxcallan three moneths, and therein were on Cortez his side neer 200000 Indians, who dayly increased and came in to help him, 900 Spaniards; fourescore horses onely, seventeen or eighteen Peeces of Ordnance; sixteen or as some say eighteen Vergantines, and at least 6000 Canoa's. In this Siege were slain fifty Spaniards onely and six horses, and not above eight thousand of the Indians Cortez his friends. And on the Mexicans side were slaine at least a hundred and twenty thousand Indians, besides those that died with hanger and Pestilence. At the defence of the City were all the Nobility, by reason whereof many of them were slaine. The multitude of people in the City was so great, that they were constrained to eat little, to drink salt water, and to sleep among the dead bodies, where was a horrible stench; and for these causes the disease of Pestilence fell among them, and thereof died an infinite number. Whereupon is to bee considered their valour, and stedfast determination; for although they were afflicted with such hunger that they were driven to eat boughes, rindes of trees, and to drink salt water, yet would they not yeeld themselves. And here also is to be noted that although the Mexicans did eat mans flesh, yet they did eat none but such as were their enemies; for had they eaten one another and their owne children, there would not so many have died with hunger. The Mexican women were highly commended, not onely because they abode with their husbands and fathers, but also for the great paines they tooke with the sick and wounded persons; yea and also they laboured in making slings, cutting stones fit for the same, and throwing stones from the Zoties; for therein they did as much hurt as their men. The City was yeelded to the spoile, and the Spaniards tooke the gold, plate and feathers, the Indian friends had all the rest of cloth and other stuffe. Thus was that famous City ruinated, and burnt by the Spaniards, and the power of that Nation brought under the Spanish subjection. Cortez having found the aire of that City very temperate and pleasant for mans life, and the situation commodious, thought presently of rebuilding it, and of making it the chief Seat of Justice and Court for all that Country. But before I come to speake of it as rebuilded and now flourishing, I must adde unto what hath been said of Montezuma his former state and houses in it, the greatnesse of the Market place and Temple, which was in it, when the Spaniards ruined and destroyed it. The conveniency of the Lake about this City gave encouragement to the Mexicans to set apart a most spacious Market place, whither all the Country about might resort to buy, exchange and sell; which was the more easie for them by reason of the abundance of Boates which were made onely for such Trafique.[Pg 50] In this great lake there were at that time above two hundred thousand of these little boats, which the Indians call Acalles, and the Spaniards call them Canoa's, wrought like a kneading trough, some bigger then others according to the greatnesse of the body of the tree, whereof they are made. And where I number two hundred thousand of these boats, I speak of the least, for Mexico alone had above fifty thousand ordinarily to carry and bring unto the City victuall, provision, and passengers, so that on the market-daies all the streets of water were full of them. The Market is called in the Indian tongue Tlanquiztli; every parish had his Market place to buy and sell in; but Mexico and Tlatelulco only, which are the chiefest Cities, had great Fayres and places fit for the same; and especially Mexico had one place, where most dayes in the yeer was buying and selling; but every fourth day was the great Market ordinarily. This place was wide and large compassed about with dores, and was so great that a hundred thousand persons came thither to chop and change, as a City most principall in all that region. Every occupation and kind of merchandize had his proper place appointed, which no other might by any means occupie or disturb. Likewise pesterous wares had their place accordingly, such as stone, timber, lyme, bricke and all such kind of stuffe unwrought, being necessary to build withall. Also mattes both fine and course, of sundry workmanship; also coales, wood, and all sorts of earthen vessells, glazed and painted very curiously. Deere skinnes both raw and tanned in hair and without hair, of many colours, for Shoemakers, for bucklers, Targets, Jerkins, and lining of woodden corslets. Also skinnes of other Beasts, and fowle in feathers ready dressed of all sorts. The colours and strangenesse thereof was a thing to behold. The richest merchandize was salt, and mantles of Cotton wool of divers colours, both great and small; some for beds, other for garments and clothing, other for Tapistry to hang houses; other Cotton-cloth was wont to be sold there for linnen drawers (which to this day the Indians use) for shirts, tablecloths, towels, and such like things. There were also mantles made of the leaves of a tree called Metl, and of the Palme-tree and Conie-hair, which were well esteemed, being very warme, but the coverlets made of feathers were the best. They sold thred there made of Conie-haire, and also skains of other thred of all colours. But the great store of poultrey which was brought to that Market was strange to see, and the uses they sold and bought them for; for although they did eat the flesh of the fowl, yet the feathers served for clothing, mixing one sort with another. But the chiefe bravery of that market was the place where gold and feathers joyntly wrought were sold; for any thing that was in request, was there lively wrought in gold and feathers and gallant colours. The Indians were so expert and perfect in this science, that they would work or make a butter-flie, any wild beast, trees, roses, flowers, hearbs, roots, or any other thing so lively that it was a thing marvellous to behold. It happened many times that one of these workemen in a whole day would eat nothing, only to place one feather in his due perfection, turning and tossing the feather to the light of the sunne, into the shade or darke place to see where was his most naturall perfection, and till his worke were finished he would neither eat nor drinke. There are few nations of so much fleame or substance. The art, or science of Gold-smiths among them was the most curious, and very good workmanship, engraven with tooles made of flint or in mould. They will cast a platter in mould with eight corners, and every corner of severall metall, the one of gold, and the other of silver, without any kind of solder. They will also found or cast a little cauldron with loose handles hanging thereat, as we use to cast a bell; they will also cast in mould a fish of metall, with one scale of silver on his back, and another of gold; they will make a Parret or Popingay of metall, that his tongue shall shake, and his head move, and his wings flutter; they will cast an Ape in mould, that both hands and feet shall stirre, and hold a spindle in his hand seeming to spin, yea and an apple in his hand as though he would eat it. They have skill also of Amell work and to set any pretious stone. But now as touching the market, there was to sell gold, silver, Copper, Lead, Latten, and Tinne; although there was but very little of the three last metals mentioned. There were pearls, pretious stones, divers and sundry sorts of shelles, and bones, Sponges, and Pedlers ware. There were also many kind of herbes, roots, and seeds, as well to be eaten, as for medicine; for both men, women and children had great knowledge in herbs, for through poverty and necessity they did seeke them for their sustenance and help of their infirmities and diseases. They did spend little among Physitians,[Pg 51] although there were some of that art, and many Apothecaries, who did bring into the market, oyntments, syrups, waters, and other drugs fit for sick persons. They cure all diseases almost with herbs; yea as much as for to kill lice they have a proper herb for the purpose. The severall kinds of meats to bee sold was without number, as Snakes without head and tail, little dogges gelt, Moules, Rats, Long-wormes, Lyce, yea and a kind of earth; for at one season in the yeer they had Nets of Mayle, with the which they raked up a certaine dust that is bred upon the water of the lake of Mexico, and that is kneaded together like unto oas of the sea. They gathered much of this and kept it in heapes, and made thereof cakes like unto brick-bats. And they did not only sell this ware in the Market, but also sent it abroad to other Fayres and markets afarre off; and they did eat this meal with as good a stomack as we eat cheese; yea and they hold opinion, that this skumme or fatnesse of the water is the cause that such great number of fowl cometh to the lake, which in the winter season is infinite. They sold likewise in this market Venison by quarters or whole, as Does, Hares, Conies, and Dogges, and many other beasts, which they brought up for the purpose and tooke in hunting. The great store of sundry kinds of fruits was marvellous, which were there sold, both green and ripe. There is a sort as bigge as an Almond called Cacao (whereof is the drinke called Chocolatte well known now in Christendome) which is both meat and currant money. In these times of the bigger sort sixscore or sevenscore, and of the lesser sort two hundred are worth a Spanish Riall, which is sixpence, and with these the Indians buy what they list; for five, nay for two Cacao's which is a very small part of a Riall, they doe buy fruits and the like. There were divers kinds of colours to be sold, which they made of roses, flowers, fruits, barks of trees, and other things very excellent. All the things recited, and many others which I speak not of, were sold in this great market, and in every other Market of Mexico; and all the sellers payed a certain summe for their shops or standings to the King, as a custome, and they were to be preserved and defended from theeves and robbers. And for that purpose there went Serjeants or Officers up and down the market to espie out malefactors. In the midst of this Market stood a house, which was to bee seen throughout the Fayr, and there did sit commonly twelve ancient men for Judges to dispatch law matters. Their buying and selling was to change one ware for another, one gave a hen for a bundle of Maiz, others gave mantles for salt or money which was Cacao. They had measure and strike for all kind of corne, and other earthen measures for hony and oyle, and such wines as they made of Palme-trees, and other roots and trees. And if any measure were falsified, they punished the offenders and brake their measures. This was the civility they had when they were Heathens, for buying and selling. And although they knew not the true God, but worshipped Idols; yet to their Idols and to the Divell they dedicated Temples and places of worship, wherein they used those sacrifices which David speaks of in the 106 Ps. 37 saying, They sacrificed their sonnes, and their daughters unto Devills.
The Temple is called in the Mexican language Teucalli, which is a compound word of Teutl, which signifieth God, and Calli, which signifieth a house. There were in Mexico many parish Churches with towers, wherein were Chappels and Altars where the Images and Idols did stand. All their Temples were of one fashion; the like I beleeve was never seen nor heard of. And therefore it shall be now sufficient to describe the chiefe and greatest Temple, which was as their Cathedrall Church. This Temple was square, and did containe every way as much ground as a Crosse-bow can reach levell. It was made of stone, with four dores that abutted upon the three Cawseys, and upon another part of the City that had no Cawsey, but a fair street. In the midst of this Quadern stood a mount of earth and stone square likewise, and fifty fadome long every way, built upward like unto a pyramide of Ægypt, saving that the top was not sharpe, but plain and flat, and ten fadom square. Upon the West side were steps up to the top, in number a hundred and fourteen, which being so many high and made of good stone, did seeme a beautifull thing. It was a strange sight to behold the Preists, some going up, and some downe with ceremonies, or with men to be sacrificed. Upon the top of this Temple were two great Altars, a good space distant the one from the other, and so nigh the edge or brimme of the wall, that scarcely a man might go behind them at pleasure. The one Altar stood on the right hand, and the other on the left; they were but of five foot high; each of them had the back part made of[Pg 52] stone, painted with monstrous and foul figures. The Chappell was fair and well wrought of Masons work and timber; every Chappell had three lofts one above another, sustained upon pillars, and with the height thereof it shewed like unto a faire tower, and beautified the City afarre off. From thence a man might see all the City and Towns round about the lake, which was undoubtedly a goodly prospect. And because Cortez and his company should see the beauty thereof, Montezuma himselfe (to make the more ostentation of his greatnesse and the Majesty of his Court) carried the first Spaniards thither, and shewed them all the order of the Temple, even from the foot to the top. There was a certain plot or space for the Idoll Preists to celebrate their service without disturbance of any. Their generall prayers were made toward the rising of the sunne; upon each Altar stood a great Idoll.
Besides this tower which stood upon the Pyramide, there were fourty towers great and small belonging to other little Temples which stood in the same circuite; the which although they were of the same making, yet their prospect was not West-ward, but other waies, because there should be a difference betwixt the great Temple and them. Some of these Temples were bigger then others, and every one of a severall God; among the which there was one round Temple dedicated to the God of the ayre called Quecalcovatl; for even as the ayre goeth round about the heavens, even for that consideration they made his Temple round. The entrance of that Temple had a dore made like unto the mouth of a Serpent, and was painted with foule and divellish gestures, with great teeth and gummes wrought, which was a sight to fear those that should enter in thereat, and especially the Christians unto whom it represented hell it selfe with that ugly face and monstrous teeth. There were other Teucallies in the City, that had the ascending up by steps in three places; and all these Temples had houses by themselves with all service belonging to them, and Preists, and particular Gods. And from this manner of these Heathens Temples, and Altars made with steps, wee may observe how like unto them is now the Church of Rome, which as it confesseth that there never was a Church without a visible sacrifice, and therefore teacheth that Christs body must be broken upon their Altars, and distributed not only as a sacrament to the people, but as a sacrifice in the Preists hands, differing only that the sacrifices of Sheep and Oxen in the old law, and these of the Heathens were bloody sacrifices, but theirs of Christs body they call Incruentum Sacrificium, an unbloody sacrifice; so likewise in the buildings of their Churches with severall Towers and Altars and Chappels dedicated to severall Saints they seem to have taken from the very Heathens; but especially in the many steps whereby they ascend up to their Altars, they resemble these, forgetting Gods words in Exod. 20. 26. saying, Neither shalt thou goe up by steps unto mine Altar, that thy nakednesse be not discovered thereon. And lastly in their houses and cloisters joyning to their Churches for the service of them, being full of idolatrous Preists and Fryers consecrated for their service, they seem likewise to have borrowed that fancy of Convents, Abbeys, and Priories from the very Heathens, who (as presently I shall shew) had neer joyning to this great Temple, houses containing thousands of Preists, with yeerly rents and revenues, like those of Romes Abbeys, and Cloisters. At every dore of this great Temple of Mexico stood a large hall, and goodly lodgings both high and low round about, which houses were common Armories for the City. The Heathens it seems had so much understanding as to know that the force and strength of a Towne, City, or Countrey is the Temple, and therefore they placed there their storehouse of munition.
They had other darke houses full of Idols great and small, wrought of sundry metals, which were all bathed and washed with blood, and did shew very blacke through their dayly sprinkling and anointing them with the same, when any man was sacrificed; yea and the walls were an inch thick with blood, and the ground a foot thick of it, so that there was a divellish stench. The Preists went dayly into those Oratories, and suffered none other but great personages to enter in. And when any such went in, they were bound to offer some man to be sacrificed, that those bloudy hangmen and Ministers of the devill might wash their hands in the blood of those so sacrificed, and might sprinkle their house therewith. For their service in the Kitchin they had a pond of water, that was filled once a year, which was brought by the Conduit pipes before mentioned, from the principall fountaine. All the residue of the fore-said circuit served for places to breed fowles, with gardens of herbs and sweet trees,[Pg 53] with roses and flowers for the Altars; and this is also the Church of Romes custome and superstition, to trim and deck their Saints and Altars with Garlands and Crowns of Roses and other flowers. Such, so great and strange was this Temple of Mexico, for the service of the devill, who had deceived those simple Indians. There did reside (as I said before of Monkes and Fryers in their Cloisters joyning to their Churches) in this Temple and houses joyning to it, continually five thousand persons, and all these were lodged and had their living there; for that Temple was marvellous rich, and had divers Townes onely for their maintenance, and reparation, and were bound to sustaine the same alwaies on foot. These Townes did sow corn, and maintain all those five thousand persons with bread, fruit, flesh, fish, and firewood as much as they needed, for they spent more firewood then was spent in the Kings Court. These persons did live like Romes Abby-lubbers at their hearts ease, as servants and vassals unto the Gods, which were many; and every God had severall rankes and Orders of Preists to serve him; as the severall Saints canonized by the Popes of Rome have under them distinct Religious Orders of Preists, Dominick hath Dominicans, Francis Franciscans, Benedict Benedictines, Basil Basilians, Bernard Bernardines, Augustin Augustines, and the like.
The Gods of Mexico (as the Indians reported to the first Spaniards) were two thousand in number; the chiefest were Vitzilopuchtli, and Tezcatlipuca, whose Images stood highest in the Temple upon the Altars. They were made of stone in full proportion as bigge as a Gyant. They were covered with a lawne called Nacar; they were beset with pearles, pretious stones, and peeces of gold, wrought like birds, beasts, fishes, and flowers, adorned with Emeralds, Turquies, Chalcedons, and other little fine stones, so that when the lawne was taken away, the Images seemed very beautifull and glorious to behold. But must I find out Rome still among these heathens? and will the Papists bee angry if I tell them plainly that what I mislike in these Idolatrous Mexicans, I mislike in them? for doe not they deck and adorne their Idol Saints, as the heathens did Vitzilopuchtli and Tezcatlipuca? Doe not they cover their woodden and stony statues of Saints, and of the Virgin Mary with fine lawne shirts, and hide them with curtaines of cloth of Gold, and crowne them with Crowns of Silver and Gold, and enrich them with costly and pretious jewels and Diamonds; not considering that they are the workes of their owne hands? Ad quid perditio hæc? poterant enim venundari, & dari pauperibus? These two Indian Idols had for a girdle great snakes of gold, and for collars or chaines about their necks ten hearts of men made of gold; and each of them had a counterfeit Visor with eies of glasse, and in their necks Death painted. These two Gods were brethren, for Tezcatlipuca was the God of Providence, and Vitzilopuchtli, God of the Warres; who was worshipped and feared more then all the rest. There was another God, who had a great Image placed upon the top of the chappell of Idols, and hee was esteemed for a speciall and singular God above all the rest. This God was made of all kind of seeds that grow in that Countrey, which being ground, they made a certain paste tempered with childrens blood and Virgins sacrificed, who were opened with rasors in their brests, and their hearts taken out, to offer as first fruits unto the Idoll. The Preists consecrated this Idoll with great pompe and many Ceremonies. All the Comarcans and Citizens were present at the Consecration with great triumph and incredible devotion. After the Consecration many devout persons came and sticked in the dowy Image pretious stones, wedges of gold, and other Jewels. And after all this pompe ended, no secular man might touch that holy Image; no nor yet come into his Chappel; nay scarcely religious persons, except they were Tlamacaztli, who were Preists of Order. They did renew this Image many times with new dough, taking away the old. And then (like againe unto the Papists who think themselves happy with their Saints reliques, though ragges or bones) blessed was hee that could get one peece of the old ragges, or a peece of the old dough, for the which there was most earnest suites made by the Souldiers, who thought themselves sure therewith in the Warres. Also at the Consecration of this Idoll, a certaine vessell of water was blessed with many words and ceremonies (peradventure from this heathenish Ceremonie came the superstitious holy water to Rome) and that water was preserved very religiously at the foot of the Altar, for to consecrate the King when hee should bee crowned, and also to blesse any Captaine Generall, when hee should be elected for the Wars, with onely giving him a draught[Pg 54] of that water. And as the Romish Church makes much of their dead mens skulles and rotten bones, laying them up in their Churchyards under some arches made for that purpose in the Churchwalls, even so was it here in Mexico; for without this Temple, and over against the principall doore thereof, a stones cast distant stood a Charnell house onely of dead mens heads, Prisoners in Warres and sacrificed with the knife. This monument was made like unto a Theatre, more large then broad, wrought of lime and stone, with ascending steps; in the walls whereof was graffed betwixt stone and stone a skull with the teeth outwards. At the foot and head of this Theatre, were two towers made onely of lime and skulles, the teeth outward, which having no other stuffe in the wall seemed a strange sight. At and upon the top of the Theatre were threescore and ten poles, standing the one from the other foure or five foot distant, and each of them was full of staves from the foot to the top. Each of these staves had others made fast unto them, and every one of them had five skulles broched through the temples. When the Spaniards first entred into Mexico as friends before the death of Montezuma they visited all these monuments; and in what they have written and transmitted to posterity of that City, it is recorded of one Andrew de Tapia, and Gonzalo de Umbria that one day they did reckon these skulles, and found a hundred thirty and six thousand skulles on the poles, staves and steps. The other Towers were replenished out of number; and there were men appointed, that when one skull fell, to set up another in his place, so that the number might never want. But all these Towers and Idols were pulled down, and consumed with fire, when the Spaniards wanne that City. And certainly they had beene more renowned in destroying those Altars of the devill and those Idoll Gods, if in their stead they had not set up new Idols and Saints of stockes and stones, and built unto them as many more Churches as they found at their comming thither. All therefore that hath been mentioned hitherto of Montezuma his houses and Gardens, of the spacious Market place, and Temples of that City was utterly destroyed and brought downe to the very ground. But Cortez reedified it againe, not onely for the situation and majesty, but also for the name and great fame thereof. Hee divided it among the Conquerours, having first taken out places for Churches, Market places, Towne house and other necessary plots to build houses, profitable for the Common-wealth. Hee separated the dwellings of the Spaniards from the Indians, so that now the water passeth and maketh division betwixt them. Hee promised to them that were naturalls of the City of Mexico plotts to build upon, inheritance, freedome, and other liberties, and the like unto all those that would come and inhabit there, which was a meanes to allure many thither. Hee set also at liberty Xihuaco, the Generall Captaine, and made him chief over the Indians in the City, unto whom hee gave a whole street. He gave likewise another street to Don Pedro Montezuma who was sonne to Montezuma the King. All this was done to winne the favour of the people. Hee made other Gentlemen Seniors of little Islands, and streets to build upon, and to inhabit, and in this order the whole situation was reparted, and the work began with great joy and diligence. And when the same was blowne abroad that Mexico should bee built again, it was a wonder to see the people that resorted thither hearing of liberty and freedome. The number was so great that in three miles compasse was nothing but people men and women. They laboured sore and did eate little, by reason whereof many sickned, and pestilence ensued, whereof died an infinite number. Their paines was great, for they bare on their backes, and drew after them stones, earth, timber, lyme, brick, and all other things necessary in this sort; And by little and little Mexico was built againe with a hundred thousand houses, more strong and better then the old building was. The Spaniards built their houses after the Spanish fashion; and Cortez built his house upon the plot where Montezuma his house stood, which renteth now yeerely foure thousand duckats, and is called now the Palace of the Marques Del Valle, the King of Spain having conferred upon Cortez and his heires this title from the great Valley of Guaxaca. This Palace is so stately that (as I have observed before) seven thousand beames of Cedar Trees were spent in it. They built faire Dockes covered over with Arches for the Vergantines; which Dockes for a perpetuall memory doe remaine untill this day. They dammed up the streets of water, where now faire houses stand, so that Mexico is not as it was wont to bee, and especially since the yeare 1634. the water cometh not by farre so neere the City as it was wont to come.[Pg 55] The Lake sometimes casteth out a vapour of stench, but otherwise it is a wholesome and temperate dwelling, by reason of the Mountaines that stand round about it, and well provided through the fertility of the Countrey, and commodity of the Lake. So that now is Mexico one of the greatest Cities in the World in extention of the situation for Spanish and Indian houses. Not many yeeres after the Conquest it was the Noblest City in all India as well in Armes as Policy. There were formerly at the least two thousand Citizens, that had each of them his horse in his stable with rich furniture for them, and Armes in readinesse. But now since all the Indians farre and neer are subdued, and most of them especially about Mexico consumed, and there is no feare of their rising up any more against the Spaniards, all armes are forgotten, and the Spaniards live so secure from enemies, that there is neither Gate, Wall, Bulwarke, Platforme, Tower, Armory, Ammunition, or Ordnance to secure and defend the City from a Domestick or forraine enemy; from the latter they thinke St. John de Ulhua sufficient and strong enough to secure them. But for Contractation it is one of the richest Cities in the World; to the which by the North Sea commeth every yeer from Spain a Fleet of neere twenty ships laden with the best Commodities not onely of Spain but of the most parts of Christendome. And by the South Sea it enjoyeth Traffique from all parts of Peru; and above all it Trades with the East-India's, and from thence receiveth the Commodities as well from those parts which are inhabited by Portingals, as from the Countries of Japan and China, sending every yeere two great Caracas with two smaller Vessels to the Islands of Philippinas, and having every yeere a returne of such like ships. There is also in Mexico a Mint house where Money is dayly coyned; and is brought thither in wedges upon Mules from the Mines called St. Lewis de Sacatecas, standing fourescore Leagues from Mexico Northward, and yet from Sacatecas forward have the Spaniards entred above a hundred Leagues conquering daily Indians, where they discover store of Mines; and there they have built a City, called Nova Mexico, new Mexico. The Indians there are great Warriers, and hold the Spaniards hard to it. It is thought the Spaniard will not bee satisfied, untill hee subdue all the Country that way, which doubtlesse reacheth to our plantations of Virginia and the rest being the same continued continent land. There is yet more in Mexico, a faire schoole, which now is made an University, which the Viceroy Don Antonio De Mendoza caused to be built. At the rebuilding of this City there was a great difference betwixt an Inhabitant of Mexico, and a Conquerour; for a Conquerour was a name of honour, and had lands and rents given him and to his posterity by the King of Spain, and the Inhabitant or onely dweller payed rent for his house. And this hath filled all those parts of America with proud Dons and Gentlemen to this day; for every one will call himselfe a descendent from a Conquerour, though hee bee as poore as Job; and aske him what is become of his Estate and fortune, hee will answer that fortune hath taken it away, which shall never take away a Don from him. Nay a poore Cobler, or Carrier that runs about the Countrey farre and neere getting his living with half a dozen Mules, if hee bee called Mendoza, or Guzman, will sweare that hee descended from those Dukes houses in Spain, and that his Grandfather came from thence to Conquer, and subdued whole Countries to the Crowne of Spain, though now fortune have frowned upon him, and covered his ragges with a thredbare Cloake. When Mexico was rebuilt, and Judges, Aldermen, Attorneys, Towne Clerks, Notaries, Skavengers, and Serjeants with all other Officers necessary for the Common-weale of a City were appointed, the fame of Cortez and majesty of the City was blowne abroad into farre Provinces, by meanes whereof it was soone replenished with Indians againe, and with Spaniards from Spain, who soone conquered above foure hundred Leagues of Land, being all governed by the Princely Seat of Mexico. But since that first rebuilding, I may say it is now rebuilt the second time by Spaniards, who have consumed most of the Indians; so that now I will not dare to say there are a hundred thousand houses which soone after the Conquest were built up, for most of them were of Indians. Now the Indians that live there, live in the suburbs of the City, and their situation is called Guadalupe. In the yeare 1625. when I went to those parts, this Suburbe was judged to containe five thousand Inhabitans; But since most of them have beene consumed by the Spaniards hard usage and the worke of the Lake. So that now there may not bee above two thousand Inhabitants of meere Indians, and a thousand of such[Pg 56] as they call there Mestizos, who are of a mixt nature of Spaniards and Indians, for many poore Spaniards marry with Indian women, and others that marry them not but hate their husbands, find many trickes to convey away an innocent Uriah to enjoy his Bathsheba. The Spaniards daily cousen them of the small plot of ground where their houses stand, and of three or foure houses of Indians build up one good and fair house after the Spanish fashion with Gardens and Orchards. And so is almost all Mexico new built with very faire and spatious houses with Gardens of recreation. Their buildings are with stone, and brick very strong, but not high, by reason of the many Earth-quakes, which would indanger their houses if they were above three stories high. The streets are very broad, in the narrowest of them three Coaches may goe, and in the broader six may goe in the breadth of them, which makes the City seeme a great deale bigger then it is. In my time it was thought to bee of betweene thirty and forty thousand Inhabitants Spaniards, who are so proud and rich, that half the City was judged to keepe Coaches, for it was a most credible report that in Mexico in my time there were above fifteen thousand Coaches. It is a by-word that at Mexico there are foure things faire, that is to say, the women, the apparell, the horses, and the streets. But to this I may adde the beauty of some of the Coaches of the gentry, which doe exceed in cost the best of the Court of Madrid and other parts of Christendome; for there they spare no Silver, nor Gold, nor pretious stones, nor Cloath of Gold, nor the best Silkes from China to enrich them. And to the gallantry of their horses the pride of some doth adde the cost of bridles, and shooes of silver. The streets of Christendome must not compare with those in breadth and cleannesse, but especially in the riches of the shops which doe adorn them. Above all the Goldsmiths shops and workes are to bee admired. The Indians, and the people of China that have been made Christians and every yeere come thither, have perfected the Spaniards in that Trade. The Viceroy that went thither the yeere 1625. caused a Popingay to bee made of silver, gold, and pretious stones with the perfect colours of the Popingays feathers, (a bird bigger then a pheasant) with such exquisite art and perfection, to present unto the King of Spain, that it was prized to bee worth in riches and workmanship halfe a Million of Duckats. There is in the Cloister of the Dominicans a lampe hanging in the Church with three hundred branches wrought in silver to hold so many Candles, besides a hundred little lampes for oyle set in it, every one being made with severall workmanship so exquisitely, that it is valued to be worth four hundred thousand duckats; and with such like curious workes are many streets made more rich and beautifull from the shops of Goldsmiths. To the by-word touching the beauty of the women I must adde the liberty they enjoy for gaming, which is such that the day and night is to short for them to end a Primera when once it is begun; nay gaming is so common to them that they invite gentlemen to their houses for no other end. To my self it happened that passing along the streets in company with a Fryer that came with me that yeare from Spain, a gentlewoman of great birth knowing us to be Chapetons (so they call the first yeer those that come from Spain) from her window called unto us, and after two or three slight questions concerning Spain asked us if wee would come in and play with her a Game at Primera. Both men and women are excessive in their apparell, using more silkes then stuffes and cloth; pretious Stones and Pearles further much this their vaine ostentation; a hat-band and rose made of Diamonds in a Gentlemans hat is common, and a hat-band of Pearles is ordinary in a Tradesman; nay a Blackmore or Tauny young maide and slave will make hard shift but shee will bee in fashion with her Neckchaine and Bracelets of Pearls, and her Eare-bobs of some considerable Jewels. The attire of this baser sort of people of Blackmores and Mulatta's (which are of a mixt nature, of Spaniards and Blackmores) is so light, and their carriage so enticing, that many Spaniards even of the better sort (who are too too prone to Venery) disdaine their Wives for them. Their cloathing is a Petticoate, of Silk or Cloth, with many silver or golden Laces, with a very broad double Ribband of some light colour with long silver or golden Tags hanging down before, the whole length of their Peticoat to the ground, and the like behind; their Wascoats made like bodies, with skirts, laced likewise with gold or silver, without sleeves, and a girdle about their body of great price stuck with Pearls and knots of Gold, (if they bee any waies well esteemed of) their sleeves are broad and open at the end, of Holland or fine China linen, wrought some with coloured silks, some with silke and gold, some[Pg 57] with silk and silver, hanging downe almost unto the ground; the locks of their heads are covered with some wrought quoife, & over it another of net work of silk bound with a fair silk, or silver or golden ribband which crosseth the upper part of their forehead, and hath commonly worked out in letters some light and foolish love posie; their bare black and tauny breasts are covered with bobs hanging from their chaines of pearls. And when they goe abroad they use a white mantle of lawne or cambricke rounded with a broad lace, which some put over their heads, the breadth reaching only to their middle behind, that their girdle and ribbands may be seen, and the two ends before reaching to the ground almost; others cast their mantles only upon their shoulders, and swaggerers like, cast the one end over the left shoulder, that they may the better jog the right arme, and shew their broad sleeve as they walke along; others instead of this mantle use some rich silke petticoat, to hang upon their left shoulder, while with their right arm they support the lower part of it, more like roaring boyes then honest civil maids. Their shooes are high & of many soles, the outside whereof of the prophaner sort are plated with a list of silver, which is fastned with small nailes of broad silver heads. Most of these are or have been slaves, though love have set them loose at liberty, to inslave souls to sinne and Satan. And there are so many of this kind both men and women growne to a height of pride and vanity, that many times the Spaniards have feared they would rise up and mutiny against them. And for the loosnesse of their lives, and publike scandals committed by them and the better sort of the Spaniards, I have heard them say often who have professed more religion and feare of God, they verily thought God would destroy that City, and give up the Countrey into the power of some other nation.
I will not relate particulars of their obscene and scandalous, yea and publike carriages, which would offend my Readers patience, and make his eares to tingle; only I say, certainly God is offended with that second Sodom, whose inhabitants though now they be like the green bay-tree flourishing with jewels, pearles, gold, silver, and all worldly pleasures; They shall soone be cut downe like the grasse and wither as the green herbe, Ps. 37. 2. And though their great Master and Cardinall Bellarmine make outward happinesse and flourishing a marke and note of a true Church and Congregation of Gods people: and of my selfe I could say with David in the 73. Ps. 2, 3. when I lived blindly amongst them, My feet were almost gone, my steps had well-nigh slipt; for I was envious at the foolish, when I saw the prosperity of the wicked; yet now being enlightned in a more sure and certaine truth, I will conclude of them, as David of the flourishing wicked men of his time in the same Chapter the 16, 17, 18. v. When I thought to know this, it was too painfull for mee, untill I went into the Sanctuary of God, then understood I their end. Surely thou didst set them in slippery places; thou callest them downe to destruction. And I doubt not but the flourishing of Mexico in coaches, horses, streets, women, and apparell is very slippery, and will make those proud inhabitants slip and fall into the power and dominion of some other Prince of this world, and hereafter in the world to come, into the powerfull hands of an angry Judge, who is the King of Kings and Lord of Lords, which Paul saith Heb. 10. 31. is a fearfull thing. For this City doth not only flourish in the waies aforesaid, but also in their superstitious worshiping of God and Saints, they exceed Rome it selfe, and all other places of Christendome. And it is a thing which I have very much and carefully observed in all my travailes both in Europe and in America, that in those Cities wherein there is most lewd licentiousnesse of life, there is also most cost in the Temples, and most publike superstitious worshipping of God and of the Saints.
It seems that religion teacheth that all wickednesse is allowable, so the Churches and Clergy flourish; nay while the purse is open to lasciviousnesse, if it be likewise opened to enrich the temple walls and roofes, this is better then any their holy water to wash away the filth of the other. Rome is held to be the head of superstition; and what stately Churches, Chappels, and Cloisters are in it? what fastings, what processions, what appearances of devotion? and on the other side, what liberty, what profanenesse, what whoredomes, nay what sinnes of Sodom are committed in it? In so much that it could be the saying of a Fryer to my selfe while I was in it, that he verily thought there was no one City in the world wherein were more Atheists then in Rome. I might shew this truth in Madrid, Sevill, Valladolid, and other famous Cities in Spaine, and in Italy, in Millan, Genoa and Naples, relating many instances of scandalls[Pg 58] committed in those places, and yet the Temples mightily enriched by such who have thought those alms a sufficient warrant to free them from hell & Purgatory. But I must return to Mexico which is mille testes of this truth, sin and wickednesse abounding in it; and yet no such people in the world toward the Church and Clergy, who in their life time strive to exceed one another in their gifts to the Cloisters of Nuns and Friers, some erecting Altars to their best devoted Saints, worth many thousand thousand duckats, others presenting crowns of gold to the pictures of Mary, others lamps, others golden chains, others building Cloisters at their own charge, others repairing them, others at their death leaving to them two or three thousand duckats for an annuall stipend. Among these great Benefactors to the Churches of that City I should wrong my History if I should forget one that lived in my time, called Alonso Cuellar, who was reported to have a Closet in his house laid with bars of gold in stead of bricks; though indeed it was not so, but only reported for his abundant riches and store of bars of gold which he had in one chest standing in a closet distant from another, where he had a chest full of wedges of silver. This man alone built a Nunery of Franciscan Nuns, which stood him in above thirty thousand duckats, and left unto it for the maintainance of the Nuns two thousand duckats yeerly, with obligation of some masses to be said in the Church every yeer for his soule after his decease. And yet this mans life was so scandalous, that commonly in the night with two servants he would round the City, visiting such scandalous persons whose attire before hath been described, carrying his beads in his hands, and at every house letting fall a beade and tying a false knot, that when he came home in the morning towards breake of the day he might number by his beades the uncivil stations he had walked and visited that night. But these his works of darkenesse came to light, and were published farre and neer for what happened unto him whilst I was in Mexico; for one night meeting at one of his stations with a gentleman that was jealous of him, swords on both sides were drawne, the Concubine first was stabbed by the Gentleman who was better manned and attended; and Cuellar (who was but a Merchant) was mortally wounded and left for dead, though afterwards he recovered. Great Almes and liberality towards religious houses in that City commonly are coupled with great and scandalous wickednesse. They wallow in the bed of riches and wealth, and make their Almes the Coverlet to cover their loose and lascivious lives. From hence are the Churches so fairly built and adorned. There are not above fifty Churches and Chappels, Cloisters and Nunneries, and Parish Churches in that City; but those that are there are the fairest that ever my eyes beheld, the roofes and beams being in many of them all daubed with gold, and many Altars with sundry marble pillars, and others with Brasil wood staies standing one above another with Tabernacles for several Saints richly wrought with golden colours, so that twenty thousand duckats is a common price of many of them. These cause admiration in the common sort of people, and admiration brings on daily adoration in them to those glorious spectacles and images of Saints; so Satan shewes Christ all the glory of the Kingdomes to intice him to admiration, and then All these things will I give thee if thou wilt fall downe and worship mee, Mat. 4. 8, 9. The devill will give all the world to be adored.
Besides these beautifull buildings, the inward riches belonging to the Altars are infinite in price and value, such as Copes, Canopies, hangings, Altar cloths, Candlestickes, Jewels belonging to the Saints, and crownes of gold and silver, and Tabernacles of gold and Crystall to carry about their sacrament in Procession, all which would mount to the worth of a reasonable mine of silver, and would be a rich prey for any nation that could make better use of wealth and riches. I will not speake much of the lives of the Fryers and Nuns of that City, but only that there they enjoy more liberty then in the parts of Europe (where yet they have too much) and that surely the scandal committed by them doe cry up to heaven for vengeance, judgement, and destruction.
In my time in the Cloister of the Mercenarian Fryers which is entituled for the Redemption of Captives, there chanced to be an election of a Provinciall to rule over them, to the which all the Priors and heads of the Cloisters about the countrey had resorted, and such was their various and factious difference, that upon the suddain all the Convent was in an uproare, their canonicall election was turned to mutiny and strife, knives were drawn, many wounded, the scandall and danger of murther so[Pg 59] great, that the Viceroy was same to interpose his authority and to sit amongst them and guard the Cloister untill their Provinciall was elected. It is ordinary for the Fryers to visit their devoted Nuns, and to spend whole daies with them, hearing their musicke, feeding on their sweet meats, and for this purpose they have many chambers which they call Loquutorios, to talke in, with wooden bars between the Nuns and them, and in these chambers are tables for the Friers to dine at; and while they dine, the Nuns recreate them with their voices. Gentlemen and Citizens give their daughters to be brought up in these Nunneries, where they are taught to make all sorts of conserves and preserves, all sorts of needle worke, all sorts of musicke, which is so exquisite in that City, that I dare be bold to say, that the people are drawne to their Churches more for the delight of the musick, then for any delight in the service of God. More, they teach these young children to act like players, and to entice the people to their Churches make these children to act short dialogues in their Quires, richly attiring them with mens and womens apparell, especially upon Midsummer day, and the eight daies before their Christmas, which is so gallantly performed, that many factious strifes, and single combates have been, and some were in my time, for defending which of these Nunneries most excelled in musick, and in the training up of children. No delights are wanting in that City abroad in the world, nor in their Churches, which should be the house of God, and the soules, not the senses delight.
The chiefe place in the City is the Market place, which though it be not as spacious as in Montezuma his time, yet is at this day very faire and wide, built all with Arches on the one side where people may walke dry in time of raine, and there are shops of Merchants furnished with all sorts of stuffes and silkes, and before them sit women selling all manner of fruits and herbes; over against these shops and Arches is the Viceroy his palace, which taketh up almost the whole length of the market with the walls of the house and of the gardens belonging to it. At the end of the Viceroy his palace, is the chiefe prison which is strong of stone worke. Next to this is the beautifull street called la plateria, or Gold-smiths street, where a mans eyes may behold in lesse then an houre many millions worth of gold, silver, pearles and jewells. The street of St. Austin is rich and comely, where live all that trade in silkes; but one of the longest and broadest streets is the street called Tacuba, where almost all the shops are of Ironmongers, and of such as deale in brasse and steel, which is joyning to those Arches whereon the water is conveyed into the City, and is so called for that it is the way out of the City to a Towne called Tacuba; and this street is mentioned farre and neer, not so much for the length and breadth of it, as for a small commodity of needles which are made there, and for proofe are the best of all those parts. For stately buildings the street called del Aquila, the street of the eagle, exceeds the rest, where live Gentlemen, and Courtiers, and Judges belonging to the Chancery, and is the palace of the Marquesse del Valle from the line of Ferdinando Cortez; this street is so called from an old Idoll an Eagle of stone which from the conquest lieth in a corner of that street, and is twice as big as London stone. The gallants of this City shew themselves daily some on Horse-back, and most in Coaches about four of the clock in the afternoone in a pleasant shady field, called la Alameda, full of trees and walkes, somewhat like unto our More-fields, where doe meet as constantly as the Merchants upon our Exchange about two thousand Coaches, full of Gallants, Ladies, and Citizens, to see and to be seen, to court and to be courted, the Gentlemen having their train of black-more slaves some a dozen, some halfe a dozen waiting on them, in brave and gallant Liveries, heavy with gold and silver lace, with silke stockins on their black legs, and roses on their feet, and swords by their sides; the Ladies also carry their traine by their coaches side of such jet-like Damosells as before have been mentioned for their light apparell, who with their bravery and white mantles over them seem to be, as the Spaniard saith, mosca en leche, a flie in milke. But the train of the Viceroy who often goeth to this place is wonderfull stately, which some say is as great as the train of his Master the King of Spaine. At this meeting are carried about many sorts of sweet-meats and papers of comfites to be sold, for to relish a cup of coole water, which is cried about in curious glasses, to coole the blood of those love hot gallants. But many times these their meetings sweetned with conserves and comfits have sowre sawce at the end, for jealousie will not suffer a Lady to be courted, no nor sometimes to be spoken to, but puts fury into the violent hand to draw a sword or dagger and to stab or murther whom he was[Pg 60] jealous of, and when one sword is drawne thousands are presently drawne, some to right the party wounded or murthered; others to defend the party murthering, whose friends will not permit him to bee apprehended, but will guard him with drawn swords untill they have conveyed him to the Sanctuary of some Church, from whence the Viceroy his power is not able to take him for a legall tryall.
Many of these suddain skirmishes happened whilest I lived about Mexico; of which City a whole volume might bee compiled, but that by other Authors much hath beene written, and I desire not to fill my History with trifles, but onely with what is most remarkable in it. I may not omit yet from the situation of it upon a lake to tell that certainly the water hath its passage under all the streets of it; for toward the street of St. Austin and the lower parts of the City, I can confidently averre that in my time before the removing of the Lake those that died were rather drowned then buried, for a grave could not bee digged with an ordinary graves depth, but they met with water, and I was eye-witnesse of many thus buried, whose coffins was covered with water. And this is so apparent that had not the Cloister of the Augustines often been repaired and almost rebuilt, it had quite sunk by this. In my time it was a repairing, and I saw the old pillars had sunk very low; upon the which they were then laying new foundations, and I was credibly informed that that was the third time that new pillars had been erected upon the old which were quite sunk away. This City hath but three wayes to come unto it by Cawsey; the one is from the West, and that Cawsey is a mile and a halfe long. Another from the North, and containeth three miles in length. Eastward the City hath no entry; but Southward the Cawsey is five miles long, which was the way that Cortez entred into it, when hee conquered it.
The fruit called Nuchtli (whereof I have spoken before, and some say this City was called Tenuchtitlan from it) though it bee in most parts of America, yea and now in Spain, yet in no place there is more abundance of it then in Mexico, and it is absolutely one of the best fruits in it. It is like unto the Figge, and so hath many little kernels or grains within, but they are somewhat larger, and crowned like unto a Medler. There are of them of sundry colours, some are green without, and carnation-like within, which have a good taste. Others are yellow, and others white, and some speckled; the best sort are the white; It is a fruit that will last long. Some of them taste of Pears, and other some of Grapes; It is a cold and a fresh fruit and best esteemed in the heat of summer. The Spaniards doe more esteem them then the Indians. The more the ground is laboured where they grow, the fruit is so much the better. There is yet another kind of this fruit red, and that is nothing so much esteemed, although his taste is not evill; but because it doth colour and dye the eaters mouth, lips and apparell, yea and maketh the Urine looke like pure blood. Many Spaniards at their first comming into India, and eating this fruit, were amazed and at their wits end, thinking that all the blood in their bodies came out in Urine; yea and many Physitians at their first comming were of the same belief. And it hath happened when they have been sent for unto such as have eaten this fruit, they not knowing the cause, and beholding the Urine, by and by they have administred medicines to staunch blood; a thing to laugh at, to see Physitians so deceived. The skinne of the outside is thick and full of little small prickles, and when it is cut downeright with one cut to the kernels, with one finger you may uncleave the whole skin roundabout without breaking it, & take out the fruit to eat. The Spaniards use to jest with it with strangers, taking half a dozen of them, and rubbing them in a napkin, those smal prickles which can scarce bee seen or perceived stick invisibly unto the napkin, wherewith a man wiping his mouth to drink, those little prickles stick in his lips so that they seeme to sow them up together, and make him for a while faulter in his speech, till with much rubbing and washing they come off. There is another fruit twice of the bignesse of a great warden, which they call the growing Manjar Blanco, or white meat, which is a dainty dish made by them with the white of a Capon, Cream, and Rice, and sugar and sweet waters, much like unto the which tasteth this fruit. It is as sweet as any hony, and dissolves like melted snow in the mouth into a juyce most luscious; within, it is full of hard black kernels or stones, which being cracked are bitter, and these not joyned together, but by division one from another, each one having a bag, or little skin discerning them in their rankes and orders, so that when you cut this fruit in the middle it represents a Chequer board with black and whit; the white is suckt or eaten and the kernels thrown[Pg 61] away. But I cannot forget that which they call Pinia, or Pine apple; not the Pine apple of the high Pine tree, but a pine apple, that groweth upon a lower shrub with prickly leaves, and is bigger then our biggest Muskmillians in England, when it is ripe; it is yellow without and within; without it is full of little bunches, and within so juycy and cool that nothing more dangerous then to eat much of it. Before they eat it, they cut it in round slices, and lay it a while in salt and water, and so being scoured half an houre in that salt and water which taketh much of the rawnes and coldnes from it, and then putting into dishes with more fresh water they eat it thus. But the better way of eating it, is preserved; which is absolutely the best preserve in all that Countrey. There is also the Grape, (though they make not wine of it) the Apple, the Peare, the Quince, the Peach, the Apricock, the Pomegranate, the Muskmillian, the Plantin, the Figge, the Walnut, the Chesnut, the Orange, the Lemmon both sowre and sweet, the Citron in great abundance. Most of the fruitts of Europe, and as many more which Europe never knew. About Mexico more then in any other part groweth that excellent tree called Metl, which they plant and dresse as they doe their Vines in Europe. It hath neere forty kindes of leaves, which serve for many uses; for when they bee tender they make of them Conserves, Paper, Flax, Mantles, Mats, Shooes, girdles, and cordage. On these leaves grow certaine prickles so strong and sharpe that they use them in stead of sawes: from the root of this tree cometh a juyce like unto syrup, which being sodde will become Sugar. You may also make of it Wine and Vineger. The Indians often become drunke with it. The rind rolled healeth hurts and sores, and from the top boughs issueth a gumme, which is an excellent antidote against poyson. There is nothing in Mexico and about it wanting which may make a City happy; and certainly had those that have so much extolled with their pens the parts of Granada in Spain, Lombardy and Florence in Italy, making them the earthly Paradise, had they beene acquainted with the new World and with Mexico, they would have recanted their untruths.
Oh that the Lord were truely worshiped where hee hath powred forth the treasures of his goodnesse for the children of men! Oh that in that Eden the tempting and entising Serpent were not so much obeyed in the use of the faire seeming Apple of pleasures, and the Lord that hath enriched it with such varieties so much neglected! How long O Lord God, how long shall the line of the wicked flourish, and the best portion be fallen to Idolaters and to the workers of iniquity?
This City is the seat of an Archbishop, and of a Viceroy, who commonly is some great Noble man of Spain, whose power is to make Lawes and Ordinances, to give directions, and determine controversies, unlesse it bee in such great causes, which are thought fit to bee referred to the Councell of Spain. And though there bee about the Country many governments with severall Governours, yet they are all subordinate to this Viceroy, and there are at least foure hundred leagues of land all governed by the Princely seat of Mexico. Most of the Governours about the Country being the Viceroy his Creatures, placed by him, doe contribute great gifts and bribes for their preferment; so likewise doe all the rest whose right or wrong proceedings depend upon the Viceroy his clemency and mercy in judging the daily appeales of Justice which come unto him. The King of Spain allowes him out of his Exchequer yeerly a hundred thousand Duckats whilest hee governes; his time being but five yeers. But commonly with their bribes to the Courtiers of Spain, and to the Counsellours for the Estate of the India's they get a prorogation of five yeeres more, and sometimes of ten. It is incredible to think what this Viceroy may get a yeer in that place besides his hundred thousand duckats of rent, if hee bee a man covetous and given to trading, (as most of them are) for then they will bee Masters of what commodities they please, and none else shall deale in them but themselves; as did the Marquesse of Serralvo in my time, who was the best Monopolist of salt that ever those parts knew. This man was thought to get a Million a yeer, what with gifts and presents, what with his Trading to Spain and Philippinas. He governed ten yeares, and in this time he sent to the King of Spain a Popingay worth half a Million, and in one year more he sent the worth of a Million to the Count of Olivares, and other Courtiers to obtain a prorogation for five yeers more. Besides the Viceroy there are commonly six Judges and a Kings Attorney, who are allowed out of the Kings Exchequer yeerly twelve thousand duckats a peice rent, besides two Alcaldes de Corte or high Justices, who with the Viceroy judge all Chancery and criminall causes. But these, though united together[Pg 62] they may oppose the Viceroy in any unlawfull and unjustifiable action, as some have done and have smarted for it, yet commonly they dare not. So that hee doth what he listeth, and it is enough for him to say, stat pro ratione voluntas. This power joyned with covetousnesse in the Viceroy, and threescore thousand duckats yeerly, joyned with pride in the Arch-bishop, was like to be the ruine of that City in the yeer 1624. Then was the Count of Gelves Viceroy, and Don Alonso de Zerna Archbishop, whose two powers striving and striking at one another like two flints, had almost brought to combustion that gallant City, and did set on fire the Viceroy his palace, and the prison joyning to it.
The story was thus, which may be profitable for other nations, to beware of covetous governours, and proud Prelates; and therefore I thought fit to insert it here. The Count of Gelves was in some things one of the best Viceroys and Governours that ever the Court of Spaine sent to America, for he was called by the Spaniards, el terrible Justiciero, y fuego de Ladrones, that is, terrible for Justice, and fire to consume all theeves. For he cleered all the high waies of theeves, hanging them as often as they were caught without mercy, and did send out troopes and officers to apprehend them, so that it was generally reported that since the conquest unto those dayes of his there had never been so many theeves and malefactors hanged up as in his time. So in all other points of justice he was severe and upright. But yet covetousnesse did so blind him to see his owne injustice, that before he could see it, he had brought the City of Mexico and the whole Kingdome to a danger of rebellion. What he would not to be seen in himselfe, he acted by others his instruments. And one of them was one Don Pedro Mexia, a mighty rich Gentleman of Mexico, whom hee chose to joyne with him in monopolizing all the Indian Maiz, and wheat about the Countrey. Don Pedro Mexia of the Indians bought at the price he list their Maiz, and the wheat of the Spaniards he bought it according to that price at which it is taxed by the law of that land to be sold at in time of famine; which is at fourteen Rials a bushell, (which is not much there considering the abundance of gold and silver) at which price the Farmers and husbandmen knowing it to be a plentiful yeer were glad and willing to sel unto him their wheat, not knowing what the end would be, & others fearing to gainsay him, whom they knew to be the Viceroyes favorite. Thus Don Pedro Mexia filled all his barnes which he had hired about the Countrey, and himselfe and the Viceroy became owners of all the wheat. He had his officers appointed to bring it into the Markets upon his warning, and that was when some smal remnants that had escaped his fingers were sold, and the price raised. Then hoised he his price, and doubled it above what it had cost him. The poore began to complaine, the rich to murmure, the taxe of the law was moved in the Court of Chancery before the Viceroy. But he being privy to the Monopoly expounded the law to bee understood in time of famine, and that he was informed, that it was as plentifull a yeer as ever had been, and that to his knowledge there was as much brought into the Markets as ever had been, and plenty enough for Mexico and all the Countrey. Thus was the law slighted, the rich mocked, the poore oppressed, and none sold wheat but Don Pedro Mexia his officers for himselfe and the Viceroy. When Justice would be no father, the people go to their mother the Church; & having understood the businesse better, and that it was Don Pedro Mexia, who did tyrannnize and oppresse them with the Viceroy his favour, they intreat the Archbishop to make it a case of Conscience, and to reduce it to a Church censure. Don Alonso de Zerna the Archbishop, who had alwaies stomacked Don Pedro Mexia and the Viceroy, to please the people, granted to them to excommunicate Don Pedro Mexia, and so sent out bils of excommunication to be fixed upon all the Church dores against Don Pedro; who not regarding the excommunication, and keeping close at home, and still selling his wheat, raising higher the price then it was before; the Arch-bishop raised this censure higher against him, adding to it a Bill of Cessatio à divinis, that is, a cessation from all divine service. This Censure is so great with them, that it is never used but for some great mans sake, who is contumacious and stubborn in his waies, contemning the power of the Church. Then are all the Church dores shut up, (let the City be never so great) no masses are said, no prayers used, no preaching permitted, no meetings allowed for any publike devotion or calling upon God. Their Church mournes as it were, and makes no shew of spirituall joy and comfort, nor of any communion of prayers one with another, so long as the partie continues stubborn and rebellious in his sinne, and scandall, and in yeelding to[Pg 63] the Churches censure. And further whereas by this cessation à divinis, many Churches and especially Cloisters suffer in the means of their livelyhood, who live upon what is daily given them for the Masses they say, and in a Cloister where thirty or fourty Preists say Masse, so many peices of Eight or crowns in Mexico doe daily come in; therefore this censure or cessatio à divinis is so inflicted upon the whole Church (all suffering for it as they say in spirituall, and some in temporall waies) that the party offending or scandalizing, for whose sake this curse is laid upon all, is bound to satisfie all Preists and Cloisters which in the way aforesaid suffer, and to allow them so much out of his meanes, as they might have daily got by selling away their Masses for so many crownes for their daily livelyhood. To this would the Arch-bishop have brought Don Pedro Mexia, to have emptied out of his purse neer a thousand crownes daily, towards the maintenance of about a thousand Preists (so many there may bee in Mexico) who from the Altar sell away their bread-God to satisfie with bread and food their hungry stomackes. And secondly by the peoples suffering in their spirituall comfort, and non-communion of prayers and idolatrous worship, hee thought to make Don Pedro Mexia odious to the people. Don Pedro perceiving the spightfull intents of the Archbishop, and hearing the outcries of the people in the streets against him, and their cries for the use and liberty of their Churches, secretly retired himselfe to the Palace of the Viceroy, begging his favour and protection, for whose sake he suffered. The Viceroy immediately sent out his Orders, commanding the bills of excommunication and cessation à divinis to bee pulled from the Church dores, and to all the Superiors of the Cloisters to set open their Churches, and to celebrate their service and masses as formerly they had done. But they disobeying the Viceroy through blind obedience to their Archbishop, the Viceroy commanded the Arch-prelate to revoke his censures. But his answer was that what he had done, had been justly done against a publike offender and great oppressor of the poore, whose cries had moved him to commiserate their suffering condition, and that the offenders contempt of his first excommunication had deserved the rigour of the second censure; neither of the which hee would or could revoke untill Don Pedro Mexia had submitted himselfe to the Church and to a publike absolution, and had satisfied the Preists and Cloisters who suffered for him, and had disclaimed that unlawfull and unconscionable Monopolie, wherewith he wronged the whole common-wealth, and especially the poorer sort therein.
Thus did that proud Prelate arrogantly in termes exalt himselfe against the the authority of his Prince and Ruler, contemning his command with a flat deniall, thinking himself happy in imitating Ambrose his spirit against the Emperour Theodosius, trusting in the power of his keyes, and in the strength of his Church and Clergy, which with the rebellion of the meaner sort he resolved to oppose against the power and strength of his Magistrate. The Viceroy not brooking this sawcy answer from a Preist, commanded him presently to be apprehended and to be guarded to St. John de Ulhua, and there to be shipped for Spaine. The Archbishop having notice of this the Viceroy his resolution, retired himselfe out of Mexico to Guadalupe with many of his Preists and Prebends, leaving a bill of excommunication upon the Church dores against the Viceroy himself, and thinking privily to flie to Spain there to give an account of his carriage and behaviour. But he could not flie so fast, but the Viceroy his care and vigilancy still eyed him, and with his Serjeants and Officers pursued him to Guadalupe. Which the Archbishop understanding, he betook himself to the sanctuary of the church, and there caused the candles to be lighted upon the Altar, the sacrament of his Bread-God to be taken out of the Tabernacle, and attiring himselfe with his Pontificall vestiments, with his Mitre on his head, his Crozier in one hand, in the other he took his God of bread, and thus with his traine of Preists about him at the Altar, he waited for the coming of the Serjeants and Officers, whom he thought with his God in his hand, and with a Here I am, to astonish and amaze, and to make them as Christ the Jewes in the garden, to fall backwards, and to disable them from laying hands upon him. The Officers coming into the Church went towards the Altar where the Bishop stood, and kneeling downe first to worship their God made a short prayer; which being ended, they propounded unto the Bishop with courteous and faire words the cause of their coming to that place, requiring him to lay downe the Sacrament; and to come out of the Church, and to heare the notification of what orders they brought unto him in the Kings name. To whom the Archbishop replied, that whereas their[Pg 64] Master the Viceroy was excommunicated he looked upon him as one out of the pale of the Church, and one without any power, or authority to command him in the house of God, and so required them as they tendered the good of their soules to depart peaceably, and not to infringe the priviledges and immunity of the Church, by exercising in it any legall act of secular power and command; and that he would not goe out of the Church, unlesse they durst take him and the Sacrament together. With this the head officer named Tiroll, stood up and notified unto him an order in the Kings name to apprehend his person in what place soever he should find him, and to guard him to the Port of St. John de Ulhua, and there to deliver him to whom by further order he should be directed there, to be shipped for Spain as a Traitour to the Kings crowne, a troubler of the common peace, an author and mover of sedition in the Common-wealth. The Arch-bishop smiling upon Tiroll answered him, Thy Master useth too high termes; and words which doe better agree unto himselfe; for I know no mutiny or sedition like to trouble the Common-wealth, unlesse it bee by his and Don Pedro Mexia his oppressing of the poore. And as for thy guarding mee to St. John de Ulhua, I conjure thee by Jesus Christ whom thou knowest I hold in my hands, not to use here any violence in Gods house, from whose Altar I am resolved not to depart; take heed God punish thee not as he did Jeroboam for stretching forth his hand at the Altar against the Prophet; let his withered hand remind thee of thy duty. But Tiroll suffered him not to squander away the time and ravell it out with further preaching, but called to the Altar a Preist whom he had brought for that purpose, and commanded him in the Kings name to take the Sacrament out of the Arch-bishops hand; which the Preist doing, the Arch-bishop unvested himselfe of his Pontificals, and (though with many repetitions of the Churches immunity) yeelded himselfe unto Tiroll, and taking his leave of all his Prebends, requiring them to bee witnesses of what had been done, he went Prisoner to St. John de Ulhua, where he was delivered to the custody of the Governour of the Castle, and not many daies after was sent in a ship prepared for that purpose to Spaine to the King and Councell, with a full charge of all his carriages and misdemeanours. Some of the City of Mexico in private began to talke strangely against the Viceroy, and to stomacke the banishment of their Arch-bishop, because he had stood out against so high a power in defence of the poore and oppressed, and these their private grudges they soone vented in publike with bold and arrogant speeches against Don Pedro Mexia, and the Viceroy, being set on and incouraged by the Preists and Prebends, who it seems had sworne blind obedience to their Arch-Prelate, and therewith thought they could dispence with their consciences in their obedience and duty to their Magistrate. Thus did those Incendiaries for a fortnight together blow the fire of sedition and rebellion, especially amongst the inferiour sort of people and the Criolians or native Spaniards, and the Indians and Mulatto's, whom they knew brooked not the severe and rigorous justice and judgement of the Viceroy, no nor any Government that was appointed over them from Spaine; untill at the fortnights end, Tiroll returned from St. John de Ulhua, and then began the spite and malice of all the malecontents to breake out, then began a fire of mutiny to be kindled, which was thought would have consumed and buried in ashes that great and famous City. Tiroll was not a little jealous of what mischiefe the common rabble intended against him, and so kept close, not daring to walke the streets; yet his occasions inviting him to the Viceroy his palace, ventured himselfe in a Coach with drawne curtaines, which yet could not blind the eyes of the spightfull and malicious male-contents, who had notice that he was in the Coach, and before he could get to the market place, three or four boyes began to cry out, Judas, Judas, alla va Judas, there goeth Judas that laid his hands upon Christs Vicar; others joyned with them saying, aborquemos a este Judas, let us hang up this Judas; the number of boyes yet increased, crying aloud and boldly after the Coach, Muera el Vellaco descomulgado la muerte de Judas, muera el picaro, muera el perro, let this excommunicated rogue and dog die the death of Judas; the Coach-man lashed the mules, the Coach posted, the boyes hasted after with stones and dirt, the number increased so that before Tiroll could get through two streets only, there were risen above two hundred boyes, of Spaniards, Indians, Black-mores, and Mulatto's. With much adoe Tiroll got to the Viceroy his Palace, posting for his life, and his first care was to wish the Porters to shut all the Palace gates: for he was fearfull of what presently happened, of a more generall insurrection and uproar. For[Pg 65] no sooner was hee got into the Viceroy his house, and the gates shut up, but there were gathered to the Market place (as I was credibly informed by those that saw and observed diligently that daies trouble) above two thousand people, all of inferiour rank and quality; and yet the number still increased till they were judged to bee about six or seven thousand. They all cried out for Tiroll the Judas, sparing neither stones nor dirt which they did fling at the Palace windowes.
The Viceroy sent a message to them desiring them to be quiet, and to betake themselves to their houses, certifying them that Tiroll was not in his Palace, but escaped out of a back doore. The rude multitude would not bee satisfied with this, being now set on by two or three Priests who were joyned with them, and so they began more violently to batter the Palace gates and walls, having brought pikes, and holbards, and long poles; others had got a few Pistols, and birding Peeces, wherewith they shot, not caring whom they killed or wounded in the Palace. It was wonderfull to see that none of the better sort, none of the Judges, no high Justice, no inferiour Officers durst or would come out to suppresse the multitude, or to assist the Viceroy being in so great danger; nay I was told by some shopkeepers who lived in the Market place, that they made a laughing businesse of it, and the people that passed by went smiling and saying, Let the boyes and youngsters alone, they will wright our wrongs, they will find out before they have done, both Tiroll and Mexia and him that protects them, meaning the Viceroy; but amongst them was much noted one Priest, named Salazar, who spent much shot and bullets, and more his spirits in running about to spie some place of advantage, which hee might soonest batter downe. They found it seemes the prison doores easier to open, or else with helpe within they opened them, and let out all the malefactors, who joyned with them to assault the Palace. The Viceroy seeing no helpe came to him from the City, from his friends, from the Judges of the Chancery, from the Kings high Justices, nor other Officers for the peace, went up to the Zoties of his Palace with his Guard and Servants that attended on him, and set up the Royall Standard, and caused a Trumpet to bee sounded to call the City to ayde and assist their King. But this prevailed not, none stirred, all the chief of the City kept within doores. And when the multitude saw the Royall Standard out, and heard the Kings name from the Zoties, they cryed out, and often repeated it, Viva el Rey, muera el mal govierno, mueran los des comulgados, that is to say, Our King live long, but let the evill government die, and perish, and let them die that are excommunicated. These words saved many of them from hanging afterwards, when the businesse was tried and searched into by Don Martin de Carrillo. And with these words in their mouths, they skirmished with them of the Zoties at least three houres, they above hurling downe stones, and they beneath hurling up to them and some shooting with a few Pistols and birding peeces at one another: and marke that in all this bitter skirmish there was not a peece of Ordnance shot, for the Viceroy had none for the defence of his Palace or person, neither had or hath that great City any for its strength and security, the Spaniards living fearelesse of the Indians, and (as they thinke) secure from being annoyed by any forraine Nation. There were slain in about six houres in all that this tumult lasted, seven or eight beneath in the Market place, and one of the Viceroy his Guard and a page in the Zoties above. The day drawing to an end, the multitude brought pitch and fire, and first fired the prison, then they set on fire part of the Palace, and burnt downe the chief gate. This made some of the City, of the Gentry, and of the Judges to come out, lest the fire should prevaile farre upon the City, and to perswade the people to desist, and to quench the fire. Whilest the fire was quenching, many got into the Palace, some fell upon the Viceroyes stables, and there got part of his mules and horses rich furnitures, others began to fall upon some chests, others to teare down the hangings, but they were soone perswaded by the better sort of the City, to desist from spoile or robbery, lest by that they should bee discovered; other searched about for Don Pedro Mexia, for Tiroll and the Viceroy. None of them could bee found, having disguised themselves and so escaped. Whither Don Pedro Mexia and Tiroll went, it could not bee knowen in many dayes; but certaine it was that the Viceroy disguised himselfe in a Franciscan habit, and so in company of a Fryer went through the multitude to the Cloister of the Franciscans, where hee abode all that yeer, (and there I saw him the yeere after) not daring to come out, untill hee had informed the King and Counsell of Spain,[Pg 66] with what hath happened, and of the danger himselfe and the City was in, if not timely prevented. The King and Counsell of Spain took the businesse to consideration, and looked upon it as a warning peece, to a further mutiny and rebellion, and an example to other parts of America to follow upon any such like occasion, if some punishment were not inflicted upon the chief offendors. Wherefore the yeere following 1625. which was when I went to those parts, the King sent a new Viceroy the Marques of Serralvo to govern in the place of the Count of Gelves, and especially to aid and assist Don Martin de Carrillo a Priest, and Inquisitor of the Inquisition of Valladolid, who was sent with large Commission and authority to examine the foresaid tumult and mutiny, and to judge all offenders that should be found in it, yea and to hang up such as should deserve death. I was in Mexico in the best time of the tryall, and had intelligence from Don Martin de Carrillo his owne Ghostly father a Dominican Fryer of the chief passages in the examination of the businesse; and the result was, that if Justice should have beene executed rightly, most of the prime of Mexico would have suffered, for not comming in to the Royall Standard, when called by the sound of the Trumpet; the Judges some were put out of their places, though they answered that they durst not stirre out, for that they were informed that all the City would have risen against them if they had appeared in publick. The chief actors were found to bee the Criolians or Natives of the Countrey, who doe hate the Spanish Government, and all such as come from Spain; and reason they have for it, for by them they are much oppressed, as I have before observed, and are and will bee alwayes watching any opportunity to free themselves from the Spanish yoke. But the chief fomenters of the mutiny were found to bee the Bishops party the Preists; and so had not Salazar and three more of them fled, they had certainly been sent to the Gallies of Spain for Galley slaves; this judgment was published against them. There were not above three or foure hanged of so many thousands, and their condemnation was for things which they had stollen out of the Viceroys Palace. And because further inquiry into the rebellion would have brought in at least half the City either for actors, or counsellors, or fomentors, the King was well advised to grant a generall pardon. The Archbishops proceedings were more disliked in the Court of Spain, then the Viceroyes, and was long without any preferment; though, at last that there might be no exceptions taken by his party, nor cause given for a further stirring the embers to a greater combustion, the Councel thought fit to honor him in those parts where hee was born; and to make him Bishop of Zamora a small Bishoprick in Castile; so that his wings were clipt, and from Archbishop hee came to bee but Bishop, and from threescore thousand Crownes yeerely rent he fell to foure or five thousand onely a yeere. The count of Gelves was also sent to Spain, and well entertained in the Court, and therein made Master of the Kings horse, which in Spain is a Noblemans preferment.
And this History shewing the state and condition of Mexico, when I travelled to those parts I have willingly set down, that the Reader may by it bee furnished with better observations then my self (who am but a Neophyte) am able to deduct. Somewhat might bee observed from the Viceroyes covetousnesse; which doubtlesse in all is a great sinne, for as Paul well adviseth, I Tim. 6. 10. The love of mony is the root of all evill; but much more to bee condemned in a Prince or Governour; whom it may blind in the exercise of Justice and Judgment, and harden those tender bowels (which ought to bee in him) of a father and shepheard to his flock and children. Wee may yet from this Viceroyes practice and example against a chiefe head of the Romish Church, discover that errour of the Preists and Jesuites of England, who perswade the people here that no temporall Magistrate hath power over them, and that to lay hands on them in wrath and anger (being as they say Consecrated to God and his Altar) is ipso facto a deep excommunication; whereas wee see the contrary in this Viceroy a member of the Church of Rome, and yet exercising his temporall power against an Arch-Bishop, and by Tiroll taking him from the Church, and as his prisoner sending him with just wrath and anger to a forraine and remote place of banishment. But lastly it is my desire that the High and Honorable Court of Parliament which now is sitting for the good of this Kingdome, and for the good of it hath already pulled downe the Hierarchy of such Prelates and Archprelates, would looke upon the trouble and uproare which the keys of the Church in the hand of an undiscreet Preist[Pg 67] brought upon that City of Mexico. Certainly as the strength of the Church well setled, and governed with subordination to the Magistrate, is likewise the strength of the Common-wealth; so on the other side the power of the Keyes in the Clergies hand to cast out what incestuous Corinthian they please, without the rest of the Corinthians consent, I Cor. 5. 4, 5. may prove dangerous and troublesome to the Common-weale and good. For if the Clergy may use by itselfe, without the overseeing eye of the Magistrates Commissioners, the power of the keyes; who shall bee free from their censures, that any way will oppose them? The poor and ignorant will not onely bee the object of their censures, but the rich and wise and noble. Ruler and Magistrate will also come under their censures; wherein I finde a Minister may then as a Pope encroach upon the highest Crowne of an Emperour. Nay certainly in England the thoughts of some such aspiring Ministers have been higher then the thoughts of this Arch-Bishop of Mexico over a Viceroy, the conceipt of their power with the Keyes have hoised them above their Prince, for I have heard one of them say, he knew not but that by the power of the keyes hee might as well excommunicate the King as any other private person. This conceit hath made the Pope of Rome feare no earthly Prince, Emperour, Ruler or Magistrate; nay this hath made him to bee feared and respected and honoured by Kings and Princes; And why may not the same power in the hands of a Protestant Clergy, make the meanest and the highest to feare and dread them? But some will say, the Word of God being the Touchstone wherewith they are to try what points may be the subjects of their censures, by such a light and guidance they are not like to erre. But they then being themselves the Judges of the sense and meaning of the Word, who shall oppose their judgment, and their ensuing censures? What if to their triall and judgment they shall bring any Law enacted by a High Court of Parliament, and shall judge it not according to the Word of God, and so presse it to the peoples consciences; threatning with their censures such as shall obey it? in such a case how may the power of the keyes unlock and open a doore to the people of rebellion against their lawfull Magistrates? Oh what dangers may befall a Common-wealth, when thus the Clergy shall stand over poor and rich, Subject and Magistrate, as Peters statue at Rome, with Crosse-keyes in his hand? What a rebellion did the Archbishop of Mexico cause by excommunicating Don Pedro Mexia first, and then the Viceroy? and how did the people fear his keyes more then their Viceroys temporall power and authority, siding with him against such as hee had excommunicated? What troubles did that Doctor Smith Bishop of Chalcedon bring among the Papists, small and great ones, not long agoe here in England, laying upon them by the power of the Keyes a censure of Excommunication, if they confessed to, or did entertaine and heare the Masse of any, that had not derived their authority from him? Then were they in open rebellion one against another; the Secular Preists against the Monkes, Fryers, and Jesuites, and the Laity all troubled, some siding with one, and some with another, untill Doctor Smith having thus kindled the fire, was faine to leave it burning, and to betake himself to Paris, and from thence to foment the dissention which with power of the Keyes hee had caused here.
Oh surely the Church so far is a good Mother, as it allowes a Magistrate to be a Father. And great comfort have those that live within the pale of the Church, to know that they have the Magistrate a Father to flye unto in their pressures and discomforts.
I must ingenuously confesse that one maine point that brought me from the Church of Rome, was the too too great power of the Keyes in the Popes, Bishops, and Preists hands, who studying more selfe Policy, then common Policy, looke upon the people, and with their power deale with them more as their subjects, then as politicall Members in a Common-wealth, rending and tearing them daily by their censures from that common and Politicall body to which they belong, without any hopes of care to bee had of them by their Magistrate and Politicall head and Governour. And I hope I shall not have fled from Antichrist who exalteth himself as head of the Church, and from that power hath his influence over all State and Politicall Heads and Rulers; to find in a Protestant Church any of his spirit, making a distinction of a spirituall and temporall head, forgetting the onely head Christ Jesus; which were it once granted, as the spirit is more noble then the body, so would the inference soon bee made, that they that are over the spirit, are higher in power then they that are over the body; which conclusion would soon bring Mexicoes troubles among Protestants. Experience[Pg 68] in all my travails by sea and land, in most parts of Europe and of America, hath ever taught mee, that where the Clergy hath been too much exalted and enjoyed power over the people, there the Common-wealth hath soon fallen into heavy pressures and troubles. And let not this my observation seem strange as coming from a Minister, for I have learned from Christ, Matth. 20. 25, 26, 27. That the Princes of the Gentiles exercise Dominion, and they that are great exercise authority. But it shall not bee so among you, but whosoever will bee great among you, let him bee your Minister; and whosoever will bee chiefe among you, let him be your Servant.
I hope the High Court of Parliament will so settle the Church and State here that this shall not feare any further troubles from that; and that wee who have our portion from the one, may bee Ministers and Servants under the Commissioners of the other. And thus largely I have described the State and condition of Mexico in the time of Montezuma, and since his death the manner and proportion of it, with the troubled condition I found it in when I went thither, by reason of a mutiny and rebellion caused by an Arch-Bishop the yeer before. I shall now come out of Mexico, and present unto you the places most remarkable about it; and from thence the severall parts and Countries of America, before I betake my self to the journey which I made from Mexico to Guatemala, lying nine hundred English miles Southward, and from thence yet to Costarica, and Nicoya, being nine hundred miles further towards the South.
Although my travailes by Sea and Land in America were not above three or foure thousand miles (which is not the fift part of it, if exactly compassed) yet for the better compleating of this my worke I thought fit to inlarge my self to a full division of the many and sundry parts thereof, here first in generall; and hereafter more in particular of those parts wherein I lived twelve yeeres, and of those which I more exactly noted and observed as I travailed and passed through them. The chief division therefore of this greatest part of the World, is twofold onely, to wit, the Mexicans, and the Peruan parts, which containe many great and sundry Provinces and Countries, some as big as our whole Kingdom of England. But Mexico giving name to halfe America, is now called Nova Hispania, new Spain, from whence the Kings of Spain doe stile themselves, Hispaniarum Reges. The Mexican part containeth chiefly the Northern Tract, and comprehendeth these Provinces hitherto knowne and discovered, to wit, Mexico, Quivira, Nicaragua, Jucatan, Florida, Virginia, Norumbega, Nova Francia, Corterialis, and Estotilandia. The compasse of this part of America is thirteen thousand miles. The Peruan part containeth all the Southern Tract, and is tyed to the Mexican by the Isthmus or strait of Darien, being no more then 17 or as others say, in the narrowest place but 12 miles broad from the North to the South Sea. And many have mentioned to the Councell of Spain, the cutting of a Navigable Channell through this small Isthmus, so to shorten the Voiage to China, and the Moluccoes. But the Kings of Spain have not as yet attempted to doe it, some say lest in the worke hee should lose those few Indians that are left (would to God it were so that they were and had been so carefull and tender of the poore Indians lives, more populous would that vast and spatious Countrey bee at this day:) but others say he hath not attempted that great worke, lest the passage by the Cape Bona Esperanza good hope, being left off, those Seas might become a receptacle of Pirates. However this hath not been attempted by the Spaniards, they give not for reason any extraordinary great charge, for that would soone bee recompensed with the speedy and easie conveying that way the Commodities from South to North Seas. This Peruan part of America containeth these Countries, or Kingdomes, to wit, Castella aurea, Guiana, Peru, Brasil, Chille; and the compasse of it is seventeen thousand miles. I shall not speake distinctly of all these parts, which better writers, and of more knowledge[Pg 69] have before mee discovered; and because some of them being out of the Spaniards reach and dominion, from whom I have received my best intelligence, I have from them had little notice of them, nor experience, which indeed I intend to make my best guide in this my worke. Therefore to returne again to the Mexican part, and the Northern Tract, I shall fall again upon the first and chiefe member of that division, which I said was Mexico. This aboundeth with golden sanded rivers, in which are many Crocodiles (though not so big as those of Egypt), which the Indian people eat. It glorieth in the mountaines Popochampeche, and Popocatepec, which are of the same nature with Ætna and Vesuvius. Nay all the way South-ward as farre as Leon in Nicaragua, there are many of these fiery mountaines. But Popocatepec is one of the chiefe of them, which signifieth a hill of smoake, for many times it casteth out smoake and fire; it standeth eight leagues from Chololla; the ascending up unto it is very troublesome, and full of craggie rocks. When Cortez passed that way to Mexico, he sent ten Spaniards to view it, with many Indians to carry their victuals, and to guide them in the way. They approached so nigh the top, that they heard such a terrible noyse which proceeded from thence, that they durst not goe unto it, for the ground did tremble and shake, and great quantity of ashes did much disturb their way. But yet two of them who seemed to be most hardie, and desirous to see strange things, went up to the top, because they would not return with a sleevelesse answer, and that they might not be accounted cowards, leaving their fellowes behind them, proceeded forwards, and passed through that desart of ashes, and at length came under a great smoake very thick, and standing there a while, the darknesse vanished partly away, and then appeared the Vulcan and concavity, which is about halfe a league in compasse, out of the which the aire came rebounding with a very great noise, very shrill and whistling, so that the whole hill did tremble; it was like unto an oven where glasse is made. The smoake and heat was so great that they could not abide it, and of force were constrained to return by the way that they had ascended. But they were not gone farre, when the Vulcan began to flash out flames of fire, ashes and embers, yea and at the last stones of burning fire, and if they had not chanced to find a rocke, under which they shadowed themselves, undoubtedly they had there been burned. It is like unto the Vulcan of Sicilia, it is high and round, and never wanteth snow about some part of it. Before the coming of Cortez for ten yeers space it had left off expelling vapour or smoake; but in the yeer 1540. it began again to burn, and with the horrible noyse thereof, the people that dwelt four leagues from it were terrified; the ashes that proceeded then from it reached to Tlaxcallan, which standeth ten leagues distant from it; yea some affirme that it extended fifteen leagues distant, and burned the herbs in the gardens, the corne in the fields, and clothes that lay a drying. And many such hils and mountaines doth this Mexican part of America, or new Spaine abound with. The limits of it are on the East, Jucatan, and the gulfe of Mexico, on the West Californio, on the South the Peruan part. The Northern bounds are unknowne, so that we cannot certainly avow this America to be continent, nor certainly affirme it to be an Island, distinguished from the old world. It was very populous before the arrivall of the Spaniards, who in seventeen yeers slew six millions of them, roasting some, plucking out the eyes, cutting off the arms of others, and casting them living to be devoured of wilde beasts. This chiefe Province of America named Mexico, is further subdivided into four parts, that is to say, Themistitan, Nova Galicia, Mechoacan, and Guastachan. Themistitan is the greatest and noblest of these foure; for that it containeth six Cities, and of them one is Mexico, which giveth name to the halfe part of America, and is the seat of an Arch-bishop, and of the Spanish Viceroy, whose greatnesse within I have before laid open; the second City is La Puebla de las Angeles, the City of Angels; the third Villaruca, the fourth Antiquera; the fifth Meccioca; the sixth Ottopan. But all these, excepting the two first, are but small places, named Citties formerly, for that the Spaniards thought to have made them Bishops seats, which they have not been able to performe, by reason that Mexico and the City of Angels hath drawne to them the chiefe trading, and most of the inhabitants of the other foure. Especially the resort to Mexico is so great, that all the Townes about (which formerly were of Indians) are now inhabited by Spaniards and Mestizoes. I may not omit about Mexico that famous place of Chapultepec, which in the Heathens times was the burying place of the Emperours; and now by the Spaniards is the Escuriall of America, where the Viceroyes[Pg 70] that die are also interred. There is a sumptuous palace built with many fair gardens, and devises of waters, and ponds of fish, whither the Viceroyes and the gentry of Mexico do resort for their recreation. The riches here belonging to the Viceroyes Chappell are thought to be worth above a million of crownes.
Tacuba is also a pleasant Towne full of orchards and gardens, in the very way to Chapultepec. South-ward is Toluco, rich also for trading, but above all much mentioned for the Bacon, which is the best of all those parts, and is transported far and neer. West-ward is the Towne called, La Piedad at the end of a Cawsey, whither the people much resort from Mexico, being drawn to the superstitious worship of a picture of Mary, which hath been enriched by the chiefe of Mexico with many thousand pounds worth of gifts of chaines, and crownes of gold.
But more Northwest-ward three leagues from Mexico is the pleasantest place of all that are about Mexico, called La Soledad, and by others el desierto, the solitary or desert place and wildernesse. Were all wildernesses like it, to live in a wildernesse would be better then to live in a City. This hath been a device of poor Fryers named discalced, or barefooted Carmelites, who to make shew of their hypocriticall and apparent godlinesse, and that whilst they would be thought to live like Eremites, retired from the world, they may draw the world unto them; they have built there a stately Cloister, which being upon a hill and among rocks makes it to be more admired. About the Cloister they have fashioned out many holes and Caves in, under, and among the rocks, like Eremites lodgings, with a room to lie in, and an Oratory to pray in, with pictures, and Images, and rare devices for mortification, as disciplines of wyar, rods of iron, haire-cloths, girdles with sharp wyar pointes to girdle about their bare flesh, and many such like toyes which hang about their Oratories, to make people admire their mortified and holy lives. All these Eremeticall holes and caves (which are some ten in all) are within the bounds and compasse of the Cloister, and among orchards and gardens full of fruits and flowers, which may take up two miles compasse; and here among the rockes are many springs of water, which with the shade of the plantins and other trees, are most coole and pleasant to the Eremites; they have also the sweet smell of the rose and jazmin, which is a little flower, but the sweetest of all others; there is not any other flower to be found that is rare and exquisite in that countrey, which is not in that wildernesse to delight the senses of those mortified Eremites. They are weekly changed from the Cloister, and when their weeke is ended, others are sent, and they return unto their Cloister; they carry with them their bottles of wine, sweet-meats, and other provision; as for fruits the trees about do drop them into their mouthes. It is wonderfull to see the strange devises of fountains of water which are about the gardens; but much more strange and wonderfull to see the resort of Coaches, and gallants, and Ladies, and Citizens from Mexico thither, to walke and make merry in those desart pleasures, and to see those hypocrites, whom they looke upon as living Saints, and so think nothing too good for them, to cherish them in their desart conflicts with Satan. None goes to them but carries some sweet-meats, or some other dainty dish to nourish and feed them withall; whose prayers they likewise earnestly solicite, leaving them great almes of mony for their masses; and above all, offering to a picture in their Church, called our Lady of Carmel, treasures of diamonds, pearles, golden chaines and crownes, and gownes of cloth of gold and silver. Before this picture did hang in my time twenty lampes of silver; the worst of them being worth a hundred pound; truely Satan hath given unto them what he offered Christ in the desart, All these things wil I give thee if thou wilt fall down and worship me; all the dainties and of all the riches of America hath he given unto them in that their desart, for that they daily fall downe and worship him. In the way to this place there is another Towne yet called Tacubaya, where is a rich Cloister of Franciscans, and also many gardens and orchards, but above all much resorted to for the musicke in that Church, wherein the Friers have made the Indians so dexterous and skilfull, that they dare compare with the Cathedrall Church of Mexico. These were the chiefe places of mine and my friends resort, whilst I abode about Mexico, which I found to be most worth a History, and so thought fit here to insert them, and so passe on to the other parts or Provinces of Mexico.
