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                                  THE
                           TUZUK-I-JAHANGIRI

                                   Or
                          Memoirs of Jahangir

                               Volume II


                             Translated by
                            Alexander Rogers
                            I.C.S. (Retired)


                               Edited by
                            Henry Beveridge
                            I.C.S. (Retired)








PREFACE


After an interval of about five years, the second volume of
Mr. Alexander Rogers' translation of Jahangir's Memoirs has been
published by the Royal Asiatic Society. It is a smaller work than
the first volume, for it only extends over six years of the reign,
as against the twelve years of its predecessor. Even then it does not
include the whole of the reign, for that lasted twenty-two years. The
two volumes, however, contain all that Jahangir wrote or supervised. It
will be found, I think, that the present volume is fully as interesting
as its predecessor. The accounts of the Zodiacal coinage (pp. 6 and
7), and of the comet, or new star (p. 48), the notice of the Plague
in Agra (pp. 65-67), and the elaborate description of Kashmir, under
the chronicle of the 15th year, are valuable, and a word should be
said for the pretty story of the King and the Gardener's daughter
(p. 50), and for the allusions to painters and pictures.

If Babur, who was the founder of the Moghul Empire in India, was
the Cæsar of the East, and if the many-sided Akbar was an epitome
of all the great Emperors, including Augustus, Trajan, Hadrian,
Marcus Aurelius, Julian, and Justinian. Jahangir was certainly of
the type of the Emperor Claudius, and so bore a close resemblance
to our James I. All three were weak men, and under the influence
of their favourites, and all three were literary, and at least two
of them were fond of dabbling in theology. All three were in their
wrong places as rulers. Had James I. (and VI. of Scotland) been, as
he half wished, the Keeper of the Bodleian, and Jahangir been head
of a Natural History Museum, they would have been better and happier
men. Jahangir's best points were his love of nature and powers of
observation, and his desire to do justice. Unfortunately, the last of
these merits was vitiated by a propensity for excessive and recondite
punishments. Like his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather,
he was addicted to drugs and alcohol, and he shortened his life in
this way. He made no addition to the imperial territories, but, on
the contrary, diminished them by losing Qandahar to the Persians. But
possibly his peaceful temper, or his laziness, was an advantage, for it
saved much bloodshed. His greatest fault as a king was his subservience
to his wife, Nur-Jahan, and the consequent quarrel with his son,
Shah Jahan, who was the ablest and best of his male children. The
last years of his reign were especially melancholy, for he suffered
from asthma and other diseases; and he had to endure the ignominy
of being for a while a captive to one of his own servants--Mahabat
Khan. He died on the borders of Kashmir, when on his way to Lahore,
in October, 1627, in the fifty-ninth year of his age, and was buried
at Shahdara, near Lahore, where his widow, Nur-Jahan, and her brother
are also interred. At the time of his death his son Shah Jahan was at
Junair in the Deccan, and there the news was conveyed in a wonderfully
short time by a Hindu courier. Jahangir was succeeded by Shah Jahan,
who lost no time in getting rid of his relatives, for, like the Turk,
he bore no kinsman near the throne. Indeed, he is strongly suspected
of having killed his elder brother, Khusrau, several years before.

I am indebted to Mr. Ellis, of the India Office, for revising the
proofs.




NOTE.

In the Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity College,
Dublin, p. 416, mention is made of a history of Hindustan during the
reign of Jahangir, in two volumes, with paintings (Ouseley MSS.). I
have recently ascertained that the MS. is only a modern copy of
the Iqbal-nama.


H. Beveridge.








CONTENTS


                                                                   Page

  The Thirteenth New Year's Feast                                     1
  The Fourteenth New Year's Feast from the Auspicious Accession      78
  The Fifteenth New Year's Feast after the Auspicious Accession     130
  The Sixteenth New Year's Feast after the Auspicious Accession     199
  The Seventeenth New Year's Feast after the Auspicious Accession   230
  The Eighteenth New Year's Feast after the Auspicious Accession    253
  The Nineteenth New Year's Feast after the Auspicious Accession    294
  Index                                                             301








THE THIRTEENTH NEW YEAR'S FEAST


On the eve of Wednesday, the 23rd Rabi`u-l-awwal, 1027 (March 10,
1618), after the lapse of fourteen and a half gharis, the entrance of
the Sun--that is, H.M. the Great Light--the Benefactor of the Universe,
into the constellation of the Ram, took place. Twelve years had now
passed from the august Accession of this suppliant at the throne of
God, in prosperity, and the New Year began in joy and thanksgiving. On
Thursday, 2 Farwardin, Divine month, the festival of my Lunar weighment
took place, and the fifty-first [1] year of the age of this suppliant
at God's throne began with rejoicings. I trust that my life will be
spent in the doing of God's Will, and that not a breath of it will
pass without remembering Him. After the weighment had been finished,
a fresh feast of joy was arranged, and my domestic servants celebrated
the day with brimming cups.

On this day Asaf K. (Nur-Jahan's brother), who held the rank of
5,000 with 3,000 horse, was favoured by the grant of 4,000 two-horsed
and three-horsed troopers, and Sabit K. was raised to the office of
Examiner of Petitions. I bestowed the post of the Artillery on Mu`tamid
K. A Kachh (Cutch) horse had been brought as an offering by the son
of Dilawar K. No horse so good as this had come into my establishment
till I encamped in Gujarat, and as M. Rustam showed a great liking for
it, I presented it to him. On the Jam were conferred four rings--viz.,
diamond, ruby, emerald, and sapphire--and two hawks. I also gave four
rings--viz., ruby, cat's-eye, emerald, and sapphire--to Raja Lachmi
Narayan (of Kuch Bihar). Muruwwat K. had sent three elephants from
Bengal, and two of them were included in my private stud. On the eve
of Friday I ordered lamps to be placed round the tank, and this had a
very good appearance. On Sunday Haji Rafiq came from `Iraq, and had
the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and laid before me a letter
which my brother Shah `Abbas had sent with him. The aforesaid person
is a slave of Mir Muhammad Amin K., the caravan leader, and the Mir
had brought him up from his childhood. In truth, he is an excellent
servant. He frequently visited `Iraq, and became intimate with my
brother Shah `Abbas. This time he had brought tipchaq [2] horses and
fine cloth-stuffs, such that of the horses some were put into the
private stables. As he is a skilful slave, and a servant worthy of
favour, I honoured him with the title of Maliku-t-tujjar (King of
Merchants). On Monday I gave Raja Lachmi Narayan a special sword,
a jewelled rosary, and four pearls for ear-rings. On Mubarak-shamba
(Thursday) I increased by 500 horse the mansab of 5,000 personal
and 1,000 horse held by Mirza Rustam; I`tiqad K. was promoted to a
mansab of 4,000 and 1,000 horse; Sarfaraz K. was promoted to a mansab
of 2,500 and 1,400 horse; Mu`tamid K. to the rank of 1,000 with 350
horse. On Anira'i Singh-dalan and Fida'i K., horses worth 100 muhars
were conferred. As the guarding and administration of the Punjab had
been entrusted to I`timadu-d-daula, I, at his request, promoted to
the government (hukumat) of the said Subah, Mir Qasim, the Bakhshi
of the Ahadis, who is related to him, and bestowed on him a mansab
of 1,000 personal with 400 horse and the title of Qasim K. Before
this I had given Raja Lachmi Narayan an `Iraq horse. On this day I
conferred on him an elephant and a Turki horse, and gave him leave
to go to Bengal. The Jam was dismissed to his native country with
a present of a jewelled waist-sword, a jewelled rosary, two horses,
one from `Iraq and the other a Turki, and a dress of honour. Salih,
brother's son of the deceased Asaf Khan, [3] was promoted to a mansab
of 1,000 with 300 horse, and allowed to go to Bengal, and a horse
was conferred on him. On this date Mir Jumla [4] came from Persia,
and had the good fortune to pay his respects. The aforesaid is one
of the respectable Sayyids of Isfahan and his family have always
been held in honour in Persia, and now his brother's son, Mir Riza,
is in the service of my brother, Shah `Abbas, and has the rank of
Sadr, and the Shah has married him to his own daughter. Mir Jumla
had left Persia fourteen years before this, and gone to Golconda to
Muhammad Quli Qutbu-l-mulk. His name is Muhammad Amin. Qutbu-l-mulk
gave him the title of Mir Jumla. For ten years he had been his Mudar
`Alaihi (Centre of Affairs) and his Sahib Saman (factotum). After
Qutbu-l-mulk died, and the rule came to his brother's son, the latter
did not treat the Mir properly, and so he took leave and hastened to
his native country. The Shah, on account of his connection with Mir
Riza, and the respect which he had for men [5] of merit, showed much
consideration for and kindness to him. He (the Mir) also presented
fitting offerings, and passed three or four years in Persia, and
amassed properties (estates?). [6] As he several times represented
that he wished to enter the service of this Court, I sent a farman and
invited him. Immediately the farman arrived he severed his connections
there, and set the face of loyalty towards this Court. This day he
attained the honour of kissing the carpet, and produced as offering
twelve horses, nine tuquz [7] of silk cloths, and two rings. As
he had come with devotion and sincerity, I conferred favours and
kindness on him, and presented him with 20,000 darbs (Rs. 10,000)
for his expenses and a dress of honour. On the same day I gave the
post of Bakhshi of the Ahadis to `Inayat K. in place of Qasim K. I
honoured Khwaja `Aqil, who is one of the old servants, with the title
of `Aqil K., and presented him with a horse. On Friday, Dilawar K.,
coming from the Deccan, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold,
and presented an offering of 100 muhars and Rs. 1,000. Baqir K.,
Faujdar of Multan, was promoted to a mansab of 800 personal and 300
horse. Tijarat K. and Bahu'i, [8] Zamindar of Multan, were honoured
with the gift of elephants. On Saturday, the 11th, marching from
Dohad with the intention of hunting elephants, I pitched at the
village of Kara Bara (Garbara ?). On Sunday, the 12th, the village
of Sajara (Sajwara ?) became the place of alighting. It is 8 koss
from this place to Dohad, and 1 1/2 koss to the hunting-ground. On
the morning of Monday, the 13th, I went to hunt elephants with a body
of my private servants. As the grazing-place of the elephants is in a
hilly country, with elevations and depressions, a passage is obtained
with difficulty by one on foot. Before this, a large body of horse
and foot had surrounded the jungle after the manner of a qamurgha,
and outside the jungle, on a tree, they had prepared a wooden platform
for me. On all sides of this they had arranged seats on other trees for
the Amirs. They had got ready 200 male elephants with strong nooses,
and many female elephants. On each elephant there were seated two
elephant-drivers of the tribe of Jarga, [9] whose special employment
is the hunting of elephants, and it had been arranged that they
should bring the wild elephants from the jungle into my presence,
that I might witness the hunt. It happened that at the time when the
men from all sides entered the jungle, in consequence of the thickness
of the forest and the heights and hollows, the chain was broken, and
the order of the qamurgha did not remain perfect. The wild elephants in
bewilderment turned in every direction, but twelve male and female came
to this side (where J. was). As the fear was that they might escape,
they drove in the tame elephants and tied them (the wild elephants)
up wherever they found them. Although many elephants were not caught,
at least two excellent ones were captured, very handsome in shape,
of good breed, and perfect marks. As there is a hill in the jungle in
which the elephants were, called Rakas (Rakshas) Pahar, [10] or demon
hill, I called these two elephants Ravan Sar and Pavan Sar, these
being the names of two demons. On Tuesday, the 14th, and Kam-shamba
(Wednesday), the 15th, I halted.

On the eve of Thursday, the 16th, I marched, and halted at the stage of
Kara Bara. Hakim Beg, [11] who is one of the household of the Court,
was honoured with the title of Hakim K., and a sum of Rs. 3,000 was
given to Sangram, a Zamindar of the hill country of the Panjab. As
the heat was very great, and marching by day was to be avoided,
I marched by night. On Saturday, the 18th, a halt was made in the
parganah of Dohad. On Sunday, the 19th, the sun that bestows favour
on the world attained the highest point in the constellation of
Aries. On this day a great entertainment was held, and I sat on the
throne. I promoted Shah-nawaz K., who held a mansab of 5,000, with the
favour of 2,000 horse, of two and three horses. Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan,
the Chief Bakhshi, was given a mansab, original and increased, of
4,000 with 2,000 horse. As Ahmad Beg K., of Kabul, who had obtained
the governorship of Kashmir, had promised that he would conquer in
the space of two years Tibet and Kishtwar, and the promised time
had elapsed, and he had not fulfilled this service, I removed him,
and promoted Dilawar K. Kakar to the Government of Kashmir. I gave
him a dress of honour and an elephant, and sent him off. He also
made a promise in writing that in the course of two years he would
conquer Tibet and Kishtwar. Badi'u-z-Zaman, s. Shahrukh M. came from
the jagir he held in Sultanpur, and had the good fortune to kiss the
threshold. Having at this time honoured Qasim K. with a jewelled dagger
and an elephant, I dismissed him to the Government of the Punjab.

On the night of Tuesday, the 21st, I marched from the stage mentioned,
and turned the reins of the army of prosperity towards Ahmadabad. As
in consequence of the great heat and the corruption of the air I would
have had to undergo much hardship, and would have had to traverse a
long distance before reaching Agra, it occurred to me not to proceed
at this hot season to the capital. As I heard much praise of the rainy
season in Gujarat, and there was no report about the evil reputation
of Ahmadabad (see infra for account of epidemic there), I finally
conceived the idea of remaining there. Inasmuch as the protection and
guardianship of God (to Him be praise) was in all places and at all
times extended to this suppliant, just at this crisis news arrived
that signs of the plague (waba) had shown themselves again at Agra,
and many people were dying, my intention of not going to Agra,
which had thrown its rays on my mind through Divine inspiration,
was confirmed. The entertainment of Thursday, the 23rd, was held at
the station of Jalod. [12]

Previously to this, the rule of coinage was that on one face of
the metal they stamped my name, and on the reverse the name of the
place, and the month and year of the reign. At this time it entered
my mind that in place of the month they should substitute the figure
of the constellation which belonged to that month; for instance, in
the month of Farwardin the figure of a ram, and in Urdibihisht the
figure of a bull. Similarly, in each month that a coin was struck,
the figure of the constellation was to be on one face, as if the
sun were emerging from it. This usage is my own, and has never been
practised until now. [13]

On this day I`tiqad K. was promoted to the dignity of a standard,
and a standard was also conferred on Muruwwat K., who was attached to
Bengal. On the night of Monday, [14] the 27th, the camp was pitched in
the village of Badrwala, in the parganah of Sahra. [15] At this stage
was heard the voice of the koel (koyal). The koel is a bird of the
crow tribe, but smaller. The crow's eyes are black, and those of the
koel red. The female has white spots, but the male is all black. The
male has a very pleasant voice, quite unlike that of the female. It
is in reality the nightingale of India. Just as the nightingale is
agitated and noisy in the spring, so is the cry of the koel at the
approach of the rainy season, which is the spring of Hindustan. Its
cry is exceedingly pleasant and penetrating, and the bird begins its
exhilaration (masti) when the mangoes ripen. It frequently sits on
the mango-trees, and is delighted with the colour and scent of the
mango. A strange thing about the koel is that it does not bring up its
young from the egg, but, finding the nest of the crow unguarded at the
time of laying, it breaks the crow's eggs with its beak, throws them
out, and lays its own in the place of them, and flies off. The crow,
thinking the eggs its own, hatches the young and brings them up. I
have myself seen this strange affair at Allahabad.

On the night of Kamshamba (Wednesday), the 29th, the camp was on
the bank of the Mahi, and the entertainment of Mubarakshamba was
held there. Two springs appeared on the bank of the Mahi, that had
very clear water, so much so that if a poppy-seed fell into them the
whole of it was visible. All that day I passed with the ladies. As
it was a pleasant place to walk about in, I ordered them to build a
raised seat round each of the springs. On Friday I fished in the Mahi,
and large fish with scales fell into the net. I first told my son,
Shah-Jahan, to try his sword on them. After this I ordered the Amirs
to strike them with the swords they had in their belts. My son's
sword cut better than all of theirs. These fish were divided among
the servants who were present. On the eve of Saturday, the 1st of
Urdibihisht, marching from the above-mentioned stage, I ordered [16]
the mace-bearers (yasawulan) and tawachiyan to collect the widows and
poor people from the villages on the road and near it, and bring them
before me, so that I might bestow charity on them with my own hand,
which would be an occupation, and the helpless ones might also find
grace. What better occupation could there be than this? On Monday,
the 3rd, Shaja`at K. `Arab, and Himmat K., and other servants who
belonged to the Deccan and Gujarat, had the good fortune to kiss
the threshold. The holy men and the possessors of blessing (faqirs,
etc.) who lived at Ahmadabad paid their respects to me. On Tuesday,
the 4th, the bank of the river at Mahmudabad became the alighting
place. Rustam K., whom my son, Shah-Jahan, had left in the Government
of Gujarat, was honoured by paying his respects. The entertainment of
Thursday, the 6th, was held on the bank of the Kankriya tank. Nahir
K., according to order, came from the Deccan and raised the head of
honour with the good fortune of prostrating himself before me.

A diamond ring was presented to my son, Shah-Jahan, as part of the
offering of Qutbu-l-mulk. It was of the value of 1,000 muhars, and on
it there appeared three letters of equal size and of good form, such
that they made the word Lillahi (for God). This diamond had been sent,
as it was reckoned one of the marvels of the world. In fact, veins and
scratches are flaws in precious stones, but it was generally thought
that the marks on this one were fabricated. Moreover, the diamond
did not come from any celebrated mine. As my son, Shah-Jahan, wished
that it should be sent to my brother, Shah `Abbas, as a souvenir of
the conquest of the Deccan it was sent to the Shah along with other
gifts. [17]

On this day I presented Brikha Ray bad-farush (panegyrist) with
Rs. 1,000. He is a Gujarati by origin, and is fully versed in the
chronicles and circumstances of that country. His name was Bunta--that
is, a sapling (nihal). It seemed to me that it was anomalous to call
an old man Bunta, especially now that he had become verdant (sar-sabz)
and fruit-bearing through the irrigation (sahab, literally, cloud, or
mirage) of our kindness. I therefore ordered that henceforth he should
be called Brikha Ray. Brikha means "tree" in Hindi. On Friday, the
7th of the aforesaid month, corresponding with the 1st Jumada-l-awwal,
at a chosen propitious hour, I entered the city of Ahmadabad with all
enjoyment. At the time of mounting, my son of prosperous fortune,
Shah-Jahan, had brought 20,000 charan, or Rs. 5,000, for the nisar
(scattering), and I scattered them as I hastened to the palace. When I
alighted there he laid before me by way of an offering a jewelled turra
(aigrette) of the value of Rs. 25,000, and those of his officers whom
he had left in this Subah also presented offerings. They altogether
amounted to nearly Rs. 40,000. As it was represented to me that Khwaja
Beg Mirza Safawi had reached the neighbourhood of the forgiveness of
God--i.e., had died--at Ahmadnagar, I promoted to a mansab of 2,000
personal and horse, original and increased, Khanjar K., whom he had
adopted as his son, and, indeed, held dearer than a son of his loins,
and who was in truth, an intelligent, ambitious youth, and a servant
worthy of patronage, and entrusted him with the charge of the fort
of Ahmadnagar.

In these days, in consequence of the great heat and the corruption
of the air, sickness had broken out among the people, and of those
in the city and the camp there were few who for two or three days had
not been ill. Inflammatory fever or pains in the limbs attacked them,
and in the course of two or three days they became exceedingly ill--so
much so that even after recovery they remained for a long time weak
and languid. They mostly at last recovered, so that but few were in
danger of their lives. I heard from old men who resided in this country
that thirty years before this the same kind of fever prevailed, and
passed away happily. Anyhow, there appeared some deterioration in the
climate of Gujarat, and I much regretted having come here. I trust
that the great and glorious God, in His mercy and grace, will lift
up this burden, which is a source of uneasiness to my mind, from off
the people. On Mubarak-shamba (Thursday), the 13th, Badi`u-z-zaman,
s. Mirza Shahrukh, was promoted to the mansab of 1,500 personal
and horse, and presented with a standard, and appointed faujdar of
Sarkar Patan. Sayyid Nizam, faujdar of Sarkar Lucknow, was raised to
the mansab of 1,000 personal and 700 horse. The mansab of `Ali Quli
Darman, who was attached to the province of Qandahar, at the request
of Bahadur K., the governor thereof, was ordered to be 1,000 personal
and 700 horse. Sayyid Hizbar K. Barha was dignified with the mansab
of 1,000 personal and 400 horse. I promoted Zabardast K. to the rank
of 800 personal and 350 horse. On this day Qasim Khwaja of Dihbid [18]
had sent from Ma-wara'a-n-nahr (Transoxiana) by the hand of one of his
tribesmen by way of supplication five tuyghun (white) falcons. One died
on the road, and four arrived at Ujjain in safety. I ordered them to
hand over the sum of Rs. 5,000 to someone among them, that he might
purchase and take with him whatever things would be agreeable to the
Khwaja, and gave a reward of Rs. 1,000 to himself. At this time Khan
`Alam, who had been sent as ambassador to the ruler of Persia, sent
an ashyani falcon (bird from the nest), which in the Persian language
they call ukna. [19] Outwardly one cannot distinguish between these
and baz dami [20] falcons by any particular mark, but after they
have been flown the difference is clear. On Thursday, the 20th, Mir
Abu-s-Salih, a relation (? son-in-law) of the deceased Mirza Yusuf
K., came from the Deccan by order, and enjoyed the good fortune of
kissing the threshold. He presented as an offering 100 muhars [21]
and a jewelled plume (kalgi). Mirza Yusuf K. [22] was one of the
Rizawi Sayyids of Mashhad, and his family was always held in great
honour in Khurasan, and just now my brother Shah `Abbas has given
his daughter in marriage to the younger brother of the aforesaid
Abu-s-Salih. His father, Mirza Atagh, [23] was the head of the
attendants of the mausoleum of Riza, the 8th Imam. Mirza Yusuf Khan,
by means of the patronage of H.M. (Akbar), had risen to nobility, and
attained to the mansab of 5,000. Without doubt he was a good Mir, and
held his many servants in good order. A number of relations gathered
round him. He died [24] in the Deccan. Although he left many sons,
who obtained favours in consideration of former services, special
attention was paid to the development of his eldest son. In a short
time I advanced him to the rank of nobility. Certainly there is a
great difference between him and his father.

On Mubarak-shamba (Thursday), the 27th, I presented Hakim
Masihu-z-zaman with 20,000 darbs (8 anna pieces), and to Hakim
Ruhu-llah 100 muhars and Rs. 1,000. As he had thoroughly diagnosed
my constitution, he perceived that the climate of Gujarat was very
inimical to it. He said: "As soon as you moderate your habit of taking
wine and opium, all these troubles of yours will disappear." Indeed,
when I in one day diminished (the quantity I took of) both of them,
there was a great gain on that first day. On Mubarak-shamba (Thursday),
the 3rd Khurdad, Qizilbash K. was promoted to the mansab, original and
increased, of 1,500 personal and 1,200 horse. A report was received
from Gajpat K., superintendent of the elephant stables, and Baluch
K., chief huntsman (Qarawul Beg), that up to this time sixty-nine
elephants, male and female, had been caught. Whatever took place after
this would be reported. I ordered them to beware not to take old or
small elephants; but with this exception they should catch all they
saw, male or female. On Monday, the 14th, [25] the sum of Rs. 2,000
was presented for Shah `Alam's anniversary, to Sayyid Muhammad,
his representative. A special Kachh horse, one of the good horses of
the Jam which had been presented to me, was given to Raja Bir Singh
Deo. I made a present of Rs. 1,000 to Baluch K., the chief huntsman,
who is engaged in capturing elephants. On Tuesday, 15th, I found I had
a severe headache, which at last ended in fever. At night I did not
drink my usual number of cups, and after midnight crop-sickness [26]
was added to my fever, and till morning I rolled about on my couch. On
Wednesday, the 16th, at the end of the day, the fever diminished,
and, after asking the advice of my doctors, I took my usual number of
cups on the third night. Although they urged me to take some broth of
pulse and rice, I could not make up my mind to do so. Since I arrived
at the age of discretion, I never remember having taken bughan [27]
broth, and hope that I may not want it in future. When they brought
food for me this day, I had no inclination for it. In short, for
three days and two nights I remained fasting. Though I had fever for
a day and a night, and my weakness was such that it appeared as if
I had been confined to bed for a long time, I had no appetite left,
and had no inclination towards food.

I [28] am amazed to think what pleasure or goodness the founder of
this city could have seen in a spot so devoid of the favour (of God)
as to build a city on it. After him, others, too, have passed their
lives in precious trouble in this dustbin. Its air is poisonous, and
its soil has little water, and is of sand and dust, as has already [29]
been described. Its water is very bad and unpalatable, and the river,
which is by the side of the city, is always dry except in the rainy
season. Its wells are mostly salt and bitter, and the tanks in the
neighbourhood of the city have become like buttermilk from washermen's
soap. The upper classes who have some property have made reservoirs
in their houses, which they fill with rainwater in the rainy season,
and they drink that water until the next year. The evils of water to
which the air never penetrates, and which has no way for the vapour to
come out by, are evident. Outside the city, in place of green grass
and flowers, all is an open plain full of thorn-brakes (zaqqum), and
as for the breeze that blows off the thorns, its excellence is known:


   "[30]O thou, compendium of goodness, by which of thy names shall
                                                          I call thee?
    I had already called Ahmadabad Gardabad (the abode of dust)."


Now, I do not know whether to call it Samumistan (the place of the
samum or simoom) or Bimaristan (abode of sickness), or Zaqqum-zar
(the thorn-bed), or Jahannamabad (the house of Hell), for it contains
all these varieties. If the rainy season had not prevented me, I would
not have delayed one day in this abode of trouble, but, like Solomon,
would have seated myself on the throne of the wind, and hastened
out, and released the people of God from this pain and trouble. As
the men of this city are exceedingly weak-hearted and wretched, in
order to guard against any of the men from the camp entering their
houses with a view to oppress them, or interfering with the affairs
of the poor and miserable: and lest the Qazi and Mir `Adl (judge)
should, from fear of the face of men (ru-didagi), temporize and not
stop such oppression, I, from the date on which I entered the city,
notwithstanding the heat of the air, every day, after completing the
midday prayer, went and sat in the Jharoka. It was towards the river,
and had no impediment in the shape of gate, or wall, or watch-men
(yasawul), or chobdars (mace-bearers). For the sake of administering
justice, I sat there for two or three sidereal hours and listened
to the cries for redress, and ordered punishments on the oppressors
according to their faults and crimes. Even in the time of weakness I
have gone every day to the jharoka, though in great pain and sorrow,
according to my fixed custom, and have looked on ease of body as
something unlawful [31] (haram) for me.


       "For the care of the people of God
        At night I make not mine eyes acquainted with sleep;
        For the ease of the bodies of all
        I approve of pain for my own body."