Next to this is the Province of Guastachan, which lieth in the rode from St. John de Ulhua to Mexico, which is not so poore as Heylin maketh it, for that now it doth abound with many rich farmes of Sugar, and of Cochinil, and reacheth as farre as the Valley[Pg 71] of Guaxaca which is a most rich place. The chiefe City of this Province was wont to be Tlaxcallan, whereof I have formerly spoken; but now the City of Guaxaca which is a Bishops seat, and Xalappa which is also of late made a Bishops seat, makes it more famous. It glorieth also in Villa Rica a Port Towne very wealthy, because all the traffique betwixt the Old and New Spains do passe through it. The Spaniards have in it two rich Colonies, called Pamico, and St. James in the valleys. The third Province of Mexico is called Mechoacan, which containeth in circuit fourscore leagues. It is also an exceeding rich countrey, abounding in Mulberry trees, silk, hony, wax, black-amber, works of divers coloured feathers, most rich, rare, and exquisite, and such store of fish, that from thence it tooke its name, Mechuoucan, which signifieth a place of fishing.
The language of the Indians is most elegant and copious, and they tall, strong, active, and of very good wits, as may be seen in all their workes, but especially in those of feathers, which are so curious, that they are presented for rich presents to the King and Nobles of Spaine. The chiefe City of this Province is Valladolid a Bishops-seat; and the best Townes are Sinfonte, which was the residence of the Kings of this countrey. There is also Pascuar and Colima very great Townes inhabited by Indians and Spaniards. There are also two good havens, called St. Anthony, and St. James, or Santiago. This country of Mechoacan was almost as great as the Empire of Mexico, when Cortez conquered those parts. The King that was then of Mechoacan was called Caconzin, who was a great friend unto Cortez, and a servitor to the Spaniards, and willingly yeelded himselfe as vassall to the King of Spaine; yet such was the cruelty of Don Nunio de Guzman, the first Ruler and President of the Chancery of Mexico after the conquest, that understanding he was put out of his office, he tooke his journey against the Teuchichimecas, and carried in his company five hundred Spaniards, with whom and six thousand Indians which by force he tooke out of Mechoacan, he conquered Xalixco which is now called the new Galicia. And as for this purpose hee passed through Mechoacan, he tooke Prisoner the King Caconzin, (who was quiet and peaceable and stirred not against him) and tooke from him ten thousand markes of plate, and much gold and other treasure, and afterwards burned him, and many other Indian Gentlemen and principall persons of that Kingdome, because they should not complaine, saying that a dead dog biteth not. They were in this Kingdome as superstitious and idolatrous as in the rest of America. No divorcement was permitted amongst them, except the party made a solemn oath, that they looked not the one on the other stedfastly and directly at the time of their marriage. In the burying likewise of their Kings they were superstitious, cruell, and Idolatrous. When any King of Mechoacan happened to be brought to such extremity of sicknesse that hope of life was past; then did he name and appoint which of his sons should inherit the state and Crown, and being known the new King or heir presently sent for all the Governours, Captains, and valiant souldiers, who had any office or charge, to come unto the buriall of his father, and he that came not, from thenceforth was held for a Traitour, and so punished. When the death of the old King was certaine, then came all degrees of estates, and did bring their presents to the new King for the approbation of his Kingdome: But if the King were not throughly dead, but at the point of death, then the gates were shut in, and none permitted to enter; and if he were throughly dead, then began a generall cry and mourning, and they were permitted to come where their dead King lay, and to touch him with their hands. This being done the carkasse was washed with sweet waters, and then a fine shirt put upon him, and a payre of shooes made of Dear skinne put on his feet, and about his ankles were tied bells of gold, about the wrists of his hands were put bracelets of Turkises and of gold likewise; about his neck they did hang collars of pretious stones and also of gold, and rings in his eares, with a great Turkise in his neither lip. Then his body was laid upon a large Beere whereon was placed a good bed under him; on his one side lay a bow with a quiver of arrowes, and on his other side lay an Image made of fine mantles of his own stature or bignesse, with a great tuffe of fine feathers, shooes upon his feet, with bracelets and a collar of gold. While this was a doing, others were busied in washing the men and women, which should be slain for to accompany him into hell. These wretches that were to be slain, were first banqueted and filled with drinke, because they should receive their death with lesse paine. The new King did appoint those who should die for to serve the King his father; and many of those simple soules esteemed that death so[Pg 72] odious for a thing of immortall glorious. First six Gentlewomen of noble birth were appointed to die; the one to have the office of keeper of his jewels, which he was wont to weare; another for the office of cup-bearer; another to give him water with a bason and Ewer; another to give him alwaies the Urinall; another to be his Cooke; and another to serve for Landress. They slew also many women, slaves, and free-maidens for to attend upon the Gentlewomen, and moreover one of every occupation within the City. When all these that were appointed to die were washed, and their bellies full with meat and drinke, then they painted their faces yellow, and put garlands of sweet flowers upon each of their heads. Then they went in order of procession before the Beere, whereon the dead King was carried; some went playing on instruments made of Snail shells, and others played upon bones and shells of Sea Tortois, others went whistling, and the most part weeping. The sons of the dead King and other Noble men carried upon their shoulders the Beere where the Corps lay, and proceeded with an easie pace towards the Temple of the God called Curicaveri; his kinsmen went round about the Beer singing a sorrowfull song. The officers and houshold-servants of the Court, with other Magistrates and Rulers of justice bare the Standards and divers other Arms. And about midnight they departed in the order aforesaid out of the Kings Palace with great light of fire-brands, and with a heavy noyse of their trumpets and drummes. The Citizens which dwelt where the Corse passed, attended to make clean the street. And when they were come to the Temple, they went four times round about a great fire which was prepared of Pine tree to burn the dead body. Then the Beer was laid upon the fire, and in the meane while that the body was burning, they mawled with a club those which had the garlands, and afterward buried them four and four as they were apparelled behind the Temple. The next day in the morning the ashes, bones and jewels were gathered and laid upon a rich mantle, the which was carried to the Temple gate, where the Preists attended to blesse those divellish reliques, whereof they made a dow or paste, and thereof an Image, which was apparelled like a man, with a visor on his face, and all other sorts of jewels that the dead King was wont to weare, so that it seemed a gallant Idoll. At the foot of the Temple staires they opened a grave ready made, which was square, large, two fadome deepe, it was also hanged with new mats roundabout, and a faire bed therein, in the which one of the Preists placed the Idoll made of ashes with his eyes towards the East part, and did hang round about the walls Targets of gold and silver, with bowes and arrows, and many gallant tuffes of feathers with earthen vessels, as pots, dishes, and platters, so that the grave was filled up with houshold-stuffe, chests covered with leather, apparel, Jewels, meate drinke and armour. This done, the grave was shut up and made sure with beames, boardes, and floored with earth on the top. All those Gentlemen who had served or touched any thing in the buriall, washed themselves and went to dinner in the Court or yard of the Kings house without any table, and having dined they wiped their hands upon certain lockes of Cotton-wooll, hanging downe their heads, and not speaking any word, except it were to aske for drinke. This ceremonie endured five daies, and in all that time no fire was permitted to be kindled in the City, except in the Kings house and Temples, nor yet any corne was ground, or market kept, nor any durst goe out of their houses, shewing all the sorrow that might be possible for the death of their King. And this was the superstitious manner of burying the Kings of Mechoacan. This people did punish adultery most rigorously; for to commit it was death as well for the man as the woman. But if the adulterer were a Gentleman, his head was decked with feathers, and after that he was hanged, and his body burned; and for this offence was no pardon, either for man or woman. But for avoiding of adultery they did permit other common women, but no publike and ordinary stewes. Now the Indians of Mechoacan are greatly taken with the popish devices, and are strong in that religion, as any part of America.
The fourth and last Province of the Countrey or Empire of Mexico, is called Galicia nova, and is watered with two very great rivers, the one named Piastle, and the other San Sebastian. This Province glorieth in many great Townes of Indians; but especially in six, inhabited both by Indians and Spaniards; the first and chiefest is Xalisco, taken by Nunio de Guzman 1530. when he fled from Mexico in a rage, and tooke prisoner and burned the King of Mechoacan. The second is Guadalaiara. The third Coanum. The fourth Compostella. The fifth, St. Espirit. The sixth, Capola, which now is called[Pg 73] Nova Mexico, new Mexico. And here it is that the Spaniards are daily warring against the Indians which live Northward, and are not as yet reduced nor brought under the Spanish yoake and government. They are valiant Indians, and hold the Spaniards hard to it; and have great advantage against them in the rocks and mountaines, where they abide and cut off many Spaniards. Their chief weapons are but bowes and arrowes, and yet with them from the thick Woods, hils and rockes they annoy and offend the Spaniards exceedingly. I have heard some Spaniards say that they flie and climbe up the rocks like Goates; and when they draw nigh unto them, then they cry out with a hideous noise shooting their arrowes at them, and in an instant are departed and fled unto another rock. The reason why the Spaniards are so earnest to pursue and conquer these Indians, more then many others of America, which as yet are not brought in subjection to the Spaniards, is for the many Mines of silver and treasure of gold which they know to bee there. They have got already sure possession of part of those riches in the Mines, called St. Lewis Sacatecas, from whence they send all the silver that is coyned in the Mint houses of Mexico and the City of Angels, and every yeere besides to Spain in silver wedges at least six Millions. But the further the Spaniards goe to the North, still more riches they discover; and faine would they subdue all those Northern parts (as I have heard them say) lest our English from Virginia, and their other plantations, get in before them. I have heard them wonder that our English enter no further into the maine land; surely say they, either they feare the Indians, or else with a little paultry Tobacco they have as much as will maintaine them in lazinesse. Certainly they intend to conquer through those heathenish Indians, untill by land they come to Florida and Virginia, (for so they boast) if they bee not met with by some of our Northern Nations of Europe, who may better keep them off then those poor Indians, and may doe God greater and better service with those rich Mines, then the Spaniards hitherto have done.
Thus having spoken somewhat of the foure Provinces of Mexico, which was the first member of the division Mexican and Peruan; Now I shall briefly say somewhat further of three more Countries belonging to the Mexican or Northern Tract as opposite to the Peruan, omiting Florida, Virginia, Norumbega, Nova Francia Corterialis, and Estotilandia, because I will not write as many doe by relation and hearsay, but by more sure intelligence, insight and experience. In my first division next to Mexico, I placed Quivira, Jucatan, and Nicaragua; of these three therefore I shall say a little, and then some what of the Peruan part. Quivira is seated on the most Western part of America, just over against Tartary, from whence being not much distant some suppose that the Inhabitants first came into this new World. And indeed the Indians of America in many things seeme to bee of the race and progenie of the Tartars, in that Quivira and all the West side of the Country towards Asia is farre more populous then the East towards Europe, which sheweth these parts to have been first inhabited. Secondly, their uncivility, and barbarous properties tell us that they are most like the Tartars of any. Thirdly, the West side of America if it bee not continent with Tartary, is yet disjoyned by a small straight. Fourthly, the people of Quivira neerest to Tartary, are said to follow the seasons and pasturing of their cattell like the Tartarians. All this side of America is full of herbage, and injoyeth a temperate aire. The people are desirous of glasse more then of gold; and in some places to this day are Cannibals. The chief riches of this Country are their Kine, which are to them as we say of our Ale to drunkards, meat, drink and cloth, and more too. For the Hides yeeld them houses, or at least the coverings of them; their bones bodkins, their hair thred, their sinews ropes; their horns, mawes and bladders, vessels; their dung, fire; their Calve skinnes, budgets to draw and keepe water; their blood, drink; their flesh, meat.
There is thought to bee some traffique from China, or Cathaya, hither to those parts, where as yet the Spaniards have not entred. For when Vazquez de Coronado conquered some part of it, hee saw in the further Sea certaine ships, not of common making; which seemed to bee well laden, and bare in their prowes, Pelicans, which could not bee conjectured to come from any Country, but one of these two. In Quivira there are but two Provinces knowne unto us, which are Cibola, and Nova Albion. Cibola lyeth on the Eastside, whose chief City is of the same name, and denominates the whole Province. The chief Town next to Cibola is called Totontaa, which is temperate and[Pg 74] pleasant, being situated upon a River so called. The third Town worth mentioning is called Tinguez, which was burnt by the Spaniards; who under the conduct of Francisco Vasquez de Coronado made this Province subject to the King of Spain, Anno Dom. 1540. And since this Town of Tinguez hath been rebuilt and inhabited by the Spaniards; There is a goodly Colledge of Jesuites, who only preach to the Indians of that country. Nova Albion lyeth on the West side towards Tartary, and is very little inhabited by the Spaniards, who have found no wealth or riches there. Our ever Renowned and Noble Captain Sir Francis Drake discovered it, entred upon it, and hee named it Nova Albion, because the King that then was, did willingly submit himself unto our Queen Elizabeth.
The Country abounds with fruits pleasing both the eye and the Palate. The people are given to hospitality, but withall to witchcraft and adoration of devils. The bounds between this Quivira and Mexico Empire is Mar Virmiglio, or Californio. The third Kingdome belonging to the Mexican part and Northern Tract is Jucatan; which was first discovered by Francisco Hernandez de Cordova, in the year 1517. It is called Jucatan, not as some have conceited from Joctan the son of Heber, who they thinke came out of the East, where the Scripture placeth him, Gen. 12. 23. to inhabite here, but from Jucatan which in the Indian tongue, signifieth, what say you? for when the Spaniards at their first arriving in that Country did aske of the Indians the name of the place, the Savages not understanding what they meaned, replyed unto them Jucatan, which is, what say you? whereupon the Spaniards named it, and ever since have called it Jucatan. The whole Country is at least 900 miles in circuit, and is a Peninsula. It is situated over against the Isle of Cuba; and is divided into three parts, first Jucatan it selfe, whose Cities of greatest worth, are Campeche, Valladolid, Merida, Simaricas, and one which for his greatnesse and beauty, they call Caire. This Country among the Spaniards is held to bee poor; the chief Commodities in it are hony, wax, Hides, and some Sugar, but no Indigo, Cochinil, nor Mines of silver; There are yet some drugs much esteemed of by the Apothecaries, Cana fistula, Zarzaparilla especially; and great store of Indian Maiz. There is also abundance of good Wood and Timber fit for shipping, whereof the Spaniards doe make very strong ships, which they use in their voiages to Spain and back again. In the yeer 1632. the Indians of this Country in many places of it were like to rebell against their Spanish Governour, who vexed them sorely, making them bring in to him their Fowles and Turkies (whereof there is also great abundance) and their hony and wax, (wherein hee traded) at the rate and price which hee pleased to set them for his better advantage; which was such a disadvantage to them, that to enrich him they impoverished themselves; and so resolved to betake themselves to the Woods and Mountaines; where in a rebellious way they continued some Months, untill the Franciscan Fryers, who have there great power over them, reduced them back, and the Governour (lest hee should quite lose that Country by a further rebellion) granted to them not onely a generall pardon in the Kings name, but for the future promised to use them more mildly and gently.
The second part of it is called Guatemala, (wherein I lived for the space of almost twelve yeers) whose Inhabitants have lost formerly halfe a million of their kinsmen and friends by the unmercifull dealing of the Spaniards; and yet for all the losse of so many thousands, there is no part of America more flourishing then this with great and populous Indians Townes. They may thank the Fryers who defend them daily against the Spaniards cruelty, and this yet for their owne ends; for while the Indians flourish and increase, the Fryers purses flourish also and are filled. This Country is very fresh and plentifull. The chief Cities are Guatemala, Cassuca, and Chiapa; whereof I shall speak more largely hereafter. The third part of Jucatan is Acasamil, which is an Island over against Guatemala which is now commonly called by the Spaniards Sta Cruz, whose chief Towne is Sta. Cruz.
The fourth and last Country of the division of the Mexican part and Northern Tract of America (which is under the Spanish Government, and my best knowledge and experience) is Nicaragua, which standeth South East from Mexico, and above foure hundred and fifty leagues from it. Yet it agreeth somewhat with Mexico in nature both of soile and Inhabitants. The people are of good stature, and of colour indifferent white. They had, before they received Christianity, a setled and politick forme of Government; Onely, as Solon appointed no Law for a mans killing of his father, so had this people none for the murtherer of a King, both of them conceiting, that men[Pg 75] were not so unnaturall, as to commit such crimes. A theef they judged not to death, but adjudged him to be slave to that man whom hee had robbed; till by his service hee had made satisfaction: a course truely more mercifull and not lesse just, then the losse of life.
This Countrey is so pleasing to the eye, and abounding in all things necessary, that the Spaniards call it Mahomets Paradise. Among other flourishing trees, here groweth one of that nature, that a man cannot touch any of its branches, but it withereth presently. It is as plentifull of Parrets, as our Countrey of England is of Crowes; Turkies, Fowles, Quailes and Rabbets are ordinary meat there. There are many populous Indian Townes (though not so many as about Guatemala) in this Countrey; and especially two Cities of Spaniards, the one Leon, a Bishops Seat, and the other Granada, which standeth upon a Lake of fresh water, which hath above three hundred miles in compasse, and having no intercourse with the Ocean, doth yet continually ebbe and flow. But of this Countrey, and of this City especially I shall say somewhat more, when I come to speake of my travailing through it.
Thus I have briefly touched upon the Mexican part, and so much of the Northern Tract as is under the King of Spain his Dominion, leaving more particulars, untill I come to shew the order of my being in and journeying through some of these Countries. I will now likewise give you a glimpse of the Southern Tract, and Peruan part of America. Which containeth chiefly five great Countries or Kingdomes, some in whole, and others in part, subject to the Crown of Spain and Portugal, which are, first Castella aurea; secondly, Gujana; thirdly, Peru; fourthly, Brasile; fifthly, Chille. But I will not fill my History with what others have written of the foure last named Countries, wherein I was not much; but what I could learne of Peru, I will briefly speak, and so come to the first Castella aurea, through which I travailed. Peru is held to be yet more rich a Countrey then is Mexico; for although it hath not the conveniency of trafique by the North Sea, which Mexico hath; but doth send the Commodities in it to Panama, and from thence transports them either over the straight Isthmus, or by the River Chiagre to Portabel upon the North Sea; yet the Countrey is farre richer then Mexico, by reason of the more abundance of Mines of silver which are in it. The mountaines named Potosi are thought to be of no other metall, which the King of Spain will not have to be opened until they have exhausted those which are already discovered and digged, and have found the Spaniards worke enough, and yeelded them treasure enough ever since they first conquered those parts. The soile is very fruitfull of all such fruits as are found in Spain. The Olives are bigger then those of Spain, the oyle sweeter and cleerer. The Grapes yeeld also a wine farre stronger then any of Spain, and there is much made, by reason it cannot conveniently bee brought from Spain. There is likewise wheat in great store; and all this fruitfull soile lyeth low under high Mountaines which divide betwixt Indians not as yet conquered and Brasile. But those Mountaines are a great helpe unto those pleasant Valleys with the waters that fall from them; for in all those parts inhabited by Spaniards towards the South Sea, it is most certain and most observable that it never raineth, in so much that the houses are uncovered on the tops, and onely matts laid over them to keep off the dust, and yet is this Countrey what with the waters that fall from the Mountaines, what with the morning and evening dewes, as fruitfull and plentifull as any Countrey in the World. The chief City is called Lima, where there is a Viceroy and a Court of Chancery, and an Arch-Bishop. It hath a Port some two miles from it named Callau; where lie the ships that convey yearly the treasure of that Kingdome to Panama. There lie also other ships, which trafique to the East-India's, and to all the Coasts of Guatemala, and to Acapulco the Southern Haven of Mexico. This Port of Callau is not so strong as the great, nay inestimable wealth that is commonly in it and in the City of Lima should require, for I have heard many Spaniards say, that in the yeare 1620. a few ships of Hollanders (as some say) or of English (as others affirme) appeared before the Haven waiting for the ships that were to convey the Kings revenews to Panama, and hearing that they were departed (though by a false report) followed them, and so forsooke the attempting to take the Callau; which certainly had they manly attempted, they had taken it, and in it the greatest treasure that in any one part of the world could have beene found. But the Spaniards seldome see thereabout foraine ships, and so live more carelesly in securing or strengthning that Coast. Though Peru bee[Pg 76] thus rich in fruits and Mines, yet Chille farre exceedeth it in gold; which edgeth the Spaniards to a constant and continuall Warre with the Inhabitants, which are a strong, warlike, and most valiant people. They are grown as skilfull in the use of weapons, swords, Pistols and Muskets as the Spaniards, and have taken many Spaniards, men and women prisoners; and or the Spanish women have had so many children, called Mestizoes, that by them (who have proved most valiant) they have much increased both their strength and skill. They hold the Spaniards hard to it, and the War is become the most dangerous of any the Spaniards have; in so much that the Counsell of Spain doth pick out from Flanders and Italy, the best souldiers to send them thither. And a Captaine that hath served long, well and faithfully in Flanders, by way of credit and promotion is sent to the Warres of Chille, to fight for that great treasure of gold, which certainly is there. The Spaniards have in it three faire Cities; the Conception (which is a Bishops Seat) and Santiago, and Valdivia. This last is so named from one Valdivia, who was Governour of it, and the first cause and author of those Wars.
This man was so extraordinarily covetous of the gold of that Countrey, that hee would not let the Indians possesse or injoy any of it themselves; but did vex them, whip, and beat, yea and kill some of them, because they brought him not enough, and imployed them daily in seeking it out for him, charging them with a tax and imposition of so much a day: which the Indians not being able to performe, nor to satisfie an unsatiable minde and greedy covetousnesse, resolved to rebell, but so that first they would fill and satiate his heart with gold so that hee should never more covet after that yellow and glittering metall. Wherefore they joyned and combined themselves together in a warlike posture, and tooke some quantity of gold and melted it, and with it resolutely came upon Valdivia the Governour, saying, O Valdivia we see thou hast a greedy and unsatiable minde and desire after our gold; wee have not been able to satisfie thee with it hitherto; but now wee have devised a way to satiate this thy greedy covetousnesse; here is now enough, drink thy full of it; and with these words they tooke him, and powred the melted gold downe his throat, wherewith he died, never more coveting after that bright and shining drosse, and naming with his name and death that City of Valdivia, and with his covetousnesse leaving a rebellion which hath continued to a cruell and bloody War unto this day.
Guiana and Brasile I shall omit to speak of, not having been in any part of them. Brasile is little talked of by the Spaniards, belonging to the Crowne of Portugall, and now part of it to the high and mighty States of the Netherlands, who will better satisfie by their Histories, and acquaint Europe with the riches that are in it.
I return unto the first part mentioned by me in the Southern and Peruan Tract, which was said to bee Castella aurea, golden Castile, so called for the abundance of gold that is found in it. This containeth the Northern part of Peruana, and part of the Isthmus, which runneth between the North and South Sea. Besides the gold in it, yet it is admirably stored with silver, Spices, Pearls, and medicinall Herbes. It is divided into foure Provinces. The first is called Castella del oro; the second, Nova Andaluzia; the third Nova Granada; the fourth, Carthagena. Castella del oro is situated in the very Isthmus, and is not very populous by reason of the unhealthfulnesse of the aire, and noisome savour of the standing pooles. The chief places belonging to the Spaniards, are first Theonimay, or Nombre de Dios on the East; the second, which is six leagues from Nombre de Dios is Portabel, now chiefly inhabited by the Spaniards and Mulattoes, and Blackmores, and Nombre de Dios almost utterly forsaken by reason of its unhealthfulnesse. The ships which were wont to anchor in Nombre de Dios, and there to take in the Kings treasure, which is yeerly brought from Peru to Panama, and from thence to the North Sea, now harbour themselves in Portabel; which signifyeth Porto bello, a faire and goodly Haven, for so indeed it is, and well fortified at the entrance with three Castles, which can reach and command one another. The third and chiefe place belonging to the Spaniards in Castella del oro is Panama, which is on the Westside and upon the South Sea. This City and Nombre de Dios were both built by Didacus de Niquesa. And Nombre de Dios was so called, because Niquesa having been crossed with many mischances and misadventures at Sea, when hee came to this place greatly rejoyced, and bad his men now goe on shore in Nombre de Dios, in the name of God. But as I have before observed, the aire being here very unhealthy, the King of Spain in the yeare 1584. commanded the houses of Nombre de Dios to be pulled[Pg 77] downe, and to be rebuilt in a more healthy and convenient place: which was performed by Peter Arias in Portabel. But being now upon Nombre de Dios, I should wrong my Country if I should not set out to the publike view the worth of her people shewed upon this place, and to this day talked on and admired by the Spaniards, who doe not only remember Sir Francis Drake, & teach their children to dread and fear even his name for his attempts upon Carthagena and all the coast about, and especially upon Nombre de Dios, and from it marching as farre as the great mountaine called St. Pablo towards Panama: but furthermore keep alive amongst them (and in this my History it shall not die) the name of one of Sir Francis Drake his followers and Captains named John Oxenham, whose attempt on this coast was resolute and wonderfull.
This Noble and gallant Gentleman arriving with threescore and ten souldiers in his company as resolute as himselfe, a little above this Towne of Nombre de Dios drew a land his ship, and covering it with boughes, marched over the land with his Company guided by Black-mores, untill he came to a river. Where he cut downe wood, made him a Pinnace, entred the South-sea, went to the Island of Pearles, where hee lay ten daies waiting for a prize, which happily he got (though not so happily after kept it) for from that Island he set upon two Spanish ships, and finding them unable to fight, he speedily made them yeeld, and intercepted in them threescore thousand pound weight of gold, and two hundred thousand pound weight in barres or wedges of silver, and returned safely again to the maine land. And though by reason of a mutiny made by his owne Company he neither returned to his country nor to his hidden ship; yet was it such a strange adventure as is not to be forgotten, in that the like was never by any other attempted, and by the Spaniards is to this day with much admiration recorded.
Much part of this Castella aurea as yet is not subdued by the Spaniards, and so doubtlesse a great treasure lieth hid in it for that people and nation whose thoughts shall aspire to find it out. In the year 1637. when I chanced to be in Panama returning homewards to my Country, there came thither some twenty Indians Barbarians by way of peace to treate with the President of the Chancery concerning their yeelding up themselves to the government of the King of Spaine. But as I was informed afterwards at Carthagena, nothing was concluded upon, for that the Spaniards dare not trust those Indians, whom they have found to have rebelled often against them for their hard usage and carriage towards them. These Indians which then I saw were very proper, tall and lusty men, and well complexioned; and among them one of as red a haire as any our nation can shew; they had bobs of gold in their eares, and some of them little pieces of gold made like a halfe moone hanging upon their neither lips, which argues store of that treasure to be amongst them. Unto this country is joyning Nova Andaluzia, which hath on the North side Castella del oro, and on the South Peru; The best Cities in it are Tocoio, now by the Spaniards called St. Margarets, and another called S. Espiritu. Nova Granada is situated on the South side of Carthagena, and from the abundance and fertility of Granada in Spaine it hath taken its name. The chiefe Townes and Cities in it are six. First Tungia, which is supposed to be directly under the Æquator. The second is Tochaimum. The third, Popaian, the richest of them all. The fourth, Sta. Fee, or St. Faith, an Archbishops seat, and a Court of Justice and Chancery, governed like Panama and Guatemala, by a President and six Judges, and a Kings Attorney and two high Justices of Court, who have six thousand duckats a yeer allowed them out of the Kings treasure. The fifth City is Palma; and the sixth Merida. From Carthagena through this countrey of Granada lieth the rode way to Lima in Peru, all by land. This Country is very strong by reason of the situation of it much amongst stony rockes, which compasse and environ it, and through which there are very narrow passages. Yet it is full of pleasant valleys which do yeeld much fruit, Corne and Indian Maiz. There are also in it some Mines of silver, and many golden sanded rivers. Carthagena, which is the last Province of Castella aurea, hath also a very fruitfull soil, in the which groweth a tree, which if any one do touch, he will hardly escape a poysoning.
The chiefe Cities in it are, first Carthagena, which Sir Francis Drake in the yeer 1585. surprised, and (as the Spaniards affirme) burned most part of it, and besides inestimable sums of money, took with him from thence 230 peeces of Ordnance. I dare say now it hath not so many; yet it is reasonable well fortified; though not so strong as Portabel.[Pg 78] It is a faire and gallant City and very rich, by reason of the pearles which are brought to it from Margarita, and the Kings revenues, which from all Nova Granada are sent thither. It is a Bishops seat, and hath many rich Churches and Cloisters. It is not governed by a Court of Justice and Chancery as Sta. Fee is, but onely by one Governour. It hath been often moved to the Councell of Spaine to have some Galleys made to runne about those Seas, and that Carthagena bee the chiefe harbour of them. From this City received England the losse of that little Island named Providence by us, and by the Spaniards Sta. Catalina, which though but little, might have been of a great, nay greater advantage to our Kingdom, than any other of our plantations in America; which the Spaniards wel understood when they set al their strength of Carthagena against it; but I hope the Lord hath his time appointed when we shall advantage our selves by it again. To this City of Carthagena cometh every yeer also in small Frigots most of the Indigo, Cochinil & Sugar, which is made in the country of Guatemala, the Spaniards thinking it safer to ship these their goods in little Frigots upon the lake of Granada in Nicaragua, & from thence to send them to Carthagena to be shipped with the Galeons that come from Portabel with the treasure of Peru, than to send them by the ships of Honduras, which have often been a prey unto the Hollanders. These frigots were thought by the Spaniards to come too neer the reach of Providence, and therefore it hath been their care and providence to remove us from this reach of their Frigots. The second great Towne of this Countrey of Carthagena is Abuida. The third Sta. Martha, which is a rich government of Spaniards, and doth much fear our English and Holland ships; it is seated on the river de Abuida, otherwise called St. John and Rio di Grand. There is also Venezuela and New-Caliz, great, rich, and strong Townes. And these three last regions, Andaluzia Nova, Nova Granada, and Carthagena are by the Spaniards called Tierra firme, or firme land, for that they are the strength of Peru from the North, and the basis of this reversed Pyramis.
Thus have I brought thee, Gentle Reader, round about America, and shewed thee the Continent of that biggest part of the world; from the which thou mayst observe the power and greatnesse of the King of Spain, who hath got under his Scepter and Dominion so many thousand miles, which were they reckoned up, would be found to be more then are about all Europe. But not only is America great and spatious by land, but also by sea, glorying in more and some greater Islands, then any other part of the world. It would but cause tediousnesse, and seem prolixity to number them all up, which is a worke hard and difficult, for that many as yet are not knowne nor inhabited, and whose goodnesse and greatnesse is not discovered; for the Islands called Lucoidas are thought to be foure hundred at least. Therefore I will omit to be over tedious and prolixe, and will but briefly speake of the best and chiefe of them, taking them in order from that part of the Continent, Carthagena, where even now I left thee. But in the first place calls upon my pen the Jewel Island called Margarita, which is situated in the sea nigh unto Castella aurea, and not farre distant from two other Islands, named Cubagna and Trinidado. True it is this Island of Margarita is by some much slighted for want of corne, grasse, trees and water; in so much that it hath been knowne sometime that an inhabitant of that Island hath willingly changed for a Tun of water a Tunne of wine. But the great abundance of pretious stones in it maketh amends for the former wants and defects; for from them is the name of Margarita imposed on that Island. But especially it yeeldeth store of pearles, those gemmes which the Latine writers call Uniones, because nulli duo reperiuntur indiscreti, they alwaies are found to grow in couples. In this Island there are many rich Merchants, who have thirty, fourty, fifty Black-more slaves only to fish out of the sea about the rockes these pearles. These Black-mores are much made of by their Masters, who must needs trust them with a treasure hidden in the waters, and in whose will it is to passe by of those they find, none, few, or many. They are let downe in baskets into the Sea, and so long continue under the water, untill by pulling the rope by which they are let downe, they make their sign to taken up. I have heard some say that have thus dealt in pearles, that the chief meat they feed their Black-mores with, is roast-meat, which maketh them their wind & breath longer in the water. From Margarita are all the pearles sent to be refined and bored to Carthagena, where is a faire and goodly street of no other shops then of these Pearle-dressers. Commonly in the moneth of July there is a ship or two at most ready in that Island to carry the Kings revenue, and the Merchants pearles to Carthagena. One of these ships are valued commonly at threescore thousand, or fourscore thousand duckats,[Pg 79] and sometimes more; and therefore are reasonable well manned; for that the Spaniards much feare our English and the Holland ships. The yeare that I was in Carthagena, which was 1637. a ship of these laden with pearles was chased by one of our ships from the Island of Providence (by some it was thought to be our ship called the Neptune) which after a little fighting had almost brought the poore Spaniard to yeeld his pearles, and had certainly carried away that great treasure (as I was informed in Carthagena foure daies after the fight by a Spaniard who was in the ship of Margarita) had not two other ships of Holland come between to challenge from our English man that prize, alleadging their priviledge from the mighty States united for all prizes upon those seas and coast. And whilst our English and Hollander did thus strive for the Pearles, the Spanish ship ran on shore upon a little Island, and speedily unladed and hid in the woods part of the treasures, and perceiving the Hollander coming eagerly in pursuit of it, the Spaniard set on fire the ship, and neither Spaniard, English, nor Hollander, enjoyed what might have been a great and rich prize to England. From Carthagena was sent presently a man of Warre to bring home the pearles hid in the wood, which were not the third part of what was in the ship.
Jamaica is another Island under the power of the Spaniards, which is in length 280. miles, and 70. in breadth, which though it exceed Margarita in sweet and pleasant streames and fountaines of water, yet is far inferiour to it in riches. Some Hides, some Sugar, and some Tobacco are the chiefe commodities from thence. There are only two Townes of note in it, Oristana and Sevilla; here are built ships which have proved as well at sea, as those that are made in Spaine. This Island was once very populous, but now is almost destitute of Indians; for the Spaniards have slain in it more then 60,000; in so much that women as well here as on the Continent did kill their children before they had given them life, that the issues of their bodies might not serve so cruell a nation. But farre beyond the two former is the Island of Cuba, which is three hundred miles long, and seventy broad, which was first made knowne to Europe by Columbus his second navigation. This Island is full of Forrests, Lakes, and mountaines. The aire is very temperate, the soile very fertill, producing brasse of exact perfection, and some gold though drossie hath formerly been found in it. It aboundeth also with Ginger, Cassia, Masticke, Aloes, some Cinnamon, Cana fistula, Zarzaparilla, and Sugar, and hath of flesh, fish, and fowles great plenty; but especially such store of sea Tortois, and Hogs, that the ships at their returne to Spaine make their chiefe provision of them. My selfe chanced to take physicke there, and whereas I thought that day I should have a fowle or rabbet after my physicks working, they brought me a boyled peece of fresh young Porke, which when I refused to eat, they assured me it was the best dish the Doctors did use to prescribe upon such daies.
The chiefe Cities of this Island are Santiago on the Northerne shore, built by James de Valasco, a Bishops seat, and secondly, Havana, which is also on the Northerne shore, and is a safe Rode for ships, and the staple of merchandize, and (as the Spaniards call it) the key of all the West-India's, to lock up or unlock the doore or entrance to all America. Here rideth the King of Spaines Navy, and here meet all the Merchant ships from severall ports and Havens of all those Countries afore-named, whether from the Islands or from the Continent: in a word here commonly in the month of September is joyned all the treasure as I may say of America, all the King of Spains revenews, with as much more of Merchant goods, which the yeer that I was there were thought to be in all the worth of thirty millions. And the ships which that yeer there did meet to strengthen one another were 53. saile, and set out sooner that yeer then any other upon the 16. of September, having that day a faire wind to wafte them homewards through the Gulf of Bahama. Havana therefore being the store-house of all Americaes treasure, it hath been the Spaniards chiefe care to fortifie that; and truely it is so strong, that the Spaniards hold it impossible to be taken, and doe boast of foure impregnable forts, to wit at Antwerp, Millan, Pamplona, and Havana. This hath two strong Castles, the one at the point or entrance of the Haven toward the Sea; the other more within, on the other side almost over against it; which two Castles (the passage in the mouth of the haven being so narrow, that one onely ship in breast may enter) will keep and defend the Port from many hundred saile. I was my selfe in the great and chiefe Castle, and truly found it very strong, though by land I judged it might be as easily taken, as other strong Castles here in Europe have been overpowerd by a great and powerfull army. It hath in[Pg 80] it besides many others, twelve peeces of Ordnance of brasse exceeding great, which they call The twelve Apostles. But for all this strength of the Havana, it could not once defend six or seven millions (according to the Spaniards owne account) which the one part of the Kings Navy brought from St. John de Ulhua to the sight of this impregnable fort, and protected with such twelve Apostles. It was as I take it the yeer 1629. when that ever renowned Hollander (whom like unto our Drake the Spaniards to this day fear and tremble at, calling him Pie de Palo, that is, wooden leg) waited at the Cape of St. Anthony for the Spanish fleet of Nova Hispania; which according to his expectation coming, he manly set upon it, saluting and welcoming the great treasure in it with a full side of roaring Ordnance; the sound was more dolefull then joyfull and welcome to the Spaniards, who thought it safer sleeping in a whole skinne, then to be unquieted by fighting, and with the sight of torne and mangled bodies, by Mars his furious and fiery balls, and so called a Councell of warre to resolve what they should doe to save the Kings great treasure which was intrusted to them in those ships. The result of the Councell was to flie and with some discharging of their Ordinance to defend themselves, untill they could put into a river in the Island of Cuba, not far from Havana called Matanzos. There were in that fleet of Spaine many gallants and Gentlemen, and two Judges of the Chancery of Mexico, which were that yeer sent to Madrid as guilty in the mutiny before mentioned, there was in it of my acquaintance a Dominican Frier, named Frier Jacintho de Hozes, who had been sent to those parts to visit all the Dominican Cloisters of New-Spaine, and had got of bribes at least eight thousand duckats (as I was informed the yeer after by a Frier his companion, whom he sent from Havana to Guatemala to make knowne to his friends his losse of all that hee had got, and to beg a new contribution to helpe him home) there was also in that fleet Don Martin de Carillo; who was the Inquisitor and Commissioner to judge the Delinquents in the fore-mentioned mutiny of Mexico, who was thought to have got twenty thousand duckats cleer; besides these a Bishop, and many rich Merchants, all under the command of Don Juan de Guzman y Torres Admirall to all the fleet. They all fled for their lives and goods; but the gallant Hollanders chased them. The Spaniards thinking the Hollanders would not venture up the river after them, put into Matanzos; but soone after they had entred, they found the river too shallow for their heavy and great bellied Galeons, and so run them up on ground; which done, the better and richer sort escaped to land, endeavouring to escape with what wealth they could; some got out Cabinets, some bags; which the Hollanders perceiving came upon them with bullet messengers, which soone overtooke and stopt their flying treasures. Some few Cabinets were hid, all the rest became that day the gallant Pie de Palo or the wooden legd Captaines prize for the mighty States of Holland. The Frier Hozes was got into a boat with his Cabinet under his habit, which had in it nothing but chaines of gold, diamonds, Pearles and pretious stones; and halfe a dozen Hollanders leapt into the boat after him, and snatched it from him, as his owne friend and companion related after to us in Guatemala. Don Juan de Guzman y Torres the Admirall when he came to Spaine was imprisoned, lost his wits for a while, and after was beheaded. Thus in the sight of impregnable Havana and of those 12 brazen Apostles, was Holland glorious and made rich with a seven million prize.
But before I end this Chapter, I may not forget the chiefest of all the Islands of this new world, which is called Hispaniola, & formerly by the natives Hatie, which lamenteth the losse of at least three millions of Indians murthered by her new Masters of Spaine. This Island is the biggest that as yet is discovered in al the world; it is in compasse about 1500. miles, and enjoyeth a temperate aire, a fertill soile, rich mines; and trades much in Ambar, Sugar, Ginger, Hides, and Wax. It is reported for certaine that here in twenty daies herbes will ripen and roots also and be fit to be eaten, which is a strong argument of the exact temperature of the aire. It yeeldeth in nothing to Cuba, but excelleth it in three things especially; first in the finenesse of the gold, which is here more pure and unmixed; secondly, in the increase of the Sugar, one Sugar Cane here filling twenty and sometimes thirty measures; and thirdly, in the goodnesse of the soile for tillage, the corne here yeelding an hundred fold. This fertility is thought to be caused by four great rivers, which water and enrich all the four quarters of the Island; all four doe spring from one only mountaine, which standeth in the very midst and center of the Country, Juna running to the East, Artihinnacus to the West, Jacchus to the North, and Naibus to the South.
This Countrey is so replenished with Swine and Cattell, that they become wild among the woods and Mountaines, so that the ships that saile by this Island, and want provision, goe here a shore where it is little inhabited and kill of Cattell, wild swine and bores, till they have made up a plentifull provision. Much of this Countrey is not inhabited, by reason that the Indians are quite consumed. The chief places in it are first St. Domingo, where there is a Spanish President and Chancery with six Judges and the other officers belonging to it, and it is the Seat of an Archbishop, who though hee enjoy not so much yeerly rent and revenues as other Archbishops, especially they of Mexico and Lima; yet hee hath an honour above all the rest, for that hee is the primate of all the India's, this Island having been conquered before the other parts, and so bearing antiquity above them all. There are also other rich Townes of trading, as Sta. Isabella, S. Thome, S. John, Maragna, and Porto. And thus hath my pen run over Sea and Land, Islands and most of the Continent that is subject to the Spaniards to shew thee, my Reader, the state of America at this time. It is called America because Americus Vespusius first discovered it; though afterwards Columbus gave us the first light to discern these Countries both by example and directions. Besides the factions spoken of before between the Native Spaniards and those that come from Spain, there is yet further in most parts of it, but especially in Peru a deadly faction and mortall hatred between the Biscains and the Spaniards of Castile and Estremadura, which hath much shaken the quiet state of it, and threatned it with rebellion and destruction.
There are in all America foure Archbishopricks, which are Sto. Domingo, Mexico, Lima, and Sta. Fee, and above thirty inferiour Bishops. The politick Administration of Justice is chiefly committed to the two Viceroyes residing at Lima and Mexico, and with subordination unto them unto other Presidents, Governours, and high Justices, called Alcaldes Majores; except it be the President of Guatemala, and of Santo Domingo, who are as absolute in power as the Viceroyes, and have under them Governours, and high Justices, and are no wayes subordinate to the former Viceroyes, but onely unto the Court and Councell of Spain.
Having now gone round America with a brief and superficiall description of it, my desire is to shew unto my Reader what parts of it I travailed through, and did abide in, observing more particularly the state, condition, strength, and Commodities of those Countries which lie Southward from Mexico. It is further my desire, nay the chief ground of this my History, that whilst my Country doth here observe an English man, become American, travailing many thousand miles there, as may bee noted from St. John de Ulhua to Mexico, and from thence Southward to Panama, and from thence Northward againe to Carthagena, and to Havana, Gods goodnesse may bee admired, and his providence extolled who suffered not the meanest and unworthiest of all his Creatures to perish in such unknowne Countries; to be swalled by North or South Sea, where shipwracks were often feared; to bee lost in Wildernesses where no tongue could give directions; to bee devoured by Wolves, Lions, Tigers, or Crocodiles, which there so much abound; to fall from steepy rocks and mountaines, which seeme to dwell in the aereall Region, and threaten with fearefull spectacles of deep and profound precipices, a horrid and inevitable death to those that climbe up to them; to bee eaten up by the greedy Earth which there doth often quake and tremble, and hath sometimes opened her mouth to draw in Townes and Cities; to bee stricken with those fiery darts of Heaven and thunderbolts which in winter season threaten the Rockes and Cedars; to bee inchanted by Satans Instruments, Witches and Sorcerers, who there as on their own ground play their prankes more then in the parts of Christendome; to be quite blinded with Romish Errors and Superstitions, which have double blinded the purblind heathenish Idolaters; to bee wedded to the pleasures[Pg 82] and licentiousnesse, which doe there allure; to bee glutted with the plenty and dainties of fish, flesh, fowles, and fruits, which doe there entice; to bee puffed up with the spirit of pride and powerfull command and authority over the poor Indians, which doth there provoke; to bee tied with the Cords of vanity and ambition, which there are strong; and finally to be glewed in heart, and affection to the drosse of gold, silver, Pearls, and Jewels, whose plenty there doth bind, blind, captivate and enslave the soule. Oh I say, let the Lords great goodnesse and wonderfull providence bee observed who suffered not an English stranger in all these dangers to miscarry, but was a guide unto him there in all his travailes, discovered unto him as to the espies in Canaan, and as to Joseph in Egypt the provision, wealth and riches of that world, and safely guided him back to relate to England, the truth of what no other English eye did ever yet behold. From the moneth of October untill February I did abide with my friends, and companions the Fryers under the command of Fryer Calvo in that house of recreation called St. Jacintho, and from thence injoyed the sight of all the Townes and of what else was worth the seeing about Mexico. But the time I was there, I was carefull to informe myself of the state of Philippinas, whither my first purposes had drawne me from Spain. It was my fortune to light upon a Fryer and an acquaintance of some of my friends, who was that yeer newly come from Manila whither I was going; who wished mee and some other of my friends as wee tendred our soules good never to goe to those parts, which were but snares and trap-dores to let downe to hell, where occasions and temptations to sinne were daily, many in number, mighty in strength, and to get out of them, labor & opus, hard and difficult. And that himself, had not he by stealth gotten away (and that to save his soul) certainly he had never come from thence; who had often upon his knees begged leave of his superiours to returne to Spain, and could not obtaine it. Many particulars wee could not get from him, nor the reasons of his coming away; Onely hee would often say that the Fryers that live there are devils in private and in those retired places where they live among the Indians to instruct and teach them; and yet in publick before their superiours and the rest of Fryers they must appeare Saints, they must put on the cloak of hypocrisie to cover their inward devilishnesse, they must bee cloathed with sheeps skins though within they bee lupi rapaces, ravenous Wolves, ravening after their neighbours Wives, and ravening after their neighbours wealth; and yet with all this unpreparednesse, with this outward, seeming and frothy sanctity, and inward hellishnesse and deep rooted worldlinesse and covetousnesse, when the Superiours command and please to send them, they must goe in a disguised manner to Japan or China to convert to Christianity those people though with perill and danger of their lives. Many such like discourses wee got out of this Fryer; and that if wee went to live there, we must bee subject to the penalties of many Excommunications for triviall toyes and trifles, which the Superiours doe lay upon the Consciences of their poore Subjects, who may as soone strive against the common course of nature not to see with their eyes, nor hear with their eares, nor speake with their tongues, as to observe all those things which against sense, reason and nature with grievous censures and Excommunications are charged and fastened upon them. Hee told us further of some Fryers that had despaired under those rigorous courses, and hanged themselves, not being able to beare the burden of an afflicted and tormented Conscience; and of others that had been hanged, some for murthering of their rigid and cruell Superiours; and some that had beene found in the morning hanging with their queanes at the Cloister gates, having beene found together in the night, and so murthered and hanged up either by the true Husband, or by some other who bare affection to the woman. These things seemed to us very strange, and wee perceived that all was not gold that glistred, nor true zeal of soules that carried so many from Spain to those parts; or if in some there were at first a better and truer zeale then in others, when they came to Philippinas, and among those strong temptations, wee found that their zeale was soone quenched. This reason moved mee and three more of my friends to relent in our purposes of leaving of America, and going any further, for wee had learned that maxime, qui amat periculum, peribit inco; and, qui tangit picem, inquinabitur abea; He that loveth the danger, shall fall and perish in it; and hee that toucheth pitch shall bee smeared by it. Wherefore wee communed privately with our selves, what course wee might take, how wee might that yeer return back to Spain, or where wee might abide, if wee returned not to Spain. For wee[Pg 83] knew, if our Superiour Calvo should understand of our purposes to goe no further, he would lay upon us an Excommunication to follow him, nay and that hee would secure us in a Cloister prison untill the day and time of our departure from Mexico. Our resolutions wee made a secret of our hearts; yet could not I but impart it to one more speciall and intimate friend of mine, who was an Irish Fryer, named Thomas de Leon, whom I perceived a little troubled with so long a journey as was at hand, and found often wishing hee had never come from Spain; and as soon as I had acquainted him with what I meant to doe, hee rejoyced and promised to stay with mee. The time was short which wee had to dispose of our selves; but in that time wee addressed our selves to some Mexican Fryers and made knowne unto them, that if our Superiour Calvo would give us leave, wee would willingly stay in Mexico or in any Cloister thereabouts, untill wee could better fit our selves to returne to Spain againe. But they being natives and borne in that Countrey discovered presently unto us that inveterate spight and hatred which they bare to such as came from Spain; they told us plainly that they and true Spaniards born did never agree, and that they knew their Superiors would bee unwilling to admit of us; yet furthermore they informed us that they thought we might be entertained in the Province of Guaxaca, where half the Fryers were of Spain and half Criolians and Natives; but in case wee should not speed there, they would warrant us we should be welcome to the Province of Guatemala, where almost all the Fryers were of Spain, and did keep under such as were Natives born in that Country. It did a little trouble us to consider that Guatemala was three hundred leagues off, and that we were ignorant of the Mexican tongue, and unprovided of mony and horses for so long a journey. But yet we considered Philippinas to be further, and no hopes there of returning ever again to Christendome; wherefore we resolved to rely upon Gods providence onely, and to venture upon a three hundred leagues journey with what smal means we had, and to sell what Books and small trifles we had to make as much money as might buy each of us a horse. But while we were thus preparing our selves secretly for Guatemala wee were affrighted and disheartned with what in the like case to ours happened. A Fryer of our company named Fryer Peter Borrallo, without acquainting us or any other of his friends with what he intended, made a secret escape from us, and (as after we were informed) took his way alone to Guatemala. This so incensed our Superior Calvo, that after great search and enquiry after him, he betook himself to the Viceroy begging his assistance and Proclamation, in the publick Market place, for the better finding out his lost sheep, and alleadging that none ought to hide or privily to harbour any Fryer that had been sent from Spain to Philippinas to preach there the Gospell, for that the foresaid Fryers were sent by the King of Spain, whose bread they had eate, and at whose charges they had been brought from Spain to Mexico, and at the same Kings charges ought to bee carried from Mexico to Philippinas; and therefore if any Fryer now in the half-way should recant of his purpose of going to Philippinas, and should by flight escape from his Superiour and the rest of his company, the same ought to be punished as guilty of defrauding the Kings charges. This reason of Calvo being a politicke and state reason prevailed so farre with the Viceroy, that immediately hee commanded a Proclamation to bee made against whosoever should know of the said Peter Borrallo and should not produce him to his Highnesse, or should harbour him or any other Fryer belonging to Philippinas from that time forward until the ships were departed from Acapulco; and that whosoever should trespasse against this Proclamation, should suffer imprisonment at his Highnesse his will and and pleasure, and the penalty of five hundred Duckats to bee paid in at the Kings Exchequer. With this Proclamation Calvo began to insult over us, and to tell us, wee were the Kings slaves under his conduct, and that if any of us durst to leave him (for hee was jealous of most of us) hee doubted not but with the Viceroy his assistance and Proclamation he should find both us and Peter Borrallo out to our further shame and confusion. This did very much trouble us, and made my Irish friend Thomas de Leon his heart to faint, and his courage to relent, and utterly to renounce before mee his former purposes of staying and hiding himselfe; yet hee protested to mee, if I was still of the same minde, hee would not discover mee; but seeing his weaknesse, I durst not trust him, but made as if I were of his minde. Thus I betooke my self to the other three of my friends (of whom one was Antonio Melendez that had beene the first cause of my comming from Spain) whom I found much troubled, doubtfull and wavering what course to take.
They considered if wee should flie, what a shame it would be to us to be taken and brought back to Mexico as prisoners, and forcedly against our wills to be shipped to Philippinas; they considered further if they went, what a slavish and uncomfortable life they should live in Philippinas, without any hopes of ever returning again to Christendom; yet further they looked upon the Viceroy his Proclamation, and thought it hard to breake through the opposition and authority of so great a man; and lastly in the Proclamation they beheld the estimation that Calvo had of them, as of slaves and fugitives to be cried in a publike Market place. But after all these serious thoughts our only comfort was that Peter Borallo was safely escaped, and (as we were informed) had been met farre from Mexico travailing alone towards Guatemala. And we thought, why might not we escape as well as he. Then I told them that my resolution was to stay, though alone I returned either to Spaine, or tooke my journey to Guatemala; the rest were glad to see mee resolute, and gave their hands that they would venture as much as I should. Then we set upon the time when we should take our flight, and agreed that every one should have a Horse in readinesse in Mexico, and that the night before the rest of our company should depart from Mexico towards Acapulco to take shipping, we should by two and two in the evening leave St. Jacintho, and meet in Mexico where our Horses stood, and from thence set out and travaile all the night, continuing our journey so the first two or three nights and resting in the day time, untill we were some twenty or thirty leagues from Mexico. For we thought the next morning Calvo awaking and missing us would not stop the journey of the rest of his company for our sakes, to search and inquire after us; or if he did, it would be but for one day or two at the most, till he had inquired for us in Mexico, or a dayes journey in some of the common or beaten rodes of Mexico, where we would be sure he should not heare of us; for we also agreed to travail out of any common or knowne rode for the first two or three nights. This resolution was by us as well performed and carried on, as it had been agreed upon, though some had been fearfull that a counsell betwixt foure could never be kept secret, nor such a long journey as of nine hundred miles be compassed with such small means of money as was among us, for the maintenance of our selves and Horses; for after our Horses were bought, we made a common purse, and appointed one to be the purse-bearer, & found that amongst us all there were but twenty duckats, which in that rich and plentifull country was not much more then here twenty English shillings, which seemed to us but as a morning dew, which would soone be spent in provender only for our Horses; yet we resolved to goe on, relying more upon the providence of God, then upon any earthly meanes; and indeed this proved to us a far better support then all the drosse of gold and silver could have done; and we reckoned that after we had travailed fourty leagues from Mexico, and entred without feare into the rode, we had for our twenty duckats neer fourty now in our common purse. The reason was, for that most commonly we went either to Friers Cloisters who knew us not, or to rich farmes of Spaniards who thought nothing too good for us, and would not onely entertaine us stately, but at our departure would give us money for one or two daies journey. All our feare was to get safely out of Mexico, for wee had been informed that Calvo had obtained from the Viceroy officers to watch in the chiefest rodes both day and night untill he had departed with his Traine of Friers to Acapulco.
And for all the Viceroy his Proclamation we got a true and trustie friend, who offered to guide us out of Mexico by such a way as we needed not to feare any would watch for us. So with our friend and a map about us to guide us after he had left us in the morning, we cheerfully set out of Mexico about ten of the clock at night, about the middle of February, and meeting no body about Guadalupe which was the way wee went out (though the contrary way to Guatemala, which on purpose we followed for feare the true way should be beset) we comfortably travailed all that night, till in the morning we came to a little Town of Indians, where we began to spend of our small stock, calling upon the Indians for a Turkey and Capon to break our fast with our friend and guide before he returned to Mexico. Breakefast being ended we took our leaves of him, and went to rest, that we might be more able to performe the next nights journey, which was to Crosse the Countrey towards Atlisco, which is in a valley of twenty miles about at least, and doth give it the name of the valley of Atlixco and is a valley much mentioned in all those parts, for the exceeding great plenty of wheat that is there reaped every yeer, and is the chief sustenance and reliefe of Mexico and all the Townes about. In this[Pg 85] Valley are many rich Townes of Spaniards and Indians; but we shunned to enter into them, and went from farme to farme out of the high-waies, where we found good entertainment of those rich Farmers and Yeomen, who bare such respect unto the Preists, that truely they thought themselves happy with our company. Here we began to shake off all fear, and no more like Bats and Owles fly in the night, but that we might with more pleasure enjoy the prospect of that valley, and of the rest of the Countrey we travailed by day; yet still crossing the Countrey, we went from thence towards another valley called the valley of St. Pablo, or Pauls valley, which though it be not as big as the valley of Atlisco, yet is held to be a richer valley; for here they enjoy a double harvest of wheat every yeer. The first seed they sow is watered, and growes with the common season raine; and the second seed which they sow in summer as soone as their first harvest is in, when the season of raine is past, they water with many Springs which fall into that Valley from the mountaines which round beset it, and let in the water among their wheat at their pleasure, and take it away when they see fit. Here live Yeomen upon nothing but their farms, who are judged to worth some twenty thousand, some thirty thousand, some fourty thousand duckats. In this valley we chanced to light upon one farme where the Yeoman was country-man to my friend Antonio Melendez, borne in Segovia in Spaine, who for his sake kept us three daies and nights with him. His table was as well furnished as the table of a Knight might be, his side board full of silver boules and cups, and plates instead of trenchers; he spared no dainties which might welcome us to his table, no perfumes which might us delight in our chambers, no musick (which his daughters were brought up to) which might with more pleasure help to passe away the time. To him Antonio Melendez made known our journey towards Guatemala; and from him we received directions which way to steere our course untill we might be thoroughly free from feare and danger; here we began to see the great providence of God, who had brought us being strangers to such a friends house, who not onely welcomed us to him, but when we departed gave us a guide for a whole day, and bestowed upon us twenty duckats to helpe to bear our charges. From this valley wee wheeled about to Tasco, a Towne of some five hundred Inhabitants which enjoyeth great commerce with the Country about by reason of the great store of Cotton-wool which is there. And here we were very well entertained by a Franciscan Frier, who being of Spaine made the more of us, knowing we came from thence. Here we got into the rode of Guaxaca, and went to Chautla, which also aboundeth with Cotton-wool, but in it we found no entertainment but what our owne purses would afford us. Next to this place is a great Town called Zumpango, which doth consist of at least eight hundred Inhabitants, many of them very rich both Indians and Spaniards. Their commodities are chiefly Cotton-wooll, and Sugar, and Cochinil. But beyond this Town are the mountaines called la Misteca, which abound with many rich and great Townes, and doe trade with the best silke that is in all that Country. Here is also great store of Wax and Hony; and Indians live there who traffique to Mexico and about the Countrey with twenty or thirty mules of their own, chopping and changing, buying and selling commodities, and some of them are thought to be worth ten, or twelve, or fifteen thousand duckats, which is much for an Indian to get among the Spaniards, who thinke all the riches of America little enough for themselves. From these mountaines of Misteca to Guaxaca we saw little observable, only Townes of two or three hundred inhabitants; rich Churches, well built, and better furnished within with lampes, candlesticks, crownes of silver for the severall statues of Saints; and all the way wee did observe a very fruitfull soil for both Indian and Spanish wheat, much Sugar, much Cotton-wool, Hony, and here and there some Cochinil, and of Plantins, and other sweet and luscious fruit great store; but above all great abundance of cattel, whose Hides are one of the greatest commodities that from those parts are sent to Spaine. Some reported that about Misteca formerly much gold had been found, and the Indians were wont to use it much, though now they will not be knowne of any, lest the greedinesse of the Spaniards bring them to misery and destruction, as it hath their neighbours about them. Also it is reported for certaine that there are Mines of silver, though as yet the Spaniards have not found them.
There are many Mines of Iron which the Spaniards will not busie themselves in digging, because they have it cheaper from Spain; from hence wee came to the City of Guaxaca, which is a Bishops Seat, though not very bigge, yet a faire and beautifull City[Pg 86] to behold. It standeth fourescore leagues from Mexico in a pleasant valley from whence Cortez was named Marques del Valle, the Marquesse of the Valley. This City, as all the rest of America, except the Sea Towns, lyeth open without walls, Bulwarkes, Forts, Towers, or any Castle, Ordnance or Ammunition to defend it. It may consist of at the most two thousand Inhabitants, and are governed by a Spanish High Justice called Alcalde Major, whose power reacheth over all the Valley, and beyond it as farre as Nixapa, and almost to Tecoantepeque, a Sea Towne upon Mar del Zur. The Valley is of at least fifteen miles in length, and ten in breadth, where runneth in the midst a goodly River yeelding great store of fish. The Valley is full of Sheep and other Cattell, which yeeld much Wooll to the Clothiers of the City of Angels, store of Hides to the Merchants of Spain, and great provision of flesh to the City of Guaxaca, and to all the Townes about, which are exceeding rich, and doe maintaine many Cloisters of Fryers, and Churches with stately furniture belonging unto them. But what doth make the Valley of Guaxaca to bee mentioned farre and neer, are the good horses which are bred in it, and esteemed to bee the best of all the Country. In this Valley also are some farmes of Sugar, and great store of fruits, which two sorts meeting together have cried up the City of Guaxaca for the best Conserves and Preserves that are made in America. In the City there are some six Cloisters of Nuns and Fryers, all of them exceeding rich; but above all is the Cloister of the Dominican Fryers, whose Church treasure is worth two or three Millions; and the building of it the fairest and strongest in all those parts, the walls are of stone so broad, that a part of them being upon finishing when I was there I saw Carts goe upon them, with stone and other materials. Here are also two Cloisters of Nuns, which are talked of far and neer not for their religious practices, but for their skill in making two drinkes which are used in those parts, the one called Chocolatte (whereof I shall speake heereafter) and the other Atolle, which is like unto our Almond Milk, but much thicker, and is made of the juyce of the yong Maiz or Indian wheat, which they so confection with spices, musk, and sugar, that it is not onely admirable in the sweetnesse of the smell, but much more nourishing and comforting the stomack. This is not a Commoditie that can bee transported from thence, but is to be drunk there where it is made. But the other, Chocolatte, is made up in Boxes, and sent not onely to Mexico and the parts thereabouts, but much of it is yeerly transported into Spain. This City of Guaxaca is the richer by reason of the safety they enjoy for the carriage of their Commodities to and from the port of St. John de Ulhua by the great River Alvarado which runneth not far from it; and although the Barkes come not to the City of Guaxaca, yet they come up to the Zapotecas, and to St. Ildefonso, which is not farre from Guaxaca. And the carelessenesse of the Spaniards here is to be wondred at, that all along this River which runneth up into the heart of their Country, they have built as yet no Castles, Towers, or watch-houses, or planted any Ordinance, trusting onely in this, that great ships cannot come up, as if Frigots or smaller Barks, such as they themselves use, may not bee made to annoy them. But of Guaxaca I shall say no more, but conclude that it is of so temperate an aire, so abounding in fruits, and all provision requisite for mans life, so commodiously situated between the North and South Sea, having on the North side St. John de Ulhua, and on the South Tecoantepeque a small and unfortified harbour, that no place I so much desired to live in whilest I was in those parts as in Guaxaca, which certainly I had attempted as I travailed by it, had I not understood that the Criolian or Native Fryers were many and as deadly enemies unto those that came from Spain as were the Mexicans. And this their spight and malice they shewed whilest wee were there, to an ancient and grave old Fryer Master in Divinity, who living had been for learning the Oracle of those parts. This old man died when I was there, and because when hee lived they could pick no hole in his Coat, being dead they searched his chamber, and finding in a Coffer some moneys which hee had not made knowne to his Superiour when living (which they would reduce to a sinne against his professed poverty, called Propriety, and subject to the censure of Excommunication) they reported that hee had died excommunicated, and might not injoy their Christian buriall in the Church or Cloister, and so ignominiously buried their old Divine, and with him his Credit and reputation in a grave made in one of their Gardens. A thing much talked on as scandalous to all the City and Country, which they salved with saying hee was excommunicated; but the truth was, he was of Spaine, and therefore at his death they[Pg 87] would shew their spight unto him. For certainly they could not doe it for the sinne of Propriety which by him had been committed in his life; and to them all may be well said what our Saviour said to the Jewes bringing to him a woman found in adultery to bee stoned, Whosoever of you is without sinne, let him cast the first stone; for all of them, yea even the best Fryers that live in America, are some way or other, much or lesse guilty of the sinne of Propriety which they professe and vow against. With this which wee saw with our eyes, besides what with our eares wee had heard of discords and factions amongst them, wee thought Guaxaca was no place for us to live in; so after three dales we made haste out of it, and departed towards Chiapa, which lyeth three hundred miles from thence. And for our comfort in our further travailing we were informed in Guaxaca, that in most Towns of the Rode through that country, the Indians had an order from the High Justice to give unto Fryers travailing that way either horse to ride on, or to carry their carriages and provision of food freely without mony, if they had none, so that at their departure they should write it down in the town booke what they had spent, not abiding above foure and twenty houres in the Town; which expences of travailers the Indians afterwards at the yeers end of their ordinary Justice and Officers were to give an account of with carrying their Towne book unto the Spanish justice to whom they belonged, and by so doing these expences were allowed of to bee discharged by the common Towne Purse or Treasure, for the which a common plot of ground was alloted to bee yeerly sowen with wheat or Maiz. With this charitable relief and help of the Townes wee conceived better of the rest of our long journey, and hoped to compasse it with more ease. And so joyfully we went on, and the first place where wee made triall of this order was at a great Town called Antiquera, where wee freely called for our fowles and what other provision we saw in the Town, fed heartily on them, and the next day when we were to pay and to depart, wee called for the Town book, subscribed our hands to what wee had spent ourselves and horses, and went our way, praising the discretion of the Justices of that Country, who had setled a course so easy and comfortable for us, especially who had but shallow purses for our long journy. Yet we found in some small Towns that the Indians were unwilling, and (as they alleadged) unable to extend this Charity to us, being foure in company, and bringing with us the charge likewise of foure horses, which made us sometimes make the longer journey that wee might reach unto some great and rich Towne. The next to Antiquera in that Rode is Nixapa, which is of at the least eight hundred Inhabitans, Spaniards and Indians, standing upon the side of a River, which wee were informed was an arme of the great River Alvarado. In this Town is a very rich Cloister of Dominican Fryers, where we were well entertained; & in it there is a picture of our Lady, which superstitiously they fancy to have wrought miracles, and is made a pilgrimage from far and neere, and consequently hath great riches and Lampes belonging unto it. This is counted absolutely one of the wealthiest places of all the Countrey of Guaxaca; for here is made much Indigo, Sugar, Cochinill; and here grow many trees of Cacao and Achiotte, whereof is made the Chocolatte, and is a commodity of much trading in those parts, though our English and Hollanders make little of it when they take a prize of it at Sea, as not knowing the secret virtue and quallity of it for the good of the stomack. From hence we went to Aguatulco and Capalita, also great Towns standing upon a plain Country full of Sheep and Cattell, abounding with excellent fruits, especially Pines and Sandia's, which are as big as Pumpions, and so waterish that they even melt like snow in the mouth, & cool the heat which there is great, by reason it is a low and Marsh kind of ground, lying neer the South Sea. The next chief Town and most considerable after Capalita is Tecoantepeque; this is a Sea Town upon Mar del Zur, and a harbour for small vessels, such as Trade from those parts to Acapulco and Mexico, and to Realejo and Guatemala, and sometimes to Panama. Here upon some occasions Ships which come from Peru to Acapulco doe call in. It is a port no farther safe, then that no English or Holland Ships doe come thereabouts, which if they did, they would there find no resistance, but from thence would finde an open and easie Rode over all the Countrey. Upon all this South Sea side from Acapulco to Panama, which is above two thousand miles by land there is no open harbour, but this for Guaxaca, and La Trinidad for Guatemala, and Realejo for Nicaragua, and Golfo de Salinas for small vessels in Costa Rica, and all these unprovided of Ordnance and Ammunition, all open dores to let in any Nation that would take the pains to surround[Pg 88] the World to get a treasure. This port of Tecoantepeque is the chiefe for fishing in all that Countrey; wee met here in the wayes sometimes with fifty, sometimes with a hundred mules together laden with nothing but salt fish for Guaxaca, City of the Angels and Mexico. There are some very rich Merchants dwell in it, who trade with Mexico, Peru and Philippinas, sending their small vessels out from Port to Port, which come home richly laden with the Commodities of all the Southerne or Easterne parts. From hence to Guatemala there is a plaine Rode along the Coast of the South Sea, passing through the Provinces of Soconuzco and Suchutepeques; but wee aiming at Chiapa tooke our journey over the high Rocks and Mountaines called Quelenes, travailing first from Tecoantepeque to Estepeque, and from thence through a desert of two dayes journey, where wee were faine to lodge one night by a spring of water upon the bare ground in open wide fields, where neither Town nor house is to bee seene, yet thatcht lodges are purposely made for travailers. This plain lyeth so open to the Sea, that the wind from thence blow so strongly and violently that travailers are scarce able to sit their horses and mules; which is the reason no people inhabit there, because the windes teare their houses, and the least fire that there breaks out, doth a great deale of mischief. This plaine yet is full of Cattell, and Horses and Mares, some wild, some tame; and through this windy Champaigne Country with much adoe we travailed; though my self thought I should even there end my daies, for the second day being to reach to a Towne, and my three friends riding before, thinking that I followed them, evening now drawing on they made more hast to find the Town. But in the meane while my horse refused to goe any further, threatning to lie downe if I put him to more then hee was able. I knew the towne could not be far, and so I lighted, thinking to walke and lead my horse, who also refused to bee led, and so lay downe. With this a troop of thoughts beset mee, and to none I could give a flat answer. I thought if I should goe on foot to finde out the Towne and my company and leave my horse there sadled, I might both lose my selfe, and my horse and saddle; and if I should find the Towne and come in the morning for my horse, the plain was so wide and spatious, that I might seeke long enough, and neither finde him, nor know the place where I left him, for there was nothing neere to marke the place, nor where to hide the saddle, neither hedge, tree, shrub, within a mile on any side. Wherefore I considered my best course would bee to take up my lodging in the wide and open wildernesse with my horse, and to watch him lest hee should wander and stray away, untill the morning or untill my friends might send from the towne to see what was become of mee; which they did not that night, thinking I had taken my way to another Town not far from thence, whither they sent in the morning to enquire for me. I looked about therefore for a commodious place to rest in, but found no choice of lodgings, everywhere I found a bed ready for mee, which was the bare ground; a bolster onely or pillow I wanted for my head, and seeing no bank did kindly offer it selfe to ease a lost stranger, and pilgrime, I unsadled my weary Jade, and with my saddle fitted my head in stead of a pillow. Thus without a supper I went to bed in my Mothers owne bosome, not a little comforted to see my tired horse pluck up his spirits, and make much of his supper, which there was ready for him, of short, dry and withered grasse, upon which hee fed with a greedy and hungry stomack, promising mee by his feeding that the next day he would performe a journey of at least thirty or forty miles. The poor Beast fed apace, my careful eye watched him for at least an houre, when upon a suddain I heard such an hideous noise of howling, barking, and crying, as if a whole Army of dogs were come into the wildernesse, and howled for want of a prey of some dead horse or mule. At first the noise seemed to be a pretty way off from mee; but the more I hearkened unto it, the nigher it came unto mee, and I perceived it was not of dogs by some intermixt shriekings as of Christians, which I observed in it. An observation too sad for alone man without any helpe or comfort in a wildernesse, which made my haire to stand upright, my heart to pant, my body to bee covered with a fearfull sweat as of death. I expected nothing else, not knowing from whence the noise proceeded; sometimes I thought of Witches, sometimes of devils, sometimes of Indians turned into the shape of beasts, (which amongst some hath beene used) sometimes of wild and savage beasts, and from all these thoughts I promised my self nothing but sure death, for the which I prepared my selfe recommending my soule to the Lord, whilst I expected my body should bee a prey to cruell and mercilesse beasts; or[Pg 89] some instruments of that roaring Lion who in the Apostle goeth about seeking whom he may devoure. I thought I could not any waies prevaile by flying or running away, but rather might that way runne my selfe into the jawes of death; to hide there was no place, to lie still I thought was safest, for if they were wild beasts, they might follow their course another way from mee, and so I might escape. Which truly proved my safest course, for while I lay sweating and panting, judging every cry, every howling and shrieking an alarm to my death, being in this agony and fearfull conflict till about midnight, on a suddain the noise ceased, sleep (though but the shadow of death) seized upon my wearied body, and forsook me not, til the mornings glorious lamp shining before my slumbering eies and driving away deaths shadow greeted me with life & safety. When I awaked, my soul did magnifie the Lord for my deliverance from that nights danger, I looked about & saw my horse also neer the place where I had left him, I sadled him presently with desire to leave that wildernesse and to find out my company, and to impart unto them what that night had happened unto mee; I had not rid above a mile, when I came to a brook of water, where were two waies, the one straight forward along the desart, where I could discover no Towne, nor houses, nor trees in a prospect of five or six miles at least; the other way was on the left hand, and that way some two or three miles off I saw a wood of trees, I imagined there might be the Towne; I followed that way, and within a quarter of a mile my Horse beganne to complaine of his poore provender the night before, and to slight me for it; I was fain to light and lead him; and thus againe discouraged with my Horse, and discomforted for the uncertainty of my way, looking about I spied a thatcht house on the one side of the way, and one on Horse-back, who came riding to mee; it was an Indian belonging to that house which was the farme of a rich Indian, and Governour of the next Towne, of whom I asked how farre it was to the Town of Estepeque, he shewed me the trees, and told me that a little beyond them it stood, and that I should not see it untill I came unto it. With this I got up againe and spurred my sullen jade, untill I reached unto the trees, where he was at a stand and would goe no further. Then I unsadled him, and hid my saddle under some low shrubs, and leaving my horse (whom I feared not that any would steale him) I walked unto the Towne which was not above halfe a mile from thence, where I found my three friends were waiting for me, and grieved for the losse of me, had sent to another Towne to enquire for me; it was the least thought they had that I had been a lodger in the desart. When I related unto them and to the Indians the noise and howling that I had heard, the Indians answered me that that was common musick to them almost every night, & that they were Wolves and Tigres which they feared not, but did often meet them and with a sticke or hollowing did scare them away, and that they were onely ravenous for their Fowles, Colts, Calves or Kids. After a little discourse I returned with an Indian to seeke my Horse and saddle, and in that Towne I sould my wearied Mexican beast, and hired another to Ecatepeque whither we went all four friends again in company. Where note that in this plain and champaigne country of Tecoantepeque are five rich and pleasant Townes full of fruits and provision of victuall, all ending in Tepeque, to wit, Tecoantepeque, Estepeque, Ecatepeque, Sanatepeque, and Tapanatepeque. Now from Ecatepeque wee could discover the high mountaines of Quelenes, which were the subject of most of our discourse to Sanatepeque, and from thence to Tapanatepeque. For we had been informed by Spaniards and Travailers in the way, that they were the most dangerous mountains to travail over that were in all those parts; and that there were on the top of them some passages so narrow, and so high, and so open to the boisterous winds that came from the South-sea, which seemed to lie at the very bottom of them; and on each side of these narrow passages such deep precipices among rocks, that many times it had happened, that the wind blowing furiously had cast downe Mules laden with heavy carriages downe the rockes, and likewise Horse-men had been blown down both Horse and man. The sight of the rockes and mountaines did terrifie us, and the report of them did much affright us; so that in all this way we did conferre which way to take, whether the rode way to Guatemala which lieth under those mountaines along the coast by the Country of Soconuzco, from whence (though out of our way) we might have turned to Chiapa, or whether we should steer our right course to Chiapa over those mountains, which we had been informed, we might safely passe over if the winds did not blow too boisterously. We resolved that when wee came to Tapanatepeque we would choose our way according as[Pg 90] the winds did favour or threaten us, but however to Chiapa we would goe, because there we had understood was the Superiour and Provinciall or all the Dominicans of those parts, (to whom we ought to addresse our selves) and also because we would see that famous and much talked of Province of Chiapa. In Sanatepeque wee met with a Frier who gave us stately entertainment, and from thence gave us Indians to guide us to Tapanatepeque, and a letter to the chiefe of the Towne (which also was at his command) to give us Mules to carry us, and Indians to guide us up the mountaines. Here the rest of our Horses also failed us, but their wearinesse was no hinderance to us, for the Indians were willing to give us as much or more then they had cost us, because they were true Mexican breed, and all the way we went to Chiapa and through that country to Guatemala the Towns were to provide us of Mules for nothing. We came to Tapanatepeque (which standeth at the bottome and foot of Quelenes) on Saturday night, and with the letter we carried were very much welcomed and entertained well by the Indians.
This Towne is one of the sweetest and pleasantest of any we had seen from Guaxaca thither, and it seems God hath replenished it with all sorts of comforts which Travailers may need to ascend up those dangerous and steepy rockes. Here is great plenty of cattel for flesh, and rich Indians which have farmes, called there Estantia's, in some a thousand, in some three or four thousand head of cattell; fowles here are in abundance, fish the best store and choisest of any Towne from Mexico thither; for the Sea is hard by it, and besides there runneth by it a small river which yeelds divers sorts of fish. From the mountaines there fall so many springs of water, that with them the Indians water at their pleasure their gardens which are stored with much herbage and sallets. The shade which defends from the heat (which there is great) is the daughter of most sweet and goodly fruit trees, and of Orange, Lemmon, Citron and Fig leaves. The Sabbath morning was so calme that we desired to make use of it, lest by longer delayes the winds should stay us, or force us to the coast of Soconusco. But the Indians intreated us to bee their guests at dinner, not doubting but the weather would hold, and promising us to provide us strong and lusty Mules, and provision of fruits, and fried fish, or fowles, or what our selves desired. We could not refuse this their kind offer, and so stayed dinner with them. After dinner our Mules were brought, and two Indians to guide us and carry our provision, which was some fried fish, and a cold rosted Capon, with some fruit as much as might suffice us for a day, for the chief ascent and danger is not above seven leagues, or one and twenty English miles, and then beyond the top of the mountaines three miles is one of the richest farms for Horses, Mules, and Cattel, in all the Countrey of Chiapa, where we knew we should be welcomed by one Don John de Toledo, who then lived there. Though these mountaines shew themselves with severall sharp pointed heads, and are many joyned together, yet one of them is only mentioned in that Country by the Travailers, which is called Maquilapa, over the which lieth the way to Chiapa. To this high, steepy, and craggy Maquilapa we tooke our journey after dinner, and were by the proud mountaine that night well entertained, and harboured in a green plot of ground resembling a meadow, which lay as a rib of the one side of that huge and more then Pyrenian monster. The Indians comforted us with the shews of faire weather, and told us that they doubted not but the next day at noone we should be at Don John de Toledo his Estancia, or farme. With this we spread our supper upon the green table-cloth, and at that first meale eat up our Capon and most of the provision of our cold fried fish, leaving only a bit for our mornings breakefast, the springs of water like Conduit-pipes, trickling downe the rockes, gave us melodious musicke to our supper; the Indians fed merrily, and our Mules contentedly, and so the fountaine Nymphes sung us asleep till morning, which seemed to us as calme and quiet as the day before, and encouraged us hastily to snatch that bit which we had left and so up from breakefast, to say merrily, up to Maquilapa. We had not winded the mountaine upwards much above a mile, when the higher we mounted, the more we heard the wind from above whistling unto us, and forbidding us to goe any further. We were now halfe way up, and doubtfull what wee should doe, whither go forward, or returne to Tapanatepeque to eat more fish, or to stay where we were a while untill the weather were more calme, which we thought might be at noone or towards evening. The Indians told us that about a mile further there was a fountaine of water, and a lodge made under trees on purpose for Travailers that[Pg 91] were either benighted or hindred by the winds to compasse their journey up the mountaine. Thither we went with much adoe, hoping the wind would fall; but still the higher we climbed, the stronger we felt the breath or Æolus, and durst not like the people called Psilli (of whom Herodotus writeth) march against him, least as they in stead of a victory found a grave in the sands where they met to oppose him, so we in stead of ascending should by a furious blast be made to descend into those deep and horrid precipices, which truely threatned death, and offered themselves to be a grave unto our torne and mangled bodies. We liked the fountaine very well, and the lodge better for the harbour of trees which compassed it about. The wind kept on breathing, and we stood still fearing, till the day was so farre spent that we had no hopes of going back, or forward. Of any supper we despaired that night, who would have been glad now to have picked a bone of a Capons leg, or to have sucked a fishes head, and saw there was nothing for us, but only to feed our hungry stomackes with the remembrance of the plenty the night before. Thus gazing one upon another, and sometimes looking down to the fountaine, sometimes looking up to the trees, we perceived amongst them a Lemmon tree, full of small and very sowre green Lemmons. It was not with us as with Tantalus who could neither injoy the fruit above him, nor the waters beneath him; we could and did most greedily catch and snatch the Lemmons, which were sawce for no meate, but onely to fill an empty stomack; with them wee supped and tooke our rest. The next morning the wind was rather stronger then calmer, and we as strong the second day as the first in our purpose of staying there, and not turning our backes like Cowards. The Indians were also willing to stay yet one day longer; so we fell to our breakefast of Lemmons which were somewhat coole to a fasting stomack, and relished nothing the better with a draught from the cleere fountaine. And of what we left on the tree we made our dinner and supper, adding to our water what we saw the Indians did drinke, who had their small bags full of powder of their Maiz, of which first making cakes as dry as bisket they then grind them to powder, and when they travaile, carry with them that powder to drink with water. This wee thought might bee more nourishing to us, then Lemmons and water onely, and so for that day we bought of them halfe a bagfull of powder giving for it in our want and necessity four rials, or two English shillings, which out of Maquilapa and that our feare of starving might not be worth above a penny; and yet this was but weake nourishment for our feeble bodies. Thus we waited all Tuesday for the laying of the wind, resolving the next morning either to goe up the hill, or downe againe to Tapanatepeque. But on Wednesday morning the wind seeming to be somewhat laid, we purposed to stay till noon hoping then it would be sure travailing; but it ceased not but rather increased a little; whereupon one of our company resolved to goe upwards a mile or two on foot, and trie the passages, and the danger of the wind and to bring us word againe; for we thought our feare might be greater then the danger, who had heard much talke, but had not as yet seen any thing worth our feare. Up therefore went our friend, who staid from us neer two houres, and then returning backe he told us he thought we might get up leading our Mules by the bridles. But what with further questions and debates the time passed away, so that we thought it might be too late; and for that day we put off our journey untill the next morning, resolutely purposing to goe forwards altogether if the wind were not much increased. So that day we fell again to our green crabby Lemmons, water and Maiz powder, all which we found had much weakned our bodies and feared if we continued there any longer they might hasten our death. Wherefore on Thursday morning (the wind being as the day before) commending our selves first unto the protection of that Lord whom the winds and sea obey, we mounted up upon our Mules (leaving our names written in the barke of a great tree, and the dayes we stayed there without food) and so went upward. Wee perceived no great danger in the wind a great while, but some steps and passages upon stony rockes we feared for the narrownesse of them, and there we lighted, thinking our selves safer upon our own two feet, then upon the four feet of a beast. But when we came up to the very top of Maquilapa (which signifies in that tongue, A head without haire) we perceived truly the danger so much talked of, and wished our selves again with our green Lemmons in the way to Tapanatepeque, for we found it indeed a head without haire, a top without a tree or branch to shelter a fearfull Traveller; the passage that lieth open to the sea may be no more than a quarter of a mile, but the height and narrownesse of it stupefieth, for if we looke on[Pg 92] the one side, there is the wide and spatious South-sea lying so deep and low under it that it dazleth the eies to behold it; if wee looke on the other side, there are rockes of at least six or seven miles depth; whose sight doth make the stoutest and hardest heart (though like themselves) to quake and quiver; so that here the sea expects to swallow, there the rockes threaten to tear with a downfall, and in the midst of those dangers in some places the passage is not above an ell broad. We needed better cordialls for that quarter of a mile then feeding three daies upon green Lemmons and water, and durst not man our selves so much as to goe through it upon our Mules; we lighted, and gave the Indians our Mules to lead, and we followed them one by one not daring to walk upright for fear of head giddinesse with looking on either side, but bowing our bodies we crept upon our hands and feet as neere unto the trackes which beasts and Travailers had made as we could without hindering our going. And when we had got to the end of that passage, and where the mountaine was broader, and the trees promised reliefe, we then looked back boldly, and accused of folly both our selves and all other Travailers that sought no other way though ten miles about, to avoid that danger both for man and beast. From thence joyfully we made haste to Don John de Toledo, who made us welcome and gave us some warme broath to comfort our stomacks, which were so weake that no sooner had wee eat any thing, but presently we cast it up againe; till after many sups of broath and wine we recovered strength towards night, and eat our suppers; there we stayed two daies; and thus thoroughly refreshed wee went to Acapala a very great Towne of Indians in the Province of Chiapa, standing by the same river that passeth by Chiapa, which is called Chiapa de Indios, or Chiapa of the Indians, to distinguish it from another Chiapa, called Chiapa Reall the Roial Chiapa, or Chiapa de Espanoles, Chiapa of the Spaniards. From Acapala we went first to Chiapa of the Indians, which standeth almost as low as Maquilapa is high, seated upon a river as broad as is the Thames at London, which hath its spring from the mountaines called Cuchumatlanes, in the rode from Chiapa Real to Guatemala, and runnes towards the Province of Zoques, where it entreth into the river of Tabasco. But of this Chiapa I will speak a little more in the next Chapter, and now onely say that here we were joyfully entertained by those Fryers, who looked upon us as members belonging to the Corporation of that their Province, and assured us that the Provinciall and chief Superiour would be very glad of our coming, who wanted Spanish Fryers to oppose the Criolians and Natives who strived to get a head as they had done in Mexico and Guaxaca. Here we understood that the Provinciall was not above one daies journey from thence. Here also we met with our friend Peter Borallo, who had come before us alone, and made his escape from Mexico: he comforted us much with the good and kind usage which he had found there; yet he told us how Calvo was gone with the rest of his traine from Mexico to Acapulco, & from thence was shipped with them to Philippinas; but that at his departure he had writ a letter of bitter complaints unto the Superiour of Chiapa and Guatemala against him and us four, desiring the Provinciall not to entertaine us, but to send us backe to Mexico, to be shipped from thence the next yeer unto Philippinas; which letter was not regarded; but much slighted by the Provinciall. After we had been a week feasted in Chiapa, we thought it now fit to present our selves to the Provinciall (whose name was Fryer Peter Alvarez) that from him we might receive judgement, and know whether we should stay in that Province, or be forced to return to Spaine, for in no other part of America we could be entertained. We found the Provinciall in a little Towne called St. Christopher, between Chiapa of the Indians and the Roiall Chiapa, recreating himselfe in the shady walkes, which are many sweet and pleasant in that small Towne; where also there is store of fish, and great abundance of rare, and exquisite fruits. He entertained us very lovingly with faire and comfortable words, with a stately dinner and supper, and before we went to bed, to shew his humility hee did unto us what Christ to his Disciples, hee washed our feet. The first day he said little or nothing unto us concerning our continuing in that Country; but the next day he discovered unto us his full resolutions, with many wile and cunning sophismes. For first he read unto us the letter which Calvo had writ unto him against us, glossing upon it how ill we had done in forsaking our first love and calling to Philippinas, and the danger many Indian soules might bee in by reason of our not going thither to convert and instruct them, whose gifts and abilities he supposed might have been more profitable and comfortable to those souls, then those who in our stead and absence should be sent amongst[Pg 93] them. And secondly hee told us how wee had frustrated the King of Spaines good hopes of us who had allowed us means and maintenance from Spain to Mexico, hoping that by us many soules of Indians in Philippinas might bee saved. Thirdly, hee told us that hee looked upon us as his prisoners, in whose power it was to imprison us, and to send us Prisoners to Mexico to the Viceroy, to bee shipped from thence to Manila, according to Calvo his demand. But for the present hee would not let us know what hee meant to doe with us; Onely hee bad us not to bee discouraged, but to be merry and recreate our selves, and that after dinner wee should know more from him, when he had received an answer to a Letter which hee had writ unto the City of Chiapa concerning the disposall of our persons. These reasonings of the grave and old Provinciall did not a little sad our hearts; for the losse of soules, and King of Spain his intentions and charity charged upon us, and imprisonment spoke of by the by, were words which seemed of a very high straine, and so could hardly bee digested by us; this mornings breakfast had quite taken away from us our stomack to our dinner. And thus wee departed from the presence of the venerable Fryer Peter Alvarez, and betooke our selves to a shady walke under Orange trees belonging to the house where this Superiour was. In this shade wee conferred with our selves upon the words of Alvarez, and finding them of so high a nature, as involving soules, a King, and imprisonment, we thought verily wee should bee sent back to Mexico, and from thence like fugitive slaves bee forced to Philippinas. Here my hopes of ever more seeing England were lost; Antonio Melendez his heart panted, wished himself again upon the highest top of Maquilapa; another wished himselfe with old Calvo at Sea sailing to Manila, though it were but to help him scrape his rusty Gammons of Bacon.