By the grace of Allah, it has become my habit not to surrender
the nychthemeron, for more than two or three sidereal hours of
the coin of Time, to the plundering of sleep. In this there are two
advantages--one, the knowledge of the kingdom; the other, wakefulness
of heart in calling God to mind. God forbid that this life of a few
days should pass in carelessness. As a heavy sleep is in front, I must
reckon as a gain this time of my wakefulness, which I shall not see
again in sleep, and must not be careless of recollecting God for a
single wink. "Be wakeful, for a wondrous [32] sleep is ahead." On the
same day that I contracted fever, my son Shah-Jahan, who is close to
my heart, also contracted it. His attack lasted a long time, and for
ten days he could not come to pay his respects. He came on Thursday,
the 24th, and waited on me, and appeared very weak and powerless,
so much so that if anyone had not explained the matter, one might
have supposed he had been ill for a month or more. I am grateful
that at last all ended well. On Thursday, the 31st, Mir Jumla, who
had come from Iran--a summary of what had happened to him has been
already written--was honoured with the mansab of 1,500 personal and
200 horse. On this day, in consequence of the weakness I suffered
from, I bestowed as alms on deserving people an elephant, a horse,
and varieties of quadrupeds, with a quantity of gold and silver and
other valuable things. Most of my servants also brought alms according
to their means. I told them that if their object was to parade their
loyalty, their proceeding was not acceptable, and if they were acting
from genuine piety there was no need for bringing their alms into
the Presence; they could secretly and personally distribute them
to the poor and needy. On Mubarak-shamba (Thursday), the 7th Tir,
Divine month, Sadiq K. Bakhshi was promoted to the mansab of 2,000
personal and horse, original and increased; Iradat K., the Mir Saman,
to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, Mir Abu Salih Rizawi to the mansab
of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, with the title of Rizawi Khan, and, being
honoured with a standard and an elephant, he took leave for the Deccan.

At this time it was represented to me that the Commander-in-Chief,
the Ataliq Khan-khanan, as a sequel to the celebrated line, "For every
rose one must bear the pain of a hundred thorns," had written an ode,
and that Mirza Rustam Safawi and Mirza Murad, his son, had also tried
their skill. An impromptu opening couplet came into my mind:


   "A cup of wine should be poured [33] on the cheek of the rosebud.
    There are many clouds, much wine should be poured."


Of those who were present at the entertainment who had the poetic
temperament each composed an ode, and presented it. It became known
that the hemistich was from Maulana `Abdu-r-Rahman Jami. I looked at
the whole of his ode (or odes). Except this hemistich, which like a
proverb has become famous over the world, he has not written anything
epigrammatic. All is very simple and smooth. [34] On this day arrived
the news of the death of Ahmad Beg K., governor of Kashmir. His sons,
who were of the house-born ones of the Court, and on whose foreheads
the signs of intelligence and zeal were manifest, obtained suitable
mansabs, and were sent to do duty in the Suba of Bangash and Kabul. His
mansab was that of 2,500; his eldest son obtained that of 3,000 (?),
[35] and three other sons that of 900 each. On Thursday, the 14th,
Khwaja Baqi K., who was adorned with the high qualities of dignity,
honour, generosity, and valour, under whose rule was one of the thanas
of the country of Berar, was promoted to the mansab of 1,500 and 1,000
horse, original and increased, and the title of Baqi K. Ray Kahnur
(Kunwar?), who was formerly Diwan of Gujarat, was chosen for the
diwanship of Malwa.

At this time the pairing of the saras, which I had never seen before,
and is reported never to have been seen by man, was witnessed
by me. The saras is a creature of the crane genus, but somewhat
larger. [36] On the top of the head it has no feathers, and the
skin is drawn over the bones of the head. From the back of the eye
to six finger-breadths of the neck it is red. They mostly live in
pairs on the plains, but are occasionally seen in flocks. People
bring a pair in from the fields, and keep them in their houses,
and they become familiar with men. In fact, there was a pair of
saras in my establishment to which I had given the names of Laila
and Majnun. One day a eunuch informed me that (the) two had paired
in his presence. I ordered that if they showed an inclination to
pair again they should inform me. At dawn he came and told me that
they were about to pair again. I immediately hastened to look on. The
female having straightened its legs bent down a little: the male then
lifted up one of its feet from the ground and placed it on her back,
and afterwards the second foot, and, immediately seating himself
on her back, paired with her. He then came down, and, stretching
out his neck, put his beak to the ground, and walked once round
the female. It is possible they may have an egg and produce a young
one. Many strange tales of the affection of the saras for its mate
have been heard. The following case has been recorded because it is
very strange. Qiyam K., who is one of the khanazads (houseborn ones)
of this Court, and is well acquainted with the arts of hunting and
scouting, informed me that one day he had gone out to hunt, and found
a saras sitting. When he approached, it got up and went off. From its
manner of walking he perceived signs of weakness and pain. He went to
the place where it had been sitting, and saw some bones and a handful
of feathers on which it had been sitting. He threw a net round it,
and drew himself into a corner, and it tried to go and sit in the
same place. Its foot was caught in the net, and he went forward and
seized it. It appeared extremely light, and when he looked minutely
he saw there were no feathers on its breast and belly: its flesh
and skin had separated, and there were maggots. Moreover, there was
no sign of flesh left on any of its members: a handful of feathers
and bone came into his hand. It was clear that its mate had died,
and that it had sate there from the day it lost its companion.


   "My burning heart hath melted my body with separation's pang;
    A soul-consuming sigh burnt me, as 'twere a lamp.
    The day of my joy became black like the night of grief,
    Separation from thee hath made my day like this."


Himmat K., who is one of my best servants, and whose word is worthy
of reliance, told me that in the Dohad [37] pargana he had seen a
pair of saras on the bank of a tank. One of his gunners shot one
of them, and in the same place cut off its head and stripped [38]
it of its feathers (?). By chance we halted two or three days at
that place, and its mate continually walked round it, and uttered
cries and lamentation. "My heart," he said, "ached at its distress,
but there was no remedy for it save regret." By chance, twenty-five
days afterwards, he passed by the same spot, and asked the inhabitants
what had become of that saras. They said it died on the same day,
and there were still remains of feathers and bones on the spot. He
went there himself, and saw it was as they said. There are many tales
of this kind among the people, which it would take too long to tell.

On Saturday, the 16th, there came the news of the death of Rawat
Shankar, who was one of those on duty in Bihar. Man Singh, his
eldest son, was raised to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 600 horse:
his other sons and connections were also raised in mansab, and were
directed to obey him. On Thursday, the 21st, the elephant Bavan, [39]
the pick of my catch, which had been left in the pargana of Dohad to be
tamed, was brought to Court. I ordered him to be kept near the jharoka
on the river side, that he might be constantly under my eye. In the
elephant-stables of H.M. Akbar the largest elephant I saw was Durjan
Sal. It was long the premier elephant. Its height was 4 yards (dara`
[40]), and 3 1/2 quarters of the Ilahi gaz, which is 8 yards and 3
fingers of the ordinary gaz. At present, among the elephants of my
establishment, the largest athlete is `Alam-Gajraj, which H.M. Akbar
himself had caught. It is the chief of my special elephants. Its
height is 4 1/8 yards, or 7 yards and 7 fingers [41] of the ordinary
yard. The ordinary gaz has been fixed at 24 fingers' breadth of an
average-sized man, and the Ilahi gaz is 40 fingers' breadth.

On this day Muzaffar K., who had been promoted to the Subadarship of
Thatta (Sind), had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. He presented
100 muhars and Rs. 100 as nazr, and the equivalent of Rs. 100,000 in
jewels and jewelled things. At this time news came that God Almighty
had bestowed on my son Parwiz a son [42] by the daughter of Shah Murad,
deceased. It is to be hoped that his coming will be of good omen to
this State.

On Sunday, the 24th, Ray Bihari [43] had the good fortune to kiss the
threshold: there is not a greater Zamindar than this in the country of
Gujarat. His country is close to the sea. Bihari and the Jam are from
one stem. They were united ten generations ago. As far as territory and
forces go, the standing of Bihari is greater than that of the Jam. They
say that he never came to see any of the Sultans of Gujarat. Sultan
Mahmud had sent an army against him, but in the fight the army of
Mahmud was defeated. At the time when Khan A`zam went to conquer the
fort of Junagarh in the country of Surat, Nannu, who was called Sultan
Muzaffar, and gave himself out as heir to the kingdom, was passing his
days in a state of misery under the protection of the zamindars. After
this the Jam was defeated in battle with the victorious (Royal) army,
and Nannu took refuge with Ray Bihari. Khan A`zam demanded Nannu from
Ray Bihari, and as he could not oppose the Royal army, he gave him up,
and by this piece of loyalty was saved from the blows of the victorious
army. At the time [44] when Ahmadabad was adorned by the presence of
the retinue of fortune for a short time, he did not come to wait on
me. His country was somewhat distant, and time did not admit of the
appointing of a force (against him). When it happened that I returned
there, my son Shah-Jahan appointed Raja Bikramajit with an army (for
this purpose), and he, seeing his own safety in coming in hastened
to receive the honour of kissing the threshold, giving 200 muhars
and Rs. 2,000 as nazr, and 100 horses. However, there was not one of
his horses that I approved of. His age appeared to me to be more than
eighty [45] years, and he himself said he was ninety. In his senses
and powers there was no appearance of decay. Among his men there was
an old man with white beard, moustaches, and eyebrows. He said that
Ray Bihari remembered him when he (the old man) was a child (infant),
and that he had grown up from childhood in his service.

On this day Abu-l-Hasan, [46] the painter, who has been honoured
with the title of Nadiru-z-zaman, drew the picture of my accession
as the frontispiece to the Jahangir-nama, and brought it to me. As
it was worthy of all praise, he received endless favours. His work
was perfect, and his picture is one of the chefs d'oeuvre of the
age. At the present time he has no rival or equal. If at this day the
masters `Abdu-l-Hayy and Bihzad were alive, they would have done him
justice. His father, Aqa Riza'i, of Herat, [47] at the time when I
was Prince, joined my service. He (Abu-l-Hasan) was a khanazad of my
Court. There is, however, no comparison between his work and that of
his father (i.e., he is far better than his father). One cannot put
them into the same category. My connection was based on my having
reared him. From his earliest years up to the present time I have
always looked after him, till his art has arrived at this rank. Truly
he has become Nadira-i-zaman ("the wonder of the age"). Also, Ustad
Mansur [48] has become such a master in painting that he has the
title of Nadiru-l-`Asr, and in the art of drawing is unique in his
generation. In the time of my father's reign and my own these two
have had no third. As regards myself, my liking for painting and my
practice in judging it have arrived at such a point that when any work
is brought before me, either of deceased artists or of those of the
present day, without the names being told me, I say on the spur of
the moment that it is the work of such and such a man. And if there
be a picture containing many portraits, and each face be the work of
a different master, I can discover which face is the work of each of
them. If any other person has put in the eye and eyebrow of a face,
I can perceive whose work the original face is, and who has painted
the eye and eyebrows.

On the eve of Sunday, the 31st of the month of Tir, heavy rain fell,
and it went on raining with great violence till Tuesday, the 1st
of Amurdad. [49] For sixteen days there were constantly clouds and
(? or) rain. As this is a sandy country, and the buildings in it are
weak, many houses fell, and many lives were lost. I heard from the
inhabitants of the city that they remembered no rain like that of
this year. Although the channel of the Sabarmati [50] appears full
of water, it is in most places fordable, and elephants can always
cross it. If for a day there has been no rain, horses and men can
ford it. The fountain head of this river is in the hill-country
of the Rana. It comes out from the ravine of Kokra(?), [51] and,
having traversed 1 1/2 koss, passes below Mirpur, [52] and in this
place they call it the Wakal (?). After passing 3 koss beyond Mirpur,
they call it the Sabarmati.

On Thursday, the 10th, Ray Bihari was exalted with the favour of a
male and a female elephant, a jewelled dagger, and four rings, of
red ruby and yellow ruby (topaz), sapphire, and emerald. Before this,
the Ataliq Jan-sipar (life-jeoparding), Khan-khanan (`Abdu-r-Rahim),
Commander-in-Chief, by order, had sent a force under the leadership
of his son Amru-llah [53] towards Gondwana, in order to seize the
diamond mine of Barakar [54] (?) that was in the possession of Panju,
a Zamindar of Khandesh. On this day a report came from him that the
aforesaid Zamindar, knowing that opposition to the victorious army
was beyond his power, had made an offering of the mine, and a royal
superintendent had been appointed to manage it. The diamonds of that
place are superior in kind and beauty to all other kinds of diamonds,
and much esteemed by jewellers. They are of good shape, and larger,
and superior. Of the second rank is the mine of Kokhra, [55] which
is on the borders of Bihar; but the diamonds of that place are not
obtained from the mine, but from a river which in the rainy season
comes down in flood from the hills. Before that they dam it up, and
when the flood has passed over the dam and there is little water,
a number of men who are skilled in this art go into the river bed
and bring out the diamonds. It is now three years since this country
came into the possession of the State. The Zamindar of the place is
in confinement. The climate of that land is excessively poisonous,
and strangers cannot live there. The third place is in the province
of the Karnatik (Carnatic), near the frontier of Qutbu-l-mulk. At a
distance of 50 koss [56] there are four mines. Many very fine [57]
diamonds are obtained there.

On Thursday, the 10th, Nahir K. was promoted to the mansab of 1,500
personal and 1,000 horse, and he was presented with an elephant. Maktub
K., superintendent of the Kutub-khana (library), was given the mansab
of 1,500 personal. As I had ordered that on the Shab-i-Barat they
should place lamps round the Kankriya tank, at the end of the day on
Monday, the 14th Sha`ban, I went out to look at them. The buildings
all round the tank they had arranged with lanterns of different
colours and all kinds of artifices that are practicable with lamps,
and fireworks. Although at this season there were continually clouds
and rain, by God's favour from the beginning of the night the air
had become clear, and not a trace of cloud remained, and the lights
shone just as one could wish. My domestic servants were regaled with
the cups of joy. I ordered them to light lamps in the same manner on
the eve of Friday, and a strange thing was that at the close of the
day of Thursday, the 17th, it continually rained (muttasil baridagi),
but at the time of lighting the lamps the rain ceased, and the show
was well seen. On this day I`timadu-d-daula presented an offering of
a qutbi (?) sapphire exceedingly delicate, and an elephant without
tusks with silver housings. As it was handsome-looking and of good
shape, it was put among my private elephants. On the bank of the
Kankriya tank a sanyasi, one of the most austere sects of Hindus,
had made a hut after the dervish manner, and lived as a hermit. As I
was always inclined to associate with dervishes, I hastened without
ceremony to interview him, and for a while enjoyed his society. He
was not wanting in information and reasonableness, and was well
informed according to the rules of his own faith in the doctrines of
Sufism. He had conformed to the ways of people of religious poverty
and mortification, and given up all desires and ambitions. One might
say that a better than he of his class was never seen.

On Monday, the 21st (Amurdad), the saras, the pairing of which
has been related in the preceding pages, collected together some
straw and rubbish in the little garden, and laid first of all one
egg. On the third day (afterwards) it laid a second egg. This pair
of saras were caught when they were a month old, [58] and had been
in my establishment for five years. After five and a half years they
paired, and continued doing so for a month; on the 21st of the month
of Amurdad, which the Hindus call Sawan (Sravan) the hen laid the
eggs. The female used to sit on the eggs the whole night alone, and the
male stood near her on guard. It was so alert that it was impossible
for any living thing to pass near her. Once a large weasel made its
appearance, and he ran at it with the greatest impetuosity, and did
not stop until the weasel got into a hole. When the sun illuminated
the world with his rays, the male went to the female and pecked her
back with his beak. The female then rose, and the male sate in her
place. She returned, and in the same manner made him rise, and seated
herself. In short, the female sits the whole night, and takes care
of the eggs, and by day the male and female sit by turns. When they
rise and sit down they take great precautions that no harm shall come
to the eggs.

During this season, as there was still some of the hunting time left,
Gajpat K., the darogha, and Baluch K., the head huntsman, had been left
to hunt elephants, to catch as many as they possibly could. In the same
manner the huntsmen of my son, Shah-Jahan, had also been employed. On
this day they came and waited on me. Altogether 185 elephants had been
caught, male and female: of these, 73 were males and 112 females. Out
of these, 47 males and 75 females, or 122, the imperial huntsmen and
faujdars had secured, while the huntsmen and elephant-drivers of my
son, Shah-Jahan, had taken 26 males and 37 females, or 63 altogether.

On Thursday, the 24th, I went to see the Bagh-i-Fath, [59] and
spent two days there in enjoyment and pleasure. At the end of the
day on Saturday I returned to the palace. As Asaf K. had represented
that his hawili (house) garden was exceedingly green and pleasant,
and all sorts of flowers and scented plants had bloomed there, at his
request I went to it on Mubarak-shamba (Thursday), the 31st. In truth,
it was a very nice villa, and I was much pleased. His offering of
jewels and jewelled things, and cloth, of the value of Rs. 35,000,
was accepted. Muzaffar K. was favoured with a dress of honour and
an elephant, and, as before, was entrusted with the charge of the
government of Thatta (Sind). My brother Shah `Abbas sent a letter
with some trifling presents by `Abdu-l-Karim of Gilan, who had come
with merchandise from Iran. On this day I presented him with a dress
of honour and an elephant, and gave him leave to return, and sent an
answer to the Shah's letter with a memorandum. Khan `Alam was also
honoured with a gracious farman and a special dress of honour. Friday
was the 1st of the month of Shahriwar. From Sunday, the 3rd, till
the eve of Thursday (the 7th) rain fell. It is strange that on other
days the pair of saras sate on the eggs five or six times in turn,
but during this twenty-four hours, when there was constant rain and
the air was somewhat cold, the male, in order to keep the eggs warm,
sate from early in the morning until midday, and from that time until
the next morning the female sat without an interval, for fear that
in rising and sitting again the cold air should affect them, and the
eggs become wet and be spoilt. Briefly, men are led by the guidance
of Reason, and animals according to the Divine wisdom implanted in
them by Nature. Stranger still is it that at first they keep their
eggs together underneath the breast, and after fourteen or fifteen
days have passed they leave a little space between them, for fear the
heat should become too great from their contact with each other. Many
become addled in consequence of (too great) heat.

On Thursday, the 7th, with great joy and congratulation, the advance
camp was started towards Agra. The astrologers and astronomers had
already fixed the auspicious hour for the march. As excessive rain
fell, the main camp could not cross the river of Mahmudabad (the
Vatrak) and the Mahi at this hour. Out of necessity, the advanced
camp was started at the appointed hour, and the 21st Shahriwar [60]
was fixed for the march of the main camp.

My son Shah-Jahan took upon himself the responsibility of the conquest
of the fort of Kangra, over which the noose of victory had not been
thrown by any of the Sultans of lofty dignity, and an army under the
leadership of Raja Suraj Mal, s. Raja Baso, and Taqi, who was one of
his attached servants, had before this been sent for that purpose. It
was now clear that the conquest could not be achieved by the force
that had been previously appointed. Raja Bikramajit, [61] who was
one of his principal officers, with 2,000 horse who were present of
his private attendants, and a force of Jahangiri servants, such as
Shah-baz K. Lodi, Hardi Narayan Hada, Ray Prithi Chand, and the sons
of Ram Chand, with 200 mounted musketeers and 500 foot-musketeers
(topchi, perhaps cannoniers), in addition to the force that had
previously been sent, were appointed to the duty. As the hour for
departure was fixed on this day, the aforesaid (Bikramajit) presented
as an offering a rosary of emeralds of the value of Rs. 10,000. He
was honoured with the gift of a dress of honour and a sword, and
took his leave for this duty. As he had not a jagir in that Subah,
my son Shah-Jahan asked for him as a jagir the pargana of Barhana (?),
[62] the revenue of which was 2,200,000 of dams, which [63] he himself
(? Shah-Jahan) held in in`am. [64] Khwaja Taqi, the Diwan-i-Buyutat,
who had been appointed to the Diwani of the Deccan, was honoured with
the title of Mu`taqid [65] K., a dress of honour, and an elephant. I
appointed Himmat K. to the faujdarship of the Sarkar of Bharuch
(Broach) and that neighbourhood, with the gift of a horse and a
special parm narm (shawl), and despatched him. The pargana of Bharuch
(Broach) was also bestowed on him as jagir. Ray Prithi Chand, who
had been nominated for service at Kangra, was promoted to the rank
of 700 and 450 horse. As the anniversary of Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus
[66] had arrived, I gave his sons 1,000 darbs (Rs. 500) for its
expense. Muzaffar, s. Bahaduru-l-mulk, who was attached to the Deccan,
was given the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse.

As the events of twelve years of Jahangir-nama have been recorded,
I ordered [67] the clerks of my private library to make one volume
of these twelve years, and to prepare a number of copies so that I
might give them to my special servants, and that they might be sent
to the various cities, so that administrators (arbab-i-daulat) and
the auspicious might adopt them as their code. On Friday, the 8th,
[68] one of the news-writers had written the whole and made a volume,
which he produced to me. As it was the first copy that had been
prepared, I gave it to my son Shah-Jahan, whom I consider to be in
all respects the first of my sons. On the back of it I wrote with my
own hand that I had given it him on a certain day and at a certain
place. I hope that the favour of the receipt of those writings which
are intended for the satisfaction of the creature and for supplication
to the Creator may be a cause of good fortune.

On Tuesday, the 12th, Subhan Quli, huntsman, was brought to
punishment. The details of this are that he is the son of Haji
Jamal Baluch, who was my father's best huntsman, and after his
(the King's) death, he entered the service of Islam K., and went
with him to Bengal. Islam Khan, on account of his (Subhan Quli's)
connection with this Court, showed him proper consideration, and
considering him trustworthy always kept him near him when travelling
or hunting. `Usman, the Afghan, who for many years passed his days
in that Subah in disobedience and stubbornness, and the end of whose
affairs has been recorded in the preceding pages, being much troubled
by Islam Khan, sent someone to this wretch, and made proposals
for his murdering Islam. He undertook the business, and associated
two or three other men with himself. By chance, before the futile
idea of this ungrateful fellow was carried into execution, one of
them came and informed him (Islam K.). Islam K. immediately seized
and imprisoned the scoundrel. After the latter's death he came to
Court. As his brothers and relatives were included among the huntsmen,
he was also ordered to be enrolled among them. At this time the son
(Ikram K.) of Islam K. represented in an enigmatical way that he was
unworthy of service near my person. After explanation it appeared what
the charge was. Notwithstanding this, as his brothers strenuously
represented that there was only suspicion, and Baluch K., the head
huntsman, became security for him, I forbore to put him to death,
and ordered him to do duty with Baluch K. In spite of this grace and
the gift of his life, without cause or motive he fled from the Court,
and went to Agra and that neighbourhood. Baluch K., having become
his security, was ordered to produce him. He sent people to inquire
for him. In one of the villages of Agra, which was not wanting in
sedition, and is called Jahanda, [69] the brother of Baluch Khan, who
had gone to make inquiries, found him, and although he endeavoured
to bring him by persuasion to Court, he would in no way consent,
and the people rose to assist him.

Being without remedy, he (the brother) went to Khwaja Jahan at Agra,
and told him the circumstances. He sent a detachment against that
village to take him by force and bring him. The people of the village,
seeing their own ruin in the mirror of the case, handed him over to
him. This day he came to Court in chains. I gave an order for his
execution. The man of wrath (the executioner) took him to the place of
punishment with all haste. After a while, through the intercession of
one of the courtiers, I gave him his life, and ordered his feet to be
cut off, but according to his destiny (what was written on his head)
before the order arrived he had been punished. Although that doomed
man was deserving of punishment, yet I regretted [70] the circumstance,
and directed that whenever an order was given for anyone's execution,
notwithstanding that the command were imperative, they should wait
till sunset before putting him to death. If up to that time no order
for release arrived, he should without fail be capitally punished.

On Sunday there was a great commotion in the River Mahi, and very large
waves were visible. Although there formerly had been (great) rains,
yet such violence, or even the half of it, had never been known. From
the beginning of the day the flood began to come, and at the end of
the day began to decrease. Old inhabitants of this city represented
that once, during the government of Murtaza K. (Farid Bukhari), a
similar great flood had occurred. But with that exception they did
not remember another such flood.

In these days mention was made of an ode by Mu`izzi, [71] the
panegyrist of Sultan Sanjar, and his Poet-laureate. It is a very
smooth and equable [72] composition. It begins thus:


   "O thou whose commands heaven obeys
    Ancient Saturn is the slave of thy young Fortune."


Sa`ida, [73] the chief goldsmith, has a poetical temperament and he
imitated this ode, and presented his paraphrase to me. It was very
well composed. The following are some verses from it:


   "O thou, of whose threshold the nine spheres are an examplar
    Aged Time hath grown young in thy reign
    Thy heart is bounteous as the Sun, and like it needs no cause
                                                        (for bounty).
    All lives are devoted to thy gracious heart
    Heaven is but a green [74] orange from the garden of Power
    Tossed by thy gardener into the atmosphere,
    O God, Thy essence has shone from eternity
    The souls of all the saints receive light from Thine,
    O king, may the world ever be at thy beck,
    May thy Shah-Jahan ever rejoice in thy shade
    O Shadow of God, may the world be filled with thy light
    May the Light of God ever be thy canopy."


On Mubarak-shamba, the 14th, in reward for this ode, I ordered Sa`ida
to be weighed against money (zar, perhaps gold). At the end of the day
I went to walk about the garden of Rustam-bari, [75] which appeared
to me very green and pleasant. Sitting in a boat in the evening,
I returned to the palace.

On Friday, the 15th, a Mulla of the name of Amiri, an old man, came
from Ma-wara'a-n-nahr (Transoxiana), and had the good fortune to kiss
the threshold. He represented to me that he was one of the ancient
(servants) of `Abdu-llah Khan Uzbeg, and from the days of infancy
[76] and youth was brought up by the Khan until his death. He had
been included among his old servants, and had been a confidential
friend. [77] After the death of the Khan until now he had passed his
days respected in that country. He had left his native country with
a view to visit the blessed house (Mecca), and had come to pay his
respects to me. I made him free to remain or go. He asked to remain in
attendance on me for some days. Rs. 1,000 for expenses and a dress of
honour were given him. He is an old man of very pleasing face, and
full of talk and anecdote. My son Shah-Jahan also gave him Rs. 500
and a robe of honour.

In the middle of the garden of Khurram (Shah-Jahan's) residence
there is a bench and a reservoir. On one side [78] of that bench
there is a Mulsari-tree (Mimusops elengi) against which to lean the
back. As in one side of its trunk there was a hollow to the extent
of three-fourths of a yard, it had an ugly look. I ordered them to
cut a tablet of marble and fix it firmly in that place, so that one
could lean one's back on it and sit there. At this time an impromptu
couplet came to my tongue, and I ordered the stone-cutters to engrave
it on that stone, that it might remain as a memento on the page of
time. This is the couplet:


   "The seat of the Shah of the seven worlds (kishwar),
    Jahangir, son of Akbar Shahinshah.


On the eve of Tuesday, [79] the 19th, a bazaar was arranged in the
private palace. Up to this time the custom has been for the people
of the bazaar and the artificers of the city in every place to bring
their shops according to order into the courtyard of the palace (royal
abode, whether in camp or elsewhere), and bring jewels and jewelled
things and various kinds of cloth and other goods such as are sold in
the bazaar. It occurred to me that if a bazaar were prepared in the
night-time, and a number of lamps were arranged in front of the shops,
it would look well. Undoubtedly it came off well and was unusual. Going
round all the shops, whatever jewels and jewelled things pleased me
I bought. I gave some present from each shop to Mulla Amiri, and he
received so many things that he was unable to hold them.

On Mubarak-shamba (Thursday) the 21st of the Divine month of Shahriwar,
in the thirteenth year from my accession, corresponding with the
22nd Ramazan (September 2, 1618), in the Hijri year 1027, when two
and a half hours of day had passed, in prosperity and happiness,
the standards of purpose turned towards the capital of Agra. From the
palace as far as the Kankriya tank, the place of alighting, I passed
along in the usual manner, scattering money (nisar-kunan). On the
same day the feast of my solar weighment took place, and according
to solar reckoning the fiftieth year of the age of his suppliant at
the throne of God commenced auspiciously. According to my usual rule I
weighed myself against gold and other valuables. I scattered pearls and
golden roses, and looking at night at the show of lamps passed my time
in the private apartments of the royal abode in enjoyment. On Friday,
the 22nd, I ordered that all the Shaikhs and men of piety who lived in
the city should be brought in order that they might break their fast
[80] in attendance on me. Three nights were passed after this manner,
and every night at the end of the meeting I stood up and recited with
the tongue of ecstasy:


       "Thou art the mighty One, O Lord,
        Thou art the cherisher of rich and poor;
        I'm not a world-conqueror or law-giver,
        I'm one of the beggars at this gate.
        Help me in what is good and right,
        Else what good comes from me to any one?
        I'm a master [81] to my servants,
        To the Lord I'm a loyal servant."


All the Faqirs who as yet had not waited on me prayed for
allowances. According to their merits I gave to each of them land or
money for expenses, and gratified them.

On the eve of Mubarak-shamba (Thursday) the 21st, the saras hatched
one young one, and on the eve of Monday, the 25th, a second: that
is, one young one was hatched after thirty-four [82] days, and the
other after thirty-six days. One might say that they were one-tenth
[83] larger than the young of a goose, or equal to the young of the
peafowl at the age of a month. Their skin was of a blue colour. On
the first day they ate nothing, and from the second day the mother,
taking small locusts (or grasshoppers) in her mouth, sometimes fed them
like a pigeon, or sometimes like a fowl threw them before them for them
to pick up of themselves. If the locust were small, it went off well,
but if it were large, she sometimes made two or three pieces of it so
that the young ones might eat it with ease. As I had a great liking
for seeing them I ordered them to be brought before me with every
precaution that no harm might happen to them. After I had seen them
I ordered them to be taken back to the same little garden inside the
royal enclosure, and to be preserved with the greatest care, and that
they should be brought to me again whenever they were able to walk.

On this day Hakim Ruhu-llah was exalted with the gift of
Rs. 1,000. Badi`u-z-zaman, s. M. Shahrukh, came from his jagir and
waited on me. On Tuesday, the 26th, marching from the Kankriya tank,
I halted at the village of Kaj. [84] On Wednesday, the 27th, I pitched
my camp on the bank of the river at Mahmudabad called the Izak [85]
(now called Meshva). As the water and air of Ahmadabad were very bad,
Mahmud Bigara, by the advice of his physicians, founded a city on
the bank of the aforesaid river and lived there. After he conquered
Champaner, he made that place his capital, and until the time of Mahmud
the martyred [86] the rulers of Gujarat chiefly lived there. This
Mahmud was the last of the Sultans of Gujarat, and he took up his
residence at Mahmudabad. Undoubtedly the water and air of Mahmudabad
have no resemblance to those of Ahmadabad. By way of testing this I
ordered them to hang up a sheep on the bank of the Kankriya tank after
taking off its skin, and at the same time one at Mahmudabad, that the
difference of the air might be ascertained. It happened that after
seven gharis of day had passed in that place (Ahmadabad) they hung up
the sheep. When three gharis of day remained it became so changed and
putrid that it was difficult to pass near it. They hung up the sheep
at Mahmudabad in the morning, and it was altogether unchanged until
the evening, and began to be putrid when one and a half watches of
night had passed. Briefly, in the neighbourhood of Ahmadabad it became
putrid in eight sidereal hours, and in Mahmudabad in fourteen hours.

On Thursday, the 28th, Rustam K., whom my son of prosperous fortune,
Shah-Jahan, had appointed to the charge and government of Gujarat,
was honoured with the gift of an elephant, a horse, and a special
parm narm (shawl), and given leave to depart, and the Jahangiri
officers who were attached to that Subah were presented with horses
and dresses of honour according to the rank and standing of each. On
Friday, 29th Shahriwar, corresponding with 1st Shawwal, Ray Bihari was
honoured with the bestowal of a dress of honour, a jewelled sword and
a special horse, and took leave to go to his native place. His sons
were also honoured with horses and dresses of honour. On Saturday I
ordered Sayyid Muhammad, grandson [87] (?) of Shah `Alam, to ask for
whatever he desired without concealment, and I took an oath on the
Qoran to this effect. He said that as I had sworn on the Qoran he
would ask for a Qoran that he might always have it by him, and that
the merit of reading it might accrue to His Majesty. Accordingly,
I gave the Mir a Qoran in Yaqut's [88] handwriting. It was a small,
elegant [89] volume, and was the wonder of the age. On the back of
it I wrote with my own hand that I had made this gift on a certain
day and in a certain place to Sayyid Muhammad. The real reason for
this is that the Mir is of an exceedingly good disposition, endowed
with personal nobility and acquired excellencies, of good manners and
approved ways, with a very pleasing face and open forehead. I have
never seen a man of this country of such a pleasing disposition as the
Mir. I told him to translate this Qoran into plain language without
ornament, and that without occupying himself with explanations or
fine language he [90] should translate the Qoran in simple language
(lughat-i-rikhta) word by word into Persian, and should not add one
letter to its exact purport. After he had completed it he should
send it by his son Jalalu-d-din Sayyid to the Court. The Mir's son
is also a young man of external and internal intelligence. The signs
of piety and blessedness are distinct on his forehead. The Mir is
proud of his son, and in truth he is worthy, as he is an excellent
youth. As I had repeatedly shown kindness to the holy men of Gujarat,
according to their merits, I again bestowed on each cash and jewels,
and dismissed them to their homes.

As the climate [91] of this country was not suited to my temperament,
the physicians thought it right that I should decrease somewhat my
usual number of cups. According to their advice I began to decrease
their number, and in the course of a week reduced them by the weight
of one cup. At first it was six cups every evening, each cup being
7 1/2 tola, or altogether 45 tolas. The wine was usually mixed with
water. Now I drank six cups, each of which was 6 tolas and 3 mashas,
[92] altogether 37 1/2 tolas.

Sixteen or seventeen years ago I had vowed with my God at Allahabad
that when I reached fifty I would give up shooting with gun and bullet,
and would injure no living thing with my own hand. Muqarrab K., who
was one of my confidants, knew of my determination. At this date
I have reached the commencement of my fiftieth year, and one day,
in consequence of excessive fever (dud u bukhar) my breath was short
and I was very unwell. While in this condition the compact I had made
with my God came, by Divine inspiration, into my mind, and I resolved
that when my fiftieth year was completed and the period of fulfilling
my vow had arrived, I would, on the day [93] on which I visited my
father's tomb--may the light of God be his testimony--by God's help,
seek the confirmation of my resolve from my father's holy elements,
and renounce the practice (of shooting). As soon as this thought
occurred to me, my illness and trouble disappeared. I revived, and
opened my mouth to praise God, and tasted the joy of thanksgiving
for His mercies. I hope that I shall be sustained.


       "How well said Firdusi of pure nature
        May mercy rest on that (his) pure tomb.

       "Ah! spare yon emmet [94] rich in hoarded grain,
        He lives with pleasure, and he dies with pain."


On Thursday, the 4th of the Divine month, Sayyid Kabir and Bakhtar K.,
the Wakils of `Adil K., who had brought his offering to the exalted
Court, obtained leave to return. Sayyid Kabir was honoured with a
dress of honour, a horse, and a jewelled dagger, and Bakhtar K. with
a horse, a dress of honour, and a jewelled urbasi, [95] which the
people of that country (the Deccan?) wear round their necks, and a
present of 6,000 darbs was given to each of them for expenses.

As `Adil K. was constantly asking for a likeness of myself through my
prosperous son Shah-Jahan, I sent him one with a ruby of great value
and a special elephant. A gracious farman was issued that he should
be presented with whatever territory of Nizamu-l-mulk or Qutbu-l-mulk
he might get into his possession, and whenever he should require
any support and assistance, Shah-nawaz K. should prepare an army and
appoint it to assist him. In former days Nizamu-l-mulk was the largest
of the rulers of the Deccan, a superior whom all acknowledged, and
whom they considered as their eldest brother. At this period `Adil
K. did approved service, and was honoured with the exalted title of
"son." I appointed him the head and leader of the whole country of
the Deccan, and wrote this quatrain on the portrait with my own hand:


   "O thou towards whom is always (turned) the eye of my kindness
    Repose at ease under the shadow of my fortune.
    I have sent thee my own portrait,
    That thou mayest see me spiritually from my picture."


My son Shah-Jahan sent Hakim Khush-hal, son of Hakim Humam, who was
one of the excellent house-born ones of this Court, and from his
early years had been in my son's service, in company with the Wakils
of `Adil K. to convey to him the good news of the Jahangiri favour
towards him. On the same day Mir Jumla was honoured with the duty of
`Arz-mukarrir. As Kifayat K., the Diwan of Gujarat, at the time when
he was employed in the Diwani of Bengal, in consequence of certain
accidents, had lost property (az saman uftada), a sum of Rs. 15,000
was presented to him.

At this time two copies of the Jahangir-nama that had been prepared
were laid before me. One of these I had some days previously given
to the Madaru-l-mulk (centre of the kingdom), I`timadu-d-daula, and
the other I on this day bestowed on my (adopted) son (farzandi),
Asaf K. On Friday, the 5th, Bahram, son of Jahangir Quli Khan,
came from the province of Bihar, and had the good fortune to pay his
respects. He laid before me some diamonds he had obtained from the mine
of Kokra. Approved service had not been performed in that province by
Jahangir Quli K., and it was also frequently reported that certain of
his brothers and sons-in-law had stretched out the hand of tyranny in
that country, and were oppressing the servants of God (the people),
and that each of them, cutting out a governorship for himself, did not
regard the authority of Jahangir Quli. On this account a farman written
with my own hand was given to Muqarrab K., one of my confidential old
servants, stating that he was appointed Governor of Bihar. I ordered
that immediately on receipt of the farman he should hasten to that
quarter. Some of the diamonds that Ibrahim Fath-jang had sent to
Court after the taking of the mine had been given to the Government
lapidaries to cut. At this time Bahram suddenly came to Agra, and
was going on to the Court (in Gujarat). Khwaja Jahan (the Governor of
Agra) sent along with him some diamonds that were ready. One of them
is of a violet [96] colour, and cannot be outwardly distinguished
from a sapphire. Up to this time I had not seen a diamond of this
colour. It weighed several surkh, [97] and jewellers estimated its
value at Rs. 3,000, and represented that if it had been white (safid)
and had had perfect marks, it would have been worth Rs. 20,000.

This year I had mangoes up to the 6th Mihr (middle of September). In
this country there is abundance of lemons (limun), and they are large
(balida?). A Hindu brought some from a garden called Kaku (or Gangu),
which were very pleasant and large (balida, perhaps ripe). I ordered
them to weigh the largest of them, and it came to 7 tolas.

On Saturday, the 6th, the Dasahra festival took place. First, they
decked out my horses, and paraded them before me. After that they
produced the elephants, decorated in a similar way.

As the Mahi had not become fordable, so that the sublime camp could
cross it, and the climate of Mahmudabad was quite different (i.e.,
it was better) from that of other stages, I remained here for ten
more days. On Monday, the 8th, I marched and encamped at Muda. [98]
I had already sent Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan Bakhshi with an active body
of servants, such as boatmen, and also oars, [99] to make a bridge
over the Mahi, with instructions not to wait till it was fordable,
so that the victorious camp might cross at ease. On Tuesday, the 9th,
there was a halt, and on Kamshamba (Wednesday), the 10th, the camp
was at the village of Aina. [100]

At first the male saras used to hold its young one by its leg upside
down in his beak, and there was a fear that he might be unkind to it
and it might be destroyed. I accordingly ordered them to keep the male
separately, and not allow it near its young ones. I now ordered by way
of experiment that it should be allowed near them, that the real degree
of its unkindness and affection might be ascertained. After allowing
it, he displayed much attachment and kindness, and his affection
was found to be no less than that of the female; I thus knew that
this performance was out of real love. On Thursday, the 11th, there
was a halt, and at the end of the day I went to hunt with cheetahs,
and two black buck, four does, and a chikara were caught. On Sunday,
the 14th, I also went to hunt with cheetahs, and caught fifteen
head of male and female antelopes. I had ordered Rustam and Suhrab
[101] Khan, his son, to go out hunting and shoot as many nilgaw as
they could. The father and son together killed seven head, male and
female. As it was represented to me that there was a tiger in this
neighbourhood, a man-killer that had taken to eating men's flesh, and
the people of God were afflicted by it, I ordered my son Shah-Jahan
to save them from its wickedness. He, as ordered, shot it with his
gun, and brought it to me at night. I ordered them to skin it in my
presence. Although large in appearance, as it was thin, it turned
out less in weight than the large tigers I had myself killed. On
Monday, the 15th, and Tuesday, the 16th, I went to shoot nilgaw, and
on each day shot two blue bulls. On Thursday, the 18th, on the bank
of a tank at which I pitched, a feast of cups was held. Rare lotus
(kanwal) flowers had blossomed on the face of the water. My private
servants enjoyed themselves greatly with cups of wine. Jahangir Quli
had sent twenty elephants from Bihar, and Muruwwat K. eight from
Bengal, and these were brought before me. One of Jahangir Quli's and
two of Muruwwat's were placed in my private stud, and the rest were
divided amongst my followers. Mir K., s. Mirza Abu-l-Qasim Namakin,
who was one of the khanazads of this Court, was promoted to the mansab,
original and increased, of 800 personal and 600 horse. Qiyam K. was
appointed to the duty of chief huntsman, and had given him the rank of
600 personal and 150 horse. `Izzat [102] K., one of the Barha Sayyids,
who was distinguished for bravery and ambition, is attached to the
province of Bangash. At the request of Mahabat K., the Governor of
that Subah, he was promoted to the mansab of 1,500 personal and 800
horse. Kifayat K., Diwan of Gujarat, had an elephant given him, and
was allowed to depart. I conferred a sword on Safi K., Bakhshi of that
Subah. On Friday, the 19th, I went to hunt, and killed a blue bull. I
do not remember a bullet passing through a large male nilgaw. Many have
passed through females. On this day, at a distance of forty-five paces
(qadam), it went through both skins. In the language of hunters a qadam
means two feet (gam [103]) placed one in front of the other. On Sunday,
the 21st, I enjoyed myself with hawking, and ordered Mirza Rustam,
Darab K., Mir Miran, and other servants to go and shoot as many nilgaw
as they could. They killed nineteen head, male and female. Ten head of
antelope were also caught with cheetahs. Ibrahim K., Bakhshi of the
Deccan, was, at the request of the Commander-in-Chief, Khan Khanan,
promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 200 horse. On Monday, the
22nd, a march was made, and on Tuesday, the 23rd, I again marched. The
huntsmen represented that there had been seen in the neighbourhood
a tigress with three cubs. As it was on the road I went myself after
them and shot all four, and then went on to the next stage. I crossed
the Mahi by the bridge that had been made. Though there were no boats
on this river of which a bridge could be made, and the water was very
deep and flowing rapidly, Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan, the chief Bakhshi,
had built with great exertions a very strong bridge two or [104]
three days before. Its length was 140 yards and its breadth 4 yards
(dara`). By way of testing it I ordered the elephant Gun Sundar Khass
which is one of the large and strong elephants, with three females,
to be sent across it. It was so firmly built that its supports did
not shake with the weight of elephants of mountainous form.

From the most honoured lips of my father I heard as follows: "In
early youth I had taken two or three cups (of wine), and had mounted
a full-blooded (mast) elephant. Though I was in my senses, and the
elephant in very good training, and was under my control, I pretended
that I was out of my senses, and that the elephant was refractory and
vicious, and that I was making him charge the people. After that,
I sent for another elephant, and made the two fight. They fought,
and in doing so went to the head of the bridge that had been made
over the Jumna. It happened that the other elephant ran away, and as
there was no other escape, he went towards the bridge. The elephant
I was on pursued him, and although I had him under control, and he
would have halted at the slightest signal, I thought that if I held
him back from the bridge the people would regard those drunken ways
(of mine) as a sham, and would believe that neither was I beside
myself, nor was the elephant violent and headstrong. Such pretences
on the part of kings are disapproved of, and so after imploring the
aid of God--Glory be to Him--I did not restrain my elephant. Both
of them went upon the bridge, and as it was made of boats, whenever
an elephant put his forefeet on the edge of a boat, half of it sank,
and the other half stood up. At each step there came the thought that
the lashings might give way. People on seeing this were overwhelmed
in the sea of perplexity and alarm. As the care and guardianship of
the Great and Glorious God is ever and in all places the protection
of this suppliant, both elephants crossed the bridge in safety." [105]

On Thursday, the 25th, a wine-feast was held on the banks of the
Mahi, and some of my intimate servants who had admittance to such
assemblies had their hearts delighted by brimming cups and ample
favours. Certainly it was an entrancing halting-ground. I stayed here
four days for two reasons--first, because of the beauty of the spot,
and secondly in order that the people might not be confused in crossing
the river.

On Sunday, the 28th, I marched from the bank of the Mahi. On Monday
I marched again. On this day a strange sight was witnessed. The pair
of saras that had had young ones had been brought from Ahmadabad on
Thursday (the 25th). In the Court of the royal enclosure, which had
been placed on the bank of a tank, they were walking about with their
young ones. By chance both the male and female raised a cry, and a
pair of wild saras hearing it, and crying out from the other side of
the tank, came flying towards them. The male with the male, and the
female with the female, engaged in a fight, and although some people
were standing about, the birds paid no heed to them. The eunuchs who
had been told off to protect them hastened to seize them. One clung to
the male and the other to the female. He who had caught the male kept
hold of it after much struggling, but the one who seized the female
could not hold her, and she escaped from his hand. I with my own hand
put rings in his beak and on his legs, and set him free. Both went and
settled in their own place. [106] Whenever the domestic saras raised
a cry they responded. I saw a sight of this kind in wild antelopes
when I had gone to hunt in the pargana of Karnal. About thirty of my
huntsmen and servants were in attendance when a black buck with some
does came in sight, and we let loose the decoy-antelope [107] to fight
him. They butted two or three times, and then the decoy came back. A
second time I wanted to put a noose on its horns and to let it go,
that it might capture (the wild one). Meanwhile the wild antelope, in
the excess of its rage, not looking at the crowd of men, ran without
regard to anything, and butting the tame buck two or three times fought
with it till it fled. The wild antelope thereupon made its escape.

On this day news came of the death of `Inayat K. He was one of my
intimate attendants. As he was addicted to opium, and when he had
the chance, to drinking as well, by degrees he became maddened with
wine. As he was weakly built, he took more than he could digest, and
was attacked by the disease of diarrhoea, and in this weak state he
two or three times fainted. By my order Hakim Rukna applied remedies,
but whatever methods were resorted to gave no profit. At the same
time a strange hunger came over him, and although the doctor exerted
himself in order that he should not eat more than once in twenty-four
hours, he could not restrain himself. He also would throw [108]
himself like a madman on water and fire until he fell into a bad [109]
state of body. At last he became dropsical, and exceedingly low and
weak. Some days before this he had petitioned that he might go to
Agra. I ordered him to come into my presence and obtain leave. They
put him into a palanquin and brought him. He appeared so low and weak
that I was astonished.


   "He was skin drawn over bones."


Or rather his bones, too, had dissolved. Though painters have striven
much in drawing an emaciated face, yet I have never seen anything
like this, nor even approaching to it. Good God, can a son of man
come to such a shape and fashion? These two couplets of Ustad [110]
occurred as appropriate:


   "If my shadow do not hold my leg
    I shall not be able to stand till the Resurrection
    Nor, from weakness, does my soul see a refuge
    Where it may for a while rest on my lips."


As it was a very extraordinary case I directed painters to take his
portrait. In fact, I found him wonderfully changed. I said to him:
"Beware; in your present state do not for a moment forget God, nor
despair of His mercy! If Death grant you quarter (aman), regard the
reprieve as a time for apologizing and for amendment. If your life has
come to its close, consider every moment passed in remembrance of God
as gain. Trouble not your head about those you are leaving behind. A
slight claim of service is a great thing with us." As they had spoken
to me about his poverty, I gave him Rs. 2,000 for road-expenses,
and let him go. Next day he travelled the road of non-existence.

On Tuesday, the 30th, the bank of the River Manab [111] became the
halting-place for the sublime camp. The New Year's [112] feast of
Thursday was prepared at this place on the 2nd of the Ilahi month
of Aban. Amanu-llah, s. Mahabat K., at his request, was promoted
to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 300 [113] horse, and Girdhar,
s. Ray Sal, to that of 1,000 personal and 800 horse. `Abdu-llah,
son of Khan A`zam, obtained the mansab of 1,000 personal and 300
horse. Dilir K., who was one of the jagirdars of Gujarat, I presented
with a horse and an elephant. Ran-baz K., s. Shah-baz K. Kambu, came
by order from the Deccan, and was promoted to the post of Bakhshi
and Recorder of the army of Bangash, and his mansab was fixed at
800 personal and 400 horse. I marched on Friday, the 3rd. At this
stage [114] Prince Shuja`, the beloved son (liver-corner) of my son
Shah-Jahan, who was being brought up in the chaste lap of Nur-Jahan
Begam, and towards whom I have so much affection that he is dearer
to me than life, was attacked by a specially infantile disease which
they call "ummu-s-sibyan," [115] and for a long time his senses left
him. Although experienced people devised many remedies, they were
unprofitable, and his insensibility (bi-hushi) took away my senses
(hush). As visible remedies were hopeless, by way of humility and
submission I rubbed the head of supplication on the Court of the
gracious Ruler who cherishes his slaves, and begged for the child's
recovery. In this state it occurred to me that as I had made a
vow [116] to my God that after I had passed my fiftieth year, this
suppliant would give up hunting with bullet and gun, and would injure
no creature with his own hand, if for the sake of his safety I were
to give up shooting from the present date, it were possible that his
life would become the means of preserving the lives of many animals,
and God Almighty might give him to me. In fine, with true purpose,
and sincere belief I vowed [117] to God that I would thenceforward
not harm any living thing with my own hand. By the grace of Allah his
illness diminished. At the time when this suppliant was in his mother's
womb, one day I made no movement after the manner that other children
make. The attendants were amazed, and inquiring into the cause stated
the case to my father (Akbar). At that time my father was engaged in
hunting with cheetahs. As that day was a Friday, for the purpose of
my safety he made a vow that during his life he would not hunt with
cheetahs on a Friday. Till the end of his life he remained firm in
this determination, and I also in obedience to him until now have
never hunted with cheetahs on a Friday. Finally, on account of the
weakness of the light of my eye, Shah Shuja`, for three days I halted
at this stage, that God Almighty might give him his natural [118] life.

On Tuesday, the 7th, I marched. One day the son of Hakim [119]
`Ali was praising the milk of a camel. It occurred to me that if
I could continue that for some days, it was possible that it might
do some good, and it might prove agreeable to me. Asaf Khan had a
Persian camel in milk, and I took a little of it. Contrary to the
milk of other camels, which is not devoid of saltness, it appeared
to my taste sweet and delicious, and now for a month past I have been
drinking every day a cup of it, equal in quantity to half a water-cup,
and it is clearly advantageous, for it quenches my thirst. It is
strange that two years ago Asaf K. bought this camel, but at that
time it had not a young one, and had no sign of milk. At this time by
chance milk flowed from its dugs. They gave it every day to drink four
seers of cow's milk with five seers of wheat, one seer of black [120]
sugar, and one seer of fennel (badyan), to make its milk delicious,
sweet, and profitable. Certainly it suited me admirably, and was to my
taste. By way of testing it, I sent for some cow's and buffalo's milk,
and tasted all three. There was no comparison in sweetness and flavour
with the milk of this camel. I ordered them to give the same kind of
food to some other female camels, that it might become clear whether
the purity was in consequence of eating good food, or whether it was
due to the natural sweetness of this (particular) camel's milk. [121]

On Wednesday, the 8th, I marched, and halted on the 9th. The royal
tent was pitched near a large tank. Shah-Jahan presented me with a
boat made after the Kashmir fashion, the sitting-place of which they
had made of silver. At the end of that day I embarked in that boat and
went round the tank. On this day `Abid K., Bakhshi of Bangash, who had
been summoned, came and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold,
and was honoured with the post of Diwan-i-buyutat. Sar-faraz Khan, who
was one of the auxiliaries of Gujarat, received a standard, a private
tipchaq horse, and an elephant, and, overwhelmed with honour, obtained
leave to go. `Izzat [122] Khan, who was one of those attached to the
army of Bangash, was exalted with the gift of a standard. Marching was
ordered on Friday, the 10th. Mir Miran was promoted to the mansab of
2,000 personal and 600 horse. On Saturday, the 11th, the auspicious
equipage alighted in the pargana of Dohad. On the eve of Sunday,
the 12th of the Ilahi month of Aban, in the thirteenth year from
my accession, corresponding with the fifteenth Zi-l-Qa`da of the
Hijri year 1027, in the nineteenth degree of Libra, the Giver of
blessings gave my prosperous son Shah-Jahan a precious son by the
daughter of Asaf K. I hope that his [123] advent may be auspicious
and blessed to this everlasting State. Halting for three days at this
place, on Wednesday, [124] the 15th Aban, the camp was pitched at the
village of Samarna. [125] As it was necessary that the Mubarak-shamba
entertainment should as far as possible be arranged for on the bank
of a river and a clean place, and there was in this neighbourhood no
spot which met those requirements, there was no help for it but to
order a start when half of the night of Thursday (i.e., Wednesday),
the 16th, had passed, and when the sun rose the camp was pitched on
the bank of the tank of Bakhur. At the end of the day, the feast of
cups was held and I presented cups to some of my private servants. On
Friday, the 17th, I ordered a march. Kesho Das Maru is a jagirdar
in that neighbourhood. According to orders, he came from the Deccan,
and was honoured by doing homage.

On Saturday, the 18th (Aban), the camp was at Ramgarh. For some
nights before this there appeared, at three gharis before sunrise,
in the atmosphere, a (luminous) vapour in the shape of a pillar. [126]
At each succeeding night it rose a ghari earlier. When it assumed its
full form, it took the shape of a spear (harba), thin at the two ends,
and thick in the middle. It was curved like a sickle, and had its
back to the south, and its face to the north. It now showed itself a
watch (pahar) before sunrise. Astronomers took its shape and size by
the astrolabe, and ascertained that with differences of appearance
(?) it extended over twenty-four degrees. It moved in high heaven,
but it had a movement of its own, differing from that of high heaven,
for it was first in Scorpio and afterwards in Libra. Its declination
(harakat-i-`arz?) was mainly southerly. Astrologers call such a
phenomenon a spear (harba) in their books, and have written that
its appearance portends weakness to the kings of Arabia, and points
to their enemies prevailing over them. God knows! Sixteen nights
after this phenomenon, a star showed itself in the same quarter. Its
head was luminous, and its tail was two or three yards long, but the
tail was not luminous. It has now appeared for eight nights; when it
disappears, the fact will be noticed, as well as the results of it.

I halted on Sunday, the 19th, and on Monday I alighted at the village
of Sitalkhera. [127] On Tuesday, the 21st, there was again a halt. I
presented Rashid K., the Afghan, with a robe of honour and an elephant,
sending them to him by Ran-baz K. On Wednesday, the 22nd, the camp
rested in pargana Madanpur. [128] On Thursday, the 23rd, I halted and
had a feast of cups, and Darab K. had a nadiri dress of honour given
to him. Halting on Friday, on Saturday the camp was pitched in the
pargana of Nawari. [129] On Sunday, the 26th, I pitched on the bank
of the River Chambal, and on Monday on the bank of the River Kahnar
[130] (?). On Tuesday, the 28th, the royal standards were raised
in the neighbourhood of the city of Ujain. From Ahmadabad to Ujain
is a distance of ninety-eight kos. It was traversed in twenty-eight
marches and forty-one halts--that is, in two months and nine days. On
Wednesday, the 29th, I had an interview with Jadrup, who is one
of the austere ones of the Hindu religion, and the particulars of
whose circumstances have been described in the preceding pages, and
went with him to see Kaliyadaha. Certainly association with him is
a great privilege.