The motion was made to make an escape from Alvarez, as wee had done from Calvo; but to this answer was made, that whither so ever wee went, not knowing the Country, wee should bee discovered; and that put case the worst, wee should bee sent to Mexico, wee might better escape in the way, then there where wee were. At last I told the rest, that I could conceive no hard nor harsh usage from that smiling and loving countenance of the Provinciall, nor after that his low and humble act of washing our feet the night before; and that I thought verily hee wished us well for having come so far to offer our selves for fellow-labourers in that harvest of souls belonging to his charge, and whom wee knew wanted such as we were newly come from Spain to oppose the Criolians or Natives faction in that Province; alleadging furthermore the example of our friend and companion Peter Borallo, whom hee had already incorporated into that province, and could doe no lesse with us without partiality and acceptation of persons. And lastly, my opinion was, that in case wee ought not to be entertained there, yet the Provinciall would not send us back to Mexico, there to be disgraced and affronted, but would give way unto us to returne to Spain, or whither else wee would, with some relief and mony in our purses. Whilst wee were thus troubled, and in this sad and serious discourse, old Alvarez it seemes had been eying of us from his window, and as Joseph could not long suppresse and keep in the expressions of a loving and tender heart unto his brethren; so this good Superior perceiving that we were troubled with what he had said unto us, sent his companion unto us to comfort us; which wee easily perceived by his discourse when hee came unto us. For as soone as hee came hee asked us why wee were so sad and melancholy? hee told us, the Provinciall also had observed that wee were troubled. But, said hee, bee of good cheare; bee confident that the Provinciall wisheth you very well, and needeth such as you are, and having come into his Dominion to thrust your selves upon his mercy, by harsh and unkind usage hee will not doe what Martiall Law forbids a hard hearted Souldier to doe unto his enemy upon such termes. Many such comfortable words did he speak unto us; and told us further that the Provinciall had been much censured by the Criolian party for entertaining of Peter Borallo; and that now they would stir worse seeing four more come to weaken their faction; and therefore hee desired to bee well advised concerning us, and to carry our businesse with such discretion, as might give little offence to those who were apt to judge and censure the best of all his actions. And finally hee did assure us, that wee should never bee sent back as prisoners to Mexico by the Provinciall, who in case hee could not entertaine us in Chiapa, or Guatemala, would further us with all his favour, and friends, and money in our purses to return againe to Spain. These reasons were heart fainting Cordials unto us, and stomack preparatives to a[Pg 94] good dinner, to which by the sound of a bell wee were invited. When wee came in, the loving, smiling, and fatherly countenance of the good Provinciall did chear us more then all the cheare that waited for us upon the table in severall dishes, all which were seasoned to our palates with the sauce of the comfort, which the Provincials messenger had brought unto us in the shady Orange walke in the garden. The great provision of fish and flesh, with fruits and sweet meats were yet to us a strong argument that wee were very welcome; for what wee fed on that day, might well become a Noble mans Table; besides in many passages of our discourse wee perceived that good old Alvarez his heart was overjoyed with our comming to him. Dinner being ended the Provinciall desired to play a game at Tables with us round about, saying hee would not win our money, because hee judged us poore after so long a journey. But thus hee setled the game and sport; that if he did win, we should say for him five Pater Nosters, and five Ave Maries; but if wee wun, wee should win our admittance, and Incorporation into that Province. This sport pleased us well, for our winnings wee judged would be to us more profitable at that time, then to winne pounds, and our loosings we valued not; besides wee were confident all went well with us, when from the favour of the Dice, wee might challenge that favour which with many weary journeys wee had come to seek above foure hundred miles. The sport began, and wee young blades taking one by one our turnes were too hard for the old man, who (as wee perceived) would willingly bee the loser, that his very losses might speak unto us what through policy and discretion hee would not utter with words. Yet wee boldly challenged our winnings, which as soone as wee had ended our game were now surely confirmed unto us by the returne of an Indian messenger, who that morning had been sent to the City of Chiapa for advice and counsell from the Prior and the chiefe of the Cloister concerning our disposal, and now was returned with an answer from the Prior, who in his letter expressed great joy unto the Provinciall for our comming, and so from the rest of the Seniors of the Cloister, and did earnestly begge of the Superiour, that hee would send us to him to bee his guests, for that our case had beene his owne some ten yeers before, for hee had also at Mexico forsaken his company to Philippinas, and fled to Guatemala, where for his learning and good parts hee had been as a stranger much envied by the Criolian faction; but now hee hoped hee should have some to side with him against such as spighted and maligned him. Old Alvarez was much taken with his letter, and told us hee must pay what hee had lost, and that the next day he would send us to Chiapa, there to abide untill hee tooke further care of us, to send us to other parts of the Country, to learne the Indian languages, that wee might preach unto them. This discourse being ended wee betooke our selves again to the Garden which smelled more of comfort then before dinner, and to our shady walks which now offered us a safer protection then they had done in the forenoone, countenancing that protection which we had gained from the Provinciall.
Here we began to praise God, who had looked upon us in our low estate, not forgetting the wise and politick Provinciall, who though hee had lost his games for our comfort, wee would not hee should lose our prayers, which there wee offered up to God for his health and safety. And so till supper time wee continued our discourse in the Garden fuller of mirth and pleasant jests, then wee had done before dinner, snatching now and then at the Oranges and Lemmons, which were there both sowre and sweet, eating of some, and casting some one at another, but especially at him who had wished himselfe with Calvo dressing his rusty Bacon, whom we strived to beat out of the garden by force of Orange and Lemmon bullets; which sport we continued the more willingly, because wee perceived the good Provinciall stood behind a Lattice in a Balcony beholding us, and rejoycing to see our hearts so light and merry. Wee had no sooner beat Calvo his friend out of the garden, when the bell to supper sounded a retreat to us all, and called us again to meet our best friend Alvarez, who had furnished us a Table againe like that at noone. After supper hee told us that the next morning hee would send us to Chiapa, for that the Prior had writ unto him he would meet us in the way with a Breakfast at a Towne called St. Philip; wherewith wee conceited very highly of our selves to see that Provincialls and Priors were so forward to feast us. Yet before we went to bed, the Provinciall would try again a game at Tables with every one of us, to see if now hee could beat us that had been too hard for him at noon. The matter of our game was now altered, and what we played for was this; if the Provinciall[Pg 95] wun, wee were to bee his Prisoners, (which mystery wee understood not till the next day, for the old man was crafty and Politick, and knew hee could winne of us when he listed, for hee was an excellent gamester at Tables) but if wee wun of him, hee was to give us a box of Chocolatte, which was a drinke wee liked very well. The Game went on, and wee every one of us one by one were losers, yet understood not how wee should bee his Prisoners, but slighted our losses. Yet for all this the merry Provinciall told us, hee was sory wee had lost, and wished wee might never bee prisoners to a worse enemie then hee; and that wee should perceive it, hee would comfort us each one as a Prisoner with a box of Chocolatte, to drinke for his sake, and to comfort our hearts, when most wee should find them discomforted for our losses. Wee understood not his meaning till the next day at noone, but thought it was a jest and a word of sport and mirth, like many such like which in his discourse had come from him.
With this wee tooke our leaves, and went to bed with light and merry hearts. In the morning two Mules of the Provinciall and two of his Companion were sadled for us, and at least a dozen Indians on horse back waited for us to conduct us up a steepy hill and through woods to the Towne of St. Philip. After our breakfast the good Provinciall imbraced us, and bad us farewell, desiring us to pray for him; and not to bee discouraged by any thing that might befall us, assuring us hee wished us very well, and would doe what lay in his power for our good; yet so, that hee must use policy and discretion to stop the mouths of the Criolians, whom hee knew hated both him and us. Thus we departed with Waits and Trumpets sounding before us, which rebounded an Echo all the way up the hill from us to old Alvarez whom we had left in a low bottome compassed about with hils on every side. Wee had no sooner ascended up to the top of the Mountaine, when we discovered a little Valley, and in it the City of Chiapa of the Spaniards; with two or three small Villages, of which one was St. Philip at the bottom of the Mountaine, which we were to descend. The Trumpets which still went sounding before us were a sufficient and loud Alarme to St. Philips Inhabitants of our coming, and a warning for the speedier hastening of our second breakfast, for the which the cold morning aire (which wee found somewhat piercing upon the Mountaine) had whetted and through prepared our stomacks. We had not got down the Mountaine halfe a mile, when wee met with a matter of twenty gallant Indians on horse-back with their trumpeters sounding before them, and behind them came upon a stately Mule the Prior of Chiapa, (whose name was Father John Baptist) a merry fat Fryer, who calling us his brethren fugitives from Philippinas, told us wee were welcome to that country, and to him especially, and that in the next St. Philip he would shew us better sport, then any St. Philip in all the Philippinas Islands could have shewed us, if wee had gone thither. Thus with a pleasant discourse, and many merry conceits from the good Prior wee soone came downe the hill, where the whole Village of St. Philip waited for us both men and women, some presenting unto us nosegaies, others hurling Roses and other flowers in our faces, others dancing before us all along the street, which was strowed with herbes and Orange leaves, and adorned with many Arches made with flowers and hung with garlands for us to ride under untill wee came to the Church, where for halfe an houre wee were welcomed with the best musick from the City of Chiapa, which the Prior had hired to come with him to entertaine us. Our Musick being ended, fat Father John Baptist stood up and made a short speech unto the Indians, giving them thankes for their kind and pompous entertainment of us his speciall friends, and that their soules might gaine by it, hee granted unto them a plenary indulgence of all their sinnes past to bee gained by as many of them as should visit that Church the next Lords Day either before or afternoon. And thus from the Altar wee went unto our breakfasting Table, which was furnished with many well seasoned dishes of salt and well peppered and spiced meats, all fit to make us relish better a cup of Spanish Pier Ximeny which the Prior had provided for us. After our salt meats, came such rare and exquisite sorts of sweet meats made by John Baptist his best devoted Nuns of Chiapa, that the like wee had not seen from St. John de Ulhua to that place. These were to prepare our stomacks for a Cup of Chocolatte, with the which we ended our breakfast. But whilst all this was gallantly performed by the Prior, it was a hard Riddle unto us, what hee often repeated unto us saying, Brethren break your fast well, for your dinner will be the meanest as ever yee did eate in your lives, and now enjoy this sweet liberty which will not last long unto you. Wee observed the words, but[Pg 96] knew not what to make of them, till wee came unto the Cloister. After our breakfast the Indians shewed us a little sport in the Market place, running races on horse-back, and playing at Juego de Canna's; which is to meet on horseback, with broad Targets to defend their heads and shoulders while passing by they hurle Canes, or darts one at another, which those Indians acted with great dexterity.
Thus the good Prior of Chiapa feasted us, and permitted us to injoy our liberty as long as it seemes it had beene agreed upon by letters between him and the Provinciall, which was till it might be dinner time in the Cloister of Chiapa, where wee were to bee before noone. The time drew neere, and we had from St. Philip to the City of Chiapa some two English miles to ride; Wherefore the Prior commanded our Mules to bee brought; the waits and trumpets gave warning to the Town of our departure; and so with many horsemen, with dances, Musick and ringing of Bells wee were as stately and joyfully conducted out of the Town, as wee had been inducted into it. At the first halfe miles end the Prior gave thankes unto the Indians, and desired them to return, the Cloister being neer where wee expected another kinde of entertainment, not using in the City and Cloister that pompe and state, which in the Country might bee allowed. The Indians tooke their leaves of us; and on we went with onely two as guides before us. Within halfe a mile of the City, the Prior and a companion of his stopped, and tooke out of his pocket an order from the Provinciall, which he read unto us, to this effect, That whereas we had forsaken our lawfull Superior Calvo in the way to Philippinas, and without his licence had come unto the Province of Chiapa, hee could not in conscience but inflict some punishment upon us before he did enable us to abide there as members under him; therefore hee did strictly command the Prior of Chiapa, that as soone as wee should enter into his Cloister, hee should shut us up two by two in our chambers, as in prisons, for three daies, not suffering us to goe out to any place, save onely to the publick place of refection (called Refectory) where all the Fryers met together to dine and sup, where at noon time we were to present our selves before all the Cloister sitting upon the bare ground, and there to receive no other dinner, but only bread and water; but at supper we might have in our chambers, or Prisons, what the Prior would be pleased to allow us. This was the Penance enjoined upon us by the wise and cunning Provinciall. This newes at the first was but sowre sawce, or a dry Postpast after a double sumptuous breakfast; it was a dolefull ditty to us after our Musick, and dances, to heare of a treble fast after our feast; to heare of imprisonment after so great liberty. We now began to remember the Provincialls winnings at Tables the night before, and the mystery thereof, and began to thinke how comfortable his boxes of Chocolatte would be unto us after a meale of bread and water. Now wee called to minde the short dinner the Prior had told us at St. Philips wee were like to have that day, and of the liberty hee bad us then make much of. But the good Prior seeing us sad upon a suddaine, and our countenances changed, smiled upon us, wishing us not to thinke the worse of him, nor of the Provinciall, who did that out of Policy, and to stop the Criolians mouths, whom he knew would murmur, if no punishment were inflicted upon us. Hee assured us, after our imprisonment, of honours and preferments, and that as long as wee were with him, wee should want no incouragement; and that after a bread and water dinner hee could send us to our chambers a Supper, that should strongly support our empty stomacks, and furre and line them well for the next foure and twenty houres. With these incouragements on wee went to the Cloister of Chiapa, where wee were welcomed by most of the Fryers, but in some few wee noted a frowning and disaffected countenance. We were no sooner conducted to our chambers, when the bell sounded to dinner for the rest, and cryed aloud to us Penance with bread and water. Downe wee went to the common dining place, and thanks being given, the Fryers sitting round the tables, wee foure Philippinian Jonahs (so some Criolians were pleased to term us) betook our selves to the middle of the Refectory, where without cushions, stooles, seats or forms, wee sate upon the bare ground crosse legged like Tailors, acting humility now for our disobedience unto slovenly Calvo. While the first dish was presented round the tables, to each of us was presented a loafe of reasonable bignesse, and a pot of pure Crystall water, whereof wee fed and dranke most heartily though with full stomacks from a double breakfast before. Yet even here in this publick Act of shame and disgrace (which wee knew was usuall among Fryers for lesse faults then ours) we had this comfort, that we had[Pg 97] a Prior and Provinciall for friends, and that that punishment came from a friendly hand, whose Chocolatte wee had to comfort our fasting bodies; and secondly, wee knew that wee should have that night in our prison chambers a better supper than any of those before us, who fed upon their three or foure dishes. But thirdly, it was our comfort that at that very time a Criolian Frier also sate upon the ground with us (of whose company we had been informed by some friends before wee went into the refectory) for some love letters which had been intercepted between him and a Nun of that City, tending to much uncivility, and breaking their oath of professed chastity. But when I perceived this Frier to looke discontentedly upon us, I chose my place as neer unto him as I could, and hearing him mutter within himselfe against us, calling us disobedient Philippinian Jonahs, I softly and friendly spoke unto him with these two following Hexameters, which suddenly came unto my mind about his misdemeanor.
Si Monialis Amor te turpia scribere fecit,
Ecce tibi frigidæ præhent medicamina lymphæ.
But my good neighbour snuffing and puffing at my suddain muse, seemed to be more discontented then before, and would faine withdraw himselfe by degrees from mee, not rising up (for that was not lawfull to doe till dinner had been ended) but wrigling his elbowes and shoulders scornefully from me, whom in like manner I followed, cleaving friendly to him with this verse,
Solamen misera est socios retinere Panettes,
Hee thought I followed him to steale away his loafe from him. This new found word, Panettes, had almost choaked him, had not hee made use of the medicinall water which stood before him; of the which he dranke a good draught, whereby I perceived his courage against me and my friends was tamed, and I told him, I hoped his burning wanton love was cooled.
Thus with my Criolian neighbours company my bread and water went down cheerfully; and dinner being ended, we were again conducted to our chambers, where we dranke a cup of old Alvarez his Chocolatte. The Castilian Friers flocked unto our prisons, some to talke with us, some bringing us conserves and sweet-meats, others other dainties, which they had prepared to helpe our digestion of bread and cold water. My suddain verses to my Criolian neighbour were presently noysed about the Cloister, and were the chiefe subject of our talke that afternoone. Our supper was provided for us according to the promise and generous spirit of the Prior, who also honoured our prison that night with his owne and two other Friers company supping with us all in one chamber together. And thus we passed our three daies of imprisonment merrily and contentedly, wishing we might never suffer harder usage in any prison then we had done in this, which was not to us such a punishment as did bring with it the privation of any liberty of enjoying the company of friends, of feasting with them, but onely the privation of the liberty of our legs to walke about those three daies; and this rather an ease then a punishment, for that we wanted rather rest, then much stirring after so long and tedious a journey as we had compassed from Mexico thither. We were no sooner set at liberty, but we presently found the Provinciall and Prior ready to dispose of us so, that in lieu of our imprisonment we might receive honor and credit. Two were sent into the Country to learne some Indian language, that so they might be beneficed and preach unto the Indians. My selfe and another desired to goe farther to Guatemala, that there we might practise Philosophy and Divinity in the famous Universitie of that City. Nothing that we desired was denied unto us, onely the time was thought not fit untill Michaelmas, because then the schooles were renewed, and new Orders setled. In the meane time the Provinciall having also heard of my verses ex tempore to the Criolian Frier, and knowing that the Latin tongue is better grounded in England then among the Spaniards (who abuse poore Priscian and daily breake his pate with foolish soloecismes) and considering the want hee had of a Master of the Latine tongue to supply a Lecture of Grammar and Syntax to the youthes of Chiapa in a schoole in that Cloister, which brought a sufficient yeerly stipend unto the Covent, desired me to accept of that place untill such time as he should take care to send me to Guatemala, promising me all incouragements in the meane time fitting, and that I should when I would go about to see the Country (which I much desired) and also that out of the schoole annuity I should have my allowance for bookes,[Pg 98] and other necessaries. I could not but accept of this good offer; and so with this imployment I remained in that City from Aprill to the end of September, where I was much esteemed of by the Bishop and Governour, but especially by the Prior, who would never ride about the Country for his recreation, but he would take me with him, whereby I had occasion to note concerning the Province, riches, commodities, and government of Chiapa, what in the ensuing Chapter I shall faithfully commend unto the Presse.
Though Chiapa in the opinion of the Spaniards be held to be one of the poorest Countries of America; because in it as yet there have been no mines discovered, nor golden sands found in the rivers, nor any haven upon the South-sea, whereby commodities are brought in and carried out, as to Mexico, Guaxaca and Guatemala; yet I may say it exceedeth most Provinces in the greatness and beauty of fair Towns, and yeeldeth to none except it be to Guatemala; nay it surpasseth all the rest of America in that one, and famous and most populous Towne of Chiapa of the Indians. And it ought not to be so much slighted by the Spaniards as it is, if they would looke upon it as standing between Mexico and Guatemala, whose strength might be all Americaes strength, and whose weakenesse may prove dangerous to all that flourishing Empire, for the easy entrance into it by the river of Tabasco, or for its neer joyning and bordering unto Jucatan. Besides, the commodities in it are such as doe uphold a constant trading and commerce amongst the inhabitants themselves, and with other neighbouring Countries, and from no one part of America doth Spaine get more Cochinil then from one of the Provinces of Chiapa; the Townes also being great and populous, by their yeerly pole tribute do adde much to the King of Spaines revenues.
This Country is divided into three Provinces, to wit, Chiapa, Zeldales, and Zoques; whereof Chiapa it selfe is the poorest. This containes the great Towne of Chiapa of the Indians, and all the Townes and farmes North-ward towards Maquilapa, and West-ward the Priory of Comitlan, which hath some ten Townes, and many farmes of Cattle, Horses, and Mules subject unto it; and neighbouring unto it lieth the great valley of Capanabastla, which is another Priory reaching towards Soconuzco. This valley glorieth in the great river, which hath its spring from the mountaines called Cuchumatlanes, and runneth to Chiapa of the Indians, and from thence to Tabasco. It is also famous for the abundance of fish, which the river yeeldeth, and the great store of Cattell which from thence minister food and provision both to the City of Chiapa, and to all the adjacent Townes. Though Chiapa the City, and Comitlan as standing upon the hils, bee exceeding cold, yet this valley lying low is extraordinary hot, and from May to Michaelmas is subject to great stormes and tempests of thunder and lightning. The head Towne where the Priory stands, is called Capanabastla, consisting of above eight hundred Indian inhabitants. But greater than this is Izquintenango at the end of the valley and at the foot of the mountaines of Cuchumatlanes Southward. And yet bigger then this is the Towne of St. Bartholomew Northward at the other end of the valley, which in length is about fourty miles, and ten or twelve onely in breadth. All the rest of the Townes lie towards Soconuzco, and are yet hotter and more subject to thunder and lightning, as drawing neerer unto the South-sea coast. Besides the abundance of cattell, the chiefe commoditie of this valley consisteth in Cotton-wooll, whereof are made such store of mantles for the Indians wearing, that the Merchants far and neer come for them. They exchange them to Soconuzco and Suchutepeques for Cacao, whereby they are well stored of that drinke. So that the inhabitants want neither fish (which they have from the river) nor flesh (for that the valley abounds with Cattell) nor clothing (for of that they spare to others) nor bread, though not of wheat, for there growes none; but Indian Maiz they have plenty of; and besides they are exceedingly stored with fowles and Turkeys, fruits, Hony, Tobacco and Sugar-canes.[Pg 99] Neither is mony here nor in Chiapa so plentifull as in Mexico and Guaxaca; and whereas there they reckon by Patacones, or pieces of Eight; here they reckon by Tostones which are but halfe Patacones. Though the river be many waies profitable to that valley, yet it is cause of many disasters to the inhabitants, who lose many times their children, and their Calves and Colts drawing neere to the water-side, where they are devoured by Caymanes, which are many and greedy of flesh, by reason of the many prizes they have got. The City of Chiapa Real, is one of the meanest Cities in all America, consisting of not above four hundred housholders Spaniards, and about an hundred houses of Indians joyning to the City, and called el barrio de los Indios, who have a Chappell by themselves. In this City there is no Parish Church, but onely the Cathedrall, which is mother to all the inhabitants. Besides, there are two Cloisters, one of Dominicans, and the other of Franciscans, and a poore Cloister of Nuns, which are burdensome enough to that City. But the Jesuites having got no footing there (who commonly live in the richest and wealthiest places and Cities) is a sufficient argument of either the poverty of that City, or of want of gallant parts, and prodigality in the gentry, from whose free and generous spirits they like Horse-leeches are still sucking extraordinary and great almes for the Colledges where they live; but here the Merchants are close handed, and the Gentlemen hard, and sparing, wanting of wit and Courtiers parts and bravery, and so poore Chiapa is held no fit place for Jesuites. The Merchants chiefe trading there is in Cacao, Cotton-wool from the adjacent parts of the Country, in Pedlers small wares, and in some Sugar from about Chiapa of the Indians, in a little Cochinil; for commonly the Governour (whose chiefe gaine consisteth in this) will not suffer them to be too free in this commoditie, lest they hinder his greedy traffique. These have their shops all together in a little Market-place before the Cathedrall Church, built with walkes and Porches, under which the poore Indian wives meet at five a clock at evening to sell what slap and drugges they can prepare most cheape for the empty Criolian stomackes. The richer sort of these Merchants go and send yet further to Tabasco for wares from Spaine, such as wines, Linnen cloth, Figs, Raisins, Olives, and Iron, though in these commodities they dare not venture too much, by reason the Spaniards in that Country are not very many, and those that are there, are such as are loath to open their purses to more then what may suffice nature. So that what are Spanish commodities are chiefly brought for the Friers who are the best and joviallest blades of that Countrey. The Gentlemen of Chiapa are a by-word all about that Country, signifying great Dons (dones, gifts or abilities I should say) great birth, phantasticke pride, joyned with simplicity, ignorance, misery and penury. These Gentlemen will say they descend from some Dukes house in Spain, and immediately from the first Conquerors; yet in carriage they are but clownes, in wit, abilities, parts and discourse as shallow brained, as a low brooke, whose waters are scarce able to leap over a pibble stone; any small reason soone tries and tires their weak braine, which is easily at a stand when sense is propounded, and slides on speedily when non-sense carrieth the streame. The chiefe families in this City, are named, Cortez, Solis, Velasco, Toledo, Zerna, and Mendoza. One of these, who was thought the chiefe in my time, called Don Melchor de Velasco, one day fell into discourse with mee concerning England, and our English nation, and in the best, most serious and judicious part of his Don-like conference, asked me whether the sun and moone in England were of the same colour as in Chiapa, and whether English men went barefoot like the Indians, and sacrificed one another as formerly did the Heathens of this Countrey? and whether all England could afford such a dainty as a dish of Frixoles (which is the poorest Indians daily food there, being black and dry Turkey or French beanes boyled with a little biting Chille or Indian pepper with garlicke, till the broath become as black as any Inke)? And whether the women in England went as long with child, as did the Spanish women? And lastly, whether the Spanish nation were not a farre gallanter nation then the English? When I perceived my Don ran farther and farther into his simple and foolish questions, I cut him off suddenly, telling him, Sir, It is long since I came out of England, if you give me leave to recollect my memory, I will answer some of these your hard questions the next time we meet (thinking hereby to try my Dons wit further, whether he could perceive I jeared him.) To which my simple Don replyed, I pray Sir doe, and whensoever you come, you shall be welcome to a dish of Frixoles. With this I tooke my leave of him, and at our farewell, he againe desired[Pg 100] mee to study well his questions, and to return him a speedy answer, whereby I was more confirmed in my conceit of my Don, that he was either tonto or bobo, foole or simple. Yet thought I my best way to answer is to answer a fool according to his folly, and so resolved within two or three daies to return unto him some simple answer according to his simple and foolish questions. Therefore speedily I singled out a good occasion of meeting with him at his own house, who welcomed me with much Spanish gravity, and sitting down before Donna Angela, his painted wife and Angel; began to answer, or more to jeer his Donship. I began with the Sun and Moon, telling him that they were planets, & had their speciall influences upon severall nations, as all planets have upon mans body. And so they did shew themselves according to the inclination of the people of severall Kingdomes. And therefore as the Spaniards were much inclined to Venus and to beauty, and not contenting themselves with the naturall beauty of their faire Ladies, would yet have Art add to nature by the skill and use of the best painting colours; so these glorious planets of the Sun and Moon among the Spaniards, and especially in Chiapa, shewed themselves most comely, bright, glorious and beautifull, working the like inclination to beauty upon, and in all Spaniards. My instance was in the land of the Blackmores, where I told them that their bodies were black, and that among them the Sun appeared with a dark and sad visage. Here my Don cried out; An excellent example. I gave him yet a second instance from the Eclipse of the Sun; which being eclipsed, made all the Earth, mens faces and bodies seeme of a darke, or yellow colour, to shew the proportion or sympathy of sublunary bodies to that high and overmastering planet. To this that good Don replyed; sennor no se puede decir mas, sir, nothing can be answered or said more or better. Vengamos agora a Ingalatierra, Let us draw now to England. To which I answered him, that in England the Sun and Moon appeared halfe yeer of one colour, and half of another; for the women one half yeer it appeared as in Spain and Chiapa, beautifull and glorious, for that naturally without painting they yeelded to none in beauty. But the other half yeer it appeared as red as blood, or scarlet; and the reason might easily bee guessed at, for that no Nation is more warlik and high spirited then the English, whose very clothes were fiery, wearing more scarlet then any nation in the World; as hee might perceive by their coming so much with their ships to the Indian Coasts to fight with the Spaniards; and that as they delighted to goe in red, and to bee like the Sun, so naturally they were brought to those Seas to single out such ships as from America carried the rich Commodity of Cochinill, whereof they make more use then Spain it selfe to die their cloaths and Coats withall. Here my Don jogged his head, and replyed; Sir, I thought no nation had been so like the Sun as the Spaniards; for I have read that when our Ancestors came to conquer these parts, the Indians called them, hijos del Sol, that is, sons of the Sun, being comely and gallant, and more like the Sun then any other people. To this I answered him. Sir, no doubt but you are like the Sun here, and none more glittering and bright, your very hatbands shining with Pearls and Diamonds like the brightnesse of the Sun; But as I said before the Blackmores are like their Sun, so I say, the English is like their Sun, which is red, and so doe and will affect to wear Scarlet, as long as any Cochinill is to be found in the India's.
Now Don Melchor began to understand mee, and told mee, never man had satisfied him with better reasons then my self. Hee thanked mee heartily, and told mee, hee thought no Gentleman in Chiapa could tell so well as himself now why the English ships came so much upon their Coasts; and that my discourse had satisfied him to the full. Hee desired mee to goe on to his other questions. To his second demanding whether the English went barefoot like the Indians, I told him I thought that the Count of Gondomar, (who had been many yeers Ambassadour from Spain in England) had satisfied all the Spaniards that doubt, who coming from England to Madrid, and being there asked by some Courtiers, whether London was as big as Madrid, and as well peopled; he made answer, that hee thought there was scarce a hundred left in London. Hee proved it from the use and custome of his own Countrymen of Spain; who when they are to make a journey, shew themselves two or three daies before in colours, walking with boots and spurs, that their friends may take notice that they are departing out of the Towne or City. So said the Count of Gondomar, I think by this there are very few People in London; for when I came from thence I left them all almost in cloaths of colours, booted and spurred as ready to depart and take some[Pg 101] journey. And truely my Don (quoth I) your owne Count hath answered for mee; yet I say, the English are so farre from going barefoot, that they goe booted, and are all in a readinesse to move out of England for any noble and generous designe; but above all they are still ready for America, where they know is store and abundance of Hydes to make them Bootes to cover the barenesse of their legges, that they may not be suspected to be like bare-footed Indians. Here Don Melchor replyed, I pray sir, when they come by Sea to these parts doe they come also booted and spurred? For I should thinke, when they fight, their Spurs should hinder them. To this his doubt I answered first, as concerning spurres in the ships, with the example of one of his own Nation, and of the best Divines in Spain, living in my time in Valladolid, called Maestro Nunno, (Reader of Divinity in the Colledge of St. Gregorie, but in his carriage and experience in the World a simple noddy) who being invited by a Noble man to goe with him in his Coach out of the City a mile or two to a garden of recreation, went hastily about the Colledge to borrow boots and spurs; and when he had put them on, being asked whither he went, and why he put on boots and spurs, answered that he was to goe in a Coach out of the City, and that hee thought the Coach and Mules would want spurs to goe and come the sooner. Even so my Don (quoth I) the English men come booted and spurred in their ships, to make their ships sail on the swifter. And this is the reason why the English ships saile faster, and when they are in fight turn about quicker then a Spanish Galeon, because they are spurred & kicked within. O Sir, I humbly thank you (said Don Melchor) for that by your discourse now I know the truth of what indeed I have often heard say, that the English ships are nimbler, and quicker at Sea then our heavy Galeons. Now as for fighting the English mens spurs (said I) are no hinderance to them, but rather a great advantage. For they fight with weapons, with their hands and with their feet, wherein they exceed the Spaniards; for when they have shot with their peeces, or cut down with their swords any enemy, or knocked him with their holbards, then with their feet and spurres, they fall upon him, and so soone rid him out of the way, that hee may no more rise up against them. All you have told mee (said the wise Velazco) stands with so much reason, that my judgment is convinced by you. As for eating and sacrificing one another like the Indians (I told him) that the English filled their bellies so well with fat Beef and Mutton, fowles, Rabbits, Partridges and Pheasants, that they had no stomacke at all to mans flesh. And that truly for frixoles dressed with garlick, that onely daintie dish was wanting in England; and that for Garlick, three reasons moved the English not to bee lavishing of that little they had; first, for feare they should want it for their horses drenches; secondly, for that they felt not themselves so much troubled with the wind, nor puffed up with windy and vaine conceits as other nations did; but thirdly and chiefly they refrained from it among themselves, that they might not smell of it, and that by the sent and smell of it a farre off at Sea they might when they came to the Coast of America, smell out a Spanish ship, and know it from a Hollander. Here my Don Melchor fell into admiration, assuring mee, hee had never heard more solid reasons from any man. Alas poore Criolian of Chiapa (thought I) if I had spoken sense, thy shallow braine had not beene able to have leaped over it, but after non-sense thou art easily carried away. As for his last question, I told him that was above my reach, for that poore Fryers ought not to meddle with women, neither had my mother ever told mee how long shee went with mee. But how ever if Donna Angela would tell mee how long shee went with her children, I would by the constellations of the Heavens search out against our next meeting, how long the English women went with their children. To this my Don Melchor answered that he would not trouble me to study what he thought was not belonging to my profession; but he knew that if I would study that or any other hard & difficult point, I could give him more & better satisfaction then any scholar in that City.
And thus (Reader) by this Don Melchors wit and ability would I have thee judge of the Gentlemen Criolians or natives of Chiapa; and yet as presumptuous they are and arrogant, as if the noblest bloud in the Court of Madrid ran through their veines. It is a common thing amongst them to make a dinner only with a dish of Frixoles in black broath, boyled with pepper and garlicke, saying it is the most nourishing meat in all the India's; and after this so stately a dinner they will be sure to come out to the street-dore of their houses to see and to be seen, and there for halfe an houre will they stand[Pg 102] shaking off the crums of bread from their cloaths, bands (but especially from their ruffes when they used them) and from their mustachoes. And with their tooth-pickers they will stand picking their teeth, as if some small Partridge bone stuck in them; nay if a friend passe by at that time, they will be sure to find out some crum or other in their mustacho (as if on purpose the crums of the table had been shaken upon their beards, that the losse of them might be a gaining of credit for great house keeping) and they will be sure to vent out some non-truth, as to say, A Senor que linda perdiz he comido oy, O Sir, what a dainty Partridge have I eat to day, where as they picke out nothing from their teeth but a black husk of a dry frixole or Turkey bean. Though great in blood and in birth they say they are, yet in their imployments they are but rich Grasiers, for most of their wealth consisteth in farmes of Cattell and Mules. Some indeed have Townes of Indians subject unto them, whereof they are called Encomendero's, and receive yeerly from every Indian a certaine Pole tribute of fowles and mony. They have most cowardly spirits for warre, and though they will say, they would faine see Spaine, yet they dare not venture their lives at sea; they judge sleeping in a whole skin the best maxime for their Criolian spirits. One hundred fighting souldiers would easily lay low those Chiapa Dons, and gain the whole City, which lyeth so open to the fields, that the Mules and Asses come in and grase, the streets being very commodious to entertain Asses from within, and from without. Yet in this City liveth commonly a Governour, or Alcalde Major, and a Bishop. The Governours place is of no small esteem and interest, for that his power reacheth farre, and he tradeth much in Cacao and Cochinil, and domineers over both Spaniards and Indians at his will and pleasure. But ill gotten goods never thrive, as was seen in Don Gabriel de Orellana (Governour of this City and Countrey in my time) who having sent the worth of eight thousand crownes in Cochinil, Cacao, Sugar, and Hydes by the river of Tabasco towards the Havana lost it all into the hands of the Hollanders, who doubtlesse knew how to make better use of it, then would have done that tyrannizing Governour. The Bishops place of that City is worth at least eight thousand duckats a yeer, which truly he had need of that comes so far from Spain to live in such a City where are such able Dons, as Don Melchor de Velasco, and where Asses are so freely fed and bred. Most of this Bishops revenues consisteth in great offerings which he yeerly receiveth from the great Indian Townes, going out to them once a yeer to confirme their children, whose confirmation is such a means to confirme and strengthen the Bishops revenues, that none must be confirmed by him who offer not a faire white Wax-candle, with a ribban and at least foure Rials. I have seen the richer sort offer him a Candle of at least six pound weight with two yards of twelve penny broad ribban, and the Candle stucke from the top to the bottom with single Rials round about. Nay the poore Indians make it the chiefe masterpiece of their vanity to offer proudly in such occasions. Don Bernardino de Salazar was the Bishop of this City in my time, who desired my company to ride with him his circuit but one moneth, about the Townes neer to Chiapa, and in this time I was appointed by him to hold the basin wherein the Spaniards and Indians (whilst he confirmed their children) did cast their offerings, which my selfe and another Chaplaine did alwaies tell and cast up by good account before we carried the mony up into his chamber, and I found that at our returne at the moneths end he had received one thousand and six hundred duckats of onely offerings, besides the fees due to him for visiting the severall companies, or sodalities and confraternities belonging to the Saints or soules in their purgatory (which are extraordinary rich there) whereof he and all other Bishops in their district take account yeerly. This Bishop was (as all the rest are there) somewhat covetous; but otherwise a man of a temperate life and conversation, very zealous to reforme whatsoever abuses committed in the Church, which cost him his life before I departed from Chiapa to Guatemala. The women of that City it seems pretend much weakenesse and squeamishnesse of stomack, which they say is so great, that they are not able to continue in the Church while a Masse is briefly hudled over, much lesse while a solemn high Masse (as they call it) is sung, and a Sermon preached, unlesse they drinke a cup of hot Chocolatte, and eat a bit of sweet-meats to strengthen their stomackes. For this purpose it was much used by them to make their maids bring to them to Church in the middle of Masse or Sermon a cup of Chocolatte, which could not be done to all, or most of them without a great confusion and interrupting both Masse and Sermon. The Bishop perceiving this abuse[Pg 103] and having given faire warning for the omitting of it, but all without amendment, thought fit to fixe in writing upon the Churches dores an excommunication against all such as should presume at the time of service to eat or drinke within the Church. This excommunication was taken by all, but especially by the Gentlewomen much to heart, who protested if they might not eat or drinke in the Church, they could not continue in it to heare what otherwise they were bound unto. The chiefe of them knowing what great friendship there was between the Bishop and the Prior, and my selfe, came to the Prior and mee desiring us to use all meanes wee could with the Bishop for the revoking that his excommunication so heavily laid upon them, and threatning their soules with damning judgement for the violation of it. The good Prior and my selfe laboured all we could, alleadging the custome of the Countrey, the weakenesse of the sex whom it most concerned, and also the weaknesse of their stomackes, the contempt that might from them ensue unto his person, and many inconveniences which might follow to the breeding of an uproar in the church and in the City, whereof we had some probable conjecture from what already we had heard from some. But none of these reasons would move the Bishop; to which he answered that he preferred the honour of God, and of his house before his owne life. The women seeing him so hard to be intreated, began to stomacke him the more and to sleight him with scornefull and reproachfull words; others sleighted his excommunication, drinking in iniquity in the Church, as the fish doth water, which caused one day such an uproare in the Cathedrall, that many swords were drawne against the Preists and Prebends, who attempted to take away from the maids the cups of Chocolatte, which they brought unto their mistresses; who at last seeing that neither faire nor foule meanes would prevaile with the Bishop, resolved to forsake the Cathedrall, where the Bishops own and his Prebends eies must needs be watching over them; and so from that time most of the City betooke themselves to the Cloister Churches, where by the Nuns and Friers they were not troubled nor resisted, though fairely counselled to obey the command of the Bishop; whose name now they could not brooke, and to whose Prebends they denied now all such reliefe and stipend for Masses which formerly they had used to bestow upon them, conferring them all upon the Fryers who grew rich by the poor impoverished Cathedrall. This lasted not long, but the Bishop began to stomacke the Fryers, and to set up another excommunication, binding all the City to resort unto their owne Cathedrall Church; which the women would not obey, but kept their houses for a whole month; in which time the Bishop fell dangerously sick, and desired to retire himselfe to the Cloister of the Dominicans, for the great confidence he had in the Prior that he would take care of him in his sickenesse. Physitians were sent for far and neere, who all with a joynt opinion agreed that the Bishop was poisoned; and he himself doubted not of it at his death, praying unto God to forgive those that had been the cause of it, and to accept of that sacrifice of his life, which he was willing to offer for the zeale of Gods house and honour. He lay not above a week in the Cloister, and as soone as he was dead, all his body, his head and face did so swell, that the least touch upon any part of him caused the skin to break and cast out white matter, which had corrupted and overflowne all his body. A Gentlewoman with whom I was well acquainted in that City, who was noted to be somewhat too familiar with one of the Bishops Pages, was commonly censured to have prescribed such a cup of Chocolatte to be ministred by the Page which poysoned him who so rigorously had forbidden Chocolatte to be drunk in the Church. My self heard this Gentlewoman say of the deceased Bishop, that she thought few grieved for his death, & that the women had no reason to grieve for him, and that she judged, he being such an enemy to Chocolatte in the Church, that which he had drunk at home in his house had not agreed with his body. And it became afterwards a Proverbe in that Country, Beware of the Chocolatte of Chiapa; which made me so cautious, that I would not drinke afterwards of it in any house, where I had not very great satisfaction of the whole Family. The women of this City are somewhat light in their carriage, and have learned from the Devill many entising lessons and baits to draw poore soules to sinne and damnation; and if they cannot have their wills, they wil surely work revenge either by Chocolatte or Conserves, or some faire present, which shall surely carry death along with it. The Gentlewoman that was suspected (nay was questioned for the death of the Bishop) had often used to send me boxes of Chocolatte or conserves; which I willingly received from her, judging[Pg 104] it to be a kind of gratuity for the paines I tooke in teaching her son Latin. She was of a very merry and pleasant disposition, which I thought might consist without sin; untill one day she sent unto mee a very faire plantin wrapped up in a hankerchief, buried in sweet Jazmines and roses; when I untied the handkerchief, I thought among the flowers I should find some rich token, or some peeces of eight, but finding nothing but a plantin, I wondred; and looking further upon it, I found worked upon it with a knife the fashion of a heart with two of blind Cupids arrows sticking in it, discovering unto my heart the poisoned heart and thoughts of the poisoner that sent it. I thought it a good warning to be wary and cautious of receiving more presents or Chocolatte from such hands, and so returned unto her againe her plantin with this short rhyme cut out with a knife upon the skinne fruta tan fria, amor no cria, as much as to say, fruit so cold, takes no hold. This answer and resolution of mine was soone spread over that little City, which made my Gentlewoman outragious, which presently she shewed by taking away her sonne from schoole, and in many meetings threatning to play me a Chiapaneca tricke. But I remembred the Bishops Chocolatte and so was wary, and staid not long after in that poisoning and wicked City, which truly deserves no better relation then what I have given of the simple Dons, and the Chocolatte-confectioning Donna's.
There is yet twelve leagues from this City of Chiapa, another Chiapa which deserveth better commendations. This consisteth most of Indians, and is held to be one of the biggest Indian Townes in all America, containing at least four thousand families. This Towne hath many priviledges from the King of Spain, and is governed chiefly by Indians (yet with subordination unto the Spanish government of the City of Chiapa) who doe choose an Indian Governour with other inferiour officers to rule with him. This Governour may wear a rapier and dagger, and enjoyeth many other liberties which to the rest of the Indians are denied. No Towne hath so many Dons in it of Indian blood as this. Don Philip de Guzman was Governour of it in my time, a very rich Indian, who kept up commonly in his stable a dozen of as good Horses for publike shewes, and ostentation as the best Spaniard in the Countrey. His courage was not inferiour to any Spaniard, and for defence of some priviledges of his Town sued in the Chancery of Guatemala the proud and high minded Governour of the City of Chiapa, spending therein great sums of money till he had overcome him, whereupon he caused a feast to be made in the Towne, both by water and land, so stately, that truly in the Court of Madrid it might have been acted.
This Towne lyeth upon a great river, whereunto belong many boats and Canoas, wherein those Indians have been taught to act sea-fights, with great dexterity, and to represent the Nymphes of Parnassus, Neptune, Æolus, and the rest of the heathenish Gods and Goddesses, so that they are a wonder of their whole nation. They will arme with their boats a siege against the Town, fighting against it with such courage til they make it yeeld, as if they had been trained up all their life to sea-fights. So likewise within the Town they are as dexterous at baiting of buls, at juego de Cannas, at Horse-races, at arming a Campe, at all manner of Spanish dances, instruments, and musick as the best Spaniards. They will erect Towers and Castles made of wood and painted cloth, & from them fight either with the boats or one against another, with squibs, darts, and many strange fire-works, so manfully, that if in earnest they could perform it as well as they do it in sport and pastime, the Spaniards and Fryers might soon repent to have taught them what they have. As for acting of playes, this is a common part of their solemne pastimes; and they are so generous, that they nothing think too much to spend in banquets & sweet-meats upon their Friers, and neighbouring Towns, whensoever they are minded to shew themselves in a publike feast. The Towne is very rich, & many Indians in it that trade about the Country as the Spaniards do. They have learned most trades befitting a Common-wealth, and practise and teach them within their Town. They want not any provision of fish or flesh, having for the one that great river joyning unto their Towne, and for the other many Estantia's (as they call them) or farmes abounding with cattell. In this Towne the Dominican Fryers bear all the sway, who have a rich and stately Cloister with another Church or Chappel subordinate unto it. The heat here is so great, that both Fryers and Indians commonly wear a linnen towel about their necks to wipe off the constant swet from their laces, which maketh the Friers sit longer at their dinner then els they would do, for that at every bit they[Pg 105] eate, and draught they drinke, they are faine to make a stop to wipe their dropping browes. Yet the evenings are fresh and cool, which are much made of there, and spent in the many walkes and gardins which joyne close unto the River side. Two or three leagues from the Towne, there are two Ingenio's or Farmes of Sugar, the one belonging to the Cloister of the Dominicans of the City of Chiapa; the other unto the Cloister of this Towne, which containe neer two hundred Blackmores, besides many Indians, who are imployed in that constant worke of making Sugar for all the Country. Hereabouts are bread great store of Mules, and excellent horses for any service. The Towne of Chiapa of the Indians, and all the Townes about it want nothing but a more temperate climate and cooler aire, and Wheat, which there cannot bee sowne, yet for Spaniards and such as cannot live without it, it is brought from Chiapa of the Spaniards and from about Comitlan; yet this is not generally acknowledged a want by reason of the great plenty of Maiz which all the Townes enjoy, and which is now more used both by Spaniards and dainty toothed Fryers then bread of Wheat. Yet your poore Spaniards, and some Indians who have got the trick of trading from them doe gaine not a little in bringing to these Townes bisquets of wheaten bread, which though it be dry and hard, yet because they are novelties to the Indians; they get by changing them for other commodities, especially of Cotton wooll, which here is more abounding then in the Valley of Copanabastlau.
Upon this Country of Chiapa of the Indians bordereth the Province of Zoques, which is absolutely the richest part of Chiapa. This reacheth on the one side to Tabasco, and by the River named Grijalva sendeth commonly the Commodities which are in it with safety unto St. John de Ulhua, or Vera Cruz. It trafiqueth also with the Country of Jucatan by the Haven called Puerto Real, which lyeth betweene Grijalva and Jucatan. Yet these two, the River of Tabasco, alias Grijalva, and Puerto Real, though they bee commodious to this Province of Zoques, yet they are causes of daily feares unto the Spaniards, who well know the weaknesse of them, and that if a forraine Nation should manfully thrust into that Country by any of these two wayes, they might so conquer all Chiapa, and from thence passe easily unto Guatemala. But the River of Tabasco lying low, and being somewhat hot, and the Towns about it infested with many gnats, and the chiefest commodity there being but Cacao, have often discouraged both our English and Hollanders, who have come up some part of the River, and minding more the foresaid reasons, then what was forward to bee had, have turned back, losing a rich Country and slighting an eternall name, for few and frivolous present difficulties. In this Province of Zoques, the Towns are not very bigge, yet they bee very rich; the chief Commodities are Silk and Cochinill; whereof the latter is held the best of America, and the store of it so great that no one Province alone exceeds it. Few Indians there are who have not their Orchards planted with the trees whereon the worms breed which yeeld unto us that rich Commodity; not that the Indians themselves esteem otherwise of it, then as they see the Spaniards greedy after it, offering them mony for it, & forcing them to the preservation of it in those parts, which have proved most successeful for this kind. There is great store of silk in this Country, in so much that the Indians make it their great Commodity to imploy their wives in working Towels with all colours of silk, which the Spaniards buy, and send into Spain. It is rare to see what works those Indian women will make in silk, such as might serve for Patterns and samplers to many School-mistresses in England. The people of this Country are witty, and ingenious, and faire of complexion; the Country towards Tabasco is hot, but within in some places very cold. There is also plenty of Maiz, but no wheat; neither is there such plenty of Cattell as about Chiapa, but Fowles and Turkies as many as in other parts. The Province called Zeldales lyeth behind this of the Zoques, from the North Sea within the continent, running up towards Chiapa, and reacheth in some parts neer to the borders of Comitlan north-westward. South-eastward it joyns to such Indians which as yet have not been conquered by the Spaniards, who make many invasions upon the Christian Indians, and burn their Towns, and carry away their Cattell. The chief and head Town in this Province is called Ococingo, which is a Frontier against those Heathens. This Province is esteemed rich for the Spaniards, who make much of Cacao, which serveth to make their drink of Chocolatte, and here is great store of it. There is also another Commodity, great among the Spaniards, called Achiotte, wherewith they make their Chocolatte looke of the colour of a brick. Here is also plenty of Hogs and Bacon, Fowles,[Pg 106] Turkies, Quailes, Cattell, Sheep, Maiz, Hony, and not farre from Ococingo, in my time was setting up an Ingenio, or Farm of Sugar, which was thought would prove as well as those about Chiapa of the Indians. The Country in most parts is high and hilly; but Ococingo stands in a pleasant Valley, injoying many Brookes and streams of fresh water, and therefore hath been thought a fit place for Sugar. Here also in this Valley the fryers have attempted to sow Wheat, which hath proved very good. Thus Reader, I have shewed you the Country of Chiapa, which as it is compassed about on the one side by Soconuzco, and from thence almost to Guatemala, by the Province of Suchutepeques, on the other side by Tabasco, and on the other side by Zeldales with excessive plenty of Cacao and Achiotte, which are the chief drugs for the making of Chocolatte; I wil yet before I depart from Chiapa to Guatemala, say somewhat of that drinke so much used by the Spaniards, and in my judgment not to be sleighted, but rather to bee published and made known to all Nations, whose use might remedy the great abuse of wines and strong drinks which too much are esteemed amongst us here in Europe.
Chocolatte being this day used not onely over all the West-India's, but also in Spain, Italy, and Flanders, with approbation of many learned Doctors in Physick, among whom Antonio Colmenero of Ledesma; (who lived once in the India's) hath composed a learned and curious Treatise concerning the nature and quality of this drink; I thought fit to insert here also somewhat of it concerning my own experience for the space of twelve yeers. This name Chocolatte is an Indian name, and is compounded from Atte, as some say or as others, Atle, which in the Mexican language signifieth water, & from the sound which the water (wherein is put the Chocolatte) makes, as Choco, Choco, Choco, when it is stirred in a cup by an instrument called a Molinet, or Molinillo, untill it bubble and rise unto a froath. And as there it is a name compounded, so in English wee may well call it a compounded or a confectioned drink wherein are found many and severall Ingredients, according to the different disposition of the body of them that use it. But the chief Ingredient (without which it cannot be made) is called Cacao, a kind of nut or kernell bigger then a great Almond, which growes upon a tree called the tree of Cacao, and ripens in a great huske, wherein sometimes are found more, sometimes lesse Cacao's, sometimes twenty, sometimes thirty, nay forty, and above. This Cacao, though as every simple, it containes the quality of the foure Elements, yet in the common opinion of most Physitians, it is held to bee cold and dry, a prædominio; It is also in the substance that rules these two qualities, restringent and obstructive, of the nature of the Element of the earth. And as it is thus a mixed, and not a simple Element, it hath parts correspondent to the rest of the Elements; and particularly it partakes of those which correspond with the Element of Aire, that is, heat and moisture, which are governed by unctious parts; there being drawn out of the Cacao much Butter, which in the India's I have seen drawn out of it by the Criolian women for to oint their faces. And let not this seeme impossible to believe, that this graine or nut of Cacao should bee said to bee first cold and dry, and then hot and moist; for though experience bee a thousand witnesses, yet instances will further clear this truth; and first in the Rubarbe, which hath in it hot and soluble parts, and parts which are binding, cold and dry, which have a virtue to strengthen, bind and stop the loosenesse of the belly. Secondly, wee see this cleerly in the steel, which having so much of the nature of the earth, as being heavy, thick, cold, and dry, should be thought unproper for the curing of Oppilations, but rather to bee apt to increase them; and yet it is given for a proper remedy against them. The authority of Galen may further cleare this in the third booke of the Qualities of simples, where hee teacheth that almost all those medicines, which to our sense seeme[Pg 107] to be simple, are notwithstanding naturally compounded, containing in themselves contrary qualities, that is to say, a quality to expell, and to retaine, to incrassate and to extenuate, to rarifie and to condense. And in the fifteenth Chapter following in the same booke, he puts an example of the broth of a Cock, which moves the belly, and the flesh hath the virtue to binde. Yet further that this differing virtue and quality is found in divers substances, or parts of simple medicaments, he shewes in the first book of his simple medicines in the seventeenth Chapter, bringing the example of milke, in which three substances are found and separated, that is to say, the substance of cheese, which hath the virtue to stop the fluxe of the belly; and the substance of whay, which is purging, and butter, as it is expressed Chap. 15. Also we find in wine which is in the Must, three substances, that is to say, earth, which is the chiefe; and a thinner substance, which is the flower, and may be called the scum, or froath; and a third substance which we properly call wine; and every one of these substances containes in it selfe divers qualities and virtues, in the colour, in the smell, and in other accidents.
And this is very comformable to reason, if we consider that every aliment, be it never so simple, begets and produceth in the liver four humours, not only differing in temper, but also in substance; and begets more or lesse of that humour, according as the aliment hath more or fewer parts corresponding to the substance of that humour, which is most ingendred. From which examples we may gather that when the Cacao is grinded and stirred, the divers parts, which nature hath given it, doe artificially and intimately mixe themselves one with another; and so the unctuous, warme, and moist parts, mingled with the earthy represseth, and leaveth them not so binding, as they were before; but rather with a mediocrity, more inclining to the warme, and moist temper of the aire, then to the cold and dry of the earth; as it doth appear, when it is made fit to drink, that scarce two turnes are given with the Molinet, when there ariseth a fatty scum, by which is seen, how much it partaketh of the oyly part. So that from all that hath been said, the error of those is wel discovered, who speaking of this drink of Chocolatte, say, that it causeth oppilations, because Cacao is astringent; as if that astriction were not corrected and modified by the intimate mixing of one part with another, by meanes of the grinding, as is said before. Besides it having so many ingredients, which are naturally hot, it must of necessity have this effect, that is to say, to open, attenuate, and not to binde. And leaving aside more reasons, this truth is evidently seen in the Cacao it selfe; which if it be not stirred, grinded and compounded to make the Chocolatte; but be eaten as it is in the fruit (as many Criolian and Indian women eat it) it doth notably obstruct and cause stoppings, and make them looke of a broken, pale and earthy colour, as doe those that eat earthen ware, as pots, or pieces of lime-walls (which is much used among the Spanish women thinking that pale and earthy colour, though with obstructions and stoppings, well becomes them) and for this certainly in the Cacao thus eaten there is no other reason, but that the divers substances which it containes, are not perfectly mingled by the mastication onely, but require the artificiall mixture, which wee have spoken of before.
The tree which doth beare this fruit, is so delicate, and the earth where it groweth so extream hot, that to keep the tree from being consumed by the sunne, they first plant other trees, which they call, las Madres del Cacao, mothers of the Cacao; and when these are grown up to a good height fit to shade the Cacao trees, then they plant the Cacaotals, or the trees of Cacao; that when they first shew themselves above the ground, those trees, which are already grown may shelter them, and as mothers nourish, defend, and shadow them from the sunne; and the fruit doth not grow naked, but many of them (as I have said before) are in one great huske or cod, and therein besides every grain is closed up in a white juicy skin, which the women also love to suck off from the Cacao, finding it coole, and in the mouth dissolving into water. There are two sorts of Cacao; the one is common, which is of a darke colour inclining towards red, being round and peeked at the ends; the other is broader, and bigger, and flatter, and not so round, which they call, Patlaxte, and this is white, and more drying, and is sold a great deal cheaper then the former. And this especially, more then the other, causeth watchfullnesse, and drives away sleep, and therefore is not so usefull as the ordinary, and is chiefly spent by the ordinary and meaner sort of people. As for the rest of the ingredients which make this Chocolatticall confection, there is notable variety; for some put into it black Pepper, which is not well approved of by the Physitians,[Pg 108] because it is so hot and dry, but onely for one who hath a very cold liver; but commonly instead of this Pepper, they put into it long red Pepper, called Chile, which though it be hot in the mouth, yet is cool and moist in the operation. It is further compounded with white Sugar, Cinnamon, Clove, Anniseed, Almonds, Hasell-nuts, Orejuela, Bainilla, Sapayoll, Orenge flower water, some Muske, and as much of Achiotte, as will make it looke of the colour of a red bricke. But how much of each of these may be applyed to such a quantity of Cacao, the severall dispositions of mens bodies must be their rule. The ordinary receipt of Antonio Colmenero was this; To every hundred Cacao's, two cods of Chile, called long red Pepper, one handfull of Anniseed and Orejuela's, and two of the flowers called Mechasuchil, or Bainilla, or instead of this six roses of Alexandria, beat to powder, two drams of Cinnamon, of Almonds and Hasel-nuts, of each one dozen; of white Sugar halfe a pound, of Achiotte, enough to give it the colour. This Author thought neither Clove, nor Musk, nor any sweet water fit, but in the India's they are much used. Others use to put in Maiz, or Paniso, which is very windy; but such doe it onely for their profit, by increasing the quantity of the Chocolatte; because every fanega or measure of Maiz containing about a bushel and a half, is sold for eight shillings, and they that sell Chocolatte, sell it for four shillings a pound, which is the ordinary price. The Cinnamon is held one of the best ingredients, and denied by none, for that it is hot and dry in the third degree, it provokes urine, and helpes the kidneys and reines of those who are troubled with cold diseases, and it is good for the eyes, and in effect it is cordiall, as appeareth by the Author of these verses,
Commoda & urinæ Cinamomum & renibus affert,
Lumina clarificat, dira venena fugat.
The Achiotte hath a piercing, attenuating quality, as appeareth by the common practice of the Physitians in the India's, experienced daily in the effects of it, who do give it to their Patients to cut and attenuate the grosse humors, which doe cause shortnesse of breath, and stopping of urine: and so it is used for any kind of oppilations, and is given for the stoppings which are in the breast, or in the region of the belly, or any other part of the body. This Achiotte also groweth upon a tree in round huskes, which are full of red graines, from whence the Achiotte is taken, and first made into a paste, and then being dried up is fashioned either into round balls or cakes, or into the forme of little brickes, and so is sold. As concerning the long red Pepper, there are foure sorts of it; one is called Chilchotes; the other is very little, which they call Chilterpin, and these two kinds are very quick and biting. The other two are called, Tonalchiles, and these are but moderately hot, for they are eaten with bread by the Indians, as they eat other fruits. But that which is usually put into Chocolatte, is called Chilpaclagua, which hath a broad huske, and is not so biting as the first, nor so gentle as the last. The Mechasuchil, or Bainilla hath a purgative quality. All these ingredients are usually put into the Chocolatte, and by some more, according to their fancies. But the meaner sort of people, as Blackmores and Indians, commonly put nothing into it, but Cacao, Achiotte, Maiz, and a few Chiles with a little Anniseed. And though the Cacao is mingled with all these ingredients, which are hot; yet there is to be a greater quantity of Cacao, then of all the rest of the ingredients, which serve to temper the coldnesse of the Cacao; from whence it followeth that this Chocolatticall confection is not so cold as the Cacao, nor so hot as the rest of the ingredients, but there results from the action and reaction of these ingredients, a moderate temper, which may be good, both for the cold and hot stomacks, being taken moderately.
Now for the making or compounding of this drinke, I shall set downe here the method. The Cacao, and the other ingredients must be beaten in a morter of stone, or (as the Indians use) ground upon a broad stone, which they call Metate, and is only made for that use. But first the ingredients are all to be dried, except the Achiotte, with care that they may be beaten to powder, keeping them still in stirring, that they be not burnt, or become black; for if they be overdried, they will be bitter, and lose their virtue. The Cinnamon and the long red pepper are to be first beaten, with the Anniseed, and then the Cacao, which must be beaten by little and little, till it be all powdred; and in the beating it must be turned round, that it may mixe the better. Every one of these ingredients must be beaten by it selfe, and then all be put into the vessell, where the Cacao is, which you must stirre together with a spoon, and then take out that[Pg 109] paste, and put it into the morter, under which there must be a little fire, after the confection is made; but if more fire be put under then will only warme it, then the unctuous part will dry away. The Achiotte also must be put in in the beating, that it may the better take the colour. All the ingredients must be searsed, save onely the Cacao, and if from the Cacao the dry shell be taken, it will be the better. When it is well beaten, and incorporated (which will be known by the shortnesse of it) then with a spoon (so in the India's is used) is taken up some of the paste, which will be almost liquid, and made into tablets, or else without a spoon put into boxes, and when it is cold it will be hard. Those that make it into tablets, put a spoonefull of the paste upon a peece of paper (the Indians put it upon the leaf of a plantin tree) where, being put into the shade (for in the sunne it melts and dissolves) it growes hard; and then bowing the paper or leaf, the tablet falls off, by reason of the fatnesse of the paste. But if it be put into anything of earth, or wood, it stickes fast, and will not come off, but with scraping or breaking. The manner of drinking it, is divers; the one (being the way most used in Mexico) is to take it hot with Atolle, dissolving a tablet in hot water, and then stirring and beating it in the cup, where it is to be drunke, with a Molinet, and when it is well stirred to a scumme or froath, then to fill the cup with hot Atolle and so drinke it sup by sup. Another way is, that the Chocolatte, being dissolved with cold water and stirred with the Molinet, and the scumme taken off and put into another vessel; the remainder be set upon the fire, with as much sugar as will sweeten it, and when it is warme, then to powre it upon the scum which was taken off before, and so to drinke it. But the most ordinary way, is, to warme the water very hot, and then to powre out halfe the cup full that you mean to drinke; and to put into it a tablet or two, or as much as will thicken reasonably the water, and then grind it well with the Molinet, and when it is well ground and risen to a scum, to fill the cup with hot water, and so drinke it by sups (having sweetned it with Sugar) and to eat it with a little conserve, or maple bread, steeped into the Chocolatte. Besides these waies there is another way (which is much used in the Island of Santo Domingo) which is, to put the Chocolatte into a pipkin, with a little water, and to let it boyle well till it be dissolved, and then to put in sufficient water and sugar according to the quantity of the Chocolatte, and then to boyle it againe, untill there comes an oily scumme upon it, and then to drinke it. There is another way yet to drinke Chocolatte, which is cold, which the Indians use at feasts, to refresh themselves, and it is made after this manner. The Chocolatte (which is made with none or very few ingredients) being dissolved in cold water with the Molinet, they take off the scumme or crassy part, which riseth in great quantity, especially when the Cacao is older and more putrefied. The scumme they lay aside in a little dish by it selfe, and then put sugar into that part from whence was taken the scum, and then powre it from on high into the scumme, and so drinke it cold. And this drinke is so cold, that it agreeth not with all mens stomacks; for by experience it hath been found, that it doth hurt, by causing pains in the stomack, especially to women. The third way of taking it is the most used, and thus certainly it doth no hurt, neither know I why it may not bee used as well in England as in other parts both hot and cold; for where it is so much used, the most, if not all, as well in the India's, as in Spaine, Italy, Flanders (which is a cold Countrey) find that it agreeth well with them. True it is, it is used more in the India's, then in the European parts, because there the stomackes are more apt to faint then here, and a cup of Chocolatte well confectioned comforts and strengthens the stomack. For my self I must say, I used it twelve yeers constantly, drinking one cup in the morning, another yet before dinner between nine or ten of the clock; another within an houre or two after dinner, and another between four and five in the afternoon; and when I was purposed to sit up late to study, I would take another cup about seven or eight at night, which would keep me waking till about midnight. And if by chance I did neglect any of these accustomed houres, I presently found my stomacke fainty. And with this custome I lived twelve yeers in those parts healthy, without any obstructions, or oppilations, not knowing what either ague, or feaver was. Yet I will not dare to regulate by mine owne the bodies of others, nor take upon me the skil of a Physitian, to appoint and define at what time and by what persons this drinke may be used. Onely I say, I have known some that have been the worse for it, either for drinking it with too much sugar, which hath relaxed their stomackes, or for drinking it too often. For certainly if it[Pg 110] be drunke beyond measure, not only this Chocolatte but all other drinkes, or meats, though of themselves they are good and wholesome, they may be hurtfull. And if some have found it oppilative, it hath come by the too too much use of it; as when one drinkes overmuch wine, instead of comforting and warming himselfe, he breeds and nourisheth cold diseases, because nature cannot overcome it, not turne so great a quantity into good nourishment. So he that drinkes much Chocolatte, which hath fat parts, cannot make distribution of so great a quantity to all the parts; and that part which remaines in the slender veines of the liver must needs cause oppilations and obstructions. But lastly, to conclude with this Indian drinke, I will adde what I have heard Physitians of the India's say of it, and have seen it by experience in others (though never I could find it in my selfe) that those that use this Chocolatte much, grow fat and corpulent by it; which indeed may seem hard to beleeve; for considering that all the ingredients, except the Cacao, doe rather extenuate, then make fat, because they are hot and dry in the third degree. And we have already said, that the qualities which doe predominate in Cacao, are cold and dry, which are very unfit to adde any substance to the body. Neverthelesse it may be answered that the many unctuous parts, which have been proved to be in the Cacao, are those which pinguifie and make fat; and the hotter ingredients of this composition serve for a guide, or vehicall, to passe to the liver, and the other parts, untill they come to the fleshy parts; and there finding a like substance which is hot and moist, as is the unctuous part, converting it selfe into the same substance, it doth augment and pinguifie. But how then might this Cacao with the other Indian ingredients be had in England? even by trading in Spaine for it, as we doe for other commodities; or not sleighting it so much as we and the Hollanders have often done upon the Indian seas; of whom I have heard the Spaniards say that when we have taken a good prize, a ship laden with Cacao, in anger and wrath we have hurled over board this good commoditie, not regarding the worth and goodnesse of it, but calling it in bad Spanish, Cagaruta de Carnero, or sheeps dung in good English. It is one of the necessariest commodities in the India's, and nothing enricheth Chiapa in particular more then it, whither are brought from Mexico and other parts, the rich bags of Patacons onely for this Cagaruta de Carnero, which we call sheeps dung. The other drinke which is much used in the Indians is called Atolle, of which I will say but a little, because I know it cannot be used here. This was the drinke of the ancient Indians, and is a thick pap made of the flower of Maiz, taking off the huskes from it, which is windy and melancholy. This is commonly carried by the Indian women to the Markets hot in pots, and there is sold in cups. The Criolian students, as wee goe to a Taverne to drink a cup of wine, so they go in company to the publike Markets, and as publikely buy and drinke by measure of this Atolle; which somtimes is seasoned with a little Chile, or long Pepper, and then it pleaseth them best. But the Nuns and Gentlewomen have got a trick of confectioning it with Cinnamon, Sweet-waters, Amber, or Muske, and store of Sugar, and thus it is held to be a most strong and nourishing drinke, which the Physitians doe prescribe unto a weake body, as we doe here our Almond-milke. But of what England never knew nor tasted, I will say no more, but hasten my penne to Guatemala, which hath been my second patria.
The time now being come that I was to leave the little City of Chiapa, I took some occasion before-hand to take my leave of my best friends, whose children I had taught, and at my departure I must confesse I found them kind and bountifull, except it were Donna Magdalena de Morales, from whom I did not expect, neither did I desire any farewell, or Adieu token. But among all, the Governours wife was most liberall unto mee, sending mee many boxes of Aromaticall Chocolatte, and one extraordinary great box with foure severall divisions of different conserves gilt over, besides many Maple breads, and Biskets made with Egs and Sugar, a present it was which might have been sent to a greater man then to a poor worthlesse Mendicant Fryer, and with this in a handkerchief a dozen peeces of eight. Don Melchor del Velazco yet exceeded her, in words and complements I meane, but in deeds, hee and all the crew of the Criolians must thinke to come short of them, who are borne in Spain. The first Town I went unto, was Theopixca, six leagues from Chiapa, a faire and great Towne of Indians, who are held to bee next unto the Indians of the other Chiapa in sitting and riding a horse. In this town is nothing so considerable as the Church, which is great and strong, and the musick belonging unto it sweet and harmonious. The Vicar or Curate of this place was one Fryer Peter Martir a Criolian, whom I knew could not indure the Prior nor mee, yet he would dissemble a love complementall exceeding well, and in outward shews raise it up to gradus ut Octo. He knowing my prevalency with the Prior, durst not but give mee very good entertainment, which continued two dayes, untill I was weary of his complements.
The third day I tooke my leave of him, who would not yet leave mee, but would conduct mee to Comitlan, whither I was invited by the Prior of that Cloister, named Fryer Thome Rocolano, a French man, who being a stranger to the Spaniards (for besides him and my selfe there was no other stranger in that County) desired acquaintance with mee, which hee began to settle by meeting mee at the half way with many Indians on horse back, having provided an harbour where wee might more conveniently conferre and rest while our Chocolatte and other refreshments were provided. But the Criolian Peter Martir was not a little envious, (as I was afterwards informed in the Cloister) to see mee so much made of and esteemed in the Country, yet his faire words and complements farre exceeded the sincerity and down-rightnesse of my French friend. At Comitlan I staied a whole weeke, riding about with the Prior unto the Indian townes, and downe the hill to the valley of Copanabastla, where I injoyed much pastime and recreation among the Fryers and Indians and was feasted after the manner of that Country, which knoweth more of an Epicurian diet then doth England, or any part of Europe; nay I am perswaded (and I have heard Spaniards confesse it) that Spain hath taken from the Indians since the conquest many lessons for the dressing of severall dishes and compleating a feast or banquet. After the week was ended my French friend the Prior conducted mee to Izquintenango, to see mee well furnished up the Mountaines of Cuchumatlanes. This Towne (as I have formerly observed) standeth almost at the end of the Valley of Copanabastla, and within two leagues of the Cuchumatlanes. It is one of the finest Indian Townes of all the Province of Chiapa, and very rich, by reason of the much Cotton wooll in it, and especially by reason of its situation, for standing in the Roade way to Guatemala, all the Merchants of the Country that trade with their mules that way, passe through this Towne, and there buy and sell, enriching it with mony and farre brought Commodities. It is most plentifully stored with fruits, especially with what they call Pina's or Pine fruit. It standeth close by the great River, which runneth to Chiapa of the Indians, and hath its spring not farre off from the Cuchumatlanes, and yet at this Town is very broad and deep. No man nor beast travelling to Guatemala can goe into it, or from Guatemala can goe out of it, but by ferrying over. And the Rode being much used and beaten by travellers,[Pg 112] and by such as they call Requas of mules (every Requa consisting of fifty or threescore mules) this Ferry is day and night imployed, and yeelds much treasure to the town at the yeers end. The Indians of the Town besides the ferry boat, have made many other little boats, or Canoa's to goe up and down the River. Hither when the Prior of Comitlan had brought me, we were waited for by the Vicar or Fryer of that Town with the chief and principall Indians, and most of the Canoa's. As we ferryed over, the little Canoa's went before us with the Quiristers of the Church singing before us, and with others sounding their Waits and Trumpets. The Fryer that lived in this Town, was called Fryer Geronymo de Guevara, little in stature, but great in state, pride and vanity, as hee shewed himself in what hee had provided for us both of fish and flesh. A brave professour or vower of Mendicancy and poverty he was, who in twelve yeers that hee had lived in that Towne, what by mumming of Masses for the dead and living, what by shearing and fleecing the poore Indians, what by trading and traffiquing with the Merchants that used that Rode, had got six thousand Duckats, which hee had sent to Spain to the Court of Madrid, to trade with them Simoniacally for the Bishoprick of Chiapa, which if he obtained not, (yet when I came out of that Country the report went that hee had obtained it) hee would and was well able with a second supply to obtaine a better. After two daies feasting with him, hee and the Prior of Comitlan both joyned their power and authority to see mee well manned with Indians, to the first Towne of the Cuchumatlanes. A mule was prepared to carry my bedding, (which wee commonly carried with us in chests of leather called Petaca's) another Indian to carry my Petaquilla wherein was my Chocolatte and all implements to make it; and three more Indians to ride before and behinde to guide me; but to all these nothing was to be paid, (lest a custome of paying should bee brought in, for so they doctrined mee as a novice in that Country) except it were to give them a cup of Chocolatte if I drank in the way, or when I came to my journeys end. Here I tooke my leave of my good French friend, (who yet continued friendship with mee by frequent letters to Guatemala) and of my low but high minded Guevara, who bad mee expect no friendly entertainment, untill I were well passed over the Cuchumatlanes and arrived at Sacapula, which was foure daies journey from thence. Yet hee told mee I might demand what service I list from the Indians, and call for what I had a minde to eat without paying any mony, so that I did write down my expences in the common Town Book.
Thus I went away from my friends somewhat heavy having no other company but unknowne Indians, leaving a pleasant and delightsome valley behind mee, and seeing nothing before mee but high and steepy hils and mountaines, and considering that in foure or five dayes I should see no more gallant Dominicans and of mine own profession. Now I wished I had the company of my Melendez and other friends, who were a comfort one to another upon the hills and rocks of Maquilapa. Yet at last I concluded, up English heart and courage, quondam hæc meminisse juvabit. Though the mountaines seemed high afar off, yet as I travelled on, I found the way lie between them very easie and passable, and met now and then Requas of mules, which were no little comfort unto mee to consider, if they being heavily laden could goe through those Mountaines, my mule that had in mee but a light burden would easily overcome any danger; it comforted mee also to consider that there were Townes (though but little ones) where I might rest every night. The further I went, the better and more open I found the Rode; Onely the raine and dirt troubled me, which I could not avoid, it being the end of September, or as there they reckon, the end of winter. The first Town I came to amongst those Mountaines was called St. Martin, a little place of some twenty houses; I went to the house that belonged to the Franciscan Fryers (who seldome in the yeer came to that poverty of house and house roome) where I lighted and caused the Indians to bee called who were appointed to give attendance to travellers and passengers. I found them very tractable and dutifull, bidding mee welcome, bringing mee hot water for my Chocolatte, which I drunke off heartily, and gave unto my Indians of Izquintenango, who refreshed themselves and their mules well for nothing, this being a custome among those Townes in the Rode to welcome one another whensoever they come with travellers. I might have had for my supper any thing that place would afford, but I made choice of a pullet, which I thought would bee cheapest for the poore Indians. I was glad I had brought with mee a good[Pg 113] big Frasco, as they call it, or bottle of wine, for I began already to find the Cuchumatlanes cooler then the valley of Copanabastla. My bed was made in a little thatched Cobe, and Indian boyes appointed to sleep in the next room to me, and to be at hand if in the night I should want any thing. Thus having appointed what attendance I had need of in the morning to the next Town, discharging the Indians that had brought me from Izquintenango, I went unto my rest, which I tooke as quietly as if I had been in the company of my best friends. The next day being accompanied by two Indians, having sent my carriage by another, I tooke my journey to the next Towne, which is called Cuchumatlan grande, because it standeth on the highest part of those Mountaines, and in the way the Indiansshewed mee the head spring or fountaine of the great River of Chiapa of the Indians, which is the onely remarkable thing in that Rode. Cuchumatlan grande is a Towne a little bigger then St. Martin, and of Indians very curteous, who are used and beaten to daily travellers, and so make very much of them. Here I was entertained as the night before; and found the poore Indians willing to give mee whatsoever I demanded for my better and safer guiding and conducting the next day, and that night for my supper what I pleased to call for, without any pay, but onely writing down my name and expences with the day and moneth in their common booke of accounts. This are those poore wretches brought to by the Fryers and commanding Justices, though of themselves they have no more then a Milpa of Maiz as they terme it, or a little Indian Wheat Plantation, with as much Chile as will suffice them for the yeer, and what the Merchants and Travellers give them voluntarily, which is little enough. From this Town I would not follow the Rode to the next, which was a long journy of seven or eight leagues without baiting by the way; and also because I had beene informed at Chiapa and at Copanabastla of a strange picture of our Lady, which was amongst these Mountaines in a little Towne of Indians called Chiantla, which in this dayes journy being not above a league out of my way, I was resolved to see. The wayes were bad, lying out of the Rode, yet by noon I got to Chiantla, which is a Town belonging unto Mercenarian Fryers, who doubtlesse would not be able to subsist in so poore a place, had they not invented that loadstone of their picture of Mary, and cried it up for miraculous, to draw people farre and neere, and all travellers from the Rode to pray unto it, and to leave their gifts and almes unto them for their prayers and Masses. Such an income of treasure and riches hath beene from deluded and ignorant soules to this beggerly Towne, that the Fryers have had wherewith to build a Cloister able to maintaine foure or five of them. The Church is richly furnished, but especially the high Altar where the picture standeth in a Tabernacle with half a dozen curtaines of Silk, Sattin, cloth of gold, with borders of golden lace before it, wearing a rich Crowne of gold, thickly beset with Diamonds and other pretious stones. There hang before it at least a dozen rich lampes of silver; and in the vestry of the Church are many gownes, Candlestickes of silver, Censers to burn Frankincense before it, besides rich Copes, Vestments, Ornaments for the Altar, and hangings for all the Church.