On this day it was made known to me in the contents of a report
from Bahadur K., the Governor of Qandahar, that in the Hijri year
1026--that is, last year--the number of mice in Qandahar and the
neighbourhood was so great that they destroyed all the crops and
grain and cultivation and the fruits of the trees of the province,
so that there had been no produce. They (the mice) cut off the ears of
corn and ate them. When the cultivators gathered their crops, before
they were threshed and cleaned, another [131] half was destroyed,
so that perhaps one-fourth of the crops only came to hand. In the
same way no vestige was left of the melons (melon-beds) or garden
produce. After some time the mice disappeared.

As my son Shah-Jahan had not made a birthday entertainment for his
son (Aurangzib), he petitioned at Ujain, which is the place of his
jagir, that the Thursday entertainment of the 30th should be held
at his abode. Of necessity, having consented to the carrying out of
his wish, the day was passed in enjoyment at his quarters. My private
servants who have the entrée into this kind of parties and assemblies
were delighted with brimming cups. My son Shah-Jahan brought that
auspicious child before me, and, presenting as offerings a tray of
jewels, and jewelled ornaments, and fifty elephants, thirty male and
twenty female, asked me for a name for him. Please God it will be
given him in a favourable hour. Of his elephants seven were included
in my private stud; the rest were distributed among the faujdars. The
value of the offerings that were accepted will be Rs. 200,000.

On this day `Azudu-d-daula (Jamalu-d-din Husain Anju) came from
his jagir, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. He gave
eighty-one muhars as nazr, and an elephant as an offering. Qasim K.,
whom I had dismissed from the government of Bengal, had been sent for,
and having had the good fortune to do homage, presented 1,000 muhars as
nazr. On Friday, the 1st of Azar, I amused myself with hawking. As the
retinue passed along, a field of millet (jwar) was met with. Though
generally a stem has only one head, each of them had twelve. I was
astonished, and at this time the tale of "The King and the Gardener"
occurred to me.



TALE OF "THE KING AND THE GARDENER." [132]

A King came to the gate of a garden in the heat of the day. He saw
an old gardener standing at the gate, and asked him if there were
any pomegranates in the garden. He said: "There are." He told him
to bring a cup of pomegranate juice. The gardener had a daughter
adorned with grace of person, and beauty of disposition. He made
a sign to her to bring the pomegranate juice. The girl went and at
once brought a cup full of pomegranate juice, and placed some leaves
upon it. The King took it from her hand and drank it. Then he asked
the girl what was her reason for placing leaves on the top of the
juice. She, with an eloquent tongue and a sweet voice, represented
that it was not wise at once to drink off a quantity of liquid when
he was bathed in perspiration, and in such a hot air. On this account
she had placed the leaves on the liquid by way of precaution, so that
he might drink it slowly. The King was greatly pleased with her sweet
ways, and it crossed his mind to admit the girl into his Palace. After
this he asked the gardener: "How much profit do you derive from this
garden every year?" He answered: "Three hundred dinars." The King
asked: "What do you pay the Diwan (tax-collector)?" He answered:
"The King takes nothing from the trees, but takes a tenth of the
cultivated crops." It came into the King's mind that there were in
his dominions many gardens and countless trees. If he were to get
a tenth of the garden produce as well, it would amount to a large
sum, and there would be no great loss to the cultivator. Hereafter
he would order a tax to be levied on garden produce. He said then:
"Bring me a little more pomegranate juice." The girl went, and after
a long time brought a small quantity. The King said: "The first time
thou camest quickly, and broughtest more. This time thou didst stay
a long time, and broughtest less." The girl said: "The first time I
had filled the cup with the juice of one pomegranate, and brought it;
this time I pressed out five or six pomegranates and did not get as
much juice." The astonishment of the King increased. The gardener
represented: "The blessing of produce depends on the goodwill of the
King. It occurs to me that you must be a King. At the time when you
inquired of me the income from the garden, your disposition must have
changed. Consequently the blessing passed away from the fruit." The
Sultan was impressed, and drove that idea out of his heart. He then
said: "Bring me once more a cup of pomegranate juice." The girl went
again, and quickly bringing a cup full to the brim, gave it, smiling
and gladly, into the Sultan's hand. He praised the intelligence of
the gardener, and explained the actual state of affairs, and begged
the girl of him in marriage, and married her.



This true tale of that truth-preserving King has remained as a memento
on the page of time. In truth, the manifestation of such spiritual
(?) [133] results is the mark of good intentions, and the fruit of
justice. Whenever all the energies and purposes of justice-observing
Kings are devoted to the comfort of the people and the contentment of
their subjects, the manifestations of well-being and the productions
of fields and gardens are not far off. God be praised that in this
age-enduring State no tax has ever been levied on the fruit of trees,
and is not levied now. In the whole of the dominion not a dam nor
one grain (habba) [134] on this account enters the public treasury,
or is collected by the State. Moreover, there is an order that whoever
makes a garden on arable land, its produce is exempted. I trust that
God (to whom be glory!) will always incline this suppliant towards
what is good.


   "When my purpose is good, do Thou grant me good." [135]


On Saturday, for the second time, my desire for the company of Jadrup
increased. After performing the midday devotions, I embarked in a boat
and hastened to meet him, and at the close of day I ran and enjoyed his
society in the retirement of his cell. I heard many sublime words of
religious duties and knowledge of divine things. Without immoderate
praise, he sets forth clearly the doctrines of wholesome Sufism,
and one can find delight in his society. He is sixty years old. He
was twenty-two years of age, when, forsaking all external attachments,
he placed the foot of determination on the highroad of asceticism, and
for thirty-eight years he had lived in the garment of nakedness. When
I took leave he said: "In what language can I return thanks for this
gift of Allah that I am engaged in the reign of such a just King in the
worship of my own Deity in ease and contentment, and that the dust of
discomposure from any accident settles not on the skirt of my purpose?"

On Sunday, the 3rd, marching from Kaliyadaha, I encamped at the village
of Qasimkhera. I employed myself on the road in hawking. By chance a
crane rose, and the tuyghun falcon, of which I am very fond, was let
fly after it. The crane sought to escape, and the falcon soared and
flew so high as to disappear from sight. Although the huntsmen and
the head-beaters ran after it in all directions, they found no trace
of it, and it was impossible for the falcon to be caught in such a
desert. Lashkar Mir Kashmiri, who is the head of the Kashmir huntsmen,
in whose charge the falcon was, ran in a bewildered state through the
desert in all directions without finding a sign or trace. Suddenly he
saw a tree in the distance, and when he went up to it he found the
falcon sitting on the end of a branch. Showing a domestic fowl, he
called to the falcon. Three gharis more had not passed when he brought
it to me. This gift from the hidden world, that had entered into the
thoughts of no one, increased the joy of my mind. Increasing his mansab
as a reward for this service, I gave him a horse and a dress of honour.

On Monday, the 4th, Tuesday, the 5th, Wednesday, the 6th, I marched
continuously, and, halting on Thursday, the 7th, I arranged a feast
of pleasure on the bank of a tank. Nur-Jahan Begam had been ill for
some time, and the physicians who had the good fortune to be chosen
to attend on her, Musulmans and Hindus, perceived no gain from all
the medicines they gave her, and confessed their helplessness in
treating her. At this time Hakim Ruhu-llah began to wait upon her,
and undertook (to find) a remedy. By the aid of God (Glory be to
His name!), in a short time she quite recovered. In reward for this
excellent service I increased his mansab and bestowed on the Hakim
three villages in his native country as his private property, and
an order was given that he should be weighed against silver, which
should be given him as a reward. From Friday, the 8th, until Sunday,
[136] the 13th, I made successive marches, and every day up to the
end of the stage employed myself in hunting with hawks and falcons
(baz u jurra). Many durraj (partridges) were caught. On last Sunday,
Kunwar Karan, s. Rana Amar Singh, having enjoyed the good fortune of
kissing the ground, presented his congratulations on the conquest of
the Deccan, offering 100 muhars and Rs. 1,000 by way of nazr, and
the value of Rs. 21,000 in jewelled vessels, with some horses and
elephants as pishkash. The horses and elephants I returned to him,
and the rest was accepted. The next day I presented him with a dress
of honour. To Mir Sharif, Vakil of Qutbu-l-mulk, and to Iradat K.,
the chief butler, an elephant each was given. Sayyid Hizabr K. was
given the faujdari of Mewat, and his mansab, original and increased,
was fixed at 1,000 personal and 500 horse. Having selected Sayyid
Mubarak for the charge of the fort of Rohtas, I conferred on him the
mansab of 500 personal and 200 horse. On Thursday, the 14th, the camp
was pitched on the bank of the tank of the village of Sandhara, and
the feast of cups was held, and chosen servants were made happy with
cups of pleasure. The birds of chase, "that had been shut up in Agra to
moult" (ba-kuriz basta budand), were this day brought to me by Khwaja
`Abdu-l-Latif, the Chief Fowler. Picking out those that were fit for
my own use, the rest were given to the Amirs and other servants.

On this day the news of the revolt and ingratitude for favours
of Raja Suraj Mal, s. Raja Baso, came to my ear. Baso had several
[137] sons. Although the above-mentioned was the eldest, his father
mostly kept him in confinement on account of his evil thoughts and
mischievous tendencies, and regarded him with displeasure. After his
(Baso's) death, as this wretch was the eldest, and he had no other
capable or intelligent son, I, looking to the services rendered by
Raja Baso, for the purpose of preserving the family of a Zamindar,
and the protection of his hereditary property and country, conferred
on this wretch the title of Raja, with a mansab of 2,000, and gave him
the position and jagir of his father, which the latter had obtained
by his loyalty and good service. I also gave him the sums of money
and goods that his father had collected during long years. When the
deceased Murtaza K. was sent off on the duty of conquering Kangra, as
this wretch was the chief Zamindar of that hill country, he outwardly
displayed zeal in the service and loyalty, and was nominated as an
auxiliary. After he reached the spot, Murtaza K. pressed the siege
tightly against the garrison. This evil-minded fellow discovered
from the appearance of things that he would soon be victorious,
and began to disagree and be troublesome. He took off the veil of
respect from his face, and proceeded to quarrel and be hostile to
Murtaza K.'s men. Murtaza K. read the writing of misery and ruin on
the page of the wretch's forehead, and reported unfavourably of him
to the Court, or rather wrote plainly that the signs of rebellion
and want of loyalty were clear in his conduct. As there was there
such an officer as Murtaza K. and a large army in the hill-country,
the wretch did not find the time convenient for the preparation of
a disturbance. He sent a report to my son Shah-Jahan that Murtaza
K., at the instigation of interested parties, had turned against
him, and desired to overthrow and ruin him, and was accusing him of
wrong-doing and rebellion. He hoped that he would summon him to Court,
and thus provide a means for his escape and (the prolonging of)
his life. Although I had every confidence in the words of Murtaza
K., yet as he (Suraj Mal) begged to be sent for to Court, a doubt
passed into my mind that possibly Murtaza K., at the instigation of
seditious people, might cause a confusion, and might have accused him
without due reflection. Briefly, at the request of my son Shah-Jahan,
passing over his offence, I summoned him (Suraj Mal) to Court. Just
at this time Murtaza K. died, and the conquest of the fort of Kangra
was delayed till the dispatch of another leader. When this seditious
fellow arrived at Court, I, under the pressure of affairs, rapidly
encompassed him with favours and sent him off to do duty with my son
Shah-Jahan in the conquest of the Deccan. After this, when the Deccan
had come into the possession of the servants of the enduring State,
he, having acquired influence in my son's service, was appointed to
superintend the taking of the fort of Kangra. Although the sending
back of this ungrateful and untruthful one into that hill-country
showed a want of caution and care, yet as my son had taken on himself
the responsibility of the undertaking, I was obliged to give in to
his wish and to leave the matter to him. My fortunate son appointed
him, along with one of his own servants of the name of Taqi and a
suitable army of mansabdars, ahadis, and royal musketeers, as has
already been related summarily in these pages. When he arrived at
the place, he began to show enmity and trickery toward Taqi also,
and displayed his natural disposition. He continually reported
unfavourably of him (Taqi), until he wrote plainly that he could
not get on with him, and that Taqi could not do the work. If another
general were appointed, the fort would be quickly conquered. In fine,
he (Shah-Jahan) had no choice but to summon Taqi to Court, and to
appoint Raja Bikramajit, who was one of his chief servants, with an
army of fresh men on this service. When the wretch discovered that his
stratagems could no longer continue, and his deceit go no farther,
he, before the arrival of Bikramajit, gave leave to a number of the
servants of the Court, on the pretence that they had been on service
a long time without proper arrangements (commissariat), to hasten to
their jagirs and provide themselves with their equipments before the
arrival of Raja Bikramajit. As palpably this came to a dispersion of
the forces of the loyal, and most of them left for their own jagirs,
only a few experienced men remained there. Seeing his opportunity,
he showed the signs of revolt and sedition. Sayyid Safi Barha, who
was distinguished for his bravery, with some of his brothers and
relatives, advanced the feet of courage, and tasted the wholesome
draught of martyrdom, and some who were wounded with severe wounds,
which are the adornment of the lions of battle, that rascal took
captive from the field of strife and carried off to his own house
of calamity. [138] Some from love [139] of life hastily withdrew
themselves to the corner of safety. That rascal stretched out the
hand of oppression and possession over the parganas on the skirts of
the hill-country (daman-i-kuh), which mostly belonged to the jagir of
I`timadu-d-daula, and did not abate a hair's breadth from attacking
and plundering. It is hoped that with the same swiftness, he will be
caught with the reward of his deeds and the recompense of his actions,
and that the spirit [140] of this State will do its work, please God!

On Sunday, the 17th, I crossed Ghati Chanda. On Monday, the 18th,
the Jan-sipar Ataliq Khan-khanan, Commander-in-Chief, had the honour
of kissing the threshold. As he had been absent from my presence for a
long time, and the victorious retinue was passing by near the Sarkars
of Khandesh and Burhanpur, he asked to wait upon me, and an order was
given that if his mind were at ease in all respects, he should come
unattended and return quickly. He accordingly came with all speed,
and had the good fortune to pay his respects on this day, and, having
been exalted by the receipt of all kinds of royal favours and kingly
benefits, he presented an offering of 1,000 muhars and Rs. 1,000.

As the camp had undergone great hardship in crossing the Ghati,
I ordered a halt for the refreshment of the people on Tuesday, the
19th. I marched on Wednesday, the 20th, and on Thursday, the 21st,
halted again and held a feast of cups on the bank of a river that is
known as the Sind. [141] I gave a special horse, of the name of Sumer,
which was one of the finest horses, to the Khan-khanan. In the Hindi
language they call a hill of gold Sumer (Sumeru), and he was called
by this name on account of his colour and size. On Friday, the 22nd,
and Saturday, the 23rd, two successive marches were made. On this day
a wonderful waterfall was seen. The water is exceedingly clear, and
pours down with boiling and noise from a lofty place. On all sides
of it there are halting places where one may praise God. Certainly
I have not recently seen such another fine waterfall, and it is a
delightful recreation-place. I was delighted with the spectacle for
a while. On Sunday, the 24th, I halted, and, sitting in a boat on a
tank which was in front of the royal enclosure (daulat-khana), were
shot [142] ducks (murghabi). On Monday, the 25th, Tuesday, the 26th,
and Wednesday, the 27th, I marched one after the other. I bestowed on
the Khan-khanan the pustin (sheep-skin coat) I had on my own person,
and seven horses from my stable, on which I always rode, were also
given him. On Sunday, the 2nd of the Ilahi month of Dai, the royal
standards were raised at the fort of Ranthambur. This is one of the
great forts of the Indians. In the time of Sultan `Ala'u-d-din Khalji,
Ray Pitambar Deo was in possession of it. The Sultan besieged it for
a long time, and conquered it with labour and great exertions, and
in the beginning [143] of the reign of H.M. (Akbar)--may the light of
God be his witness!--Ray Surjan Hada had it in his possession. He had
always 6,000 or 7,000 horse in attendance on him. That revered one,
by the aid of the glorious God, conquered it in the space of one
month and twelve days, and Ray Surjan, by the guidance of fortune,
having had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, was enrolled
among the number of the loyal, and became one of his respectable and
trusted Amirs. After him his son Ray Bhoj also was included among
the great Amirs. Now his grandson, Sar-buland Ray, is among the chief
officers. On Monday, [144] the 3rd, I went to inspect the fort. There
are two hills close to each other. They call one Ran, and the other
Thanbur. The fort is built on the top of Thanbur, and, putting these
two names together, they have called it Ranthambur. Although the
fort is exceedingly strong, and has plenty of water, the hill of
Ran is a specially strong fortress (in itself), and the capture of
the fortress depends upon the possession of this hill. Accordingly,
my revered father ordered that they should plant cannon on the top of
the hill of Ran, and aim at (majra girand) the buildings inside the
fort. The first gun they fired reached the square building (chaukandi)
[145] of the palace of Ray Surjan. From the fall of that building,
a trembling found its way into the foundations of his courage, and a
great perplexity overpowered his heart, and thinking he would best
consult his own safety in delivering up the fort, he rubbed the
head of worship and humility on the throne of the king of kings,
who forgave faults and accepted excuses.

I had intended to pass the night in the fort, and the next day to
return to camp. As the buildings inside the fort had been built after
the fashion of the Hindus, and the rooms were without air and with
little space, they did not please me, nor was I disposed to stay
there. I saw a bath house, which one of the servants of Dastam [146]
Khan had built near the wall of the fort. A little garden and a lodging
(nishiman) which overlooks (mushrif) the open space is not wanting in
space and air, and there is no better place in the whole fort. [147]
Dastam K. was one of the Amirs of the late King (Akbar), and from his
early years had been brought up in his service. His connection with
him was confidential and intimate. H.M. had entrusted this fort to
him from his exceeding confidence in him.

After completing my inspection of the fort and houses, I ordered that
they should bring before me the criminals who were confined in the
fort, so that I might look into the case of each of them and give
an order in accordance with justice. In brief, with the exception of
affairs of murder, and of any person through whose release disturbance
or calamity might ensue in the country, I freed them all, and to
each one in accordance with his circumstances gave his expenses and
dresses [148] of honour. On the eve of Tuesday, the 4th, I returned
to the royal abode after a watch and three gharis had passed. On
Sunday (properly Wednesday), the 5th, having marched nearly 5 koss,
I halted on Thursday, the 6th. On this day the Khan-khanan presented
his offering of jewels, ornamented vessels, cloth, and an elephant. Of
these I chose whatever pleased me, and returned the rest. What was
accepted of his offering was of the value of Rs. 150,000. On Friday,
the 7th, I marched 5 koss. I had before this captured a saras with a
falcon, but until now I had never seen the hunting of a durna [149]
(crane). As my son Shah-Jahan had great pleasure in durna hunting
with the falcon (shahin), and his falcons were well grown, at his
request I rode out early in the morning, and caught one durna myself,
whilst the falcon my son had on his wrist caught another. Certainly,
of all good hunting amusements, this is the best. I was exceedingly
pleased with it. Although the saras is large, it is lazy and heavy on
the wing. The chase of the durna has no resemblance to it. I praise
the heart and courage of the falcon that can seize such strong-bodied
animals, and with the strength of his talons can subdue them. Hasan K.,
the chief huntsman of my son, was honoured with an elephant, a horse,
and a dress of honour, as a reward for this exhibition of sport, and
his son also received a horse and a dress of honour. On Saturday, the
8th, having marched 4 1/4 koss, I halted on Sunday, the 9th. On this
day the Khan-khanan, the Commander-in-Chief, having raised the head
of dignity through the gift of a special dress of honour, a jewelled
waist-sword, and a private elephant with trappings, was reappointed
to Khandesh and the Deccan. The mansab of that pillar of the kingdom,
original and increase, was fixed at 7,000 personal and horse. As
he did not get on with Lashkar K., at his request I assigned to
`Abid K. the duty of Diwan-i-buyutat, [150] and having given him
the mansab of 1,000 personal and 400 horse, as well as a horse,
an elephant, and a dress of honour, sent him to that Subah. On the
same day Khan Dauran arrived from Kabul, and had the good fortune to
pay his respects, and presented as nazr 1,000 muhars and Rs. 1,000,
as well as an offering of a pearl rosary, fifty horses, ten Persian
male and female camels, and some hawks, and china, [151] and porcelain
(?), and other things. On Monday, the 10th, I marched 3 1/4 koss, and
on Tuesday, the 11th, 5 3/4 koss. On this day the Khan Dauran arranged
his men before me, and passed in review a thousand Mughal cavalry,
most of whom had Turki horses, and some `Iraq and some Mujannas [152]
horses. Though his troopers had been mostly dispersed, some going
into the service of Mahabat K. and remaining in that Subah, whilst
a number left him at Lahore and went into different parts of the
dominion, yet he could show this body of well-mounted men. Certainly
the Khan Dauran for valour and generalship is one of the unique
of the ages, but alas! I found he had become a decrepit old man,
and his sight was very weak. He has two intelligent young sons, who
are not wanting in reasonableness, but it will certainly be a great
and difficult thing for them to show themselves his equals. On this
day I gave him and his sons dresses of honour and swords. On Sunday,
the 12th, traversing 3 1/2 koss, I alighted on the bank of the tank
of Mandu. [153] In the middle of the tank there is a stone building,
and on one of the pillars the quatrain of someone had been engraved. I
saw it, and was amazed. In truth, it is a fine verse:


   "My congenial friends have left me:
    One by one they've fallen into the hands of death.
    They were poor drinkers at the banquet of life.
    A moment sooner than us they became drunken." [154]


At this time I also heard another quatrain of the same description,
which I have recorded because it was very well said:


   "Alas! that people of intelligence and wisdom have passed away.
    They have been forgotten in the minds of their contemporaries.
    Those who spoke with a hundred tongues
    Ah! what heard they that they became silent."


On Thursday, the 13th, I made a halt. `Abdu-l-`Aziz K., having come
from Bangash, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Ikram K.,
who was in charge of the faujdari of Fathpur and the neighbourhood,
was honoured with waiting on me. Khwaja Ibrahim K., Bakhshi of the
Deccan, was exalted with the title of `Aqidat K. Mir Hajj, who is
one of the auxiliaries attached to that Subah, and one of the brave
young officers, was promoted to the title of Sharza (tiger-whelp)
K., and received a standard. On Friday, the 14th, I marched 5 1/4
koss. On Saturday, the 15th, having marched 3 koss, I halted in the
neighbourhood of Bayana. [155] There I hastened with the ladies to see
the spectacle of the top of the fort. Muhammad, the Bakhshi of Humayun,
who was entrusted with the charge of the fort, had built a fine house
overlooking the plain, of great height and with fine air. The tomb
of Shaikh Bahlul is also in that neighbourhood, and is not wanting
in excellence. The Shaikh was the elder brother of Shaikh Muhammad
Ghaus, and was much versed in the science of incantations by names
(of God). Humayun had great affection for him, and the most perfect
reliance on him. When he conquered the province of Bengal, he took
up his abode there for some time. Mirza Hindal, by his order, had
remained [156] at Agra. A body of avaricious servants (qulluq-chiyan),
whose character was mischievous and seditious, taking to the way of
faithlessness, came from Bengal to the Mirza, and, working upon his
base nature (shaking the chain of his vile heart), led the Mirza on
the road of rebellion and ingratitude for favours, and of irrecognition
of duty. The thoughtless Mirza had the khutba recited in his own name
(proclaimed himself king), and openly raised the standard of rebellion
and strife. When the royal ear heard what had taken place from the
reports of those who were loyal, he sent Shaikh Bahlul to admonish the
Mirza, and to turn him back from his vain purpose, and to establish
his feet on the highroad of sincerity and concord. As these wretches
had made the flavour of royalty sweet to the Mirza's palate, he became
imbued with futile ideas, and would not be loyal. At the instigation of
these seditious people he made Shaikh Bahlul a martyr with the sword of
recklessness at the Charbagh (garden) which H.M. Babar had made on the
bank of the Jumna. As Muhammad Bakhshi was a disciple of the Shaikh,
he carried the body into the fort of Bayana, and buried it there.

On Sunday, the 16th, marching 4 1/2 koss, I came to the stage of
Barah. [157] As the garden and well which had been built by the order
of Maryam-zamani (Jahangir's mother) in the pargana of Jusat was on
the road, I went to inspect them. Certainly the ba'oli (step-well) was
a grand building, and had been built exceedingly well. I ascertained
from the officials that a sum of Rs. 20,000 had been expended on this
well. As there was much game in this neighbourhood, I halted on Monday,
the 17th.

On Tuesday, the 18th, marching 3 1/8 koss, the host of prosperity
halted at the village of Dayarm'a'u. [158] On Wednesday, the 19th,
marching 2 1/2 koss, the victorious standards were raised on the bank
of the Lake of Fathpur. As at the time when the conquest of the Deccan
was meditated, the stages and distances from Ranthambur to Ujain were
recorded, it appears unnecessary to repeat them. From Ranthambur [159]
to Fathpur by the road by which I came was a distance of 234 koss,
in sixty-three marches and fifty-six halts, traversed in 119 days,
or, according to solar reckoning, in one day under four months,
and by lunar four full months. From the date on which the army of
fortune started from the capital for the conquest of the Rana and the
acquisition of the Deccan until now, when the victorious and prosperous
standards have been planted again in the centre of the empire, it is
five years and four months. The astrologers and astronomers chose the
day of Mubarak-shamba (Thursday), the 28th of the Divine month of Dai,
in my thirteenth year, corresponding with the last day of the Muharram
in the Hijri year 1028 (January 7, 1619), as the proper time at which
to enter the capital of Agra.

At this time, again, it appeared from the reports of the loyal that
the disease of the plague was prevalent in Agra, so that daily about
100 people, more or less, were dying of it. Under the armpits, or in
the groin, or below the throat, buboes formed, and they died. This is
the third year that it has raged in the cold weather, and disappeared
in the commencement of the hot season. It is a strange thing that
in these three years the infection has spread to all the towns and
villages in the neighbourhood of Agra, while there has been no trace
of it at Fathpur. It has come as far as Amanabad, which is 2 1/2 koss
from Fathpur, and the people of that place (Amanabad) have forsaken
their homes and gone to other villages. There being no choice, and
considering the observance of caution necessary, it was decided that
at this propitious [160] hour the victorious army should enter the
inhabited part of Fathpur in all joy and auspiciousness, and after
the sickness and scarcity had subsided and another auspicious hour
had been chosen, I should enter the capital, please the Almighty and
most holy Allah!

The Thursday entertainment took place on the bank of the Lake of
Fathpur. As the time for entering the town (of Fathpur) was fixed for
the 28th, I halted eight days in this place. I ordered them to measure
the circumference of the lake, [161] and it came to 7 koss. At this
stage, with the exception of the revered Maryam-zamani, who had become
very weak, all the Begams and inhabitants of the enclosure of chastity
and all the palace employés came out to meet me (istiqbal). The
daughter [162] of Asaf K., deceased, who is in the house of `Abdu-llah
K. (i.e., is married to `Abdu-llah), s. Khan A`zam, told me a strange
and wonderful tale, and strongly insisted upon its truth. I write it
on account of its strangeness. She said: "One day in the courtyard of
the house I saw a mouse rising and falling in a distracted state. It
was running about in every direction after the manner of drunkards,
and did not know where to go. I said to one of my girls: 'Take it by
the tail and throw it to the cat!' The cat was delighted, and jumped up
from its place and seized it in its mouth, but immediately dropped it
and showed disgust. By degrees an expression of pain and trouble showed
itself in its face. The next day it was nearly dead, when it entered
into my mind to give it a little treacle [163] (tiryaq, opium?). When
its mouth was opened, the palate and tongue appeared black. It passed
three days in a state of misery, and on the fourth day came to its
senses. After this the grain (dana) of the plague (buboes) appeared
in the girl, and from excess of temperature and increase of pain she
had no rest. Her colour became changed--it was yellow inclining to
black--and the fever was high (tap muhriq gardid). The next day she
vomited [164] and had motions, and died. Seven or eight people in that
household died in the same way, and so many were ill that I went to
the garden from that lodging. Those who were ill died in the garden,
but in that place there were no buboes. In brief, in the space of
eight or nine days seventeen people became travellers on the road of
annihilation." She also said: "Those in whom the buboes appeared, if
they called another person for water to drink or wash in, the latter
also caught the infection (sirayat), and at last it came to such a
pass that through excessive apprehension no one would come near them."