To conclude, here is a treasure hid in the Mountaines; Oh that it could bee found out to doe the Lord service. I was welcomed to this place by those Fryers, who were strangers unto mee; my head was filled that day by them with relations of strange and many miracles or lies, which they told mee of that picture; but the heavinesse of my head did mee good in something, for it made mee more drowsie at night and apter to take good rest. The next day I got into the Rode againe, and went to the last Town of these Cuchumatlanes called Chautlan, where I stayed all that day and night, and sent before a letter to the Prior of Sacapula of my going thither the next day. In Chautlan I was very kindly used by the Indians, and liked the Towne the better for the excellent grapes which there I found, not planted like vineyards, but growing up in harbours, which shew that if that land were planted, it would certainly yeeld as good grapes for wine, as any are in Spain. They are carried from that place to Guatemala, which stands from it neer forty leagues, and are sold about the streets for rarities and great dainties; and well may they, for from Mexico to Guatemala there are none like them. The next morning I made haste to be gone, that I might come sooner to Sacapula, where I was to finde those of mine owne profession, with whom I knew I might stay and rest a whole weeke if I pleased. I had not rid above three leagues, when I began to discover at a low and deep bottome, a pleasant and goodly valley, laced with a River, whose[Pg 114] waters receiving the glorious brightnesse of Phoebus beames reverberated up to the top of the Mountaine, a delightsome prospect to the beholders; the more I hasted to that seeming Paradise, the more did the twinkling and wanton streame invite mee downe the hill; which I had no sooner descended, but I found in an harbour by the water side the Prior of Sacapula himselfe with a good traine of Indians waiting for mee with a cup of Chocolatte. At the first light I was a little daunted to behold the Prior, who looked most fearfully with a bladder from his throat swelled almost round his necke, which hung over his shoulders and brest, and stayed up his chin, and lifted up his head so, that hee could scarce looke any whither but up to heaven. In our discourse he told mee that disease had beene upon him at least ten yeers, and that the water of that River had caused it in him, and in many others of that Town. This made mee now as much out of love with the River, as above the hill I had liked the goodly sight of it, and therefore resolved not to stay so long in that place as I had thought, lest the waters should marke me for all my life, as they had done this Prior; whose name was Fryer John De la Cruz, a Biscaine borne, and (like some of that Nation) a little troubled with the simples, but a good hearted man, humble, and well beloved over all the Country both by Spaniards and Indians. When I came to the Towne I discovered many men and women with bladders in their throats like the poore Prior, which made mee almost unwilling to drink there any Chocolatte made with that water, or eat any thing dressed with it; untill the Prior did much incourage mee and told mee that it did not hurt all but onely some, and those who did drink it cold; wherewith I resolved to stay there foure or five daies, because of the old Priors importunity, who would faine have had mee continue to live with him, promising to teach mee the Indian language in a very short time. But higher matters calling mee to Guatemala, I excused my selfe, and continued there five dayes with much recreation. The Town though it be not in the generall very rich, yet there are some Indian Merchants who trade about the country and especially to Suchutepeques where is the chief store of Cacao, and thereby some of this Towne of Sacapula, have inriched themselves; the rest of the people trade in pots and pans, which they make of an earth there fit for that purpose. But the principall Merchandize of this place is salt, which they gather in the morning from the ground that lyeth neere the River. The aire is hot, by reason the Town standeth low, and compassed with high hills on every side. Besides many good fruits which are here, there are Dates as good as those that come from Barbary, and many trees of them in the Garden belonging to the Cloister. After I had here wearied out the wearinesse, which I brought in my bones from the Cuchumatlanes, I departed taking my way to Guatemala, and from Sacapula I went to a Town called St. Andres, or St. Andrews, which standeth six or seven leagues from Sacapula, a great Town, but nothing remarkable in it, save onely Cotton wooll and Turkies, and about it some rich Estancia's or Farmes of Cattell, which are commodiously seated here, it being a plain Champaigne Country. Yet at further end of this plain there is a Mountaine which discourageth with the sight all such as travell to Guatemala; from St. Andres I prepared my selfe for the next daies journey, which was of nine long leagues, to a very great Town called by two names, by some Sacualpa, by others Sta. Maria Zojabah, to the which I could not goe without passing over that Mountaine. I sent word of going to Zojabah the day before (as is the custome there) that mules and horses might meet mee upon the Mountaine; and the night before I went to a Rancho (which is a lodge built for travellers to rest when the journey is long) which stood within a league of the Mountaine by a River, where with the waters murmur, and refreshing gales I tooke good rest. In the morning having refreshed my selfe, and my Indians with Chocolatte I set out to incounter with that proud Mountaine; and when I came unto it I found it not so hard to overcome, as I had conceited, the way lying with windings and turnings; But the higher I mounted the more my eyes were troubled with looking to the River below, whose rockes were enough to astonish and make a stout heart tremble. About the middle of the Mountaine the Indians of Zojabah met with a mule for mee, and another for my carriage in a narrow passage where the way went wheeling. Here I lighted, whilst the Indians helped one another to unload and load the mule that came of refresh. Out of the narrow way the side of the Mountaine was steepy, and a fearefull precipice of two or three miles to the bottome, almost bare of trees, here and there one onely growing. My heart was true unto mee, wishing[Pg 115] mee to walke up a foot untill I came unto some broader passage; but the Indians perceiving my feare told me there was no danger, assuring mee further that the Mule they had brought was sure, and had been well used to that mountaine. With their perswasions I got up, but no sooner was I mounted when the Mule began to play her prankes and to kick, and to leap out of the way, casting me down and herselfe, both rouling and tumbling a pace to the rockes and death, had not a shrub prevented me, and a tree stopped the Mules blind fury. The Indians cried out, milagro, milagro, miracle, miracle, Santo, Santo, a Saint, a Saint, to me so loud as if they would have had their cry reach to Rome to helpe forward my canonization; for many such miracles have some been noised at Rome, and with further contribution of mony have been enrolled in the booke and Catalogue of Saints. Whilst the Indians helped me up and brought the Mule againe into the way, they did nothing but flatter me with this terme Saint; which they needed not have done, if as they considered my dangerous fall and stopping at a shrub (which was by chance, and not by miracle) they had further considered my passion and hasty wrath (not befitting a Saint) wherewith I threatned to bast their ribs for deceiving mee with a yong Mule not well accustomed to the saddle. But all my hasty words and anger could not discredit me with them, nor lessen their conceipt of my holinesse and sanctity, who hold the anger and wrath of a Preist to be the breath of Gods nostrils, and with this their foolish conceipt of mee, they kneeled before me kissing my hands. The businesse being further examined, they confessed that they had been mistaken in the Mules, having sadled for me that which should have carried my Petaca's, or leatherne chests, which was a young Mule accustomed onely to carriages, and not to the saddle, and upon that which should have been sadled they put my carriage. Whilst they unloaded and loaded again and sadled the right Mule, I walked up the hill about a mile, and when they overtooke me I got up and rid till I met with my refreshing harbour and Chocolatte, and many Indians that came to receive me, among whom it was presently noised that I was a Saint and had wrought a miracle in the way; with this the rest of the Indians kneeled to me and kissed my hands, and in the way that we went to the Towne, all their talk was of my sanctity. I was much vexed at their simplicity, but the more they saw mee unwilling to accept of that honour, the more they pressed it upon me. When I came to the Town I told the Frier what had happened, and what the foolish Indians had conceited; at which he laughed, and told me that he would warrant me if I staied long in the Towne, all the men and women would come to kisse my hands and to offer their gifts unto me. He knew well their qualities, or else had taught them this superstition with many others; for no sooner had we dined, but many were gathered to the Church to see the Saint that was come to their Towne, and that had wrought a miracle in the mountaine as he came. With this I began to be more troubled then before at the folly of the simple people, and desired the Fryer to checke and rebuke them, who by no means would, but rather laughed at it, saying, that in policy we ought to accept of any honour from the Indians, for as long as we had credit and an opinion of Saints among them, so long we should prevaile to do any thing with them, yea even to command them and their fortunes at our pleasure. With this I went downe with the Frier to the Church, and sate downe with him in a chaire in the Quire, representing the person of such a Saint as they imagined me to be, though in reality and truth but a wretched sinner.
No sooner had we taken up our places, when the Indians, men, women, and children came up by three and four, or whole families to the Quire, first kneeling down for my blessing, and then kissing my hands, they began to speake to me in their Indian complements to this purpose, that their Town was happy and doubtlesse blessed from heaven by my coming into it, and that they hoped their soules should be much the better if they might partake of my praiers to God for them. And for this purpose some offered unto me money, some hony, some egs, some little mantles, some Plantins, and other fruits, some fowles, and some Turkeys. The Frier that sate by me I perceived was overjoyed with this, for he knew I was to be gone, and would leave unto him all those offerings. I desired him to make answer unto the Indians in my behalfe, excusing me as not well versed in their language (yet the fooles if they thought and judged me to be a Saint, might have expected from me also the gift of tongues) which he did telling them that I had been but a while in that Country, and though I understood part of their language, yet could not speake nor pronounce it perfectly, and[Pg 116] therefore from me he did give them hearty thankes for the great love they had shewed unto an Ambassadour of God, witnessing it with so many sorts of offerings, which assuredly should remind him and mee of our offerings for them, in our praiers and hearty recommendations of them and their children unto God. Thus was that ceremony ended, the Indians dismissed, and the Frier and I went up to a chamber, where he began to tell his egs and fowles and to dispose of some of them for our supper; he told me he would take them, but at my departure would give me somewhat for them; he bad me keep what money they had given me, and told me I was welcome unto him, and no burdensome guesse, but very profitable, who had brought with me store of provision for my selfe and for him many daies after. The money I received came to fourty Rials, besides twenty which he gave me for the other offerings, which might be worth fourty more; all this I got for having a fall from a Mule, and for not breaking my necke. I would faine have departed the next morning, but John Vidall (so was the Frier named) would not permit me, for that the next journey was of at least ten leagues, and therefore he would have me rest my selfe the next day.
This Towne of Zojabah, or Sacualpa is the biggest and fairest of all the Towns that belong unto the Priory of Sacapula; the Indians are rich, and make of their Cotton-wool many mantles, they have plenty of hony, and great flocks of goats and kids; but here, nor in all the Townes behind there is no wheat, save only Indian Maiz. The next day some small offerings fell unto mee, but nothing like the day before; and so I told the Frier, that now the peoples devotion was decaied, I would bee gone in the morning before day. That night the chiefe Indians of the Towne came to offer their service and attendance upon me to a Rancho or lodge that standeth in the middle way; but I would not accept of the great ones, but desired that I might have three onely of the meaner sort to guide mee till I met with company from the Towne whither I was going, and whither I had sent warning of my comming. The time appointed was three of the clock in the morning; at which houre after a little sleep I was called, and having drunke my Chocolatte, and eat a maple bread with a little conserve, I prepared my selfe for my journey, and found the Indians ready waiting for me in the yard, with pieces of pine-wood, which burn like torches, and with which they use to travell in the night, and to shew the way to him whom they guide. A little from the Towne wee had some craggy wayes, which indeed had need of lights, but afterwards we came into a plaine champaigne Countrey, which continued till within a league of the middle way lodge; to the which we were to descend a steep hill. When we came thither (which was about seven in the morning) we found our fresh supply waiting for us, who had set out from their Towne at midnight to meet us (note the Indians subjection to their Preists command) and had made us a fire, and warmed water for our Chocolatte. Which whilst I was drinking, the Indians of Zojabah, who had guided me thither, gave notice to those that came to receive from St. Martin (so was the Towne called whither I was that day minded) of my miracle and sanctity, wishing them to reverence and respect me in the way. But not for this their foolish report did I make the Indians of Zojabah drinke every one a cup of Chocolatte, and so dismissed them; and took forwards my journey to St. Martin. Most of the way was hilly and craggy till we came within two miles of the Towne; to the which we arrived by noone. This Towne is cold, standing high, yet pleasant for the prospect almost to Guatemala; here, and in most of the Towns about it is most excellent wheat. The hony of this Towne is the best in the Countrey; but above all it furnisheth Guatemala with Quailes, Partridges, and Rabbits. It is the first Towne wee enter into belonging to the City and command of Guatemala; which did not a little comfort me, that now I wanted but one good journey to make an end of my long, tedious and wearisome travelling. The Frier of this Towne named Thomas de la Cruz belonged unto the Dominican Cloister of Guatemala; he was a Criolian, but yet he entertained me very lovingly. I staied with him but that night. And in the morning (though I might have gone to dinner to Guatemala) I would needs goe by the way to one of the biggest Townes in that Countrey, called Chimaltenango, standing in an open valley three leagues from the City, consisting of a thousand house-keepers, and rich Indians who trade much about the Countrey. In this Towne in my time there was one Indian, who alone had bestowed upon the Church five thousand duckates. The Church yeelds to none in the City of Guatemala, and in musick it exceeds most about the Country. The chief feast of Chimaltenango is[Pg 117] upon the 26. day of July, (which they call St. Annes day) and then is the richest faire that ever my eyes beheld in those parts of all sorts of Merchants and Merchandize; It is further set forth with Bull-baiting, Horse-racing, Stage-playes, Maskes, dances, Musick, and all this gallantly performed by the Indians of the Town. The Fryer of this Town was a Dominican, belonging to the Cloister of the Dominicans of Guatemala, named Alonso Hidalgo, a foure eyed old man, for hee alwaies wore spectacles. Hee was a Spaniard borne, but having beene brought up in that Country from his youth, and having taken his habit and vowes in Guatemala amongst the Criolians, hee degenerated from his birth and Country-men, hating all such as came from Spain. Hee was a deadly enemy to the Provinciall (ayming indeed himselfe to bee Provinciall with the favour of the Criolians) and so I perceived hee would have picked a quarrell with mee, whilst I was with him; hee told mee I was welcome, though hee had little reason to bid any welcome that had come from Spain, who hee thought came but to supplant those that had been born and brought up there in their own Country, and that for ought hee knew, I learning the language of those Indians might one day dispossesse him of that Towne, wherein hee had continued above ten yeers; hee envied much against the Provinciall and Fryer John Baptist the Prior of Guatemala, whom hee knew to bee my friend; But to all this I answered not a word, respecting his grave and old age, and Crystall spectacles. At last he told mee that hee had heard say, that the Indians of Zojabah had cried mee up for a Saint, which hee could not beleeve of any that came from Spain, much lesse of mee that came from England a countrey of hereticks; but hee feared rather that I might come as a spie, to view the riches of that their Country, and betray them hereafter to England; and that in Guatemala there were many rich pieces, especially a picture of our Lady, and a lampe in the Cloister of the Dominicans, which he doubted not but I would bee carefull to pry into. But all this I put up with a jest, saying, that I would bee sure to take notice first of the riches of his chamber in pictures, hangings, and rich Cabinets, and that if the English came thither in my time, I would surely conduct them to it; and if hee himselfe would but cause a set of teeth of silver to bee set in his gums and jawes in stead of those leaden ones, (for hee was so old that hee had lost all his teeth, and had got some of lead in their stead) then surely I would also conduct the English to him as to a rich prize for his teeth, and that I would warrant him hee should bee well used for his outward and inward riches; and that this my counsell might bee profitable and of consequence to him, I told him; for if the English should come, certainly they would try of what metall his teeth were made, thinking that they might bee of some rare and exquisite substance found onely in that Country, and so might cause him to drink such hot and scalding broth, (to try whether they were lead) as might melt them in his mouth, and make the melted lead runne downe his throat, which if they were of silver, they would not doe. Hee perceived I jeared him, and so hee let mee alone; I was glad I had put him out of his former byas of rayling; so dinner being ended, I told him I would not stay supper, but goe to Guatemala to a light supper in the Cloister, for that hee had given mee such a dinner, as I feared I should not have digested it in few daies. I desired him to let me have Indians to guide me to Guatemala, which he willingly performed, peradventure fearing that if I stayed supper with him, I should melt the teeth in his mouth with some scalding cup of my Chocolatte brought from Chiapa, or that in the night I should rifle or plunder his chamber of his rich Idols and Ebony Cabinets. The Indians being come, I made hast to be gone from that four eyed beast, being now desirous of a constant rest in Guatemala. Within a league from this Town of Chimaltenango, the Rode way leaving that open, wide, and spatious valley, contracts and gathereth in it selfe between hils and mountaines standing on each side, and so continueth to the City. From this Valley unto Guatemala, neither is there any ascent or descent but a plaine, broad and sandy way. The eye hath much to view, though compassed with Mountaines, in these two last leagues; for yet it may behold a Town of Indians which taketh up most of the way, and is counted as big as Chimaltenango, if not bigger, the houses lying scattered with a distance one from another, mingled with many fair buildings of Spaniards, who resort much thither from the City for their recreation. This Town is called Xocotenango, of a fruit named Xocotte, which is most plentifull there, and all about the Country; it is fresh and cooling, of a yellow colour when ripe, and of two sorts, some sweet, and others sowre, of the stones whereof the Indians make a[Pg 118] fire; they lie so thick in the way, dropping from the trees for want of gathering and spending them all, that the Spaniards have begun to practise the buying of Hogs on purpose to let them runne about that high way, finding that they fat as speedily and as well with those plummes, as our Hogs doe in England with Akorns. All this way are also many faire gardens, which supply the Markets of Guatemala with herbs, roots, fruits, and flowers all the yeer. There are further in this Rode three water mills for the corn of the City, whereof the chief and the richest belongs to the Dominican Fryers of Guatemala, who keep there a Fryer constantly with three or foure Blackmores to doe and oversee the worke; What will not those Fryers doe to satisfie their covetous mindes? Even dusty Millars they will become to get wealth. The Frontispice of the Church of this Town is judged one of the best pieces of worke thereabouts; the high Altar within is also rich and stately, being all daubed with gold. I made no stay in this place, because I knew I should have many occasions after my setling in the City to come unto it. And thus keeping between the hils I continued on my journey till I came to Guatemala, whose Dominions, riches and greatnesse the following chapter shall largely shew.
I had not rid on above a mile from the Church of Xocotenango, when the hils and Mountaines seemed to depart one from another, leaving a more spatious object for the eye to behold, and a wider Valley to wander in. The fame of that City from Mexico and Chiapa had raised up my thoughts to conceit of some strong walls, Towers, Forts or Bulwarks to keep out an aspiring or attempting enemy; But when I came neere and least thought of it, I found my self in it without entring through walls, or gates, or passing over any bridge, or finding any watch or guard to examine who I was; but passing by a new built Church, standing neere a place of dunghils, where were none but mean houses, some thatched, and some tyled, and asking what Town that was, answer was made me that it was the City of Guatemala, and that that, being called St. Sebastian, was the onely Parish Church of the City. With this my high conceiting thoughts stooped down to think of some second Chiapa; till having continued on a while by houses on my right hand and dunghils on my left, I came to a broader street having houses on each side, which seemed to promise a City at hand. At my first turning I discovered a proud and stately Cloister, which was the place of rest to my wearied body. I surrounded it to finde out the back gate, and there lighted, and enquired for the Prior, who bad me very welcome, assuring me that for the Provincials sake, I should want no incouragement, and that hee would doe for mee much more then what the Provinciall had signified unto him by Letters. He told mee hee had beene brought up in Spain, in the Country of Asturias, where many English ships did use to come, and having seen there many of my Nation, he affected them very much, and to mee as one of so good a Nation, and as a stranger and Pilgrime out of my owne Country, hee would shew all the favour that the utmost of his power would afford. How glad was I, to find in him so contrary an opinion to that of foure eyed Hidalgo? And how did he performe his words? He was the chief Master and Reader of Divinity in the University, his name Master Jacintho de Cabannas, who finding mee desirous to follow the Schools, and especially to hear from him some lessons of Theologie, within the first quarter of yeer, that I had been his constant and attentive Auditor, graced mee with a publick act of conclusions of Divinity, which I was to defend under his direction and moderation in the face of the whole University and Assembly of Doctors and Divines, against the Tenents of Scotus and Suarez. But the principall and head conclusion was concerning the birth of the Virgin Mary, whom both Jesuites, Suarez and Franciscans, and Scotists hold to have beene borne without Originall sinne, or[Pg 119] any guilt or staine of it, against whose fond, foolish and ungrounded fancies, I publickly defended with Thomas Aquinas, and all Thomists, that shee (as well as all Adams posterity) was borne in Originall sin. It was an act, the like whereof had not been so controverted in that University with arguments in contra, and their answers and solutions, and with reasons and arguments in pro many yeers before. The Jesuites stamped with their feet, clapt with their hands, railed with their tongues, and condemned it with their mouths for a heresie, saying, that in England, where were hereticks, such an opinion concerning Christs mother might bee held, and defended by mee who had my birth among hereticks, but that Master Cabannas borne among Spaniards, and brought up in their Universities, and being the chief Reader in that famous Academy should maintaine such an opinion, they could not but much marvaile and wonder at it. But with patience I told them, that strong reasons, and the further authority of many learned Thomist Divines should satisfie their vaine and clamorous wondring. The Act was ended, and though with Jesuites I could get no credit, yet with the Dominicans, and with Master Cabannas, I got so much that I never after lost it for the space of almost twelve yeers; but was still honored by the meanes of this Cabannas and Fryer John Baptist the Prior of Chiapa (who at Christmas ensuing was made Prior of Guatemala) with honors and preferments as great as ever stranger was living among Spaniards. These two above named being at Candlemas or beginning of February that same yeer at Chiapa, at the election of a new Provinciall, would not forget mee their poorest friend stil abiding in Guatemala, but remembring that the University (which belonged chiefly to the Cloister) at Michaelmas would want a new Reader or Master of Arts to begin with Logick, continue through the eight bookes of Physicks, and to end with the Metaphysicks, propounded mee to the new elected Provinciall (whose name was Fryer John Ximeno) and to the whole Chapter and Conventicle of the Province for Reader of Arts in Guatemala the Michaelmas next ensuing. Their suit for me was so earnest and their authority so great that nothing could bee denied them, and so they brought unto mee from the Provinciall Chapter these insuing Letters Patents, from Fryer John Ximeno, whose form and manner I thought fit here to insert out of the Original in Spanish (which to this day abideth with me) for curiosity and satisfaction of my Reader.
Fray Juan Ximeno Predicador General y Prior Provincial desta Provincia de San Vicente de Chiapa y Guatemala, Orden de Predicadores. Por quanto nuestro Convento de Sancto Domingo de Guatemala carece de Lector de Artes. Por la presente Instituyo y doy por Lector Al Padre fray Thomas de Sancta Maria (so was my Name then, and by this name will some Spaniards know mee, who may chance hereafter to read this, and curse mee) por la satisfaccion que tengo de su sufficiencia. Y mando al Pe. Prior del dicho nuestro Convento, le ponga en possession del tal Officio. Y para mayor merito de obediencia le mando in virtute Spiritu sancti, et sanctæ obedientiæ, et sub præcepto formali; In nomine Patris, et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Amen. Fecho en este nuestro Convento de Chiapa la Real en nueve de Febrero de 1627. Y la mande sellar con sello mayor de nuistro officio.
Fray Juan or Ximeno Plis.
Por Mandado de Nostro Rdo. Padre, Fray Juan de Sto. Domingo Noto.
Notifique esta Patente a el Contenido, en 12 dias del mes de Abril de 1627. Fray Juan Baptista Por.
This Form according to the Originall in Spanish is thus in English, and to this purpose.
Fryer John Ximeno Preacher Generall, and Prior Provinciall of this Province of Saint Vincent of Chiapa and Guatemala, Order of Preachers.[Pg 120] Whereas our Convent of Saint Dominick of Guatemala wanteth and stands in need of a Reader of Arts: By these presents I doe institute, name and appoint for Reader Fryer Thomas of Saint Mary, for the great satisfaction which I have of his sufficiency. And I command the Prior of the foresaid our Convent, that hee put him into full possession and enjoyment of the said Office. And for the greater merit of obedience I command him (our forenamed Reader,) by vertue of the Holy Ghost, and of holy obedience, and under a formall precept, In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, Amen. Dated in this our Convent of Chiapa the Royall, the ninth of February, 1627. And I commanded these to bee sealed with the great Seale of our Office.
Fryer John or Ximeno Pal.
By the command of our Reverend Father Fryer John of St. Dominick. Notary.
I notified these Letters, Patents, unto the contained in them the 12. day of the moneth of Aprill. 1627.
Fryer John Baptist. Por.
This honour conferred upon mee a stranger, and new commer to the Province, made the Criolian party and some others (who had aymed at that place and preferment in the University) to stomack mee. But to mee it was a spurre to stir and prick mee on to a more eager pursuit of learning, to frequent the Academy lessons with more care and diligence; and to spend my selfe and time, day and night, more in studying, that so I might performe with like honour that which was laid upon mee, and answer the expectation of my best and forwardest friends. Three yeers I continued in this Convent and City in obedience to the forecited Patents; oftentimes I thought within my self that the honour of my English Nation here lay upon me in Guatemala, in not suffering any Spaniard to goe beyond mee, or to outbrave mee with gallant, witty and well seeming arguments; and so many times I would at nine of the clock at night, when others were gone to bed, take in my chamber a cup of hot Chocolatte, that with it I might banish sleep from mine eyes, and might the better continue in my study till one or two in the morning, being bound to awake and bee up again by six. I was loath in these three yeers to take upon mee any other of such charges which are common in such Convents; but especially to preach much, and to hear the Confessions of such both men and women as resorted to the Church of that Cloister, lest hereby my studies might bee hindered, and time spent in other waies. Yet the Prior and Master Cabannas would often bee very importunate with mee, to obtaine the Bishops License for hearing of Confessions, and Preaching abroad in the City and Country (for in the Church of that Cloister I might and did sometimes, though seldome preach with Permission of the Provinciall) but this I strongly refused, untill such time as the Provinciall himselfe came to Guatemala, who hearing me once Preach, would by all meanes have mee further licensed and authorised from the Bishop, that so I might not bee straitned within the Cloisters limits, but abroad in other Churches might freely Preach, and thereby get some money for the better furnishing my selfe with Bookes. Hee therefore commanded mee to bee examined by five examiners all able Divines, for the space of three houres (as is the custome of that Order) and having three houres stood under their hard and rigid questions and examination, having also at the end obtained their approbation, then the Provinciall presented mee unto the Bishop with these words following, being taken out of the Originall yet abiding with mee.
Fray Juan Ximeno Predicador General, y Provincial desta Provincia de San Vicente de Chiapa y Guatemala, Orden de Predicadores, Presento a[Pg 121] Vuestra Sennoria Illustrissima al Padre Fray Thomas de Sancta Maria, examinado y a provado por cinco examinadores per vota Secreta, conforme a nuestras Constitutiones, Para que Vuestra Sennoria Illustrissima se sirva de darle licencia para Confessar y Predicar a todo genero de Gente en su Obispado, Conforme a la Clementina, Dudum de Sepulturis.
A Vuestra Sennoria Illustrissima Suplico le aya por Presentado, y se sirva de dalle la dicha licencia, que en ello recibire merced.
Fray Juan or Ximeno, Palis.
This forme of presentation, used among them, naming the party presenting, and the party presented, is in English much to this purpose.
Frier John Ximeno, Preacher Generall, and Provinciall of this Province of St. Vincent, of Chiapa and Guatemala, Order of Preachers, do present unto your Lordship the father Frier Thomas of St. Mary (already examined, and approved by five Examiners by secret Votes, according to our Rule and Constitutions) that your Lordship may be pleased to grant him licence to heare Confessions, and to preach to all sorts of people in your Bishoprick, according to that Rule and Canon of Pope Clement, beginning with these words, Dudum de Sepulturis.
I humbly beseech your Lordship, to have him for presented, and to grant him your foresaid licence, and therein I shall receive great favour.
Frier John or Ximeno. Palis.
The Bishop of Guatemala being my great friend, and a well-wisher to learning and especially to that Universitie, needed not many words of intreaty, but presently gave me this Licence written on the back-side of the presentation, and that without any further examination by his Clergy and part of his Chapter, which hee may and doth use when he pleaseth.
Nos el Maestro Don Fray Joan de Sandoval, y, Capata, de la Orden de San Augustin por la Divina Gracia Obispo de Guatemala y la Vera Paz, y del Confejo de su Magistad etc. Por la Presente damos licencia al Padre Fray Thomas de Santa Maria de la orden de Predicadores Contenido en la Presentacion de su Religion atras Contenida, Para que en todo este nuestro Obispado pueda Predicar, y Predique la Palabra de Dios, y para que pueda administrar, y administre el Sacramento Santo de la Penitentia generalmente a todas las Personas que con el tubieren Devocion de Confessare (excepto Monias) y a las Personas que Confessare pueda absolver, y absuelva de todos sus pecados, Crimines y excessos, excepto de los casos reservados a su santidad, y a Nos por Direcho. Dada en la Ciudad de Santiago de Guatemala, en quarto de Diziembre de Mill, y Seyscientos, y veynte y nueve Annos.
El Obispo de Guatemala
Por Mandado del Illmo. mi Senor Pedro Ramirez de Valdes, Secretario.
This forme of licence to preach and heare confessions, from the Bishop of Guatemala, is worth Englishing for some things in it, which I shall observe with inclosed Parentheses as I goe along for the better reminding my Reader of them.
Wee (Bishops in that Church scorne the name of a singular person, shewing they have the power of all persons joyned together in them, of rich and poore, of subject and Prince) Master and Lord Frier John de Sandoval y Capata of the Order of St. Augustin (though brought up in a poore Mendicant Cloister, yet now he takes upon him the Title of a Lord, and shewes how Prelates in that Church use to Lord it over the people) by the Divine Grace Bishop of Guatemala and the Vera Paz, (he stiles himselfe a Bishop by Divine Grace, whereas he himselfe acording to the common report of him, as also are most Bishops there made, was made Bishop not by any Divine Grace, but by unwarranted Simony and favour from Courtiers, having given many thousand Crownes for that his Bishopricke) of his Majesties Councell (Bishops there must be Counsellors to Kings, and meddle in Court and Politicke affaires) by these Present give licence to Father Frier Thomas of Saint Mary, of the Order of Preachers, contained in the Presentation from his religious Order on the back-side of this our licence, that throughout all our Bishopricke he may and doe preach the word of God (yet I confesse This word of God is little used in Sermons in that Church, but rather the words of Saints of theirs and Fathers, and lying words of miracles, wherewith they stuffe up a whole houres preaching) and that he may and doe administer the holy Sacrament of Penance (not holy as it came from the mouth of him to whom the Seraphims cry Holy, Holy, Holy, but as it came from the head of Rome, who sacrilegiously stiles himselfe Holinesse and most Holy Father. Not a Sacrament as so left and ordained by Christ, but one of Romes seven Sacraments, which as it is a City knowne and distinguished by seven hills, so will that Church be knowne and distinguished from the true Church by seven Sacraments) generally to all persons, which shall have devotion to confesse with him, excepting Nuns (this Bishop had in that City one of the six Judges of the Chancery his daughter a Nun called Donna Juana de Maldonado y Paz, whom he loved dearly, and much conferred with her in private in the Cloister, whose private conferences he was jealous they should be knowne in Confession, and therefore would suffer none to hear Nuns Confessions, but such as were his most intimate friends, and of whom he had great satisfaction, alleadging this reason that such as heard Nuns Confessions ought to be very skilfull and experienced in such waies, and men of age; for that greater cases of Conscience were to be met with in Nuns Confessions, than in others. By which reason he unwisely brought an aspersion upon those Virgins, who should live chastly and holily as separated from the world and inclosed, and yet it seems by this Bishops opinion, that within their inclosed walls sins are committed more grievous then abroad in the wide world, and such as may puzzle a Ghostly Father if not skillfull and ancient) and that he may and doe absolve all persons which shall confesse with him (if onely God can pardon and absolve from sinne, Oh how is Gods power arrogated and taken, yea and abused by those sacrilegious Priests!) from all their sins, crimes, and excesses, excepting such cases as are reserved to his Holinesse, and to us by Canon right. (A wicked rule and Canon, a Government certainly most cruell and tyrannicall, that bindes poor wretches in some cases to goe from America to Rome, at least eight thousand miles to cleare their Consciences before the Pope, or else they must die without pardon and absolution from sinne, many having not meanes to goe thither, nor gifts to bestow upon their Pope, who must be bribed to absolve them. O how more sweet,[Pg 123] comfortable and safe is it for a heinous sinner and offendour even at home or in the Church grieving within his heart, and keeping within himselfe, to lift up a broken heart, and make that poste and flie with wings of Eagles to the high Throne of Gods grace and mercy, with assured confidence that there only is pardon, remission and absolution granted to all such as doe truely and unfeignedly repent of their sins, crimes and excesses!) Dated in the City of St. James of Guatemala, the fourth day of December, in the yeer of our Lord 1629.
The Bishop of Guatemala.
By the Command of my most Illustrious Lord, Peter Ramirez de Valdes. Secretary.
Thus with full and ample Commission from the Bishop and the Provinciall was I setled in Guatemala, to read and preach, where, (although I might have continued many yeers and was offered to read Divinity, having in part begun it one quarter of a yeere) I continued yet but three yeers and almost an halfe for the reason I shall shew hereafter. So what in that time I could observe of that City, and of the Countrey round about, having had occasions to travaile about it both when I lived in Guatemala, and afterwards when I lived for above seven yeers in the Countrey Townes, I shall truly and faithfully recommend unto my Reader. This City of Guatemala (called by the Spaniards Santiago, or St. James of Guatemala) is seated in a valley, which is not above two miles and a halfe broad, for the high mountaines doe keep it close in; but in length towards the South-sea it continues a wide and champaigne Countrey, opening it selfe broader a little beyond that Towne, which to this day is called la Ciudad Vieja, or the old City, standing somewhat above three miles from Guatemala. Though the mountaines on each side doe strongly environ it, and especially on the East-side seem to hang over it, yet none of them are hinderers to Travellers, who over them have opened waies easie for man and beasts though heavily laden with wares of all sorts. The way from Mexico, if taken by the coast of Soconuzco, and Suchutepeques comes into the City North-west-ward, which is a wide, open and sandy rode; if it be taken by Chiapa, it lieth North-east, and entreth into the City between the mountaines, as before hath been noted. West-ward to the South-sea the way lieth open through the valley and a champaigne Countrey. But South or South-East, the entrance is over high and steepy hils, which is the common Rode from Comayagua, Nicaragua, and the Golfo dulce or sweet Gulfe, where the ships come yeerly and unlade all the Commodities which are brought from Spaine for Guatemala. This also is the way followed by them who take a journey meer East-ward from this City. But the chiefest mountaines, which straighten in this City and valley are two, called Vulcanes, the one being a Vulcan of water, and the other a Vulcan or mountain of fire, termed so by the Spaniards, though very improperly a Vulcan may be said to containe water, it taking its name from the heathenish God Vulcan, whose profession and imployment chiefly was in fire. These two famous mountaines stand almost the one over against the other, on each side of the valley; that of water hanging on the South-side almost perpendicularly over the City, the other of fire standing lower from it, more opposite to the old City. That of water is higher then the other, and yeelds a goodly prospect to the sight, being almost all the yeer green, and full of Indian Milpa's, which are plantations of Indian wheat; and in the small and petty Townes which lie some halfe way up it, some at the foot of it, there are Roses, Lillies, and other flowers all the yeer long in the gardens, besides Plantins, Apricockes, and many sorts of sweet and delicate fruits. It is called by the Spaniards, el Vulcan del agua, or the Vulcan of water, because on the other side of it from Guatemala it springs with many brookes towards a Towne called Saint Christopher, and especially is thought to preserve and nourish on that side also a great lake of fresh water, by the Townes called Amatitlan and Petapa. But on the side of it towards Guatemala and the valley it yeelds also so many springs of sweet and fresh water, as have caused and made a river which runneth along the valley close by the City, and is that which drives the water-mills spoken of before in Xocotenango. This river was not known when first the Spaniards conquered that Country; but since, according to their constant Tradition,[Pg 124] the City of Guatemala standing higher and neerer to the Vulcan in that place and Town which to this day is called la Ciudad Vieja, or the old City, there lived in it then about the yeer 1534. a Gentlewoman called Donna Maria de Castilia, who having lost her husband in the warres, and that same yeer buried also all her children, grew so impatient under these her crosses and afflictions, that impiously she defied God, saying, What can God do more unto me now then he hath done? he hath done his worst without it be to take away my life also, which I now regard not. Upon these words there gushed out of this Vulcan such a flood of water as carried away this woman with the streame, ruined many of the houses, and caused the inhabitants to remove to the place where now standeth Guatemala. This is the Spaniards own Tradition, which if true, should be our example to learne to feare and not to defie God, when his judgements shew him to us angry and a God that will overcome, when he judgeth. From that time, and from this their Tradition is the Towne now standing where first stood Guatemala, called la Ciudad Vieja, or the old City, and hath continued a river which before was not knowne, having its head and spring from this high Vulcan, whose pleasant springs, gardens, fruits, flowers and every green and flourishing prospect might be a fair object to a Martials wit, who here would fancie a new Parnassus, find out new steps of flying Pegasus, and greet the Nymphes and nine Sisters with this their never yet discovered and American habitation. This Vulcan or mountaine is not so pleasing to the sight (whose height is judged full nine miles unto the top) but the other which standeth on the other side of the valley opposite unto it, is unpleasing and more dreadfull to behold, for here are ashes for beauty, stones and flints for fruits and flowers, baldnesse for greennesse, barrennesse for fruitfulnesse, for water whisperings and fountaine murmurs, noise of thunders and roaring of consuming metals, for running streams, flashings of fire, for tall and mighty trees and Cedars, Castles of smoak rising in height to out-dare the skie and firmament, for sweet and odoriferous and fragrant smels, a stink of fire and brimstone, which are stil in action striving within the bowels of that ever burning and fiery Vulcan. Thus is Guatemala seated in the midst of a Paradise on the one side and a hell on the other, yet never hath this hell broke so loose as to consume that flourishing City. True it is formerly many yeers agoe it opened a wide mouth on the top, and breathed out such fiery ashes as filled the houses of Guatemala and the Country about, and parched all the plants and fruits, and spued out such stones and rockes which had they fallen upon the City would have crushed it to pieces, but they fell not farre from it, but to this day lie about the bottome and sides of it, causing wonder to those that behold them, and taking away admiration from them that admire the force and strength of fire and powder in carrying on a weighty bullet from the mouth of a cannon, whereas here the fire of this mountaine hath cast up into the aire and tumbled downe to the bottom of it such rockes as in bignesse exceed a reasonable house, and which not the strength of any twenty Mules (as hath been tried) have been able to remove. The fire which flasheth out of the top of this mountain is sometimes more and sometimes lesse; yet while I lived in the City, on a certaine time for the space of three or foure dayes and nights it did so burne that my friend Mr. Cabannas confidently avouched to mee and others, that standing one night in his window he had with the light of that fire read a letter, the distance being above three English miles. The roaring also of this monstrous beast is not constantly alike, but is greater in the summer time then in the winter, that is, from October to the end of April, then all the rest of the yeer; for then it seems, the winds entring into those concavities set the fire on work harder then at other times, and cause the mountaine to roare and the earth about to quake. There was a time three yeers before my comming to that City, when the inhabitants expected nothing but utter ruine and destruction, and durst not abide within their houses for nine dayes (the earthquakes continuing and increasing more and more) but made bowers and arbours in the Market place, placing there their Idoll Saints and Images, especially St. Sebastian, whom they hoped would deliver them from that judgement, and for this purpose they dayly carried him through the streets in solemn and idolatrous procession and adoration. But all the while I lived there the noise within the mountaine, the smoake and flashes of fire without, and the Summer earth-quakes were such that with the use and custome of them I never feared any thing, but thought that City the healthiest and pleasantest place of dwelling that ever I came into in all my travels. The climate is very temperate, farre exceeding either Mexico or Guaxaca. Neither are the two fore-named Cities better[Pg 125] stored with fruits, herbes for salets, provision of fish, and flesh, Beef, Mutton, Veale, Kid, Fowles, Turkies, Rabbets, Quailes, Partridges, Pheasants, and of Indian and Spanish Wheat, then is this City: from the South Sea (which lyeth in some places not above twelve leagues from it) and from the Rivers of the South Sea Coast, and from the fresh Lake of Amatitlan and Petapa, and from another Lake lying three or foure leagues from Chimalienango; it is well and plentifully provided for of fish. But for Beef there is such plenty, that it exceeds all parts of America, without exception, as may be known by the Hydes, which are sent yeerly to Spain from the country of Guatemala, where they commonly kill their Cattell, more for the game of their Hydes in Spain, then for the goodnesse or fatnesse of the flesh, which though it bee not to bee compared to our English Beef, yet it is good mans meat, and so cheap, that in my time it was commonly sold at thirteene pound and a halfe for half a Riall, the least coyne there, and as much as three pence here. Though all about this Country there are very great and spatious Estancia's, or Farmes for breeding onely, even neer to the Golfo Dulce, where the ships ride that come from Spain, yet from Comayagua, St. Salvador and Nicaragua, is Guatemala stored; But above all are the great Estancia's in the South Sea Coast or Marsh, where in my time there was a Grazier that reckoned up going in his owne Estancia and ground, forty thousand heads of Beasts, small and great, besides many which are called there Simarrones, or wild Cattell, which were strayed among the Woods and Mountaines, and could not bee gathered in with the rest, but were hunted by the Blackmores like wild Bores, and daily shot to death, least they should too much increase and doe hurt. My selfe chanced to bee present at the Fair of the Town of Petapa, with a friend named Lope de Chaves, (who was as they call there, Obligado, or charged to provide flesh for six or seven Townes thereabouts) who at one bargain, and of one man, bought six thousand head of Cattell, great and small, paying one with another eighteen Rials, or nine English shillings a head.
The manner and custome of Guatemala for the better providing both Beef and Mutton for it, and the Country Townes about, is this. Nine daies before Michaelmas, every day Proclamation is made about the City for an Obligado, or one that will bee bound to the City and Country for competent provision of Flesh meat upon forfeiture of such a summe of money to his Majesty, if hee faile, as shall bee agreed upon between him and the Court, and to the Inhabitants of the City; if hee fail in beef, hee is to allow in Mutton so many pounds at the same rate as hee should have allowed beef. If the Obligado faile in Mutton, hee is to allow in Fowle flesh, so many pounds and at the same rate as hee was to allow the Mutton; and this with consideration of the family, what competent allowance of flesh meat shall bee judged for a day, or the dayes that the Obligado shall fail. Besides this the Proclamation is made for whom offers most to his Majesty for one yeers Obligation. So that sometimes it happeneth that the eight daies severall men come into the Court, offering more and more, till upon the ninth day and last Proclamation, the Office is setled for one yeere upon him that hath offered most unto his Majesty. Thus many Butchers are not allowed but one onely Obligado, who also is abridged to so many pound for so much mony, so that if any other besides him offer to kill or sell, he may follow an action and the Court against him: Thus the Obligado (who commonly is a monied man) buyeth by the hundred or by the thousand, as for the present hee findeth the expence of the City, without hee bee himself such a Grazier, as hath Cattell enough of his owne. Though Mutton bee not so plentifull as is Beef, yet there never wants from the Valley of Mixco, Pinola, Petapa, and Amatitlan, and the Marsh and other places. In the Valley fore-named I lived, and was well acquainted with one Alonso Capata, who had constantly going in the Valley four thousand sheep. Guatemala therefore is so well stored with good provision, plentifull and cheap, that it is hard to finde in it a begger, for with halfe a Riall the poorest may buy beef for a weeke, and with a few Cacao's they may have bread of Indian Maiz, if not of Spanish Wheat. This City may consist of about five thousand families, besides a Suburb of Indians called el Barrio de Sto. Domingo, where may bee two hundred families more. The best part of the City is that which joyneth to this Suburb of Indians, and is called also el Barrio Santo de Domingo, by reason of the Cloister of Saint Dominick which standeth in it. Here are the richest and best shops of the City, with the best buildings, most of the houses being new, and stately. Here is also a dayly Tianguez (as they call it) or petty Market, where some[Pg 126] Indians all the day sit selling fruits, Herbs, and Cacao, but at the foure in the afternoone, this Market is filled for a matter of an houre, where the Indian women meet to sell their Country slap, (which is dainties to the Criolians) as Atolle, Pinole, scalded Plantins, butter of the Cacao, puddings made of Indian Maiz, with a bit of Fowle or fresh Porke in them seasoned with much red biting Chile, which they call Anacatamales. The trading of the City is great, for by Mules it partakes of the best commodities of Mexico, Guaxaca and Chiapa, and Southward of Nicaragua, and Costarica. By Sea it hath commerce with Peru, by two Sea Ports and Havens, the one called la Villa de la Trinidad, the Village of the Trinity, which lyeth Southward from it five and twenty leagues; and by another called el Realejo, which lyeth five or six and forty leagues from it. It hath traffique with Spain by the North Sea from Golfo dulce, lying threescore leagues from it. It is not so rich as other Cities, yet for the quantity of it, it yeelds to none. There were in my time five (besides many other Merchants who were judged worth twenty thousand Duckats, thirty thousand, fifty thousand, some few a hundred thousand) who were judged of equall wealth, and generally reported to bee worth each of them five hundred thousand Duckats; the first was Thomas de Siliezer, a Biscain born, and Alcalde de Corte, the Kings High Justice, or chief Officer at Court; the second was Antonio Justiniano, a Genovois born, and one that bore often Offices in the City, and had many Tenements and houses, especially a great and rich Farme for corn and Wheat in the Valley of Mexico. The third was Pedro de Lira, born in Castilia, the fourth and fifth, Antonio Fernandez, and Bartolome Nunnez, both Portingals, whereof the first in my time departed from Guatemala for some reasons which here I must conceale. The other foure I left there, the three of them living at that end of the City called Barrio de Santo Domingo, or the street of St. Dominick, whose houses and presence makes that street excell all the rest of the City, and their wealth and trading were enough to denominate Guatemala a very rich City. The Government of all the Country about, and of all Honduras, Soconusco, Comayagua, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Vera Paz, Suchutepeques, and Chiapa, is subordinate unto the Chancery of Guatemala; for although every Governour over these severall Provinces is appointed by the King and Councell of Spain, yet when they come to those parts to the enjoyment of their charge and execution office, then their actions, if unjust, are weighed, judged, censured, and condemned by the Court residing in the City. This Court of Chancery consisteth of a President, six Judges, one Kings Attourney, and two chief Justices of Court. The President, though hee have not the name and title of Viceroy, as they of Mexico and Peru, yet his power is as great and absolute as theirs. His Pension from the King is but twelve thousands Duckats a yeer; but besides this, if he be covetous, hee makes by bribes and trading twice as much more, nay what hee list, as was seen in the Count de la Gomera, President of that City and Chancery for the space of fourteen yeers, who departed in old age from Guatemala to Canaria (where was his house and place of birth) worth Millions of Duckats. After him succeeded Don Juan de Guzman, formerly President of Santo Domingo, who losing his Wife and Lady in the way, lost also his former spirit and courage, betaking himselfe wholly to his devotions, contemning wealth and riches, governing with love and mildnesse, which made the rest of the Judges, who were all for lucre, soone weary him out of his office, continuing in it but five yeers. His successor (whom I left there when I came away) was Don Gonzalo de Paz y Lorencana, who was promoted from the Presidency of Panama to that place, and came into it with such a spirit of covetousnesse as the like had not been seen in any former President. Hee forbad all gaming in private houses in the City, which there is much used (though by women not so much as in Mexico) not for that hee hated it, but because hee envied others, what they got and gained by their Cards, drawing to himselfe thereby all that gaine, spending sometimes in one night foure and twenty paire of Cards, appointing a Page to assist at the Tables, and to see the box well paid for every paire of Cards, which for his, and his Court respect, was seldome lesse then a crown or two for every paire. Thus did hee lick up with his Cards most of the gamesters gaines, and would grudge and pick quarrels with such rich men whom hee knew to affect gaming, if they frequented not his Court at night time for that bewitching Recreation.
The Pension which the King alloweth to every Judge of Chancery is foure thousand[Pg 127] duckats yeerly, and three thousand to his Attorney, all which is paid out of the Kings Exchequer abiding in that City. Yet what besides they get by bribes, and trading is so much, that I have heard a Judge himselfe Don Luis de las Infantas say, that though a Judges place at Mexico and Lima be more honourable, yet none more profitable then Guatemala. In my time were such causes at Chancery tried, as had never been, of murthers, robberies, and oppressions, and whereas it was expected the offendants some should be hanged, some banished, some imprisoned, some by fines impoverished, bribes took all off, so that I never knew one hanged in that City for the space of above eight yeers. The Churches though they be not so fair and rich as those of Mexico, yet they are for that place wealthy enough. There is but one Parish Church and a Cathedrall which standeth in the chiefe Market-place. All the other Churches belong to Cloisters, which are of Dominicans, Franciscans, Mercenarians, Augustines, and Jesuites, and two of Nuns, called the Conception and St. Catharine. The Dominicans, Franciscans, and Mercenarians are stately Cloisters, containing neer a hundred Friers a piece; but above all is the Cloister where I lived, of the Dominicans, to which is joyned in a great Walk before the Church the Universitie of the City. The yeerly revenues which come into this Cloister, what from the Indian Towns belonging to it, what from a water-mill, what from a farme for corne, what from an Estancia, or farme for Horses and Mules, what from an Ingenio, or farme of Sugar, what from a Mine of silver given unto it the yeer 1633. are judged to be (excepting all charges) at least thirty thousand duckats; wherewith those fat Friers feast themselves, and have to spare to build, and enrich their Church and Altars. Besides much treasure belonging to it, there are two things in it, which the Spaniards in merriment would often tell me that the English nation did much inquire after, when they tooke any ship of theirs at sea, and that they feared I was come to spie them, which were a Lampe of silver hanging before the high Altar, so big as required the strength of three men to hale it up with a rope; but the other is of more value; which is a picture of the Virgin Mary of pure silver, and of the stature of a reasonable tall woman, which standeth in a Tabernacle made on purpose in a Chappel of the Rosary with at least a dozen lampes of silver also burning before it. A hundred thousand duckats might soone be made up of the treasure belonging to that Church and cloister. Within the walls of the Cloister there is nothing wanting which may further pleasure and recreation. In the lower Cloister there is a spatious garden, in the midst whereof is a fountains casting up the water, and spouting it out of at least a dozen pipes, which fill two ponds full of fishes, and with this their constant running give musicke to the whole Cloister, and encouragement to many water-fowles and Ducks to bath and wash themselves therein. Yet further within the Cloister, there are other two gardens for fruits and herbage, and in the one a pond of a quarter of a mile long, all paved at the bottom, and a low stone wall about, where is a boat for the Friers recreation, who often goe thither to fish, and doe sometimes upon a suddaine want or occasion take out from thence as much fish as will give to the whole Cloister a dinner. The other Cloisters of the City are also rich; but next to the Dominicans is the Cloister of Nuns, called the Conception, in which at my time there were judged to live a thousand women, not all Nuns, but Nuns, and their serving maids or slaves, and yong children which were brought up and taught to worke by the Nuns. The Nuns that are professed bring with them their portions, five hundred duckats the least, some six hundred, some seven, and some a thousand, which portions after a few yeers (and continuing to the Cloister after the Nuns decease) come to make up a great yeerly rent. They that will have maids within to wait on them may, bringing the bigger portion, or allowing yeerly for their servants diet. In this Cloister lived that Donna Juana de Maldonado Judge Juan Maldonado de Paz his daughter, whom the Bishop so much conversed withall. She was very fair and beautifull, and not much above twenty yeers of age, and yet his love blinding him, he strove what he could in my time against all the ancient Nuns and Sisters, to make her Superiour and Abbesse, and caused such a mutiny and strife in that Cloister, which was very scandalous to the whole City, and made many rich Merchants and Gentlemen run to the Cloister with their swords drawne, threatning to breake in amongst the Nuns to defend their daughters against the powerfull faction which the Bishop had wrought for Donna Juana de Maldonado: which they had performed if the President Don Juan de Guzman had not sent Juan Maldonado de Paz, the yong Nuns father, to intreat her to desist in regard[Pg 128] of her yong age from her ambitious thoughts or being Abbesse. With this the mutiny both within and without ceased, the Bishop got but shame, and his yong Sister continued as before under command and obedience, to a more religious, grave, and aged Nun then her selfe. This Donna Juana de Maldonado y Paz was the wonder of all that Cloister, yea of all the City for her excellent voice, and skill in musicke, and in carriage, and education yeelded to none abroad nor within; she was witty, well spoken and above all a Calliope, or Muse for ingenious and suddain verses; which the Bishop said, so much moved him to delight in her company and conversation. Her father thought nothing too good, nor too much for her; and therefore having no other children, he daily conferred upon her riches, as might best beseem a Nun, as rich and costly Cabinets faced with gold and silver, pictures and Idols for her chamber with crownes and jewels to adorne them; which with other presente from the Bishop (who dying in my time left not wherewith to pay his debts, for that as the report went, he had spent himselfe and given all unto this Nun) made this Donna Juana de Maldonado so rich and stately, that at her owne charges shee built for herselfe a new quarter within the Cloister with roomes and galleries, and a private garden-walke, and kept at worke and to wait on her halfe a dozen Black-more maids; but above all she placed her delight in a private Chappel or Closet to pray in, being hung with rich hangings, and round about it costly lamina's (as they call them) or pictures painted upon brasse set in blacke Ebony frames with corners of gold, some of silver brought to her from Rome; her Altar was accordingly decked with Jewels, Candlesticks, Crownes, Lamps, and covered with a Canopie embroidered with gold; in her Closet she had her small organ, and many sorts of musicall instruments, whereupon she played sometimes by herselfe, sometimes with her best friends of the Nuns; and here especially she entertained with musicke her beloved the Bishop. Her Chappel or place of devotion was credibly reported about the City to be worth at least six thousand Crownes, which was enough for a Nun that had vowed chastity, poverty, and obedience. But all this after her decease she was to leave to the Cloister; and doubtlesse with this State, and riches she would win more and more the hearts of the common sort of Nuns, till she had made a strong party, which by this may have made her Abbesse. Thus is ambition and desire of command and power crept into the walls of Nunneries, like the abominations in the wall of Ezekiel, and hath possessed the hearts of Nuns, which should be humble, poore, and mortified Virgins.
But besides this one Nun, there are many more, and also Friers, who are very rich, for if the City be rich (as is this) and great trading in it, they will be sure to have a share. Great plenty and wealth hath made the inhabitants as proud and vicious, as are those of Mexico. Here is not onely Idolatry, but Fornication and uncleannesse as publike as in any place of the India's: The Mulatto's, Black-mores, Mestica's, Indians, and all common sort of people are much made on by the greater and richer sort, and goe as gallantly apparrelled as doe those of Mexico, fearing neither a Vulcan or mountaine of water on the one side, which they confesse hath once powred out a flood and river executing Gods wrath against sin there committed; neither a Vulcan of fire, or mouth of hell on the other side, roaring within and threatning to raine upon them Sodoms ruine and destruction; neither the weakness of their habitation; lying wide open on every side, without walls, or workes, or bulwarkes, to defend them, or without guns, drakes, bullets, or any Ammunition to scare away an approaching enemy, who may safely come and without resistance upon them who live as professed enemies of Jesus Christ. This is the City of St. James or Santiago de Guatemala, the head of a vaste and ample Dominion, which extendeth it selfe nine hundred miles to Nicoya and Costa Rica South-ward; three hundred miles to Chiapa and Zoques North-ward; a hundred and fourescore miles to the further parts of Vera Paz, and the Golfo dulce East-ward; and to the South-sea twenty or thirty, in some places fourty miles West-ward.
From Tecoantepeque (which is no harbour for any great ships) which standeth from Guatemala at least foure hundred miles, there is no landing place for ships neerer to this City then is the village de la Trinidad, or of the Trinity. The chiefe commodities which from along that coast are brought to Guatemala, are from the Provinces of Soconuzco and Suchutepeques, which are extreame hot, and subject to thunder and lightning, where groweth scarce any remarkeable commodity, save only Cacao, Achiotte,[Pg 129] Mechasuchil, Bainillas and other drugs for Chocolatte, except it be some Indigo and Cochinil about St. Antonio, which is the chiefe and head Town of all the Suchutepeques. But all the coast neer joyning to Guatemala, especially about a Towne called Izquinta, or Izquintepeque twelve leagues from Guatemala, is absolutely the richest part of the Dominion of this City; for there is made the greatest part of the Indigo which is sent from Honduras to Spaine, besides the mighty farmes of Cattel which are all along that marsh. Though the living there be profitable and the soile rich, yet it is uncomfortable by reason of the great heat, thundrings and lightnings, especially from May to Michaelmas. If Guatemala be strong (though not in weapons or Ammunition) in people, it is strong from hence from a desperate sort of Black-mores, who are slaves in those Estancia's and farms of Indigo. Though they have no weapons but a Machette, which is a short Tuck, or lances to run at the wild Cattel, yet with these they are so desperate, that the City of Guatemala hath often been afraid of them, and the Masters of their owne slaves and servants. Some of them feare not to encounter a Bull though wild and mad, and to graple in the rivers (which are many there) with Crocodiles, or Lagarto's, as there they call them, till they have overmastered them, and brought them out to land from the water.
This hot, but rich Country runnes on by the Sea side unto the Village of the Trinity, which (though somewhat dangerous) yet is a haven for ships from Panama, Peru, and Mexico; It serves to enrich Guatemala, but not to strengthen it, for it hath neither Fort, nor Bulwarke, nor Castle, nor any Ammunition to defend it selfe. Between this Village and the other Haven called Realejo, there is a great Creek from the Sea; where small vessels doe use to come in for fresh water and Victuals to St. Miguel a Towne of Spaniards and Indians, from whence those that travaile to Realejo passe over in lesse then a day to a Town of Indians called La Vieja, two miles from Realejo, whither the journey by land from St. Miguel is of at least three daies. But neither this Creeke or Arme of the Sea is fortified (which might be done with one or two peeces of Ordnance at most placed at the mouth of the seas entrance) neither is the Realejo strong with any Ammunition, no nor with people, for it consists not of above two hundred families, and most of them are Indians and Mestico's, a people of no courage, and very unfit to defend such an open passage to Guatemala and Nicaragua, which here begins and continues in small and petty Indian Townes unto Leon and Granada.
On the North side of Guatemala I shall not need to adde to what hath been said of Suchutepeques and Soconuzco, and my journy that way from Mexico and Chiapa. The chiefe side of Guatemala is that on the East, which points out the way to the Golfe, or Golfo dulce, or as others call it St. Thomas de Castilia. This way is more beaten by Mules and Travellers, then that on the North side, for that Mexico standeth three hundred leagues from this City, and the Golfe but threescore, and no such passages as are in some places in the Rode to Mexico. Besides the great trading, commerce, and traffique, which this City injoyeth by that Golfe from Spaine, hath made that rode exceed all the rest. In July or at furthest in the beginning of August come into that Golfe three ships, or two, and frigate, and unlade what they have brought from Spain in Bodega's or great Lodges, built on purpose to keep dry and from the weather the commodities. They presently make hast to lade againe from Guatemala those Merchants commodities of returne, which peradventure have lien waiting for them in the Bodega's two or three moneths before the ships arrivall. So that these three moneths of July, August and September, there is sure to be found a great treasure. And O the simplicity or security of the Spaniards, who appoint no other watch over these their riches, save only one or two Indians and as many Mulatto's, who commonly are such as have for their misdemeanours been condemned to live in that old and ruinated Castle of S. Thomas de Castilia! True it is, above it there is a little and ragged Town of Indians, called S. Pedro, consisting of some thirty families, who by reason of the exceeding heat, and unhealthinesse of the air, are alwaies sickly and scarce able to stand upon their legs. But the weakenesse of this Golfe within might well bee remedied and supplyed at the mouth of the sea, or entrance into it by one or two at the most good peeces of Ordnance placed there. For the entrance into this Golfe is but as one should come in at the doore of some great Palace, where although the dore and entrance be narrow, the house within is wide and capacious. Such is this Golfe, whose entrance is straitned with two rocks or mountaines on each side (which would well become two great Peeces,[Pg 130] and so scorne a whole fleet, and secure a Kingdome of Guatemala, nay most of all America) but here being no watch nor defence, the ships come freely and safely in (as have done some both English and Holland ships) and being entred find a rode and harbour so wide and capacious as may well secure a thousand ships there riding at anchor, without any thought of feare from St. Pedro, or Santo Thomas de Castilia. I have often heard the Spaniards jear and laugh at the English and Hollanders, for that they having come into this Golfe, have gone away without attempting any thing further upon the land. Nay while I lived there, the Hollanders set upon Truxillo the head Port of Comayagua and Honduras, and tooke it (though there were some resistance) the people for the most part flying to the woods, trusting more to their feet then to their hands and weapons (such cowards is all that Countrey full of) and whilst they might have fortified themselves there and gone into the Countrey, or fortifying that have come on to the Golfe (all Guatemala fearing it much and not being able to resist them) they left Truxillo contenting themselves with a small pillage, and gave occasion to the Spaniards to rejoyce and to make processions of thanksgiving for their safe deliverance out of their enemies hands.
The way from this Golfe to Guatemala is not so bad as some report and conceive, especially after Michaelmas untill May, when the winter and rain is past and gone, and the winds begin to dry up the waies. For in the worst of the yeer Mules laden with four hundred waight at least goe easily thorow the steepest, deepest, and most dangerous passages of the mountaines that lie about this Golfe. And though the waies are at that time of the yeer bad, yet they are so beaten with the Mules, and so wide and open, that one bad step and passage may be avoided for a better; and the worst of this way continues but fifteen leagues, there being Rancho's, or Lodges in the way, Cattel and Mules also among the woods and mountaines, for reliefe and comfort to a weary Traveller. What the Spaniards most feare untill they come out of these mountaines, are some two or three hundred Black-mores, Simarrones, who for too much hard usage, have fled away from Guatemala and other parts from their Masters unto these woods, and there live and bring up their children and encrease daily, so that all the power of Guatemala, nay all the Countrey about (having often attempted it) is not able to bring them under subjection. These often come out to the rode way, and set upon the Requa's of Mules, and take of Wine, Iron, clothing and weapons from them as much as they need, without doing any harme unto the people, or slaves that goe with the Mules; but rather these rejoyce with them, being of one colour, and subject to slavery and misery which the others have shaken off; by whose example and encouragement many of these also shake off their misery, and joyne with them to enjoy libertie, though it be but in the woods and mountaines. Their weapons are bowes and arrows which they use and carry about them, onely to defend themselves, if the Spaniards set upon them; else they use them not against the Spaniards, who travell quietly and give them part of what provision they carry. These have often said that the chiefe cause of their flying to those mountaines is to be in a readinesse to joyne with the English or Hollanders, if ever they land in that Golfe; for they know, from them they may injoy that liberty which the Spaniards will never grant unto them. After the first fifteen leagues the way is better, and there are little Towns and villages of Indians, who relieve with provision both man and beast. Fifteen leagues further is a great Town of Indians, called Acasabastlan, standing upon a river, which for fish is held the best all that Country. Though here are many sorts, yet above all there is one which they call Bobo, a thick round fish as long or longer then a mans arme, with onely a middle bone, as white as milke, at fat as butter, and good to boil, fry, stew or bake. There is also from hence most of the way to Guatemala in brooks and shallow rivers, one of the best sort of fishes in the world, which the Spaniards judge to be a kind of Trout, it is called there Tepemechin, the fat whereof resembles veal more than fish.
This Towne of Acasabastlan is governed by a Spaniard who is called Corrigidor; his power extendeth no farther then to the Golfe, and to those Townes in the way. This Governour hath often attempted to bring in those Simarrones from the mountaines, but could never prevaile against them. All the strength of this place may bee some twenty muskets (for so many Spanish houses there may bee in the Towne) and some few Indians that use bowes and arrowes, for the defence of the Town against the Blackmore Simarrones.
About Acasabastlan, there are many Estancia's of Cattell and Mules, much Cacao, Achiotte, and drugs for Chocolatte; There is also Apothecary drugs, as Zarzaparilla, and Canna fistula, and in the Town as much variety of fruits and gardens, as in any one Indian Town in the Country; But above all Acasabastlan, is farre known, and much esteemed of in the City of Guatemala, for excellent Muskmillians, some small, some bigger then a mans head, wherewith the Indians load their mules and carry them to sell all over the Country. From hence to Guatemala, there are but thirty short leagues, and though some hills there be, ascents and descent, yet nothing troublesome to man or beast. Among these Mountaines there have beene discovered some mines of metall, which the Spaniards have begun to digge, and finding that they have been some of Copper, and some of iron, they have let them alone, judgeing them more chargeable then profitable. But greater profit have the Spaniards lost, then of iron and copper, for using the poore Indians too hardly, and that in this way, from Acasabastlan to Guatemala, especially about a place called, el Agua Caliente, the hot water, where is a River, out of which in some places formerly the Indians found such store of gold, that they were charged by the Spaniards with a yeerly tribute of gold. But the Spaniards being like Valdivia in Chille, too greedy after it, murthering the Indians for not discovering unto them whereabout this treasure lay, have lost both treasure and Indians also. Yet unto this day search is made about the Mountaines, the River, and the sands for the hidden treasure, which peradventure by Gods order and appointment, doth and shall lie hide, and kept for a people better knowing and honouring their God. At this place called el Agua Caliente, or the hot water, liveth a Blackmore in an Estancia of his own, who is held to be very rich, and gives good entertainement to the Travellers that passe that way; he is rich in Cattell, Sheep, and Goates, and from his Farm stores Guatemala and the people thereabout with the best Cheese of all that Country. But his riches are thought not so much to increase from his Farm and cheeses, but from this hidden treasure, which credibly is reported to be known unto him. He hath been questioned about it in the Chancery of Guatemala, but hath denyed often any such treasure to be known unto him. The jealousie and suspicion of him, is, for that formerly having been a slave, hee bought his freedome with great summes of money, and since hee hath been free, hath bought that farm and much land lying to it, and hath exceedingly increased his stock; To which hee answereth, that when hee was young and a slave, hee had a good Master, who let him get for himself what hee could, and that hee playing the good husband, gathered as much as would buy his liberty, and at first a little house to live in, to the which God hath since given a blessing with a greater increase of stock. From this hot water three or foure leagues, there is another River called, Rio de las Vaccas, or the River of Cowes, where are a company of poore and country people most of them Mestizo's, and Mulatto's, who live in thatched houses, with some small stock of Cattell, spending their time also in searching for sands of Gold, hoping that one day by their diligent search they and their children, and all their Country shall bee inriched, and that Rio de las Vaccas, shall parallel Pactolus, and stirre up the wits of Poets to speak of it as much as ever they have spoke of that. From this River is presently discovered the pleasantest valley in all that Country, (where my selfe did live at least five yeers) called the Valley of Mixco, and Pinola, lying six leagues from Guatemala, being fifteen miles in length, and ten or twelve in breadth; Out of the inclosures this Valley is stored with sheep; the ground inclosed is divided into many Farmes, where groweth better wheat then any in the Country of Mexico. From this Valley the city is well provided of wheat, and Bisket is made for the ships that come every yeere unto the Golf. It is called the Valley of Mixco, and Pinola from two Townes of Indians, so called, standing opposite the one to the other on each side of the Valley, Pinola, on the left side from Rio de las Vaccas, and Mixco on the right. Here do live many rich Farmers, but yet Country and clownish people, who know more of breaking clods of earth, then of managing Armes offensive or defensive. But among them I must not forget one friend of mine, called Juan Palomeque, whom I should have more esteemed of then I did if I could have prevailed with him to have made him live more like a man then a beast, more like a free man then a bond slave to his gold and silver. This man had in my time three hundred lusty mules trained up in the way of the Golf, which hee divided into six Requa's, or[Pg 132] companies, and for them he kept above a hundred Black-more slaves, men, women, and children, who lived neer Mixco in severall thatched cottages. The house he lived in himselfe was but a poore thatched house, wherein he tooke more delight to live then in other houses which he had in Guatemala, for there hee lived like a wilde Simarron among his slaves and Black-mores, whereas in the City he should have lived civilly; there he lived with milke, curds, and blacke, hard and mouldy bisket, and with a dry tassajo, which is dry salted beefe cut out in thinne slices, and dryed in the sun and wind, till there be little substance left in it, such as his slaves were wont to cary to the Golfe for their provision by the way, whereas if he had lived in the City, he must have eat for his credit what others of worth did eat. But the miser knew well, which was the best way to save, and so chose a field for a City, a cottage for a house, company of Simarrones and Black-mores for Citizens, and yet he was thought to be worth six hundred thousand duckats. He was the undoer of all others who dealed with Mules for bringing and carrying commodities to the Golfe for the Merchants; for he having lusty Mules, lusty slaves, would set the price or rate for the hundred weight so, as he might get, but others at that rate hiring Indians and servants to goe with their Mules, might lose. He was so cruell to his Black-mores, that if any were untoward, he would torment them almost to death; amongst whom he had one slave called Macaco (for whom I have often interceded, but to little purpose) whom he would often hang up by the armes, and whip him till the blood ran about his back, and then his flesh being torne, mangled, and all in a goar blood, he would for last cure powre boyling grease upon it; he had marked him for a slave with burning irons upon his face, his hands, his armes, his back, his belly, his thighes, his legs, that the poor slave was weary of life, and I thinke would two or three times have hanged himselfe, if I had not counselled him to the contrary. He was so sensuall and carnall that he would use his own slaves wives at his pleasure; nay when he met in the City any of that kind handsome and to his liking, if she would not yeeld to his desire, he would goe to her master or mistresse, and buy her, offering far more then she was worth, boasting that he would pull downe her proud and haughty lookes, with one yeers slavery under him. He killed in my time two Indians in the way to the Golfe, and with his mony came off, as if he had killed but a dog. He would never marry, because his slaves supplyed the bed of a wife, and none of his neighbours durst say him nay; whereby he hasted to fill that valley with bastards of all sorts and colours, by whom, when that rich miser dieth, all his wealth and treasure is like to be consumed.
Besides the two Townes which denominate this valley, there standeth at the East end of it close by the Rio de las Vaccas an Ermitage, called Nostra Sennora del Carmel, or our Lady of Carmel, which is the Parish Church to all those severall farmes of Spaniards living in the valley; though true it is, most constantly they doe resort unto the Indian Townes to Masse, and in Mixco especially, the Spaniards have a rich sodality of our Lady of the Rosary, and the Black-mores another. In all the valley there may be between fourty and fifty Spanish farmes or houses belonging to the Ermitage, and in all these houses, some three hundred slaves, men and women, Black-mores and Mulatto's. Mixco is a town of three hundred families, but in it nothing considerable, but the riches belonging unto the two forenamed Sodalities, and some rich Indians, who have learned of the Spaniards to break clods of earth, and to sow wheat, and to traffique with Mules unto the Golfe. Besides what fowles and great store of Turkeys which in this Towne are bred, there is a constant slaughter house, where meat is sold to the Indians within, and to the farmes without, and provision is made for all the Requa's and slaves that go to the Golfe with their masters Mules. Besides the six Requa's before named of Juan Palomeque, there are in this valley four brothers, named Don Gaspar, Don Diego, Don Thomas, Don Juan de Colindres, who have each of them a Requa of threescore Mules (though few slaves, and onely hired Indians to goe with them) to traffique to the Golfe, and over all the Country as far as Mexico sometimes. Yet besides these there are some six more Requa's belonging to other farms, which with those of the Towne of Mixco may make up full twenty Requa's; and those twenty Requa's containe above a thousand Mules, which only from this valley are imployed to all parts of the Country by the rich Merchants of Guatemala. But to returne againe to the Towne of Mixco, the constant passage thorow it of these Requa's, of rich Merchants, of all passengers that goe and come from Spain, hath made it very rich; whereas[Pg 133] in the Town it self there is no other commodity, except it be a kind of earth, whereof are made rare and excellent pots for water, pans, pipkins, platters, dishes, chafing-dishes, warming-pans, wherein those Indians shew much wit, and paint them with red, white, and severall mingled colours, and sell them to Guatemala, and the Towns about, which some Criolian women will eat by full mouth fulls, endangering their health and lives, so that by this earthly ware they may looke white and pale. The Towne of Pinola in bignesse is much like unto Mixco, but a far pleasanter Town, more healthy and better seated, standing upon a plain, whereas Mixco stands on the side on a hill, which carrieth the Travellers quite out of the sight of the valley. In Pinola there is also a slaughter house, where beef is dayly sold, there is plenty of fowles, Fruits, Maiz, Wheat, (though not altogether so bright as that of Mixco) hony, and the best water thereabouts; it is called in the Indian tongue Panac, (some say) from a fruit of that name which is very abundant there. On the North and South side of this valley are hils, which are most sown with wheat, which proveth better there then in the low valley. At the West end of it, stand two greater Townes then Mixco and Pinola, named Petapa, and Amatitlan, to the which there are in the midst of the valley some descents and ascents, which they call Baranca's or bottomes, where are pleasant streames and fountaines, and good feeding for sheep, and Cattel.
Petapa is a Towne of at least five hundred inhabitants very rich, who suffer also some Spaniards to dwell amongst them, from whom also those Indians have learned to live and thrive in the world. This Towne is the passage from Comayagua, St. Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, and hath got great wealth by the constant goers and comers. It is esteemed one of the pleasantest Townes belonging unto Guatemala, for a great Lake of fresh water neer unto it, which is full of fish, especially crabs, and a fish called, Mojarra, which is much like unto a mullet (though not altogether so big) and eateth like it. In this Towne there is a certaine number of Indians appointed, who are to fish for the City, and on Wednesdayes, Fridayes, and Saturdayes, are bound to carry such a quantity to Guatemala, of Crabs and Mojarra's, as the Corregidor and Regidores, Major and Aldermen (who are but eight) shall command weekly to be brought.
This Towne Petapa is so called from two Indian words, Petap, which signifieth a Mat, and ha, which signifieth water, and a Mat being the chiefe part of an Indians bed, it is as much as to say a bed of water, from the smoothnesse, plainnesse, and calmnesse of the water of the Lake. There liveth in it a principall family of Indians, who are said to descend from the ancient Kings of those parts, and now by the Spaniards are graced with the noble name of Guzman; out of this family is chosen one to be Governour of the Towne with subordination unto the City and Chancery of Guatemala. Don Bernabe de Guzman was Governour in my time, and had been many yeers before, and governed very wisely and discreetly, till with old age he came to loose his sight; and in his place entred his son Don Pedro de Guzman, of whom the rest of the Indians stood in great awe, as formerly they had to his father. Had not these Indians been given to drunkennesse (as most Indians are) they might have governed a Town of Spaniards. This Governour hath many priviledges granted unto him (though none to weare a sword, or rapier, as may the Governour of Chiapa of the Indians) and appoints by turnes some of the Towne to wait and attend on him at dinner and supper, others to looke to his Horses, others to fish for him, others to bring him wood for his house spending, others to bring him meat for his Horses; and yet after all this his attendance, he attends and waits on the Frier that lives in the Towne, and doth nothing concerning the governing of the Towne and executing of justice, but what the Frier alloweth and adviseth to be done. There is also great service appointed for this Frier, of Fishermen, and other attendants in his house, who liveth as stately as any Bishop. Most trades belonging to a well setled Common-wealth are here exercised by these Indians. As for herbage, and garden-fruits, and requisites, it hath whatsoever may be found, or desired in the City of Guatemala. The Church treasure is very great, there being many Sodalities of our Lady and other their Saints, which are enriched with crowns, and chains, and bracelets, besides the lamps, censers, & silver candlesticks belonging unto the Altars. Upon Michaelmas day is the chief fair and feast of the Town, which is dedicated unto St. Michael, whither many Merchants resort from Guatemala to buy and sell; in the afternoon, and the next day following, Bull-baiting is the[Pg 134] common sport for that feast with some Spaniards and Blackmores on Horse-backe, and other Indians on foot, who commonly being drunke, some venture, some lose their lives in the sport. Besides this generall concourse of people every yeer at that time, there is every day at five a clock in the afternoone a Tianguez or market, upheld by the concourse of the Indians of the Town among themselves. Besides the lake, there runneth by this Town a river, which in places is easily waded over, and waters the fruits, gardens, and other plantations, and drives a mill which serves most of the valley to grind their wheat. Within a mile and a halfe of this Towne there is a rich Ingenio or farme of Sugar belonging to one Sebastian de Savaletta, a Biscaine borne, who came at first very poore into that Country, and served one of his Country men; but with his good industry and paines, he began to get a Mule or two to traffique with about the Country, till at last he increased his stocke to a whole Requa of Mules, and from thence grew so rich that he bought much land about Petapa, which he found to be very fit for Sugar, and from thence was incouraged to build a princely house, whither the best of Guatemala doe resort for their recreation. This man maketh a great deale of Sugar for the Country, and sends every yeer much to Spaine; he keepeth at least threescore slaves of his own for the worke of his farme, is very generous in house keeping, and is thought to be worth above five hundred thousand Duckats. Within halfe a mile from him there is another farme of Sugar, which is called but a Trapiche belonging unto the Augustin Friers of Guatemala, which keepes some twenty slaves, and is called a Trapiche, for that it grinds not the Sugar Cane with that device of the Ingenio, but grinds a lesse quantity, and so makes not to much Sugar as doth an Ingenio. From hence three miles is the Town of Amatitlan, neer unto which standeth a greater Ingenio of Sugar, then is that of Savaletta, and is called the Ingenio of one Anis, because he first founded it, but now it belongeth unto one Pedro Crespo the Post-master of Guatemala; this Ingenio seemeth to be a little Town by it selfe for the many cottages and thatched houses of Blackmore slaves which belong unto it, who may be above a hundred, men, women, and children. The chiefe dwelling house is strong and capacious, and able to entertain a hundred lodgers. These three farmes of Sugar standing so neer unto Guatemala, enrich the City much, and occasion great trading from it to Spaine. The Town of Amatitlan, though in it there live not so many Spaniards as in Petapa, yet there are in it more Indian families then in Petapa. The streets are more orderly made and framed like a Chequer board, they are wide, broad, plain, and all upon dust and sand. This Towne also enjoyeth the commodity of the lake, and furnisheth with fish the City of Guatemala, upon those daies before named of Petapa. And though it standeth out of the rode-way, yet it is almost as rich as Petapa. For the Indians of it get much by the concourse of common people, and the Gentry of Guatemala, who resort thither to certain bathes of hot waters, which are judged and approved very wholesome for the body. This Towne also getteth much by the salt which here is made, or rather gathered by the lake side, which every morning appeareth like a hoary frost upon the ground, and is taken up and purified by the Indians, and proves very white and good. Besides what they get by the salt, they get also by the Requa's of Mules in the valley, and about the Country, which are brought to feed upon that salt earth a day, or halfe a day, untill they be ready to burst (the owner paying six pence a day for every Mule) and it hath been found by experience, that this makes them thrive and grow lusty and purgeth them better then any drench, or blood-letting. They have further great trading in Cotton-wool, more abundance of fruits then Petapa, a fairer market place with two extraordinary great Elm-trees, under which the Indians daily meet at evening to buy and sell. The Church of this Towne is as faire and beautifull as any about Guatemala, the riches and state whereof hath caused the Dominican Friers since the yeer 1635, to make that place the head and Priory over the other Townes of the valley, and to build there a goodly and sumptuous Cloister, in which in my time there was (for I told then most of it, and doubtlesse since it hath much increased) eight thousand Duckats laid up in a chest, with three lockes for the common expences of the Cloister. Thus my Reader, I have led thee through the valley of Mixco, and Pinola, Petapa and Amatitlan, which in riches and wealth, what with the great trading in it, what with the sheep & cattell, what with the abundance of mules, what with three Farmes of Sugar, what with the great Farmes of Corn and Wheat, what with the churches treasures yeelds to no other place belonging unto the dominions[Pg 135] of Guatemala. I may not forget yet a double wheat harvest (as I may well term it) in this Vally. The first being of a little kinde of Wheat, which they call Trigo Tremesino, a word compounded in Spanish from these two words, tres meses, or from the Latin tres menses, which after three moneths sowing is ripe and ready to be cut down, and being sowed about the end of August, is commonly harvested in about the end of November; and although in the smalnesse of it, it seemes to have but a little Flower, yet it yeelds as much as their other sorts of Wheat, and makes as white bread, though it keep not so well as that which is made of other Wheat, but soone groweth stale and hard. The other harvest (which is of two sorts of Wheat, one called Rubio, or red Wheat, the other called Blanquilleo, or white like Candia Wheat) followeth soon after this first of Tremesino, for presently after Christmas every one begins to bring their sickles into the field, where they doe not onely reap down their Wheat, but in stead of threshing it in barnes, they cause it to bee trod by Mares inclosed within floores made on purpose in the fields; and when the Wheat is trod out of the Eares by the Mares trampling, who are whipped round about the floores that they may not stand still, but tread it constantly and throughly; then the Mares being let out of the floores, the wheat is winnowed from the chaffe, and put up clean into sackes, and from the field carried to the Barnes; but the chaffe and most of the straw is left to rot in the fields, which they esteem as good as dunging; and further set all the fields on fire, burning the stubble that is left a little before the time of the first showers of raine, which with the ashes left after the burning fatteth the ground, and by them is held the best way to husband or dung their ground. Others that will sow a new and woody peece of land, cause the trees, though timber trees to bee cut down, and sell not a stick of that wood, (which there is so plentifull, that they judge it would not quit their cost to carry it to Guatemala, though in England it would yeeld thousand pounds) but they let it lie and dry, and before the winter raine begins, they set on fire all the field, and burn that rich timber, with the ashes whereof that ground becomes so fat and fertile, that where upon an Aker wee sow here three bushels of Wheat, or upwards, they sow such ground so thin, that they scarce dare venture a full bushell upon an Aker, lest with too much spreading upon the ground it grow too thick, bee lodged, and they loose their crop. The like they doe unto the pasture of the Valley; about the end of March, it is short and withered and dry, and they also set it on fire, which being burnt causeth a dismall sight, and prospect of a black valley; but after the first two or three showres, it puts on againe its greene and pleasant garment, inviting the Cattell, Sheep, Lambs, Goats, and Kids, (which for a while were driven away to other pasturing) to return and sport againe, to feed and rest in its new flourishing bosome. But now it is time, I return again back to the other end of this valley, to the Rio de las Vaccas (from whence I have viewed the compasse of it, and made my long digression from East to West, to the farthest Towne of Amatitlan) to shew thee, my Reader, the little part of thy way remaining unto Guatemala. True it is, from the Ermitage of our Lady, there is a streight way through the middle of the valley leading almost to Amatitlan, and then turning up a hill out of the valley on the right hand; But that hath many ascents and descents, bottomes, falls and risings, and therefore is not the constant Rode, which from the Ermitage pointeth on the right hand, observing the Towne of Mixco, standing but five miles from Guatemala, from Mixco the way lyeth up a hill, and leadeth to a Town somewhat bigger then Mixco, of Indians called San Lucas, or St. Luke, a cold Town, but exceeding rich; the temper and coldnesse of it, hath made it the storehouse, or Granary for all the City; for whereas below in the Valley; the Wheat will not keep long without musting, and breeding a worm called Gurgojo, such is the temper of this Town of St. Luke, that in it, the Wheat will keep two or three yeeres ready threshed, with a little turning now and then; and as it lyeth will give and yeeld, (as experience taught mee there) so that he that hath laid up in that Town two hundred bushels of Wheat, at the yeers end shall find neer upon two hundred and twenty bushels. This Towne therefore receives from the Valley most of the harvest, and is full of what wee call Barnes, but there are called Trojas, without floore, but raised up with stackes and bords a foot or two from the ground, and covered with mats, whereon is laid the Wheat, and by some rich Monopolists from the City is kept and hoarded two and three yeers, untill they find their best opportunity to bring it out to sale, at the rate of their own will and pleasure. From hence to[Pg 136] Guatemala there is but three little leagues, and one onely Barranca, or bottome, and on every side of the way little petty Townes, which they call Milpas, consisting of some twenty Cottages. In the middle of the way is the top of a hill, which discovereth all the City, and standeth as overmastring of it, as if with a peece or two of Ordnance it would keepe all Guatemala in awe; But besides this hill, which is the wide and open Rode, there stand yet forwarder on the right and left hand other mountaines which draw neerer to the City, and what this top peradventure with too much distance, is not able to doe or reach, the others certainly would reach with Cannon shot, and command that farre commanding City. Downe this hill the way lies broad and wide, and as open as is the way downe Barnet or Highgate Hill; and at the bottome it is more straitned betweene the Mountaines, for the space of a bowshot, which passage also is craggy by reason of stones and some small peeces of rocks which lie in a brook of water that descends from the Mountaines, and runs towards the City. But at a little Ermitage called St. John, the way opens againe itselfe, and sheweth Guatemala, welcoming the weary travellers with a pleasant prospect, and easing theirs, or their mules or horses feet, what with green walkes, what with a sandy and gravelly Rode unto the City, which never shut gate against any goer or comer, nor forbad their entrance with any fenced walls, or watchmens jealous questions, but freely and gladly entertaines them either by the back side of the Dominicans Cloister, or by the Church and Nunnery called the Conception. And thus my Reader, and country man I have brought and guided thee from the Golfe unto Guatemala, shewing what that way is most remarkable. I shall not now shew thee any more of this Cities Dominions toward Nicaragua and the South (having already shewed thee the way as far as Realejo) leaving that untill I come to tell thee of my journey homewards, which I made that way. There remaines yet the Country of the Vera Paz and the way unto it to discover, and so to close up this Chapter. The Vera Paz is so called, for that the Indians of that Country hearing how the Spaniards had conquered Guatemala, and did conquer the Country round about, wheresoever they came, yeelded themselves peaceably and without any resistance unto the Government of Spaine. This Country formerly had a Bishop to it selfe distinct from Guatemala, but now is made one Bishoprick with that. It is governed by an Alcalde Maior, or high Justice sent from Spain, with subordination unto the Court of Guatemala. The head or shire Town of it, is called Coban, where is a Cloister of Dominican Friers, and the common place of Residence of the Alcalde Maior. All this Country as yet is not subdued by the Spaniards, who have now and then some strong encounters with the barbarous and heathen people, which lie between this Country and Jucatan; and faine would the Spaniards conquer them, that they might make way through them unto a Town called Campin belonging to Jucatan, and settle commerce, and Traffique by land with that Country, which is thought would bee a great furtherance to the Country and City of Guatemala, and a safer way to convey their goods to the Havana, then by the Golf, for oftentimes the ships that goe from the Golf to the Havana, are met with by the Hollanders and surprised. But as yet the Spaniards have not been able to bring to passe this their design, by reason they have found strong resistance from the heathenish people, and a hot service to attempt the conquering of them. Yet there was a Fryer a great acquaintance of mine, called Fryer Francisco Moran, who ventured his life among those barbarians, and with two or three Indians went on foot through that Country, untill he came unto Campin, where he found a few Spaniards, who wondred at his courage and boldnesse in comming that way. This Fryer came back again to Coban and Vera Paz, relating how the barbarians hearing him speake their language, and finding him kind, loving and curteous to them, used him also kindly, fearing (as hee said) that if they should kill him, the Spaniards would never let them bee at rest and quiet, untill they had utterly destroyed them. Hee related when he came back, that the Country which the Barbarians inhabite, is better then any part of the Vera Paz, which is subject to the Spaniards, and spoke much of a Valley, where is a great lake, and about it a Towne of Indians, which hee judged to bee of at least twelve thousand Inhabitants, the Cottages lying in a distance one from another. This Fryer hath writ of this Country, and hath gone to Spain to the Court to motion the conquering of it, for the profit and commodity that may ensue both to Guatemala and Jucatan, if a way were opened thither. But though as yet on that side the Spaniards and the[Pg 137] Country of the Vera Paz, bee straightned by that heathenish people, yet on the other side it hath free passage unto the Golf, and trade there when the ships doe come, carrying Fowles and what other Provision the Country will afford for the ships, and bringing from thence wines, and other Spanish wares unto Coban. This Country is very hilly and craggy, and though there bee some bigge Townes in it, they are not above three or foure that are considerable. The chief commodities, are Achiotte (which is the best of all the Country belonging to Guatemala) and Cacao, Cotton Wooll, hony, Canna fistula, and Zarzaparilla, great store of Maiz, but no Wheat, much waxe, plenty of fowles and birds of all coloured feathers, wherewith the Indians make some curious works, but not like unto those of Mechoacan; here are also abundance of Parrets, Apes and Monkies which breed in the Mountaines. The way from Guatemala to this Country is that which hitherto hath beene spoken of from the Golf, as far as the Town of St. Luke; and from thence the way keeps on the hils and mountaines which lie on the side of the Valley of Mixco. These hils are called Sacatepeques, (compounded of Sacate and Tepec, the latter signifying a hill, and the former, herbe or grasse, and thus joyned, they signifie mountaines of grasse) and among them are these chief Townes, first Santiago or St. James, a Town of five hundred Families, secondly, San Pedro or St. Peter, consisting of six hundred families, thirdly, St. Juan, or St. John consisting also of at least six hundred Families, and fourthly, Sto Domingo Senano, or St. Dominic of Senaco, being of three hundred Families. These foure Towns are very rich, and the two last very cold, the two first are warmer; there are about them many Farmes of corn and good Wheat, besides the Indian Maiz. These Indians are somewhat of more courage then those of other Townes, and in my time were like to rise up against the Spaniards for their unmercifull tyranny over them. The Churches are exceeding rich; in the Towne of Santiago, there was living in my time one Indian, who for onely vaine-glory had bestowed the worth of six thousand Duckates upon that Church, and yet afterwards this wretch was found to bee a Wizard and Idolater. These Indians get much mony by letting out great tuffes of feathers, which the Indians use in their dances upon the feasts of the Dedication of their towns. For some of the great tuffes may have at least threescore long feathers of divers colours, for every feather hiring they have halfe a Riall, besides what price they set to every feather, if any should chance to be lost. From the Town of St. John, which is the furthest the way lies plain and pleasant unto a little village of some twenty Cottages, called St. Raymundo or St. Raymond, from whence there is a good dayes journy up and down Barrancas, or bottomes unto a Rancho, or lodge standing by a River side, which is the same River, that passeth by the Town of Acasabastlan spoken of before. From this is an ascent of a very craggy and rocky Mountaine, called the Mountaine of Rabinall, where are steps cut out in the very Rockes for the mules feet, and slipping on one or the other side, they fall surely downe the rockes, breaking their neckes, and mangling all their limbes and joynts; but this danger continueth not long nor extendeth above a league and a half, and in the top and worst of this danger, there is the comfort of a goodly Valley, called El Valle de San Nicholas, St. Nicholas his Valley, from an Estancia called St. Nicholas belonging to the Dominicans Cloister of Coban. This Valley though it must not compare with that of Mixco and Pinola; yet next after it, it may well take place for onely three things considerable in it. The first is an Ingenio of Sugar, called San Geronymo, or St. Hierome, belonging unto the Dominicans Cloister of Guatemala, which indeed goeth beyond that spoken of of Amatitlan, both for abundance of Sugar made there, and sent by mules to Guatemala over that rocky Mountaine, and for multitude of slaves living in it under the command of two Fryers, and for the excellent horses bred there, which are incomparably the best of all the Country of Guatemala for metle, and gallantry, and therefore (though mules are commonly used for burthens) are much desired and looked after by the Gallants and Gentry of the City, who make it a great part of their honour to prance about the streets. The second thing in this Valley is the Estancia or Farm of St. Nicolas which is as famous for breeding of mules, as is St. Hierome for horses. The third ornament to it is a Town of Indians, called Rabinall, of at least eight hundred Families, which hath all that heart can wish for pleasure and life of man. It inclineth rather to heat then cold, but the heat is moderate and much qualified with the many cool and shady walkes. There is not any Indian fruit, which is not there to be found, besides[Pg 138] the fruits of Spain, as Oranges, Lemmons, sweet and sowre, Citrons, Pomegranates, Grapes, Figs, Almonds, and Dates; the onely want of wheat is not a want to them that mind bread of wheat more then of Maiz, for in two dayes it is easily brought from the Townes of Sacatepeques. For flesh, it hath Beef, Mutton, Kid, Fowles, Turkies, Quailes, Partridges, Rabbets, Pheasants; and for fish, it hath a River running by the houses, which yeeldeth plenty both great and small. The Indians of this Towne are much like unto those of Chiapa of the Indians, for bravery, for feasting, for riding of horses, and shewing themselves in sports and pastimes. This Town my friend Fryer John Baptist, after hee had been Prior of many places, and especially of Chiapa and Guatemala, chose to live in to injoy quietnesse, pleasure and content; and in this Town was I feasted by him in such a sumptuous, prodigall and lavishing way, as truely might make poor mendicant Fryers ashamed to come so neer unto Princes in vanity of life and dyet. From this Valley unto the Vera Paz, or Coban, the head Town of it, there is nothing considerable, save onely one Town more called St. Christoval or St. Christopher, which enjoyeth now a pleasant Lake, and bottomelesse, as is reported. Formerly there being no Lake at all, in a great Earthquake, the earth there opened, and swallowed up many houses, leaving this Lake which ever since hath continued. From hence to Coban the wayes are bad and mountainous, yet such as through the worst of them, those country mules with heavy burthens easily goe through. And thus with my pen, Reader, have I gone through most of the bounds and limits of Guatemala, which is more furnished with gallant Towns of Indians, then is any part of all America; and doubtlesse were the Indians warlike, industrious, active for warre or weapons, no part in all America might bee stronger in people then Guatemala. But they being kept under and oppressed by the Spaniards, and no weapons allowed them, not so much as their naturall Bowes and Arrowes, much lesse Guns, Pistols, Muskets, Swords, or Pikes, their courage is gone, their affections alienated from the Spaniards, and so the Spaniards might very well feare, that if their country should be invaded, the multitude of their Indian people, would prove to them a multitude of enemies, either running away to another side; or forced to help, would bee to them but as the help of so many flies.
The condition of the Indians of this Country of Guatemala is as sad, and as much to bee pitied as of any Indians in America, for that I may say it is with them in some sort, as it was with Israel in Egypt, of whom it is said, Exod. 1. 7. They were fruitfull and increased abundantly, and multiplied, and waxed exceeding mighty, and the land was filled with them, and therefore Pharaoh said unto his people, Vers. 10. Let us deale wisely with them, lest they multiply, and it come to passe, that when there falleth out any Warre, they joyne also unto our enemies, and fight against us. Therefore they did set over them taskemasters, to afflict them with their burdens, and they made their lives bitter with bondage, in morter and in brick, and in all manner of service in the field; and all their service wherein they made them serve was with rigor. Though it is true, there ought not to be any comparison made betwixt the Israelites and the Indians, those being Gods people, these not as yet; neverthelesse the comparison may well hold in the oppression of the one and the other, and in the manner and cause of the oppression, that being with bitternesse, rigour, and hard bondage, and lest they should multiply and increase too much. Certain it is, these Indians suffer great oppression from the Spaniards, live in great bitternesse, are under hard bondage, and serve with great rigor; and al this, because they are at least a thousand of them for one Spaniard, they daily multiply and increase, in children and wealth, and therefore are feared lest they should be too mighty, and either rise up of themselves, or joyn themselves to any enemy against their oppressors; for both which fears and jealousies, they are not allowed the use of any weapons or armes, no not their bows and arrows, which their ancestors formerly used; so that as hereby the Spaniards are secured from any hurt or annoyance from them as an[Pg 139] unarmed people; so may any other nation, that shall be incouraged to invade that land, be secure also from the Indians, & consequently the Spaniards own policy for themselves against the Indians may be their greatest ruine, and destruction, being a great people and yet no people; for the abundance of their Indians would be to them as no people; and they themselves, (who out of their few Towns and Cities live but here and there, too thinly scattered upon so great and capacious a land) would be but a handfull for any reasonable Army; and of that handfull very few would be found able or fitting men; and those able men would do little without the help of guns and ordnance; and if their own oppressed people, Black-mores and Indians (which themselves have alwaies feared) should side against them, soon would they be swallowed up both from within and from without. And by this it may easily appear how ungrounded they are, who say, it is harder to conquer America now then in Cortez his time, for that there are now both Spaniards and Indians to fight against, and then there were none but bare and naked Indians. This I say is a false ground; for then there were Indians trained up in wars one against another, who knew wel to use their bows and arrows, and darts, and other weapons, and were desperate in their fights and single combats, as may appear out of the histories of them; but now they are cowardized, oppressed, unarmed, soon frighted with the noise of a musket, nay with a sowre and grim look of a Spaniard, so from them there is no fear; neither can there be from the Spaniards, who from all the vast dominions of Guatemala are not able to raise five thousand able fighting men, nor to defend so many passages as lie open in severall parts of that Country, which the wider and greater it is, might be advantagious to an enemy, and while the Spaniard in one place might oppose his strength, in many other places might his land be over-run by a foraine nation; nay by their owne slaves the Black-mores, who doubtlesse to be set at liberty would side against them in any such occasion; and lastly, the Criolians who also are sore oppressed by them, would rejoyce in such a day, and yeeld rather to live with freedome and liberty under a forain people, then to be longer oppressed by those of their own blood.
The miserable condition of the Indians of that Country is such, that though the Kings of Spain have never yeelded to what some would have, that they should be slaves, yet their lives are as full of bitternesse as is the life of a slave. For which I have known my selfe some of them that have come home from toyling and moyling with Spaniards, after many blowes, some wounds, and little or no wages, who have sullenly and stubbornly lain down upon their beds, resolving to die rather then to live any longer a life so slavish, and have refused to take either meat or drinke, or any thing else comfortable and nourishing, which their wives have offered unto them, that so by pining and starving they might consume themselves. Some I have by good perswasions encouraged to life rather then to a voluntary and wilfull death; others there have been that would not be perswaded, but in that wilfull way have died. The Spaniards that live about that Country (especially the farmers of the valley of Mixco, Pinola, Petapa, Amatitlan, and those of the Sacatepeques) alleadge that all their trading, and farming, is for the good of the Common-wealth, and therefore whereas there are not Spaniards enough for so ample and large a Countrey to doe all their work, and all are not able to buy slaves and Blackmores, they stand in need of the Indians help to serve them for their pay and hire; whereupon it hath been considered, that a partition of Indian labourers be made every Monday, or Sonday in the afternoon to the Spaniards, according to the farmes they occupie, or acording to their severall employments, calling, and trading with Mules, or any other way. So that for such and such a district there is named an officer, who is called Juez Repartidor, who according to a List made of every farme, house, and person, is to give so many Indians by the week. And here is a doore opened to the president of Guatemala, and to the Judges to provide well for their meniall servants, whom they commonly appoint for this office, which is thus performed by them. They name the Town and place of their meeting upon Sonday or Monday, to the which themselves and the Spaniards of that district do resort. The Indians of the severall Towns are to have in a readinesse so many labourers as the Court of Guatemala hath appointed to be weekly taken out of such a Towne, who are conducted by an Indian officer to the Towne of generall meeting; and when they come thither with their tooles, their spades, shovels, bils, or axes, with their provision of victuals for a week (which are commonly some dry cakes of Maiz,[Pg 140] puddings of frixoles, or French beanes, and a little Chile or biting long pepper, or a bit of cold meat for the first day or two) and with beds on their backes (which is only a course woollen mantle to wrap about them when they lye on the bare ground) then are they shut up in the Towne-house, some with blowes, some with spurnings, some with boxes on the eare, if presently they goe not in. Now all being gathered together, and the house filled with them, the Juez Repartidor or officer, calls by the order of the List such and such a Spaniard, and also calls out of the house so many Indians as by the Court are commanded to be given him (some are allowed three, some foure, some ten, some fifteen, some twenty, according to their employments) and delivereth unto the Spaniard his Indians, and so to all the rest, till they be all served; who when they receive their Indians, take from them a toole, or their mantles; to secure them that they run not away; and for every Indian delivered unto them, they give unto the Juez Repartidor or officer, halfe a Riall, which is three pence an Indian for his fees, which mounteth yeerly to him to a great deale of money; for some officers make a partition or distribution of four hundred, some of two hundred, some of three hundred Indians, every week, and carrieth home with him so many halfe hundred Rials for one, or halfe a daies worke. If complaint be made by any Spaniard that such and such an Indian did run away from him, and served him not the week past, the Indian must be brought, and surely tied to a post by his hands in the Market place, and there be whipped upon his bare backe. But if the poor Indian complaine that the Spaniards cousened and cheated him of his shovell, axe, bill, mantle, or wages, no justice shall be executed against the cheating Spaniard, neither shall the Indian be righted, though it is true the order runs equally in favour of both Indian and Spaniard. Thus are the poore Indians sold for three pence a peece for a whole weeks slavery, not permitted to goe home at nights unto their wives, though their worke lie not above a mile from the Town where they live; nay some are carried ten or twelve miles from their home, who must not returne till Saturday night late, and must that week do whatsoever their Master pleaseth to command them. The wages appointed them will scarce find them meat and drinke, for they are not allowed a Riall a day, which is but sixpence, and with that they are to find themselves, but for six daies worke and diet they are to have five Rials, which is halfe a crowne. This same order is observed in the City of Guatemala, and Townes of Spaniards, where to every family that wants the service of an Indian or Indians, though it be but to fetch water and wood on their backs, or to goe of arrants, is allowed the like service from the neerest Indian Townes. It would grieve a Christians heart to see how by some cruell Spaniards in that weeks service, those poor wretches are wronged and abused; some visiting their wives at home, whilst their poore husbands are digging and delving; others whipping them for their slow working, others wounding them with their swords, or breaking their heads for some reasonable and well grounded answer in their own behalfe, others stealing from them their tooles, others cheating them of halfe, others of all their wages, alleadging that their service cost them halfe a Riall, and yet their worke not well performed. I knew some who made a common practice of this, when their wheat was sowne, and they had little to do for the Indians; yet they would have home as many as were due unto their farme, and on Monday and Tuesday would make them cut and bring them on their backes as much wood as they needed all that week, and then on Wednesday at noon (knowing the great desire of the Indians to goe home to their wives, for the which they would give any thing) would say unto them, What will you give me now, if I let you goe home to doe your own worke? whereunto the Indians would joyfully reply and answer, some that they would give a Riall, others two Rials, which they would take and send them home, and so would have much worke done, wood to serve their house a week, and mony as much as would buy them meat, and Cacao for Chocolatte two weeks together; and thus from the poor Indians doe those unconscionable Spaniards practice a cheap and lazy way of living. Others will sell them away for that week unto a neighbour that hath present need of worke, demanding Rials a piece for every Indian, which he that buyeth them, will be sure to defray out of their wages. So likewise are they in a slavish bondage and readinesse for all passengers and travellers, who in any Towne may demand unto the next Towne as many Indians do goe with his Mules, or to carry on their backes a heavy burthen as he shall need, who at the journeys end will pick some quarrell with them, and so send them[Pg 141] back with blowes and stripes without any pay at all. A Petaca, or leatherne Trunke, and chest of above a hundred weight, they will make those wretches to carry on their backs a whole day, nay some two or three daies together, which they doe by tying the chest on each side with ropes, having a broad leather in the middle, which they crosse over the forepart of their head, or over their forehead, hanging thus the waight upon their heads and browes, which at their journeys end hath made the blood stick in the foreheads of some, galling and pulling off the skin, and marking them in the fore-top of their heads, who as they are called Tamemez, so are easily known in a Towne by their baldnesse, that leather girt having worn off all their hair. With these hard usages, yet do those poor people make a shift to live amongst the Spaniards, but so that with anguish of heart they are still crying out to God for justice, and for liberty, whose only comfort is in their Preists and Friers, who many times doe quiet them when they would rise up in mutiny, and for their owne ends doe often prevaile over them with fair and cunning perswasions, to bear and suffer for Gods sake, and for the good of the Common-wealth that hard task and service which is laid upon them. And though in all seasons, wet and dry, cold and hot, and in all wayes plain and mountainous, green and dirty, dusty and stony, they must performe this hard service to their commanding Masters, their apparell and cloathing is but such as may cover the nakednesse of their body, nay in some it is such torne rags as will not cover halfe their nakednesse. Their ordinary cloathing is a paire of linnen or woollen drawers broad and open at the knees, without shooes (though in their journeys some will put on leatherne sandals to keep the soles of their feet) or stockins, without any doublet, a short course shirt, which reacheth a little below their waste, and serves more for a doublet then for a shirt, and for a cloake a woollen or linnen mantle, (called Aiate) tied with a knot over one shoulder, hanging down on the other side almost to the ground, with a twelve penny or two shilling hat, which after one good shower of raine like paper falls about their necks and eies; their bed they carry sometimes about them, which is that woollen mantle wherewith they wrap themselves about at night, taking off their shirt and drawers, which they lay under their head for a pillow; some will carry with them a short, slight, and light Mat to lie, but those that carry it not with them, if they cannot borrow one of a neighbour, lie as willingly in their mantle upon the bare ground, as a Gentleman in England upon a soft down-bed, and thus doe they soundly sleep, and lowdly snort after a daies worke, or after a daies journey with a hundred weight upon their backs. Those that are of the better sort, and richer, and who are not employed as Tamemez to carry burthens, or as Labourers to work for Spaniards, but keep at home following their own farmes, or following their owne Mules about the Country, or following their trades and callings in their shops, or governing the Townes, as Alcaldes, or Alguaziles, officers of justice, may goe a little better apparelled, but after the same manner. For some will have their drawers with a lace at the bottom, or wrought with some coloured Silke or Crewel; so likewise the mantle about them, shall have either a lace, or some work of birds on it, some will wear a cut linnen doublet, others shooes, but very few stockins or bands about their neckes; and for their beds, the best Indian Governour, or the richest, who may be worth four or five thousand Duckats, will have little more then the poor Tamemez; for they lie upon boards, or Canes bound together, and raised from the ground, whereon they lay a broad and handsome Mat, and at their heads for man and wife two little stumps of wood for bolsters, whereon they lay their shirts and mantles and other cloaths for pillowes, covering themselves with a broader blanket then is their mantle, and thus hardly would Don Bernabe de Guzman the Governour of Petapa lie, and so doe all the best of them. The womens attire is cheap and soon put on; for most of them also go barefoot, the richer and better sort wear shooes, with broad ribbons for shooe-strings, and for a petticote, they tie about their waste a woollen mantle, which in the better sort is wrought with divers colours, but not sowed at all, pleated or gathered in, but as they tie it with a list about them; they wear no shift next their body, but cover their nakednesse with a kind of surplice (which they call Guaipil) which hangs loose from their shoulders down a little below their waste, with open short sleeves, which cover halfe their armes; this Guaipil is curiously wrought, especially in the bosome, with Cotton, or feathers. The richer sort of them wear bracelets and bobs about their wrists and necks; their hair is gathered up with fillets, without any quaife[Pg 142] or covering, except it be the better sort. When they goe to Church or abroad, they put upon their heads a vaile of linnen, which hangeth almost to the ground, and this is that which costs them most of all their attire, for that commonly it is of Holland or some good linnen brought from Spain, or fine linnen brought from China, which the better sort wear with a lace about. When they are at home at work they commonly take off their Guaipil, or surplice, discovering the nakednesse of their breasts and body. They lie also in their beds as doe their husbands, wrapped up only with a mantle, or with a blanket. Their houses are but poore thatched cottages, without any upper roomes, but commonly one or two only roomes below, in the one they dresse their meat in the middle of it, making a compasse for fire, with two or three stones, without any other chimney to convey the smoak away, which spreading it selfe about the roome filleth the thatch and the rafters so with sut, that all the roome seemeth to be a chimney. The next unto it, is not free from smoak and blacknesse, where sometimes are four or five beds according to the family. The poorer sort have but one room, where they eat, dresse their meat, and sleep. Few there are that set any lockes upon their dores, for they fear no robbing nor stealing, neither have they in their houses much to lose, earthen pots, and pans, and dishes, and cups to drinke their Chocolatte, being the chief commodities in their house. There is scarce any house which hath not also in the yard a stew, wherein they bath themselves with hot water, which is their chief physick when they feel themselves distempered. Among themselves they are in every Town divided into Tribes, which have one chief head, to whom all that belong unto that Tribe, doe resort in any difficult matters, who is bound to aid, protect, defend, counsell, and appear for the rest of his Tribe before the officers of justice in any wrong that is like to be done unto them. When any is to be married, the father of the son that is to take a wife out of another Tribe, goeth unto the head of his Tribe to give him warning of his sons marriage with such a maid. Then that head meets with the head of the maids Tribe, and they conferre about it. The businesse commonly is in debate a quarter of a yeer; all which time the parents of the youth or man are with gifts to buy the maid; they are to be at the charges of all that is spent in eating and drinking, when the heads of the two Tribes doe meet with the rest of the kindred of each side, who sometimes sit in conference a whole day, or most part of a night. After many dayes and nights thus spent, and a full triall being made of the one and other sides affection, if they chance to disagree about the marriage, then is the Tribe and parents of the maid to restore back all that the other side hath spent and given. They give no portions with their daughters, but when they die, their goods and lands are equally divided among their sons. If any one want a house to live in, or will repair and thatch his house anew, notice is given to the heads of the Tribes, who warn all the Town to come to help in the work, and every one is to bring a bundle of straw, and other materials, so that in one day with the helpe of many they finish a house, without any charges more then of Chocolatte, which they minister in great cups as big as will hold above a pint, not putting in any costly materials, as doe the Spaniards, but only a little Anniseed, and Chile, or Indian pepper; or else they halfe fill the cup with Attolle, and powre upon it as much Chocolatte as will fill the cup and colour it. In their diet the poorer sort are limited many times to a dish of Frixoles, or Turkey beanes, either black or white (which are there in very great abundance, and are kept dry for all the yeer) boyled with Chile; and if they can have this, they hold themselves well satisfied; with these beanes, they make also dumplins, first boyling the bean a little, and then mingling it with a masse of Maiz, as we do mingle Currants in our cakes, and so boile again the frixoles with the dumplin of Maiz masse, and so eat it hot, or keep it cold; but this and all whatsoever else they eat, they either eat it with green biting Chile, or else they dip it in water and salt, wherein is bruised some of that Chile. But if their means will not reach to frixoles, their ordinary fare and diet is, their Tortilla's (so they call thin round cakes made of the dow and Masse of Maiz) which they eat hot from an earthen pan, whereon they are soon baked with one turning over the fire; and these they eat alone either with Chile and salt, and dipping them in water and salt with a little bruised Chile. When their Maiz is green and tender, they boil some of those whole stalkes or clusters, whereon the Maiz groweth with the leaf about, and so casting a little salt about it, they eat it. I have often eate of this, and found it as dainty as our young green pease, and very nourishing, but it much[Pg 143] increaseth the blood. Also of this green and tender Maiz they make a Furmity, boiling the Maiz in some of the milke which they have first taken out of it by bruising it. The poorest Indian never wants this diet, and is well satisfied, as long as his belly is thorowly filled. But the poorest that live in such Townes where flesh meat is sold, will make a hard shift, but that when they come from worke on Saturday night, they will buy one halfe Riall, or a Riall worth of fresh meat to eat on the Lords day. Some will buy a good deal at once, and keep it long by dressing it into Tassajo's, which are bundles of flesh, rowled up and tied fast; which they doe, when for examples sake they have from a leg of beefe sliced off from the bone all the flesh with the knife, after the length, forme, and thinnesse of a line, or rope. Then they take the flesh and salt it, (which being sliced and thinly cut, soon takes salt) and hang it up in their yards like a line from post to post, or from tree to tree, to the wind for a whole week, and then they hang it in the smoak another week, and after rowle it up in small bundles, which become as hard as a stone, and so as they need it, they wash it, boyl it and eat it. This is America's powdered beef, which they call Tassajo, whereof I have often eaten, and the Spaniards eat much of it, especially those that trade about the Countrey with Mules; nay this Tassajo is a great commodity, and hath made many a Spaniard rich, who carry a Mule or two loaden with these Tassajo's in small parcels and bundles to those Townes where is no flesh at all sold, and there they exchange them for other commodities among the Indians, receiving peradventure for one Tassajo or bundle, (which cost them but the halfe part of a farthing) as much Cacao, as in other places they sell for a Riall or sixpence. The richer sort of people will fare better, for if there be fish or flesh to bee had, they will have it, and eat most greedily of it; and will not spare their fowls and Turkeys from their own bellies. These also will now and then get a wild Dear, shooting it with their bows and arrows. And when they have killed it, they let it lie in the wood in some hole or bottom covered with leaves for the space of about a week, untill it stinke and begin to be full of wormes; then they bring it home, cut it out into joynts, and parboil it with an herbe which groweth there somewhat like unto our Tanzy, which they say sweetneth it again, and maketh the flesh eat tender, and as white as a peice of Turkey. Thus parboiled, they hang up the joynts in the smoke for a while, and then boyle it again, when they eat it, which is commonly dressed with red Indian pepper; and this is the Venison of America, whereof I have sometimes eaten, and found it white and short, but never durst be too bold with it, not that I found any evill taste in it, but that the apprehension of the wormes and maggots which formerly had been in it, troubled much my stomack. These Indians that have little to doe at home, and are not employed in the weekly service under the Spaniards in their hunting, will looke seriously for Hedge-hogs, which are just like unto ours, though certainly ours are not meat for any Christian. They are full of pricks and brisles like ours, and are found in woods and fields, living in holes, and as they say feed upon nothing but Amits and their egs, and upon dry rotten sticks, herbes, and roots; of these they eat much, the flesh being as white and sweet as a Rabbit, and as fat as is a January hen kept up and fatted in a Coope. Of this meat I have also eaten, and confesse it is a dainty dish there, though I will not say the same of a Hedge-hog here; for what here may be poyson, there may be good and lawfull meate, by some accidentall difference in the creature it selfe, and in that which it feeds upon, or in the temper of the air and climate. This meat not only the Indians but the best of the Spaniards feed on it; and it is so much esteemed of, that because in Lent they are commonly found, the Spaniards will not be deprived of it, but do eat it also then, alleadging that it is no flesh (though in the eating it be in fatnesse and in taste, and in all like unto flesh) for that it feeds not upon any thing that is very nourishing, but chiefly upon Amits egs, and dry sticks. It is a great point of controversie amongst their Divines, some hold it lawfull, others unlawfull for that time; it seems the pricks and brisles of the Indian Hedge-hog prick their consciences with a foolish scruple. Another kind of meat they feed much on which is called Iguana; of these some are found in the waters, others upon the land. They are longer then a Rabbit, and like unto a Scorpion, with some green, some black scales on their backes. Those upon the land will run very fast, like Lizards, and will climbe up trees like Squerrils, and breed in the roots of trees or in stone walls. The sight of them is enough to affright one; and yet when they are dressed and stewed in broth with a little spice, they make a dainty[Pg 144] broth, and eat also as white as a Rabbit, nay the middle bone is made just like the backe bone of a Rabbit. They are dangerous meat, if not throughly boiled, and they had almost cost mee my life for eating too much of them, not being stewed enough. There are also many water and land Tortoi's, which the Indians find out for themselves, and also relish exceeding well unto the Spaniards palate. As for drinking, the Indians generally are much given unto it; and drinke if they have nothing else, of their poore and simple Chocolatte, without Sugar or many compounds, or of Atolle, untill their bellies bee ready to burst. But if they can get any drink that will make them mad drunk, they will not give it over as long as a drop is left, or a penny remaines in their purse to purchase it. Among themselves they use to make such drinks as are in operation far stronger then wine, and these they confection in such great Jarres as come from Spain; wherein they put some little quantity of water, and fill up the Jar with some Melasso's, or juyce of the Sugar Cane, or some hony for to sweeten it; then for the strengthning of it, they put roots and leaves of Tobacco, with other kinde of roots which grow there, and they know to bee strong in operation, nay in some places I have known where they have put in a live Toad, and so closed up the Jarre for a fortnight, or moneths space, till all that they have put in him, be throughly steeped and the toad consumed, and the drink well strengthned, then they open it, and call their friends to the drinking of it, (which commonly they doe in the night time, lest their Preist in the Towne should have notice of them in the day) which they never leave off, untill they bee mad, and raging drunke. This drink they call Chicha, which stinketh most filthily, and certainly is the cause of many Indians death, especially where they use the toads poyson with it. Once I was informed living in Mixco, of a great meeting that was appointed in an Indians house; and I took with mee the Officers of Justice of the Town, to search that Indians house, where I found foure Jarres of Chicha not yet opened, I caused them to be taken out, and broken in the street before his doore, and the filthy Chicha to be poured out, which left such a stinking sent in my nostrils, that with the smell of it, or apprehension of its loathsomenesse, I fell to vomiting, and continued sick almost a whole week after.
Now the Spaniards knowing this inclination of the Indians unto drunkennesse, doe herein much abuse and wrong them; though true it is, there is a strict order, even to the forfeiting of the wine of anyone who shall presume to sell wine in a Towne of Indians, with a mony mulct besides. Yet for all this the baser and poorer sort of Spaniards for their lucre and gaine contemning authority, will goe out from Guatemala, to the Towns of Indians about, and carry such wine to sell and inebriate the Natives as may bee very advantagious to themselves; for of one Jarre of wine, they will make two at least, confectioning it with hony and water, and other strong drugs which are cheap to them, and strongly operative upon the poore and weak Indians heads, and this they will sell for currant Spanish wine, with such pint and quart measures, as never were allowed by Justice Order, but by themselves invented. With such wine they soone intoxicate the poore Indians, and when they have made them drunk, then they will cheat them more, making them pay double for their quart measure; and when they see they can drinke no more, then they will cause them to ly down and sleep, and in the meane while will pick their pockets. This is a common sinne among those Spaniards of Guatemala, and much practised in the City upon the Indians, when they come thither to buy or sell. Those that keep the Bodegones (so are called the houses that sell wine, which are no better then a Chandlers shop, for besides wine they sell Candles, Fish, Salt, Cheese and Bacon) will commonly intice in the Indians, and make them drunk, and then pick their pockets, and turne them out of doores with blowes and stripes, if they will not fairly depart. There was in Guatemala in my time one of these Bodegoners, or shopkeeper of wine and small ware, named Joan Ramos, who by thus cheating and tipling poore Indians (as it was generally reported) was worth two hundred thousand duckates, and in my time gave with a daughter that was married, eight thousand Duckats. No Indian should passe by his doore, but he would call him in, and play upon him as aforesaid. In my time a Spanish Farmer, neighbour of mine in the Valley of Mixco, chanced to send to Guatemala his Indian servants with half a dozen mules loaden with wheat to a Merchant, with whom hee had agreed before for the price, and ordered the money to bee sent unto him by his servant (whom hee had kept six yeers, and ever found him trusty) the wheat being delivered, and the money received (the which mounted to ten pound, sixteen shillings, every mule carrying[Pg 145] six bushels, at twelve Rials a bushel, as was then the price) the Indian with another Mate of his walking along the streets to buy some small commodities, passed by John Ramos his shop, or Bodegon, who enticing him and his Mate in, soone tripped up their heals with a little confectioned wine for that purpose, and tooke away all his mony from the intruded Indian, and beat them out of his house; who thus drunk being forced to ride home, the Indian that had received the money, fell from his mule, and broke his neck; the other got home without his Mate, or money. The Farmer prosecuted John Ramos in the Court for his money, but Ramos being rich and abler to bribe, then the Farmer, got off very well, and so had done formerly in almost the like cases. These are but peccadillo's among those Spaniards, to make drunke, rob, and occasion the poor Indians death; whose death with them is no more regarded nor vindicated, then the death of a sheep or bullock, that falls into a pit. And thus having spoken of apparrell, houses, eating and drinking, it remaines that I say somewhat of their civility, and Religion of those who lived under the Government of the Spaniards. From the Spaniards they have borrowed their Civill Government, and in all Townes they have one, or two Alcaldes, with more or lesse Regidores, (who are as Aldermen or Jurates amongst us) and some Alguaziles, more or lesse, who are as Constables, to execute the orders of the Alcalde, (who is a Maior) with his Brethren. In Towns of three or four hundred Families, or upwards, there are commonly two Alcaldes, six Regidores, two Alguaziles Maiors, and six under, or petty Alguaziles. And some Towns are priviledged with an Indian Governour, who is above the Alcaldes, and all the rest of the Officers. These are changed every yeer by new election, and are chosen by the Indians themselves, who take their turnes by the tribes or kindreds, whereby they are divided. Their offices begin on New-Yeers day, and after that day their election is carryed to the City of Guatemala (if in that district it bee made) or else to the heads of Justice, or Spanish Governours of the severall Provinces, who confirm the new Election, and take account of the last yeers expences made by the other Officers, who carry with them their Town-Book of accounts; and therefore for this purpose every Town hath a Clerk, or Scrivener, called Escrivano, who commonly continueth many yeers in his office, by reason of the paucity and unfitnesse of Indian Scriveners, who are able to bears such a charge. This Clerk hath many fees for his writings and informations, and accounts, as have the Spaniards, though not so much money or bribes, but a small matter, according to the poverty of the Indians. The Governour is also commonly continued many yeers, being some chief man among the Indians, except for his misdemeanours hee bee complained of, or the Indians in generall doe all stomack him.
Thus they being setled in a civill way of government, they may execute justice upon all such Indians of their Town as doe notoriously and scandalously offend. They may imprison, fine, whip, and banish, but hang and quarter they may not; but must remit such cases to the Spanish Governour. So likewise if a Spaniard passing by the Town, or living in it, doe trouble the peace, and misdemean himself, they may lay hold on him, and send him to the next Spanish Justice, with a full information of his offence, but fine him, or keep him about one night in Prison they may not. This order they have against Spaniards, but they dare not execute it, for a whole Town standeth in awe of one Spaniard, and though hee never so hainously offend, and bee unruly, with oathes, threatnings, and drawing of his sword, hee maketh them quake and tremble, and not presume to touch him; for they know if they doe, they shall have the worst, either by blowes, or by some mis-information, which hee will give against them. And this hath been very often tried, for where Indians have by virtue of their order indeavoured to curbe an unruly Spaniard in their Town, some of them have been wounded, others beaten, and when they have carried the Spaniard before a Spanish Justice and Governour, hee hath pleaded for what hee hath done, saying it was in his owne defence, or for his King and Sovereign, and that the Indians would have killed him, and began to mutiny all together against the Spanish Authority, and Government, denying to serve him with what hee needed for his way and journey; that they would not bee slaves to give him or any Spaniard any attendance; and that they would make an end of him, and of all the Spaniards. With these and such like false and lying mis-informations, the unruly Spaniards have often been beleeved, and too much upheld in their rude and uncivill misdemeanors, and the Indians bitterly curbed, and punished, and answer made them in such cases, that if they had been killed for their[Pg 146] mutiny and rebellion against the King, and his best subjects they had beene served well enough; and that if they gave not attendance unto the Spaniard, that passed by their Town, their houses should bee fired, and they and their children utterly consumed. With such like answers from the Justices, and credency to what any base Spaniard shall inform against them, the poore Indians are fain to put up all wrongs done unto them, not daring to meddle with any Spaniard, bee hee never so unruly, by virtue of that Order, which they have against them. Amongst themselves, if any complaint be made against any Indian, they dare not meddle with him untill they call all his kindred, and especially the head of that Tribe, to which hee belongeth; who if hee and the rest together, find him to deserve imprisonment, or whipping, or any other punishment, then the Officers of Justice, the Alcaldes or Maiors, and their Brethren the Jurates inflict upon him that punishment; which all shall agree upon. But yet after judgment and sentence given, they have another, which is their last appeale, if they please, and that is to their Priest, and Fryer, who liveth in their Town, by whom they will sometimes bee judged, and undergoe what punishment hee shall think fittest. To the Church therefore they often resort in points of Justice, thinking the Preist knoweth more of Law and equity, then themselves; who sometimes reverseth what judgement hath been given in the Town house, blaming the Officers for their partiality and passion against their poore Brother, and setting free the party judged by them; which the Preist does oftentimes, if such an Indian doe belong to the Church, or to the service of their house, or have any other relation to them, peradventure for their wives sake, whom either they affect, or imploy in washing, or making their Chocolatte. Such, and their husbands may live lawlesse as long as the Preist is in the Town. And if when the Preist is absent, they call them to triall for any misdemeanor, and whip, fine, or imprison, (which occasion they will sometimes pick out on purpose) when the Preist returnes, they shall bee sure to heare of it, and smart for it, yea, and the Officers themselves peradventure bee whipped in the Church, by the Preists order and appointment; against whom they dare not speake, but willingly accept what stripes and punishment hee layeth upon them, judging his wisdome, sentence, and punishing hand, the wisdome, sentence and hand of God; whom as they have been taught to be over all Princes, Judges, worldly Officers, so likewise they beleeve, (and have been so taught) that his Preists and Ministers are above theirs, and all worldly power and authority. It happened unto mee living in the Town of Mixco, that an Indian being judged to bee whipped for some disorders, which hee committed, would not yeeld to the sentence, but apealed to mee, saying hee would have his stripes in the Church, and by my order, for so hee said his whipping would doe him good, as comming from the hand of God. When hee was brought unto mee, I could not reverse the Indians judgment, for it was just, and so caused him to be whipped, which hee tooke very patiently and merrily, and after kissed my hands and gave mee an offering of mony for the good hee said, I had done unto his soule. Besides this civility of justice amongst them, they live as in other Civill and Politick and well governed Common-wealths; for in most of their Townes, there are some that professe such trades as are practised among Spaniards. There are amongst them Smiths, Taylors, Carpenters, Masons, Shoomakers, and the like. It was my fortune to set upon a hard and difficult building in a Church of Mixco, where I desired to make a very broad and capacious vault over the Chappell, which was the harder to bee finished in a round circumference, because it depended upon a triangle, yet for this work I sought none but Indians, some of the Town, some from other places, who made it so compleat, that the best & skilfullest workmen among the Spaniards had enough to wonder at it. So are most of their Churches vaulted on the top, and all by Indians; they onely in my time built a new Cloister in the Town of Amatitlan, which they finished with many Arches of stone both in the lower walks and in the upper galleries, with as much perfection as the best Cloister of Guatemala, had before beene built by the Spaniard. Were they more incouraged by the Spaniards, and taught better principles both for soule and body, doubtlesse they would among themselves make a very good Common-wealth. For painting they are much inclined to it, and most of the pictures, and Altars of the Country Townes are their workmanship. In most of their Townes they have a Schoole, where they are taught to read, to sing, and some to write. To the Church there doe belong according as the Town is in bignesse, so many Singers, and Trumpeters, and Waits, over whom the Preist hath[Pg 147] one Officer, who is called Fiscal; he goeth with a white Staffe with a little Silver Crosse on the top to represent the Church, and shew that he is the Preists Clerk and Officer. When any case is brought to be examined by the Preist, this Fiscall or Clerk executeth Justice by the Preists Order. He must be one that can read & write, and is commonly the Master of Musick. He is bound upon the Lords Day and other Saints dayes, to gather to the Church before and after Service all the yong youths, and maids, and to teach them the Prayers, Sacraments, Commandements, and other points of Catechisme allowed by the Church of Rome. In the morning hee and the other Musicians at the sound of the Bell, are bound to come to Church to sing and officiate at Masse, which in many Townes they performe with Organs and other musicall Instruments, (as hath beene observed before) as well as Spaniards. So likewise at Evening at five of the clock they are again to resort to the Church, when the Bell calleth, to sing Prayers, which they call Completa's, or Completory, with Salve Regina, a prayer to the Virgin Mary. This Fiscal is a great man in the Town, and beares more sway then the Majors, Jurates, and other Officers of Justice, and when the Preist is pleased, giveth attendance to him, goeth about his arrants, appointeth such as are to wait on him, when hee rideth out of Town. Both hee and all that doth belong unto the Church, are exempted from the common weekely service of the Spaniards, and from giving attendance to Travellers, and from other Officers of Justice. But they are to attend with their Waits, Trumpets, and Musick, upon any great man or Preist that cometh to their Town, and to make Arches with boughes and flowers in the streets for their entertainment. Besides these, those also that doe belong unto the service of the Preists house, are priviledged from the Spaniards service. Now the Preist hath change of servants by the week, who take their turnes so, that they may have a weeke or two to spare to doe their work. If it bee a great Town, hee hath three Cookes allowed him, (if a small Town, but two) men Cookes who change their turnes, except hee have any occasion of feasting, then they all come. So likewise hee hath two or three more (whom they call Chahal) as Butlers, who keepe whatsoever Provision is in the house under lock and Key; and give to the Cooke what the Preist appointeth to bee dressed for his dinner, or supper; these keep the Table Clothes, Napkins, Dishes, and Trenchers, and lay the Cloth, and take away, and wait at the Table; hee hath besides three or foure, and in great Towns half a dozen of boyes to doe his arrants, wait at the Table, and sleep in the house all the week by their turnes, who with the Cookes and Butlers dine and sup constantly in the Preists house, and at his charges. Hee hath also at dinner and supper times the attendance of some old women (who also take their turnes) to oversee half a dozen yong maids, who next to the Priests house doe meet to make him, and his family Tortilla's or Cakes of Maiz, which the boyes doe bring hot to the Table by halfe a dozen at a time. Besides these servants, if hee have a Garden hee is allowed two or three gardeners; and for his stable, at least half a dozen Indians, who morning and evening are to bring him Sacate (as there they call it) or herb and grasse for his Mules or Horses, these diet not in the house; but the groome of the stable, who is to come at morning, noone, and Evening, (and therefore are three or foure to change) or at any time that the Preist will ride out; these I say and the Gardners (when they are at work) dine and sup at the Priests charges; who sometimes in great Townes hath above a dozen to feed and provide for. There are besides belonging to the Church priviledged from the weekly attendance upon the Spaniards two or three Indians, called Sacristanes, who have care of the Vestry and Copes, and Altar Clothes, and every day make ready the Altar or Altars for Masse; also to every Company or Sodality of the Saints, or Virgin, there are two or three, whom they call Mayordomo's, who gather about the Towne Almes for the maintaining of the Sodality; these also gather Egges about the Town for the Preist every week, and give him an account of their gatherings, and allow him every moneth, or fortnight, two Crownes for a Masse to bee sung to the Saint.
If there be any fishing place neer the Town, then the Preist also is allowed for to seek him fish three or foure, and in some places half a dozen Indians, besides the offerings in the Church, and many other offerings which they bring whensoever they come to speak unto the Preist, or to confesse with him, or for a Saints feast to bee celebrated, and besides their Tithes of every thing, there is a monethly maintenance in money allowed unto the Preist, and brought unto him by the Alcaldes, or Maiors, and Jurates,[Pg 148] which he setteth his hand unto in a book of the Townes expences. This maintenance (though it be allowed by the Spanish magistrate, and paid in the Kings name for the preaching of the Gospel) yet it comes out of the poor Indians purses and labour, and is either gathered about the Town, or taken out of the Tribute, which they pay unto the King, or from a common plat of ground which with the help of all is sowed and gathered in and sold for that purpose. All the Townes in America, which are civilized and under the Spanish government, belong either to the Crowne, or to some other Lords, whom they cal Encomendero's, and pay a yeerly tribute unto them. Those that are tenants to their Lords or Encomendero's (who commonly are such as descend from the first conquerors) pay yet unto the King some small tribute in mony, besides what they pay in other kind of commodities unto their owne Encomendero, and in mony also. There is no Town so poor, where every married Indian doth not pay at the least in mony four Rials a yeer for tribute to the King, besides other four Rials to his Lord, or Encomendero. And if the Town pay only to the King, they pay at least six, and in some places eight Rials by statute, besides what other commodities are common to the Town or Country where they live, as Maiz, (that is paid in all Townes) hony, Turkeys, fowles, salt, Cacao, Mantles of Cotton-wool; and the like commodities they pay who are subject to an Encomendero; but such pay only mony, not commodities to the King. The Mantles of tribute are much esteemed of, for they are choise ones, and of a bigger size, then others, so likewise is the tribute Cacao, Achiotte, Cochinil, where it is paid; for the best is set apart for the tribute; and if the Indians bring that which is not prime good, they shall surely be lashed, and sent backe for better. The heads of the severall Tribes have care to gather it, and to deliver it to the Alcaldes and Regidores, Maiors and Jurates, who carry it either to the Kings Exchequer in the City, or to the neerest Spanish Justice (if it belong to the King) or to the Lord, or Encomendero of the Towne. In nothing I ever perceived the Spaniards mercifull and indulgent unto the Indians, but in this, that if an Indian bee very weak, poore, and sickly and not able to work, or threescore and ten yeers of age, he is freed from paying any tribute. There be also some Towns priviledged from this tribute; which are those that can prove themselves to have descended from Tlaxcallan, or from certaine Tribes or families of or about Mexico, who helped the first Spaniards in the conquest of that Country. As for their carriage and behaviour, the Indians are very courteous and loving, and of a timorous nature, and willing to serve and to obey, and to doe good, if they be drawn by love; but where they are too much tyrannized, they are dogged, unwilling to please, or to worke, and will choose rather strangling and death then life. They are very trusty, and never were known to commit any robbery of importance; so that the Spaniards dare trust to abide with them in a wildernesse all night, though they have bags of gold about them. So for secrecy they are very close; and will not reveal any thing against their own Natives, or a Spaniards credit and reputation, if they be any way affected to him. But above all unto their Preist they are very respective unto him; and when they come to speak unto him; put on their best clothes, study their complements and words to please him. They are very abundant in their expressions, and full of circumloquutions adorned with parables and simile's to expresse their mind and intention. I have often sate still for the space of an houre, onely hearing some old women make their speeches unto me, with so many elegancies in their tongue (which in English would be non-sense, or barbarous expressions) as would make me wonder, and learne by their speeches more of their language, then by any other endeavour or study of mine owne. And if I could reply unto them in the like phrases and expressions (which I would often endeavour) I should be sure to win their hearts, and get any thing from them. As for their Religion, they are outwardly such as the Spaniards, but inwardly hard to beleeve that which is above sense, nature, and the visible sight of the eye; and many of them to this day doe incline to worship Idols of stocks and stones, and are given to much superstition, and to observe crosse waies, and meeting of beasts in them, the flying of birds, their appearing and singing neer their houses at such and such times. Many are given to witchcraft, and are deluded by the devill to beleeve that their life dependeth upon the life of such and such a beast (which they take unto them as their familiar spirit) and think that when that beast dieth they must die; when he is chased, their hearts pant, when he is faint they are faint; nay it happeneth that by the devils delusion they appear in the[Pg 149] shape of that Beast, (which commonly by their choice is a Buck, or Doe, a Lion, or Tigre, or Dog, or Eagle) and in that shape have been shot at and wounded, as I shall shew in the Chapter following. And for this reason (as I came to understand by some of them) they yeeld unto the Popish Religion, especially to the worshiping of Saints Images, because they looke upon them as much like unto their forefathers Idols; and secondly, because they see some of them painted with Beasts; as Hierom with a Lion, Anthony with an Asse, and other wild Beasts, Dominick with a Dog, Blas with a Hog, Mark with a Bull, and John with an Eagle, they are more confirmed in their delusions, and thinke verily those Saints were of their opinion, and that those beasts were their familiar spirits, in whose shape they also were transformed when they lived, and with whom they died. All Indians are much affected unto these Popish Saints, but especially those which are given to witchcraft, and out of the smalnesse of their means they will be sure to buy some of these Saints and bring them to the Church, that there they may stand and be worshipped by them and others. The Churches are full of them, and they are placed upon standers gilded or painted, to be carried in procession upon mens shoulders, upon their proper day. And from hence cometh no little profit to the Preists; for upon such Saints daies, the owner of the Saint maketh a great feast in the Towne, and presenteth unto the Preist sometimes two or three, sometimes four or five crownes for his Masse and Sermon, besides a Turkey and three or four fowls, with as much Cacao as will serve to make him Chocolatte for all the whole Octave or eight daies following. So that in some Churches, where there are at least fourty of these Saints Statues and Images, they bring unto the Preist at least fourty pounds a yeer. The Preist therefore is very watchfull over those Saints daies, and sendeth warning before hand unto the Indians of the day of their Saint, that they may provide themselves for the better celebrating it both at home and in the Church. If they contribute not bountifully, then the Preist will chide, and threaten that he will not preach. Some Indians through poverty have been unwilling to contribute any thing at all, or to solemnize in the Church and at his house his Saints day, but then the Preist hath threatned to cast his Saints image out of the Church, saying, that the Church ought not to be filled with such Saints as are unprofitable to soul and body, and that in such a statues room one may stand, which may doe more good by occasioning a solemn celebration of one day more in the yeer. So likewise if the Indian that owned one of those images die and leave children, they are to take care of that Saint as part of their inheritance, and to provide that his day be kept; but if no son, or heirs be left, then the Preist calleth for the heads of the severall Tribes, and for the chief officers of justice, and maketh a speech unto them, wherein he declareth that part of the Church ground is taken up in vain by such an image, and his stander, without any profit either to the Preist, the Church, or the town, no heir or owner being left alive to provide for that orphan Saint, to owne it; and that in case they will not seek out who may take charge of him, and of his day, the Preist will not suffer him to stand idle in his Church, like those whom our Saviour in the Gospel rebuked, quid hic statis tota die otiosi? for that they stood idle in the market all the day (these very expressions have I heard there from some Friers) and therefore that he must banish such a Saints picture out of the Church, and must deliver him up before them into the Justices hands to be kept by them in the Town-house, untill such time as he may be bought and owned by some good Christian. The Indians when they hear these expressions, begin to feare, lest some judgement may befall their Town for suffering a Saint to be excommunicated and cast out of their Church, and therefore present unto the Preist some offering for his prayers unto the Saint, that he may doe them no harme, and desire him to limit them a time to bring him an answer for the disposing of that Saint (thinking it will prove a disparagement and affront unto their Town, if what once hath belonged to the Church, be now out, and delivered up to the secular power) and that in the mean time, they will find out some good Christian, either of the neerest friends and kindred to him or them who first owned the Saint, or else some stranger, who may buy that Saint of the Preist (if he continue in the Church) or of the secular power (if he be cast out of the Church and delivered up unto them, which they are unwilling to yeeld to, having been taught of judgements in such a case like to befall them) and may by some speedy feast and solemnity appease the Saints anger towards them, for having been so sleighted by the Town. Alas poore Indians, what will they not be brought unto by those[Pg 150] Friers and Preists, who study nothing more than their own ends, and to enrich themselves from the Church and Altar! their policies (who are the wise and prudent children of this world spoken of in the Gospel) can easily overtop and master the simplicity of the poor Indians; who rather then they will bring an affront upon their Towne, by suffering any of their Saints to be cast out of their Church, or to be with mony redeemed out of the secular powers hands, will make hast to present unto him an owner of that orphan Saint, who for him shall give to the Preist not only what he may be prized to be worth in a Painters shop for the workmanship, gold and colours belonging to him; but besides shall present him what before hath been observed, for the solemnizing of his Feast. These feasts bring yet unto the Saints more profit then hitherto hath been spoken of; for the Indians have been taught that upon such daies they ought to offer up somewhat unto the Saints; and therefore they prepare either mony (some a Riall, some two, some more) or else commonly about Guatemala white wax-candles, and in other places Cacao, or fruits, which they lay before the image of the Saint, whilst the Masse is celebrating. Some Indians will bring a bundle of candles of a dozen tied together of Rials a peice some, some of three or four for a Riall, and will if they be let alone light them all together and burne them out, so that the Preist at the end of the Masse will find nothing but the ends. Therefore (knowing well of the waies of policy and covetousnesse) he chargeth the Church officers, whom I said before were called Mayordomo's to looke to the offerings, and not to suffer the Indians who bring candles to light more then one before the Saint, and to leave the other before him unlighted (having formerly taught them, that the Saints are as well pleased with their whole candles as with their burnt candles) that so hee may have the more to sell and make mony of. After Masse the Preist and the Mayordomo's take and sweep away from the Saint whatsoever they find hath been offered unto him; so that sometimes in a great Towne upon such a Saints day the Preist may have in mony twelve or twenty Rials, and fifty or a hundred candles, which may be worth unto him twenty or thirty shillings, besides some ends and pieces. Most of the Friers about Guatemala are with these offerings as wel stored with candles, as is any Wax-chandlers shop in the City. And the same candles, which thus they have received by offerings they need not care to sell them away to Spaniards, who come about to buy them (though some will rather sell them together to such though cheaper, that their mony might come in all at once) for the Indians themselves when they want again any candles for the like feast, or for a Christening, and for a womans Churching (at which times they also offer candles) will buy their own againe of the Preist, who sometimes receiveth the same candles and mony for them again five or six times. And because they find that the Indians incline very much to this kind of offerings, and that they are so profitable unto them, the Friers doe much presse upon the Indians in their preaching this point of their Religion, and devotion. But if you demand of these ignorant, but zealous offerers the Indians an account of any point of faith, they will give you little or none. The mystery of the Trinity, and of the incarnation of Christ, and our redemption by him is too hard for them; they will only answer what they have been taught in a Catechisme of questions and answers; but if you ask them if they beleeve such a point of Christianity, they will never answer affirmatively, but only thus, Perhaps it may be so. They are taught there the doctrin of Rome, that Christs body is truely and really present in the Sacrament, and no bread in substance, but only the accidents; if the wisest Indian be asked, whether he beleeve this, he will answer, Perhaps it may be so. Once an old woman, who was held to be very religious, in the Town of Mixco, came to me about receiving the Sacrament, and whilst I was instructing of her, I asked her if she beleeved that Christ body was in the Sacrament, she answered, Peradventure it may be so. A little while after to try her and get her out of this strain and common answer, I asked her what & who was in the Sacrament which she received from the Preists hand at the Altar; she answered nothing for a while, and at last I pressed upon her for an affirmative answer; and then she began to looke about to the Saints in the Church, (which was dedicated to a Saint which they call St. Dominick) and, as it seemed, being troubled and doubtful what to say, at last she cast her eyes upon the high Altar, but I seeing she delayed the time, asked her again who was in the Sacrament? to which she replyed S. Dominick who was the Patron of that Church and Town. At this I smiled, and would yet further try her simplicity with a simple question. I told her she saw S. Dominick[Pg 151] was painted with a dog by him holding a torch in his mouth, and the globe of the world at his feet; I asked her, whether all this were with St. Dominick in the Sacrament? To which she answered, Perhaps it might be so; wherewith I began to chide her, and to instruct her. But mine instruction, nor all the teaching and preaching of those Spanish Preists hath not yet well grounded them in principles of faith; they are dull and heavie to beleeve or apprehend of God, or of heaven, more then with sense or reason they can conceive. Yet they goe and run that way they see the Spaniards run, and as they are taught by their idolatrous Preists. Who have taught them much formality, and so they are (as our Formalists formerly in England) very formall, but little substantiall in Religion. They have been taught that when they come to confession, they must offer somewhat to the Preist, and that by their gifts and almes, their sins shall be sooner forgiven; this they doe so formally observe, that, whensoever they come to confession, but especially in Lent, none of them dareth to come with empty hands; some bring mony, some honey, some egs, some fowls, some fish, some Cacao, some one thing, some another, so that the Preist hath a plentifull harvest in Lent for his pains in hearing their Confessions. They have been taught that also when they receive the Communion, they must surely every one give at least a Riall to the Preist, (surely England was never taught in America to buy the Sacrament with a two pence offering, and yet this custome too much practised and pressed upon the people) which they performe so, that I have known some poor Indians, who have for a week or two forborne from coming to the Communion untill they could get a Riall offering. It is to be wondred what the Preists doe get from those poore wretches in great Towns by Confession and Communion Rials in great Townes, where they denie the Sacrament to none that will receive it, (and in some Townes I have knowne a thousand Communicants) and force all above twelve or thirteen yeers of age to come to Confession in the Lent. They are very formall also in observing Romes Monday, Thursday, and good-Friday, and then they make their monuments and sepulchres, wherein they set their Sacrament, and watch it all day and night, placing before it a Crucifix on the ground, with two basins on each side to hold the single or double Rials, which every one must offer when he cometh creeping upon his knees, and bare-footed to kisse Christs hands, feet, and side. The candles which for that day and night and next morning are burned at the sepulchre are bought with another Contribution-Riall, which is gathered from house to house from every Indian for that purpose. Their Religion is a dear and lick-penny religion for such poor Indians, and yet they are carried along in it formally and perceive it not. They are taught that they must remember the souls in Purgatory, and therefore that they must cast their almes into a chest, which standeth for that purpose in their Churches, whereof the Preist keepeth the key, and openeth it when he wanteth mony, or when he pleaseth. I have often opened some of those chests; and have found in them many single Rials, some halfe pieces of eight, and some whole pieces of eight. And because what is lost and found in the high-waies, must belong to some body, if the true owner be not knowne, they have been taught that such monies or goods belong also to the soules departed; wherefore the Indians (surely more for fear or vanities sake that they may be well thought on by the Preist) if they find any thing lost will bestow it upon the soules surer then the Spaniards themselves (who if they find a purse lost will keep it,) and will bring it either to the Preist or cast it into the chest. An Indian of Mixco had found a patacon or peece of eight in a high-way, and when he came to Confession, he gave it unto me telling me he durst not keep it, lest the soules should appear unto him, and demand it. So upon the second day of November which they call All soules day, they are extraordinary foolish and superstitious in offering monies, fowles, egs and Maiz, and other commodities for the soules good, but it proves for the profit of the Preist, who after Masse wipes away to his chamber all that which the poore gulled and deluded Indians had offered unto those soules, which needed neither mony, food, nor any other provision, and he fills his purse, and pampers his belly with it. A Frier that lived in Petapa boasted unto me once that upon their All Soules day, his offerings had been about a hundred Rials, two hundred Chickens and fowls, half a dozen Turkeyes, eight bushels of Maiz, three hundred egs, four sontles of Cacao, (every sontle being four hundred granes) twenty clusters of plantins, above a hundred wax candles, besides some loaves of bread, and other trifles of fruits. All which being summed up according[Pg 152] to the price of the things there, and with consideration of the coyn of mony there (halfe a Ryall or three pence being there the least coyn) mounts to above eight pounds of our money, a faire and goodly stipend for a Masse, brave wages for halfe an houres work; a politick ground for that Error of Purgatory, if the dead bring to the living Preist such wealth in one day onely. Christmas day with the rest of those holy daies is no lesse superstitiously observed by these Indians; for against that time they frame and set in some corner of their Church a little thatched house like a stall, which they call Bethlehem, with a blazing Starre over, pointing it unto the three Sage wise men from the East; within this stall they lay in a Crib, a child made of wood, painted and guilded (who represents Christ new borne unto them) by him stands Mary on the one side, and Joseph on the other, and an Asse likewise on the one side and an oxe on the other, made by hands, the three wise men of the East kneel before the Crib offering gold, Frankincense and Myrrhe, the shepheards stand aloof off offering their Country gifts, some a Kid, some a Lambe, some Milk, some Cheese, and Curds, some fruits, the fields are also there represented with flocks of Sheep and Goats; the Angels they hang about the stall some with Vialls, some with Lutes, some with Harps, a goodly mumming and silent stage play, to draw those simple souls to look about, and to delight their senses and fantasies in the Church.
There is not an Indian that cometh to see that supposed Bethlehem (and there is not any in the Town but doth come to see it) who bringeth not either money or somewhat else for his offering. Nay the policy of the Preists hath been such, that (to stirre up the Indians with their Saints example) they have taught them to bring their Saints upon all the holy dayes, untill Twelfth day in Procession unto this Bethlehem to offer their gifts, according to the number of the Saints that stand in the Church, some daies there come five, some daies eight, some daies ten, dividing them into such order, that by Twelfth day all may have come and offered, some money, some one thing, some another; The owner of the Saint, hee cometh before the Saint with his friends and kindred (if there bee no sodality or company belonging unto that Saint) and being very well apparelled for that purpose, he bowes himselfe and kneels to the Crib, and then rising takes from the Saint what hee bringeth and leaveth it there, and so departs. But if there be a sodality belonging to the Saint, then the Mayordomo's or chief Officers of that company they come before the Saint, and doe homage, and offer as before hath been said. But upon Twelfth day the Alcaldes, Maiors, Jurates, and other Officers of Justice, must offer after the example of the Saints, and the three Wise men of the East (whom the Church of Rome teacheth to have been Kings) because they represent the Kings power and authority. And all these daies they have about the Town and in the Church a dance of Shepheards, who at Christmas Eve at midnight begin before this Bethlehem, and then they must offer a Sheep amongst them. Others dance clothed like Angels and with wings, and all to draw the people more to see sights in the Church, then to worship God in Spirit and in Truth. Candlemas day is no lesse superstitiously observed; for then the picture of Mary comes in procession to the Altar, and offereth up her Candles and Pigeons, or Turtle-Doves unto the Preist, and all the Town must imitate her example, and bring their Candles to be blessed and hallowed; of foure or five, or as many as they bring, one onely shall bee restored back unto them, because they are blessed, all the rest are for the Preist, to whom the Indians resort after to buy them, and give more then ordinary, because they are hallowed Candles. At Whitsontide they have another sight, and that is in the Church also, whilst a Hymne is sung of the Holy Ghost, the Preist standing before the Altar with his face turned to the people, they have a device to let fall a Dove from above over his head well dressed with flowers, and for above half an houre, from holes made for that purpose, they drop down flowers about the Preist shewing the gifts of the holy Ghost to him, which example the ignorant and simple Indians are willing to imitate, offering also their gifts unto him. Thus all the yeer are those Preists and Fryers deluding the poore people for their ends, enriching themselves with their gifts, placing Religion in meer Policy; and thus doth the Indians Religion consist more in sights, shewes and formalities, then in any true substance. But as sweet meat must have sowre sawce; so this sweetnesse and pleasing delight of shewes in the Church hath its sowre sawce once a yeer (besides the sowrenesse of poverty which followeth to them by giving so many gifts unto the Preist) for, to shew that in their Religion there is some bitterness, & sowrenesse,[Pg 153] they make the Indians whip themselves the weeke before Easter, like the Spaniards, which those simples both men and women perform with such cruelty to their owne flesh, that they butcher it, mangle and teare their backs, till some swound, nay some (as I have known) have died under their own whipping, and have selfe murthered themselves, which the Preists regard not, because their death is sure to bring them at least three or foure Crownes for a Masse for their soules, and other offerings of their friends.
Thus in Religion they are superstitiously led on, and blinded in the observance of what they have been taught more for the good and profit of their Preists, then for any good of their soules, not perceiving that their Religion is a Policy to inrich their teachers. But not onely doe the Fryers and Preists live by them and eat the sweat of their browes; but also all the Spaniards, who not onely with their worke and service (being themselves many given to idlenesse) grow wealthy and rich; but with needlesse offices, and authority are still fleecing them, and taking from them that little which they gaine with much hardnesse and severity.
The President of Guatemala, the Judges of that Chancery, the Governours and High Justices of other parts of the Country, that they may advance and inrich their meniall servants, make the poor Indians the subject of their bountifulnesse towards such. Some have offices to visit as often as they please their Towns, and to see what every Indian hath sowed of Maiz, for the maintenance of his wife and children; Others visit them to see what fowles they keepe for the good and store of the County; others have order to see whether their houses bee decently kept and their beds orderly placed according to their Families; others have power to call them out to mend and repaire the high wayes, and others have Commission to number the Families and Inhabitants of the severall Townes, to see how they increase that their Tribute may not decrease, but still bee raised. And all this, those officers doe never perform but so, that for their pains they must have from every Indian an allowance to bear their charges, (which indeed are none at all) for as long as they stay in the Town, they may call for what fowles and provision they please without paying for it. When they come to number the Townes, they call by list every Indian and cause his children, sonnes and daughters to be brought before them, to see if they bee fit to be married; and if they be of growth and age, and bee not married, the fathers are threatned for keeping them unmarried, and as idle livers in the Towne without paying tribute; and according to the number of the sonnes and daughters that are marriageable, the fathers tribute is raised and increased, untill they provide husbands and wives for their sons and daughters, who as soone as they are married, are charged with tribute; which that it may increase, they will suffer none above fifteen yeers of age to live unmarried; Nay the set time of age of marriage appointed for the Indians, is at fourteen yeers for the man, and thirteene for the woman, alleadging that they are sooner ripe for the fruit of Wedlock, and sooner ripe in knowledge and malice, and strength for worke and service, then are any other people. Nay sometimes they force them to marry who are scarce twelve and thirteene yeeres of age, if they find them well limbed, and strong in body, explicating a point of one of Romes Canons, which alloweth fourteene and fifteen yeers, nisi malitia suppleat ætatem. When I my selfe lived in Pinola, that Town by order of Don Juan de Guzman, (a great Gentleman of Guatemala, to whom it belonged) was numbred, and an increase of tributary Indians was added unto it by this meanes. The numbring it lasted a full week, and in that space I was commanded to joyne in marriage neer twenty couple, which, with those that before had been married since the last numbring of it, made up to the Encomendero or Lord of it an increase of about fifty Families. But it was a shame to see how young some were that at that time were forced to marriage, neither could al my striving and reasoning prevail to the contrary, nor the producing of the Register Book to shew their age, but that some were married of between twelve and thirteene yeers of age, and one especially who in the Register booke was found to bee not fully of twelve yeers, whose knowledge and strength of body was judged to supply the want of age. In this manner even in the most free act of the will, (which ought to bee in marriage) are those poore Indians, forced and made slaves by the Spaniards, to supply with tribute the want of their purses, and the meannesse of their Estates. Yet under this yoke and burden they are cheerfull, and much given to feasting, sporting and dancing, as they particularly shew in the chief feasts of their Townes, which are kept[Pg 154] upon that Saints day to whom their Town is dedicated. And certainly this superstition hath continued also in England from the Popish times, to keep Faires in many of our Towns upon Saints dayes (which is the intent of the Papists to draw in the people and country by way of commerce and trading one with another, to honor, worship, and pray to that Saint, to whom the Town is dedicated) or else why are our Faires commonly kept upon John Baptist, James, Peter, Matthew, Bartholomew, Holy Rood, Lady dayes, and the like, and not as well a day or two before, or a day or two after, which would bee as good and fit dayes to buy and sell, as the other? True it is, our Reformation alloweth not the worshipping of Saints, yet that solemne meeting of the people to Fairs and mirth, and sport upon those daies it hath kept and continued, that so the Saints and their dayes may bee and continue still in our remembrance. There is no Town in the India's great or small (though it be but of twenty Families) which is not dedicated thus unto our Lady or unto some Saint, and the remembrance of that Saint is continued in the mindes not onely of them that live in the Towne, but of all that live farre and neere by commercing, trading, sporting, and dancing, offering unto the Saint, and bowing, kneeling, and praying before him. Before this day day cometh, the Indians of the Town two or three Moneths have their meetings at night, and prepare themselves for such dances as are most commonly used amongst them; and in these their meetings they drinke much both of Chocolatte and Chicha. For every kind of dance they have severall houses appointed, and masters of that dance, who teach the rest that they may bee perfected in it against the Saints day. For the most part of these two or three moneths the silence of the night is unquieted, what with their singing, what with their hollowing, what with their beating upon the shels of fishes, what with their Waits, and what with their piping. And when the feast cometh, then they act publikely, and for the space of eight dayes, what privately they had practised before. They are that day well apparelled with silkes, fine linnen, ribbands and feathers according to the dance; which first they begin in the Church before the Saint, or in the Church yard, and from thence all the Octave, or eight dayes they goe from house to house dancing, where they have Chocolatte or some heady drink or Chicha given them. All those eight daies the Towne is sure to bee full of drunkards; and if they bee reprehended for it; they will answer, that their heart doth rejoyce with their Saint in heaven, and that they must drinke unto him, that hee may remember them. The chief dance used amongst them is called Toncontin, which hath been danced before the King of Spain, in the Court of Madrid by Spaniards, who have lived in the India's to shew unto the King somewhat of the Indians fashions; and it was reported to have pleased the King very much. This dance is thus performed. The Indians commonly that dance it (if it bee a great Towne) are thirty or forty, or fewer, if it be a small Town. They are clothed in white, both their dublets, linnen drawers, and Aiates, or towels, which on the one side hang almost to the ground. Their drawers and Aiates are wrought with some workes of Silk, or with birds, or bordered with some Lace. Others procure dublets and drawers and Aiates of Silk, all which are hired for that purpose. On their backs they hang long tuffes of feathers of all colours, which with glew are fastned into a little frame made for the purpose, and guilded on the outside; this frame with Ribbands they tie about their shoulders fast that it fall not, nor slacken with the motion of their bodies. Upon their heads they wear another lesse tuffe of Feathers either in their hats, or in some guilded or painted head-peece, or helmet. In their hands also they carry a fan of feathers, and on their feet most will use feathers also bound together like short wings of birds; some weare shooes, some not. And thus from top to toe they are almost covered with curious and coloured feathers. Their Musick and tune to this dance is onely what is made with a hollow stock of a tree, being rounded, and well pared within and without, very smooth and shining, some foure times thicker then our viols, with two or three long clefts on the upper side and some holes at the end which they call Tepanabaz. On this stock (which is placed upon a stool or fourm in the middle of the Indians) the Master of the dance beates with two sticks, covered with wooll at the ends, and a pitched leather over the wooll that it fall not away. With this Instrument and blowes upon it (which soundeth but dull and heavy, but somewhat loud) hee giveth the dancers their severall tunes, and changes, and signes of the mothion of their bodies either straight or bowing, and giveth them warning what and when they are to sing. Thus they dance in compasse and[Pg 155] circle round about that instrument, one following another sometimes straight, sometimes turning about, sometimes turning half way, sometimes bending their bodies and with the feathers in their hands almost touching the ground, and singing the life of that their Saint, or of some other. All this dancing is but a kind of walking round, which they will continue two or three whole houres together in one place, and from thence goe and perform the same at another house.
This Toncontin the chief and principall onely of the Towne doe dance it; It was the old dance which they used before they knew Christianity, except that then in stead of singing the Saints lives, they did sing the praises of their heathenish Gods. They have another dance much used, which is a kind of hunting out some wild Beast (which formerly in time of Heathenisme was to bee sacrificed to their Gods) to bee offered up unto the Saint. This dance hath much variety of tunes, with a small Tepanabaz, and many shels of Tortoi's, or in stead of them with pots covered with leather, on which they strike as on Tepanabaz, and with the sound of pipes; in this dance they use much hollowing and noise and calling one unto another, and speaking by way of Stage play, some relating one thing, some another concerning the Beast they hunt after; these dancers are all cloathed like Beasts, with painted skins of Lions, Tigers, Wolves, and on their heads such headpieces as may represent the head of such Beasts, and other weare painted heads of Eagles or Fowles of rapine, and in their hands they have painted Staves, Bils, Swords and Axes, wherewith they threaten to kill that Beast they hunt after. Others in stead of hunting after a Beast, hunt after a man, as Beasts in a wildernesse should hunt a man to kill him. This man that is thus hunted after must bee very nimble and agil, as one flying for his life, and striking here and there at the Beasts for his defence, whom at last they catch and make a prey of. As the Toncontin consists most of walking and turning and leasurely bending their bodies, so this dance doth wholly consist in action, running in a circle round, sometimes out of circle, and leaping and striking with those tooles and instruments which they have in their hand. This is a very rude sport, and full of scrieking and hideous noise, wherein I never delighted. Another Mexican dance they use, some clothed like men, others like women, which in Heathenish times they did use with singing praises unto their King or Emperour; but now they apply their songs unto the King of Glory, or unto the Sacrament, using these or commonly the like words with very little difference, and some variety of praise,
Salid Mexicanas, bailad Toncontin.
Cansalas galanas en cuerpo gentil. And againe,
Salid Mexicanas bailad Toncontin.
Al Rey de la gloria tenemos aqui.
Thus they goe round dancing, playing in some places very well upon their Guitarres, repeating now and then all together a verse or two, and calling the Mexican Dames to come out to them with their gallant Mantles to sing praise unto their King of Glory. Besides these they have, and use our Morris dances, and Blackmore dances with Sonajas in their hands, which are a round set of small Morris dancing bells, wherewith they make variety of sounds to their nimble feet. But the dance which doth draw to it the peoples wondering is a Tragedy acted by way of dance, as the death of St. Peter, or the beheading of John the Baptist. In these dances there is an Emperour, or a King Herod with their Queens clothed, another cloathed with a long loose Coat who represents St. Peter, or John the Baptist, who whilst the rest danceth, walketh amongst them with a book in his hands, as if hee were saying his prayers, all the rest of the Dancers are apparelled like Captaines and souldiers with Swords, Daggers, or Holbards in their hands. They dance at the sound of a small drum and pipes, sometimes round, sometimes in length forward, and have and use many speeches to the Emperour or King, and among themselves concerning the apprehending and executing the Saint. The King and Queen sit sometimes down to hear their pleading against the Saint, and his pleading for himselfe; and sometimes they dance with the rest; and the end of their dance is to crucifie St. Peter downwards with his head upon a Crosse, or behead John the Baptist, having in readinesse a painted head in a dish, which they present unto the King and Queen, for joy whereof they all again dance merrily and so conclude, taking down him that acted Peter from the Crosse. The Indians that dance this dance most of them are superstitious for what they do, judging as if it were indeed really acted[Pg 156] and performed what onely is by way of dance represented. When I lived amongst them, it was an ordinary thing for him who in the dance was to act St. Peter or John the Baptist, to come first to Confession, saying they must bee holy and pure like that Saint, whom they represent, and must prepare themselves to die. So likewise hee that acted Herod or Herodias, and some of the Souldiers that in the dance were to speak and to accuse the Saints, would afterwards come to confesse of that sinne, and desire absolution as from bloodguiltinesse. More particular passages of the Indians according to my experience of them, I shall in the Chapter following truly relate unto my Reader.
Having read in the University of Guatemala for three years space a whole course of Arts, and having begun to read part of Divinity, the more I studied and grew in knowledge, and the more I controverted by way of Arguments some Truths and points of Religion, the more I found the spirit of Truth inlightening me, and discovering unto me the lies, errors, falsities and superstitions of the Church of Rome. My conscience was much perplexed, and wavering, and I desirous of some good and full satisfaction: Which I knew might not bee had there; and that to professe and continue in any opinion contrary to the Doctrine of Rome, would bring mee to the Inquisition, that Rack of tender Consciences, and from thence to no lesse then burning alive, in case I would not recant of what the true Spirit had inspired into mee. The point of Transubstantiation, of Purgatory, of the Popes power and authority, of the merit of mans workes, of his free will to choose all soul-saving wayes, the sacrifice of the Masse, the halving the Sacrament of the Lords Supper unto the Lay people, the Preists power to absolve from sinne, the worshipping of Saints though with δουλεία, as they call it, and not with λατρεία, and the Virgin Mary with a higher degree of worship then that of the Saints, which they call ὑπερδουεία, the strange lies and blasphemies which they call miracles recorded in the Legend and lives of their Saints, the infallibility of the Pope, and councell in defining for truth and point of Faith, what in it selfe is false and erroneous; these points especially, with many more of Romes policies, and the lewd lives of the Preists, Fryers, Nuns, and those in authority, did much trouble and perplex my conscience, which I knew would bee better satisfied if I could returne againe to my owne Countrey of England, where I knew many things were held contrary to the Church of Rome, but what particulars they were, I could not tell, not having been brought up in the Protestant Church, and having been sent young over to St. Omers. Wherefore I earnestly addressed my selfe to the Provincial; and to the President of Guatemala, for a licence to come home, but neither of them would yeeld unto it, because there was a strict order of the King and Councell, that no Preist sent by his Majesty to any of the parts of the India's to Preach the Gospell, should return againe to Spain till ten yeers were expired. Hereupon I seeing my self a Prisoner, and without hopes for the present of seeing England in many yeers, resolved to stay no more in Guatemala, but to goe out to learne some Indian tongue, and to preach in some of their Townes, where I knew more money might bee got to help mee home, when the time should come, then if I did continue to live in the Cloister of Guatemala. Yet in the mean time I thought it not unfit to write to Spain to a friend of mine an English Fryer in San Lucar, called Fryer Pablo de Londres to desire him to obtain for mee a License from the Court, and from the Generall of the Order at Rome, that I might return unto my Country. In this season there was in Guatemala, Fryer Francisco de Moran, the Prior of Coban in the Province of Vera Paz, who was informing the President and whole Chancery, how necessary it was that some Spaniards should bee ayding and assisting him for the discovery[Pg 157] of a way from that Country unto Jucatan, and for the suppressing of such barbarous people and Heathens, as stopped his passage, and did often invade some Indian Towns of Christians. This Moran (being my speciall friend, and having been brought up in Spaine in the Cloister of San Pablo de Valladolid, where my selfe was first entred Frier,) was very desirous of my company along with him, for the better bringing into Christianity those Heathens, and Idolaters, telling me that doubtlesse in a new Countrey new treasure and great riches was like to be found, whereof no small share and portion should befall him and me for our pains and adventure. I was not hard to be perswaded, being above all desirous to convert to Christianity a people that had never heard of Christ; and so purposed to forsake that honour which I had in the Universitie, for to make Christ knowne unto that Heathenish people. The Provinciall was glad to see this my courage, and so with some gifts and mony in my purse, sent me with Moran to the Vera Paz in the company of 50. Spaniards, who were appointed by the President to aid and assist us.
When we came to Coban we were well refreshed and provided for a hard and dangerous enterprize. From Coban we marched to two great Townes of Christians called St. Peter, and St. John, where were added unto us a hundred Indians for our further assistance. From these Towns two daies journey we could travail on Mules safely among Christians and some small villages; but after the two daies we drew neer unto the Heathens Frontiers, where there was no more open way for Mules, but we must trust unto our feet. We went up and down mountaines amongst woods for the space of two daies, being much discouraged with the thickets and hardnesse of the way, and having no hope of finding out the Heathens. In the night we kept watch and guard for feare of enemies, and resolved yet the third day to goe forward. In the mountaines we found many sorts of fruits and in the bottomes springs and brookes with many trees of Cacao and Achiotte. The third day we went on, and came to a low valley, in the midst whereof ran a shallow river, where we found some Milpa's or plantations of Maiz. These were a testimony unto us of some Indians not far off, and therefore made us keep together and be in readinesse, if any assault or onset should be made upon us by the Heathens. Whilst we thus travelled on, we suddenly fell upon halfe a dozen poore cottages, covered with boughes and plantin leaves, and in them wee found three Indian women, two men and five young children, all naked, who faine would have escaped, but they could not. We refreshed our selves in their poore cottages and gave them of our provision, which at the first they refused to eat, howling and crying and pulling, till Moran had better incouraged and comforted them, whose language they partly understood. We clothed them and tooke them along with us, hoping to make them discover unto us some treasure or some bigger plantation. But that day they were so sullen that we could get nothing out of them. Thus we went on, following some tracks which here and there we found of Indians, till it was almost evening, and then we did light upon above a dozen cottages more, and in them a matter of twenty men, women, and children, from whom we tooke some bows and arrowes, and found there store of plantins, some fish, and wild Venison, wherewith we refreshed our selves. These told us of a great Towne two daies journey off, which made us be very watchfull that night. Here I began with some more of our company to be sick and weary, so that the next day I was not able to goe any further; whereupon we resolved to set up our quarters there, and to send out some scouts of Indians and Spaniards to discover the country, who found further more cottages and plantations of Maiz, of Chile, of Turkey beans, and Cotton-wooll, but no Indians at all, for they were all fled. Our scouts returned, and gave us some incouragement from the pleasantnesse of the Country; but withall wished us to be watchfull and carefull, for that certainly the flight of those Indians was a signe that our coming was noised about the Country. The next day we purposed to move forward to that plantation which our scouts had discovered, being (as we were informed) safer and more open to foresee any danger ready to befall us. All these plantations lay along by the river, where the sun was exceeding hot, which had caused feavers and a flux in some of us. With much wearinesse and faintnesse I got that day to our journeys end, beginning now to repent mee of what I was ingaged in and on foot, and fearing some suddain danger, by reason our coming was now known by the Indians. The prisoners we had with us began to tell us of some gold that they did sometimes find in that river, and of a great lake yet[Pg 158] forward, about which did inhabit many thousand Indians, who were very warlike, and skilfull in their bows and arrows. The one incouraged some, the other much discouraged the rest, who wished themselves out of those woods and unknown places, and began to murmur against Moran, who had been the cause of their ingagement in that great danger. Our night was set, and I and the rest of the sick Spaniards went to rest, some upon the bare ground, but my self and others in hamacca's, which are of net work tied at two posts or trees, and hanging in the aire, which with the least stirring of the body, rocke one asleep as in a Cradle. Thus I tooke my rest till about midnight; at which time our watches gave an alarm against our approaching enemies, who were thought to be about a thousand. They came desperately towards us, and when they saw they were discovered, and our drums beat up, and our fowling peeces and muskets began to shoot, they hollowed and cried out with a hideous noise, which uproar and suddain affrightment, added sweat and fear to my feaver. But Moran (who came to confesse with mee, and to prepare himselfe for death or for some deadly wound) comforted me, wishing me to fear nothing, and to lie still, for that I could doe them no good, and that lesse was my danger then I apprehended, because our Souldiers had compassed me about, so that on no side the Heathens could come in, and flie we could not without the losse of all our lives. The skirmish lasted not above an hour, and then our enemies began to flie back. We tooke ten of them, and in the morning found thirteen dead upon the ground, and of ours five onely were wounded, whereof one died the next day.
In the morning our Souldiers began to mutiny and to talke of returning back, fearing a worse and more violent onset that day or the night following, for some of the Indians who were taken, told them plainly that if they went not away there would come six or seven thousand against them. They told us further, that they knew well that the Spaniards had all the country about, except that little portion of theirs, which they desired to enjoy quietly and peaceably, and not to meddle with us, but rather if we would see their countrey and goe through it as friends, they would let us without doing us any hurt; but if we came in a warlike manner to fight and to bring them into slavery, as we had done their neighbours, they were all resolved to die fighting rather then to yeeld. With these words our Souldiers were divided, some with Moran were of opinion to try the Indians, and to go peaceably through their Country til they could come to some Towne of Jucatan; others were of opinion to fight, others to return back again, considering their weakenesse against so many thousands of Indians as were in the Country. But that day nothing was agreed upon, for that we could not stir by reason of the sick and wounded. So we continued there that night, and as the night before much about the same time the enemies came againe upon us, but finding us ready and watching for them, they soone fled. In the morning we resolved to returne back, and Moran sent the Heathens word, that if they would let him goe through their country quietly to discover some land of Jucatan, he would after a few monthes come peaceably unto them with halfe a dozen Indians, no more, trusting his life upon them; whom he knew if they wronged, all the Spaniards in the country would rise up against them, and not leave one alive. They answered that they would entertaine him, and any few Indians well and willingly; all which Moran and they performed according to their agreement the next yeer following.
Thus we returned that day backe the same way that we had come, and I began to find my self better, and my feaver to leave me. We carried with us some of those young children which we had taken, to present them unto the President of Guatemala. And in Coban the Prior Moran thought he might first do God good service if he christened those yong children, saying that they might become Saints, and that afterwards their prayers might prevaile with God for the conversion of their parents and of all that country to Christianity. I could not but oppose this his ignorance, which seemed much like unto that of the Friers who entred America with Cortez, and increased after the conquest daily more in number, who boasted to the Emperour, that they had some of them made above thirty thousand Indians Christians by baptizing them; which truely they did as sheep are forced to the waters and driven to be washed; so were those first Indians by thousands sprinkled (or if I may use their word, baptized) for they were driven by compulsion & force to the rivers, neither were they first principled in any grounds of belief and Christianity, neither themselves beleevers, nor children of[Pg 159] of beleeving and faithfull parents. So would Moran christen these children, though I told him that they ought not to partake of that sacrament and Ordinance of Christ, unlesse they were grounded in articles of Christianity and beleeved, or were children of beleeving parents. But as he had been brought up in errours, whereof that Church of Rome is a wide and spatious nest, so he would be obstinate in this point against me and the truth, sprinkling with water those children, and naming them with names of Christians. After this he sent them well apparelled to the President of Guatemala, who commanded them to be kept, and brought up in the Cloister of the Dominican Friers.