On Saturday, the 22nd, Khwaja Jahan, who had had the charge of Agra,
having had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, presented 500 muhars
by way of nazr, and Rs. 400 [165] as charity. On Monday, the 24th, a
special dress of honour was conferred on him. On Mubarak-shamba [166]
(Thursday), the 28th (? 27th), after four ghari [167] or nearly two
sidereal hours (sa`at), had passed,


   "In an hour which agreed with two almanacs (?) (or which marked
    two events),"


the royal standards auspiciously and happily entered the inhabited
part of Fathpur. At the same hour the entertainment (of weighing)
for my prosperous and noble son, Shah-Jahan, was held. I ordered him
to be weighed against gold and other things, and his twenty-eighth
year according to the solar [168] months began auspiciously. It
is hoped that he may reach the natural [169] limit of life. On the
same day H.M. the revered Maryam-zamani (his mother) came from Agra,
and I acquired eternal good fortune from the blessing of waiting on
her. I hope that the shadow of her bringing up and affection may be
perennial on the head of this suppliant. As Ikram K., s. Islam K.,
had performed the duties of faujdar of this neighbourhood in a proper
manner, I bestowed on him the mansab of 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse,
original and increased. Suhrab [170] K., s. Mirza Rustam Safavi,
was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 300 horse.

On this day, going over in detail the buildings of the palace of the
late King (Akbar), I showed them to my son, Shah-Jahan. Inside of them
a large and very clear reservoir of cut stone has been constructed,
and is called the Kapur-talao (camphor tank). It is a square of 36
yards by 36, [171] with a depth of 4 1/2 yards. By the order of that
revered one, the officials of the public treasury had filled it with
fulus (copper coins) and rupees. It came to 34 krors, and 48 lakhs,
and 46,000 dams, and 1,679,400 rupees, or a total of 10,300,000 (one
kror and three lakhs) according to Hindustani reckoning, and 343,000
tuman according to Persian. For a long time the thirsty-lipped ones
of the desert of desire were satisfied from that fountain of benignity.

On Sunday, the 1st Bahman, a reward of 1,000 darb (Rs. 500) was given
to Hafiz Nad `Ali, [172] the reciter. For a long time past Muhibb
`Ali, s. Budagh [173] K. Chikani, and Abu-l-Qasim Gilani, whom the
Ruler of Iran had blinded and driven into the desert of exile, have
passed their days in ease under the refuge of this State. To each of
them, according to his condition, an allowance for living had been
granted. On this day they came from Agra, and had the good fortune to
kiss the threshold, and each of them was presented with Rs. 1,000. The
Mubarak-shamba entertainment was held in state in the palace, and my
private servants were gladdened with cups of pleasure. Nasru-llah, whom
my son, Sultan Parwiz, had sent to Court with the elephant Kuh-daman,
[174] took his leave and returned. A copy (jild) of the Jahangir-nama,
together with a special tipchaq horse, were given to him to take to
my son. On Sunday, the 8th, Kunwar Karan, son of Rana Amar Singh, was
presented with a horse, an elephant, a dress of honour, a jewelled
khapwa, and a phul-katara. I gave him leave to go to his jagir,
and sent a horse with him for the Rana. On the same day I went out
sporting to Amanabad. As there was an order that no one should kill
the antelope of that region, in the course of six years many antelope
had come together, and they had grown very tame. On Thursday, the
12th, I returned to the palace, and on that day, according to custom,
a feast of cups was prepared.

On the eve of Friday, the 13th (Bahman), I went to the mausoleum of
the refuge of pardon, Shaikh Salim Chishti, a little concerning whose
blessed qualities has been written in the preface [175] to this record
of prosperity, and the fatiha was recited. Although the manifestation
of miracles and wonders is not approved by the elect of the throne
of God, and from humility and a feeling of their low rank (as saints)
they avoid such display, yet occasionally in the excitement of ecstasy
an appearance is manifested unintentionally and without control, [176]
or for the sake of teaching someone the exhibition is made. Among these
was this, that he before my birth gave my father the good news of the
advent of this suppliant and of my two brothers. Again, one day my
father incidentally asked him how old he was, and when would he depart
to the abiding regions. He replied: "The glorious God knows what is
secret and hidden." After much urgency he indicated this suppliant
(Prince Salim), and said: "When the Prince, by the instruction of
a teacher or in any other way, shall commit something to memory
and shall recite it, this will be a sign of my union with God." In
consequence of this, His Majesty gave strict orders to all who were
in attendance on me that no one should teach me anything in prose
or verse. At length when two years and seven months had passed away,
it happened one day that one of the privileged [177] women was in the
palace. She used to burn rue constantly in order to avert the evil eye,
and on this pretext had access to me. She used to partake of the alms
and charities. She found me alone and regardless of (or ignorant of)
what had been said (by Akbar), she taught me this couplet:


   "O God, open the rosebud of hope
    Display a flower from the everlasting garden." [178]


I went to the Shaikh and repeated this couplet. He involuntarily
rose up and hastened to wait on the King, and informed him of what
had occurred. In accordance with Fate, the same night the traces
of fever appeared, and the next day he sent someone to the King
(with the request) to call Tan Sen Kalawant, who was unequalled as a
singer. Tan Sen, having gone to wait upon him, began to sing. After
this he sent some one to call the King. When H.M. came, he said:
"The promised time of union has come, and I must take leave of
you." Taking his turban from his head, he placed it on mine, and said:
"We have made Sultan Salim our successor, and have made him over to
God, the protector and preserver." Gradually his weakness increased,
and the signs of passing [179] away became more evident, till he
attained union with the "True Beloved."

One of the greatest monuments of my father's reign is this mosque
and cemetery (rauza). Certainly they are exceedingly lofty and solid
buildings. There is nothing like this mosque in any other country. It
is all built of beautiful stone, and five lakhs of rupees were
expended from the public treasury upon it. Qutbu-d-din K. Kokaltash
made the marble railing (mahjar) round [180] the cemetery, the flooring
(farsh) of the dome and portico, and these are not included in the five
lakhs. The mosque has two great gateways. The one [181] towards the
south is extremely lofty, and is very beautiful. The archway (pishtaq)
is 12 yards broad, 16 long, and 52 high. One must mount thirty-two
steps to get to the top of it. The other gateway is smaller, and is
towards the east. The length of the mosque from east to west, including
the width of the walls, is 212 yards. Out of this, the Maqsura (the
chancel) is 25 1/2 yards, the middle is 15 yards by 15, the portico
(pishtaq) is 7 yards broad, 14 yards long, and 25 yards high. On each
side of the large dome are two smaller domes 10 yards by 10. Then
there is a veranda (aiwan) which is pillared. The breadth of the mosque
from north to south is 172 yards. Round it are ninety verandas (aiwan)
and eighty-four cells. The breadth of each cell is 4 yards, [182] and
the length 5 yards. The verandas are 7 1/2 yards broad. The courtyard
(sahn) of the mosque, exclusive of the maqsura, and the verandas, and
the gates, is 169 yards long and 143 yards broad. Above the verandas,
the gates, and the mosque, small domes have been constructed, and on
the eves of anniversaries and on holy days lamps are placed in these,
and they are enveloped in coloured [183] cloths, so that they look
like lamp-shades (?). Under the courtyard they have made a well, and
they fill this with rainwater. As Fathpur has little water, and what
there is is bad, this well [184] yields a sufficient supply for the
whole year for the members of the family (of Salim Chishti) and for
the dervishes who are the mujawirs (caretakers) of the mosque. Opposite
the great entrance and towards the north-north-east is the tomb of the
Shaikh. The middle dome is 7 yards, and round the dome is a portico
of marble, and on the front side of this is a marble lattice. It is
very beautiful. Opposite this tomb on the west, at a little distance,
is another dome, in which are laid to rest the sons-in-law and sons
of the Shaikh, such as Qutbu-d-din K., Islam K., Mu`azzam K., [185]
and others, who were all connected with this family, and rose to the
position of Amirs and to lofty rank. Accordingly, the circumstances
of each have been recorded in their places. At present the son of
Islam K., who is distinguished by the title of Ikram K., is the lord
of the prayer-carpet. The signs of auspiciousness are manifest in him;
I am much inclined to cherish him.

On Thursday, the 19th, I promoted `Abdu-l-`Aziz K. to the mansab of
2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and nominated him to the duty of taking
the fort of Kangra, and the overthrow of the ungrateful Suraj Mal. I
bestowed on him an elephant, a horse, and a dress of honour. Tursun
Bahadur was also dispatched on this duty, and his mansab was fixed
at 1,200 personal and 450 horse. He was given a horse, and took his
leave. As the house of I`timadu-d-daula was on the bank of a tank,
and people praised it greatly as a delightful place and enchanting
residence, at his request on Thursday, the 26th, an entertainment
was held there. That pillar of the kingdom engaged in the dues of
prostration and offerings, and prepared a grand meeting. At night,
after eating food, I returned to the palace. On Thursday, the 3rd
of the Divine month of Isfand-armuz, Sayyid `Abdu-l-Wahhab Barha,
who had done active service in Gujarat, was promoted to the mansab of
1,000 personal and 500 horse, and was honoured with the title of Dilir
K. On Saturday, the 12th, I went out to Amanabad for sport, and until
Sunday, with the ladies, employed myself in the pleasure of hunting. On
the eve of Thursday, the 27th [186] (17th), I returned to the palace.

By chance, on Tuesday, during the hunting, a string of pearls and
rubies that Nur-Jahan Begam had on her neck was broken, and a ruby of
the value of Rs. 10,000 and a pearl worth Rs. 1,000 were lost. Although
the huntsmen made every search for it on Wednesday, it did not fall
into their hands. It occurred to me that as the name of the day was
Kam-shamba, it was impossible to find it on that day. On the contrary,
as Mubarak-shamba (Thursday) was always a lucky day for me, and had
been blessed to me, the huntsmen on that day with but a little search
found both in that track-less place (without head or foundation)
and brought them to me. The best of coincidences was that on the same
propitious day the entertainment for my lunar weighing and the feast
of Basant-bari (Spring festival) also took place, and the good news of
the conquest of the fort of Mau and the defeat of that evil-fortuned
Suraj Mal arrived.

The particulars of this are that when Raja Bikramajit with the
victorious army arrived in that region, the ill-fated Suraj Mal
desired to delay him for some days by trickery and babblement, but the
aforesaid knew the real state of the case and did not pay attention to
his words, but advanced with the foot of valour. That abandoned one,
letting fall from his hand the thread of plan, neither planted the foot
of intrepidity firmly for battle nor had the courage to defend the
fort. After a slight struggle, and when many of his people had been
slaughtered, he took to flight, and the forts of Mau [187] and Mahri
(?), which were the chief reliance of that ill-fated man, were both
taken without difficulty. A country which he had held by hereditary
right from his fathers was trodden under foot by the victorious troops,
and he became a wanderer and a vagabond. He retired to the ravines
of the hills, and cast the dust of ruin and contempt on the head of
his Fortune. Raja Bikramajit, leaving his country behind, hastened
in pursuit of him with the victorious army. When the state of affairs
reached the royal ears, in reward for this becoming service I ordered
drums for the Raja, and a fateful farman was issued from the Sovereign
of Wrath that they should overthrow from their foundation the fort and
buildings that had been erected by Suraj Mal's father and himself,
and leave not a trace of them on the face of the earth. A strange
thing is that the unfortunate Suraj Mal had a brother called Jagat
Singh. When I promoted Suraj Mal to the title of Raja, and made him
an Amir, and gave him dominion, etc., without a partner or sharer,
I, in order to please him, gave a small mansab to Jagat Singh, who
did not get on well with him, and sent him to Bengal. This wretched
one was passing his days in a poor condition far from his home,
in contempt, and to the delight of his enemies, and waiting for
some hidden aid, until by his good fortune this affair took place,
and that unblessed one struck an axe on his own foot. Summoning Jagat
Singh in all haste to Court, I honoured him with the title of Raja and
the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and bestowed 20,000 darbs
[188] on him out of the public treasury for his expenses. Giving him
a jewelled khapwa, a robe of honour, a horse, and an elephant, I sent
him to Raja Bikramajit, and issued a farman that if the aforesaid, by
the guidance of a good destiny, should perform laudable service, and
display loyalty, that country should be given over into his hand. [189]

As the praise of the garden of Nur-manzil and the buildings that
had been newly-erected there continually reached me, I on Monday
mounted my steed, and went to the stage of Bustan-saray, and passed
Tuesday in pleasure and at ease in that entrancing rose-garden. On
the eve of Wednesday the garden of Nur-manzil (the abode of light)
was adorned by the alighting of the hosts of prosperity. This garden
contains 330 jaribs (bighas), according to the Ilahi gaz. Around it
there has been built a wall, lofty and broad, of bricks and cement,
exceedingly strong. In the garden there is a lofty building and a
residence, highly decorated. Pleasant reservoirs have been constructed,
and outside the gate a large well has been made, from which thirty-two
pairs of bullocks continually draw water. The canal passes through the
garden, and pours water into the reservoirs. Besides this, there are
other wells, the water of which is distributed to the reservoirs and
plots. The beauty is increased by all kinds of fountains and cascades
and there is a tank in the exact middle of the garden which is filled
by rainwater. If by chance its water should fail in the extreme heat,
they supplement it by water from the wells, so that it may always
be full to the brim. Nearly Rs. 150,000 have been spent up to now
on this garden, and it is still unfinished, and large sums will be
expended in making avenues and laying down plants. It has also been
settled that the middle garden shall be newly walled [190] round,
and the channels for the coming and going of the water shall be made
so strong that it may always remain full of water and the water shall
not leak out in any way, and no damage accrue. It is possible that
before it is complete nearly Rs. 200,000 will have been spent on it.

On Thursday, the 24th, Khwaja Jahan presented an offering of jewels,
jewelled vessels, cloths, an elephant, and a horse, of the value
of Rs. 150,000. Having made a selection from them, I gave him the
remainder. Until Saturday I passed my time in that garden of delight
in enjoyment. On the eve of Sunday, the 27th, I inclined the reins of
returning towards Fathpur, and an order was given that the great Amirs,
according to annual custom, should decorate the palace. On Monday,
the 28th, I found that something had gone wrong with my eye. As it
arose from too much blood, I ordered `Ali Akbar, the surgeon, to open
a vein. On the next day the benefit of this was apparent. I bestowed
Rs. 1,000 on him. On Tuesday, the 29th, Muqarrab K. came from his
native place, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and I
favoured him with many sorts of kindness.








THE FOURTEENTH NEW YEAR'S FEAST FROM THE AUSPICIOUS ACCESSION


On the morning of Thursday, the 4th of the month of Rabi`u-l-akhir,
Hijri 1028 (March 10, 1619), the world-enlightening sun entered his
house of honour in Aries, and the fourteenth year of the reign of this
suppliant commenced in all prosperity and happiness. On Thursday,
the 1st of the New Year, my prosperous son, Shah-Jahan, who is the
star of the forehead of accomplished desires, and the brilliancy of
the brow of prosperity, prepared a grand entertainment, and presented
me as offerings with a selection of the precious things of the age,
and rareties and curiosities of every country. One of these is a ruby,
weighing 22 surkhs, of good colour, and water, and shape. The jewellers
have valued it at Rs. 40,000. Another is a Qutbi [191] (?) ruby,
in weight 3 tanks, and very delicate, valued at Rs. 40,000. Further,
six pearls, one of them 1 tank and 8 surkhs in weight. The Vakils of
my son had bought it in Gujarat for Rs. 25,000, and the five others for
Rs. 33,000. Also one diamond, the price of which was Rs. 18,000. Also a
jewelled parda (sash), a sword-hilt made in his own goldsmith's shop;
most of the jewels he had himself set and cut. He had brought great
dexterity to bear on the design. Its value was fixed as Rs. 50,000. The
designs [192] were his own; no one else had up to this day thought of
them. Undoubtedly it was a fine piece of workmanship. There was also
a pair of drums made of gold for playing the mursal (overture?) with a
whole orchestra--viz., kuwarga, naqqara, karana, surna, etc.--whatever
was required for the naqqara-khana (music-hall) of great princes,
and all made of silver. At the auspicious hour at which I had seated
myself on the throne of success these were all sounded. The whole of
them came to a value of Rs. 65,000. Another was a seat for riding
an elephant, called by moderns a howdah (hauda), made of gold,
worth Rs. 30,000. Beside this there were two large elephants and
five elephant-trappings of the offerings of Qutbu-l-mulk, ruler
of Golconda. The first elephant was named Dad-i-Ilahi (the gift of
God). As it entered the private elephant-house on New Year's Day,
I gave it the name of Nur-i-Nauruz (the Light of New Year's Day). In
truth he is a grand elephant, and lacks nothing of size, beauty,
and dignity. As he looked well to my eye, I mounted him and rode him
into the courtyard of the palace. His value was fixed at Rs. 80,000,
and the value of six [193] others at Rs. 20,000. Its golden trappings,
consisting of golden chains, etc., my son had had made for the elephant
Nur-i-Nauruz, were worth Rs. 30,000. The second elephant, with silver
housings, was also presented, with Rs. 10,000 more in various choice
jewels. The kurkaraqs [194] of my son had also prepared and sent
delicate cloths from Gujarat. If all details were to be written,
it would take too long. Briefly, the whole of his offerings was of
the value of Rs. 450,000. It is hoped that he will eat the fruit of
long life and prosperity.

On Friday, the 2nd, Shaja`at K. `Arab, and Nuru-d-din Quli, the kotwal,
laid their offerings before me. On Saturday, the 3rd, Darab K., son
of the Khan-khanan, and on Sunday, the 4th, Khan Jahan, prayed to
be allowed to entertain me. Out of the latter's offerings I accepted
one pearl, bought for Rs. 20,000, with other rareties, altogether of
the value of Rs. 130,000, and presented him with the rest. On Monday,
the 5th, Raja Kishan Das and Hakim K., on Tuesday, the 6th, Sardar K.,
and on Wednesday, the 7th, Mustafa K. and Amanat K., presented their
offerings. From each of these I took a trifle in order to dignify
them. On Thursday, the 8th, I`timadu-d-daula, Madar-ul-mulk (the
pivot of the country), having prepared a royal entertainment, begged
to be allowed to receive me. In accepting this request his standing
was raised. In fact, in decorating the assembly and the largeness
of his offering, he had exceeded himself, and made many decorations,
and illuminated all sides of the lake as far as the eye could reach,
and decorated the streets both near and far with all kinds of lights
and coloured lanterns. Among the offerings of that Madar-us-saltana
there was a throne of gold and silver, much ornamented and decorated,
the supports of which were in the form of tigers. It had been completed
with great assiduity in the space of three years, and was made at the
cost of Rs. 450,000. This throne had been made by a skilful European
of the name of Hunarmand (skilful), who had no rival in the arts of a
goldsmith and a jeweller, and in all sorts of skill (hunarmandi). He
had made it very well, and I gave him this name. In addition to the
offerings he had brought for me, he offered the value of Rs. 100,000
in jewelled ornaments and cloths to the Begams and other ladies of
the Palace. Without exaggeration, from the beginning of the reign
of the late king (may the light of Allah be his testimony!) until
now, which is the fourteenth year of the rule of this suppliant,
not one of the great Amirs has presented such offerings. In fact,
what comparison is there between him and others?

On this day Ikram K., s. Islam K. was honoured with the mansab,
original and increased, of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and Anira'i
Singh-dalan with that of 2,000 personal and 1,600 horse, original
and increased. On Friday, the 9th, I`tibar K. presented his offering,
and on the same day Khan Dauran, having been presented with a horse
and an elephant, took leave to go to the government of Patna. [195]
His mansab, according to a previous rule, was fixed at 6,000 personal
and 5,000 horse. On Saturday, the 10th, Fazil K., on Sunday, the 11th,
Mir Miran, on Monday, the 12th, I`tiqad K. on Tuesday, the 13th,
Tatar K. and Anira'i Singh-dalan, and on Wednesday, the 14th, Mirza
Raja Bhao Singh, presented their offerings. Selecting from them what
was delicate and new, I gave the remainder to them. On Thursday, the
15th, Asaf Khan prepared a grand assembly and a royal entertainment in
his own house, which is a very fine and pleasant place, and begged to
be allowed to receive me. At his request, giving him the dignity of
acceptance, I went there with the ladies. That pillar of the kingdom
looked on this as a bounty from the secret Giver, and in the increase
of his offering and preparation of the entertainment displayed great
magnificence. Of jewels of great price and delicate gold brocades
and all sorts of gifts, that which was approved was selected, and
I presented him with the remainder. Among the offerings was a ruby
weighing 12 1/2 tanks, which was bought for Rs. 125,000. The value of
the offerings that were accepted was Rs. 167,000. On this day Khwaja
Jahan was raised to the mansab of 5,000 personal and 2,500 horse.

Lashkar K., having come, by order, from the Deccan, had the honour of
waiting on me. As I had determined, after the rainy season had passed
and in the beginning of the good weather, to go to the perpetual
spring garden of Kashmir under the favour of Almighty God, it seemed
right to me that the guardianship and administration of the fort and
city of Agra and the faujdarship of the district, after the manner in
which they had been held by Khan Jahan, should be entrusted to Lashkar
K., and I honoured him with the good news. Amanat K. was entrusted
with the duty of superintendent of branding (of horses) and of
parading the troopers. [196] On Friday, the 16th, Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan,
Chief Bakhshi, on Saturday, the 17th, Sadiq K. Bakhshi, on Sunday,
the 18th, Iradat K., Chief Butler, and on Monday, the 19th, which
was the day of the sun's culmination, `Azudu-d-daula K., presented
offerings, and I accepted from each of them, by way of exalting their
dignity, what I approved. At this New Year the value of the accepted
offerings of the servants of the Court came to Rs. 2,000,000. On the
day of culmination I conferred on my auspicious son Sultan Parwiz
[197] the mansab of 20,000 personal and 10,000 horse, original and
increased. I`timadu-d-daula was promoted to that of 7,000 personal
and horse. I selected `Azudu-d-daula for the duty of tutor to the
pupil of the eye of the Sultanate, Shah Shuja`. I hope that he (the
latter) may endure for his natural term of life and may be one of the
prosperous ones. Qasim K. was raised to the mansab of 1,500 personal
and 500 horse, and Baqir K. to that of 1,000 personal and 400 horse. As
Mahabat K. had asked for reinforcements, I appointed 500 Ahadi horse
to Bangash, and presented `Izzat K., who had done approved service
in that province, with a horse and a jewelled khapwa. At this time
`Abdu-s-Sattar [198] presented as an offering a compendium in the
handwriting of the late king Humayun (may the lights of Allah be his
testimony!), containing some prayers, an introduction to the science of
astronomy, and other marvellous things, most of which he had studied
and carried into practice. After reverently inspecting his auspicious
handwriting, I felt a joy such as I had seldom experienced. I was
exceedingly rejoiced, for, by God, no precious thing I have can be
compared with this. In return I increased his mansab beyond what he
had imagined possible, and gave him a present of Rs. 1,000. Hunarmand,
the European who had made the jewelled throne, I presented with 3,000
darb, a horse and an elephant. I gave Rs. 1,000 to Khwaja Khawand
Mahmud, who is a pilgrim of the Path of the Khwajas, and is not void
of dervishism and spirituality. Lashkar K. was promoted to the mansab
of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, Ma`mur K. to that of 900 personal
and 450 horse, Khwajagi Tahir to that of 800 personal and 300 horse,
and Sayyid Ahmad Qadiri to that of 800 and 60 horse. On Raja Sarang
Deo was conferred the mansab of 700 personal and 30 horse, on Mir
Khalil-u-llah, s. `Azudu-d-daula, that of 600 personal and 250 horse,
on the eunuch Firuz K., that of 600 and 150 horse, on Khidmat Khan
that of 550 and 130 horse, on Mahram K. that of 500 and 120 horse, on
`Izzat K. that of 600 personal and 100 horse, on Ray Newali Das, the
accountant of the elephant department, that of 600 personal and 120
horse, on Ray Mani Das, the superintendent of the Palace, that of 600
personal and 100 horse, on Nathmal and Jagmal, sons of Kishan Singh,
that of 500 and 225 horse each. If the increase of mansab given to
those of less than 500 were to be written in full it would be too
long. Rs. 2,000 were given to Khizr K., who belonged [199] to Khandesh.

On Wednesday, the 21st, I went to Amanabad for the purpose of
sport. Some days before this, in accordance with orders, Khwaja
Jahan, and Qiyam K., the head huntsman, had chosen a wide plain for a
qamargha hunt, and drawn an enclosure round it, and driven within it
many antelope from the neighbouring plains. As I had vowed that I would
hereafter not kill any living thing with my own hand, it occurred to me
to take them all alive, and place them within the Chaugan (polo-ground)
of Fathpur, so that I might both enjoy the pleasure of sport and
that at the same time no harm should happen to them. I accordingly
took 700 head and sent them to Fathpur. As the hour for entering the
capital was near, I ordered Ray Man, khidmatiyya, [200] to put up a
screen on two sides, like a lane, from the hunting-place to the plain
of Fathpur, and to drive the antelope there. About 800 antelope were
sent in this way, or altogether 1,500. On the night of Wednesday,
the 28th, marching from Amanabad, I halted in Bustan Saray, and on
the eve of Thursday, the 29th, I halted at the Nur-manzil garden.

On Friday, the 30th, the mother [201] of Shah-Jahan attained the mercy
of God. The next day I myself went to the house of that precious son,
and having condoled with him in every way, took him with me to the
palace. On Sunday, the 1st Urdibihisht, at the auspicious hour chosen
by the astrologers and astronomers, I mounted a special elephant
of the name of Dilir, and in all prosperity and happiness entered
the city. A great crowd of people, men and women, had collected
together in the streets and bazaars, and at the gates and walls,
expecting me. According to custom, I went on, scattering money on
the way, to inside the palace. From the date on which the army of
prosperity started for this happily terminated journey until now,
when I returned in happiness and good fortune, it was five years,
seven months, and nine days. At this time I ordered my son Sultan
Parwiz that, as a long time had passed during which he had been
deprived of waiting on me personally, or had been fortunate enough to
pay his respects, if he were desirous of meeting me, he should come
to Court. On the arrival of the gracious farman, that son, considering
the manifestation of this favour a gift from the hidden world, turned
the face of his hope towards the sphere-resembling Court. At this time
I gave away, as a means of livelihood, to Faqirs and deserving people
44,786 bighas of land, and two entire villages, with 320 ass-loads
(kharwar, a weight) of grain from Kashmir, and seven ploughs [202]
of land in Kabul. I hope that the Grace of the Bestower of desires
and benevolence may be their daily lot.

One of the occurrences of this time is the revolt of Allahdad,
son of Jalal, the Afghan. The details of this are that when Mahabat
K. obtained leave to go and take possession of Bangash and overthrow
the Afghans, from an idea that that wretch would do some service in
return for the favours and kindness I had conferred on him, he prayed
that he might take him with him. As the natural tendency of such
ungrateful men who do not recognize what is right, tends to enmity
and malevolence, by way of precaution it was decided to send his son
and brother to the Court that they might be as hostages. After the
arrival there of his son and brother, I, by way of comforting them,
did them all kinds of kindness, but, as they have said:


   "The blanket of fortune of anyone that has been woven black
    Cannot be whitened even by the waters of Zamzam and Kausar."