I remained after this for a while in Coban, and in the Townes about, untill such time as the ships came to the Gulfe; whither I went with Moran to buy wines, oyle, iron, cloth and such things as the Cloister wanted for the present. At which time there being a frigate ready to depart to Truxillo (some occasions drawing Moran thither) I tooke ship with him. We staied not much above a week in that Port (which is a weak one, as the English and Hollanders taking of it can witnesse) but presently we thought of returning back to Guatemala by land through the countrey of Comayagua, commonly called Honduras. This is a woody and mountainous countrey, very bad and inconvenient for Travellers, and besides very poore; there the commodities are Hides, Canna fistula, and Zarzaparilla, and such want of bread, that about Truxillo they make use of what they call Cassave, which is a dry root, that being eaten dry doth choak, and therefore is soaked in broth, water, wine or Chocolatte, that so it may go down. Within the Countrey, and especially about the City of Comayagua (which is a Bishops seat, though a small place of some five hundred inhabitants at the most) there is more store of Maiz by reason of some Indians, which are gathered to Townes, few and small. I found this Countrey one of the poorest in all America. The chief place in it for health and good living is the valley which is called Gracias a Dios, there are some rich farms of Cattle and Wheat; but because it lieth as neer to the Countrey of Guatemala as to Comayagua, and on this side the waies are better then on that, therefore more of that Wheat is transported to Guatemala and to the Townes about it, then to Comayagua or Truxillo. From Truxillo to Guatemala there are between fourescore and a hundred leagues, which we travelled by land, not wanting in a barren Countrey neither guides nor provision, for the poore Indians thought neither their personall attendance, nor any thing that they enjoyed too good for us.
Thus we came again to Guatemala, and were by the Friers joyfully entertained, and by the President highly rewarded, and by the City called true Apostles, because we had ventured our lives for the discovery of Heathens, and opened a way for their conversion, and found out the chief place of their residence, and sent before us those children to the City, who witnessed with being in the Cloister our pains and indeavours. Moran was so puffed up with the Presidents favour, and the popular applause, that he resolved in Guatemala to venture again his life, and, according to that message which he had sent before to the Heathen Indians, to enter amongst them in a peaceable way with halfe a dozen Indians. He would fain have had me gone with him; but I considered the hardnesse of the journey, which I thought I should not be able to perform on foot; and also I feared that the Barbarians might mutiny against us for those children which we had brought; and lastly I liked not the Countrey, which seemed poore and not for my purpose, to get meanes sufficient to bring me home to England, which was the chiefest thought and desire of my heart for the satisfaction of my conscience, which I found still unquiet. Wherefore I resolved to forsake the company of my friend Moran, and to desist from new discoveries of Heathens, and such difficult undertakings, which might endanger my health and life, and at last bring no profit, but only a little vain glory, fame and credit in that Countrey. I thought I might better employ my time, if I learned some Indian tongue neerer to Guatemala, where I considered the riches of the Townes, the readinesse of the Indians, and their willingnesse to further their Preists wants; and lastly, their ignorance in some points of Religion, which I thought I might help and clear with some sound doctrin, and with preaching Christ crucified unto them, and bringing them unto that rock of eternall blisse and salvation. I trusted in my friends so much, that I knew it would not be hard for me to take my choice of any place about Guatemala; from whence I might facilitate my returne to England, and write to Spain, and have every yeer an answer easier then any where else. I opened my[Pg 160] mind unto the Provinciall (who was then at Guatemala) and he presently and willingly condescended to my request, and counselled me to learn the Poconchi language, (whereof I had already got some grounds in the Vera Paz) which is most used about Guatemala, and also is much practised in Vera Paz, and in the Countrey of San Salvador. He promised to send me to the Town of Petapa, to learne there the language, with a speciall friend of his named Frier Peter Molina, who was very old, and wanted the help and company of some younger person to ease him in the charge that lay upon him, of so great a Towne, and many Travellers that passed that way. The Provinciall as if he had knowne my mind, pitched upon my very hearts desire; and thus two weeks before Midsummer day I departed from Guatemala to Petapa, which is six leagues from thence, and there setled my selfe to learn that Indian tongue. The Friers of those parts that are any way skilful in the Indian languages, have composed Grammars & Dictionaries for the better furthering of others who may supply their places after their decease; but whilst they live are unwilling to teach the languages unto others, lest their schollers should after a good and well grounded knowledge of the tongues, supplant their own Masters, and be means of taking from them that great profit which they have by living as Curates in the Indian Townes. Yet this old Molina considering himselfe in yeers, and for his good friends sake the Provinciall, was not unwilling to accept of my company, and to impart unto me what knowledge he had got by many yeers practice of the Poconchi tongue. He gave me therefore a short abstract of all the rudiments belonging unto it, which did consist chiefely of declining Nounes, and conjugating Verbs, (which I easily learned in the first fortnight that I had been with him) and then a Dictionary of Indian words, which was all the rest of my study to get without book, untill I was able of my selfe to preach unto the Indians, which with much easinesse I obtained by discoursing and conferring with them, what with my private study I had learned.
After the first six weeks Molina writ downe for me in the tongue a short exhortation, which he expounded to me, and wished me to learne it without booke, which I preached publikely upon the feast of St. James. After this he gave me another short exhortation in Spanish, to be preached upon the fifteenth of August, which he made me translate into the Indian tongue, and he corrected in it what he found amisse, wherewith I was a little more emboldened, and feared not to shew my selfe in publick to the Indians. This practice I continued three or four times untill Michaelmas, preaching what with his help I had translated out of Spanish, untill I was able to talke with the Indians alone, and to make mine own Sermons. After Michaelmas Molina being not a little vain glorious of what he had done with me, in perfecting me in an unknowne tongue in so short a space, which was very little above one quarter of the yeer, writ unto the Provinciall acquainting him of what paines he had taken with me, and of the good successe of his endeavours, assuring him that I was now fit to take a charge of Indians upon me, and to preach alone, further desiring him that he would bestow upon me some Indian Towne and Benefice where I might by constant preaching practice and further that which with so much facility I had learned. The Provinciall (who had alwaies been my friend) needed not spurs to stir him up to shew more and more his love and kindnesse unto me; but immediately sent me order to goe unto the two Townes of Mixco and Pinola, and to take charge of the Indians in them, and to give quarterly an account of what I received thence unto the Cloister of Guatemala, unto which all that valley did appertaine. All the Indian Townes and the Friers that live in them are subordinate unto some Cloister; and the Friers are called by their Superiours to give up for the Cloisters use what monies they have spared, after their own and their servants lawfull maintenance. Which Order yet in Peru is not observed, for there the Friers who are once beneficed in Indian Towns, depend not upon any Cloister, but keep all that they get for themselves, and so receive not from their Cloisters any clothing, or help for their provision, neither give they any account to their Superiours, but keep, clothe and maintain themselves, with what offerings and other duties fall unto them from the Indians; which is the cause that the Friers of Peru are the richest in all the India's, and live not like Friers but rather like Lords, and game and Dice publikely without controul. But the Friers of Guatemala, Guaxaca, and Mexico, though they have enough and more then is well sutable to their vow and profession of poverty, yet they enjoy not the liberty of the Peruan Friers in their Indian Benefices;[Pg 161] for what is over and above their expences, they give to their Superiours, and from them they receive every month a jar of wine, of an Arrobe and a halfe, and every yeer a new habit with other clothing. Yet with what I have said I must not excuse the Friers of Guatemala from liberty, and the enjoyment of wealth and riches; for they also game and sport, and spend, and fill their bags, and where in their accounts and reckonings to the Cloisters they might well give up in a yeer five hundred Crownes besides their own expences, they give up peradventure three hundred, and usurpe the rest for themselves, and their vain and idle uses; and trade and traffique under hand with Merchants against their vow of poverty.
With this subordination therefore (which I have shewed) unto the Prior and Cloister of Guatemala, I was sent to preach unto the Indians of Mixco and Pinola, from whence for my sake was removed an old Frier of almost fourscore yeers of age, and called to his Cloister to rest, who was not able to performe the charge which lay upon him of two Townes, three leagues distant one from another. The setled means for maintenance which I enjoyed in these Townes, and the common offerings and duties which I received from the Indians was this. In Mixco I was allowed every moneth twenty Crownes, and in Pinola fifteen, which was punctually payed by the Alcaldes and Regidores, Maiors and Jurates, before the end of the moneth; for which payment, the Townes sowed a common peece of land with Wheat or Maiz, and kept their book of accounts, wherein they set downe what crops they yeerly received, what monies they tooke in for the sale of their Corne, and in the same booke I was to write downe what every moneth I received from them; which booke at the yeers end they were to present to be examined by some officer appointed thereunto by the Court of Guatemala. Besides this monthly allowance, I had from the Sodalities of the soules in Purgatory every week in each Town two Crownes for a Masse; every moneth two Crownes in Pinola upon the first Sunday of the moneth from the Sodalitie of the Rosary; and in Mixco likewise every month from three Sodalities of the Rosary of the Virgin Mary, which were there belonging unto the Indians, the Spaniards, and the Black-mores, two Crownes a peece. Further from two more Sodalities belonging to the Vera Cruz, or the Crosse of Christ, every moneth two Crownes a peece. And in Mixco from a Sodality of the Spaniards belonging to St. Nicolas de Tolentino, two Crowns every month. And from a Sodality of St. Blas in Pinola every moneth two more Crownes; and finally in Mixco from a Sodality entituled of St. Jacintho every moneth yet two Crownes; besides some offerings, of either mony, fowles, or candles, upon those daies whereon these Masses were sung; all which amounted to threescore and nine Crowns a month, which was surely setled and paid before the end of the moneth. Besides from what I have formerly said of the Saints statues which doe belong unto the Churches, and doe there constantly bring both mony, fowles, candles, and other offerings upon their day, unto the Preist, the yeerly revenues which I had in those two Towns will appear not to have been small; for in Mixco there were in my time eighteen Saints Images, and twenty in Pinola; which brought unto me upon their day four Crowns a peece for Masse and Sermon, and procession, besides fowles, Turkeys and Cacao, and the offerings before the Saints, which commonly might bee worth at least three Crowns upon every Saints day, which yeerly amounted to at least two hundred, threescore and six Crownes. Besides the Sodalities of the Rosary of the Virgin, (which as I have before said were foure, three in Mixco, and one in Pinola) upon five severall feasts of the yeer (which are most observed by the Church of Rome) brought unto me four Crownes, two for the dayes Masse, and two for a Masse the day following, which they call the Anniversarie for the dead, who had belonged unto those Sodalities, which besides those daies offerings (which sometimes were more, sometimes lesse) and the Indians presents of fowles and Cacao, made up yeerly fourscore Crowns more. Besides this, the two Sodalities of the Vera Cruz upon two feasts of the Crosse; the one upon the fourteenth of September, the other upon the third of May, brought four Crownes a peece for the Masse of the day, and the Anniversary Masse following, and upon every Friday in Lent two Crownes, which in the whole yeer came to four and fourty Crownes; all which above reckoned, was as a sure rent in those two Townes. But, should I spend time to reckon up what besides did accidentally fall, would be tedious. The Christmas offerings in both those two Townes, were worth to me when I lived there at least fourty Crownes. Thursday and Friday offerings before[Pg 162] Easter day were about a hundred Crownes; all Soules day offerings commonly worth fourescore Crownes; and Candlemas day offerings commonly forty more. Besides what was offered upon the Feast of each Town by all the Country which came in, which in Mixco one yeer was worth unto mee in Candles and money fourescore Crownes, and in Pinola (as I reckoned it) fifty more. The Communicants (every one giving a Riall) might make up in both Towns at least a thousand Rials; and the Confessions in Lent at least a thousand more, besides other offerings of Eggs, Hony, Cacao, Fowles and Fruits. Every Christening brought two Rials, every Marriage two Crowns, every ones death two Crowns more at least; and some in my time dyed, who would leave ten or twelve Crownes for five or six Masses to bee sung for their soules.
Thus are those fooles taught that by the Preists singing their soules are delivered from weeping, and from the fire and torments of Purgatory; and thus by singing all the yeer doe those Fryers charme from the poore Indians and their Sodalities and Saints an infinite treasure wherewith they inrich themselves and their Cloisters; as may bee gathered from what I have noted by my owne experience in those two Townes of Mixco and Pinola, (which were farre inferiour yet to Petapa and Amatitlan in the same Valley, and not to bee compared in offerings and other Church duties to many other Townes about that Country) which yet yeelded unto mee with the offerings cast into the Chests which stood in the Churches for the souls of Purgatory, and with what the Indians offered when they came to speake unto mee (for they never visit the Preist with empty hands) and with what other Masse stipends did casually come in, the summe of at least two thousand Crownes of Spanish money, which might yeerly mount to five hundred English pounds. I thought this Benefice might bee a fitter place for mee to live in, then in the Cloister of Guatemala, wearying out my braines with points of false grounded Divinity for to get onely the applause of the Scholars of the University, and now and then some small profit; which I thought I might looke after as well as the rest of my profession, nay with more reason, for that I intended to return to England, and I knew I should have little help for so long a journey in leaving there my friends, if so bee that I made not my mony my best friend to assist mee by Sea and Land. My first indeavour was to certifie my selfe from the Book of Receipts and Accounts in the Cloister of Guatemala, what reckonings my Predecessor and others before him had given up to the Cloister yeerly from Mixco and Pinola, that I might regulate my selfe and my expenses so, as to be able to live with credit, and to get thanks from the Cloister by giving more then any before me had given. I found that four hundred crowns had been the most that my old Predecessour had given yeerly in his Accounts; and that before him little more was usually given from those two Towns; Whereupon I took occasion once in discourse with the Prior of Guatemala to aske what hee would willingly expect from mee yeerly whilst I lived in those two Towns; to which he replyed that if I upheld for my part the Cloisters usuall and yeerly Revenues, giving what my Predecessour had given, he would thanke me, and expect no more from mee, and that the rest that befell mee in those Towns, I might spend it in Books, Pictures, Chocolatte, Mules, and Servants; to which I made reply, that I thought I could live in that Benefice creditably enough, and yet give from it more to the Cloister then ever any other before mee had given, and that I would forfeit my continuing there if I gave not to the Cloister every year four hundred and fifty Crowns. The Prior thanked mee heartily for it, and told mee I should not want for wine, (wishing mee to send for it every moneth) nor for clothing, which hee would every yeer once bestow upon me. This I thought would save a great part of my charges, and that I was well provided for as long as I lived in the India's. And here I desire, that England may take notice how a Fryer that hath professed to be a Mendicant, being beneficed in America, may live with foure hundred pounds a yeer cleare, and some with much more, with most of his cloathing given him besides, and the most charge of his wine supplyed, with the abundance of Fowles, which cost him nothing, and with such plenty of Beef, as yeelds him thirteen pound for three pence? Surely well may hee game, buy good Mules, furnish his chamber with hangings, and rich pictures, and Cabinets, yea and fill them with Spanish Pistols, and peeces of eight, and after all trade in the Court of Madrid for a Mitre and fat Bishoprick, which commonly is the end of those proud worldly and lazy Lubbars.
After I was once setled in these my two Townes, my first care was to provide my selfe of a good mule, which might soon and easily carry mee (as often as occasion called) from the one Towne to the other. I soon found out one, which cost mee fourescore Crownes, which served my turn very well, to ride speedily the nine miles crosse the Valley, which were between the two Townes. Though my chief study here was to perfect my selfe in the Indian tongue, that I might the better preach unto them, and be well understood; yet I omitted not to search out the Scriptures daily, and to addict my selfe unto the Word of God, which I knew would profit mee more then all those riches and pleasures of Egypt, which for a while I saw I must enjoy, till my ten yeers were fully expired, and Licence from Rome or Spain granted for me to return to England, which I began speedily to sollicite by meanes of one Captain Isidro de Zepeda, a Sevill Merchant and Master of one of the Ships, which came that first yeer that I was setled in Mixco with Merchandize for Guatemala; By this Captain (who passed often through the Valley) I writ unto my friends in Spain and had answers, though at first to little purpose, which did not a little increase the troubles of my Conscience, which were great, and such whereof the wise man said, A wounded Conscience who can bear? My friendship with this Captain Zepeda was such, that I broke my mind unto him, desiring him to carry mee in his Ship to Spain; which he refused to doe, telling me the danger he might bee in, if complaint should be made to the President of Guatemala, and wishing me to continue where I was, & to store my self with mony that I might return with Licence and credit. I resolved therefore with David in the 16 Psal. and the 8. V. to set the Lord alwayes before me, and to choose him for my onely comfort, and to relie upon his providence who I knew only could order things for my good, and could from America bring me home to the House of Salvation, and to the houshold of Faith; from which I considered my self an exile, and farre banished. In the mean time I lived five full yeers in the two Townes of Mixco and Pinola. Where I had more occasion to get wealth and money, then ever any that lived there before mee; for the first yeer of my abiding there it pleased God to send one of the plagues of Egipt to that Country, which was of Locusts, which I had never seen till then. They were after the manner of our Grashoppers, but somewhat bigger, which did flye about in number so thick and infinite that they did truly cover the face of the Sun and hinder the shining forth of the beames of that bright planet. Where they lighted either upon trees or standing Corn, there nothing was expected but ruine, destruction and barrennesse; for the corn they devoured, the leaves and fruits of trees they eat and consumed, and hung so thick upon the branches, that with their weight they tore them from the body. The high waies were so covered with them that they startled the travelling Mules with their fluttering about their head and feet; my eyes were often struck with their wings as I rid along, and much a doe I had to see my way, what with a Montero wherewith I was faine to cover my face, what with the flight of them which were still before my eyes.
The Farmers towards the South Sea Coast, cryed out for that their Indigo which was then in grasse, was like to bee eaten up; from the Ingenio's of Sugar, the like moan was made, that the young and tender Sugar Canes would bee destroyed; but above all grievous was the outcry of the husbandmen of the Valley where I lived, who feared that their Corn would in one night be swallowed up by that devouring Legion. The care of the Magistrate was that the Townes of Indians should all goe out into the fields with Trumpets, and what other instruments they had to make a noise, and so to affright them from those places which were most considerable and profitable to the Common-wealth; and strange it was to see how the loud noise of the Indians and sounding of the Trumpets, defended some fields from the feare and danger of them. Where they lighted in the Mountaines and High wayes, there they left behind them their young ones, which were found creeping upon the ground ready to threaten with a second yeers plagues if not prevented; wherefore all the Townes were called with Spades, Mattocks and Shovels to dig long Trenches and therein to bury all the young ones.
Thus with much trouble to the poore Indians, and their great paines (yet after much hurt and losse in many places) was that flying Pestilence chased away out of the Country to the South Sea, where it was thought to bee consumed by the Ocean, and to have found a grave in the waters, whilst the young ones found it in the Land. Yet they were not all so buried, but that shortly some appeared, which not being[Pg 164] so many in number as before were with the former diligence soon overcome. But whilst all this feare was, these outcries were made by the Country and this diligence performed by the Indians, the Preists got well by it; for every where Processions were made, and Masses sung for the averting of that Plague. In Mixco most of the idols were carryed to the field, especially the pictures of our Lady, and that of St. Nicolas Tolentine, in whose name the Church of Rome doth use to blesse little Breads and Wafers with the Saint stamped upon them; which they think are able to defend them from Agues, Plague, Pestilence, Contagion, or any other great and imminent danger. There was scarce any Spanish Husbandman who in this occasion came not from the Valley to the Town of Mixco with his offering to this Saint, and who made not a vow to have a Masse sung unto Saint Nicolas; they all brought breads to bee blessed, and carryed them back to their Farmes, some casting them into their Corn, some burying them in their hedges and fences, strongly trusting in Saint Nicolas, that his bread would have power to keepe the Locust out of their fields; and so at the last those simple, ignorant, and blinded soules, when they saw the Locusts departed and their Corn safe, cried out to our Lady some, others to Saint Nicolas, Milagro, a Miracle, Judging the Saint worthy of praise more then God, and performing to him their vows of Masses, which in their feare and trouble they had vowed, by which erroneous and idolatrous devotion of theirs I got that yeer many more Crownes then what before I have numbred from the Sodalities. The next yeere following, all that country was generally infected with a kinde of contagious sicknesse, almost as infectious as the Plague, which they call Tabardillo, and was a Feaver in the very inward parts and bowels, which scarce continued to the seventh day, but commonly tooke them away from the world to a grave the the third or fifth day. The filthy smell and stench which came from them, which lay sick of this disease was enough to infect the rest of the house, and all that came to see them; It rotted their very mouths and tongues, and made them as black as a coal before they died. Very few Spaniards were infected with this Contagion, but the Indians generally were taken with it. It was reported to have begun about Mexico, and to have spread from Town to Town, till it came to Guatemala, and went on forwards; and so likewise did the Locusts the yeer before, marching as it were from Mexico over all the Country. I visited many that died of this infection, using no other Antidote against it, save onely a handkercheif dipped in Vineger to smell unto, and I thanke God I escaped where many dyed. In Mixco, I buried ninety young and old, and in Pinola above an hundred; and for all these that were eight yeere old, or upwards, I received two Crownes for a Masse for their soules delivery out of Purgatory. See good Reader, whether the conceit of Purgatory have not been a maine policy of Rome to enrich the Preist and Clergy, with Masse stipends from such as die, making them beleeve that nothing else can helpe their soules if once plunged into that conceited fire; Where thou maist see that one contagious sicknesse in two small Townes of Indians brought unto me in lesse then half a yeer neere a hundred pounds for Masses, for almost two hundred that died. Nay such is the greedy covetousnesse of those Preists, that they will receive three or four Masse stipends for one day, making the people beleeve that the same Masse may bee offered up for many, and doe one soule as much good as another. Thus with the Plague of Locusts, and the contagion of sicknesse, for the first two yeers together had I an occasion to enrich my self, as did other Preists my neighbours. But think not that because so many died, therefore the Towns growing lesse my offerings for the future were lessened. The Encomendero's or Lords of the two Towns took care for that, who, that they might not lose any part of that Tribute which was formerly paid unto them, presently after the sicknesse was ceased, caused them to bee numbred, and (as I have in the Chapter before observed) forced to marriage all that were twelve yeers and upwards of age; which also was a new streame of Crownes flowing into my bagges; for from every couple that were married I had also two Crownes besides other offerings, and in both the Towns, I married in that occasion above fourescore Couple. Truly by all this, I thank the Lord, I was more strengthened in my conceit against the Church of Rome, and not with that greedinesse of that Lucre intised to continue in it, though I found the preferments there farre greater then any might bee in the Church of England, where I knew nothing was to bee got with singing, or hudling over a Masse; But yet though for the present my profit was great, my eyes were open to see the errours whereby that profit came so plentifully to mee, and to all that crew of Idolatrous[Pg 165] Preists; The judgments ceased not here in that Country in my time; but after this contagion there was such an Inundation of rain that the husbandmen feared again the losse of all their Corn. At noone time the darke clouds for a month together began to thicken and cover the face of the heavens, powring down such stormy showres as swept away much Corn, and many poore Cottages of Indians; besides the raine, the fiery thunder bolts breaking through the clouds threatned a dolefull judgement to all the Country. In the Valley of Mixco two riding together were stricken dead from their Mules, the Chappel of our Lady of Carmel in the same valley was burnt to the ground, and likewise two houses at the river of Vaccas. In Petapa another flash of lightning, or thunderbolt fell into the Church upon the high Altar, cracking the walls in many places, running from Altar to Altar, defacing all the gold, and leaving a print and stamp where it had gone without any more hurt. In the Cloister of the Franciscans in Guatemala, a Frier sleeping upon his bed after dinner, was stricken dead, his body being left all blacke as if it had been burnt with fire, and yet no signe of any wound about him. Many accidents happened that yeer which was 1632. all about the Countrey. But my selfe was by the safe protection of the Almighty wonderfully saved; for being on a Saturday at night in Mixco trembling and fearing, and yet trusting in my God, and praying unto him in my chamber, one flash of lightning or thunderbolt fell close to the Church wall to which my chamber joyned, and killed two Calves, which were tied to a post in a yard, to be slaughtered the next morning. The lightning was so neer and terrible that it seemed to have fired all my house, and strucke me downe unto the ground, where I lay as dead for a great while; when I came again to my self, I heard many Indians about my house, who were come to see if either it or the Church were set on fire. This stormy season brought me also much profit, for (as formerly) the Spaniards of the valley and the Indians betooke themselves to their Idol Saints carrying them about in procession, which was not done without mony, which they call their almes unto their Saints, that they may the better be heard and intreated by them.
The summer following there was more then the ordinary earthquakes, which were so great that yeer in the Kingdome of Peru, that a whole City called Truxillo was swallowed up by the earth which opened it selfe, and almost all the people were lost, whilst they were at Church worshiping and praying unto their Saints. The hurt they did about Guatemala was not so much as in other places, only some few mud walls were shaken downe, and some Churches cracked; which made the people fear and betake themselves again to their Saints, and empty their purses before them for Masses and processions, lest the danger should prove as great, as was that of the great earthquake which happened before my coming into that Country. These earthquakes when they begin are more often, then long, for they last but for a while, stirring the earth with three motions, first on the one side, then on the other, and with the third motion they seem to set it right againe. If they should continue, they would doubtlesse hurle downe to the ground any steeple or building though never so great, and strong. Yet at this time in Mixco some were so violent, that they made the steeple bend so much that they made the bells sound. I was so used unto them that many times in my bed I would not stir for them. Yet this yeer they brought me to such a feare, that had not the Lord been a present refuge to me in time of trouble I had utterly been undone. For being one morning in my chamber studying, so great and suddain was an earthquake, that it made me run from my table to a window, fearing that before I could get down the staires, the whole house might fall upon my head, the window was in a thicke wall vaulted upwards like an arch (which the Spaniards hold to be the safest place if a house should fall) where I expected nothing but death; as soon as I got under it, the earthquake ceased, though my heart ceased not to quake with the suddain affrightment. Whilst I was musing and thinking what to doe, whether I should run downe to the yard, or continue where I was, there came a second shaking worse then the first. I thought with my selfe if the house should fall, the Arch would not save my life, and that I should either be stifled or throwne out of the window, which was not very low and neer unto the ground, but somewhat high wide open, having no glasse casements but woodden shuts, (such as there are used) and if I leaped out of the window, I might chance to breake a leg, or a limbe, yet save my life. The suddainnesss of the astonishment tooke from me the best and most mature deliberation[Pg 166] in such a case; and in the midst of these my troubled and perplexed thoughts a third motion came as violent as the former, wherewith I had now set one foot in the window to leap down, had not the same Lord (to whom David said in the 46 Ps. v. 2. Therefore will not wee feare, though the earth bee moved) by his wonderfull providence spoken both to mee and to the moving earth, saying as in the 10. Verse, Bee still and know that am I God; for certainly had it gone on to a fourth motion, I had by casting down my self broke either my neck, or a legge, or some other joynt. Thus was I twice saved by my good God in Mixco, and in Pinola I was once no lesse in danger in losing a leg by means of a smaller instrument then is a flea.
This Towne of Pinola in the Indian language is called Panac; Pan, signifieth in, or amongst, Cac, signifieth three thinges; for it signifieth the fire, or a fruit otherwise called guiava; or thirdly, a small vermine, commonly called by the Spaniards, Nigua; which is common over all the India's, but more in some places then in others. Where there are many hogs, there is usually much of this sort of vermine. The Spaniards report that many of the Souldiers of Sir Francis Drake died of them, when they landed about Nombre de Dios, and marched up the high Mountaines of St. Pablo towards Panama, who feeling their feet to itch, and not knowing the cause thereof, scratched them so much, till they festred, and at last, (if this report be true) cost them their lives. Some say, they breed in all places, high and low, upon Tables, Beds, and upon the ground; but experience sheweth the contrary, that they onely breed upon the ground, for where the houses are sluttish, and not often swept, there commonly they are most felt; and in that they usually get into the Feet and Shooes, and seldome into the hands or any other part of the body, argues that they breed upon the ground. They are lesse then the least Flea, and can scarce bee perceived, and when they enter into the Foot, they make it burn and itch; and if then they bee looked to, they appeare black, and no bigger then the point of a pin, and with a pin may easily bee taken out whole; but if part of them bee left, the smallest part will doe as much harm as the whole, and will get into the flesh. When once they are got in, they breed a little bagge in the flesh, and in it a great many Nits, which increase bigger and bigger to the bignesse of a great Pea; then they begin again to make the Foot itch, which if it be scratched, falleth to festering, and so indangereth the whole Foot. Some hold it best to take them out when they cause the first itching and are getting in; but this is hard to doe, because they can hardly then bee perceived, and they are apt to bee broken. Therefore others commonly let them alone, untill they bee got into the flesh, and have bred a bag with nits, which like a blister sheweth it self through the skinne, and then with the point of a pin, they dig round about the bag, till they can with the pins point take it out whole, if it bee broken, it comes to breed againe; if it bee taken out whole, then they put in a little Eare wax, or ashes where the bag lay, and with that the hole is healed up againe in a day or two. The way to avoid this vermines entering into the foot, is to lay both shoos and stockings, or whatsoever other clothing upon some stool or chair high from the ground, and not to go bare-foot; which yet is wonderfull in the Indians themselves, that though they commonly doe goe barefoot, yet they are seldome troubled with them, which is attributed to the hardnesse of their skin; for certainly were they as tender footed and skinned as are those that wear both shoos and stockins, they would be as much troubled with them as these are. Panac or Pinola, is much subject to this Vermin, or Nigua, and I found it by wofull experience, for at my first comming thither not knowing well the quality of it, I let one breed so long in my foot, and continued scratching it, untill my foot came to be so festered, that I was fain to lie two whole months in a Chirurgions hand, and at last through Gods great mercy and goodnesse to me I lost not a Limbe. But that the Providence of God may be known to me the worst of all his Creatures, living in so farre a Country from all my friends, and from me may be related unto future Generations, before I conclude this Chapter, I shall further shew both my dangers and deliverances. Though true it is, most of the Indians are but formally Christians, and onely outwardly appear such, but secretly are given to witchcraft and idolatry, yet as they were under my charge, I thought by preaching Christ unto them, and by cherishing them, and defending them from the cruelty of the Spaniards, I might better worke upon them to bring them to more knowledge of some truths, at least concerning God and Christ. Therefore as I found them truely loving, kind and bountifull unto mee, so I indeavoured in all occasions to shew them love by commiserating[Pg 167] their sufferings, and taking their part against any Spaniard that wronged them, and keeping constantly in my Chamber such drugs (as hot Waters, Anniseed and wine and the like) which I knew might most please them, when they came to see mee, and most comfort them, when they were sick or grieved. This my love and pity towards them had almost in Pinola cost mee my life; For an Indian of that Town serving a Spaniard named Francisco de Montenegro (who lived a mile and a half from thence) was once so pittifully beaten and wounded by his Master, for that hee told him hee would complain to mee that hee payed him not his wages, that he was brought home to the Town, and had I not out of my charity called for a Chirurgion from Petapa to cure him, he had certainly dyed. I could not but complain for the poor Indian unto the President of Guatemala, who respecting my complaint, sent for my Spaniard to the City, imprisoned him, and kept him close untill the Indian was recovered, and so with a Fine sent him back againe. In a Sermon further I pressed this home unto the neighbouring Spaniards, warning them of the wrongs & abuses which they offered unto the poor Indians, which I told them I would put up no more then any injury done unto my self, for that I looked upon them as Neophytes and new plants of Christianity, who were not to be discouraged, but by all means of love incouraged to come to Christ; withall I commanded all the Indians that had any wrong done unto them, to come unto mee, assuring them that I would make such a complaint for them as should bee heard, as they might perceive I had lately done to some purpose. This Sermon stuck so in Montenegro his stomack, that (as I was informed) hee made an Oath, that hee would procure my death. Though it was told mee; yet I could hardly beleeve it, judging it to be more a bravery and a vaine boasting of a Spaniard, then anything else; Yet by the advice of some friends I was counselled to looke to my selfe, which yet I slighted, untill one day the boyes and Indians that served in my house came running to my chamber door, wishing mee to look to my selfe, and not to come out, for that Montenegro was come into my Yard with a naked sword to kill mee. I charged them from within to call the Officers of the Towne to aid and assist mee; but in the mean while my furious Spaniard perceiving himselfe discovered left the Town. With this I thought of securing of my self better, and called for a Blackmore Miguel Dalva a very stout and lusty fellow who lived from mee halfe a mile, to bee about mee untill I could discover more of Montenegroes designes and malicious intents. The next Sabbath Day in the morning being to ride to the Town of Mixco, I carried my Blackmore, and half a dozen of Indians in my company, and going through a little wood in the midst of the Valley, there I found my enemy waiting for mee, who seeing the train I brought, durst doe nothing, but gave mee spightfull languages, telling mee hee hoped that hee should finde mee alone some time or other. With this I thought fit to delay no longer my second complaint to the President against him, who as before heard mee willingly, and after a moneths imprisonment banished Montenegro thirty leagues from the Valley. And not onely from Spaniards was I in danger for the Indians sake whilst I lived in those Townes; but also from some Indians themselves, (who were false in Religion) I did undergoe great perils, and yet was still delivered.
In Pinola there were some, who were much given to witchcraft, and by the power of the Devill did act strange things. Amongst the rest there was one old woman named Martha de Carrillo, who had been by some of the Town formerly accused for bewitching many; but the Spanish Justices quitted her, finding no sure evidence against her; with this she grew worse and worse, and did much harm. When I was there, two or three dyed, withering away, declaring at their death that this Carrillo had killed them, & that they saw her often about their beds, threatning them with a frowning and angry look. The Indians for feare of her durst not complain against her, nor meddle with her; whereupon I sent word unto Don Juan de Guzman the Lord of that Town, that if hee tooke not order with her, she would destroy his Town. He hearing of it, got for mee a Commission from the Bishop and another officer of the Inquisition to make diligent & private inquiry after her life and actions; which I did, and found among the Indians many and grievous complaints against her, most of the town affirming that certainly she was a notorious witch, and that before her former accusation shee was wont whither soever shee went about the Town to goe with a Duck following her, which when shee came to the Church, would stay at the doore till shee came out again, and then would return home with her, which Duck they imagined was her beloved Devill, and familiar Spirit, for that they[Pg 168] had often set dogs at her and they would not meddle with her, but rather run away from her. This Duck never appeared more with her, since she was formerly accused before the Justice, which was thought to be her policy, that she might be no more suspected thereby. This old woman was a widow, and of the poorest of the Town in outward shew, and yet she alwaies had store of mony, which none could tel which way she might come by it. Whilst I was thus taking privy information against her (it being the time of Lent, when all the Town came to Confession) she among the rest came to the Church to confesse her sins, and brought me the best present and offering of all the Towne, for whereas a Riall is common she brought me four, and besides a Turkey, egs, fish, and a little bottle of hony. She thought thereby to get with me a better opinion then I had of her from the whole Towne; I accepted of her great offering, and heard her Confession, which was of nothing but trifles, which could scarce be judged sinfull actions. I examined her very close of what was the common judgement of all the Indians, and especially of those who dying had declared to my selfe at their death that she had bewitched them, and before their sicknesse had threatned them, and in their sicknes appeared threatning them with death about their beds, none but they themselves seeing her. To which she replyed weeping, that she was wronged; I asked her, how she being a poore widow without any sons to helpe her, without any meanes of livelyhood had so much mony, as to give me more then the richest of the Town, how she came by that fish, Turkey, and hony, having none of this of her owne about her house? to which she replyed, that God loved her and gave her all these things, and that with her mony she had bought the rest. I asked her of whom? she answered that out of the Towne she had them. I perswaded her much to repentance, and to forsake the Devill and all fellowship with him; but her words and answers were of a Saintly and holy woman; and she earnestly desired me to give her the Communion with the rest that were to receive the next day. Which I told her I durst not doe, using Christs words, Give not the childrens bread unto dogs, nor cast your pearls unto swine; and that it would be a great scandall to give the Communion unto her, who was suspected generally, and had been accused for a witch. This she took very ill telling me that she had many yeers received the Communion, and now in her old age it grieved her to be deprived of it; her teares were many, yet I could not be moved with them, but resolutely denied her the Communion, and so dismissed her. At noone when I had done my worke in the Church, I bad my servants goe to gather up the offerings, and gave order to have the fish dressed for my dinner which she had brought; but no sooner was it carried into the Kitchin, when the Cook looking on it found it full of maggots, and stinking, so that I was forced to hurle it away. With that I began to suspect my old witch, and went to looke on her hony, and powring it out into a dish, I found it full of wormes, her egs I could not know from others, there being neer a hundred offered that day; but after as I used them, we found some rotten, some with dead chickens within; the next morning the Turkey was found dead; as for her four Rials, I could not perceive whether she had bewitched them out of my pocket, for that I had put them with many other, which that day had been given me, yet as far as I could, I called to memory who and what had been given me, and in my judgement and reckoning I verily thought that I missed four Rials. At night when my servants the Indians were gone to bed, I sate up late in my chamber betaking my selfe to my bookes and study, for I was the next morning to make an exhortation to those that received the Communion. After I had studyed a while, it being between ten and eleven of the clock, on a suddain the chief door in the hall (where in a lower roome was my chamber, and the servants, and three other doores) flew open, and I heard one come in, and for a while walke about; then was another doore opened which went into a little room, where my saddles were laid; with this I thought it might be the Black-more Miguel Dalva, who would often come late to my house to lodge there, especially since my fear of Montenegro, and I conjectured that he was laying up his saddle, I called unto him by his name two or three times from within my chamber, but no answer was made; but suddainly another door that went out to a garden flew also open, wherewith I began within to feare, my joynts trembled, my haire stood up, I would have called out to the servants, and my voice was as it were stopped with the sudden affrightment, I began to thinke of the witch, and put my trust in God against her, and encouraged my selfe and voice calling out to the servants, and knocking with a cane at[Pg 169] my doore within that they might heare me, for I durst not open it and goe out. With the noise which I made the servants awaked and came out to my chamber doore; then I opened it, and asked them if they had not heard some body in the hall, and all the doores opened. They said they were asleep, and heard nothing, onely one boy said he heard all, and related unto me the same that I had heard. I tooke my candle then in my hand and went out into the hall with them to view the doors, and I found them all shut, as the servants said they had left them. Then I perceived that the witch would have affrighted me, but had no power to doe me any harme; I made two of the servants lie in my chamber, and went to bed. In the morning early I sent for my Fiscal the Clerk of the Church, and told him what had happened that night; he smiled upon me, and told me it was the widow Carillo, who had often played such tricks in the Town with those that had offended her, and therefore he had the night before come unto me from her desiring me to give her the Communion, lest she should doe me some hurt, which I denied unto him, as I had done to her selfe. The Clerk bad me be of good cheere, for he knew she had no power over me to do me any hurt. After the Communion that day some of the chief Indians came unto me, and told me that old Carillo had boasted that she would play me some trick or other, because I would not give her the Communion. But I to rid the Towne of such a limbe of Satan, sent her to Guatemala, with all the evidences and witnesses which I had found against her unto the President and Bishop, who commanded her to be put in prison, where she died within two months.
Many more Indians there were in that Town, who were said in my time to doe very strange things. One called John Gonzalez was reported to change himselfe into the shape of a Lion, and in that shape was one day shot in the nose by a poore harmelesse Spaniard who chiefly got his living by going about the woods and mountaines, and shooting at wild Deer and other beasts to make mony of them. He espied one day a Lion, and having no other ayme at him but his snout behind a tree, he shot at him; the Lion run away; the same day this Gonzalez was taken sick, I was sent for to hear his Confession, I saw his face and nose all bruised, and asked him how it came, he told me then that he had fallen from a tree and almost killed himself; yet afterwards he accused the poore Spaniard for shooting at him; the businesse was examined by a Spanish Justice, my evidence was taken for what Gonzalez told me of his fall from a tree, the Spaniard was put to his oath, who sware that he shot at a Lion in a thicke wood, where an Indian could scarce be thought to have any businesse, the tree was found out in the wood, whereat the shot had been made and was still marked with the shot and bullet; which Gonzalez confessed was to be the place; and was examined how he neither fell nor was seen by the Spaniard, when he came to seeke for the Lion thinking he had killed him; to which he answered that he ran away lest the Spaniard should kill him indeed. But his answers seeming frivolous, the Spaniards integrity being known, and the great suspicion that was in the Town of Gonzalez his dealing with the Devill, cleared the Spaniard from what was laid against him.
But this was nothing to what after happened to one John Gomez, the chiefest Indian of that Towne of neer fourscore yeers of age, the Head and Ruler of the principallest Tribe among the Indians, whose advise and counsell was taken and preferred before all the rest, who seemed to be a very godly Indian, and very seldome missed morning and evening prayers in the Church, and had bestowed great riches there. This Indian very suddainly was taken sick (I being then in my other Town of Mixco) the Mayordomos, or stewards of the Sodality of the Virgin fearing that he might die without Confession and they be chid for their negligence, at midnight called me up at Mixco, desiring me to goe presently and helpe John Gomez to die, whom also they said desired much to see me and to receive some comfort from me. I judging it a work of charity, although the time of the night were unseasonable, and the great rain at the present might have stopped my charity, yet I would not be hindred by either of them, and so set forth to ride nine miles both in the dark and wet. When I came to Pinola being thorow wet to the skin, I went immediately to the house of old sick Gomez, who lay with his face all muffled up, thanked me for my pains and care I had for his soul; he desired to confesse; and by his confession and weeping evidenced nothing but a godly life, and a willing desire to die and to be with Christ. I comforted him and prepared him for death, and before I departed, asked him how he felt himselfe; he answered that his sicknesse was[Pg 170] nothing but old age, and weaknesse. With this I went to my house, changed my self and lay downe a while to rest, when suddainly I was called up again to give Gomez the extream unction, which the Indians (as they have been ignorantly taught) will not omit to receive before they die. As I anointed him in his nose, his lips, his eyes, his hands and his feet, I perceived that he was swelled, and black and blew; but made nothing of it, judging it to proceed from the sicknesse of his body; I went again home being now breake of the day, when after I had taken a small nap, some Indians come to my doore for to buy candles to offer up for John Gomez his soule, whom they told me was departed, and was that day to be buried very solemnly at Masse. I arose with drousie eyes after so unquiet a nights rest; and walked to the Church, where I saw the grave was preparing. I met with two or three Spaniards who lived neer the Towne and were come to Masse that morning, who went in with me to my chamber, and with them I fell into discourse about John Gomez, telling them what comfort I had received at his death, whom I judged to have lived very holily, and doubted not of his salvation, and that the Towne would much want him, for that hee was their chief guide, and leader, ruling them with good advise and counsell. At this the Spaniards smiled one at another, and told me I was much deceived by all the Indians, but especially by the deceased Gomez, if I judged him to have been a Saint, and holy man. I told them that they as enemies to the poore Indians judged still uncharitably of them; but that I who knew very well their consciences, could judge better of them then they. One then replyed, that it seemed I little knew the truth of John Gomez his death by the Confession which he had made unto me, and that I seemed to be ignorant of the stir which was in the Towne concerning his death. This seemed so strange unto me, that I desired them to informe me of the truth. Then they told me that the report went, that John Gomez was the chief wizard of all the wizards and witches in the Town, and that commonly he was wont to be changed into the shape of a Lion, and so to walke about the mountaines. That he was ever a deadly enemie to one Sebastian Lopez an ancient Indian, and head of another Tribe; and that both of them two daies before had met in the mountaine, Gomez in the shape of a Lion, and Lopez in the shape of a Tigre, and that they fought most cruelly, till Gomez (who was the older, and weaker) was tired, much bit and bruised; and died of it. And further that I might be assured of this truth, they told me that Lopez was in prison for it, and the two Tribes striving about it; and that the Tribe and kindred of Gomez demanded from Lopez and his Tribe and kindred satisfaction, and a great sum of mony, or els did threaten to make the case known unto the Spanish power and authority, which yet they were unwilling to doe if they could agree and smother it up among themselves, that they might not bring an aspersion upon their whole Towne. This seemed very strange unto me, and I could not resolve what to beleeve, and thought I would never more beleeve an Indian, if I found John Gomez to have so much dissembled and deceived me. I tooke my leave of the Spaniards and went my selfe to the prison, where I found Lopez with fetters. I called one of the officers of the Towne, who was Alguazil Maior, and my great friend, unto my house, and privately examined him why Lopez was kept so close prisoner; he was loth to tell me fearing the rest of the Indians, and hoping the businesse would be taken up and agreed by the two Tribes, and not noised about the Country which at that very instant the two Alcaldes and Regidores, Maiors and Jurates, with the chiefe of both Tribes were sitting about in the Towne-house all that morning. But I seeing the officer so timorous, was more desirous to know something, and pressed more upon him for the truth, giving him an inkling of what I had heard from the Spaniards before. To which he answered that if they could agree amongst themselves, they feared no ill report from the Spaniards against their Towne; I told him I must know what they were agreeing upon amongst themselves so closely in the Towne-house. He told me, if I would promise him to say nothing of him (for he feared the whole Towne if they should know he had revealed any thing unto mee) he would tel me the truth. With this I comforted him, and gave him a cup of wine, and encouraged him, warranting him that no harm should come unto him for what he told me. Then he related the businesse unto me as the Spaniards had done, and told me that he thought the Tribes amongst themselves would not agree, for that some of Gomez his friends hated Lopez and all such as were so familiar with the Devill, and cared not if Gomez his dissembling life were laid open to the world; but others he said, who[Pg 171] were as bad as Lopez and Gomez, would have it kept close, lest they and all the witches and Wizards of the Town should bee discovered. This struck mee to the very heart, to think that I should live among such people, whom I saw were spending all they could get by their worke and labour upon the Church, Saints and in offerings, and yet were so privy to the counsels of Satan; it grieved mee that the Word I preached unto them, did no more good, and I resolved from that time forward to spend most of my indeavours against Satans subtility, and to shew them more then I had done, the great danger of their soules who had made any compact with the Devill, that I might make them abandon and abjure his workes, and close with Christ by Faith. I dismissed the Indian, and went to the Church, to see if the people were come to Masse; I found there no body but onely two who were making Gomez his Grave. I went back to my Chamber, troubled much within my self, whether I should allow him a Christian Buriall, who had lived and died so wickedly, as I had been informed. Yet I thought I was not bound to beleeve one Indian against him, nor the Spaniards whom I supposed spoke but by hearsay. Whilst I was thus musing, there came unto mee at least twenty of the chiefest of the Town with the two Majors, Jurates, and all the Officers of Justice, who desired mee to forbeare that day the burying of John Gomez, for that they had resolved to call a Crowne Officer to view his Corps and examine his death, lest they all should bee troubled for him, and hee againe unburied. I made as if I knew nothing, but inquired of them the reason; then they related all unto me, and told me how there were witnesses in the Town who saw a Lyon and a Tyger fighting, and presently lost the sight of the beasts, and saw John Gomez, and Sebastian Lopez, much about the same place parting one from another; and that immediately John Gomez came home bruised to his bed, from whence he never rise more, and that he declared upon his death-bed unto some of his friends that Sebastian Lopez had killed him; whereupon they had him in safe custody. Further they told me that though they had never known so much wickednesse of these two chief heads of their Towne whom they had much respected and followed, yet now upon this occasion, from the one Tribe and the other they were certainly informed that both of them did constantly deale with the Devill, which would bee a great aspersion upon their Town, but they for their parts abjured all such wicked wayes, and prayed me not to conceive the worse of all for a few, whom they were resolved to persecute, and suffer not to live amongst them. I told them I much liked their good zeal, and incouraged them as good Christians to indeavour the rooting out of Satan from their Towne, and they did very well in giving notice to Guatemala, to the Spanish power, of this accident, and that if they had concealed it, they might all have been punished as guilty of Gomez his death, and Agents with Satan, and his instruments. I assured them I had no ill conceipt of them, but rather judged well of them for what they were agreed to doe. The Crowne Officer was sent for who came that night and searched Gomez his body; I was present with him, and found it all bruised, scratched, and in many places bitten and sore wounded. Many evidences and suspitions were brought in against Lopez by the Indians of the Town, especiall by Gomez his friends, whereupon hee was carryed away to Guatemala, and there againe was tryed by the same witnesses, and not much denying the fact himself, was there hanged. And Gomez, though his grave was opened in the Church, hee was not buried in it, but in another made ready for him in a Ditch.
In Mixco I found also some Indians no lesse dissemblers then was this Gomez, and those of the chiefest and richest of the Town, who were foure Brothers called Fuentes, and half a score more. These were outwardly very faire tongued, liberall, and free handed to the Church; much devoted to the Saints, great feasters upon their day, and yet in secret great Idolaters. But it pleased God to make mee his instrument, to discover and bring to light the secrecy of their hidden works of darknesse, which it seems the privacy of a thick Wood and Mountaine had many yeers hid from the eyes of the World. Some of these being one day in the company of other better Christians drinking hard of their Chicha, boasted of their God, saying that hee had preached unto them better then I could preach, nay that hee had plainly told them that they should not beleeve any thing that I preached of Christ, but follow the old wayes of their Forefathers, who worshipped their Gods aright, but now by the example of the Spaniards they were deluded, and brought to worship a false God. The other Christians hearing of this began to wonder, and to enquire of them where that God was, and with[Pg 172] much ado, promising to follow their ways, and their God, got out of them the place and Mountain where they might find him. Though this in drunkennes were agreed upon, yet in sobernes the good Christians thought better of what they had agreed upon, slighted what before in drinking they heard, and yet it was not kept by them so close, but that it came to the ears of a Spaniard in the Vally; who finding himself touched in Conscience, came to Mixco to me, and told me what he had heard, that some Indians of that town followed an Idol, and boasted that he had preached unto them against my Doctrine, and for the ways of the former Heathens. I thanked God for that he was pleased to undermine the secret works of Satan daily; and desired the Spaniard to tell me by whom hee came to know of this. He told me the Indians name from whom he had it, and that he was afraid to discover the Indians, and to tell mee of it. I sent for the Indian before the Spaniard, who confessed unto mee that hee had heard of such a thing; but knew that if hee did discover the Indians, they with the power of the Devill would doe him much harm; I told him, if hee were a true Christian, hee ought to fight against the Devill, and not to feare him, who could do him no harm if God were with him, and he closed by Faith with Christ, and that the discovery of that Idoll might bee a meanes for the converting of the Idolaters, when they should see the small power of their false God against the true God of the Christians. Further I told him plainly, that if hee did not tell mee who the Indians were, and where their Idol was, that I would have him to Guatemala, and there make him discover what hee knew. Here the Indian began to tremble, and told mee the Fuentes had boasted of such an Idol, whom they called their God, and gave some signes of a Fountaine and of a Pine Tree at the mouth of a Cave in such a Mountaine. I asked him, if hee knew the place, or what kind of Idol it was; hee told mee, that hee had often been in that Mountaine, where hee had seen two or three springs of water, but never was in any Cave. I asked him if he would goe with me, and helpe mee to find it out, hee refused still fearing the Idolaters, and wished mee not to goe, for fear if they should bee there, they might kill mee rather then bee discovered. I answered him that I would carry with mee such a Guard as should bee able to defend mee against them, and my Faith in the true living God, would secure mee against that false God. I resolved therefore with the Spaniard to goe to search out the cave the next day, and to carry with mee three or foure Spaniards and my Blackmore Miguel Dalva, and that Indian. I told him I would not suffer him to goe home to his house that day, for feare hee should discover in the Towne my designe and purpose, and so wee might bee prevented by the Idolaters, who certainly that night would take away their Idol. The Indian still refused, till I threatned him to send for the Officers of Justice, and to secure his person; with this hee yeelded, and that hee might have no discourse with any body in the Town, nor with the Servants of my house, I desired the Spaniard to take him home to his house, and to keep him there close that day and night, promising to bee with him the next morning. I charged the Spaniard also with secresie, and so dismissed him with the Indian. That day I rid to Pinola for the Blackmore Miguel Dalva, and brought him to Mixco with mee, not telling him what my intent was; I went also to foure neighbouring Spaniards, desiring them to bee in a readinesse the next morning to goe a little way with mee for the service of God, and to meet mee at such a neighbours house, and that if they would bring their Fowling peeces, wee might chance to find some sport where wee went, and as for Provision of Wine and Meat, I would provide sufficiently. They promised to goe with mee, thinking that although I told them, it was for the service of God, my purpose onely was to hunt after some wild Deere in the mountaines. I was glad they construed my action that way, and so went home, and provided that night a good Gammon of Bacon, and some Fowles rosted, cold, and others boiled, well peppered and salted for the next dayes work. Where I had appointed my Indian to be kept, I met with the rest of my company, and from thence wee went together to the place of the Idolaters worshipping, which was some six miles from Mixco towards the Town of St. John Sacatepeques. When wee came into the Wood wee presently met with a deep Barranca, or bottome, where was a running, which incouraged us to make there diligent search, but nothing could bee found; from thence wee ascended up out of the Barranca, and found after much time spent a spring of water, and looked carefully about it, but could finde no Cave. Thus in vaine wee searched till the Evening, and fearing lest wee might lose our way and our selves, if the night overtook us, my friends began to speak of returning homewards. But I considering[Pg 173] that as yet wee had not gone over one half part of the Wood, and to goe home and come againe might make us to bee noted, and spoken of, wee thought it our best way to take up our lodging that night in the Wood, and in that bottome which we first searched, where was good water for to drinke Chocolatte, and warm lying under the trees, and so in the morning to make our second search. The Company was very willing to yeeld unto it, and the calme night favoured our good intentions. We made a fire for our Chocolatte, and supped exceeding well of our cold meat, and spent most part of the night in merry discourse, having a watchfull eye over our Indian, lest hee should give us the slip, and committing him to the charge of Miguel Dalva. In the morning wee prayed unto God, beseeching him to guide us that day in the work wee went about, and to discover unto us the Cave of darkenesse and iniquity, where lay hid that instrument of Satan, that so by his discovery Glory might bee given unto our true God, and shame and punishment brought upon his enemies. Wee entered againe into the thick Wood up a steepy hill, and having throughly searched all the South side of it, wee went on to the North side, where wee found another deepe descent, which wee began to walke downe looking on every side, and not in vain; for almost half a mile from the top wee found some markes of a way that had been used and trodden, which wee followed untill we came to another spring of water; we searched narrowly about it, and found some peeces of broken earthen dishes and pots, and one peece of a chafing dish, such as the Indians use to burne Frankincense in, in the Churches before their Saints, we verily imagined that these were peeces of some such instruments wherewith the idolaters performed their duty unto their Idol, and we were the more comforted for that wee knew that earthenware had beene made in Mixco; the pine Tree which immediately we discovered confirmed our hopes. When wee came unto it we made very little more search, for neer at hand was the Cave, which was dark within, but light at the mouth, where wee found more Earthen ware, with ashes in them, which assured us of some Frankincense that had been burned. Wee knew not how farre the Cave might reach within, nor what might bee in it, and therefore with a flint wee struck fire and lighted a couple of candles and went in; at the entering it was broad, and went a little forward, but when wee were in, we found it turn on the left hand towards the mountaine, and not farre; for within two rods wee found the Idol standing upon a low stooll covered with a linnen cloth. The substance of it was wood, black shining like Jet, as if it had been painted or smoaked, the form was of a mans head unto the shoulders, without either Beard or Mustachoes; his looke was grim with a wrinkled forehead, and broad startling eyes. We feared not his frowning look, but presently seized upon him; and as wee lifted him up we found under him some single Rials, which his Favorites had offered unto him; which made us search more diligently the Cave; and it was not amisse, for wee found upon the ground more single Rials, some plantines and other fruits, wax candles halfe burned, pots of Maiz, one little one of Hony, little dishes wherein Frankincense had been burned, whereby I perceived the Idolaters and Christians both agreed in their offerings; and had I not been informed that they called this Idol their God, I could have blamed them no more then the rest of the Townes who worship, kneel before and offer such offerings unto their Saints made of Wood, and some no handsomer then was this Idol, which I thought, might have beene some beasts shape; but being the shape and form of a man, they might have named him by the name of some Saint, and so some way have excused themselves, which they could not doe, nor would they doe it, in that they persisted in this error, that he was their God, and had spoken and preached unto them, and being afterwards asked by mee, whether it were the picture of any Saint, such as were in Mixco, and other Churches, they answered, No, but that hee was above all the Saints in the Countrey.
Wee were very joyfull to see that wee had not spent our time in vaine, wee cut down boughes of trees, and filled the Cave with them and stopped the mouth of it up, and came away, making the Indian that went with us carry the Idol on his back wrapped up in a cloth, that it might not bee seen or perceived as wee went. I thought it fit to delay the time till night, and then to enter into Mixco, that the Indians might see nothing. So I stayed at one of the Spaniards houses, till it were late, and desired him to warn from mee all the Spaniards there-abouts to be at Mixco Church the next Sabbath, (fearing lest the Idolaters might bee many, and rise up against mee) that I had[Pg 174] somewhat to say onto them and their Blackmores concerning their Sodalities, for I would not have them know of the Idoll, till they heard of it and saw it in the Church, lest it should come to the Indians hearing, and so the Idolaters might absent themselves. At night I tooke my Indian, and Miguel Dalva with mee, and went home, and shutting up the Idol in a chest till the next Sabbath, I dismissed the Indian, charging him to say nothing, for hee knew if hee did what harme might come unto him from the Idolaters, and I knew few words now would suffice, for that hee feared himselfe if it should bee known that hee had been with mee, I kept Miguel Dalva with mee, who was desirous to see the end of the businesse, and prepared my self against the next Sabbath to preach upon the 3 v. of the 20. of Exodus, Thou shalt have none other Gods before mee, though it were a Text nothing belonging to the Gospel of the day, from whence commonly in the Church of Rome, the Texts and subjects of Sermons are deducted; but I judged that Text most seasonable for the present occasion. On the Sabbath day in the morning, when the Pulpit was made ready by him who had care of the Church and Altars, I caused Miguel Dalva to carry under his Cloak the Idol, and to leave it in the Pulpit upon the ground that it might not bee seene, till such time as I should thinke fit in my Sermon to produce it, and to watch about the Church till the Congregation came in, that none might see it or take it away. Never was there a greater resort from abroad to that Church then that day of Spaniards and Blackmores, who by the warning I sent unto them expected some great matter from mee, and of the Town very few were absent, the Fuentes and all the rest that were suspected to be that Idols favorites (little thinking that their God was brought from his Cave, and now lay hid in the Pulpit to shame them) came also that day to Church. I commanded Miguel Dalva, to bee himself neer the Pulpit at Sermon time, and to warne those Spaniards that knew the businesse, and some more Blackmores his friends to bee also neere the Pulpit staires.
Thus Masse being ended, I went up to preach; when I rehearsed the words of my Text, I perceived both Spaniards and Indians began to look one upon another, as not being used to Sermons out of the Old Testament. I went on laying open this command of God, for having no other Gods before him, so that the Doctrine might seem to convince all that were there present, as well Saint-worshippers, as indeed that Idols worshippers, if the cause of my preaching upon that Subject had not diverted their eyes from themselves to behold their own guiltiness of Idolatry, & to look only upon those who worshipped a peece of wood for God, & not, as they did, for a Saint (which yet in my judgment was much alike.) After I had spoken what I thought fit concerning that horrible sin, and shewed that no creature could have the power of God (who was the Creator of all things) neither could doe good or harme without the true living Gods Commission, especially inanimate Creatures as stocks, and stones, who by the hands and workmanship of man might have eyes, and yet were dead Idols, and see not, might have eares and not heare, might have mouths, and not speak, might have hands, and not worke, nor helpe or defend with them such as worshipped them, and bowed down unto them.
Thus having halfe finished my Sermon, I bowed my selfe downe in the Pulpit, and lifted up the black, grim, and staring Devill, and placed that Dagon on one side of the Pulpit, with my eyes fixed upon some of the Fuentes and others, who I perceived changed their colour, blushed, and were sore troubled looking one upon another, I desired the Congregation to behold what a God was worshipped by some of them, and all to take notice of him, if any knew what part of the earth was the Dominion of this God, or from whence hee came. I told them that some had boasted that this peece of wood had spoken, and preached against what I had taught of Christ, and that therefore hee was worshipped by them for God, and they had offered mony, hony, and of the fruits of the earth unto him, and burnt Frankincense before him in a secret and hidden Cave under the earth, shewing thereby that they were ashamed to own him publickly, and that hee lurking in the darknesse of the earth, shewed certainly that hee belonged to the Prince of darknesse. I challenged him there in publicke to speak for himself, or else by silence to shame and confound all his worshippers. I shewed them how being but wood, hee had been made and fashioned by the hands of man, and therefore was but a dead idol. I spent a great deal of time arguing with him, and defying Satan who had used him as his instrument, daring the Devill himselfe to take him from that place which I had confined him to if hee could, to shew what little power[Pg 175] he or Satan had against the power of my faith in Christ. After much arguing and reasoning according to the shallow capacity of the Indians present, I told them if that their God had power to deliver him from that execution, which I had intended against him (which was there publikely to have him cut in pieces and burnt) they should not beleeve the Gospell of Jesus Christ; but if they saw no power at all in him against me the weakest instrument of the true living God, then I beseeched them to be converted unto that true God who created all things, and to imbrace salvation by his Son the only Mediatour and Saviour Jesus Christ, and to renounce and abjure from that time all Heathenish Idolatry of their forefathers, assuring them for what was past I would intercede for them, and secure them from what punishment might be inflicted upon them by the President and Bishop, and if they would come to me, I would spend my best indeavours for the helping and furthering of them in the way of Christianity.
And thus concluding without naming any person, I went downe out of the pulpit, and caused the Idol to be brought after me, and sending for an axe, and for two or three great pans of coales, I commanded him to be hewen in very small peeces, and to be cast in the fire and burned before all the people in the midst of the Church. The Spaniards cried out joyfully Victor Victor, and others repeated, Gloria à nostro Dios, Glory to our God, the Idolaters held their peace and spake not then a word. But afterwards they acted most spightfully against me, and conspired day and night to get me at some advantage, and to kill me. I writ to the President of Guatemala informing him of what I had done; and to the Bishop (as an Inquisitor to whom such cases of idolatry did belong) to be informed from him of what course I should take with the Indians who were but in part yet discovered unto me, and those onely by the relation of one Indian. From both I received great thanks for my paines in searching the mountaine, and finding out the Idol, and for my zeal in burning of it. And as touching the Indian Idolaters their counsell unto me was, that I should further enquire after the rest and discover as many as I could, and indeavour to convert them to the knowledge of the true God by faire and sweet meanes, shewing pity unto them for their great blindnesse, and promising them upon their repentance pardon from the Inquisition, which considering them to be but new plants useth not such rigour with them, which it useth with Spaniards if they fall into such horrible sins. This advise I followed, and sent privately for the Fuentes to my chamber, and told them how mercifull the Inquisition was unto them, expecting their conversion and amendment. They seemed somewhat stubborne and angry for that I had burned that God, whom not only they, but many others in the Towne, and also in the Towne of Saint John Sacatepeques did worship. I used reasons to perswade them no honour was due unto it, as to a God. But one of them boldly replyed, that they knew that it was a peece of wood and of it selfe could not speake, but seeing it had spoken (as they were all witnesses) this was a miracle whereby they ought to be guided, and they did verily beleeve that God was in that piece of wood, which since the speech made by it was more then ordinary wood, having God himselfe in it, and therefore deserved more offerings and adoration then those Saints in the Church, who did never speake unto the people. I told them that the Devill rather had framed that speech (if any they had heard) for to deceive their souls and lead them to hell; which they might easily perceive from the Doctrin which I was informed he had preached against Christ the only begotten son of God, whom the Father loveth and in whom he is well pleased, and against whom he certainly would not speake in that idol. Another answered boldly, our forefathers never knew what Christ was, until the Spaniards came unto that Countrey, but they knew there were Gods, & did worship them, and did sacrifice unto them; and for ought they knew this God of theirs belonged in old times unto their forefathers. Why then, said I unto them, he was a weake God who by my hands hath been burned? I perceived that at that time there was no reasoning with them, for they were stubborn and captious, and so I dismissed them. Had not God most graciously protected me against these my enemies, I had certainly been murthered by them; for a moneth after the burning of the idol, when I thought all had been forgotten, and that the Idolaters were quiet, then they began to act their spight and malice, which first I discovered by a noise which once at midnight I heard of people about my house, and at my chamber doore; to whom I called out from my bed not daring to open, but could have no[Pg 176] answer from them, I perceived they would have come in by force, for they pushed hard at the doore. Whereupon I tooke suddainly the sheets from off my bed, tying them with a strong knot together, and with another to a bar of the window, making my selfe ready to fall down by them to the ground, and so to flie in the dark night, if they had used violence to come in. The sheets being thus prepared, and they still at the doore thrusting without any word from them, I thought by calling and crying out aloud I might affright them away. Wherefore with a shrill voice I called first to my servants, who were but boyes, and lay at the further end of a long gallery, then I cryed out to the neighbouring houses to come and assist me against theeves. The servants had heard the noise and were awake, who presently at my call came out; and with their coming my enemies ran down the staires, and were heard no more that night. But I perceiving which way their spight and malice was bent, thought fit to be no more alone in the night, with boyes only in so great a house as was that of Mixco; whereupon the next day I sent for my trusty friend Miguel Dalva who was able to fight alone with any halfe dozen of Indians, wishing him to bring with him what weapons he could get for my defence. I kept him with me a fortnight; and the next Sabbath I gave warning in the Church, that whosoever came in the night to my house to affright me, or to doe me any other mischiefe should looke to him selfe, for that I had weapons both offensive and defensive. Though for a while I heard no more of them, yet they desisted not altogether from their evill and malicious intents; for, knowing that Miguel Dalva did not lie in the same chamber with me, a fortnight after (I being till about midnight with my candle studying) they came up the staires so softly that I heard them not; but the Black-more being awake it seems perceived that they were coming up, and softly arose up from a long table where he lay upon a Mat, and tooke in his hand a couple of brick-bats of many which lay under the table for a worke which I had in hand, and as he opened the dore made a little noise, which was to them an item to flie down the staires, and to run (as they thought) for their lives. The Black-more did also run after them, and finding they had got too much advantage of him, and not knowing which way they might take, sent after them with a fury his two brick-bats, wherewith he supposed he did hit one of them, for the next day walking about the Towne he met with one of the Fuentes having a cap on his head, and he inquired of some Indians what he ailed, and he understood by them that his head was broke, but how they knew not. They perceiving that I was thus guarded by Miguel Dalva, desisted from that time from coming any more in the night unto my house, but yet desisted not from their spight and malice and from acting mischiefe against me. For a month after when I thought that all had been forgotten, and they seemed outwardly to be kind and curteous, there came a messenger to me from the oldest of them, named Pablo de Fuentes, to tel me that he was very sick, and like to die, and desired me to goe to comfort and instruct him in the truth, for that he truely desired to be converted. I conceived very great joy at this newes, and doubted not of the truth and certainty of it, and prayed to God to direct me in the conversion of that soul; and so with haste and good zeal, I went unto his house, where soon my joy and comfort was turned into bitternesse; for when I came to the dore of his house, and was with one step entred, I found all the brothers of Pablo Fuentes, and some others who were suspected to be Idolaters, sitting round the room; and missing Pablo, I withdrew my foot a little, and asked them where he was, mistrusting somewhat to see them there all gathered together; but when I perceived that they stood not up, nor answered me a word, nor so much as tooke off their hats to me, then I began to fear indeed, and to suspect some treachery; and so I turned back resolving to goe home again. But no sooner was I turned, but behold Pablo Fuentes (who by his message had feigned both sicknesse and conversion) came from behind his house with a cudgell in his hand, lifting it up to strike at me. Had I not catched hold of his stick with both my hands, and prevented the intended blow, certainly he had struck me down. But whilst he and I were striving for the stick who should be Master of it, the rest of the Indians who were sitting in the house, came out into the yard (which being a publick place was more comfort to me then if they had compassed me about within the house) and beset me round, some pulling mee one way, some another, tearing my clothes in two or three places, another to make me let goe my hand from the stick with a knife run me into the hand (which to this day a small scar doth witnesse) and certainly had we not been in a publike[Pg 177] yard, that party would also have run his knife into my sides; another seeing I would not let goe the stick, tooke hold of it with Pablo and both together thrust it against my mouth, and with such strength that they broke some of my teeth, and filled my mouth with goar blood, with which blow I fell, but soone recovered my selfe and arose, they laughing at me, but not daring to doe me any more harme for feare they should be seen, as God would have seen what already they had done; for a Mulatta slave to a Spaniard in the valley, at that very time when I was down and rising passed by, and hearing me cry out for help to the neighbours (who lived somewhat far off that might helpe and succour me, for all the houses thereabouts were of the brothers the Fuentes) came into the yard, and seeing me all in blood thought I had been mortally wounded, and calling them murtherers ran along the street crying murther, murther in Pablo Fuentes his yard, till she came to the Market place and Town-house, where she found the Maiors and Jurats sitting, & a couple of Spaniards, who when they heard of my danger, with drawn swords came presently running with all the officers of Justice to the yard of Pablo Fuentes to aid and assist me; but in the mean while the Idolaters perceiving the outcry of the Mulatta, began to fall away and to hide themselves; Pablo Fuentes going to shut up his house also to absent himselfe, I held him hard to it, striving with him that he might not escape away till some help came unto me. The Spaniards when they came and saw me all in a blood, made furiously to Pablo Fuentes with their naked swords, whom I stopped desiring them not to hurt him, lest what harme they did unto him should be imputed unto me. I wished the Justice not to feare him though he were a rich Indian, and as they would answer before the President of Guatemala to lay hold of him, and to carry him to prison, which they presently performed. I made the Spaniards and the Mulatta to witnesse under writing by way of information what they had seen, what blood about my clothes, what wound in my hand, what blow in my mouth they had found, and sent with speed to the President of Guatemala this their information. The businesse was soon noised about the valley, whereupon most of the Spaniards came to offer their help and aid unto me; Miguel Dalva also chancing to be neer at a Spaniards house in the same valley came with the rest, who would have done that night some mischief among the Indians if I had not prevented them. I desired them to depart and goe home to their houses, telling them I feared nothing, and that Miguel Dalva his company would be guard enough unto me. But they would by no meanes yeeld unto this, saying that night might prove more dangerous unto me then I imagined, and that I needed a stronger guard then of one man alone, for they conceived that the Idolaters knowing what already they had done, and fearing what grievous punishment might be inflicted upon them from the President of Guatemala, seeing themselves lost and undone men might desperately that night rescue their brother out of prison, and attempt some mischiefe against me, and so flie away. Which I could not be brought to fear, or to beleeve any such thing of their cowardly spirits, nor that they would flie away for that they had houses and land there in and about the Towne, yet I was willing for one night to yeeld to have a stronger guard of Spaniards then at other times I had had with the Blackmore Miguel Dalva alone. After supper they kept watch about my house till such time as they perceived all was still, and the Indians a bed, and then they set a watch about the prison that Pablo Fuentes might not be taken out. And after this (pretending that they were in danger as wel as I being but about a dozen, if the Towne should all rise and mutiny by the suggestion of the Idolaters, who most of them were rich and powerfull with the rest, which yet I feared not) they would needs goe and raise up the two Alcaldes or Maiors alone, with two more petty officers to make search about the Town for the rest of the Fuentes and other known Idolaters, that being found they might secure them in the prison to appear at Guatemala, and prevented from doing any mischief either that night, or at any other time. With this stir which they made, and their care of mee, they suffered me not to take any rest that night; but went and called up the Alcaldes and two officers and brought them to my house, desiring me to signifie unto them, how fit and necessary it was to search for the rest of the Indians. The poore Alcaldes trembled to see so many Spaniards at that time in my house with naked swords, and durst not but doe what they thought best to be done, and so from my house about midnight they walked about the Towne, searching such houses as they most suspected might conceale any of the Fuentes, or of the rest that had been that day in the rebellion and[Pg 178] mutiny against mee. They could find none at home, till at last comming to the house of one Lorenzo Fuentes, one of the brothers, they found all that had been in the conspiracy against mee, gathered together drinking and quaffing. The house being beset there was no flying nor escaping, and seeing the Spaniards naked swords, they durst not rebell, who doubtlesse (as wee were afterwards informed) would have made a great stirre in the Town that night, and were met together to rescue Pablo their brother, and to doe mee some mischief and flye, not knowing that I was so strongly manned and guarded by the Spaniards. There were ten of them, and were presently without any noise in the Town carryed to the Prison, and there shut up, and guarded by the Spaniards.
In the morning the President of Guatemala (who then was Don Juan de Guzman, a Religious Governour) taking into his consideration what the day before I had writ unto him, and judging my danger to bee great, sent a Spanish Alguazile, or Officer of Justice with a very large Commission to bring Prisoners to the City all those Indians who the day before had been in rebellion against mee, and in case they could not bee found, then to seize upon what goods soever of theirs could be found in Mixco. But with the diligence of the Spaniards the night before they were all in a readinesse for him, and paying the Alguazile first his charges (which hee demanded as hee listed) and bearing the charges of Miguel Dalva, and two or three more Spaniards, who were commanded in the Kings Name to bee aiding and assisting the Officer for the safer carrying them to Guatemala, they were horsed and had away that day to the President, who committed them close Prisoners, and afterwards commanded them to be whipped about the streets, banished two of them from Mixco to the Golf of St. Thomas de Castilia, and would have banished them all, had they not humbled themselves, and desired mee to intercede for them, promising to amend their lives, and to make mee great satisfaction, if they might return again to their Town, and that if ever more they did stirre against mee, they would yeeld to be hanged and to lose al their goods. With this the President (fining them yet to pay twenty Crowns a peece to the Church to be imployed in what I should think fittest) sent them back; who, as they had promised, came unto mee, and humbled themselves before mee with much weeping, with many expressions, shewing their sorrow from their hearts for what they had done, casting all upon the Devill, whom they confessed had been great with them in tempting them, whom also now they did abjure and renounce, promising to live as good Christians, and never more to worship any God but one. I was very much taken with their deepe sorrow expressed with many tears, and indeavoured to instruct them in the true knowledge of Christ, whom now I found they were very willing to imbrace. I lived not very long after in that Towne; but for the time I did continue in it, I found a great change and alteration in their lives, which truly made mee apt to judge that their repentance was unfained. And these former particulars of a few Indians of those two Towns, I have not here inserted to bring an aspersion upon all that Nation, (which I doe very much affect, and would willingly spend the best drops of blood in my veines to doe them good, and to save their soules) but to cause rather pity and commiseration towards them, who after so many yeers preaching have been made as yet but formall and outward Christians, and by the many Saints of wood, which they have been taught to worship by the Preists, have rather been inclined to the superstition and Idolatry of their Forefathers, and to trust to living Creatures, and bow to inanimate stocks and stones, which they daily see performed publickly in their Churches. Certainly they are of a good and flexible nature, and (were those Idols of Saints statues removed from their eyes) might bee brought easily to worship one onely God; and whereas they so willingly lavish out their small meanes and what they labour for, in offerings to the Preists and to their Saints, and in maintaining Lazy singing Lubbars, they without doubt would bee free enough to true Ministers of Gods Word, who should venture their lives to beat down those false Gods, and set up Jesus Christ, and him that sent him into the World to save such as truly beleeve in him.
The yeere that this stirre happened in Mixco, I received from Rome from the Generall of the Dominicans Order, License to come home to England; at which I rejoyced much, for now I was even weary with living among the Indians, & grieved to see the little fruit I reaped amongst them, and that for feare of the Inquisition I durst not preach a new Gospell unto them, which might make them true, reall, and inward Christians;[Pg 179] and lastly, for that I perceived that Antonio Mendez de Satomayor (who was Lord of the Towne of Mixco) did stomack me for having caused two of his Towne to bee banished, and publikely affronted the Fuentes for their Idolatry, which hee thought was a great aspersion laid upon his Indians.
All which well considered I writ unto the Provinciall (who was then in Chiapa) of my desire to returne home to mine owne Countrey, for the which I had a licence sent unto me from Rome. But he having heard of what good I had done in the Town of Mixco, in reducing some Idolaters, burning their idol, and venturing my life in so good a cause; and also for the perfect knowledge which now I had of the Poconchi tongue, would by no meanes yeeld that I should go; but with fair and flattering words incouraged me to stay, where he doubted not, but I did, and I might yet doe God much more good service; and that he might the better worke upon me, he sent me a Patent of Vicar of the Towne and Cloister of Amatitlan, where at the present there was a new Cloister a building to separate all that valley from the Cloister of Guatemala. He desired me to accept of that small preferment, not doubting but that I speaking so well the Indian language might prevaile much in that place, and better then another, to further the building of that new Cloister; which worke would be a good step for him to advance me afterwards to some better preferment. Although I regarded neither that present Superiority, nor any better honour which might afterwards ensue unto me, I thought the time which God had appointed for my returning to England was not yet come; for that if the Provinciall, and with him the President of Guatemala (for so much I conjectured out of the Provincialls letter) should both oppose and hinder my departure from that Countrey, it would be very hard for me to take my journey any way, and not be discovered and brought back. Whereupon I resolved to stay the Provincialls coming to Guatemala, and there to confer with him face to face, and to shew him some reasons that moved me to leave that Countrey, and to seek againe mine owne wherein I was borne. So for the present I accepted of the Towne of Amatitlan, where I had more occasions of getting mony than in the other two, where I had lived five full yeers; for albeit that Towne alone was bigger then both Mixco and Pinola together, and the Church fuller of Saints pictures and statues, and very many Confraternities and Sodalities belonged unto it; besides this from without the Towne I had great comings in from the Ingenio of Sugar, which I related before stood close unto that Towne, from whence I had dayly offerings from the Black-mores and Spaniards that lived in it; and besides this I had under my charge another lesser Towne called St. Christoval de Amatitlan, standing two leagues from great Amatitlan. This Town of St. Christoval, or St. Christopher, is called properly in that language, Palinha, ha, signifying water, and Pali, to stand upright, and is compounded of two words which express water standing upright; for the Towne standeth on the back side of the Vulcan of water, which looketh over Guatemala, and on this side sendeth forth many fountaines, but especially spouteth forth from a high rock a stream of water, which as it falleth from high with a great noise and down-fall, the rocke standing upright over the bottome where it falleth, and causeth a most pleasant stream by the Townes side, it hath moved the Indians to call their Towne, Palinha, from the high and upright standing rock, from whence the water falleth. In this Towne there are many rich Indians, who trade in the coast of the South sea; the Towne is as an harbour shadowed with many fruitfull trees; but the chief fruit here is the Pinna, which groweth in every Indians yard, and with the neernesse of the Ingenio of Sugar, are by the Spaniards thereabouts much made up in Preserves; some whole, some in slices, which is the daintiest and most luscious Preserve that I ever did eat in that Countrey. The Indians of this Towne get much by boards of Cedar, which they cut out of many Cedar-trees, which grow on that side of the Vulcan, which they sell to Guatemala and all about the Countrey for new buildings.
Between great Amatitlan and this Town the way is plain, and lieth under a Vulcan of fire, which formerly was wont to smoak as much as that of Guatemala, but having formerly burst out at the top, and there opened a great mouth, & cast down to the bottome mighty stones (which to this day are to be seen) it hath not since been any waies troublesome unto the Countrey. In this way there was in my time a new Trapiche of Sugar erecting up by one John Baptista of Guatemala, which was thought would prove very usefull, and profitable unto the foresaid City. I had yet for the time that I lived[Pg 180] in Amatitlan another very little village at my charge, called Pampichi at the bottome of a high mountaine on the other side of the lake over against it, which was but a Chappell of ease unto great Amatitlan, unto which I went not above once in a quarter of a yeer, and that for pastime and recreation; for this village is well in that language a compound also of Pam, in, and Pichi, flowers, for that it standeth compassed about with flowers, which make it very pleasant, and the boats or Canoa's which doe constantly stand neer the doores of the houses, invites to much pleasure of fishing and rowing about the lake.
And thus whilst I lived in Amatitlan I had the choice of three places wherein to recreate my selfe, and because the charge of many soules lay in my hands, I had one constantly to helpe me. The Towne of Amatitlan was as the Court in respect of the rest, where nothing was wanting that might recreate the mind and satisfie the body with variety and change of sustenance, both for fish and flesh. Yet the great care that did lie upon me in the worke and building of the Cloister, made me very soone weary of living in that great and pleasant Towne; for sometimes I had thirty, sometimes twenty, sometimes fewer, and sometimes fourty worke-men to looke unto, and to pay wages to on Saturday nights, which I found wearied much my braine, and hindred my studies, and was besides a worke which I delighted not in, nor had any hopes ever to enjoy it. And therefore after the first yeer that I had been there I betooke my selfe unto the Provinciall, who was in Guatemala, and againe earnestly besought him to peruse the Licence which I had from Rome to goe to England mine owne Countrey for to preach there (for that was the chiefe ground of letting me goe home, as the Generall largely expressed) where I doubted not but I might doe God great service, and in Conscience I told him I thought I was bound to employ what parts God had bestowed upon me, rather upon my own Countreymen, then upon Indians and strangers. The Provinciall replyed unto me that my Countrey men were Heretickes, and when I came amongst them they would hang me up. I told him, I hoped better things of them, and that I would not behave my selfe among them so as to deserve hanging, not daring to tell him what was in my heart concerning points of Religion. After a long discourse I found the Provinciall inexorable, and halfe angry, telling me that he and that whole Province had cast their eyes upon me, and honoured me, and were ready and willing to promote me further, and that I would shew my selfe very ungratefull unto them, if I should forsake them for my owne nation and people, whom I had not knowne from my young and tender age. I perceived there was no more to be said, and all would be in vaine, and so resolved to take my best opportunity, and with my Licence from Rome to come away unknowne unto him. But for the present I humbly beseeched him to remove me from Amatitlan, for that I found my selfe unable to undergoe that great charge, and too weake for that strong worke, that was then building. With much adoe he would be brought to this, alleadging what an honour it was to be a Founder and builder of a new Cloister, in whose walls my very name would be engraven to posterity; all which I told him I regarded not, but estemed more of my health and a quiet mind, then of such preferments and vanities. Upon which at last he condescended to my request, and gave me order to goe to Petapa, and that the Vicar of Petapa should goe to finish the worke of Amatitlan. In Petapa I lived above a twelve moneth, with great ease, pleasure and content for all things worldly and outward; but within I had still a worme of Conscience, gnawing this gourd that shadowed and delighted me with worldly contentment. Here I grew more and more troubled concerning some points of Religion, dayly wishing with David, that I had the wings of a Dove, that I might flie from that place of dayly Idolatry into England, and be at rest. I resolved therefore to put on a good courage, and relie wholly upon my God, knowing that the journey was hard and dangerous, and might bring shame and trouble unto me, if I should be taken in the way flying and brought back to Guatemala; here I weighed the affliction and reproach which might ensue unto me, after so much honor, pleasure, and wealth which I had enjoyed for about twelve yeers in that Countrey; but in another balance of better consideration, I weighed the trouble of a wounded Conscience, and the spirituall joy and comfort that I might enjoy at home with the people of God, and so resolutely concluded upon that place of Heb. 11. 25, 26, 27. with Moses, to choose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God (who as Paul well observeth, I Thes. 3. 3. are appointed thereunto; and again Phil.[Pg 181] 1. 29. unto whom it is given in the behalfe of Christ, not onely to beleeve in him, but also to suffer for his sake) then to enjoy the pleasures of sinne for a season; esteeming the reproach of Christ greater riches then the treasures in Egypt. So for faith and a safe conscience I now purposed likewise with Moses to forsake Egypt, not fearing the wrath of the President the Kings owne Deputy, nor of the Provinciall, and my best friends; but to indure all this (if I should be taken) as seeing him who is invisible. I thought this was a businesse not to be conferred with flesh and blood, lest the best friend knowing of it should betray me; yet on the other side, I thought it hard to flie alone without some friend for the first two or three daies journey; and besides having many things to sell away to make mony of, I thought I were better to imploy some trusty friend, then to doe all alone. I thought of none fitter then Miguel Dalva, whom by long experience I knew to be true and trusty, and that a small mony matter would content him; whom I sent for to Pinola, and charging him with secrecy, I told him I had a journey for my conscience sake to make to Rome (I would not tell him that I intended England, lest the good old Black-more should grieve thinking never more to see me, and for the love he bare me, and interest he had many times from me, he should by discovering my intent, seek to stop me) which I would have none to know of but himselfe, not doubting but to returne againe, as he knew many had taken the like journey, and returned within two yeers.
The Black-more offered himselfe to goe with me, which I refused, telling him that the seas would be too hard for his old age to endure, and that as a Black-more in foraine Countries he might be stopped and apprehended for a fugitive; which reason he liked well, and offered himselfe to goe with mee as farre as the sea side; for which I thanked him and employed to sell me away some Mules, Wheat, and Maiz which I had, and what else might well passe through his hands. As for many rich pictures which hung in my chamber, I thought the Towne of Petapa would buy them for their Church, and propounded it unto the Governour, who willingly accepted of them. Most of my bookes, chests, cabinets, quilts, and many good peices of houshold-stuffe, by the paines and industry of Miguel (whom I kept with me for the space of two moneths before I came away) I sold to Guatemala, reserving onely two Peraca's or leatherne chests, with some bookes and a quilt for my journey. When I had sold all that I intended, I found I had in Spanish mony neer nine thousand peeces of eight, which I had got in twelve yeers that I lived in that Country. So much mony I thought would be too combersome for a long journey; whereupon I turned above four thousand of them into pearles and some pretious stones, which might make my carriage the lighter; the rest I laid up some in bags, some I sowed into my quilt, intending in the way to turne them into Spanish Pistols. Thus the chiefe provision being made of mony, I tooke care for Chocolatte and some Conserves for the way, which were soon provided. Now because I considered that my flight the first week must be with speed, and that my chests could not post day and night as my selfe intended to doe; I thought of sending my carriage four dayes at least before me; and not daring to trust any Indian of Petapa, I sent to Mixco for one speciall Indian friend whom I had there, who knew the way that I was to travaile very well; to whom I opened my mind, and offered what mony I knew would well content him, and at midnight sent him away with two Mules, one for himselfe, and another for my chests, wishing him to keep on travelling towards St. Miguel, or Nicaragua till I overtooke him. I gave him the advantage of four daies and nights, and then resolutely with my good Blackmore in my company leaving the key of my chamber in my doore, and nothing but old papers within, when all the Indians where fast sleep, I bad adieu unto Petapa, and to the whole valley, and to all my friends throughout America.
The chiefe thing which troubled me in my resolved purpose to come home, was the choice of the safest way; which made me utterly forsake the Gulfe (though the easiest way of all, and that sea neerest to the place where I lived) for that I knew I should meet there with many of my acquaintance, and the setting out of the ships was so uncertain, that before they departed, order might come from Guatemala to stop me; if I should go by land through Comayagua to Truxillo, and there wait for the ships, likewise I feared lest the Governour of that place by some item from the President of Guatemala might examine me, and send me backe, and that the Masters of the ships might have charge given them not to receive me into their ships. If I should goe backe to Mexico and Vera Cruz, then I called to mind, how I was troubled in that long journey, when I came first to Chiapa in company of friends, and that now alone I should certainly be much put to it, for I would not carry Miguel Dalva so far by land with me. Wherefore rejecting these three wayes, I chose the fourth, which was by Nicaragua and the Lake of Granada; and therefore I deferred my journey till the week after Christmas, knowing that the time of the frigats setting out from that lake to the Havana was commonly after the middle of January, or at Candlemas at the furthest, whither I hoped to reach in very good time. Now that I might by no means be suspected to have taken this way; before I went I left by the hand of Miguel Dalva a letter to a friend of his to be delivered to the Provinciall in Guatemala, foure dayes after my departure, wherein I kindly tooke my leave of him, desiring him not to blame me nor to seeke after me; and whereas I had a sufficient Licence from Rome, and could not get his, that I thought I might with a safe Conscience goe where I was born, leaving Linguists enough to supply my place amongst the Indians. And because he should not make enquiry after me by Nicaragua, I dated and subscribed my letter to him from the Towne of St. Antonio Suchutepeques, which was the way to Mexico and quite contrary to Nicaragua.
The next day after Twelfth day, being the seventh of January, 1637. at midnight I set out of Petapa upon a lusty Mule (which afterwards in the way I sold for fourscore peeces of eight) with Miguel Dalva alone; and the first part of the way being very hilly we could not goe so fast as our hearts would have posted; for it was breake of day before we could get to the top of the mountaine, which is called Serro Redondo, or the round hill; which is much mentioned in that Countrey, for the good pasture there which serveth for the Cattell and Sheep, when the valleys below are burnt and no grasing left for Beasts. This hill is also a great refuge to Travellers, for there they find good entertainment in a Venta, where wine and provision is sold, and is a great Lodge, for to lay up dry what carriages they bring; there is besides one of the best Estancia's or farmes of Cattell in the Countrey, where of Goats and Ewes milke is made the best cheese thereabouts. This round hill or mountaine is five leagues from Petapa, where I feared I might meet with some people of Petapa, and therefore the day now dawning I made haste by it, leaving in the lodge asleep many Indians, who attended on two Spanish Requa's of Mules, which that day were to goe to Petapa; foure leagues further from this Serro Redondo is a Towne of Indians called Los Esclavos, or the Slaves, not that now they are more slaves then the rest of the Indians, but because in the old time of Montezuma the Emperour, and the Indian Kings that were under him, the people of this Towne were more slaves then any other, for from Amatitlan (which is so called from Amat, which in the Mexican tongue signifieth Letter, and Itlan which signifieth Towne, for that it was the Towne of Letters as some say, for a rine of a tree, whereon they were wont formerly to write and expresse their minds, or because it was the place whither from all parts letters were sent to be carried about the Countrey, and[Pg 183] to Peru) these Indians of the Towne of Esclavo's or slaves, were commanded as slaves to goe all about the Countrey with letters, or whatsoever else they should be charged with; and they were bound constantly to send every week so many of their Towne (as were appointed) unto Amatitlan, there to wait and attend the pleasure of that Towne for the conveying of letters, or any carriages to other parts.
This Towne of los Esclavos standeth in a bottome by a river, over the which the Spaniards have built a very strong stone Bridge to goe in and out of the Town, for otherwise with mules there is no passing by reason of the violent and rapid streame of the water, and many rocks in the River, from which the water falleth down with great force. From this Town (where wee onely stayed to drink a cup of Chocolatte and to bait our mules) wee went on that day to Aguachapa, being ten leagues further, and not farre from the South Sea, and the port called De la Trinidad; whither wee came towards Evening, having that day and part of the night travelled about threescore English miles up hils, and upon stony wayes from the Esclavo's unto this Town; which is much mentioned in that Country for two things. The one is for the earthen ware which is made there (as some think) exceeding that of Mixco. The other is for a place within a mile and a halfe from the Town, which the Spaniards doe credibly report and beleeve to be a mouth of hell. For out of it there is constantly ascending a thick black smoak smelling of Brimstone, with some flashes now and then of fire; the earth from whence this smoak ariseth is not high, but low. None ever durst draw nigh to find out the truth and ground of it; for those that have attempted to doe it, have been stricken down to the ground and like to lose their lives. A friend of mine a Fryer (whom I thought verily I might beleeve) upon his oath affirmed unto me, that travelling that way with a Provinciall hee resolved to goe unto the place, and satisfie himselfe of the ground and cause of the strange talke which was every where about the Country concerning that smoke. He went within a quarter of a mile of it, and presently, hee said, he heard a hideous noise, which together with the stench of the fiery smoke and brimstone, struck him into such a fear that he was like to fall to the ground, and retiring himself back with all speed was taken with a burning Feaver, which was like to cost him his life. Others report that drawing neer unto it, they have heard great cries as it were of men and women in torment, noise of iron, of chaines, and the like, which (how simply I leave it to my Judicious Reader) maketh them beleeve that it is a mouth of hell. Of my knowledge I will say no more, but that I saw the smoke, and asked the Indians what was the cause of it; and if ever they had been neer unto it? And they answered mee, that they could not imagine what might bee the cause of it, neither durst they draw nigh unto it; and that they had seen Travellers, attempting to goe neere it, and that they were all stricken either to the ground, or with some suddaine amazement, or Feaver. I told them that I would walke thither my self, and they desired mee that I would not, if I loved my life. It was not yet for all this report the feare of being so neer the Spaniards hell (as they call it) that made me haste with speed out of that Town, but fear of some messenger that might come after mee to stop my journy. For at midnight I departed from thence, and went to breake my fast to a great Town called Chalchuapan, where the Indians made very much of mee, being Pocomanes, who spake the Poconchi or Pocoman tongue which I had learned. They would willingly have had me to stay with them and preach unto them the next Sabbath, which I would have done, had not a better designe called upon mee to make haste.
Here I was troubled, how I should get through St. Salvador, which was a City of Spaniards, and wherein there was a Cloister of Dominicans, whom I feared most of all, because I was known by some of them. My resolution was therefore when I came neere unto the City, to turn out of my way to a Spaniards Farm as if I had lost my way, and there to delay the time till Evening in drinking Chocolatte, discoursing, and baiting my mules well, that so I might travell all that night, and bee out of the reach of that City, and Fryers (who lived in Indian Towns about it) the next morning, early. This City of St. Salvador is poore, not much bigger then Chiapa, and is governed by a Spanish Governour. It standeth forty leagues at least from Guatemala, and towards the North Sea side, is compassed with very high mountains, which are called Chuntales, where the Indians are very poore. In the bottome where the City standeth there are some Trabiches of Sugar, some Indigo made, but the chief Farmes are[Pg 184] Estancia's of Cattell. Towards Evening I departed from that Farm where I had well refreshed my selfe and my Mule, and about eight of the clock I rid through the City not being known by any body. My purpose was to bee the next morning at a great River, called Rio de Lempa, some ten leagues from St. Salvador, for within two leagues of it there lived in an Indian Town a Fryer belonging to the Cloister of St. Salvador who knew mee very well. But such haste I made that before break of the day I passed through that Town, and before seven of the clock I was at the River, where I found my Indian of Mixco ready to passe over with my carriage, who that morning by three of the clock had set out of that Town two leagues off. I was not a little glad to have overtaken my Chests, wherein was most of my treasure. There I sate down a while by the River whilst my mules grazed, and my Indian struck fire and made me Chocolatte. This River of Lempa is held the broadest, and biggest in all the Jurisdiction belonging unto Guatemala; there are constantly two Ferry Boats to passe over the Travellers, and their Requa's of Mules. This River is privileged in this manner, that if a man commit any hainous crime or murther on this side of Guatemala, and San Salvador, or on the other side of St. Miguel, or Nicaragua, if hee can flie to get over this River, he is free as long as hee liveth on the other side, and no Justice on that side whither hee is escaped can question or trouble him for the murther committed. So likewise for Debts hee cannot bee arrested. Though I thanked God I neither fled for the one, or for the other, yet it was my comfort that I was now going over to a priviledged Country, where I hoped I should bee free and sure, and that if any one did come after mee, hee would goe no further then to the River of Lempa. My Blackmore did much laugh at this my conceipt, and warranted mee that all would doe well. Wee Ferried safely over the River; and from thence went in company with my Indian to a little small Towne of Indians two leagues off, where wee made the best dinner that we had done from the Towne of Petapa, and willingly gave rest to all our mules till foure of the clocke in the afternoone; at which time wee set forth to another small Town little above two leagues off, through a plain, sandy, and Champaigne Country. The next day wee had but ten leagues to travaile to a Town called St. Miguel, which belongeth unto Spaniards, and though it bee not a City, yet is as bigge almost as San Salvador, and hath a Spanish Governour; in it there is one Cloister of Nuns, and another of Mercenarian Fryers, who welcomed mee unto their Cloister. For here I began to shew my face, and to think of selling away the Mule I rid on, being resolved from hence to goe by water or an Arm of the Sea, to a Town in Nicaragua called La Vieja. I would here have dismissed my Indian, but hee was loth to leave me untill I got to Granada, where hee desired to see mee shipped. I refused not his kind offer, because I knew hee was trusty and had brought my Chests well thither, and knew well the way to Granada. So I sent him by land to Realejo, or to La Vieja, which stand very neere together and thirty leagues by land from St. Miguel, and my self stayed that day and till the next day at noon in that Town, where I sold the mule, I rid on, because I knew that from Realejo to Granada I could have of the Indians a Mule for nothing for a dayes journey. My Blackmores mule I sent also by land with the Indian, and the next day went to the Gulfe, being three or foure miles from St. Miguel, where that afternoone I tooke Boat with many other passengers, and the next morning by eight in the morning was at La Vieja, which journey by land would have taken mee up neere three dayes. The next day my Indian came at night, and wee went to Realejo, (as I have observed before) a Haven very weak and unfortified on the South Sea; where if I would have stayed one fortnight I might have taken shipping for Panama, to goe from thence to Portabelo, and there stay for the Galeons from Spain. But I considered that the Galeons would not be there till June or July, and that so I should be at great charges in staying so long. But afterwards I wished I had accepted of that occasion, for I was at last forced to goe to Panama, and Portabelo. From hence to Granada I observed nothing, but the plainnesse and pleasantnesse of the way, which with the fruits and fertility of all things may well make Nicaragua the Paradise of America. Betweene Realejo and Granada standeth the City of Leon, neere unto a Vulcan of fire, which formerly burst out at the top, and did much hurt unto all the Country about; but since that it hath ceased, and now letteth the Inhabitants live without feare. Sometimes it smokes a little, which sheweth that as yet there is within some sulphurous substance.
Here it was that a Mercenarian Fryer thought to have discovered some great treasure,[Pg 185] which might inrich himselfe and all that Country, being fully perswaded that the metall that burned within that Vulcan was Gold; whereupon hee caused a great Kettle to bee made, and hung at an iron chain to let it down from the top, thinking therewith to take up gold enough to make him Bishop and to inrich his poor kindred. But such was the power and strength of the fire within, that no sooner had hee let downe the Kettle, when it fell from the chain and from his hands being melted away.
This City of Leon is very curiously built, for the chief delight of the Inhabitants consisteth in their houses, and in the pleasure of the Country adjoyning, and in the abundance of all things for the life of man, more then in any extraordinary riches, which there are not so much injoyed, as in other parts of America. They are contented with fine gardens, with variety of singing birds, and parrets, with plenty of fish and flesh, which is cheap, and with gay houses, and so lead a delicious, lazy and idle life; not aspiring much to trade and traffique, though they have neer unto them the Lake, which commonly every yeere sendeth forth some Frigats to Havana by the North Sea, and Realejo on the South Sea, which to them might bee very commodious for any dealing and rich Trading in Peru, or to Mixco, if their spirits would carry them so farre: The Gentlemen of this City are almost as vaine and phantasticall as are those of Chiapa. And especially from the pleasure of this City, is all that Province of Nicaragua, called by the Spaniards Mahomets Paradise. From hence the way is plain and Levell to Granada, whither I got safely and joyfully, hoping that now I had no more journey to make by land, till I should land at Dover in England, and from thence post up to London. Two dayes after I had arrived at this place and rested my selfe, and injoyed the pleasant prospect of the Lake, I began to think of dismissing my Indian and Blackmore. But true and faithfull Miguel Dalva would by no meanes leave mee, till he saw me shipped; and that I had no more need of him by land; Likewise the Indian would willingly have stayed, but by no meanes I would permit him, for that I considered hee had a wife and children to looke to at home. Hee was as willing to return a foot, as to ride, because hee would have mee sell my mules, and make what mony I could of them; but I seeing the good nature of the Indian, would recompence his love with as much mony as might bee more beneficiall to him, then a tired Mule; which might have dyed in the way under him, and left him on foot; so I gave him money enough to bear his charges home, and to hire Mules at his one pleasure, and some to spare, when he came home. The Indian with many teares falling from his eyes, saying, hee feared hee should never more see mee, tooke his leave of mee the third day after wee arrived at Granada. My Blackmore and I being left alone, first began to thinke of selling away the two Mules, which had brought thither the Indian, and my Chests; for which I got fourscore and ten peeces of eight after so long a journey, and thought they were well sold. I would have had Miguel have sold away that whereon hee rid, (which was his own) and offered to buy him another that might better carry him back, but the loving and carefull Blackmore would not suffer mee to bee at such charges, considering the long journey which I was to make. After this, wee hearing that the frigats were not like to depart in a fortnight, thought of viewing well that stately and pleasant Towne a day or two, and then to betake our selves to some neer Indian Town, where wee might bee hid, (lest by the great resort of Requa's of Mules, which at that time brought Indigo and Cochinill from Guatemala to the Frigats, wee should bee discovered) and might now and then come to the Town to treat concerning my passing in one of the Frigats to the Havana or to Carthagena. What in that Town wee observed was, two Cloisters of Mercenarian and Franciscan Fryers, and one of Nuns, very rich; and one Parish Church, which was as a Cathedrall, for the Bishop of Leon did more constantly reside there then in the City. The houses are fairer then those of Leon, and the Town of more Inhabitants, among whom there are some few Merchants of very great wealth, and many of inferiour degree very well to passe, who trade with Carthagena, Guatemala, San Salvador, and Comayagua, and some by the South sea to Peru and Panama. But at this time of the sending away the frigats, that Town is one of the wealthiest in all the North Tract of America; for the Merchants of Guatemala fearing to send all their goods by the Gulfe of Honduras, for that they have been often taken by the Hollanders between that and Havana, think it safer to send them by the frigats to Carthagena, which passage hath not been so much stopped by the Hollanders as the other. So likewise many times the Kings treasure, and revenues (when there is[Pg 186] any report of ships at sea, or about the Cape of St. Anthony) are this way by the Lake of Granada passed to Carthagena. That yeer that I was there, before I betooke my selfe to an Indian Towne, in one day there entred six Requa's (which were at least three hundred Mules) from St. Salvador and Comayagua onely, laden with nothing else but Indigo, Cochinil and Hides; and two dayes after from Guatemala came in three more, the one laden with silver, which was the Kings tribute from that Countrey; the other with Sugar, and the other with Indigo. The former Requa's I feared not; but the latter made me keep close within my lodging, lest going abroad, I should be knowne by some of those that came from Guatemala; who after they had delivered what they brought, presently departed, and with their departure set mee at liberty, who for their sakes was a voluntary prisoner within mine owne lodging. But fearing lest more of these Requa's might come and affright mee, I went to a Towne out of the rode, a league from Granada, and took my pleasure up and downe the Countrey where I was much feasted by the Mercenarian Friers, who enjoy most of those Towns. Amongst these I heard much of the passage in the frigots to Carthagena, which did not a little dishearten and discourage me. For although, whilst they saile upon the Lake, they goe securely and without trouble, yet when they fall from the Lake to the river (which there they call El Desaguadero) to goe out to the Sea, hic labor, hoc opus est, here is nothing but trouble, which sometimes makes that short voyage to last two moneths; for such is the fall of the waters in many places amongst the rockes, that many times they are forced to unlade the frigots, and lade them again with helpe of Mules which are there kept for that purpose, by a few Indians that live about the river, and have care of the Lodges made for to lay in the wares, whilest the frigots passe thorow those dangerous places to another Lodge, whither the wares are brought by Mules, and put againe into the frigots. Beside this trouble (which must needs be tedious to a passenger, to be thus stopped, who would willingly come soone to his journeys end) the abundance of gnats is such, which maketh him to take no joy in his voiage, and the heat in some places so intolerable, that many doe die before they get out to the sea. Though all this was terrible to me to hear, yet I comforted my selfe that my life was in the hands of the Lord, and that the frigots did commonly every yeer passe that way, and seldome any were lost. I went now and then to Granada to bargaine for my passage, and to know when the frigots would for certaine set out, and to provide my selfe of some dainties and Chocolatte for my journey, having agreed with a Master of a frigot for my diet at his table. The time was appointed within foure or five dayes; but suddainly all was crossed with a strict command from Guatemala, that the frigots should not goe out that yeer, because the President and whole Court was informed for certaine that some English or Holland ships was abroad at sea, and lay about the mouth of the river or Desaguadero waiting for the frigots of Granada, and that the said were sometimes lurking about the Islands of St. John, and St. Catharine (which then was our Providence) which made all the Merchants of the Countrey to feare and sweat with a cold sweat, and the President to be carefull for the Kings revenues, lest the losse of them should be imputed to his wilfull negligence, in stopping the frigots, whilst he might, and had warning given. This was but sad newes unto me, who knew not for the present, which way to dispose of my selfe. I began to thinke of the ship that was at Realejo ready to set out to Panama, thinking that would now be my best course, but enquiring after it, I was for certaine informed by some Merchants that it was newly gone. Then my eyes looked upon Comayagua and Truxillo, and upon the ships of Honduras, but these were but vaine and troubled thoughts, arising from a perplexed heart, for the ships were also gone from thence, without some small vessell or frigot might be there with newes from Havana or Carthagena (for those places send often word and notice of what ships are abroad at sea) but this also was a meer chance, and not to be trusted unto, as my friends did advise, and counsell me. Whereupon my perplexity more and more increased; onely my comfort was that there were more passengers besides my selfe, who I knew must take some course, and whom I also resolved to follow by sea, or land. Amongst us all we were once resolving to hire a frigot to carry us onely to Carthagena, but this would not bee granted, for no body would hazard his vessel and life for our sakes. Whilest we were thus distressed and perplexed enquiring about Granada of the Merchants what course we might take to get to Spaine that yeer, or to meet with the Havana or Carthagena, one that wished us well,[Pg 187] counselled us to goe to Costarica, where at Carthago we should be sure to hear of some vessels bound for Portobel, either from the river called de los Anzuelos, or from the river called Suere, from whence every yeer went out some small frigots to carry Meale, Bacon, Fowles, and other provision for the Galeons to Portobel. This we thought was a hard and difficult journey, and of neer a hundred and fifty leagues, over mountaines and through desarts, where we should misse the pleasure, variety, and dainties of Guatemala and Nicaragua, and after all this peradventure might misse of an opportunity of any frigot bound to Portobelo. Yet so unwilling were we all to returne to Guatemala from whence we came, that we would rather go forward, and undergoe any difficulties, so that at last we might find any shipping to convey us where we might meet with the Galeons, which we knew were not to come to Portobel, till the month of June or July. We therefore agreed foure of us, three Spaniards and my selfe, to goe to Costarica, and there to trie our fortune. They had each of them (as my selfe had) carriage for one Mule, and none to ride on; but thought it their best way to buy each of them a Mule to carry them, which they hoped after their journey to sell againe at Costarica, and to get mony by them, and for their carriages to hire Mules and Indians from Towne to Towne, who also might serve to guide us through many dangerous places and passages, which we understood were in the way. Now I wished I had my Mule which I sold at San Miguel, or any one of the two which I sold before in Granada. But for my mony I doubted not, with the helpe of my Black-more, but I should find one for my purpose. I furnished my selfe very speedily, for fifty peeces of eight, of one which I feared not would performe my journey. My good and trusty Black-more would willingly have gone on with me, and further round the world if I would have permitted him; but I would not; but (thanked him heartily for what he had done, and gave him money enough in his purse, and dismissed him) hoping that the company of the three Spaniards would be sufficient comfort unto me.
Thus with one Indian to guide us we set four of us out of Granada, enjoying for the two first daies more of the pleasure of that Mahomets paradise Nicaragua, finding the way for the most part plain, the Townes pleasant, the Countrey shady, and every where fruits abounding. The second day after we set out, we were much affrighted with a huge and monstrous Caiman or Crocodile, which having come out of the Lake (which we passed by) and lying crosse a puddle of water bathing himselfe, and waiting for some prey, as we perceived after, whom we not knowing well at the first, but thinking that it had been some tree that was felled or fallen, passed close by it; when on a suddain we knew the scales of the Cayman, and saw the monster stir and move, and set himself against us; wherewith we made hast from him; but he thinking to have made some of us his greedy prey, ran after us, which when we perceived, and that he was like to overtake us, we were much troubled, untill one of the Spaniards (who knew better the nature & quality of that Beast then the rest) called upon us to turn on one side out of the way, and to ride on straight for a while, and then to turn on another side; and so to circumflex our way, which advice of his without doubt saved mine, or some of the others lives, for thus we wearied that mighty monster and escaped from him, who (had we rid out straightway) had certainly overtaken us, and killed some mule or man, for his straight forward flight was as swift as our Mules could run; but whilst he turned and wheeled about his heavy body, we got ground and advantage till we left him far behind us; and by this experience we came to know the nature and quality of that beast, whose greatnesse of body is no hinderance to run forward as swift as a Mule; but otherwise, as the Elephant once laid down is troubled to get up, so this monster is heavy and stiffe, and therefore much troubled to turne and wind about his body. We praised God who had that day delivered us, and riding for a while by the side of the lake, we were watchful that we might not fall again into the like danger. But the greatnesse of this lake of Granada may from hence be knowne, in that the second and third day of our journey, being at least threescore miles from whence we set out, we now and then found our way lying by it. After that wee had wholly lost the sight of it, we began to enter into rough and craggy wayes, declining more to the South then to the North sea. And in all the rest of our journey to Carthago, we observed nothing worth committing to posterity, but onely mighty woods and trees on the South sea side, very fit for to make strong ships, and many mountaines and desert places, where we lay sometimes two nights together, either in woods or open fields, far[Pg 188] from any Town or habitation of Indians, yet for our comfort in these so desert places we had stil a guide with us, and found lodges, which by the command of the neerest Justices had been set up for such as travelled that way. We came at last through thousand dangers to the city of Carthago, which we found not to be so poor as in richer places, as Guatemala and Nicaragua it was reported to be. For there we had occasion to inquire after some Merchants for exchange of gold and silver, and wee found that some were very rich, who traded by Land and Sea with Panama, and by Sea with Portobelo, Carthagena, and Havana, and from thence with Spain. This City may consist of foure hundred Families, and is governed by a Spanish Governour; It is a Bishops Sea, and hath in it three Cloisters, two of Fryers, and one of Nuns. Here we began to enquire after that which had brought us through so many Mountaines, Woods and deserts, to wit, after some speedy occasion of shipping our selves for Portobelo or Carthagena; and according to our desires wee understood of one Frigat almost ready to set out from the River called De los Anzuelos, and another from the River Suere; and being well informed that Suere would bee the best place for us to Travaile unto by reason of more provision in the way, more Towns of Indians, and Estancia's of Spaniards, we resolved within foure dayes after wee had rested in Carthago, to undertake a new journey towards the North Sea. Wee found that Country mountainous in many places, yet here and there some Valleys where was very good corn, Spaniards living in good Farmes, who as well as the Indians bred many hogs; but the Townes of Indians we found much unlike to those which wee had left behind in Nicaragua and Guatemala; and the people in curtesie and civility much differing from them, and of a rude and bold carriage and behaviour towards us; yet they are kept under by the Spaniards, as much as those whom I have formerly spoken of about Guatemala. Wee came in so good a time to the River Suere, that wee stayed there but three dayes in a Spanish Farm neere unto it, and departed.
The Master of the Frigat was exceeding glad of our company, and offered to carry mee for nothing, but for my prayers to God for him, and for a safe passage; which hee hoped would not bee above three or four daies sailing. What hee carried was nothing but some Hony, Hides, Bacon, meal and fowles. The greatest danger he told us of, was the setting out from the River, (which runs in some places with a very strong stream, is shallow and full of rocks in other places) till wee come forth to the maine Sea. Whither we got out safely and had not sailed on above twenty leagues, when we discovered two ships making towards us; our hearts began to quake, and the Master himselfe of the Frigat wee perceived was not without feare, who suspected that they were English, or Holland Ships; wee had no guns nor weapons to fight with, save onely foure or five Muskets and half a dozen Swords; wee thought the wings of our nimble Frigat might be our best comfort, and flying away our chiefest safety. But this comfort soon began to fail us, and our best safety was turned into neer approaching danger; for before wee could flie on five leagues towards Portobel, wee could from our Top Mast easily perceive the two Ships to be Hollanders, and too nimble for our little Vessell, which presently one of them (which being a Man of Warre, was too much and too strong for our weaknesse) fetcht up, and with a thundring Message made us strike Saile. Without any fighting wee durst not but yeeld, hoping for better mercy. But O what sad thoughts did here run to and fro my dejected heart, which was struck down lower then our Saile? How did I sometimes look upon Deaths frighting visage? But if again I would comfort and incourage my selfe against this feare of Death; how then did I begin to see an end of all my hopes of ever more returning to my wished and desired Country? How did I see that my treasure of Pearles, pretious Stones, and peeces of Eight, and golden Pistols, which by singing I had got in twelve yeers space, now within one halfe houre ready to be lost with weeping, and become a sure prey to those who with as much ease as I got them, and with laughing were ready to spoile mee of all that with the sound of Flutes, Waits and Organs I had so long been hording up? Now I saw I must forcedly and fainedly offer up to a Hollander what superstitious, yea also forced and fained offerings of Indians to their Saints of Mixco, Pinola, Amatitlan and Petapa had for a while enriched mee. My further thoughts were soone interrupted by the Hollanders who came abord our Frigat with more speed then wee desired. Though their Swords, Muskets and Pistols did not a little terrifie, yet wee were somewhat comforted, when wee understood who was their chief Captaine[Pg 189] and Commander, and hoped for more mercy from him, who had been born and brought up amongst Spaniards, then from the Hollanders, who as they were little bound unto the Spanish Nation for mercy, so did wee expect little from them. The Captain of this Holland Ship which took us was a Mulatto, born and bred in Havana, whose Mother I saw and spoke with afterwards that same yeer, when the Galeons struck into that Port to expect there the rest that were to come from Vera Cruz. This Mulatto for some wrongs which had been offered unto him from some commanding Spaniards in the Havana, ventured himself desperately in a boat out to the Sea, where were some Holland Ships waiting for a prize, and with Gods helpe getting unto them, yeelded himself to their mercy, which hee esteemed farre better then that of his own Country-men, promising to serve them faithfully against his owne Nation, which had most injuriously and wrongfully abused, yea and (as I was afterwards informed) whipped him in the Havana.
This Mulatto proved so true and faithful in his good services unto the Hollanders, that they esteemed much of him, marryed him to one of their Nation, and made him Captain of a Ship under that brave and gallant Hollander whom the Spaniards then so much feared, and named, Pie de Palo, or Woodden Leg. This famous Mulatto it was that with his Sea Souldiers borded our Frigat, in the which hee had found little worth his labour, had it not been for the Indians offerings which I carryed with mee, of which I lost that day the worth of four thousand Patacons or peeces of eight in pearles, and pretious stones, and neer three thousand more in money. The other Spaniards lost some hundreds a peece, which was so rich a prize, that it made the Hollanders stomach loath the rest of our grosse provision of Bacon, Meale and Fowles, and our money tasted sweeter unto them, then the Hony which our Frigat also afforded them. Other things I had (as a Quilt to lie on, some Bookes, and Lamina's, which are pictures in brasse, and clothes) which I begged of that Noble Captaine the Mulatto, who considering my Orders and calling, gave mee them freely, and wished me to bee patient, saying that hee could doe no otherwise then he did with my mony and Pearles, and using that common Proverbe at Sea, Oy por mi, manana por ti, to day fortune hath been for mee, to morrow it may bee for thee: or to day I have got what to morrow I may lose again. Here I made use also of that common saying, that il gotten goods never thrive, and perceived it was the will of my heavenly Father to take from me what so unlawfully by superstitious and idolatrous Masses, by Offerings unto Idols and Statues of Saints I had got amongst the Indians. I offered in lieu of those former offerings my will unto my Lord Gods will, desiring him to grant mee patience to bear that great losse. I confesse, though it was very crosse to flesh and blood, yet I found an inward spirituall strengthning from above, and to be very true what Paul writes to the Hebrews in the 12 Chapter, and Verse 11. saying, No chastening for the present seemeth to bee joyous, but grievous; neverthelesse afterward it yeeldeth the peaceable fruit of righteousnesse unto them which are exercised thereby: for that very day I found my inward man quiet and peaceable with a full and totall submission unto the holy will of God, which I desired might bee done in earth, in the Sea, and performed and obeyed by me at that present, as it is alwayes done in heaven. And although this was my best and chief comfort, yet from the creature by the Creators permission I had also some comfort left in a few pistols, some single, some double, which I had sowed up in my Quilt (which the Captain restored unto mee, saying it was the bed I lay in) and in the doublet which I had at that present, which mounted to almost a thousand Crownes, and in their searching was not found out. After the Captain and Souldiers had well viewed their prize, they thought of refreshing their stomacks with some of our provision; the good Captaine made a stately dinner in our Frigat, and invited mee unto it, and knowing that I was going towards the Havana, besides many other brindi's or healths, hee drank one unto his mother, desiring mee to see her, and to remember him unto her, and how that for her sake hee had used mee well and courteously in what hee could; and further at Table hee said that for my sake hee would give us our Frigat that wee might return again to land, and that I might find out from thence some safer way and means to get to Portobelo, & to continue on my journey unto Spain. After dinner I conferred with the Captain alone, and told him that I was no Spaniard, but an English man born, shewing him the Licence which I had from Rome to[Pg 190] goe to England, and that therefore I hoped, not being of an enemy nation to the Hollanders, he would restore unto me what goods were mine. But all this was of little consequence with him, who had already taken possession of mine, and all other goods in the ship: he told me, I must suffer with those, amongst whom I was found, and that I might as wel claime all the goods in the ship for mine. I desired him then to carry me along with him to Holland, that from thence I might get to England, which also he refused to doe, telling me that he went about from one place to another, and knew not when he should goe to Holland, and that he was daily ready to fight with any Spanish ship, and if he should fight with the Spaniards whilst I was in his ship, his souldiers in their hot blood might be ready to doe me a mischiefe, thinking I would doe them harm, if in fight they should be taken by the Spaniards. With these his answers I saw there was no hope of getting againe what now was lost, therefore (as before) I commended my selfe againe to Gods providence and protection. The Souldiers and Mariners of the Holland ship, made hast that afternoone, to unlode the goods of our Frigat into their Man of warre, which tooke them up that, and part of the next day, whilst we as prisoners were wafting up and down the sea with them. And whereas we thought our mony had satisfied them enough, and to the full, we found the next day that they had also a stomack to our fowles and Bacon, and wanted our Meale to make them bread, and our hony to sweeten their mouthes, and our Hydes for shooes and bootes; all which they tooke away, leaving me my Quilt, Bookes, and brasse pictures, and to the Master of the frigat some small provision, as much as might carry us to land, which was not far off, and thus they tooke their leaves of us, thanking us for their good entertainment. And we weary of such guests, some praying to God that they might never entertaine the like againe, some cursing them all, and especially the Mulatto to hell, calling him Renegado; some thanking God for their lives which were given them for a prey, we all returned again to Suere from whence we had set out, and going up the river, were almost like to bee cast away, and lose our lives, after we had lost our goods. When we came to land, the Spaniards about the Countrey pitied our case, and helped us with almes gathering a Collection for us. The three Spaniards of my company lost all their mony and most of their best clothes, yet they had reserved some bills of Exchange for money to be taken up at Portobelo; which I wished I had also for what I had lost. For the present we knew not what course to take; we thought of going to Rio de los Anzuelos, but we were informed that certainly the frigats there were either gone, or would be gone before we could get thither; and if they stayed not with the newes of the Hollanders ships at sea, they either already were or would be their prize, as we had been. We resolved therefore with the charitable assistance of the Spaniards about the Countrey to returne again to Carthago, and from thence to take some better directions. In the way we conferred what we had saved, the Spaniards bragged yet of their bills of Exchange, which would yeeld them mony at Carthago, I would not let them know what I had saved, but somewhat I told them I had kept; and we agreed all the way we went to signifie nothing but poverty and misery, that the Indians and Spaniards in the way might pitty and commiserate us, and our great losses. When we came to Carthago we were indeed much pittied, and Collections were made for us; and as it was expected from mee, that I should sing againe at the Altars (who truely could rather have cried to see and consider my many misfortunes and disasters, which I desired might at last by a safe returne to England, prove the trials of the faith I intended to search out) and that I should preach wheresoever I came; so by these two waies, of singing and of hudling over Dominus vobiscum and the rest of the Masse, and by accepting of what Sermons were recommended unto me, I began againe to store my selfe with monies. Yet I knew that in such a poore Countrey as that was, where I was little knowne, I could not possibly get enough to bring me home with credit into England, and therefore the cunning enemy finding me to stand upon my credit, began strongly to tempt me to returne againe to Guatemala (where I doubted not but I should be welcomed and entertained by my friends) and to settle my selfe there, untill I had againe by sacrilegious, base, superstitious, and idolatrous means, and works, made up a new purse to returne with credit home.
But I perceiving that God already had shewed himselfe angry, and justly taken from me, what by unlawfull meanes I had in twelve yeers obtained, bad Satan avaunt, purposing[Pg 191] never more to returne to the flesh pots of Egypt, and to goe still home-wards, though in the way I did beg my bread. Yet (lest I might be suspected amongst the Spaniards, and troubled for not exercising my orders and function) I resolved to take what as to a stranger and traveller for preaching or any other exercise might be offered unto me.
Thus with courage resolving to goe on still towards England, I enquired at Carthago which way I might get to Portobelo. But this doore of hope was fast shut up; though my trust in Gods providence was not weakened. In this season, there came to Carthago some two or three hundred Mules unsadled or unloaden with some Spaniards, Indians, and Black-mores, from the parts of Comayagua and Guatemala to convey them to Panama by land, over the mountaines of Veragua there to be sold. This is the yeerly and onely trading by land, which Guatemala, Comayagua, and Nicaragua, hath with Panama over that narrow Isthmus lying between the North, and South sea, which is very dangerous by reason of the craggy waies, rockes, and mountaines, but more especially, by reason of many Heathens, Barbarians and savage people, which as yet are not conquered by the Spaniards, and sometimes do great hurt and mischief, and kill those that with Mules passe through their Countrey, especially if they misdemean themselves, or please them not well. Yet for all these difficulties, I was entertaining a thought to go along with those Mules and Spaniards, which were now on their way by land to Panama. The three Spaniards were halfe of the same mind; but the providence of God who better ordereth and disposeth mans affaires then he himselfe, disappointed these our thoughts for our good and safety, as after we were informed; for we heard for certain at Nicoya, that some of those Mules and Spaniards were killed by the Barbarians and savage Indians, amongst whom my life might have been lost, if I had attempted that hard and dangerous journey; from which many well wishers at Carthago did disswade me, both for the danger of the Indians, and for the difficulties of the waies and mountaines, which they told me the weakenesse of my body would never indure. After we had wholly desisted from this Land journey, the best counsell, that we had from some Merchants our friends, was to try whether Mar del Zur, or the South sea, would favour our designe and journey, better then the Mar del Norte, or the North sea had done; who wished us to goe to Nicoya, and from thence to Chira, and to the Golfo de Salinas, where they doubted not but we should find shipping to Panama. Wee were willing to follow any good advise and counsell; yet we knew that this was the last shift which we could make, and the non plus ultra of our hopes, and that if here we should be disappointed, we could expect no other way ever to get to Panama, except we should venture our lives most desperately over the mountaines of Veragua, and by land without any guide or company through the Countrey of the Barbarians, (who before had slaine some Spaniards passing that way) or else should returne againe, all the way that we had come, to Realejo, where our hopes might be frustrated, and peradventure no shipping found for Panama, without a yeers waiting for it.
We resolved therefore to follow this our friends counsell, and to goe yet to Nicoya, and from thence to Golfo de Salinas, where laughing, I told the three Spaniards of my company, that if we were disappointed, we would like Hercules set up a Pillar to eternize our fame, with our names, and this inscription upon it, Non plus Ultra, for that beyond it there was no other Port, Haven, or place, to take shipping to Panama; neither could any man have done more (nor ever did any English man in that Countrey doe more then my selfe) then wee had done, but especially my selfe, who from Mexico had thus travelled by land to Nicoya at lead six hundred leagues, or eighteen hundred English miles straight from North to South, besides what I had travelled from Vera Cruz to Mexico, and from Guatemala to Vera Paz, and to Puerto de Cavallos, or Golfo dulce, and from thence to Truxillo, and from thence back againe to Guatemala, which was at least thirteen or fourteen hundred English miles more, which I thought to eternize upon a pillar at Nicoya. But what there was not erected, I hope here shall be eternized, and that this my true and faithfull History shall bee a Monument of three thousand, and three hundred miles travelled by an English man, within the main land of America, besides other sea navigations to Panama, from Portobel to Carthagena, and from thence unto the Havana. The way which we travelled from Carthago to Nicoya was very mountainous, hard, & unpleasant, for we met with few Estancia's of Spaniards, and few Indian Towns, and those very poor, smal, and all of dejected and wretched people. Yet[Pg 192] Nicoya is a pretty Towne, and head of a Spanish government, where wee found one Justo de Salazar, Alcalde Maior, who entertained us very well, and provided lodgings for us for the time that wee should abide there, and comforted us with hopeful words, that though for the present there was no ship or frigat in the Golfe of Salinas, yet he doubted not, but very shortly one would come from Panama thither, for Salt and other commodities, as yeerly they were wont. The time of the yeer when we came thither, was a fit time for me to get againe some monies after my great losse; for it was in Lent which is the Friers chiefest harvest, who (as I have before observed) then by Confessions and by giving the Communion get many money offerings.
The time, and the Franciscan Frier who had the Pastorship and charge of that Towne, were both very commodious unto me, who could not refuse as long as I stayed there to exercise my function, lest I should bring a just cause of suspition and aspersion upon my selfe. The Frier of the Towne was a Portingal, who about three weeks before my comming thither had had a very great bickering and strife with Justo de Salazar the Alcalde Maior, for defending the Indians, whom Salazar did grievously oppresse, employing them in his, and his wifes service as slaves, and not paying them what for the sweat of their browes was due unto them, and commanding them to be from their home and from their wives, and from their Church upon the Sabbath, working for him as well that day as any other. Which the Frier not enduring, charged them in the pulpit, not to obey any such unlawfull commands from their Alcalde Maior. But Justo de Salazar (who had been trained up in warres and fighting, and had served formerly in the Castle of Milan) thought it a great disparagement unto him, now to be curbed by a Frier, and by such a one to be interrupted in his government of the Indians, and in the waies of his owne lucre and gaine. Therefore after many bitter words and defiances, which had passed between him and the Frier, he came one day resolutely to the Friers house with his sword drawne; and certainly had not the Frier been assisted by some of the Indians, he had killed him. The Frier being as hot as he, and standing upon his calling, Orders, and Preisthood, presuming that hee durst not touch him violently, lest his priviledge should bring an excommunication upon the striker and offendour, would not flie from him, but dared him boldly; which was a strong provocation to Salazars heat and passion, and caused him to lift up his sword, and aime his blow and stroke at the Frier, which fell so unhappily that with it he strucke of two of the Friers fingers, and had undoubtedly seconded another blow more hurtfull and dangerous to the Frier, had not the Indians interposed themselves, and shut up their Preist into his chamber. Justo was for this action excommunicated, yet for that he was a man of high authority, he soone got off his excommunication from the Bishop of Costarica and sent his complaint to the Chancery of Guatemala against the Frier, where with friends and mony he doubted not but to overcome the Mendicant Preist, as it happened after; for (as I was informed) hee caused the Frier to be sent for up to the Court, and there prevailed so much against him, that he got him to be removed from Nicoya. In this season the Frier kept his house and chamber, and would by no means goe out to the Church, either to say Masse, or to preach, or hear Confessions, (all which that time of the yeer did require of him) but had got one to helpe him; who alone not being able to performe so great a charge of many hundred Indians, Spaniards, Black-mores, and Mulatto's, who from the Countrey without, and from the Towne within expected to have their Confessions heard, their sins absolved, the word preached, and the Communion to be given them; hearing of my comming desired me to assist and helpe him, and that for my paines I should have my meat and drinke at his table, and a Crowne daily for every Masse, and whatsoever else the people should voluntarily offer, besides the Sermons, which should be well rewarded unto me. I staied in this Towne from the second week of Lent untill Easter weeke, where what with three Sermons at ten Crownes a peece, what with my daily stipend and many other offerings, I got about an hundred and fifty Crownes.
The weeke before Easter newes came of a frigat from Panama to Golfo de Salinas, which much comforted us, who already began to mistrust the delay. The Master of the frigat came to Nicoya, which is as Court thereabouts; and with him the three Spaniards and my selfe agreed for our passage to Panama. About Chira, Golfo de Salinas, and Nicoya, there are some farmes of Spaniards, few and very small Indian Townes, who are all like slaves employed by the Alcalde Maior, to make him a kind of thred called[Pg 193] Pita, which is a very rich Commodity in Spain, especially of that colour wherewith it is dyed in these parts of Nicoya, which is a purple colour; for the which the Indians are here much charged to work about the Sea shore, and there to finde out certain shels, wherewith they make this purple dye.
There are also shels for other colours, which are not knowne to be so plentifully in any other place as here. About Chira and Golfo de Salinas the chief commodities are Salt, Hony, Maiz, some Wheat and Fowles, which every yeer they send by some few Frigats to Panama, which from thence come on purpose to fetch them with this purple coloured thred, or Pita, which I have spoken of. The Frigat which came when I was there, was soon laden with these Commodities, and with it we set out hoping to have been at Panama within five or six dayes. But as often before we had been crossed, so likewise in this short passage wee were striving with the Wind, Sea, and Corrientes, as they are called (which are swift streames as of a River) foure full weekes. After the first day that wee set out, wee were driven with a wind and storme towards Peru, till wee came under the very Æquinoctiall line, where what with excessive heat, what with mighty stormes, we utterly despaired of life. But after one week that we had thus run towards death, it pleased God in whom and by whom all creatures live, move, and have their being, to comfort us againe with hopes of life, sending us a prosperous gale, which drove us out of that Æquinoctiall heat, and stormy Sea, towards the Islands of Perlas and Puerta de Chame, lying on the South side of the Mountaines of Veragua, from whence wee hoped within two dayes at the most, to be at rest and Anchor at Panama. But yet these our hopes were frustrated, for there our wind was calmed, and we fell upon those strong Corrientes or streams, which drave us back in the night for the space of almost a fortnight as much as wee had sailed in the day. Had not God againe been merciful here unto us, we had certainly perished in this our striving with the stream; for although wee wanted not provision of food, yet our drink failed us so, that for foure dayes wee tasted neither drop of wine or water, or any thing that might quench our thirst, save onely a little hony which wee found did cause more thirst in us, which made mee and some others to drink our own Urine, and to refresh our mouthes with peeces of lead bullets, which did for a while refresh, but would not long have sufficed Nature, had not Gods good Providence sent us such a wind which in the day drave us quite off from those Corrientes. Our first thoughts were then to strike either to the Continent, or some Island of many which were about us to seek for water, finding our bodies weak and languishing; which the Captaine of the Ship would by no meanes yeeld unto, assuring us that that day hee would land us at Panama; but wee not being able to saile on without drink, unlesse wee should yeeld to have our dead and not live bodies landed where hee promised, thought it no good purchase though we might buy all Panama with our lives, which wee judged could not hold out another day; and seeing that the wind began to slacken, we all required him to strike into some Island for water; which he stubbornly refused and denyed to doe; whereupon the three Spaniards and some of the Mariners mutinied against him with drawn Swords, threatning to kill him if he betooke not himselfe presently to some Island. The good Master thought it bad sport to see Swords at his breast, and so commanded his Ship to bee turned to two or three Islands, which were not above two or three houres sail from us. When we drew nigh unto them, wee cast our Anchor, and our Cock-boat, and happy was hee that could first cast himself into it to be rowed to land to fill his belly with water. The first Island wee landed upon, was on that side unhabitable, where wee spent much time running to and fro, over heating our selves and increasing our thirst; thus whilst one ran one way, and another tryed another to find out some fountain, our hopes being frustrated and I lost in the Wood, and my shooes torne from my feet, with stony rocks, and many thornes and bushes in other places; my company betook themselves to the Cock-boat to try another Island, leaving mee alone, and lost in the Wood; out of which at last when I came, and found the Cock-boat gone from the shore, I began to consider myself a dead man, thinking that they had found water and were gone to Ship, and not finding mee would hoise up their sailes for Panama. Thus being dejected I cryed out to the Ship, which I perceived could not possibly hear my weak voyce, and running up and down the Rocks to see if I could discover the Cock-boat, I perceived it was not with the Ship, and espied it at the next Island. With this I began to hope better things of them that they would call for mee when they had gotten[Pg 194] water; so I came down from the Rocks to the plain shore, where I found a shade of trees and amongst them some berries (which might have been poison, for I knew them not) wherewith I refreshed my mouth for a while; but my body so burned that I thought there with heat, weaknesse and faintnesse I should have expired and given up the Ghost. I thought by stripping my selfe naked and going into the Sea unto my neck, I might thus refresh my body, which I did, and comming out againe into the shade, I fell into a deep sleep, in so much that the Cock-boat comming for mee, and the company hollowing unto mee, I awaked not, which made them feare that I was dead or lost; till landing, one searched for mee one way, and another another, and so they found me, who might have been a prey to some wild Beast, or slept till the Frigat had gone away, and so have perished in a barren and unhabitable Island. When they awaked mee, I was glad to see my good company, and the first thing I enquired for, was, if they had got any water; they bad mee bee of good cheere and arise, for they had water enough, and Oranges and Lemmons from another Island, where they met with Spaniards that did inhabit it. I made haste with them to the Boat, and no sooner was I entred into it, but they gave mee to drink as much as I would. The water was warme and unsetled, for they could not take it up so but that they tooke of the gravell and bottome of the Fountain, which made it look very muddy; yet for all this (as though my life had depended upon it) I drank up a whole pot of it; which no sooner had I dranke, but such was the weaknesse of my stomack that it presently cast it up againe not being able to beare it. With this they wished me to eat an Orange or a Lemmon; but them also did my stomack reject; so to our Frigat wee went, and in the way I fainted so that the company verily thought I would die, before wee got aboard. When wee came thither I called againe for water, which was no sooner downe my stomack, but presently up again; they had mee to bed with a burning Feaver upon mee; where I lay that night expecting nothing but death, and that the Sea should bee my grave.
The Master of the Ship seeing the wind was turned, began to bee much troubled, and feared that with that wind he should never get to Panama. He resolved to venture upon a way, which never before hee had tryed; which was, to get between the two Islands which wee had searched for water, knowing that the wind, which on this side was contrary, on the other side of the Islands would bee favourable unto him. Thus towards the Evening hee tooke up Anchor and hoised up his sailes, and resolved to passe his Frigat between the two Islands; which how dangerous and desperate an attempt it was, the event witnessed. I lay in this season (as I may truely say) upon my death bed, not regarding which way the Master of the Ship, or fortune carried mee, so that the mercy of the Lord carryed my soule to heaven. No sooner had the Frigat steered her course between the narrow passage of the two Islands, when being carryed with the stream too much to the one side of the land it ran upon a Rock; so that the very stern was lifted up, and almost call out of the Pilots hands, who cryed out not to God, but unto the Virgin Mary saying, Ayudad nos Virgen Santissima, que si no aqui nos perecemos, help us, O most holy Virgin, for if not, here we perish. This, and the outcry of all that were in the Frigat gave unto mee an Alarm of death; from the which yet it pleased God by the meanes and diligence of the painefull Mariners to deliver mee and all the Company, for with much adoe most part of that night they haled from the Cock-boat the Frigat off from the Rock, after the streame had made it three severall times to strike upon it. After a very troublesome night in the morning wee got our little Ship out of all danger and from between the two Islands on the other side of them, where wee sailed prosperously towards Panama. That morning my stomack recovered some of its lost strength, and I began to eat and to drink, and to walk about, rejoycing much to see those pleasant Islands which wee sailed by. In the Evening wee got to Puerto de Perico; where wee cast Anchor, expecting to bee searched in the morning; but that night (the Master of our Ship having gone to shore) the wind turned and blew so strong that wee lost our Anchor, and and were driven back almost to la Pacheque and feared wee should bee carried out into the Ocean againe so farre that we should with great difficulty get to Panama. But that God whom the Sea and winds doe obey, turned againe that contrary wind into a prosperous gale, wherewith wee came once more unto Perico; and being searched wee went on with full sail to Panama; Being neere the Port and without an Anchor in our Ship the wind once more blew us back and had not the Ship[Pg 195] Master sent us an Anchor, we had gon againe to Pacheque or further. But with that anchor we stayed all that night at Perico, wondring among our selves that so many crosses should befall us, which made some say that we were bewitched; others, that certainly there was amongst us some excommunicated person, whom they said if they knew of, they would hurle him over bord. Whilst they were in this discourse, the wind turned yet againe, and we levying our anchor went on to Panama, whither it pleased God that time safely to conduct us in. I being now well strengthened made no stay in that frigat, which I thought would have been my last abiding place in this world, but went to land, and betooke my selfe to the Cloister of the Dominicans, where I stayed almost fifteen daies viewing and reviewing that City; which is governed like Guatemala by a President and six Judges, and a Court of Chancery, and is a Bishops sea. It hath more strength towards the South sea, then any other Port which on that side I had seen, and some Ordnances planted for the defence of it; but the houses are of the least strength of any place that I had entred in; for lime and stone is hard to come by, and therefore for that reason, and for the great heat there, most of the houses are built of timber and bords; the Presidents house, nay the best Church walls are but bords, which serve for stone and bricke, and for tiles to cover the top. The heat is so extraordinary that a linnen cut doublet, with some slight stuffe or taffetie breeches is the common cloathing of the inhabitants. Fish, fruits and herbage for sallets is more plentifull there then flesh; the coole water of the Coco is the womens best drinke, though Chocolatte also, and much wine from Peru be very abounding. The Spaniards are in this City much given to sinne, loosenesse and venery especially, who make the Black-mores, (who are many, rich, and gallant) the chiefe objects of their lust. It is held to be one of the richest places in all America, having by land and by the river Chiagre commerce with the North sea, and by the South, trading with all Peru, East-India's, Mexico, and Honduras. Thither is brought the chiefe treasure of Peru in two or three great ships, which lie at anchor at Puerto de Perico some three leagues from the City; for the great ebbing of the sea at that place especially suffereth not any great vessell to come neerer, where daily the sea ebbs and falls away from the City two or three miles, leaving a mud, which is thought to cause much unhealthinesse in that place, being seconded with many other muddy and moorish places about the Town. It consisteth of some five thousand inhabitants, and maintaineth at least eight Cloisters of Nuns and Friers. I feared much the heats, and therefore made as much haste out of it as I could. I had my choice of company by land and water to Portobelo. But considering the hardnesse of the mountaines by land, I resolved to goe by the river Chiagre; and so at midnight I set out from Panama to Venta de Cruzes, which is ten or twelve leagues from it. The way is thither very plaine for the most part, and pleasant in the morning and evening.
Before ten of the clock we got to Venta de Cruzes, where live none but Mulatto's and Black-mores, who belong unto the flat boates that carry the merchandize to Portobel. There I had very good entertainment by that people, who desired me to preach unto them the next Sabbath day, and gave me twenty Crownes for a Sermon, and procession. After five daies of my abode there, the boats set out, which were much stopped in their passage downe the river; for in some places we found the water very low, so that the boats ran upon the gravell; from whence with poles and the strength of the Black-mores they were to be lifted off againe; sometimes again we met with such streams that carried us with the swiftnesse of an arrow downe under trees and boughes by the river side, which sometimes also stopped us till we had cut downe great branches of trees. Had not it pleased God to send us after the first weeke plentifull raine, which made the water run downe from the mountaines and fill the river (which otherwise of it selfe is very shallow) we might have had a tedious and longer passage; but after twelve daies we got to the sea, and at the point landed at the Castle to refresh our selves for halfe a day. Certainly the Spaniards trust to the streames and shallownesse of that river, which they thinke will keep off any forain nation, from attempting to come up to Venta de Cruzes and from thence to Panama, or else they would strengthen more and fortifie that Castle, which in my time wanted great reparations, and was ready to fall downe to the ground. The Governour of the Castle was a notable wine-bibber, who plyed us with that liquor the time that we stayed there, and wanting a Chaplain for himselfe, and Souldiers, would faine have had me stayed with him; but greater[Pg 196] matters called me further, and so I tooke my leave of him, who gave us some dainties of fresh meat, fish, and conserves, and so dismissed us. We got out to the open sea, discovering first the Escudo de Veragua, and keeping somewhat close unto the land we went on rowing towards Portobel, till the evening which was Saturday night; then we cast anchor behind a little Island, resolving in the morning to enter in Portobel. The Black-mores all that night kept watch for fear of Hollanders, whom they said did often lie in wait thereabouts for the boats of Chiagre; but we passed the night safely, and next morning got to Portobelo, whose haven we observed to be very strong with two Castles at the mouth and constant watch within them, and another called St. Miguel further in the Port.
When I came into the Haven I was sorry to see that as yet the Galeons were not come from Spaine, knowing that the longer I stayed in that place, greater would be my charges. Yet I comforted my selfe that the time of the yeer was come, and that they could not long delay their coming. My first thoughts were of taking up a lodging, which at that time were plentifull and cheape, nay some were offered me for nothing with this caveat, that when the Galeons did come, I must either leave them, or pay a dear rate for them. A kind Gentleman, who was the Kings Treasurer, falling in discourse with me promised to helpe me, that I might be cheaply lodged even when the ships came, and lodgings were at the highest rate. Hee, interposing his authority, went with me to seeke one, which at the time of the fleets being there, might continue to be mine. It was no bigger then would containe a bed, a table, and a stoole or two, with roome enough besides to open and shut the doore, and they demanded of me for it during the foresaid time of the Fleet, sixcore Crownes, which commonly is a fortnight. For the Towne being little, and the Souldiers, that come with the Galeons for their defence at least four or five thousand; besides Merchants from Peru, from Spain and many other places to buy and sell, is the cause that every roome, though never so small be dear; and sometimes all the lodgings in the Towne are few enough for so many people, which at that time doe meet at Portobel. I knew a Merchant who gave a thousand Crownes for a shop of reasonable bignesse, to sell his wares and commodities that yeer that I was there, for fifteen daies only, which the Fleet continued to be in that Haven. I thought it much for me to give the sixcore Crownes which were demanded of me for a room, which was but as a mouse hole, and began to be troubled, and told the Kings Treasurer that I had been lately robbed at sea, and was not able to give so much, and bee besides at charges for my diet, which I feared would prove as much more. But not a farthing would be abated of what was asked; whereupon the good Treasurer pitying me, offered to the man of the house to pay him threescore Crowns of it, if so be that I was able to pay the rest, which I must doe, or else lie without in the street. Yet till the Fleet did come I would not enter into this deare hole, but accepted of another faire lodging which was offered me for nothing. Whilest I thus expected the Fleets coming, some mony and offerings I got for Masses, and for two Sermons which I preached at fifteen Crownes a peece. I visited the Castles, which indeed seemed unto me to be very strong; but what most I wondred at was to see the requa's of Mules which came thither from Panama, laden with wedges of silver; in one day I told two hundred Mules laden with nothing else, which were unladen in the publicke Market place, so that there the heapes of silver wedges lay like heaps of stones in the street, without any feare or suspition of being lost. Within ten daies the fleet came, consisting of eight Galeons and ten Merchant ships, which forced me to run to my hole. It was a wonder then to see the multitude of people in those streets which the weeke before had been empty.
Then began the price of all things to rise, a fowl to be worth twelve Rials, which in the main land within I had often bought for one; a pound of beefe then was worth two Rialls, whereas I had had in other places thirteen pound for half a Riall, and so of all other food and provision, which was so excessive dear, that I knew not how to live but by fish and Tortoises, which there are very many, and though somewhat deare, yet were the cheapest meat that I could eate. It was worth seeing how Merchants sold their commodities, not by the Ell or yard, but by the piece and weight, not paying in coined peeces of mony, but in wedges which were weighed and taken for commodities. This lasted but fifteen dayes, whilst the Galeons were lading with wedges of silver and nothing else; so that for those fifteen daies, I dare boldly say and avouch,[Pg 197] that in the world there is no greater Fair then that of Portobel, between the Spanish Merchants and those of Peru, Panama, and other parts thereabouts.
Whilest this traffique was, it happened unto me, that which I have formerly testified in my Recantation Sermon at Pauls Church, which if by that meanes it have not come unto the knowledge of many, I desire again to record it in this my History, that to all England it may be published; which was, that one day saying Masse in the chiefe Church, after the Consecration of the bread, being with my eyes shut at that mentall prayer, which the Church of Rome calleth the Memento for their dead, there came from behind the Altar a mouse, which running about, came to the very bread or wafer God of the Papists, and taking it in his mouth ran away with it, not being perceived by any of the people who were at Masse, for that the Altar was high by reason of the steps going up to it, and the people farre beneath. But as soone as I opened my eyes to goe on with my Masse, and perceived my God stollen away, I looked about the Altar, and saw the mouse running away with it; which on a suddain did so stupifie me, that I knew not well what to doe or say, and calling my wits together, I thought that if I should take no notice of the mischance, and any body else in the Church should, I might justly be questioned by the Inquisition; but if I should call to the people to look for the Sacrament, then I might bee but chid and rebuked for my carelessenesse; which of the two I thought would be more easily borne, then the rigour of the Inquisition. Whereupon not knowing what the people had seen, I turned my selfe unto them, and called them unto the Altar, and told them plainely, that whilest I was in my Memento prayers and meditations, a mouse had carried away the Sacrament, and that I knew not what to doe, unlesse they would helpe me to find it out again. The people called a Priest that was at hand, who presently brought in more of his Coat; and as if their God by this had been eaten up they presently prepared themselves to find out the thief, as if they would eat up the mouse that had so assaulted and abused their God; they lighted candles and torches to find out the Malefactour in his secret and hidden places of the wall; and after much searching and enquiry for the sacrilegious beast, they found at last in a hole of the wall the Sacrament halfe eaten up; which with great joy they took out, and as if the Arke had been brought again from the Philistines to the Israelites, so they rejoyced for their new found God, whom with many people now resorted to the Church, with many lights of candles and Torches, with joyfull and solemne musicke they carried about the Church in procession. My selfe was present upon my knees, shaking and quivering for what might be done unto mee, and expecting my doome and judgement; and as the Sacrament passed by me, I observed in it the markes and signes of the teeth of the mouse, as they are to bee seen in a piece of cheese gnawne and eaten by it.
This struck mee with such horrour, that I cared not at that present whether I had been torne in a thousand peices for denying publickely that Mouse-eaten God, I called to my best memory all Philosophy concerning substance and accidents, and resolved within my selfe that what I saw gnawne, was not an accident, but some reall substance eaten and devoured by that vermin, which certainly was fed and nourished by what it had eaten, and Philosophy well teacheth; substantia Cibi (non accidentis) convertitur in substantiam alii, the substance (not the accident,) of the food or meat is converted, and turned into the substance of the thing fed by it and alimented; Now here I knew that this Mouse had fed upon some substance, or else how could the markes of the teeth so plainely appeare? But no Papist will bee willing to answer that it fed upon the substance of Christs Body, ergo by good consequence it followes that it fed upon the substance of bread; and so Transubstantiation here in my judgement was confuted by a Mouse; which meane and base creature God chose to convince mee of my former errours, and made mee now resolve upon what many yeeres before I had doubted, that certainly the point of Transubstantiation taught by the Church of Rome is most damnable and erroneous; for besides, what before I have observed, it contradicteth that Philosophicall Axiome, teaching that duo contradictoria non possunt simul & semel de eodem verificari, two contradictories cannot at once and at the self same time be said, and verified of the same thing; but here it was so; for here in Romes Judgement and opinion Christs body was gnawne and eaten, and at the same time the same body in another place and upon another Altar in the hands of another Preist was not eaten and gnawne, Therefore here are two contradictories verified of the same body of Christ:[Pg 198] to wit, it was eaten and gnawne, and it was not eaten and gnawne. These impressions at that time were so great in me, that I resolved within my selfe, that bread really and truely was eaten upon that Altar, and by no meanes Christs glorious body which is in heaven, and cannot be upon earth, subject to the hunger or violence of a creature. Here againe I desired with godly David, that I might have the wings of a Dove to flie into my Country of England, and there be satisfied upon this point, and be at rest of Conscience. Here I resolved that if I had been questioned for my carelessenesse, or for my contempt of that Romish Sacrament (which I thought would be the judgement of the Spaniards, who knew me to be an English man borne) that I would sacrifice willingly my life for the Protestant truth, which as yet I had been no otherwise taught, but by that Spirit which (as Solomon well observeth) in a man is the candle of the Lord. I conceived here that this was some comfort to my soule, which my good God would afford mee in the way of my travelling to Canaan, that I might more willingly beare whatsoever crosses yet might befall mee in my way and Journey to England. The event of this accident was not any trouble that fell upon mee for it; for indeed the Spaniards attributed it unto the carelessnesse of him, who had care of the Altars in the Church, and not to any contempt in mee to the Sacrament. The part of the wafer that was left after the Mouse had filled her belly, was laid up after the Solemne Procession about the Church, in a Tabernacle for that purpose, that afterwards it might be eaten up by some hungry Preist. And because such a high contempt had beene offered by a contemptible Vermin to their Bread God, it was commanded through Portabel that day, that all the people should humble themselves and mourn, and fast with bread and water onely. Although I saw I was not questioned for the case, yet I feared where there were so many Souldiers, and forain people, that by some or other I might bee mischiefed out of their blind zeale, wherefore I thought it not amisse for a day or two to keepe within my lodging. Don Carlos de Ybarra, who was the Admirall of that Fleet, made great haste to bee gone; which made the Merchants buy and sell apace, and lade the ships with silver wedges; whereof I was glad, for the more they laded, the lesse I unladed my purse with buying deare provision, and sooner I hoped to be out of that unhealthy place, which of it selfe is very hot, and subject to breed Feavers, nay death, if the feet bee not preserved from wetting when it raineth; but especially when the Fleet is there, it is an open grave ready to swallow in part of that numerous people, which at that time resort unto it, as was seene the yeare that I was there when about five hundred of the Souldiers, Merchants, and Mariners, what with Feavers, what with the Flux caused by too much eating of fruit and drinking of water, what with other disorders lost their lives, finding it to bee to them not Porto bello, but Porto malo. And this is usuall every yeare; and therefore for the reliefe and comfort of those that come sick from Sea, or sicken there, a great and rich Hospitall is in the Towne, with many Fryers called De la Capacha, or by others De Juan de Dios, whose calling and profession is onely to cure, and attend upon the sick, and to beare the dead unto their graves. The Admirall fearing the great sicknesse that yeare, made haste to be gone, not fearing the report that was of some three or four Holland or English ships abroad at Sea, waiting (as it was supposed) for some good prize out of that great and rich Fleet. This news made mee beginne to feare, and to thinke of securing my selfe in one of the best and strongest Galeons; but when I came to treat of my passage in one of them, I found that I could not bee carryed in any under three hundred Crownes, which was more then my purse was able to afford. With this I thought to addresse my self to some Master of a Merchants ship, though I knew I could not bee so safe and secure in any of them, as in a Galeon well manned and fortified with Souldiers, and Guns of Brasse; yet I hoped in God, who is a strong refuge to them that feare him, and in this occasion provided for mee, a cheap and sure passage. For meeting one day with my friend the Treasurer, hee againe pitying me as a stranger and lately robbed, commended me to the Master of a Merchant Ship, called St. Sebastian, whom hee knew was desirous to carry a Chaplaine with him at his own Table. I no sooner addressed my selfe unto him, using the name and favour of his and my friend the Treasurer, but presently I found him willing to accept of my company, promising to carry me for nothing, and to board mee at his own Table, onely for my prayers to God for him and his; offering farther to give mee some satisfaction for whatsoever Sermons I should preach in[Pg 199] his Ship. I blessed God, acknowledging in this also his Providence, who in all occasions furthered my returne to England. The Ships being laden wee set forth towards Carthagena, and the second day of our sayling wee discovered foure Ships which made the Merchant Ships afraid, and to keepe close to the Galeons, trusting to their strength more then their own. The Ship I was in, was swift and nimble under sail, and kept still under the wings either of the Admirall or of some other of the best Galeons; but all the other Merchants Ships were not so, but some slowly came on behind, whereof two were carryed away by the Hollanders in the night, before ever wee could get to Carthagena.
The greatest feare that I perceived possessed the Spaniards in this Voyage, was about the Island of Providence, called by them Sta Catalina, or St. Catharine, from whence they feared lest some English Ships should come out against them with great strength. They cursed the English in it, and called the Island, the den of theeves and Pirates, wishing that their King of Spain would take some course with it; or else, that it would prove very prejudiciall to the Spaniards, lying neer the mouth of the Desaguadero, and so endangering the Frigats of Granada, and standing between Portobel and Carthagena, and so threatning the Galeons, and their Kings yeerely and mighty treasure.
Thus with bitter invectives against the English and the Island of Providence we sayled on to Carthagena, where againe wee met with the foure Ships, which before had followed us and had taken away two of our Ships, and now at our entering into that Port, threatned to carry away more of our company; which they might have done, if they would have ventured to have come upon the Ship wherein I went, which at the turning about the land point to get into the Haven, ran upon the shore, which if it had been rocky, as it was sandy and gravelly, had certainly there beene cast away by keeping too neere unto the land, from which danger by the care of the Mariners, and their active paines we were safely delivered, as also from the ships which followed us as far as they durst for fear of the Cannon shot of the Castle; and thus we entered into the Haven of Carthagena, and stayed there for the space of eight or ten dayes; where I met with some of my Country men their Prisoners, who had been taken at Sea by the Spaniards, and belonged unto the Island of Providence; among whom was the Renowned Captaine Rouse, and about a dozen more, with whom I was glad to meet, but durst not shew them too much countenance, for feare of being suspected; yet I soon got the good will of some of them, who, being destined to Spain, were very desirous to goe in the ship, wherein I went; which desire of theirs I furthered, and was suiter unto my Captaine to carry foure of them in his ship, which for my sake he willingly yeelded unto; amongst these was one Edward Layfield, (who afterwards setting out of St. Lucar for England, was taken Captive by the Turkes, and since from Turkey writ into England unto mee to helpe to release him) with whom both at Carthagena, and in the way in the ship I had great discourse concerning points of Religion, and by him came to know some things professed in England, which my conscience (whilst I lived in America) much inclined unto. I was much taken with his company, and found him very officious unto mee, whose kindnesse I requited by speaking for him in the ship to the Masters and Mariners, who otherwise were ready and forward to abuse him and the rest of the English company as prisoners and slaves.
At Carthagena wee heard a report of threescore saile of ships of Hollanders waiting for the Galeons, which struck no little feare into the Spaniards; who called a councell whether our Fleet should winter there, or goe on to Spain. It proved to be but a false report of the Inhabitants of Carthagena, who for their own ends and lucre would willingly have had the ships and Galeons to have stayed there; but Don Carlos de Ybarra replyed, that hee feared not a hundred saile of Hollanders, and therefore would goe on to Spain, hoping to carry thither safely the Kings treasure. Which hee performed and in eight dayes arrived at Havana, where we stayed eight dayes longer, expecting the Fleet from Vera Cruz. In which time I viewed wel that strong Castle manned with the twelve Guns, called the twelve Apostles, which would doe little hurt to an Army by land, or marching from the River of Matansos. I visited here the mother of that Mulatto, who had taken away all my meanes at Sea; and spent much time in comforting my poore Country men the prisoners; but especially that gallant Captaine Rouse, who came unto mee to complaine of some affronts which had been offered unto him by Spaniards, in the ship wherein he came; which hee not being able to put up,[Pg 200] though a Prisoner unto them desired to question in the field, challenging his proud contemners to meet him if they durst in any place of the Havana, (a brave courage in a dejected and Imprisoned English man to challenge a Spaniard in his Country, a Cock upon his own dunghill,) which as soone as I understood by Edward Layfield, I desired to take up, fearing that many would fall upon him cowardly and mince him small in peices. I sent for him to the Cloister where I lay, and there had conference with him, prevailing so far as that I made him desist from his thoughts of going into the field, and shewing his manhood in such a time and place, where his low condition of a Prisoner might well excuse him. The rest of my poore country men were here much discouraged and in some want; whom I relieved (especially Layfield) and incouraged as much as I was able. I chanced here to have occasion to take a little physick before I went again to Sea, & thereby I learned what before I never knew, to wit, the dyet which on such a day the best Physitians of Havana prescribe unto their patients. Whereas after the working of my physick, I expected some peece of Mutton, or a fowl, or some other nourishing meat, my Physitian left order that I should have a peece of rosted Porke, which seeming unto mee a Dyet contrary to that daies extremity, I began to refuse it, alleadging to my Doctor the contrary course of all Nations, the naturall quality of that meat to open the body. To which he replyed, that what Porke might worke upon mans body in other Nations, it worked not there, but the contrary; and so he wished me to feed upon what hee had prescribed, assuring mee that it would doe mee no hurt. Now as Hogs flesh there is held to be so nourishing, so likewise no other meat is more then it, and Tortoises, wherewith all the ships make their provision for Spain. The Tortoises they cut out in long thin slices, as I have noted before of the Tassajos, and dry it in the wind after they have well salted it, and so it serveth the Mariners, in all their voyage to Spain, which they eate boyled with a little garlicke, and I have heard them say that to them it tasted as well as any Veale. They also take into their ships some fowles for the Masters and Captaines tables, and live hogs, which would seem to be enough to breed some infection in the ship, had they not care to wash often the place where such unclean beasts lie. In the ship where I was passenger, was killed every weeke one for the Masters, Pilots and passengers table. Thus all things being made ready for the ships provision to Spain, and the Merchants goods and the Kings Revenue being shipped in nine dayes that we abode there; we now wanted nothing, but onely the company of the Fleet from Vera Cruz, which should have met us there upon the eight day of September. But Don Carlos de Ybarra, seeing it stayed longer then the time appointed, and fearing the weather, & the New Moon of that moneth which commonly proveth dangerous in the Golf of Bahama, resolved to stay no longer, but to set out to Spain. On a Sabbath day therefore in the morning we hoised sails, (being in all seven and twenty ships with those which had met with us there from Honduras and the Islands), and one by one we sailed out of Havana to the main Sea, where we that day wafted about for a good wind, and also waiting for our guide, which was not yet come out of the Havana to guide us through the Gulfe of Bahama. But that night wee wished our selves againe in the Havana, thinking that we were compassed about with a strong Fleet of Hollanders; many ships came amongst us, which made us provide for a fight in the morning. A Councell of War was called, and all that night watch was kept, the Guns prepared, red Clothes hung round the ships, Orders sent about both to the Galeons and to the Merchants ships what posture and place to bee in. That which I was in, was to attend the Admirall, which I hoped would bee a strong defence unto us; Our men were couragious and ready to fight, though I liked not such Martiall business and discourse; but for mee a place was prepared where I might lie hid, and be safe among some barrels of bisket; I had all the night enough to doe, to heare the confessions of those in the Ship, who thought they could not dye happily with the shot of a Holland Bullet, untill they had confessed all their sinnes unto mee, who towards morning had more need of rest, then of fighting, after the wearying of my eares with hearing so many wicked, grievous and abominable sinnes. But the dawning of the day discovered our causelesse feare; which was from friends, and not from any enemies or Hollanders; for the ships which were joyned unto us in the night were as fearefull of us, as we of them, and prepared themselves likewise to fight in the morning, which shewed unto us their colours, whereby wee knew that they were the Fleet which wee expected from Vera Cruz to goe along[Pg 201] with us to Spain. They were two and twenty Sail, which little thought to find us out of the Havana, but within the Haven lying at Anchor, waiting for their comming, and therefore in the night feared us much more then wee them. But when the day cleared our doubts, feares and jealousies, then began the Martiall colours to be taken down; the joyfull sound of Trumpets with the helpe of Neptunes Kingdomes ecchoed from ship to ship, the boates carryed welcoming messages from one to another, the Spanish Brindis with buen Viaje, buen passaje, was generally cried out, the whole morning was spent in friendly acclamations and salutations from ship to ship. But in the midst of this our joy, and Sea greetings, wee being now in all two and fifty Saile, (yet wee not knowing well how many they were from Vera Cruz, nor they how many wee were from the Havana) two ships were found amongst us, whether English or Hollanders wee could not well discover, but the English Prisoners with mee told mee they thought one was a ship of England called the Neptune, which having got the wind of us, singled out a ship of ours, which belonged to Dunkerk, and from St. Lucar or Cales had beene forced to the Kings service in that voyage to the India's, laden with sugars & other rich commodities to the worth of at least fourscore thousand Crowns; and suddainly giving her a whole broad side (receiving a reply onely of two Guns) made her yeeld, without any hope of help from so proud and mighty a Fleet, for that she was somewhat far straggled from the rest of the ships. The whole businesse lasted not above half an houre: but presently shee was carryed away from under our noses; the Spaniards changed their merry tunes into voto a dios and voto a Christo, in raging, cursing, & swearing, some reviling at the Captaine of the ship which was taken, and saying that he was false & yeelded on purpose without fighting, because he was forced to come that Voyage; others cursing those that tooke her, and calling them bijos de puta, Borrachos, infames Ladrones, Bastards, Drunkards, infamous theeves, and Pyrates; some taking their swords in their hands, as if they would there cut them in peeces, some laying hold of their Muskets as if they would there shoot at them, others stamping like mad men, and running about the ship, as if they would leap over board, and make haste after them; others grinning their teeth at the poore English prisoners that were in the ship, as if they would stab them for what (they said) their Country men had done. I must needs say, I had enough to doe to hold some of those furious and raging brains from doing Layfield some mischief, who more then the rest would bee smiling, arguing and answering their outragious nonsense. Order was presently given to the Vice-Admirall and two more Galeons to follow and pursue them; but all in vaine, for the wind was against them, and so the two ships laughing and rejoycing as much as the Spaniards cursed and raged, sailed away con Viento en Popa, with full Sail, gallantly boasting with so rich a prize taken away from two and fifty ships, or (as I may say) from the chiefest, and greatest strength of Spain.
That afternoone the Fleet of Vera Cruz, tooke their leave of us, (not being furnished with Provision to goe on to Spain with us,) and went into the Havana; and we set forwards towards Europe, fearing nothing for the present but the Gulfe of Bahama; through which wee got safely with the help and guidance of such Pilots, which our Admirall Don Carlos had chosen, and hired for that purpose.
I shall not need to tell thee my Reader of the sight which wee had of St Augustine, Florida, nor of many stormes which we suffered in this Voyage, nor of the many degrees wee came under, which made us shake with cold more then the Frost of England doe in the worst of winter; onely I say, that the best of our Pilots not knowing where they were, had like to have betrayed us all to the Rocks of Bermuda one night, had not the breaking of the day given us a faire warning that we were running upon them. For which the Spaniards in stead of giving God thankes for their delivery out of that danger, began againe to curse and rage against the English which inhabited that Island, saying, that they had inchanted that and the rest of those Islands about, and did still with the devill raise stormes in those Seas when the Spanish Fleet passed that way. From thence when wee had safely escaped, wee sailed well to the Islands called Terceras, where faine wee would have taken in fresh water, (for that which we had taken in at Havana now began to stink, and look yellow, making us stop our noses, whilst wee opened our mouthes,) but rigid Don Carlos would not pity the rest of his Company, who led us by the Islands; and that night following wee all wished our selves in some harbour of them; for (though in their conceipt[Pg 202] those Islands were not inchanted by English men, but inhabited by holy and Idolatrous Papists) wee were no sooner got from them, when there arose the greatest storme that wee had in all our voyage from Havana to Spain, which lasted full eight dayes, where wee lost one Ship and indangered two Galeons, which shot off their warning peeces for helpe, and made us all stay and wait on them, till they had repaired their Tacklings and maine Mast. We went on sometimes one way, sometimes another, not well knowing where wee were, drinking our stinking water by allowance of pints, till three or foure dayes after the storme was ceased, wee discovered land, which made all cry out, Hispania, Hispania, Spain, Spain; whilst a Counsell was summoned by the Admirall to know what land that was, some sold away barrels of bisket, others of water, to those that wanted (every one thinking that it was some part of Spain,) but the result of the wise Counsell was, after they had sailed neerer to the land, and had layed and lost many wages about it, that it was the Island of Madera, which made some curse the ignorance of the Pilots, and made us all prepare our selves with patience for a longer voyage. It pleased God from the discovery of this Island, to grant us a favourable wind to Spain, where within twelve dayes we discovered Cales; and some of the ships there left us, but most of them went forward to San Lucar, as did the ship wherein I went; when wee came neere to the dangerous place, which the Spaniards call La Barra, wee durst not venture our ships upon our Pilots own knowledge; but called for Pilots to guide us in, who greedy of their lucre came out in boats almost for every ship one. Upon the eight and twentyeth of November, 1637. we cast Anchor within St. Lucar de Barameda about one of the clock in the afternoon, and before evening other passengers and my selfe went a shore (having first been searched) and although I might presently have gone to the Cloister of St. Dominick, where my old friend Fryer Pablo de Londres was yet living, whom I knew would bee glad of my coming from the India's, yet I thought fit the first night to enjoy my friends company both Spaniards and English, (who had come so long a voyage with me) in some Ordinary, and to take my rest better abroad then I should doe in a Cloister, where I expected but a poore Fryers supper, a hard and mean lodging, many foolish questions from old Fryer Pablo de Londres concerning the India's, and my abode there so many yeeres, and finally the noise of Bells and ratlers to rouse up the drowsie Fryers from their sleep to Matines at midnight. That night therefore I betooke my selfe to an English Ordinary, where I refreshed my selfe and my poore prisoners, (who by the Master of the ship were committed to my charge that night and forwards upon my word, so as to bee forth comming when they should bee called) and the next morning I sent my honest friend Layfield with a letter to the Cloister to old Pablo de Londres, who upon my summons came joyfully to welcome mee from the India's, and after very little discourse told mee of ships in the Haven ready to set out for England. The old Fryer being of a decrepit and doting age, thought every day a yeere that I stayed there, and suspended my Voyage for England, and (not knowing the secrets of my heart) judged already that the Conversion or turning of many Protestant soules to Popery waited for my comming, which made him hasten mee, who was more desirous then hee to bee gone the next day, if I might have found wind, weather, and shipping ready. But God, who had been with me in almost ninety dayes sailing from Havana to San Lucar, and had delivered mee from many a storme, prepared and furthered all things in a very short time for the last accomplishment of my hope and desire, to returne to England my native soil, from whence I had been absent almost for the space of foure and twenty yeers.