From the day on which he arrived in that country the signs of rascality
and want of recognition of the right began to be apparent on the
cheeks of his affairs, and Mahabat K., in order to control matters,
did not loose from his hand the rope of forbearance until, at this
time, he sent a force under the leadership of his son against a band
of Afghans, and sent Allahdad with him. When they reached the purposed
place, from the enmity and malevolence of the aforesaid, that attack
did not succeed, and they returned with their aim uncompleted. The
evil-dispositioned Allahdad, from a suspicion lest this time Mahabat
K. should abandon his method of conciliation, and ascertain the real
state of affairs, and that he should be caught in recompense for his
evil deeds, lifted up the veil of reverence, and betrayed involuntarily
the faithlessness to his salt, which he had till then concealed. When
I heard from Mahabat K.'s letter the true state of affairs, I ordered
them to imprison his son and brother in the fort of Gwalior. As it
had happened (Jalal Tariki), the father of this wretch had also fled
from the service of the late king, and for years passed his time in
thieving and highway robbery, until he was caught in the recompense
of his own evil deeds. It is hoped that this rascal will also soon
obtain the reward of his bad actions.

On Thursday, the 5th, Man Singh, s. Rawat Shankar, who was one of the
auxiliaries of Bihar, was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal
and 600 horse. I sent off `Aqil K. to look after the cavalry, [203]
and inquire into the corps of the mansabdars who had been appointed
for duty in Bangash, and gave him an elephant. I sent as a gift
to Mahabat K. a private dagger made after the Mazandaran fashion,
along with Dust Beg. The offering of Monday was given as a present
to Mahmud Ab-dar, who from the time when I was a prince and the days
of my childhood had served me. Miran (not Bizan, [204] as in the
printed book), son-in-law of Payanda K. Moghul, was promoted to the
mansab of 700 personal and 450 horse. Muhammad Husain, brother of
Khwaja Jahan, who was Bakhshi of Kangra, was promoted to the mansab
of 600 personal and 450 horse. On this day Tarbiyat K., who is one
of the hereditary houseborn ones of this Court, and had been enrolled
among the Amirs by reason [205] of his good disposition, died. He was
not devoid of sluggishness (na-muradi, literally want of desires)
and self-indulgence (salamat-i-nafs), and was a young man fond of
pleasure (`ayyash-tabi`at). He wished to pass his whole life at ease,
and was devoted to Hindu music and did not understand it badly. He
was a man void of evil. Raja Suraj Singh was raised to the mansab of
2,000 personal and horse. To Karamu-llah, s. `Ali Mardan K. Bahadur,
Baqir K., Faujdar of Multan, Malik Muhibb Afghan, and Maktub K. were
given elephants. Sayyid Bayazid Bhakkari, to whom was entrusted the
charge of the fort of Bhakkar and the faujdarship of that region,
was also honoured with an elephant. Amanu-llah, s. Mahabat K. was
distinguished with the gift of a jewelled dagger. I gave elephants
to Shaikh Ahmad Hansi, Shaikh `Abdu-l-Latif Sambhali, the eunuch
Firasat K., and Ray Kunwar Chand Mustaufi (auditor). Muhammad Shafi`
Bakhshi of the Panjab, was raised to the mansab of 500 personal and 300
horse. The mansab of 500 personal and 150 horse was conferred on Munis,
s. Mihtar [206] K. He (Munis) had charge of the fort of Kalinjar.

On this day arrived the news of the death of Shah-nawaz K. s. the
Commander-in-Chief Khan Khanan. It was the cause of distress of
mind to me. At the time when that Ataliq (Khan Khanan) took leave
from waiting on me, it had been strictly impressed upon him that,
as it had been repeatedly brought to my ear that Shah-nawaz K. had
been maddened with wine and drank immoderately, if there was truth
in this it was a pity that he should destroy himself at his age. It
was necessary that he should not leave him to his own way, but look
after his case properly. If he could not leave his charge himself,
he should write a clear report, so that, having summoned him into
my presence, I might give the best order practicable under the
circumstances. When he arrived at Burhanpur, having found Shah-nawaz
Khan very weak and low, he tried to make some remedy for him. After
some days' confinement to bed (literally, lord of the carpet) he
fell on the couch of powerlessness. Whatever remedies and plans the
physicians employed were of no avail, and in the best time of his
youth and prosperity, in the thirty-third year of his age, to the
sorrow and grief of the world, he went to the place of the mercy and
pardon of God. On hearing this unpleasant news I was greatly grieved,
for in truth he was an intelligent youth and born in the house. He
would have performed important services in this State, and left great
traces behind him. Although this road is before all and there is no
escape for anyone out of the command of destiny, yet it appears sad
to depart in this fashion. It is hoped he will be among those who are
pardoned. I sent Raja Sarang Deo, who was one of my close attendants
and is a tactful person, to the Ataliq, and favoured and consoled him
in every way. The mansab of 5,000 held by Shah-nawaz I added on to
those of his brothers and sons. To Darab, his younger brother, I gave
the mansab of 5,000 personal, original and increased, and presented
him with a dress of honour, an elephant, a horse, and a jewelled sword,
and gave him leave to go to his father to fill, in place of Shah-nawaz,
the post of governor of Berar and Ahmadnagar. Rahman-dad, another
brother, I promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 800 horse. Manuchahr,
s. Shah-nawaz, was given the mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,000
horse. Taghzal (Toghril?), s. Shah-nawaz [207] K. was promoted to the
mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. On Thursday, the 12th, Qasim
K., son-in-law of I`timadu-d-daula, was honoured with the favour of a
standard. Asadu-llah, s. Sayyid Haji, who had come with the intention
of obtaining service, had the mansab bestowed on him of 500 personal
and 100 horse. Sadr Jahan, son-in-law of the deceased Murtaza K.,
received that of 700 personal and 600 horse, and was appointed to the
faujdarship of Sambhal, and, having had an elephant bestowed on him,
I gave him leave. Bharat Bandila was also presented with the mansab
of 600 personal and 400 horse, and had an elephant given him, and an
elephant was bestowed on Sangram, the Raja of Jammu.

In Ahmadabad I had two male markhur goats. As I had not a female in
my establishment to pair with them, it occurred to me that if I could
pair them with Barbary goats, which they bring from Arabia, especially
from the port of the city of Darkhar, [208] young of their form and
qualities might be obtained. In short, I paired them with seven Barbary
ewes, and after six months had elapsed each of the latter had a young
one at Fathpur: there were four females and three males, very pleasing
in appearance, of good shape and good colour. In their colour, those
(kids) which resembled the male (taka, not baka, as in the printed
copy) were dun-coloured with black stripes on their backs. Red, [209]
indeed, appears to me a more pleasing colour than any other, and it is
the mark of a better breed. Of their liveliness and laughable ways and
their manner of gamboling and leaping, what can be written? Some of
their ways are such that the mind derived uncontrolled pleasure from
looking at them. It is notorious that painters cannot draw properly
the motions of a kid. Granting that they may chance to draw the
movements of an ordinary kid after a fashion, they certainly would
have to acknowledge themselves at a loss how to draw the motions
of these kids. When one month, or even twenty days old, they would
leap up upon high places and throw themselves on to the ground in a
way that if any other but a kid were to do so, not one limb would be
left whole. As it pleased me, I ordered them always to be kept near
me, and I gave each of them an appropriate name. I am much delighted
with them, and pay great attention to bringing together markhur males
and well-bred she-goats. I desire to have many young ones from them,
and that they may become well known among men. After their young shall
have paired, most probably more delicate ones will be obtained. One of
their peculiarities is that ordinary kids immediately they are born,
and until they begin to suck, make a great bleating, whilst these,
on the contrary, make no sound, and stand quite contented and without
wailing. Perhaps their flesh would be very pleasant to the taste.

Before this, an order had been given that Muqarrab K., having been
appointed to Bihar, should hasten off there. He came to Court in
order to pay his respects before he repaired to his destination, and
accordingly, on Thursday, the 2nd Khurdad, an elephant with trappings,
two horses, and a jewelled khapwa were conferred on him, and he took
leave. Rs. 50,000 were given him as an advance of pay. On the same day
Sardar Khan received a dress of honour, an elephant, and a horse, and
obtained the Sarkar of Monghyr, which is in the province of Bihar and
Bengal, and took leave. Mir Sharif, [210] the Vakil of Qutbu-l-mulk,
who was at Court, took leave. My fortunate son, Shah-Jahan, sent
with him the brother of Afzal K., his Diwan. As Qutbu-l-mulk had
shown attachment and desire to please, and repeatedly importuned me
for a portrait, I presented him, at his request, with my likeness,
a jewelled khapwa, and a phul katara. 24,000 darb, a jewelled dagger,
a horse, and a dress of honour were also given to the aforesaid Mir
Sharif. Fazil K., director of buildings, was advanced to the mansab
of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and Hakim Ragho Nath to that of
600 personal and 60 horse. As at this time the anniversary of the
late king (Akbar) occurred, Rs. 5,000 were handed over to some of
my chief servants to divide among poor and deserving people. Hasan
`Ali K., jagirdar of the Sarkar of Monghyr, was honoured with the
mansab of 2,500 personal and horse, and sent to the assistance of
Ibrahim K. Fath-jang, governor of the province of Bengal, and he
was presented with a sword. As Mirza Sharafu-d-din Husain Kashghari
sacrificed his life on duty in Bangash, I promoted his son Ibrahim
Husain to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. At this time
Ibrahim K. constructed two boats, [211] which in the language of the
country they call Kosha, one of gold and the other of silver, and sent
them to me by way of offering. Undoubtedly, of their own kind they are
the finest. One of these I gave to my son Shah-Jahan. On Thursday,
the 9th, Sadat K. was granted the mansab of 1,000 personal and 60
horse. On this day `Azudu-d-daula and Shaja`at K. `Arab took leave
for their jagirs. On this Thursday I presented Asaf K. with a jewelled
khapwa and a phul katara. As my fortunate son Sultan Parwiz proposed
to come to Court, he asked for a special nadiri dress of honour, a
chira, and a fota, so that he might wear them and be distinguished
on the day of meeting me and of having the good fortune to pay his
respects. According to his request, I sent by the hand of his Vakil,
Sharif, a sumptuous dress of honour with a chira and a special sash. On
Thursday, the 23rd, Mirza Wali, son of the aunt of this suppliant,
came by order from the Deccan, and had the good fortune to kiss the
threshold. His father, Khwaja Hasan Khaldar (the freckled?), was one
of the Naqshbandi Khwajas. My uncle, Mirza Muhammad Hakim, gave his
sister in marriage to the Khwaja. I heard much praise of the Khwaja
from people: he had both good family and got on well with every one,
and for a long time the management of the affairs of my uncle Mirza
Muhammad Hakim had been in his hands, and he was on very good terms
with him. Before the Mirza's death he had himself delivered [212]
over the deposit of his life. Two sons survived him--viz., Mirza
Badi`u-z-zaman and Mirza Wali. M. Badi`u-z-zaman, after the death of
the Mirza, ran away, and went to Ma-wara'a-n-nahr (Transoxania), and in
that exile became a traveller on the road of non-existence. The Begam
and Mirza Wali came to the glorious Court, and H.M. (Akbar) behaved
very kindly to the Begam. The Mirza also is a steady and sedate young
man, not devoid of reasonableness and understanding. He is very skilled
in the science of music. At this time it occurred to me to marry the
daughter of the deceased Prince Daniyal to the Mirza, and my reason
for sending for the Mirza to Court was this. This girl (Bulaqi Begam)
is the offspring of the daughter of Qilij Muhammad K. It is hoped that
the grace of striving to please and to serve, which is the means of
good fortune and prosperity, may be his (M. Wali's) lot and fortune.

On this day Sarbuland Ray, who had been sent on duty to the Deccan,
was promoted to the mansab of 2,500 personal and 1,500 horse.

At this time it was reported to me that a Shayyad (a loud talker,
a cheat) of the name of Shaikh [213] Ahmad had spread the net
of hypocrisy and deceit in Sirhind, and caught in it many of the
apparent worshippers without spirituality, and had sent into every
city and country one of his disciples, whom he called his deputy
(khalifa), and whom he considered more skilled than others in the
adorning of shops (of deceit) and selling of religious knowledge,
and in deceiving men. He had also written a number of idle tales to
his disciples and his believers, and had made them into a book which
he called Maktubat (letters). In that album (Jung) of absurdities
many unprofitable things had been written that drag (people) into
infidelity and impiety. Amongst these he had written in a letter
as follows: "In the course of my travels I had come to the dwelling
of the Two Lights (the Sun and Moon), and saw a very lofty and very
splendid building. From there I passed to the abode of Discrimination
(Faruq), and from there I passed to the abode of Truth (Siddiq), and
to each I wrote a suitable explanation (or perhaps, of each I wrote
a suitable description). From there I reached the abode of Love, and
I beheld a brilliant dwelling. It had divers colours and lights and
reflected glories. That is to say (God forgive us!--an exclamation
of Jahangir's), I passed from the abode of the Vicegerents (khulafa)
and attained to the highest rank." There were other presumptuous
expressions which it would be too long to write, and would be contrary
to good manners. I accordingly gave an order that they should bring him
to the Court that is based on justice. According to order he came to
pay his respects. To all that I asked him he could give no reasonable
answer, and appeared to me to be extremely proud and self-satisfied,
with all his ignorance. I considered the best thing for him would
be that he should remain some time in the prison of correction until
the heat of his temperament and confusion of his brain were somewhat
quenched, and the excitement of the people also should subside. He
was accordingly handed over to Anira'i Singh-dalan to be imprisoned
in Gwalior fort.

On Saturday, the 25th Khurdad, my fortunate son Sultan Parwiz came
from Allahabad, and with prostration at the threshold of the Khalifate
illuminated the forehead of sincerity. After he had performed the
ceremony of kissing the ground and been honoured with special favour,
I bade him sit. He presented 2,000 muhars and 2,000 rupees by way
of nazr, and made an offering of a diamond. As his elephants had
not yet arrived, he would produce them on another occasion. He had
brought with him to the Court, which is the asylum of the world, Raja
Kalyan, Zamindar of Ratanpur, against whom this my son had by order
sent an army, and had taken from him as an offering 80 elephants and
Rs. 100,000. My son brought him with him, and he had the good fortune
to kiss the threshold. Wazir K., my son's Diwan who is one of the old
servants of the Court, having had the good fortune to pay his respects
to me, presented as offerings 28 elephants, male and female. Of these
nine were accepted, and the rest bestowed on him.

As it had been represented to me that Muruwwat K., s. Iftikhar K.,
who was one born and bred up at this Court, had fought with a band of
Maghs on the borders of Bengal and had sacrificed his life, I promoted
Allah-yar, his brother, to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse,
and another brother to that of 400 personal and horse, so that those
he had left behind should not be distressed. On Monday, the 3rd of
the Divine month of Tir, in the neighbourhood of the city four black
bucks, a doe, and a fawn were taken. As I passed by the house of my
fortunate son, Sultan Parwiz, he presented two tusked elephants with
their trappings by way of offering; both were ordered to be placed
in the private elephant-stud.

On Thursday, the 13th, Sayyid Hasan, the ambassador of my happy
brother, Shah `Abbas, ruler of Persia, having had the good fortune
to kiss the threshold, produced a letter, together with a crystal
drinking-cup, on the cover of which was a ruby. As it was given from
excessive friendship and sincerity it was the cause of the increase
of amity and good fellowship. On this day Fida'i K. was promoted
to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and Nasru-llah,
s. Fathu-llah, in whose charge was the fort of Ambar, that of 1,500
personal and 400 horse. On Thursday, the 20th, Amanu-llah, s. Mahabat
K., was promoted to the mansab of 1,500 personal and 800 horse. Having
conferred on Wazir K. the Diwanship of Bengal, I gave him a horse,
a dress of honour, and a jewelled dagger. Elephants were given to
Mir Husamu-d-din and Zabar-dast K. On this day Hafiz Hasan, a servant
of Khan `Alam, came to Court with a precious letter from my brother
Shah `Abbas, and a report from that pillar of the Sultanate (Khan
`Alam). He laid before me a dagger the hilt of which was made of a
fish's [214] tooth spotted with black, that my brother had given to
Khan `Alam. As it was a great rarity, he (Khan `Alam) had sent it to
me. I greatly approved of it; in fact, it is a rare present. I had
never seen a spotted one until now, and I was much pleased.

On Thursday, the 27th, M. Wali was promoted to the mansab of
2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. On the 24th, I gave 1,000 darbs
as a present to Sayyid Hasan, the ambassador, and an elephant to
`Abdu-llah K. Bahadur Firuz-jang. On Thursday, the 2nd of the Divine
month of Amurdad, a horse was presented to I`tibar K. `Aqil K. was
promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 800 horse.

On the night of Saturday, the 4th of the Ilahi month of Amurdad,
corresponding with 15 Sha`ban, was the feast of the Shab-i-barat. By
order, they decorated and brought before me on the river, boats
with lamps and all kinds of fireworks. In truth, the lamps they
had arranged appeared very pretty, and for a long time I enjoyed
myself in going round and looking at them. On Tuesday, Miran, [215]
s. Nad `Ali Maidani, who was one of the well-brought-up khanazads,
was selected for the mansab of 700 personal and 500 horse, and
Khwaja Zainu-d-din for that of 700 personal and 300 horse, and
Khwaja Muhsin for that of 700 personal and 100 horse. On Thursday,
the 9th, I went to hunt at the village of Samunagar. Passing my time
pleasantly in going round and hunting on that pleasant plain until
Monday, I returned on the eve of Tuesday to the palace. On Thursday,
the 16th, Bishutan, grandson of Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl (the author), was
promoted to the mansab of 700 personal and 350 horse. On this day
I went round to see the garden of Gul-afshan, which is on the bank
of the Jumna. On the way rain fell heavily and filled the mead with
freshness and greenness. Pineapples had arrived at perfection, and I
made a thorough inspection. Of the buildings that overlooked the river
none [216] that I saw were without the charm of verdure and flowing
water. These verses of Anwari appeared appropriate to the place:


    VERSE.

   "'Tis a day of mirth and jollity,
    A daily market of flowers and odours;
    The earth-heaps are suffused with ambergris,
    The zephyr sheds rose-water from his skirt,
    From contact with the morning breeze the pool
    Is roughened and pointed, like the edge of a file."


As this garden is in the charge of Khwaja Jahan, he presented me
as offerings with some pieces of brocade of a new fashion they had
lately brought for him from `Iraq. Selecting what I approved of,
I presented the remainder to him. He had arranged the garden well,
and his mansab was ordered to be raised to 5,000 personal and 3,000
horse, original and increased.

A strange circumstance was that I was so much delighted with a jewelled
dagger-hilt of piebald teeth which Khan `Alam had got from Shah
`Abbas and sent to me (see ante), that I appointed several skilful
men to go to Iran and Turan to look for them and to be consistently
searching for them, and to bring some from anywhere and any person,
anyhow, and at any price. Many of my servants who knew my disposition,
and dignified Amirs in the course of their duty, engaged in the
search. It happened that in this city a stupid stranger bought in
the open bazaar a coloured tooth of great beauty and delicacy for a
trifle; he believed that some time or other it had fallen into the
fire, and that the black on it was the mark of burning! After some
time he showed it to one of the carpenters on the establishment
of my prosperous son Shah-Jahan, desiring that he should take off
a piece of the tooth in order to make a ring (shast), and pointed
out that he should remove the marks of burning and the blacknesses,
being ignorant that the blackness enhanced the value and price of the
whiteness. Those moles and patches were what the tirewoman of destiny
had given as an adornment of its beauty. The carpenter at once went
to the Superintendent of his workshop, and gave him the good news
that such a rare and precious thing, in search of which people were
wandering and going long distances, and hastening to all corners and
in all directions in various countries, had fallen for nothing into
the hands of an ignorant man, who did not know its value. It could
be easily and cheaply obtained from him. The Superintendent went
off with him and immediately procured it, and next day produced it
before my son. When my son Shah-Jahan came to wait on me, he at first
showed great delight, and after his brain had become free from the
intoxication of the wine of joy, produced it, and greatly pleased me--


    VERSE.

   "Thy Time is happy in that thou hast made mine happy."


I invoked so many blessings on him that if one of them out of a
hundred obtain acceptance, it will suffice for his spiritual and
material well-being.

On this day Bahlim K., one of the chief servants of `Adil K. came and
waited on me. As he had chosen my service out of sincerity, I bestowed
on him unstinted favours, and presented him with a dress of honour, a
horse, a sword, and 10,000 darbs, with the mansab of 1,000 personal and
500 horse. At this time a petition came from Khan Dauran, stating that:
"Your Majesty, from the perfection of kindness and knowledge of his
worth, had appointed to the government of Thatta (Sind) an old slave,
notwithstanding his great age and weak sight. As this weak old man was
exceedingly bent and decrepit, and had not in him the ability to exert
himself or to ride, he prays that he may be excused military service,
and that he may be enrolled in the army of prayer." At his request,
I ordered the chief Diwans to confirm him in the pargana of Khushab,
[217] with a revenue of 3,000,000 of dams, and which he for a long
time had held as a tankhwah jagir, and which had become peopled and
cultivated, by way of providing for his expenses, so that he might
pass his time in easy circumstances. His eldest son, by name Shah
Muhammad, was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 600 horse,
his second son, Ya`qub Beg, obtaining that of 700 personal and 350
horse. The third son, Asad Beg, was promoted to the mansab of 300
personal and 50 horse.

On Saturday, the 1st of the Divine month of Shahriwar, I sent dresses
of honour for the rainy season to the Ataliq Commander-in-Chief
Khan-khanan Jan-sipar and the other great Amirs, who had been sent
on duty to the Deccan, by the hand of Yazdan. [218]

As the purpose of visiting the eternal spring of the rose-garden of
Kashmir was settled in my mind, I sent off Nuru-d-din Quli to hasten
on before, to repair as far as was possible the ups and downs of the
Punch [219] route to it, and to prepare it, so that the passage of
laden beasts over difficult hilltops might be accomplished with ease,
and that the men should not undergo labour and hardship. A large number
of artificers, such as stone-cutters, carpenters, spadesmen, etc., were
despatched with him, to whom an elephant was also given. On the eve of
Thursday, the 13th, having gone to the garden of Nur-manzil, I passed
the time in enjoyment in that rose-garden of delight until Sunday, the
16th. Raja Bikramajit Baghela came from the fort of Mandpur, which is
his native place, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and
by way of offering presented an elephant and a jewelled plume. Maqsud
K. was honoured with the mansab of 1,000 personal and 130 horse. On
Thursday, the 20th, my son Shah Parwiz produced two elephants as an
offering, and they were ordered to be included in the private stud. On
the 24th of the aforesaid month the feast of the solar weighing took
place in the palace of Maryamu-z-zamani, and my 51st year according
to the solar months began in gladness and victory. It is hoped that
the period of my life may be passed in obedience to God (to whom be
glory!). To Sayyid Jalal, s. Sayyid Muhammad, the grandson (?) of Shah
`Alam Bukhari, an account of whom has been written among the events
of my Gujarat expedition, I gave leave to return. I gave him a female
elephant for his riding, as well as his expenses. On the eve of Sunday,
[220] the 30th, corresponding with the 14th Shawwal, when the disk of
the moon was perfect (at full moon) a moonlight feast was prepared
in the buildings of the garden which overlook the River Jumna, and
a very pleasant entertainment took place. On the 1st of the Divine
month, out of the veined (jauhar-dar) spotted tooth (walrus) which
my son Shah-Jahan had given me as an offering, I ordered to be cut
off sufficient for two dagger-hilts and a thumb-stall: [221] it came
out of a beautiful colour and was very choice. I ordered the Ustads
(masters) Puran and Kalyan, who had no rivals in the art of engraving,
[222] to make dagger-hilts of a shape that was approved at this time,
and has become known as the Jahangiri fashion. At the same time the
blade and the sheath and fastenings were given to skilful men, each of
whom was unique in his age in his art. Truly, it was all carried out
according to my wish. One hilt came out coloured in such a way as to
create astonishment. It turned out of all the seven colours, and some
of the flowers looked as if a skilful painter [223] had depicted them
in black lines round it with a wonder-working pencil. In short, it was
so delicate that I never wish it to be apart from me for a moment. Of
all the gems of great price that are in the treasury I consider it
the most precious. On Thursday I girded it auspiciously and with joy
round my waist, and the masters who in their completion had exercised
great skill and taken great pains were rewarded, Ustad Puran with the
gift of an elephant, a dress of honour, and a golden bracelet for the
wrist, which the people of India call Kara, [224] and Kalyan with the
title of `Aja'ib-dast (wondrous hand), and increased mansab, a dress
of honour, and a jewelled bracelet (pahunchi), and in the same way
every one according to his circumstances and skill received favours.

As it had been represented to me that Amanu-llah, s. Mahabat K.,
having fought with the rebel Ahdad, had defeated his army, and had
made many of the Afghans--who are black-faced and black-hearted--the
harvest of his blood-drinking sword, I sent him a special sword in
order to dignify him.

On Saturday the 5th, news came of the death of Raja Suraj Singh,
who had died a natural death in the Deccan. He was the descendant
of Maldeo, who was one of the principal Zamindars of Hindustan,
and had a zamindari which equalled that of the Rana, and he had even
overcome him in one battle. There is a full account of him (Maldeo)
in the Akbar-nama. Raja Suraj Singh, through the advantage of his being
brought up by the late king (Akbar), and this suppliant at the throne
of God, reached high rank and great dignities. His territory surpassed
that of his father or grandfather. [225] He had a son called Gaj Singh,
[226] whom he entrusted with all his administrative affairs. As I knew
him to be capable and worthy of favour, I promoted him to the mansab
of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, with a standard and the title of
Raja, and his younger brother to that of 500 personal and 250 horse,
and gave him a jagir in his native country.

On Thursday, the 10th of Mihr, at the request of Asaf K., I went to
his house built on the bank of the Jumna. He has erected a very fine
bath-house (hammam), with which I was much delighted. After bathing,
a feast of cups was held, and my private servants were made happy with
cups of delight. Having chosen out of his offerings what I approved,
I gave the remainder to him. What I took of his offering might be of
the value of Rs. 30,000. Baqir K., faujdar of Multan, was honoured
with a standard.

Previously to this, according to order, they had planted trees on
both sides from Agra as far as the River of Attock (the Indus), and
had made an avenue, and in the same way from Agra to Bengal. I now
ordered that from Agra to Lahore they should put up a pillar [227]
(mil) at every koss, to be the sign of a koss, and at every three koss
make a well, so that wayfarers might travel in ease and contentment,
and not endure hardships from thirst or the heat of the sun.

On Thursday, the 24th of Mihr, the festival of the Dasahra was
held. After the custom of India, they decorated the horses and produced
them before me. After I had seen the horses they brought some of the
elephants. As Mu`tamid K. on last New Year's Day had not made any
offering, at this festival he presented a golden tablet (takht), a
ruby ring, a piece of coral (bussad), and other items. The tablet was
beautifully made. The total value of the offering was Rs. 16,000. As
he had brought the things from pure sincerity and loyalty, they were
accepted. On this day Zabar-dast K. was promoted to the mansab of 1,000
personal and 400 horse. As the day of the Dasahra had been fixed as
the time of starting, I embarked on a boat with all happy omens and
pleasure in the evening, and went on to my goal. I halted for eight
days at the first stage that the men might come on, after making all
preparations at leisure. Mahabat K. had sent apples from Bangash by
runners (dak-choki). They arrived very fresh, and were of excellent
flavour. I was greatly pleased in eating them. They cannot be compared
with the sib-i-khub ("the good [228] apples"?) of Kabul which I ate
there, or with the Samarkand apples that they bring every year. For
sweetness and delicacy of flavour they cannot be compared with either
of the latter (i.e., the Bangash apples were far better). I had until
now never seen such delicate and delicious apples. They say that in
Upper Bangash, near Lashkar-dara, [229] there is a village called Siv
Ram, in which there are three trees of this apple, and although they
have made many trials, they have never found so good ones in any other
place. I gave Sayyid Hasan, ambassador of my brother Shah `Abbas, a
dish of these apples in order that he might tell me if there were any
better apples in `Iraq. He said: "In the whole of Persia the apples
of Isfahan are preferred, and they are of the same quality as these."

On Thursday, the 1st of the Divine month of Aban, I went on pilgrimage
to the mausoleum of the late king (Akbar) (may the lights of Allah be
his testimony!), and rubbed the head of supplication on the threshold,
the abode of angels, and presented 100 muhars as nazar. All the
Begams and other ladies, having sought the blessing of circulating
round that shrine, which is the circling-place of angels, presented
offerings. On the eve of Friday a lofty assembly was held of the
holy men (Masha'ikh), the turbaned people (arbab-i-`ama'im--i.e.,
ecclesiastics, etc.), Huffaz (those who recite the Qoran), and
singing people, assembled in numbers, and practised ecstasies and
religious dancing (wajd and sama`), to each of whom, according to
the circumstances of his merit and skill, I gave a dress of honour,
a farji, and a shawl. The buildings of this blessed mausoleum have
been made very lofty. At this time the money expended satisfied me,
and was far more than it had previously been. (The MS. [230] here is
clear, and the printed words wrong.)

On the 3rd, after four gharis of day had passed, I marched on from
that stage, and having traversed 5 1/2 koss by the river at four
gharis of the day, arrived at the next stage. After midday I left
the boat and caught seven partridges (durraj). At the end of the day
I gave Rs. 20,000 to Sayyid Hasan, the ambassador (of Persia), as a
present, and a dress of honour of gold brocade with a jewelled jigha
(turban-ornament), and an elephant, and gave him leave to return,
and sent for my brother with him a jewelled jug made in the shape
of a cock, which could hold my usual stint of wine. It is hoped that
it may reach its destination in safety. I gave leave to Lashkar K.,
who had been appointed to the defence and government of Agra, with a
gift of a dress of honour, a horse, an elephant, drums, and a jewelled
dagger. Ikram K. was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and
1,500 horse, and to the duty of faujdar of the Sarkar of Mewat. He is
s. Islam K., who was the grandson of the venerable asylum of pardon
Shaikh Salim, whose excellency of person and approved disposition
and connection in blessing with this illustrious family have been
described in these pages with the pen of sincerity.

At this time I heard from a certain person whose words are adorned with
the light of truth that at the time when I was sick and weak at Ajmir,
before this evil news arrived in the province of Bengal, one day Islam
K. was sitting in private, when he suddenly became unconscious. When
he came to himself he said to one of his confidants, of the name of
Bhikan, that it had been shown him from the world of mysteries that
the holy person of the Emperor had been attacked by sickness, and
that the remedy for it was to sacrifice for him something that was
exceedingly dear and precious to himself. It at first occurred to him
to sacrifice for the head of the revered one his own son Hushang, but
as he was young in years and as yet had derived no profit from life,
and not attained to the desire of his heart, he had compassion on him,
and would sacrifice himself for his lord and master. He hoped that as
this was from the bottom of his heart, and the sincerity of his being,
it would be accepted at the throne of Allah. The arrow of prayer
at once reached the target of acceptance, and he perceived himself
afflicted with weakness and disease. Verily, verily, the disease
increased till he reached the neighbourhood of the compassion of God
(he died). The Great Physician bestowed from the hidden dispensary
complete recovery on this suppliant. Although the late king (the lights
of Allah be his testimony!), was much attached to the children and
grandchildren of the Shaikhu-l-Islam, and bestowed favours on them all
according to the capacity and aptitude of each, yet when the turn of
rule came to this suppliant, they received great kindnesses in order
to perform what was due to that revered one (Salim Chishti), and many
of them attained to the high nobility, and were advanced to the posts
of head of Subahs, as has been brought to record each in its own place.

As in this village the eunuch Hilal K., [231] who was one of my
attendants from the time when I was prince, had built a saray, and made
a garden, he made an offering to me. In order to dignify him I took a
trifle from him. After marching four stages from this halting-place,
the army of prosperity encamped outside Mathura. On Thursday, the 8th,
I went to see Bindraban and the idol temples of that place. Although
[232] in the time of the late king the Rajput nobles had built temples
after their fashion, and ornamented them highly on the outside, inside
them bats and owls (ababil) had made their abode to such an extent,
that on account of the malodours one could not breathe.


    VERSE.

    "Outside, like an infidel's grave, full of cracks, [233]
    Inside, the anger of God, the honoured and glorious."


On this day Mukhlis K., according to order, came from Bengal, and
had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. He gave 100 muhars and
100 rupees as nazar, and by way of offering, a ruby and jewelled
aigrette (turra). On Friday, the 9th, Rs. 600,000 of treasure for
the maintenance (zakhira) of the fort of Asir were sent to the
Commander-in-Chief, Khan-khanan.

In the foregoing pages, something has been written about Gosa'in
Jadrup, [234] who lived as a hermit in Ujain. At this time he changed
his residence to Mathura, which is one of the greatest places of
worship of the Hindus, and employed himself in the worship of the true
God on the bank of the Jumna. As I valued his society, I hastened
to wait on him, and for a long time enjoyed his company without the
presence of any stranger. In truth, his existence is a great gain to
me: one can be greatly benefited and delighted.

On Saturday, the 10th, the huntsmen represented that there was in
that neighbourhood a tiger that greatly troubled and injured the
ryots and wayfarers. I immediately ordered them to bring together
a number of elephants and surround the forest and at the end of the
day myself rode out with my ladies. As I had vowed that I would not
injure any living thing with my own hand, I told Nur-Jahan [235]
to shoot at him. An elephant is not at ease when it smells a tiger,
and is continually in movement, and to hit with a gun from a litter
(`imari) is a very difficult matter, insomuch that Mirza Rustam, who,
after me, is unequalled in shooting, has several times missed three
or four shots from an elephant. Yet Nur-Jahan B. so hit the tiger
with one shot that it was immediately killed.

On Monday, the 12th, my desire to see the Gosa'in Jadrup again
increased, and hastening to his hut, without ceremony, I enjoyed
his society. Sublime words were spoken between us. God Almighty
has granted him an unusual grace, a lofty understanding, an exalted
nature, and sharp intellectual powers, with a God-given knowledge
and a heart free from the attachments of the world, so that, putting
behind his back the world and all that is in it, he sits content in
the corner of solitude and without wants. He has chosen of worldly
goods half a gaz of old cotton (kirpas) like a woman's veil, and a
piece of earthenware from which to drink water, and in winter and
summer and the rainy season lives naked and with his head and feet
bare. He has made a hole in which he can turn round with a hundred
difficulties and tortures, with a passage such that a suckling could
hardly be put through it. These two or three couplets of Hakim Sana'i
(may God have mercy on him!) appeared appropriate:


    VERSE. [236]

   "Luqman had a narrow hut,
    Like the hollow of a flute or the bosom of a harp.
    A noodle put the question to him--
    'What is this house--two feet and a span?'
    Hotly and with tears the sage replied--
    'Ample for him who has to die.'"


On Wednesday, the 14th, I again went to visit the Gosa'in and bade
him good-bye. Undoubtedly parting from him weighed upon my mind, that
desires the truth. On Thursday the 15th, I marched and pitched near
Brindaban. At this stage my fortunate son Sultan Parwiz took leave
of me for Allahabad, and went to his jagir. I had intended that he
should accompany me on this expedition, but as he had already shown
symptoms of distress, I could not avoid letting him go. I presented
him with a tipchaq horse, a waist dagger with a veined (jauhar-dar)
walrus-tooth (hilt), and a sword and special shield. I hope he will
come again soon, and have the good fortune of my presence. As the
period of Khusrau's imprisonment had been a long one, it seemed to
me that to keep him longer in confinement and deprive him of the good
fortune of waiting on me, would be wanting in kindness. I accordingly
sent [237] for him and bade him salute me. Once again the marks of
his offences were washed with the pure water of forgiveness, and the
dust of disgrace and humiliation was rubbed off his brow. I hope that
the blessing of pleasing me, and the grace of service may be his lot.

On Friday, the 16th, I gave leave to Mukhlis K., whom I had sent for
to take up the duties of diwan to Shah Parwiz, and I gave him the rank
he had [238] had in Bengal--viz., 2,000 with 700 horse. On Saturday
I halted. At this stage Sayyid Nizam s. Mir Miran Sadr Jahan, who
was faujdar of Kanauj, waited upon me, and presented two elephants,
and some hawks. I accepted one elephant and a pair of hawks. On
Sunday, the 18th, we marched. At this time the King of Persia had
sent with Pari Beg Mir Shikar (chief huntsman) one falcon (shunqar)
of good colour. There was another which had been given to the Khan
`Alam. This one was sent along with the Shahi falcon (i.e., the one
intended for Jahangir), and it died on the road. The Shahi falcon, too,
got mauled by a cat owing to the carelessness of the Mir Shikar. Though
it was brought to Court, it did not live more than a week. What can
I write [239] of the beauty and colour of this falcon? There were
many beautiful black markings on each wing, and back, and sides. As
it was something out of the common, I ordered Ustad Mansur, who has
the title of Nadiru-l-`asr (wonder of the age) to paint and preserve
[240] its likeness. I gave the Mir Shikar Rs. 2,000 and dismissed him.

In my father's reign (the light of God be his testimony!) the weight
of the seer was 30 dams. [241] About this time it came into my mind:
"Why should I act contrary to his rules?" It would be better to have
it still of 30 dams. One day Gosa'in Jadrup said that in the book of
the Vedas, which the lords of his faith had written, the weight of
the sir was 36 dams. "As from the coincidences of the hidden world
your order has fallen in with what is laid down in our book, if it
be fixed at 36 dams, it will be well." It was ordered that hereafter
throughout the whole territory it should be 36 dams.

On Monday, the 19th, I marched. A horse and dress of honour were
given to Raja Bhao Singh, who had been ordered to the support of
the army of the Deccan. From this day, till Wednesday, the 28th,
I made successive marches. On Thursday, the 29th, Delhi, the abode
of blessings, was adorned by the alighting of the army of good
fortune. At first I hastened with my children and the ladies on a
visit to the enlightened shrine of Humayun (may the lights of God
be his testimony!), and having made our offerings there, went off
to circumambulate the blessed mausoleum of the king of holy men
(Shaikh Nizamu-d-din Chishti), and strengthened my courage, and at
the end of the day alighted at the palace, which had been got ready
in Salimgarh. On Friday, the 30th, I halted. As they had at this
time preserved the hunting-place of the pargana of Palam, according
to order, it was represented that a great number of antelope had
collected there. Accordingly, on the 1st of the Divine month of Azar
I started to hunt [242] with cheetahs. At the end of the day, during
the hunt, much hail fell of the size of apples, and made the air very
cold. On this day three antelope were caught. On Sunday, the 2nd,
I hunted 46 antelope, and on Monday, the 3rd, 24 antelope were caught
with cheetahs. My son Shah-Jahan killed two antelope with his gun. On
Tuesday, the 4th, five antelope were caught. On Wednesday, the 5th,
27 antelope were caught. On Thursday, the 6th, Sayyid Bahwa Bukhari,
who was in charge of the government of Delhi, made an offering of
three elephants and eighteen horses, and other things. One elephant
and other things were accepted, and I gave the rest to him. Hashim of
Khost, faujdar of some parganas in Mewat, had the honour of kissing the
threshold. I employed myself within the limits of Palam until Thursday,
the 13th, in hunting with cheetahs. In the space of twelve days 426
antelopes were caught, and I returned to Delhi. I had heard, when in
attendance on my father, that it is impossible for an antelope that has
escaped from the grasp of a cheetah to live, although it has not been
injured by its claws. In this hunt I, in order to ascertain the fact,
released several antelopes of handsome appearance and strong bodies,
before they had received any wounds from teeth or claws, and ordered
them to be kept in my presence, and that they should be taken the
greatest care of. For a whole day and night they remained at ease in
their natural conditions: on the second day a change was observed, and
they threw about their legs as if they were drunk, without any reason,
and fell down and rose up. However much tiryaq-i-faruqi (preparation
of opium) and other suitable medicines were administered to them,
they had no effect, and when one watch had passed in this condition,
they died.

On this day the bad news arrived that the eldest son of Shah Parwiz had
died at Agra. As he was somewhat grown-up, [243] and was very attached
and affectionate towards his father, the latter was exceedingly grieved
and wounded at heart at this event, and great bewilderment and weakness
manifested themselves in him. In order to console and please him, I
sent him gracious letters, and covered over the deadly wound of his
heart with the balm of affection and kindness. I hope that God, the
great and glorious, may grant him patience and resignation, for in
this kind of calamities there can be no better driver away of grief
than endurance and resignation.

On Friday, the 14th, at the request of Aqa [244] Aqayan, I went to
her house. On account of her previous service and her hereditary
attachment to this illustrious family, when the late king made me
a married man, he took her from my sister Shah-zada Khanam, and
placed her in charge of my Zanana. It is 33 years from that date
that she has been in my service, and I esteem her greatly, for she
has served me with sincerity. In no journey or expedition had she
of her own will remained absent from attendance on me. When she felt
her increasing age, she requested me to order her to remain at Delhi,
and to spend the remainder of her life in prayer for me, for she had
no longer the power to move about, and found it a great hardship and
trouble to come and go (as she used). One of her felicities was that
she was of the same age [245] as `Arsh-ashyani (Akbar). In brief,
with a view to giving her rest, I ordered her to remain at Delhi,
and in that place she had made for herself a garden, a saray, and
a tomb, in the constructing which she has employed herself for some
time past. In short, to please this ancient servitor, I went to her
house, and strictly ordered Sayyid Bahwa, the governor of the city,
to serve and guard her in such a manner that no dust from any road
of vexation might settle on the hem of her contentment.

On this day Raja Kishan Das was promoted to the mansab of 2,000
personal and 300 horse, original and increased. As Sayyid Bahwa [246]
had performed satisfactorily the duties of faujdar of Delhi, and the
people of the place were much pleased with his excellent conduct,
according to previous custom, the protection and administration of
the city of Delhi and the faujdarship of the surrounding country
were entrusted to him, and he was promoted to the mansab of 1,000
personal and 600 horse, original and increased, and he was presented
with an elephant, and allowed to take leave. On Saturday, the 15th,
I honoured Mirza Wali with the mansab of 2,000 and 1,000 horse,
and presenting him with a standard and an elephant, appointed him to
the Deccan. Shaikh `Abdu-l-Haqq Dihlawi, [247] who was a pious and
estimable man, had the good fortune to pay his respects to me. He had
composed a book containing the biographies of the Shaikhs of India,
and produced it to me. He had endured some hardships, and for a long
time had lived in Delhi in seclusion, and the practice of reliance on
God, and of asceticism. He is a very worthy man, and his company is
not without pleasure (for me). Bestowing various kinds of kindnesses
on him, I dismissed him.

On Sunday, the 16th, I marched from Delhi, and on Friday, the 21st,
halted in the pargana of Kairana. [248] This pargana is the native
place of Muqarrab K. Its climate is equable and its soil good. Muqarrab
had made buildings and gardens there. As I had often heard praise
of his garden, I wished much to see it. On Saturday, the 22nd,
I and my ladies were much pleased in going round it. Truly, it is
a very fine and enjoyable garden. Within a masonry (pukhta, pucca)
wall, flower-beds have been laid out to the extent of 140 bighas. In
the middle of the garden he has constructed a pond, in length 220
yards, and in breadth 200 yards. In the middle of the pond is a
mah-tab terrace (for use in moonlight) 22 yards square. There is no
kind of tree belonging to a warm or cold climate that is not to be
found in it. Of fruit-bearing trees belonging to Persia I saw green
pistachio-trees, and cypresses of graceful form, such as I have never
seen before. I ordered the cypresses to be counted, and they came to
300. All round the pond suitable buildings have been begun and are
in progress.

On Monday, the 24th, Khanjar K., in whose charge is the Fort
of Ahmadnagar, was promoted to the mansab of 2,500 personal and
1,600 horse. On Wednesday, the 26th, the Giver of Bounties gave my
son Shah-Jahan a son by the daughter of Asaf Khan. He presented an
offering of 1,000 muhars, and begged for a name for him. I gave him
the name of Umid-bakhsh (bestower of hope). I hope his advent [249]
may be auspicious to this State. On Thursday, the 27th, I halted. In
these few days I was delighted with hawking the jarz [250] (bustard
or florican) and tugh-dari (also a kind of bustard). I ordered
the jarz-i-bur (the red bustard?) to be weighed. It came to 2 1/4
Jahangiri sirs, and the variegated (ablaq) one to 2 1/8 sirs. The large
tugh-dari was 1/4 sir heavier than the jarz-i-bur. On Thursday, the
5th of the Divine month of Day, I left the boat at Akbarpur, and the
victorious army then marched by land. From Agra to this halting-place,
which is situated within two koss of the pargana of Buriya, [251] is
by river 123 koss or 91 koss by road. I did it in 34 marches and 17
halts. In addition to this I delayed a week in leaving the city, and
12 days in sporting in Palam: altogether (I took) 70 days. On this day
Jahangir Quli K. came from Bihar, and had the good fortune to pay his
respects. He presented 100 muhars and Rs. 100. From the last Thursday
to Wednesday, the 11th, I marched every day. On Thursday, the 12th,
I was pleased with going round to see the garden of Sirhind. It is one
of the old gardens, and has old trees in it. It has not the freshness
it formerly had, but it is still valuable. Khwaja Waisi, who is well
acquainted with agriculture and buildings, was appointed the karori
of Sirhind for the purpose of keeping the garden in order. I had sent
him off from Agra before I marched from the capital, and he had put
it somewhat in order. I strictly enjoined him again that he should
remove all the old trees that had no freshness in them, and put in
fresh plants, to clean up the `irqbandi [252] (it is `iraq-bandi
in the text. The word does not occur in the B.M. MS. but is in the
I.O. MS.), and repair the old buildings, and erect other buildings in
the shape of baths, etc., in fitting places. On this date Dust Beg,
who was one of the auxiliaries of `Abdu-llah K., was promoted to the
mansab of 700 personal and 50 horse, Muzaffar Husain, s. Wazir K.,
to that of 600 personal and 300 horse. Shaikh Qasim was sent to duty
in the Deccan. On Thursday, the 19th, at the request of my auspicious
son Shah-Jahan, I went to his house. On account of the birth of the son
that God Almighty had bestowed on him a grand entertainment was given,
and he presented offerings. Among these was a short, broad sword [253]
(shamshir-i-nimcha), which was of Venetian workmanship. The hilt and
fastenings were made of a sapphire [254] cut in Europe: in short, it
had been beautifully made. Another offering was an elephant which the
Raja of Baglana had presented to my son in Burhanpur. As that elephant
was handsome and well-behaved, it was ordered to be included among
the private elephants. The value of the offerings that were accepted
was Rs. 130,000, and he offered about Rs. 4,000 to his mothers and
benefactors. On this day Sayyid Bayazid Bukhari, faujdar of Bhakkar,
sent as an offering a rang (ibex), which he had brought from the
hills when it was small and brought up in his house. It pleased
me greatly. Of mar-khur and hill sheep I have seen many brought
up in the house, but I never saw a rang (tame). I ordered them to
keep it with the Barbary goats, in order that they might pair and
produce young ones. Without doubt, it is not allied to the mar-khur
or the quchqar. Sayyid Bayazid was raised to the mansab of 1,000
personal and 700 horse. On Monday, the 23rd, having honoured Muqim
K. with a robe of honour, a horse, an elephant, and jewelled khapwa,
I appointed him to Bihar. On Sunday, the 29th, a feast was prepared
for my auspicious son Shah-Jahan on the bank of the Biya (Beas),
and on the same day Raja Bikramajit, who was employed in the siege of
Kangra, came to Court, by order, to represent certain requirements,
and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On Monday, the 30th,
my son Shah-Jahan took ten days' leave, and hastened to Lahore in
order to see the palace buildings lately erected. Raja Bikramajit
was presented with a special dagger, a robe of honour, and a horse,
and returned to duty on the siege of Kangra. On Wednesday, the 2nd
of the Divine month of Bahman, the garden of Kalanaur was honoured
by my halting there. At this place my father had ascended the throne.

When the news of the speedy arrival of Khan `Alam reached the Court,
every day I sent one of my servants to meet him. I loaded him with all
kinds of favours and kindnesses, and added to his rank and dignity,
and I decked the headings of the farmans sent to him with an impromptu
hemistich or couplet suitable to the occasion, and so filled him
with favours. Once I sent him some Jahangiri (otto of roses), and
this opening verse came on my tongue:


    VERSE. [255]

    "To thee I've sent the scent of myself.
    That I may bring thee the more quickly to myself."


On Thursday, the 3rd (Bahman), at the garden of Kalanaur, Khan `Alam
was honoured by kissing the threshold. By way of nazar he brought 100
muhars and Rs. 1,000, and (stated that he) would present his offerings
in due course. Zambil Beg, the ambassador of my brother Shah `Abbas,
was following him with the royal letter and the rarities of that
country (Persia), which he had sent as presents. Of the favours and
kindness conferred by my brother on Khan `Alam, if I were to write of
them in detail, I should be accused of exaggeration. In conversation
he always gave him the title of Khan `Alam, and never had him out
of his presence. If he ever voluntarily stayed in his own quarter,
he (`Abbas) would go there without ceremony, and show him more and
more favour. One day there was a qamurgha hunt at Farrukhabad, and he
ordered Khan `Alam to shoot with a bow. Out of good manners he brought
a bow with two arrows (only). The Shah gave him 50 other arrows from
his own quiver. It happened that 50 of these arrows struck the game,
and two arrows missed. Then he ordered some of his attendants who had
the entrée at feasts and assemblies to shoot with arrows. Most shot
well. Among them Muhammad Yusuf (qarawul), shot an arrow which went
through two boars, and those who were standing by broke out without
control into applause. At the time Khan `Alam took his leave, he seized
him in the embrace of honour, and showed him great affection. After
he had left the city, he went to his halting-place, and made many
apologies and bade him farewell. As for the beautiful and costly
things that the Khan `Alam brought, it was indeed the assistance of
his destiny that gave such rare things into his hand. Among them was
the picture of the fight of Sahib Qiran (Timur) with Tuqtamish K.,
and the likenesses of him and his glorious children and the great
Amirs who had the good fortune to be with him in that fight, and
near each figure was written whose portrait it was. In this picture
there were 240 figures. The painter had written his name as Khalil
Mirza Shahrukhi (in the MS. it is Savaj and not Shahrukhi). The work
was very complete and grand, and resembled greatly the paint-brush of
Ustad Bihzad. If the name of the painter had not been written, the work
would have been believed to be his. As it was executed before Bihzad's
date it is probable that the latter was one of Khalil Mirza's pupils,
and had adopted his style. This precious relic had been obtained from
the illustrious library of Shah Isma`il (the 1st), or had come to my
brother Shah `Abbas from Shah Tahmasp. A person of the name of Sadiqi,
a librarian of his, had stolen it, and sold it to someone. By chance
(the painting) fell into the hands of Khan `Alam at Isfahan. The
Shah heard that he had found such a rare prize, and asked it of him
on the pretence of looking at it. Khan `Alam tried to evade this by
artful stratagems, but when he repeatedly insisted on it, he sent it
to him. The Shah recognized it immediately he saw it. He kept it by
him for a day, but at last, as he knew how great was our liking for
such rarities, he--God be praised--made no request [256] whatever for
it, but told the facts of the case (about its being stolen) to Khan
`Alam, and made the picture over to him.

At the time when I sent Khan `Alam to Persia, I had sent with him a
painter of the name of Bishan Das, who was unequalled in his age for
taking likenesses, to take the portraits of the Shah and the chief
men of his State, and bring them. He had drawn the likenesses of
most of them, and especially had taken that of my brother the Shah
exceedingly well, so that when I showed it to any of his servants,
they said it was exceedingly well drawn.

On the same day Qasim K., with the Bakhshi and Diwan of Lahore, had the
good fortune to do homage. Bishan Das, the painter, was honoured with
the gift of an elephant. Baba Khwaja, who was one of the auxiliaries of
Qandahar, was accorded the mansab of 1,000 personal and 550 horse. On
Tuesday, the 3rd, Madaru-l-mahammi (centre of important affairs)
I`timadu-d-daula made ready his army. Inasmuch as the charge of the
Panjab is entrusted to his agents, and he has also various jagirs
in Hindustan, he held a review of 5,000 horsemen. As the area of
Kashmir is not such that its produce may suffice for the expenses of
the force that is always on service with the servants of the army of
prosperity, and as, in consequence of the report (of the approach)
of the glorious and victorious standards, the price of grains and
vegetables had risen very high, an order was given, for the comfort
of the public, that those servants who were in attendance on the royal
stirrup should arrange their retinues, and only taking with them those
who were indispensable, should send the remainder to their jagirs,
and in the same way should take every precaution to reduce as far
as possible the number of their beasts and followers. On Thursday,
the 10th, my fortunate son, Shah-Jahan returned from Lahore, and
had the good fortune to do homage. Having honoured Jahangir Quli
K. with a dress of honour, a horse and an elephant, I gave him leave
to proceed with his brothers and sons to the Deccan. On this day
Talib Amuli received the title of Maliku-sh-shu`ara (king of poets),
and was clothed in a dress of honour. His origin was from Amul. For
some time he was with I`timadu-d-daula. As the merits of his style
surpassed that of his contemporaries, he was enrolled among the poets
of the throne. The following couplets are by him:


    VERSE. [257]

   "Spring longs to rifle thy parterre.
    For the flowers in thy hand are fresher than those on his
    branch.
    I've so closed my lips from speech that you'd say
    'His mouth is but a scar on his face.'" [258]


    VERSE.

   "Both first and last, Love is aye music and joy--
    A pleasant wine both when fresh and when mellow.


    VERSE.

   "Were I glass instead of body,
    I'd reveal thee to thyself without thy unveiling.
    Two lips have I; one for drinking,
    And one to apologize for drunkenness."


On Monday, the 14th, Husaini s. Sultan Qiwam produced this quatrain:


    QUATRAIN.

   "A speck of dust sprinkled on thee from thy skirt
    Becomes Solomon's collyrium; from the moisture of thy face [259]
    Were the earth at thy door examined,
    The sweat of kings' brows would exude."


At this time Mu`tamid K. repeated a quatrain which greatly pleased me,
and which I entered in my common-place book:


    QUATRAIN. [260]

   "You give me the poison of parting to taste, (and say) 'What
                                                        matters it?'
    You shed my blood and expel me (and say), 'What matters it?'
    O, heedless of what your dividing sword can do,
    Sift my dust and then you'll know."


Talib (i.e., Baba Talib) is by family an Isfahani. In his early youth
he went to Kashmir clothed as an ascetic and calendar, and from the
beauty of the place and the pleasantness of the climate set his heart
on the country and settled there. After the conquest of Kashmir he
joined the service of the late king (Akbar), and became enrolled
among the servants of the Presence. His age is now nearly 100 years,
and he is now with his sons and dependants in Kashmir, engaged in
praying for the everlasting State.