My first thought here in St. Lucar, was to cast off now my Fryers weed, that outward sheepskin, which covers many a wolvish, greedy, and covetous heart under it; which doubtlesse is the ground, why in Germany in the Protestant and Lutheran towns, when the boyes and young men see a Fryer goe along their streets, they cry out to the neighbours, saying, a Wolfe, a Wolfe, shut your doores; meaning, that though what they weare seeme to bee pellis ovina, or Agnina, a sheep or Lambeskin and their condition of mortified, humble, and meek men, yet under it lyeth cor Lupinum, a Wolves heart, greedy of some prey, either worldly, of wealth and riches, or spirituall, of seducing, deceiving and misleading poore soules. Such was the habit, which now I desired to shake off, which was a white Coat or gown hanging to the ground[Pg 203] girded about with a leathern belt, and over it from the shoulders downward a white Scapulary (so called there,) hanging shorter then the gown both before and behind, and over that a white hood to cover the head, and lastly, over that a black cloak with another black hood; both which together, the black and white make the Fryers of that profession look just like Mag-pies, and is acknowledged by the Church of Rome it self in a verse which they faine of Mr. Martin Luther, (with what just ground I know not) saying of his former life and profession before his Conversion, Bis Corvus, bis Pica fui, ter fune ligatus. I was twice a Crow, twice a Magpie, and thrice was bound or tyed with a Cord; by a Crow meaning an Augustin Fryer, who is all in black; by a Magpie, meaning a Dominican, and by bound with a rope or cord, meaning a Franciscan, who indeed is girded about with a cord made of hempe. Though the Dominican Magpie by this his habit make such a glosse and understanding, which is contrary to his life and conversation; for by his outward black habit, hee saith, is signified an outward shew of deadnesse and Mortification to the world, and by his inward white habit, an inward purity and chastity of heart, thoughts and life; both which truely are little seen in those Fryers especially, who outwardly are worldly, and living to the world, covetous and ambitious of honours, preferments, Bishoprickes, and places of publique reading and preaching; and therefore have by favour obtained many places of authority, as by the laws of Aragon to be the King of Spain his Ghostly father, to bee Masters of the Popes Palace, and there to read a lesson of Divinity, to be chief heads of the Inquisition, and from these places to bee promoted to sit in the Councell of the State in Spain, or to bee Cardinals in Rome, and so Popes, or to injoy the richest and fattest Bishopricks and Arch-Bishopricks in Spain, Italy, and India's, which sheweth how little they are dead to the world, nay how they are living to the world and its preferments, contrary to the black and dead colour of their habits. So likewise doe they not live according to the whitenesse of their inward habits, whose lives are found impure and unchast, as I could exemplify at large, shewing what base and unclean acts have been committed by some of that profession in the Low Countries, in Spain, in the India's, in Italy, nay here in England by one Dade the Superior of them, by one Popham well knowen to bee a good fellow, and still at this day abiding in the Spanish house, by one Crafts and others, which would bee too too long a digression from the whitenesse of their habit. But I applying the Allegory of this black and white habit otherwise unto my selfe, and in the outward black part of it seeing the foulenesse and filthinesse of my life and Idolatrous Preisthood in the exercise of that profession, and Orders which from Rome I had received; and in the white inward habit considering yet the purity, and integrity of those intentions and thoughts of my inward heart, in pursuance whereof I had left what formerly I have noted, yea all America, which, had I continued in it, might have been to mee a Mine of wealth, riches and treasure; I resolved here therefore to cast off that hypocriticall cloak and habit, and to put on such Apparell whereby I might no more appeare a Wolfe in sheepskin, but might goe boldly to my Country of England, there to shew and make known the Candor of my heart, the purity and sincerity of my thoughts, which had brought mee so farre, by a publik profession of the pure truths of the Gospell, without any invention or addition of man unto it. With the small meanes therefore which was left mee after so long and almost a whole yeeres journey from Petapa to St. Lucar (having yet about a hundred Crownes) I gave order for a sute of Cloathes to bee made by an English Taylor, which I willingly put on, and so prepared my self for England. Three or four ships were in readinesse, who had onely waited for the Fleet, to take in some Commodities, especially some wedges of silver, of which I was with old Pablo de Londres, in doubt which to choose. The first that went out was thought should have beene my lot, in the which my friend Layfield imbarked him selfe (for all the English prisoners were there freed to goe home to their Country) and from which the great providence of God diverted mee, or else I had beene this day with Layfield a slave in Turkey; for the next day after this ship set out, it was taken by the Turkes, and carryed away for a rich prize, and all the English in it for Prisoners to Argell. But God (who I hope had reserved mee for better things,) appointed for mee a safer convoy home in a ship (as I was informed) belonging to Sir William Curtin, under the command of an honest Flemming, named Adrian Adrianzen living at Dover then, with[Pg 204] whom I agreed for my passage and dyet at his Table. This ship set out of the Barre of St. Lucar the ninth day after my arrivall thither, where it waited for the company of foure ships more, but especially for some Indian wedges of silver, which upon forfeiture of them it durst not take in within the Barre and Haven.
And thus being now cloathed after a new fashion and ready to lead a new life; being now changed from an American into the fashion of an English man, the tenth day after my abode in San Lucar, I bad adieu to Spain and all Spanish fashions, factions, and carriages, I bad farewell my old Fryer Pablo de Londres, with the rest of my acquaintance, and so in a boat went over the bar to the ship, which that night in company of foure more set forward for England. I might observe here many things of the goodnesse of Adrian Adrianzen, and his good carriage towards mee in his ship, which I will omit, having much more to observe of the goodnesse of God, who favoured this our voyage with such a prosperous wind, and without any storm at all, that in thirteen dayes wee came to Dover, where I landed, the ship going on to the Downes. Others that landed at Margaret were brought to Dover, and there questioned and searched; but I, not speaking English, but Spanish, was not at all suspected, neither judged to be an English man; and so after two dayes I tooke post in company of some Spaniards and an Irish Colonel, for Canterbury, and so forward to Gravesend. When I came to London, I was much troubled within my selfe for want of my Mother tongue, (for I could onely speak some few broken words) which made mee fearefull I should not bee accknowledged to bee an English man born. Yet I thought my kinred (who knew I had beene many yeers lost) would some way or other acknowledge mee, and take notice of mee, if at the first I addressed my selfe unto some of them, untill I could better expresse my selfe in English. The first therefore of my name, whom I had notice of, was my Lady Penelope Gage, widow of Sir John Gage, then living in St. Jones; to whom the next morning after my arrivall to London, I addressed my selfe for the better discovery of some of my kinred; whom though I knew to bee Papists, and therefore ought not to be acquainted with my inward purpose and resolution; yet for feare of some want in the mean time, and that I might by their means practice my selfe in the use of my forgotten native tongue, and that I might enquire what Childs part had beene left me by my father, that I might learn some fashions, and lastly, that in the meane time, I might search into the Religion of England, and find how farre my conscience could agree with it, and bee satisfied in those scruples which had troubled mee in America, for all these reasons I thought it not amisse to looke and inquire after them. When therefore I came unto my Lady Gage, shee beleeved mee to bee her kinsman, but laughed at mee, telling mee, that I spake like an Indian or Welch man, and not like an English man; yet shee welcomed mee home, and sent mee with a servant to a Brothers lodging in Long Aker, who being in the Country of Surrey, and hearing of mee sent horse and man for mee to come to keepe Christmas with an Uncle of mine living at Gatton; by whom as a lost and forgotten Nephew, and now after foure and twenty yeeres returned home againe, I was very kindly entertained, and from thence sent for to Cheam, to one Mr. Fromand another kinsman, with whom I continued till after twelfth day, and so returned againe to London to my brother.
Thus my good Reader, thou seest an American, through many dangers by Sea and Land, now safely arrived in England; and thou maiest well with mee observe the great and infinite goodnesse and mercy of God towards mee a wicked and wretched sinner. How I have answered to this Gods gracious calling mee from so farre and remote a Country, to doe him service here, I will shew thee in the Chapter following, and conclude this my long and tedious History.
Now Reader, as the stone that is falling, the neerer it cometh to its Center, more haste it maketh; So I the neerer I am coming to the conclusion of this my History, more haste I desire to make in this last Chapter, for the compleating and finishing of it. With brevity therefore I will relate some of my travels in Europe, in which I will yeeld to many of my Nation, but for America, and my travels and experience there, I dare boldly challenge all travellers of my Country. After my return to London, from Surrey, I began to expostulate with my younger Brother (knowing hee had been present at my Fathers death, and had a chief hand in the ordering and executing his last Will and Testament,) concerning what childs part was left unto mee. To which hee made mee answer, that my father had indeed left him, and my Brother the Colonell, and two other sons by a second wife, and my owne sister, every one somewhat, but to mee nothing, nay that at his death he did not so much as remember mee; which I could not but take to heart, and called to minde the angry and threatning letter which I had received from him in Spain, because I would not bee a Jesuite. Though for the present I said nothing, yet afterwards in many occasions I told my Brother I would have the Will produced, and would by course of law demand a childs part; but hee put me off, assuring me I should never want amongst other my friends and kindred, with whom hee knew I should bee well accommodated as long as I continued in England. After few dayes that I had been in London, my kinsman at Cheam, desired me to come to live with him; where I continued not long; for my Uncle at Gatton invited mee to his house, offering mee there meat, drink, lodging, horse and man, with twenty pound a yeare, which hee promised in other waies to make as good as thirty. Here I continued a twelve moneth, refining my self in my native tongue, and (though altogether unknown to my Uncle and kindred) searching into the Doctrine and truth of the Gospel professed in England; for which cause I made many journeys to London, and then privately I resorted to some churches, and especially to Pauls Church to see the service performed, and to heare the Word of God Preached; but so, that I might not be seen, known or discovered by any Papist. When in Pauls Church I heard the Organs, and the Musick, and the Prayers and Collects, and saw the Ceremonies at the Altar, I remembred Rome againe, and perceived little difference between the two Churches. I searched further into the Common-Prayer, and carryed with me a Bible into the Country on purpose to compare the Prayers, Epistles, and Gospels with a Masse Book, which there I had at command, and I found no difference but onely English and Latin, which made mee wonder, and to acknowledge that much remained still of Rome in the Church of England, and that I feared my calling was not right. In these my scruples coming often to London, and conversing with one Dade, Popham, and Crafts, Connel and Brown, English and Irish Dominican Fryers, I found their wayes and conversations base, lewd, light and wanton, like the Spanish and Indian Fryers, which made me againe reflect upon the Popish Church, upheld by such Pillars. I came yet to the acquaintance of one Price, Superiour to the Benedictine Monkes, whom I found to be a meer States-man, and a great Politician, and very familiar, private, and secret with the Archbishop of Canterbury William Laud; in conversion with my Brother, (who belonged then unto one Signior Con, the Popes Agent, and was in such favour at the Court, that hee was sent over by the Queen with a rich present to a Popish Idol, named our Lady of Sichem, in the Low Countries) I heard him sometimes say, that hee doubted not but to bee shortly Curate and Parish Preist of Coven Garden, sometimes that he hoped to bee made Bishop in England, and that then I should want for nothing, and should live with him, till hee got mee another Bishoprick; by which discourse of his, and by his and other Preists favour at Court and with the Archbishop I perceived things went not well, Spanish Popery was much rooted, Protestant Religion much corrupted, and the time not seasonable for me to[Pg 206] discover my secret intents and purpose or heart. At this time comming once from Surrey to London, I chanced to bee discovered and knowne to one of the State Officers, a Pursevant, who had a large Commission for the apprehending of Seminary Preists and Jesuites, named John Gray, who meeting mee one day in Long Aker, followed and dogged me as far as Lincolns Inne wall, where he clapped mee on the shoulders, and told me, that he had a Commission against mee, to apprehend mee, and carry me to the Councell Table or to one of His Majesties Secretaries. To whom I spoke in Spanish (thinking thereby to free my selfe out of his hands for a Spaniard:) but this would not doe, for he replyed hee knew mee to bee an English man born, and by the name of Gage, and Brother to Colonel Gage and Mr. George Gage, and that before he left mee I must speake in English to him, he carryed mee to a Tavern, and there searched my Pockets for Letters and mony, which in discourse he told me was too little for him (not being above twelve shilling) and that I must goe with him to answer before one of His Majesties Secretaries. I told him that I would willingly goe before the Archbishop of Canterbury, or before Sir Francis Windebanke; at which he smiled, saying: I knew well whom to make choice of to favour and protect mee, but hee would carry mee to none of them, but to Secretary Cooke. I fearing the businesse might goe hard with me, and knowing him to be greedy of money, told him that I would give him any thing that might content him, and so offered him twelve shillings then about mee, and my word to meet him in any place the next day, with a better and fuller purse. Hee accepted of my money for the present, and further offer for the day following, and appointed the Angel Taverne in Long Aker, (knowing that I lodged thereabout) to bee the place of our meeting, and so dismissed mee. I being free from him, went immediately to my Brother, and told him what had happened unto mee, what money I had already given unto him, and what I had promised the next day following. My Brother hearing me began to chafe and vex, and to fall into furious words against John Gray, calling him knave and rogue, and that he could not answer what he had done, and that hee would have his Commission taken from him, chiding mee for that I had given him any money, and calling me young novice and unexperienced in the affairs of England. This seemed strange to me, that my Brother should not onely not fear a Pursevant, but should threaten to take away the Commission from him, who was appointed to search for and finde out Preists and Jesuites. Yet I told him I would according to my word and promise meet him the next day, and satisfie him for his faire carriage towards mee; to which my Brother would by no means yeeld, but said hee would meet him; which hee accordingly performed, and although for my sake and promise he gave him some money, yet he brought him before Signor Con, and there himselfe and the Popes Agent with him spake most bitter words unto him, and threatned him very much if ever again he durst meddle with mee.
After this my Brother carryed mee to one Sir William Howard a Papist Knight, living at Arundel gate over Clements Church, who was very familiar with Sir Francis Windebanke, telling him what had happened unto me, and desiring him to carry me with him in his Coach to Sir Francis, and to get his protection for mee. Secretary Windebanke understanding who I was, told mee I should feare no Pursevant of them all, and that if I lived quietly in England, no body should trouble me, and that John Gray was a knave, and wished me if ever he medled with me again to come unto him. Though for the present this was good and commodious for me to have such favour and protection, yet I perceived, this my Brothers power, and this conniving at Preists and Jesuites could not bee usefull for mee, if I should publish my mind and and purpose to alter my Religion. I was therefore much troubled in mind and conscience, which I found was curbed with the great power of the Papists. I resolved therefore to goe againe out of England, and to travell in some other Countries amongst both Papists and Protestants, and to try what better satisfaction I could find for my conscience at Rome in that Religion, or in France and Germany amongst the Protestants. I writ therefore to the Generall of the Dominicans at Rome, (without whose License I could not goe thither) that hee would bee pleased to send mee his Letters Patents, to goe to conferre some points with him; which hee willingly granted unto mee. I wanted not money from my Uncle (who commended unto mee some businesse to bee dispatched for him at Rome) for so long a journey, other friends also helped mee; but my chief trust was upon my Brother Colonell Gage, then in the Low Countries, whom I knew[Pg 207] not, nor had seen him from a child. I had no other passe to take shipping at Dover, but onely the letter of a Papist in London, (by meanes of one Popham a Dominican Fryer) to Sir John Manwood his Lady, who was then Governour of Dover Castle, and with the foresaid letter suffered mee not to bee troubled, examined or searched, but gave order that I should freely and quietly passe over in the Packet boat to Dunkerke, wherewith in foure houres with a good wind I arrived, and from thence by Newport and Bridges went to Gant; not farre from whence my Brother with his Regiment lay in field against the Hollander. Hee was glad to see mee, and knowing what journey I was minded to take, furnished mee with more money, and for my Uncles businesse recommended mee to the Marques De Serralvo (then at Brussels) and to other great men, desiring them to give mee their letters to their friends at Rome; from them I got a letter to Don Francisco Barbarini, the Popes Nephew, and one of the chief Cardinals then in Rome, likewise to Cardinal Cucua, and Cardinal Albornos both Spaniards. With these letters I thought I should have occasion of some conversation with these pillars of the Church of Rome, and in discourse might pry into the hearts and wayes of them, and see whether in them were more Policy then Religion. By reason of the Warres between France and the Low Countries, I durst not make my journey the neerest and shortest way through France; but though there were Wars also in Germany, I thought that would bee my safest way, and I desired much to looke into the Protestant, and Lutheran Church in that Country. Whereupon I resolved from Brussels to goe to Namurs, and from thence by water to Leidge, and from thence to Collen in Germany. From Leidge to Collen though wee were twelve in company, wee were much troubled with Souldiers; yet God still delivered me and brought me safe to Collen; from whence by the river Rhine I went in boat to Frankefort in September at the time of that great Fair, where I knew I should meet company of Merchants to any part of Italy. In all my travells I never made a more pleasant journey then that which I made by the river Rhine, where I had occasion to see many fair and goodly Cities. In Frankefort there I began to take notice of the Lutheran Church, and for the space of a fortnight that I stayed there, had many thoughts of discovering my selfe there, and disclaiming Popery, thinking that there I might be sure and safe, and lie hid and unknowne to my Brothers and kinred, who is England would not suffer me to live a Protestant. Yet againe I considered how hard it would bee for mee a stranger to subsist there, and to get any livelyhood, for the which I must first get the native tongue, and though many points that were opposite to the Church of Rome, pleased me, yet in some points of that Religion my conscience was not satisfied. At the end of the Faire I sought out for company, and found neere a dozen wagons which were upon setting out towards Auspurg with goods of Merchants, who had also hired a Convoy of thirty souldiers to goe along with them; which I thought would be safe company for mee; with them, and many other passengers and travellers that went in the Wagons, and on foot, by them, I went as far as the famous and gallant City of Auspurg; from whence forward there was no great danger, neither in what part belonged to the Duke of Bavaria, nor in the County of Tirol: from whence wee passed some foure together to Trent; where I was taken with the first Ague that ever in my life I remembred I had, which continued seven months upon mee. I thought from thence to have continued my journey by land to Venice, but my Ague suffered mee to goe but to Verona; from whence I turned to Millan, and so to Genoua, leaving my good company; that from Genoua I might goe by Sea to Ligorne, and so likewise to Rome. After a fortnights stay in Genoua, I went with the Galleys of the great Duke of Florence to Ligorne, where I found no boats ready to Rome, and so in the meantime, whilst they were preparing, I went to Pisa and Florence to see those brave Cities, and returned again to Ligorne, where I found many boats ready to set out to Rome.
The first night and day wee had a faire winde to Piombino; but there it turned, and continued contrary for almost three weekes. At last it pleased God to send us a faire wind wherewith wee went out many Boats and Falluco's in company together, thinking all had been friends; but when wee came neere to the Castle of Montalto, most of the boats having got before us, two that went in company with the boat wherein I was, suddainly set upon us, and shewed themselves to bee French Pirats, who robbed us all, and tooke from mee all the money I had, which was not then above five pound, leaving me some Bils of exchange which I had to take up mony at Rome; after we[Pg 208] were robbed wee called in at Civita Vecha; for reliefe, where I met with a good English Merchant, who freely bestowed upon mee provision both of wine and meat, as much as would well suffice mee and a friend to Rome, whither wee got in a day and night. When I came to Rome I delivered my Letters to the Cardinals; of whom the two Spaniards I found proud and stately; but Don Francisco Barbarini, (who was intituled the Protector of England) I found more tractable, kinde, and loving. I perceived by his discourse that hee knew much of England, and desired to know more; and propounded unto mee many questions concerning the state of this Kingdome, and especially concerning the Archbishop of Canterbury, whom he seemed to affect; and yet sometime againe would say hee feared, hee would cause some great disturbance in our Kingdome, and that certainly for his sake and by his means the King had dissolved lately the Parliament (which was that which before this now sitting was so suddainly dissolved by his Majesty) which hee feared Scotland and most of the people of England, would take very ill. Hee asked mee further what conceipt the people had of the said Archbishop; and whether they did not mistrust that hee complyed much with the Court of Rome. And lastly, he told mee that hee thought, the creating of an English Cardinal at Rome might be of great consequence for the conversion of the whole Kingdome. I laid up in my heart all this discourse, and well perceived some great matters were in agitation at Rome, and some secret compliance from England with that Court, which I purposed to discover more at large among some friends there.
After this discourse with the Cardinall, I was invited to the English Colledge to dinner by one Father Fitzherbert, who was then Rector, a great States-man and Politician, with whom I had also great discourse concerning my Brother Colonel Gage, concerning my travels in America, and lastly concerning England; whereof I perceived little discourse could bee had in Rome, except the Archbishop William Laud had his part and share in it. The Jesuite began highly to praise the Arch-prelate for his moderate carriage towards Papists and Preists, boasting of the free accesse which one Simons, alias Flood, a Jesuite had unto him at all houres, and in all occasions; and to extoll him the more, he brought in the Archbishop, Abbot whom he cried down as much for a cruel enemie and persecutor of the Church of Rome, and of all Papists and Preists. But the now Archbishop, said hee, is not onely favourable unto us there, but here desireth to make daily demonstrations of his great affection to this our Court and Church; which, hee shewed not long since in sending a Common Prayer Booke, (which hee had composed for the Church of Scotland) to bee first viewed, and approved of by our Pope and Cardinals. Who perusing it, liked it very well, for Protestants to be trained in a Form of Prayer and service; yet considering the State of Scotland, and the temper and tenents of that people, the Cardinals, (first giving him thanks for his respect and dutifull compliance with them) sent him word, that they thought that form of prayer was not fitting for Scotland, but would breed some stir and unquietnesse there, for that they understood the Scots were aversed from all set Forms, & would not be tyed and limited to the invention of mans spirit, having (as they thought) the true and unerring Spirit of God in them, which could better teach and direct them to pray. All this (said Father Fitzherbert) I was witnesse of, who was then sent for by the Cardinals (as in all like occasions, and affaires concerning England) to give them my opinion concerning the said Common Prayer Booke, and the temper of the Scots. But the good Archbishop (quoth hee) hearing the censure of the Cardinals concerning his intention and Form of Prayer, to ingratiate himself the more into their favour, corrected some things in it, and made it more harsh and unreasonable for that Nation; which wee already heare they have stomacked at, and will not suffer it in many parts to be read; and wee justly fear that this his Common Prayer Book, & his great compliance with this Court, will at last bring strife and division between the two Kingdomes of Scotland and England.
And this most true Relation of William Laud late Archbishop of Canterbury, (though I have often spoken of it in private discourse and publiquely preached it at the Lecture of Wingham in Kent,) I could not in my conscience omit it here; both to vindicate the just censure of death, which the now sitting Parliament have formerly given against him for such like practises and compliance with Rome; and secondly to reprove the ungrounded opinion and errour of some ignorant and Malignant spirits, who to my knowledge have since his death highly exalted him, and cryed him up for a Martyr. At the same time whilst I was at Rome, I understood of another great businesse concerning England, then in agitation amongst the Cardinals, and much prosecuted by[Pg 209] this Fitzherbert, and one father Courtney a Jesuite, son to one Sir Thomas Leeds; which was, to create one of the English Nation Cardinall; that so the Conversion of England, what by the Assistance of William Laud, what by the power of a higher person, and what by the authority of the said Cardinall, might be more fully and earnestly plotted and indeavoured. This businesse was much agitated in England by Signior Con, at whose house in Long Aker were many meetings of the chief Gentry of the Papists. In Rome Sir William Hamilton then Agent for the Queene, vied much for the said Cardinals Cap, and got a great number of friends to further this his ambitious design. But hee was too yong, and some scandall of a Gentlewoman, who stuck too close to him, made the red Cap unfit for his head; and secondly, because a greater then hee, to wit, Sir Kenelham Digby was appointed by the Queen to bee her Agent there; who sent before him his Chaplain, a great Politician and active Priest, named Fitton, to take up his lodging and make way, and friends for his ambitious preferment; who in his daily discourse cryed up his Master Digby for Cardinall, and told mee absolutely, that hee doubted not but hee would carry it. But though hee had great favour from the Queen, and was her Agent; yet hee had strong Antagonists in Fitzherbert, Courtney, and the rest of the crew of the Jesuites, who looked upon that honour and red Cap as better becomming one of their profession, and fitter for a head which had formerly worne a four Cornered black Cap, to wit, Sir Toby Mathy. But in case the said Cap should fall from Sir Toby his head, then they would helpe and further a third, whose birth and Nobility should advance him before Sir Kenelham Digby, to wit, Walter Mountague, the old Earle of Manchester his sonne at that time.
And thus it was a generall and credible report in Rome, that either a Digby, a Mathy, or a Mountague, should that yeere bee made Cardinall. Whereby I perceived that England was comming neere to Rome, and that my design of professing and following the truth in England was blasted, and that in vain I had come from America for satisfaction of my conscience in England. I was more troubled now then ever; and desired to try all wayes, if I could bee better satisfied concerning the Popish Religion in Rome, Naples or Venice, (whither I went) then I had been in America and among the Spaniards. But I found such exorbitances and scandalls in the lives of some Cardinals of Rome, whilst I was there, especially in Don Antonio Barbarini, and Cardinal Burgess, who at midnight was taken by the Corchetes or Officers of Justice in uncivill wayes, and came off from them with money, that I perceived the Religion was but as I had found it in America, a wide and open doore to loosnesse and policy, and the like in Naples and Venice, which made mee even hate what before I had professed for Religion, and resolve, that if I could not live in England, and there injoy my Conscience, that I would live in France, for a while, untill I had well learned that tongue, and then associate my selfe unto the best reformed Protestant Church; Whereupon I obtained from the General of the Dominicans this ensuing order to live in the Cloister of Orleans, intending from thence at my best opportunity to goe to Paris, Lyons, or some other place, and shake off my Magpy habit, and to live and dye in France in the true Protestant and reformed Religion as professed there.
In Dei filio sibi Dilecto Reverendo Patri fratri Thomæ Gageo Provinciæ Anglicanæ Ordinis Prædicatorum, Frater Nicolaus Rodulfius totius ejusdem Ordinis Magister Generalis ac servus in Domino salutem.
Conventui nostro Aurelia nensi Provinciæ nostræ Franciæ de probo & optimo Patre Sacerdote providere cupientes, Tenore præsentium, & nostri authoritate officii (te) supra nominatum Reverendum Patrem Fratrem Thomam Gageum revocamus a quovis alio Conventu, & Assignamus in dicto Conventu nostro Aurelianensi Assignatumque declaramus, in Nomine Patris, & Filii, & Spiritus Sancti, Amen. Mandantes Rdo. admodum Patri Magistro Priori illius, ut te benigne recipiat, & cum omni charitate tractet. In quorum fidem his officii nostri sigillo munitis propria manu subscripsimus. Datum Suriani die none Aprilis, 1640.
Frater Nicolaus Magister Ordinis.
Frater Ignatius Ciantes Magister; Provincialis Angliæ, & Socius.
The Forme whereof (as also the manner of sending Fryers from one Cloister to live in another, commonly called by them, an Assignation) is in English as followeth.
To our Beloved in the Son of God, the Reverend Father Fryer Thomas Gage, of the English Province, of the Order of Preachers, Fryer Nicholas Rodulfius of the same whole Order Master Generall, and Servant in the Lord, health and greeting.
Wee being willing and desirous to provide for our Convent of Orleans, of our Province of France, of an honest and very good Father and Priest; by Tenour of these present, and by the authority of our Office doe recall you the above named Reverend Fryer Thomas Gage from any other Convent, and doe Assigne you in our said Convent of Orleans, and declare you to bee assigned, in the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. Commanding the very Reverend Father Master Prior thereof, that hee receive you curteously, and entertaine you with all love and charity. In witnesse whereof with our owne hand wee have subscribed these being sealed with the seale of our Office. Dated at Soriano the ninth day of April, 1640.
Fryer Nicholas Master of the Order.
Fryer Ignatius Ciantes Master Provincial of England and Companion.
Yet after I had got this Order, I bethought my selfe further that I would try one way, which was to see if I could find out a Miracle, which might give mee better satisfaction of the Romish Religion, then had the former experience of my life, and the lives of the Priests, Cardinals, and all such with whom I had lived in Spain and America. I had heard much of a Picture of our Lady of Loretto, and read in a Booke of Miracles or lies concerning the same, that whosoever prayed before that picture in the state of mortall sinne, the picture would discover the sinne in the soule, by blushing, and by sweating. Now I framed this argument to my selfe, that it was a great sin, the sin of unbeliefe, or to waver and stagger in points of Faith; but in mee (according to the Tenents of Rome) was this sin, for I could not believe the point of Transubstantiation, and many other; therefore (if the Miracles which were printed of the foresaid Lady of Loretto were true, and not lies) certainly shee would blush and sweat, when such an unbeliever as I prayed before her. To make this triall, I went purposely to Loretto, and kneeling downe before God, not with any faith I had in the picture; I prayed earnestly to the true Searcher of all hearts, that in his Son Jesus Christ he would mercifully looke upon me a wretched sinner, and inspire and enlighten mee with his Spirit of truth, for the good and salvation of my soule; In my prayer I had a fixed and setled eye upon the Ladies picture, but could not perceive that shee did either sweat or blush, wherewith I arose up from my knees much comforted and incouraged in my resolution to renounce and abandon Popery, and saying within my selfe as I went out of the Church, surely if my Lady neither sweat nor blush, all is well with mee, and I am in a good way for salvation, and the miracles written of her are but lies. With this I resolved to follow the truth in some Protestant Church in France, and to relinquish errour and superstition. Upon which good purpose of mine, I presently perceived the God of truth did smile, with what I heard hee was ordering in England by an Army of Scotland raised for Reformation, and by a new Parliament called to Westminster, at which I saw the Papists and Jesuites there began to tremble, and to say that it would blast all their designes, and all their hopes of setling Popery; William Laud his policy was now condemned and cursed, Con was dead at Rome, the Cardinals Cap for one of the three fore-named[Pg 211] named was no more spoken of, Fitton was daunted, Fitzherbert and Courtney quite disheartned, Sir Kenelham Digby his Agency and comming to Rome put off and suspended, and with all this good newes I was much heartned and incouraged to leave off my journey to France, and to return to England, where I feared not my Brother nor any kindred, nor the power of the Papists, but began to trust in the protection of the Parliament, which I was informed would reform Religion, and make such laws as should tend to the undermining of all the Jesuits plots, and to the confusion and subversion of the Romish errours and Religion. I was too weak of body to make my journey by land (by reason of my long Ague which had but newly left mee) and so resolved to goe to Ligorne to find out shipping there; where I found foure or five ships of English and Hollanders ready to set out, but were bound to touch at Lisboe in their way. I bargained with one Captaine Scot for my passage, first to Lisboe, intending there to make a second bargain. We had no sooner sailed on as farre as to the Coast of France, joyning to the Dutchy of Savoy, but presently from Canes came out part of a Fleet lying there under the command of the Bishop of Burdeaux to discover us, and take us for a lawfull prize. I might say much here of the valour of the good old Captaine Scot, who seeing all the other ships had yeelded to the French men of Warre, would upon no termes yeeld to be their prize, (which they challenged because wee were bound for Lisboe, then their enemies Country) but would fight with them all, and at last rather blow up his ship, then to deliver the goods which had been intrusted to him by the Merchants of Ligorne. We were in a posture to fight, our guns ready, and Mariners willing to dye that day, which was heavy news to me. After much treaty between the French and our valorous Captain, who still held out and would not yeeld, there came up to us two ships to give us the last warning that if wee yeelded not, they would immediately set our ship on fire. With this all the passengers and many more in the ship desired the Captaine to yeeld upon some faire Articles for the securing of what goods he had for England, and should appeare were not any way for the strengthening of any enemies to the State and Kingdome of France. With much adoe our Captaine was perswaded, and we were carried with the rest into Canes for a lawfull prize. I seeing that the ships were like to bee stayed there long, obtained the Bishop of Bordeaux his passe to goe to Marcells, and from thence by land through France. Which being granted, I went by water to Tolon, and from thence to Marcells, and so in company of Carriers to Lions, and from thence to Paris, Roane, and Deepe, where in the first packet boat to Rye I passed over to England, where I landed upon Michaelmas day the same yeere that this present Parliament began to sit the November following. My Brothers Spirit I found was not much daunted with the new Parliament, nor some of the proudest Papists, who hoped for a suddain dissolving of it; But when I saw their hopes frustrated by His Majesties consent to the continuing of it, I thought the acceptable time was come for mee, wherein I ought not to dissemble any further with God, the world and my friends, and so resolved to bid adieu to flesh and blood; and to prize Christ above all my kindred, to own and professe him publiquely maugre all opposition of hell and kindred to the contrary. I made my self first knowne to Doctor Brunnick Bishop of Exeter, and to Mr. Shute of Lumbard street, from whom I had very comfortable and strong incouragements. The Bishop of Exeter carried me to the Bishop of London then at Fullom, from whom I received order to Preach my Recantation Sermon at Pauls: which done, I thought I must yet doe more to satisfie the world of my sincerity, knowing that Converts are hardly believed by the common sort of people, unlesse they see in them such actions which may further disclaime Rome for ever for the future. Whereupon I resolved to enter into the state of Marriage (to which God hath already given his blessing) which the Church of Rome disavowes to all her Preists. What I have beene able to discover for the good of this State I have done, and not spared (when called upon) to give in true evidence upon my Oath against Jesuites, Preists, and Fryers; for the which (after a faire invitation from my Brother Colonel Gage, to come over again to Flanders, offering mee a thousand pound ready money) I have been once assaulted in Aldersgate street; and another time like to be killed in Shooe lane by a Captain of my Brothers Regiment, named Vincent Burton, who (as I was after informed) came from Flanders on purpose to make me away or convey mee over, and with such a malicious designe followed mee to my lodging, lifting up the latch and opening the doore, (as hee had seene mee done) and attempting to goe up the staires to my chamber without any inquiry for mee, or knocking[Pg 212] at the doore; from whom God graciously delivered me by the weak meanes of a woman my Land-lady, who stopped him from going any further; and being demanded his name, and answering by the name of Steward, and my Land-lady telling him from mee that I knew him not, he went away chafing and saying that I should know him, before he had done with mee. But hee that knoweth God well, shall know no enemy to his hurt; neither have I ever since seene or knowen this man. I might here also write down the contents of a threatning letter from mine own Brother, when hee was Colonell for the King of England and Governour of Oxford, which I forbear with some tender consideration of flesh and blood. At the beginning of the warres I confesse I was at a stand as a Neophyt and new plant of the Church of England concerning the lawfulnesse of the warre; and so continued above a yeere in London spending my owne meanes, till at last I was fully satisfied, and much troubled to see that the Papists and most of my kindred were entertained at Oxford, and in other places of the Kings Dominions; whereupon I resolved upon a choice for the Parliament cause, which now in their lowest estate and condition I am not ashamed to acknowledge. From their hands and by their order I received a Benefice, in the which I have continued almost foure yeers preaching constantly for a through and godly Reformation intended by them, which I am ready to witnesse with the best drops of blood in my veins, though true it is I have been envied, jealousied and suspected by many; to whom I desire this my History may be a better witnesse of my sincerity, and that by it I may perform what our Saviour Christ spoke to Peter, saying, And thou being converted strengthen thy Brethren. I shall think my time and pen happily imployed if by what here I have written, I may strengthen the perusers of this small volume against Popish superstition whether in England, other parts of Europe, Asia, or America; for the which I shall offer up my dayly prayers unto him, who (as I may well say) miraculously brought me from America to England, and hath made use of mee as a Joseph to discover the treasures of Egypt, or as the spies to search into the land of Canaan, even the God of all Nations, to whom be ascribed by mee and all true and faithfull Beleevers, Glory, Power, Majesty and mercy for evermore. Amen.
Although it bee true that by the daily conversation which in most places the Indians have with the Spaniards, they for the most part understand the Spanish tongue in common and ordinary words, so that a Spaniard may travell amongst them, and bee understood in what hee calleth for by some or other of the Officers, who are appointed to attend upon all such as travell and passe through their townes: Yet because the perfect knowledge of the Spanish tongue is not so common to all Indians, both men and women, nor so generally spoken by them as their owne; therefore the Preists and Fryers have taken paines to learn the native tongues of severall places and countries, and have studied to bring them to a Form and method of Rules, that so the use of them may bee continued to such as shall succeed after them. Neither is there any one language generall to all places, but so many severall and different one from another, that from Chiapa, and Zoques, to Guatemala, and San Salvador, and all about Honduras, there are at least eighteen severall languages, and in this district some Fryers who have perfectly learned six or seven of them. Neither in any place are the Indians taught or preached unto but in their native and mother tongue, which because the Preist onely can speake, therefore are they so much loved and respected by the Natives. And although for the time I lived there, I learned and could speake in two severall tongues, the one called Cacchiquel, the other Poconchi, or Pocoman, which have some connexion one with another; yet the Poconchi being the easiest, and most elegant, and that wherein I did constantly preach and teach, I thought fit to set down some rules of it, (with the Lords Prayer, and brief declaration of every word in it) to witnesse and testifie to posterity the truth of my being in those parts, and the manner how those barbarous tongues have, are, and may be learned.
There is not in the Poconchi tongue, nor in any other the diversity of declensions, which is in the Latin tongue; yet there is a double way of declining all Nownes, and conjugating all Verbes, and that is with divers particles according to the words beginning with a vowell or a consonant; neither is there any difference of cases, but onely such as the said Particles or some Prepositions may distinguish.
The Particles for the words or Nownes beginning with a Consonant are as followeth,
Sing. Nu, A, Ru, plural. Ca. Ata. Qui tacque. As for example, Bat, signifieth a house, and Tat, signifieth father, which are thus declined;
Sing. Nupat, my house, Apat, thy house, Rupat, his house. Plural. Capat, our house, Apatta, your house, Quipat tacque, their house.
Sing. Nutat, my Father, Atat, thy Father, Rutat his Father. Plural. Catat, our Father, Atatta, your Father, Quitat tacque, their Father. Thus are declined Nownes beginning with a Consonant. As, Queh, a horse, Nuqueh, Aqueh, Ruqueh, &c. Huh, booke, or paper, Nuhuh, Ahuh, Ruhuh. Moloh, Egge, Numoloh, Amoloh, Rumoloh. Holom, Head, Nuholom, Aholom, Ruholom. Chi, Mouth, Nuchi, Achi, Ruchi. Cam, hand, Nucam, Acam, Rucam. Chac, flesh, Nuchac, Achac, Ruchac. Car, fish, Nucar, Acar, Rucar. Cacar, Acarta, Qui cartacque. Chacquil, body or flesh of man; Nuchacquil, Achacquil, Ruchacquil, Cachacquil, Achacquilta, Quichacquil tacque.
Some words there are which are pronounced like ts, which are written not with ts, but with this letter tȝ, peculiar in that tongue; as for tsi, dogge, tsiquin, bird, Nutsi, my dog, Atsi, thy dog, Rutsi, his dog, Catsi, our dog, Atsita, your dog, Quitsi tacque, their dog. Nutsiquin, my bird, Atsiquin, thy bird, Rutsiquin, his bird, Catsiquin, our bird, Atsiquinta, your bird, Quitsi quintacque, their bird.
There are no severall terminations for cases, as in Latin; but the cases are distinguished with some particles or prepositions, as for example. The house of Peter, Rupat Pedro, putting the possessours name, and the particle, Ru, which is a possessive. So for the dative, add the particle Re; as for example, give to Peter his dog, Chaye re Pedro rutsi. For the accusative, when it is motion to a place, or else not, adde Chi, as for example, I goe to the house of Peter, Quino chi rupat Pedro. The Vocative admitteth of this particle ah, or ha, of wishing or calling, as, O my son, or ho my son, Ah vacun, or ha vacun. The Ablative keeping stil the same termination with the Nominative, is expressed with some preposition or other, as in my mouth, pan nuchi, with my hand, chi nucam. In signifying I, is undeclinable, as also, At, signifying you, or thou. The possessive mine, is also undeclinable, as vi chin, mine, or for me; so thine, or for thee, Ave. Where note that in this tongue there is no w, but v, or u, are pronounced as w, as though wee pronounce, wacun, my sonne, wichin, mine or for mee, Awe, thine or for thee wee write vacun, vichin, Ave.
The Particles or letters, which serve for Nounes beginning with a Vowell, are as followeth. Singular. V. Av. R. Plural. C. or Qu. Avta. C. or qu. tacque, as for example, Acun, signifieth son, Ixim, Corn, Ochoch, likewise house, which are thus declined.
Sing. Vacun, my son, Avacun, thy son, Racun, his son. Plural. Cacun, our son, Avacunta, your son, Cacuntaque, their son.
Sing. Vixim, my corn, Avixim, thy corn, Rixim, his corn. Plural. Quixim, our corn, Aviximta, your corn, Quixim tacque, their corn.
Sing. Vochoch, my house, Avochoch, thy house, Rochoch, his house. Plural. Cochoch, our house, Avochochta, your house, Cochochtaque, their house.
So likewise are varied or declined, Abix, signifying a plantation, or peece of ground sowen. Acal, earth or ground. Vleu, also earth or ground. Acach, hen. Save onely that the words beginning with I, admit qu, in the first and third person plurall; the rest admit for the same persons plurall, C, onely.
And as thus I have observed for the varying or declining of Nounes; so also doe all the Verbes admit of severall particles for their conjugating, according as they begin either with a vowell or a consonant.
Those that begin with a consonant have somewhat like the Nounes these articles following.
Sing. Nu, Na, Inru. Plural. Inca, Nata, Inquitacque. As for example, locoh, to love.
Sing. Nulocoh, I love, Nalocoh, thou lovest, Inrulocoh, hee loveth. Plural. Incalocoh, wee love, Nalocohta, yee love, Inquilocohtaque, they love.
Nuroca, or Nurapa, I whip, or beat. Naroca or Narapa, thou whippest, or beatest; Inruroca, or Inrurapa, hee whippeth or beateth. Plural. Incaroca, or Incarapa, wee whip, or beat; Narocata, or Narapata, yee whip, or beat, Inquirocatacque, or Inquirapatacque, they whip or beat.
Nutsiba, I write, Natsiba, thou writest, Inrutsiba, hee writeth. Plural. Incatsiba, wee write, Natsibata, yee write, Inquitsibatacque, they write.
There is no preterimperfect tense, nor preterpluperfect tense; but the preterperfect tense standeth for them; neither is there any Future, but the present tense expresseth it, and is understood for it, according to the sense of the discourse, as Nulocoh Pedro, I love or wil love Peter. Tinulocoh, I love thee, or I wil love thee. Yet sometimes for fuller expression of the Future tense, is added this Verbe, inva, I wil, nava, thou wilt, Inra, he will, as Inva nulocoh Pedro, I will love Peter.
The Particles for the Preterperfect tense, are as follow:
Sing. Ixnu. Xa. Ixru. Plural. Ixca. Xata. Ixqui tacque. Where note, that in all these particles, and in all this language, the letter X, is pronounced like sh. as Ixnu, like Ishnu. Xa, like sha. Ixru, like Ishru. Ixca like Ishca, and so forth.
Preterperf. Sing. Ixnulocoh, I have loved; Xalocoh thou hast loved, Ixrulocoh, he hath loved. Plural. Ixcalocoh, we have loved, Xalocohta, yee have loved, Ixquilocohtacque, they have loved. And so of all the Verbes above.
The Particles for the Imperative Mood are these following:
For the singular number, and second person, Cha; for the third person singular Chiru; for the first person plural, Chica; for the second, Cha ta, for the third Chiqui tacque: as for example. Chalocoh, love thou. Chirulocoh, let him love. Plural. Chicalocoh, let us love; Chalocohta, love yee. Chiquilocoh tacque, let them love. And so of the rest of the Verbes above.
The Optative Mood is the same with the Indicative; adding to it this Particle Ta, which signifieth as much as utinam, or, would to God, as Nalocoh ta Dios, would God thou love God, Ixnulocoh ta Dios, would God I had loved God.
The Conjunctive Mood also is the same with the Indicative, adding to it this Particle, or Preposition vei, and ta, if. As for example vei nalocoh ta Dios, if thou love God, vei ixnulocoh ta Dios, if I had loved God.
There is no Infinitive Mood, but the Indicative serveth for it. As, Quinchol nutsiba, I can write. Quinquimi, signifieth to die, Nuraeh, I desire, Nuraeh quinquimi, I desire to dye.
Note further, that in all Verbes Actives, when mee and thee are expressed as the Accusative case following the Verbe, they are coupled to the person that doeth or goeth before the Verbe, by these two Particles for the present tense, Quin, mee, Ti, thee. And for the preterperfect tense, xin, mee, ixti, thee. As for example.
Quinalocoh, thou lovest me. Xinalocoh, thou hast loved me. Quinraalocoh, thou wilt love me. Quinalocohta, love me, or I pray God thou love me. Vei quinalocoh, if thou love me; vei xinalocoh, if thou hast or hadst loved mee; Quinaraeh nalocoh, thou desirest to love me. So for the second person being the Accusative. Tinulocoh, I love thee. Ixtinulocoh, I have loved thee. Tiranulocah, I will love thee. Tinulocohta, pray God I love thee; vei tinulocoh, if I love thee; vei ixtinulocoh, if I have or had loved thee. Tinuraeh nulocoh, I desire to love thee.
Note further, that these two Verbes, Quinchol, which signifieth, I can or am able, and Inva, which signifieth I will, when they are put with other Verbes of[Pg 216] whatsoever person, they are elegantly put impersonally in the third person singular. As for example:
Inchol nulocoh, I can love. Inra nulocoh, I will love. Ixra ixnulocoh, I have been willing to love. Ixchol ixnulocoh, I have been able to love. Tichol nulocoh, I can love thee, Tira nulocoh, I will love thee.
The Letters or Particles for Verbes beginning with a Vowell, are these that follow.
Sing. Inv. Nav. Inr. Plural. Inqu. or Inc. Nauta. Inqu tacque, or Inc tacque. As for example, Eça, signifieth to deliver, which is thus formed.
Sing. Inveça, I deliver. Naveça, thou deliverest, Inreça, he delivereth. Plural. Inqueça, wee deliver, Naveçata, yee deliver; Inqueça tacque, they deliver.
A is a simple signifying to wish or desire, or will a thing, which is never found without these particles.
Sing. Inva, I will, Nava, thou wilt, Inra, he will; Plural. Inca we will, Navata, yee will, Incatacque, they will. Ivereh, to heare. Invivireh, I heare. Navivireh, thou hearest, Inrivireh, he heareth. Plural. Inquivireh, we heare; Navivirehta, yee heare; Inquivireh tacque, they heare.
Thus have I briefly set downe the way of declining all sorts of Nounes, and conjugating all sorts of Verbes of this tongue. It remaineth now that I speak of Verbes passives; their forming and their conjugating with like Particles. The Verbes passives being of divers terminations, are diversly formed. Commonly those that end with an A, cut off the A, in the passive, and to the last consonant add hi. As for example, Nuroca, I whip or beat, the passive is Quinrochi. So Nurapa, I whip or beat, in the passive is Quinraphi. Except Nutsiba, I write, which changeth b into m. Quintsimhi, I am written. Those that end in oh, change oh into onhi. As nulocoh, I love. Quinloconhi, I am loved. So those that end in eh, doe change eh into hi, as Invivireh, I hear, Quinivirhi, I am heard. Nucuta, I teach, Quincuthi, I am taught, by the first rule. But those that end in ça (where note this letter ç or c, with a tittle under it, is pronounced like s) change the a into ihi. As for example: inveça I deliver, Quineçihi, I am delivered. Nucamça, I kill, Quincamçihi, I am killed; those that end in ach, adde hi in the passive, as Nuçach, I forgive, in the passive maketh Quinçachhi, I am forgiven. The particles that vary, or conjugate the Verbes passives, are these following:
Sing. Quin. Ti. In. Plural. Coh, or Co. Tita. Quitacque. As for example:
Quinloconchi, I am loved, Tiloconhi, thou art loved. Inloconhi, hee is loved. Plural. Coloconhi, wee are loved. Tiloconhita, yee are loved. Quiloconhitacque, they are loved.
Quinrochi, I am beaten or whipped; Tirochi, thou art beaten or whipped; Inrochi, he is beaten or whipped. Plural. Corochi, we are beaten or whipped; Tirochita, ye are beaten or whipped; Quirochi tacque, they are beaten or whipped.
The Particles for the preterperfect tense are these following.
Sing. Xin. Ixti. Ix. Plural. Xoh, or Xo. Ixti ta; xi tacque. As for example. Sing. Xinloconhi, I have bin loved. Ixtiloconhi, thou hast bin loved. Ixloconhi, hee hath been loved. Plural. Xoloconhi, wee have been loved. Ixtiloconhita, yee have been loved. Xiloconhi tacque, they have been loved. Xinrochit, I have been whipped or beaten. Ixtirochi, thou hast been whipped or beaten. Ixrochi, hee hath been whipped or beaten. Plural. Xorochi, or xohrochi, we have been whipped or beaten, Ixtirochita, yee have been whipped or beaten. Xirochi tacque, they have been whipped or beaten.
The Imperative Mood is thus:
Tiloconhi, Bee thou loved, Chiloconho, let him bee loved. Plural. Chicaloconho, let us bee loved, Tiloconhota, bee yee loved, Chiquiloconho tacque, let them bee loved. Where you see the particle hi is changed into ho.
The Optative Mood, and the Conjunctive are after the manner of the Verbs Actives, by put to ta in the Optative, and vei in the Conjunctive. As for example.
Quinloconhi ta, I pray God I bee loved. Tiloconhi ta, I pray God thou bee loved; Inloconhita, I pray God hee be loved; Cohloconhita, I pray God we bee loved. Tiloconhitata, I pray God yee be loved. Quiloconhi ta tacque, I pray God they bee loved.
So in the preterperfect tense ta onely is added; as for example.
Xinloconhi ta, would to God I have or had been loved. Ixtiloconhita, pray God thou hast or hadst bin loved, Ixloconhita, pray God he have or had been loved. Plur. Xoloconhita, pray God we have or had been loved, Ixtiloconhi ta ta, I pray God ye have or had bin loved, Xiloconhi ta tacque, I pray God they have or had been loved. Where note that the particle Ta, if any other word or sentence be put with the Verb, may bee put before the Verb, as Nim ta Quinloconhi, I pray God I be greatly loved. Otherwise if the Verbe be alone, ta is placed after it.
The Conjunctive Mood is thus, Vei Quinloconhi, if I be loved, Vei tiloconhi, if thou bee loved, and so forth.
This is all, which commonly is taught concerning this tongue. In which grounds hee that is perfect in, and hath a Dictionary of the severall words of it, may soone learn to speake it. As I shall understand by my best friends, that there is a desire of further printing a Dictionary, I shall satisfie their desires, and apply my self unto it. These few rules for the present I have thought fit to print, for curiosity sake, and that it may appear, how easie the Indian tongues are to be learned. I shall conclude this unparalleld work, with the Lords Prayer in that tongue, and with a brief explication of it.
Catat taxah vilcat; Nimta incaharçihi avi; Inchalita Avihauripan Cana. Invanivita Nava yahvir vachacal, he invantaxah. Chaye runa cahuhunta quih viic; Naçachtacamac, he incaçachve quimac ximacquivi chiquih; Macoacana chipam catacchihi; Coaveçata china unche stiri, mani quiro, he inqui. Amen.
Note. Catat, according to the rule of declining Nounes, is the first person plural, which is known by the particle Ca, added to Tat, which signifieth father; and Catat is our father.
Taxah signifieth heaven; it is put before the word or verb vilcat, for more elegancy sake, and for better placing of it, contrary to the Latin and English, where es, and art, is put before in cælis, or in heaven. Likewise it is put without a preposition, contrary to the Greeke, Latin and English: for in this tongue many times the prepositions are omitted and understood.
Vilcat signifieth es or art: it is the second person of the Verbe, Sum, es, fui, which is a Verbe Anomal, and not conjugated after the rule of Verbes above. As for example. Vilquin, I am, Vilcat, thou art, villi, hee is. Plural. Vilcoh, wee are, Vilcatta, yee are, Vilque tacque, they are. The Preterperfect tence, Xinvi, I have been, Ixtivi, thou hast been, Ixvi, hee hath been. Plural. Xohvi, we have been, Ixtivita, yee have been, Xivi tacque, they have been. Imperative. Tivi or Tivo, bee thou; Chivi or Chivo, let him be. Plural. Cohvi ta or Cohvo ta, let us bee; Tivita or Tivota, bee yee; Quivi ta or Quivo ta tacque, let them bee. The Optative and Conjunctive are according to the Rule above, by adding ta or vei, to the present tense, and preterperfect tense of the Indicative Mood.
Nim ta Incaharcihi, which signifieth, I pray God may be greatly magnified. Nim signifieth great or greatly. Ta is optantis, or of wishing. Incaharcihi, is the third person of the Verbe Quincaharcihi, which signifieth to be magnified or extolled; and is formed according to the rule above, from the active verbe, Nucaharça, to magnifie or extoll, by changing the last a into ihi, and adding quin the particle of the passive.
Avi thy name. Vi, signifieth name, and according to the rule above for Nounes beginning with a Consonant a is the particle of the second person.
Inchalita avihauri, let come thy Kingdome, is the proper expression of this in English. Inchali, is the third person of the Verbe Quinchali, which signifieth to come. Ta is as before optantis, or of wishing. Ihauri or Ihauric, signifieth kingdome. Av, added, sheweth the second person.
Pan cana, upon our heads. This is a peculiar expression in that tongue; which (as all other tongues) hath many phrases, strange expressions, proper elegancies and circumlocutions. Whereof this one, to say, Let thy Kingdome come upon our heads. Pam or Pan, is a preposition, signifying in or within, or upon. Na signifieth head; Nuna, my head, Cana, our head, according to the rule above: from whence they call a hat, Pan Nuna, as being upon the head.
Invanivi ta Nava, let be done what thou wilt. They have no proper Noun to expresse a mans will, but expresse it by a Verbe: Invanivi, is the third person of the Verbe, Quinvanivi, which signifieth to be made or done. The Active is Nuvan, I doe or make: from whence are formed many passives, as Quinvan or Quinvanhi, or Quinvani, or Quinvanivi, or Quinbanari; or Quinvantihi, whereof this last signifieth to bee done speedily. And so to all Verbes Actives and Passives, this particle tihi, is added at the end, to signifie hast or speed in doing any thing. Nava, is the second person of the Verbe, Inva, I will, according to the rule for verbes beginning with a vowell, Nava, thou wilt, Inra, he will.
Yahvir vach a cal, here upon the face of the earth; Yahvir, is an Adverbe signifying here, Vach, signifieth face, Nuvach, my face, Avach, thy face, Ruvach, his face. Acal, signifieth the earth or ground.
He invan taxah, as it is done in heaven. He is an Adverbe, signifying even as, Invan, is the third person of the passive Verbe, Quinvan, to bee done. Taxah, as before, signifieth in heaven without any preposition to it.
Chaye runa, give to day. Nuye is the first person of the present tense, signifying, I give, Cha, is the particle (according to the rule above) of the second person of the Imperative Mood. Chaye, give thou; Chyrue, let him give. Runa, to day.
Cahuhun ta quih viic, our every day bread, where note that ca, put before huhun is very elegantly placed, though it doe belong to the word viic, which signifieth bread. Nuviic, my bread, Caviic, our bread. Huhun is an undeclined word, signifying every one, or every thing. quih signifieth the sun or the day.
Naçach ta camac, I pray God thou forgive our sinnes. They use not here the Imperative Mood, as in Latin demitte, and in English forgive, but with the particle ta, of wishing, they use the Optative Mood. Naçach is the second person of the Verbe, Nuçach, I forgive. Mac, signifieth sin. Numac, my sin or sins, camac, our sins. Laval is another word in that tongue also to signifie sin.
He incaçachve quimac, Even as we forgive their sins. Incaçach is the first person plural, according to the rule above, for verbes beginning with a consonant, ve[Pg 219] is put at the end for elegancy sake. Quimac is the third person plural. Where note that in a whole speech or sentence, sometimes the particle tacque, observed above in the rule for declining is left out; and sometimes it is added. As here, quimac their sins; or else it might have been quimac tacque.
Xim acquivi chi quih, that have sinned against our backs, of Mac, signifying sin, is this Verbe formed, quinmacquivi, to sin. So likewise of lavil, sin, is formed another Verb, quinlavini, to sin. This Verbe quinmacquivi is a Deponent; of which sort there are many in that tongue, as quincutani, to preach, which have the same Particles as the Verbes Passives. Chiquih is a word compounded of the Preposition chi and ih, which signifieth back, and is varied like the Nounes beginning with a Vowell, and joyned with chi, signifieth against, as Chivih, against mee, chavih, against thee, chirih, against him. Plural. Chiquih, against us, chavihta, against yee, chiquih tacque, against them. And if another third person bee named, chirih, standeth for against, as chirih Pedro, against Peter, that is, against the back. If many be named in the third person Plural, then chiquih is used, as chiquih unche, or chiquih cunch elal, against all.
Mecoacana, leave us not. This Verbe is here compounded of three: first, Ma, is abbreviated from the word mani, which signifieth no or not, as likewise manchucu. Co or coh, signifieth wee or us, and as in the rules before I have observed, is put here before the Verb; which causeth the n to be cut off from the verb, which otherwise should have beene nacana, of nucana, I leave, nacana, thou leavest, inrucana, he leaveth, and so forth.
Chipam catacchihi, in our being tempted. This is another great elegancy in that tongue to use a Verbe Passive for a Noune, and to add to it a Preposition; as here, chipam, which signifieth in; and putting to the Verbe the Particles wherewith the Nounes are varied and declined. Nutacchih, signifieth I tempt. The Passive is quintacchihi, I am tempted; from whence nutacchihi, signifieth my being tempted, or my temptation; atacchihi, thy temptation, rutacchihi, his temptation, catacchihi, our temptation.
Coaveçata china unche tsiri. Deliver us from all evill things. Inveça, as I have noted before, signifyeth to deliver. Co is the first person Plural put before the Verbe, as I observed in the rule above, and in that Conjunction or compound macoacana. China is a Preposition, signifying above or from. Unche, signifieth all, which is undeclinable. tsiri, is an Adjective properly undeclinable also or unvariable, in Gender, Case, and Number; as are all Adjectives in that tongue. It signifieth evill or bad; as tsiri vinac, an evill man, tsiri ixoc, a bad woman, tsiri chicop, a bad or evill beast; so likewise in the Plural number it is the same. Without a Substantive it is as the Newter Gender, as malum for malares, signifying an evill thing, or evill things. The Substantive that is formed from it, is tsiriquil, which signifieth evill or wickednesse. Voronquil, signifieth the same.
Mani quiroz, not good: this is put for a further expression of evils to be delivered from whatsoever is not good. Mani, as I noted before, signifieth not. Quiro, is as tsiri, an Adjective, signifying good or a good thing, and is undeclinable, unvariable in both numbers. Quiro vinac, a good man, quiro ixoc, a good woman, quiro chicop, a good beast; so likewise in the plural number, quiro vinac, good men. The Substantive that is derived from this Adjective, is, quirohal, goodness. Chiohal, signifieth the same. quirolah, is very good, tsirilah, very bad, where lah is added at the end of an adjective, it puts the same aggravation as valde in Latin.
He inqui, even as he saith. The meaning is, even as hee saith that taught this prayer. Quinqui, signifieth I say, tiqui, thou saiest, inqui, hee saith, Cohqui,[Pg 220] wee say, tiquita, yee say, quiquitacque, they say.
Amen. All words which have no true expression in the Indians tongues, are continued in the Spanish, or in the proper tongue, as here Amen. So wine which formerly they had not, they call vino; though by an improper word some call it Castilana ha, that is, the water of Castile. So God, they call Dios commonly; though some call him Nim Ahval, that is, the great Lord.
And thus for curiosities sake, and by the intreaty of some speciall friends, I have furnished the Presse with a language which never yet was printed, or known in England. A Merchant, Mariner, or Captaine at Sea may chance by fortune to be driven upon some Coast, where he may meet with some Pocoman Indian; and it may bee of great use to him, to have some light of this Poconchi tongue. Whereunto I shall be willing hereafter to add something more for the good of my Countrey; and for the present I leave thee Reader to study what hitherto hath briefely been delivered by mee.
How Rome doth yeerely visit the American and Asian Kingdomes. page 1.
The Popes Policy in maintaining constantly some poore Pensionary Bishops in Rome. page 1.
Without great Sums of Mony, and new Purple Clothing given to the Cardinals, Suits are not Canonized at Rome. pag. 2.
Monies sent out of England to Rome, for Indulgencies to bee granted to private Altars in Papists private chambers. page 2.
More power granted to the Kings of Spain over the Clergy in the West-India's, then to other Princes in Europe, upon condition that they maintain there the Popes Authority, and Preists to preach. page 2. 3.
The Jesuites challenge from Francis Xavierius the Preaching of the Gospel as due onely to them. page 3.
Missions of Preists, Fryers, or Jesuites, are yeerely sent at the King of Spaine his charge to the India's. page 3.
Shewing that the Indians wealth, under a pretence of their Conversion, hath corrupted the hearts of poore begging Fryers, with strife, hatred and ambition. page 3.
Hatred grounded upon difference in Religion, is most bitter. Page 3. 4.
Jesuites and Fryers, but especially Dominicans, deadly enemies. Page 4.
A Jesuiticall trick well acted at Venice. page 4.
Doctor Smith Bishop of Chalcedon sent by the Pope into England, as private Head over all the Romish Clergy, chiefly by the cunning subtilty of Jesuites was banished. page 4.
A Colledge privately intended to hee built in England, by Jesuites at Winifreds Well; as also the Sope houses at Lambeth, with the Sope Patentee belonging to them. page 5.
More Jesuiticall prankes discovered. page 5.
Why Jesuites and Dominicans are dead enemies. page. 5. 6.
Valentia the Jesuite, his death most shamefull, for causing a false Print upon Augustins workes. page. 5. 6.
Jesuites, excellent Musicians, Fencers, Dancers, Vaulters, Painters, Bribers, and Merchants. p. 6.
Shewing the manner of the Missions of Fryers, and Jesuites to the India's. pag. 7
Distinction of severall Provinces amongst the Fryers, and Jesuites, under head at Rome, named Generall. page 7.
West-India Fryers rich prizes to the Hollanders, page 7.
Popes indulgence granted to such Fryers, as goe to the India's, and his excommunication to such as oppose them. page 8.
Liberty draws most of the Fryers to the India's. page 8.
The death of an unchast wife murthered by her owne husband, caused by the too much liberty of a wanton Fryer in Guatemala, Anno 1635. p. 9.
Shewing to what Provinces of the East and West-India's belonging to the Crowne of Castilia, are sent missions of Fryers and Jesuites. And especially of the Missions sent in the yeer 1625. page 9.
Two sorts of Spaniards in the India's deadly enemies to one another, viz. the Natives borne there, and such as goe from Spain thither. page 9. 10.
What Religious Orders are the chief Preachers in the Province of Guatemala. page. 10.
The Spaniards chief trading from Spain to Philippinas, is first, by their ships to St. John de Ulhua, upon the North Sea; and secondly, from Acapulco, upon the South Sea to Manila. page 11.
A vaine and worldly discourse of a Fryer of the India's, page 11. 12.
The chief cause of the Authors resolution to goe to East and West-India's. page 12. 13.
Foure poore Mendicant Fryers, as Apostles entertained by Don Frederique de Toledo, and the Gallies in Puerto de Santa Maria. page 14.
Of the Indian Fleet, that departed from Cales, Anno Dom. 1625. And of some remarkable passages in that voiage. page 14.
The love of Nuns too powerfull over Fryers. page 14.
The Author hid in an empty barrell on shipboard, in the Bay of Cales. page 15.
The pleasure of the Indian Navigation, 1625. untill the first land was discovered. page 16.
Of our discovery of some Islands, and what trouble befell us in one of them. p. 16.
The Islands called Desseada, Marigalante, Dominica; Guadalupe, are the first discovered in America, in the Spanish Navigation. page 17.
A Christian Mulatto having lived twelve yeeres among Heathens, with an Infidell wife and Children, found in Guadalupe. page 18.
A suddaine uproare and mutiny of the Indians of Guadalupe, who slew and wounded many of the Spanish Fleet, 1625. page 19.
Of our further sailing to St. John de Ulhua, aliàs, Vera Crux, of our landing there. page 19.
A Fryer wounded at Guadalupe, died, and was solemnly cast to the Sea. pag. 20.
A Spaniard swimming in the sound of Mexico, cruelly slain, and partly devoured by a Sea Monster. page 21.
The Virgin Mary, called upon more then God, in a suddain apprehension of a storme. page 21.
Of our landing at Vera Crux, otherwise St. John de Ulhua, and of our entertainment there. page 22.
The vanity and worldlinesse of a Religious Dominican Superiour in St. John de Ulhua. page 23.
The houses and Churches of St. John de Ulhua, builded with boards and timber, and therefore easily and often fired. page 23. 24.
A further relation of the towne of St. John de Ulhua, with the rich trading of it from most parts of the West-India's, as also from the East-India's. page 24.
Of our journey from St. John de Ulhua to Mexico, and of the most remarkable Townes and Villages in the way. page 25.
Our Fryers first entertainment by the Indians of the old Vera Crux. page 25.
A Franciscan Fryers vow and profession contrary to the vanity, carding, dicing, and swearing, practised by them of Xalappa, in the India's. page 26.
Abundance of Gnats in the Rinconada, taketh away the comfort of the great abundance of provision that is there. page 27.
From whence the Towne called Segura de la Frontera had its beginning. page 27. 28.
Wherein is set downe the Estate and Condition of the great Towne of Tlaxcallan, when the first Spaniards entered into the Empire of Mexico. Cortez his first encounter with the Tlaxcalteca's, their League with him, with a description of the Towne, and of the state and condition of it now. page 29.
A wall of stone without Lime or Morter, of a fadome and a halfe high, and twenty foot broad, built by the Indian, for a defence in time of Warres before the comming of the Spaniards. page 29.
Fourescore thousand Indians, soon raised and armed by those of Tlaxcallan, and soone overcome by a thousand onely Indians and Spaniards with Cortez. pag. 30. 31.
Yet further a hundred and fifty thousand overcome by foure hundred Spaniards, and six hundred Indians. page 31. 32.
Three presents sent to Cortez, viz five slaves, Frankincense and feathers, Fowles, Bread and Cherries, to know whether hee were a God or a man. pag. 32.
Montezuma the Emperour his great present sent to Cortez. pag. 34.
The Tlaxcalteca's pay no Tribute to the King of Spain, as others doe, save onely one Corn of Maiz. pag. 35.
A description of the foure chief streets of Tlaxcallan, with the standard of the Town. pag. 35.
Twenty thousand persons wont to meet in one Market place of Tlaxcallan, to buy and sell. pag. 35.
Severe Justice executed upon a thief by the inhabitants of Tlaxcallan. pag. 36.
Concluding the rest of our Journey from Tlaxcallan to Mexico, through the City of Angels, and Guacocingo. pag. 36.
The City of Angels first builded by the Command of Antonio de Mendoza, in the yeer 1530. pag. 37.
It was first called by the Indians Cuetlaxcoapan, that is to say, a snake in water. Ibid.
Many more particulars of the City of Angels briefly related. Ibid.
The Town of Guacocingo, why priviledged by the Spaniards. pag. 38.
Tezcuco, the first Town in the West-India's, that received a Christian King. pag. 39.
How the Vergantines, (wherewith Cortez besieged Mexico by water) were brought by Land in pieces from Tlaxcallan to Tezcuco; and foure hundred thousand men, fifty dayes imployed in making a sluce or Trench for the finishing of them, and launching them forth to the Lake. pag. 40.
Cortez his Army divided into three parts in the plain of Tezcuco, for the better besieging of Mexico. pag. 40. 41.
Cortez made use of seven thousand beames of Cedar trees for the building of his house in Mexico. pag. 41.
Shewing some particulars of the great and famous City of Mexico in former times; with a true description of it now. And of the State and Condition of it, in the yeare 1625. pag. 42.
Little substance or nourishment found in the fruits, and other food of Mexico. pag. 42. 43.
Severall opinions concerning the difference of fresh and salt water in the Lake of Mexico, p. 43. 44.
Montezuma his stately Palace in Mexico, called Tepac, with two more, the one with many ponds of salt and fresh water for severall sorts of fowles; the other for hawking fowles, and fowles of rapine. p. 44. 45.
Three thousand were the Attendants in Montezuma his Court, fed with what came from his Table. p. 46.
Mexico called formerly Tenuchtitlan, and why? ibid.
What Mexico properly signifieth, and from whence so called. p. 47.
The Names of the ten Emperours that were of Mexico, and Montezuma his death. ibid.
Quahutimoc Emperour of Mexico taken Prisoner, and that great City conquered by Cortez the 13. of August, 1521. p. 49.
Two hundred thousand little boats called Canoas, belonged to Mexico, to bring provision into the City. p. 50.
A Description of the chiefe Market of Mexico, wherein a hundred thousand persons did usually meet to buy and sell. p. 50, 51.
A Description of the great Church of Mexico, before the entring of the Spaniards. p. 51, 52.
The Papists have continued the fashion of their Churches, Altars, Cloisters, and many other their abuses from the Heathens. p. 52, 53.
The Gods of Mexico, two thousand in number. p. 53.
Mexico after the Conquest, was built againe with a hundred thousand houses. p. 54.
Fifteen thousand Coaches are judged to be in the City of Mexico. p. 56.
A Popingay presented to the King of Spain, worth halfe a million of Duckates. ibid.
A Lampe in Mexico worth foure hundred thousand Crownes. ibid.
The Attire of the female sex of Blackmores, Mulatta's, and Mestiza's in Mexico. p. 56, 57.
The Spaniards with their gifts to the Churches and Cloisters cover their lascivious lives, as is shewed by an example in Mexico. p. 57.
About two thousand Coaches daily meet in the Alameda of Mexico. 59.
Of a fruit in the India's, called Nuchtli. p. 60.
Of some other fruits, and especially of a tree called Metl. p. 60, 61.
A memorable history of a great mutiny in Mexico, caused by the too great power of an Archprelate, and the Covetousnesse of the Viceroy. With some observations gathered for the good of England out of the said mutiny. p. 62. & sequent.
Shewing the severall parts of this new world of America; and the places of Note about the famous City of Mexico. p. 68.
A Description of the fiery Mountain, called Popocatepec. p. 69.
The riches belonging to the Viceroy his chappell at Chapultepec, worth above a million of Crownes. p. 70.
A Description of a rich Desart, or wildernesse, three leagues from Mexico. ibid.
The cruelty of Don Nunio de Guzman in Mechoacan. p. 71. The manner of burying the Kings of Mechoacan, before it was conquered by the Spaniards. p. 71, 72.
The Spaniards themselves wonder that our English Nation is not more Active in conquering more of the Continent of America beyond Virginia. p. 73.
Nova Albion in America, named so by Sir Francis Drake. p. 74.
How the Countrey of Jucatan was first named. ibid.
In the year 1632. the Indians of Jucatan mutinied against the Spaniards. ibid.
The City of Valdivia so named from a Spaniard of that name too greedy and covetous of gold. p. 76.
The famous Attempt of John Oxenham an English man from the Coast of Nombre de Dios, to the Island of Pearles in the South sea. p. 77.
The Spanish Fleet of Nova Hispania, taken by the Hollanders, in the river of Matanzos. p. 80.
Shewing my Journey from Mexico to Chiapa, Southward, and the most remarkable places in the way. p. 81.
For what reasons I stayed in America, and would not goe on to the Philippina Islands in the East-India's. p. 82.
A Proclamation from the Viceroy in the market place of Mexico, against such as should conceale, harbour, and hide any Fryer bound for the Philippina Islands. p. 83.
A double Wheat harvest every yeer in a Valley, called St. Pablo. p. 85.
The Dominicans Cloister in Guaxaca, very rich, and strong. p. 86.
The great River Alvarado, though it run from St. John de Ulhua far into the heart of the Countrey towards Guaxaca, yet there is no Castle, Tower, or Ordnance upon it. ibid.
An Old Frier, Master of Divinity, spightfully and maliciously buried in a garden by the Friers of Guaxaca. ibid.
Friers in the India's may travail, and call for Turkeys, Capons, or what they please to eat, without any mony, upon the Indians charges. p. 87.
Tecoantepeque a Sea Towne, upon Mar del Zur, altogether unfortified. ibid.
The Author lodged in a Wildernesse, and affrighted with a sure apprehension of death by Wild beasts. p. 88, 89.
The Author, and his Companies dangerous passage over the mountaine of Maquilapa, feeding three daies upon green sowre lemmons, and water. p. 90. & sequ.
Two mysterious games of Tables played between the Superiour of the Dominican Friers of Chiapa, and the Author and his Company. p. 94, 95.
Our stately entertainment in a Towne called St. Philip, neer Chiapa. p. 95, 96.
Our imprisonment in the Cloister of Chiapa, and three daies penance with bread and water. p. 96.
A Friers penance in Chiapa for a Love letter to a Nun. p. 97.
The Author made Schoole-master in Chiapa. ibid.
Describing the Countrey of Chiapa, with the chief Townes and Commodities belonging to it. p. 98.
Some foolish questions moved to the Author by a great Don of Chiapa, and his answer to them accordingly. p. 99. & sequ.
One thousand and six hundred Duckates got by a Bishop of Chiapa in one moneth onely for Confirmation of little children in Indian Townes. p. 102.
A Bishop of Chiapa poisoned by women, with a cup of Chocolatte, for forbidding Chocolatte to be drunke in the Church. p. 103.
The Author his answer to a token sent to him by a gentlewoman of Chiapa. p. 104.
The great Dexterity of the Indians of Chiapa in shewes, and publike feasts. ibid.
The River of Tabasco very commodious for any Nation to enter up towards Chiapa. p. 105.
Concerning two daily, and common Drinkes, or Potions much used in the India's, called Chocolatte, and Atolle. p. 106.
The Nature of the Cacao, and the tree it groweth upon, and the two sorts of it. p. 106, 107.
Cinnamon one of the best ingredients in the Chocolatte; and why? p. 108.
Achiotte how it groweth; and for what it is good. ibid.
Severall waies to drinke the Chocolatte. p. 109.
Shewing my Journey from the City of Chiapa unto Guatemala, and the chief places in the way. p. 111.
Six thousand Duckates sent by a Fryer to Spain to buy a Bishopricke. p. 112.
A rich treasure and picture of Mary in a poor and small Town of the Indians, called Chiantla, among the mountaines, named Cuchumatlanes. p. 113.
The water of the river of a Towne, called Scapula, causeth great swellings in the throat. p. 114.
The Authour his dangerous fall from the mountaine of Zojabah, and his great deliverance attributed to a miracle by the Indians, with the conceit the Indians had of his sanctity and holinesse. p. 115.
The Indians guide the Friers in the night, when they travail, with lights of Pine wood. p. 116.
The great Fair of Chimaltenango. p. 117.
The Author abused, and suspected to be a spie, by an old frier in Chimaltenango. ibid.
Stones of a fruit, or plumme, called Xocotte, fit for fiering, and also good to fat hogs. 117, 118.
Describing the Dominions, Government, Riches, and greatnesse of the City of Guatemala, and Country belonging to it. p. 118.
Guatemala an open City without any walls, forts, or Bulwarkes about it. p. 118.
The Author welcomed to Guatemala; and first graced with a publick Act of Divinity; and after made Master of Arts in the same City. p. 118, 119.
The forme of the Letters Patents, as are used there, and sent to the Authour to read Arts in the University of Guatemala. ibid.
The manner of presenting the Author to the Bishop for obtaining his Licence to preach publikely. p. 120. 121.
The forme of the Bishops Licence to preach and heare Confessions within his Bishopricke, in Spanish, and English; with some glosses upon it. p. 121, 122.
Donna Maria de Castilia swallowed up by a river which suddainly gushed out of a mountaine neer to Guatemala, for blaspheming and defying God. p. 124.
The horrour of the Vulcan of fire neer Guatemala. ibid.
Thirteen pound and a halfe of Biefe sold about Guatemala for three pence. p. 125.
One man onely enjoying 40000 head of Cattell, and one onely that bought 6000 neer Guatemala. ibid.
How Guatemala and the Townes about are stored with provision of Biefe and Mutton; and by whom. ibid.
Foure exceeding rich Merchants in Guatemala, besides many other of great, but inferiour wealth to them. p. 126.
The Covetousnesse of a President of Guatemala shewed in Carding and gaming. ibid.
Thirty thousand Duckats yeerly, the rent of one Cloister in Guatemala; besides the treasure in it, worth a hundred thousand Crownes. p. 127.
A thousand persons commonly living within one Cloister of Nuns in Guatemala. ibid.
The Bishop of Guatemala his Nun, very powerfull and rich. p. 128.
The strength of the Blackmore slaves about the Countrey of Guatemala. p. 129.
All the power of Guatemala is not able to reduce a few Blackmore slaves, who are fled to the mountains about Golfo Dulce. p. 130.
Between the Towne of Acasabastlan and Guatemala are Mines of Copper, and iron, and probably a treasure of Gold. p. 131.
A rich Miser, worth six hundred thousand Duckates, living like a beast in the valley of Mixco. p. 132.
A kind of wheat in the valley of Mixco, called Tremesino, which after three moneths sowne is harvested in. p. 135.
A Towne called St. Lucar, where wheat threshed is laid up in Barnes, and keepeth two or three yeers with much increase. ibid.
A Towne of twelve thousand Indian inhabitants not yet conquered, lying between Jucatan and Vera Paz. p. 136.
Shewing the Condition, quality, fashion, and behaviour of the Indians of the Countrey of Guatemala, since the Conquest; and especially of their feasts and solemnities. p. 138.
The Indians of the Countrey of Guatemala, like the Israelites by Pharaoh, much oppressed by the Spaniards, because they multiply and increase. p. 138.
The West-India's easier to be conquered now, then in the time that Cortez conquered them. p. 139.
Some Indians choose rather to die by pining away willingly, then to be subject to the Spaniards oppression and cruelty. ibid.
How the Indians are forced, and distributed out by a Spanish officer to serve the Spaniards weekly. p. 140.
The manner of the Indians beds; as also their manner of cloathing. p. 141, 142.
They are divided into Tribes; with a chiefe head over every Tribe. p. 142.
How they agree upon contracting Marriage one with another. ibid.
The powdred bief of the Indians, commonly called Tassajo. p. 143.
The Indian Venison, or flesh of wild Dear, how dressed and eaten. ibid.
A Hedgehog good meat in the India's. ibid.
Of an Indian drinke, called Chicha. p. 144.
The Spaniards use much to make the Indians drunke; and then picke their pockets. p. 144, 145.
The Preists that live in the Indian Townes are above the Justices, and Officers for peace, and whip, and give sentence and judgement in the Church against the best. p. 146.
The Service, and Attendants allowed to the Preist. p. 147.
How, and what tribute the Indians pay yeerly. p. 148.
The Saints and Idols of the Romish Religion differ not from the heathenish Idols in the Indians opinion. p. 149.
Saints held unprofitable by the Preists in the India's, and fit to be cast out of the Churches, which bring not mony and gifts unto them at least once a yeare. ibid.
The Preists trade much in wax candles, and sell sometimes one candle five or six times. p. 150.
An old Indian Womans judgement concerning the Sacrament of the Lords supper. p. 150, 151.
All soules day, Christmas, Candlemas day, and Whitsunday, daies of great lucre, and profit to the Preists. p. 151, 152.
The Indians are forced to marry at thirteen and fourteen yeers of age; and why? p. 153.
The ground of our Fairs in England. p. 154.
Severall dances of the Indians. p. 154, 155.
Shewing how, and why I departed out of Guatemala, to learne the Poconchi language, and to live among the Indians; and of some particular passages, and Accidents whilst I lived there. p. 156.
The Author going with some few Spaniards, and Christian Indians into a Countrey of unknowne Heathens, fell dangerously sick; and was further in a skirmish with the Barbarians, and by that meanes also in danger of his life. p. 157, 158.
Indians growne up in age, forcedly driven to Baptisme, without any principles in Christianity, by the Preists and Friers that first entred into America. ibid.
Comayagua, a woody, mountainous, and barren Countrey. p. 159.
In the India's are Grammers and Dictionaries of the severall Indian tongues. p. 160.
The Authour became perfect in the Poconchi language in one quarter of a yeere. ibid.
The meanes, chiefly from the Church, which the Authour enjoyed yeerly in the Townes of Mixco and Pinola. p. 161, 162.
A Plague of Locusts in the India's brought no small profit to the Authour. p. 163, 164.
The Spaniards confidence in some blessed breads against the plague of Locusts. ibid.
An infectious disease amongst the Indians, brought to the Author neer a hundred pounds in halfe a yeer. ibid.
The Authour struck downe as dead to the ground with a flash of lightning; and again in danger of his life by an Earthquake. p. 165, 166.
Of a small Vermin, lesse then a flea called Nigua, common in the India's, wherewith the Author was in danger of losing a leg. ibid.
The Authour like to be killed by a Spaniard, for defending the poore Indians, p. 167.
A notorious Witch in the Town of Pinola affrighted the Authour. p. 167. & sequ.
The Indian Wizards and Witches changed into shapes of beasts by the Devil, as appeareth by two examples. p. 169 & sequ.
Some Idolaters in the Towne of Mixco discovered their preaching Idol found out by the Authour, and burnt publikely in the Church; and hee in great danger to bee killed by them. p. 171. & sequ.
The Authors conflict within himselfe about coming home to England for conscience sake; and his resolution therein. p. 180, 181.
Neer upon 9000. peeces of Eight got by the Authour, in twelve yeers that hee lived in the India's. p. 181.
Shewing my Journey from the Towne of Petapa into England; and some chief passages in the way. p. 182.
Relation of a place called Serro Redondo, five leagues from Petapa. p. 182.
A strange fire and smoake constantly comming out of the earth neer unto a Towne, called Aguachapa; which by the Spaniards is supposed to be a mouth of hell. p. 183.
The priviledge of a great river, called Lempa, dividing the Countrey of St. Salvador, and Nicaragua. p. 184.
A Frier thinking to take up gold from the bottome of the fiery Vulcan of Leon deceived. p. 185.
The City of Leon, and Countrey about, called by the Spaniards, Mahomets paradise. ibid.
About the beginning of February, the City of Granada in Nicaragua is one of the richest places in the India's, by reason of many rich commodities, and some of the King of Spain his revenews carried thither, to be transported by the Frigats to Cartagena or Havana. p. 185, 186.
The dangerous passage from the Lake of Granada by the river, commonly called El Desaguadero. p. 186.
The Authour and his Company like to be surprized by a monstrous Cayman, or Crocodile. p. 187.
The Authour robbed at sea by a Holland man of Warre, of the value of 7000. Crownes. p. 188, 189.
A Frier for defending the poore Indians of Nicoya lost two fingers, which were cut off by the Alcalde Maior. p. 192.
The Author forced to drinke his owne urine, and lost, and like to perish in an unknowne Island, and afterwards upon a Rocke. p. 193, 194.
Some particulars of the City of Panama. p. 195.
The river of Chiagre very shallow in many places, without some great raine cause the water to fall into it from the mountaines. ibid.
Some particulars of Portobello, during the time that the Spanish Fleet stayeth there. p. 196.
The Papists Bread God, or Sacrament eaten and gnawne by a Mouse in Portobello; with a Fast in bread and water for that contempt done unto their God. p. 197, 198.
The Spaniards feare of the English that then inhabited the Island called Providence. p. 199.
Some English Prisoners at Carthagena, with one Captain Rouse, who at Havana challenged some Spaniards into the field, who had abused him. p. 199, 200.
From the whole Spanish Fleet, one gallantly taken away, worth fourescore thousand Duckats, by two Holland or English ships not well knowne, upon the Coast of Havana. p. 201.
The manner of the Dominicans habit, with the meaning of it. p. 203.
Shewing how, and for what causes, after I had arrived in England, I took yet another journey to Rome, and other parts of Italy, and returned again to settle my selfe in this my Countrey. p. 205.
Price a Monke very familiar with William Laud late Archbishop of Canterbury. p. 205.
The Authors Brother in great favour at Court, and aspiring to a Bishopricke; or to be Parish Preist of Coven garden. ibid.
The Authour apprehended by a Pursevant; and protected by Sir Francis Windebanke. p. 207.
The Authour from the low Countries got letters of recommendation to some chiefe Cardinals in Rome. p. 207.
The Author robbed by French Pyrates going from Ligorne to Rome. ibid.
The Cardinal Don Francisco Barbarini intituled the Protectour of England and much acquainted with the affaires of England, and especially with the actions and proceedings of William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury. p. 208.
William Laud his further Complyance with the Cardinals of Rome, as testified by Fitzherbert the Jesuite in a conference with the Authour. ibid.
A designe of making an English Cardinall at Rome; and who chiefly eyed for that purpose. p. 209.
A true Copy of the manner of sending the Author to live at Orleans in France, p. 209, 210.
The miracle printed by the Papists of the blushing and sweating of the Ladies picture of Loretto, tried by the Authour, and found to bee a meer lie. p. 210.
At the calling of the Parliament now sitting, the Romish crew in Italy much perplexed. p. 210, 211.
The Authour taken again by a French Fleet of ships, as he was coming home from Ligorne. p. 211.
The Author twice assaulted in London by Papists, and like to be killed for his profession of the truth, and service to the State. p. 211, 212.