As it was reported to me that in Lahore one Miyan Shaikh Muhammad
Mir by name, who was a Darvish, a Sindi by origin, very eloquent,
virtuous, austere, of auspicious temperament, a lord of ecstasy, had
seated himself in the corner of reliance upon God and retirement, and
was rich in his poverty and independent of the world, my truth-seeking
mind was not at rest without meeting him, and my desire to see him
increased. As it was impossible to go to Lahore, I wrote a note to
him, and explained to him the desire of my heart, and that saint,
notwithstanding his great age and weakness, took the trouble to come. I
sate with him for a long time alone, and enjoyed a thorough interview
with him. Truly he is a noble personage, and in this Age he is a great
gain and a delightful existence. This suppliant for Grace was taken
out of himself by companionship with him, [261] and heard from him
sublime words of truth and religious knowledge. Although I desired to
make him some gift, I found that his spirit was too high for this, and
so did not express my wish. I left him the skin of a white antelope to
pray upon, and he immediately bade me farewell and went back to Lahore.

On Wednesday, the 23rd, I pitched my camp at Daulatabad. A daughter
of a gardener was brought before me who had a moustache and a thick
beard as big as the hilt of a sword. Her appearance was like that of
a man. There was hair in the middle of her chest as well, but she had
no breasts. [262] I discovered by her appearance that she ought not to
have children. I told some women to take her aside and examine her,
as perhaps she might be a hermaphrodite. They found she was in no
way different from other women. I have recorded this in this volume
on account of its strangeness.

On Thursday, the 24th, Baqir K., having come from Multan, had the
good fortune to pay his respects. In the preceding pages it has
been recorded that Allah-dad, s. Jalala Tariki, had deserted from
the victorious army and taken the road to ruin. He now repented,
and through Baqir K. petitioned I`timadu-d-daula for pardon. At the
latter's request I ordered that if he repented of what he had done,
and turned his face in hope towards the Court, his crimes would be
forgiven. On this day Baqir K. brought him to Court, and at the
intercession of I`timadu-d-daula, the traces of disgrace and the
dust of sorrow were washed off his forehead with the pure water of
pardon. Sangram, Zamindar of Jammu, was honoured with the title of
Raja and the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and was exalted
with the gift of an elephant and a dress of honour. Ghairat K.,
faujdar of the Du-ab, was promoted to the mansab of 800 personal
and 500 horse. Khwaja Qasim received the rank of 700 and 250 horse,
and Taham-tan Beg, s. Qasim Koka, received that of 500 personal and
300 horse. I gave Khan `Alam a private elephant with trappings. From
this stage, having given Baqir K. the mansab of 1,500 personal and
500 horse, I dismissed him again to his Subadarship.

On Monday, the 28th, I pitched in the pargana of Karohi, which is
on the bank of the Bihat (Jhelam). As this hilly country is one of
the established hunting-places, the huntsmen, according to order,
had come on in advance and prepared a jarga (ring in which game is
enclosed). On Wednesday, the 1st of the Divine month of Isfandarmuz,
they drove in the game from six koss. On Thursday, the 2nd, they
brought them into the enclosure, where 101 head of mountain sheep
and gazelles were taken. As Mahabat K. had been prevented from the
good fortune of coming before me for a long time, I ordered, at his
request, that if he was satisfied with the order of affairs, and was
not troubled with regard to any occurrence, he should leave his forces
at their posts (thanas), and come to Court unattended. On this day he
had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and presented 100 muhars
as nazar. Khan `Alam was promoted to the mansab of 5,000 personal and
3,000 horse. About this time a written report came from Nuru-d-din
Quli that he had repaired the Punch road, and levelled the defiles
as far as possible, but that snow fell for some days and nights, and
lay on the kotals to the depth of three cubits. It was still falling,
and if I would delay outside the hills for a month, I could cross
by that route, otherwise it appeared difficult. As my intention in
this undertaking was to see the spring and the sprouting of bloom,
my chance of seeing this was lost by this delay, and I necessarily
turned my rein, and the royal standards proceeded by the way of Pakli
and Damtur. On Friday, the 3rd, I crossed the River Bihat (Jhelam),
although the water was waist-deep. As it was running very fast, and
men crossed with great trouble, I ordered them to take 200 elephants
to the fords, and cross the effects of the people over, and take
across as well those who were weak and feeble, so that there might
be no loss of life or goods.

On this day news arrived of the death of Khwaja Jahan. He was one of
the old servants, and from the time when I was prince. Although at
last he left my service, and was for some time in that of my father,
yet as he had not gone to any strange place, this did not weigh heavily
on my mind. Accordingly, after my accession, I did him such kindness
as he had never conceived possible, and gave him the mansab of 5,000
personal and 3,000 horse. I take this opportunity to record in this
volume an account of his idiosyncrasy. He became practised in great
affairs and acquired a wonderful skill in business. His capabilities
were the result of labour, and he was void of natural ability, and
of the other qualities which are the adornment of men's nature. On
this journey he suffered from heart-failure, but for some days, in
spite of illness and breakdown, he kept up with the march. When his
weakness increased, he was allowed to go back at Kalanaur, and went
to Lahore, and there died a natural death. [263]

On Saturday, the 4th of the aforesaid month, the camp was pitched at
the Fort of Rohtas (in the Panjab). I favoured Qasim K. with a horse,
a sword, and a special shawl (parm-narm, literally very soft, and
Akbar's name for a shawl, see Blochmann, 90). I gave him leave to go
to Lahore. There was a small garden by the roadside, and I inspected
the blossoms.

At this stage tihu [264] were obtained. The flesh of the tihu is
better than that of the partridge (kabak).

On Sunday, the 5th, M. Hasan s. Mirza Rustam, was promoted to the
rank of 1,000 with 400 horse, and was appointed to the Deccan. Khwaja
`Abdu-l-Latif, the chief fowler, also received the rank of 1,000
with 400 horse. At this place I saw a flower, white inside, and red
outside, while some of them were red inside and yellow outside. In
Persian they call it La`la-i-bigana, and in Hindi thal kanal. Thal
means land, and as the lotus (kanal) is an aquatic plant, they have
called this land-lotus. [265]

On Thursday, the 9th, a report came from Dilawar K., Governor of
Kashmir, containing the good news of the conquest of Kishtwar. Details
will be recorded by the pen of the newswriter after he (Dilawar)
comes to the foot of the throne. I sent him a gracious farman with a
special dress of honour and a jewelled dagger, and granted him the
revenue of the conquered province for a year, as a reward for this
acceptable service. On Tuesday, the 14th, I halted at Hasan Abdal. As
the occurrences on this road and particulars of the stages have been
related in detail in the account of the expedition to Kabul, I shall
not repeat them. From this place as far as Kashmir, they will be
written stage by stage, please Almighty God. From the date on which,
disembarking from a boat, I reached Akbarpur in safety and prosperity,
up to Hasan Abdal, a distance of 178 koss, I took 69 days in 48 marches
and 21 halts. [266] As at this place there is a spring full of water,
and a cascade, and a very beautiful reservoir, I halted here two
days, and on Thursday, the 16th (Isfandarmuz), the feast of my lunar
weighing took place. The 53rd year, according to lunar calculation,
of this suppliant at the throne commenced auspiciously. As beyond
this stage, hills, passes, and many ups and downs were before us, the
passage of the camp appeared a difficult matter, and it was settled
that H. M. Maryamu-z-zamani and the other Begams should delay for
some days, and come on at leisure. Madaru-l-mulk I`timadu-d-daula
al-Khaqani, Sadiq K. Bakhshi, and Iradat K. Mir-Saman, with the
directors of the buildings and other offices, should attend to
their transit. At the same time Rustam Mirza Safawi, Khan-A`zam,
and a number of other servants, obtained leave to go by the Punch
road, while the royal retinue went on with some privileged courtiers
(manzuran-i-bisat-i-qarb) and the necessary servants. On Friday,
the 17th, we marched 3 1/2 koss, and halted at the village of
Sultanpur. [267] On this day came the news of the death of Rana Amar
Singh, who had died a natural death at Udaipur (become a traveller on
the road of non-existence). Jagat Singh, his grandson, and Bhim, [268]
his son, who were in attendance on me, were presented with dresses
of honour, and an order was given that Raja Kishan Das should proceed
with a gracious farman conferring the title of Rana, a dress of honour,
a horse, and a private elephant for Kunar Karan, to perform the dues
of condolence and congratulation. I heard [269] from people of this
country that when it is not the rainy season, and there is no sign
of a cloud or lightning, a noise like the voice of the clouds comes
from this hill, which they called Garj (thunder). This noise is heard
every year or at least every two years. I had repeatedly heard of this
also when I was in attendance on the late king. I have written this as
it is not devoid of strangeness, [270] but wisdom is from Allah. On
Saturday, the 18th, marching 4 1/2 koss, I halted at the village of
Sanji. From this stage I entered the pargana of Hazara Qarlugh. [271]
On Sunday, the 19th, marching 3 3/4 koss, I halted at the village
of Naushahra. [272] From this place we entered Dhantur. As far as
the eye could reach there were green meadows [273] interspersed with
the thal-kanwal (hibiscus) and other flowers in bloom. It was a very
beautiful sight. On Monday, the 20th, marching 3 1/2 koss, the camp
was pitched at the village of Salhar. [274] Mahabat K. presented as
offerings jewels and inlaid vessels to the value of Rs. 60,000. In
this country I saw a flower of the redness of fire, of the shape of
gul-i-khatmi, [275] but smaller, and several flowers blooming together
in one place, looked from a distance as if they were one flower. Its
stem is of the size of the apricot-tree. On the hill-slopes here there
are many wild violets, [276] with a very sweet scent, but paler than
the violet. On Tuesday, the 21st, marching 3 koss, I halted at the
village of Malgalli. [277] On this day I dismissed Mahabat K. to his
duty in Bangash, and conferred on him a special elephant and dress of
honour with a pustin (sheepskin coat). This day there was a drizzling
rain till the end of the march. On the eve of Wednesday, the 22nd,
also there was rain. In the morning snow fell, and as most of the roads
had become very slippery, the weak animals fell in every place, and
could not rise again, and 25 of my own elephants were lent to assist
[278] them. I halted for two days on account of the snow. On Thursday,
the 23rd, Sultan Husain, Zamindar of Pakli, had the good fortune to
pay his respects: this is the entrance to the Pakli country. It is a
strange thing that when H. M. Akbar came here it snowed at this stage,
and it has now snowed as well. For many years no snow has fallen, and
there has even been little rain. On Friday, the 24th, I marched 4 koss
and pitched at the village of Sawadnagar. [279] On this road, too there
was much mud. [280] Apricot and peach trees were blooming on all sides,
and fir-trees like cypresses rejoiced the eye. On Saturday, the 25th,
having marched nearly 3 1/2 koss, the camp was pitched near Pakli. On
Sunday, the 26th, I rode out to hunt partridges (kabak), and at the
end of the day, at the request of Sultan Husain, went to his house, and
increased his dignity among his equals and neighbours. H. M. Akbar had
also gone to his house. He offered several kinds of horses, daggers,
hawks, and falcons. I presented him with the horses and daggers. I
ordered the hawks and falcons to be got ready [281] (kamar bar basta),
and shown everything that might fly up. The Sarkar of Pakli is 35 koss
in length and 25 in breadth. On the east, on two sides, is the hill
country of Kashmir; on the west, Atak Benares (Atak); on the north,
Kator; and on the south, the Gakkar country. At the time when Timur,
after conquering Hindustan, turned his rein backwards towards the
capital of Turan, they say that he placed in these regions this body
of people, who were in attendance on the victorious stirrup. They
say themselves that they are Qarlughs, but do not know for certain
who was their leader at that time. In fact, they are pure Lahauris,
and speak the same language. The people of Dhantur think the same
thing. In the time of my father, one of the name of Shahrukh was
Zamindar of Dhantur; now it is Bahadur, his son. Although they are
all related to one another, there are always disputes, as is usual
with Zamindars, about boundaries. They have always been loyal. Sultan
Mahmud, the father of Sultan Husain and Shahrukh, both came to wait
on me when I was prince. Although Sultan Husain is seventy years old,
to all outward appearance there is no diminution in his powers, and
he can still ride and be as active as possible. In this country they
make buza (a beverage) from bread and rice, which they call sar. [282]
It is much stronger than buza, and the older it is the better. This
sar is their chief sustenance. They put this sar into a jar, and
fastening it up, keep it for two or three years in the house. Then
they take off the scum and call the liquor achhi. The achhi can be
kept for ten years, and according to them, the older it is the better,
and the shortest time in which they use it is a year. Sultan Mahmud
used to take cup after cup of this sar; nay! he would drink a jar
of it. Sultan Husain is also addicted to it, and brought me some
of his choicest quality. I took some in order to try it. I had also
drunk it before. Its intoxicating effects are aphrodisiac, but its
taste is harsh. It appeared that they mix some bhang (bang) with it,
which increases its intoxicating power. If there were no wine, it
could in case of necessity be used as a substitute. The fruits are
apricots, peaches, and pears (?) (amrud). As they do not cultivate
them, but they spring up of themselves, they are harsh-flavoured and
unpleasant. Their blossoms are a joy. Their houses are of wood, and
are built after the Kashmiri fashion. They have hawks, and horses,
camels, cattle, and buffaloes, and many goats and fowls. Their mules
are small and are not fit for heavy loads. As it was represented
to me that some stages farther on the cultivation was not such as
to provide sufficient grain for the royal camp, I gave an order
that they should only take a small advanced camp, sufficient for
our needs and the necessary establishments, and diminish the number
of elephants, and take with them provisions for three or four days;
that they should take with them only some of the immediate attendants
on the royal stirrup, and that the rest of the men should come on some
stages behind under the command of Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan, the Bakhshi. In
spite of precautions and injunctions, it was found necessary to have
700 elephants for the advanced camp and the establishments.

The mansab of Sultan Husain was 400 personal and 300 horse; I now
promoted him to 600 personal and 350 horse, and conferred on him a
robe of honour, a jewelled dagger, and an elephant. Bahadur Dhanturi
was an auxiliary of the army of Bangash. An order was given that
he should hold the mansab, original and increased, of 200 personal
and 100 horse. On Wednesday, the 27th, having marched 5 1/4 koss, and
crossing by bridges the Nainsukh, [283] I chose a halting-place. This
Nainsukh (repose of the eyes) flows from the North, and comes down
from the hills of Dard [284] (?), which is between the country of
Badakhshan and Tibet. As at this place it forms two branches, they had,
according to order, prepared two wooden bridges for the crossing of
the victorious army, one 18 cubits and the other 14 cubits in length,
with a breadth each of 5 cubits. The way in which they make bridges in
this country is to throw pine-trees [285] on the surface of the water,
and fasten the two ends strongly to rocks, and having thrown on to
these thick planks of wood, make them firm with pegs and ropes,
and these, with a little repair, last for years. Briefly, they
made the elephants ford, whilst the horsemen and foot passed over
by the bridge. Sultan Mahmud called this river Nainsukh--that is,
"Repose of the eye." On Thursday, the 30th, having marched about 3
1/2 koss, a halt was made on the bank of the Kishan Ganga. On this
road there is a kotal of great height, the ascent being 1 koss, and
the descent 1 1/2 koss, which they call Pim darang. The reason for
this name is that in the language of Kashmir they call cotton (pamba)
pim. As the rulers of Kashmir had placed a superintendent there, who
took duties from loads of cotton, and delay takes place here for the
collection of the duty, it has become known as the Pim darang [286]
(cotton delay). After traversing the pass, there is a very fine
and clear waterfall. Having drunk my usual cups on the edge of the
water in the shade of the trees, I went on to my halting-place in the
evening. There was an old bridge over this river, 54 yards long and 1
1/2 yards wide, which footmen crossed by. According to orders, another
bridge was prepared parallel to this, in length 53 yards and breadth 3
yards. As the water was deep and swift, they took the elephants across
without loads, and the footmen and horses crossed by the bridge. By
order of my father, a very strong saray of stone and lime was erected
on the top of the ridge overlooking the river. One day before New
Year's Day we had sent Mu`tamid K. forward to select a spot for the
placing of the throne and preparing the New Year's entertainment. This
had to be lofty and choice. By chance, as he crossed the bridge,
there was a ridge overlooking the water, green and pleasant. On the
top of this was a flat place of 50 cubits which one might say the
rulers of fate had specially prepared for such a day. The aforesaid
officer had made ready everything necessary for the New Year's feast
on the top of that ridge, which was much approved. Mu`tamid K. was
much applauded for this. The river Kishan Ganga comes from the south
[287] and flows northwards. The Bihat (Jhelam) comes from the East,
and joining the Kishan Ganga, flows to the North.








THE FIFTEENTH NEW YEAR'S FEAST AFTER THE AUSPICIOUS ACCESSION


The transit of the sun, that fulfils the hopes of the world, into
his house of honour in Aries, took place on Friday, the 15th of the
month of Rabi`u-s-sani in the Hijri year 1029, (10 March), 1620,
after 12 1/2 gharis, or 5 sidereal hours, [288] had passed, and
the 15th year of the reign of this suppliant at the throne of Allah
commenced happily and auspiciously. On Saturday, the 2nd (Farwardin),
having marched 4 1/2 koss, I halted at the village of Bakkar. On this
road there was no hill-pass (kotal), but it was rather stony. I saw
peacocks, black partridges, and monkeys (langur), such as exist in
the Garmsir country (Afghanistan). It is evident that these can also
exist in cold countries. From this place to Kashmir the road is along
the bank of the river Bihat. There are hills on both sides, and in
the bottom of the valley the water flows with great force, boiling
and raging. However large an elephant may be, he cannot hold his feet
firmly in it, but immediately rolls over, and is carried away. There
are also water-dogs [289] in the river. On Sunday, the 3rd, marching
4 1/2 koss, I pitched at Musaran. On the eve of Friday the merchants
who live in the pargana of Bara Mula came and paid their respects. I
asked the reason of the name of Bara mula, and they represented that
in the Hindi language they call a boar Barah (Varaha) and mula a
place--that is, the boars' place. Among the incarnations that belong
to the religion of the Hindus, one is the boar incarnation, and Barah
mula by constant use has become Bara mula. On Monday, the 4th, marching
2 1/2 koss, I pitched at Bhulbas. As they said these hills were very
narrow and difficult (to pass), and they could be crossed by a crowd
of men only with great trouble, I gave orders to Mu`tamid K. that,
with the exception of Asaf K. and a few of the necessary attendants,
no one should be allowed to march along with the prosperous stirrup
(with the king personally), and the camp should be kept one stage
behind. By chance, before this order was given, he had sent on his own
tent. After this he wrote to his men that this order had been given
with regard to him, and they should halt at whatever spot they had
reached. His brothers heard this at the foot of the kotal of Bhulbas,
[290] and pitched their own tent there. When the royal host reached
the place, snow and rain began to fall. One plain of the road had
not been crossed when his tent became visible. Looking on this as a
gift from the hidden world, I and the ladies alighted, and remained
protected from the cold and snow and rain. His brothers, according to
orders, sent someone in haste to summon him. When the news reached
him that the elephants and the advance camp had arrived at the top
of the kotal, and blocked up the road, as it was impossible to ride,
with great zeal, he, not knowing his head from his feet, traversed a
distance of 2 1/2 koss on foot in two hours, and came to wait on me,
and repeated this couplet with the tongue of gesture. [291]


    VERSE.

    "At midnight came the thought of thee. I was ashamed and
                                                resigned my life.
    The poor man was abashed when suddenly the guest arrived."


All that was in his store (bisat) in the way of money and goods,
of live stock or dead, he offered for me to tread upon. I gave them
all back, and said: "What do worldly goods appear worth to the eye of
our magnanimity? We buy the jewel of loyalty at a high figure. Such
an event arising out of his devotion should be reckoned as the rising
of his good star, in that a king like me with the people of his harem
should remain in his house in comfort and at ease for a night and a
day. It would be a cause of honour to him among his contemporaries and
comrades." On Tuesday, the 5th, having traversed 2 koss, I alighted at
the village of Kaha'i. [292] I presented the dress (sar u pay) I had
on to Mu`tamid K., and an order was given assigning him the mansab
of 1,500 personal and l,500 [293] horse. From this stage we entered
within the boundary of Kashmir. In the same kotal of Bhulbas, Ya`qub,
s. Yusuf K. Kashmiri, fought with the victorious army of my father,
of which Raja Bhagwan Das, father of Raja Man Singh, was the leader.

On this day, the news came that Suhrab K., s. Rustam Mirza, had been
drowned in the Jhelam. The details are as follows: He, according
to orders, was coming up one stage in the rear, and on the road it
came into his mind that he would have a bathe in the river, though
warm water was ready. The people forbade him, and said that when the
air was so cold, unnecessarily to get into a river so agitated and
bloodthirsty that it would roll over a war-elephant, was contrary to
the dictates of caution. He was not restrained by their words, and
as the unavoidable destined time had arrived, got in. From excessive
self-will and pride and carelessness, in reliance on his powers of
swimming, in which art he was unequalled, he was more determined than
ever, and with a khidmatiyya (Blochmann 252) and another servant, both
of whom could swim, mounted a rock on the river bank and threw himself
in. Immediately he fell, from the violent movement of the waves, he
could not pull himself together or try to swim; to fall in and go were
the same thing, and Suhrab K. [294] and the khidmatiyya thus gave away
the goods of their lives to the flood of destruction. The boatman,
[295] with a hundred difficulties, brought the boat of his being
(himself) in safety to the shore. Mirza Rustam was much attached to
this son. On hearing of this fatal news on the Punch road, he rent the
robe of patience, and showed great agitation. With all his dependants,
clothed in mourning garments, with head and feet bare, he came to
wait on me. What shall I write of the grief of the mother? Although
the Mirza has other sons, his heart was bound up in this one. His age
was twenty-six years. In shooting with a gun he was an excellent pupil
of his father, and knew well how to drive elephants and carriages. On
the expedition to Gujarat he was often ordered to ride on the front
part of my private elephant, and he was an active soldier. [296]

On Wednesday, the 6th, marching 3 koss, I pitched at the village
of Riwand. On Thursday, the 7th, crossing the kotal of Kuwarmat,
[297] which is the most difficult on this road (MS.), I alighted at
the village of Wachaha (MS. and print differ). The distance of this
stage is 4 1/4 koss. The kotal of Kuwarmat (Kulamat in the MS.) is a
difficult one, and is the last of the kotals on the road. On Friday,
the 8th, having traversed nearly 4 koss, I halted at the village
of Baltar. [298] There was no kotal on this road. It was broad, and
plain after plain, and mead after mead, of flowers. Sweet-smelling
plants of narcissus, violet, and strange flowers that grow in this
country, came to view. Among these flowers I saw (noticed especially)
one extraordinary one. It had five or six orange flowers blooming with
their heads downwards. From the middle of the flowers there came out
some green leaves, as in the case [299] of the pineapple (?). This is
the bulanik [300] flower. There is another flower like the puy (?),
round which are small flowers of the shape and colour of the jessamine,
some blue in colour and some red, with yellow points in the middle,
exceedingly pretty in appearance: its name is "ladar push." They
call it push-i-`aliyyu-l-`umum [301] (the common push?). There are
many yellow arghawan (Judas-trees) on the road as well. The flowers
of Kashmir are beyond counting and calculation. Which shall I write
of? And how many can I describe? I have only mentioned the most
remarkable. There is a waterfall on this road, very high and fine. It
flows down from a high place. No other waterfall of such beauty was
seen on the road. I delayed a moment at it, and filled my eye and heart
with gazing on it from a high spot. On Saturday, the 9th, I marched 4
3/4 koss, and crossed over at Baramula. [302] It is one of the noted
towns of Kashmir, and 14 koss [303] distant from the city, situated on
the bank of the Bihat. A number of the merchants of Kashmir live in it,
and have built houses and mosques on the bank of the river, and spend
their days in ease and contentment. According to orders, before the
arrival of the host of prosperity, they had prepared decorated boats
at the place. As [304] the hour for entry (into Srinagar) had been
fixed for Monday, when two watches of the day had passed, on Sunday,
the 10th, I entered Shihabu-d-din-pur. On this day Dilawar K. Kakar,
the Governor of Kashmir, came from Kishtwar, [305] and had the good
fortune to kiss the threshold. He was exalted with various royal
favours and all kinds of imperial gratifications. He had done his duty
here in an acceptable manner, and it is hoped that the great Giver
of favours may light up the foreheads of all my servants with honour.

Kishtwar is to the south of Kashmir. From the city of Kashmir
(Srinagar) to the stage of Alkah (?), [306] which is the capital
of Kishtwar, the distance is 60 koss by measurement. On the 10th
of the Ilahi month of Shahriwar, in my 14th year, Dilawar K., with
10,000 horse and foot, determined to conquer Kishtwar. He appointed
his son, Hasan by name, with Gird `Ali Mir-bahr (admiral) to guard
the city and administer the territory. And as Gohar Chak and Aiba
Chak laid claim to Kashmir as heirs, and were stirring up strife in
Kishtwar, and were wandering in the valley of confusion and ruin,
he left Haibat, one of his brothers, with a force at Desu, which is
near the kotal of Pir Panjal, by way of caution, and, dividing his
forces at that place, he himself hastened with a force by the road
of Sanginpur, sending his son Jalal, with Nasru-llah `Arab, and `Ali
Malik Kashmiri, and a band of Jahangiri servants by another road, and
his elder son Jamal with a band of zealous young men as an advanced
guard to his own force. At the same time he placed two other forces
to move forward on his right and left. As no horses could go on the
road, by way of precaution he took some with him, but left nearly
[307] all his sipahis' horses behind, and sent them to Kashmir (i.e.,
Srinagar). The young men girded the belt of duty on their waists,
and went up the hills on foot. The ghazis of the army of Islam fought
from post to post with the ill-fated unbelievers as far as Narkot,
which was one of the enemy's strongholds. There the corps of Jalal and
Jamal, which had been sent by different roads, met, and the enemy,
not having the power to oppose them, took to flight. The brave ones
who offered their lives traversed many ups and downs with the courage
of determination, and hastened on to the Maru river. On the bank of
that river the fire of slaughter was lighted, and the ghazis of the
army of Islam displayed approved activity. The ill-fated Aiba Chak,
with many of the people of ruin, were slain. By the death of Aiba the
Raja became powerless and without heart, and took the road of flight,
and, crossing by the bridge, stopped at Bhandarkot, which is on the
other side. A band of the brave ones (bahaduran) quickly advanced,
wishing to cross the bridge. A great fight took place at its head, and
some of the young men attained to martyrdom. In this way for twenty
days and nights the servants of the Court tried to cross the river,
and the unbelievers of darkened fortune did not fail to attack and try
to drive them back, until Dilawar K., after establishing thanas and
arranging for the commissariat, arrived with his army. The Raja, by
way of stratagem and vulpine trickery, sent his Vakils to Dilawar K.,
and begged that he might send his brother with offerings to the Court,
so that when his offences obtained pardon, and his mind were freed
from fear and trouble, he could also himself proceed to the Court, the
refuge of the world, and kiss the threshold. Dilawar K. did not lend
his ear to these deceitful words, and did not throw away from his hand
the coin of opportunity. He dismissed the envoys of the Raja without
the attainment of their object, and made every exertion to cross the
bridge. His eldest son Jamal, with a band of the crocodiles of the
sea of bravery and valour, went up the river, and by bravely swimming
it although swollen crossed over, and engaged in a fierce battle with
the enemy. The devoted servants of the Court made an attack from the
other side, and made matters tight for these ruined people. These,
when they found they had no longer the strength to oppose them, broke
down the planking of the bridge, and took to flight. The victorious
servants made the bridge strong again, and transported the remainder
of the army. Dilawar Khan drew up his forces at Bhandarkot. From the
aforesaid river (the Maru) to the Chenab, which is a strong support of
these unfortunate people, is a distance of two bow-shots, and on the
bank of the Chenab there is a lofty hill. The crossing of the water is
a difficult matter, and, with a view to the coming and going of people
on foot, they attach strong ropes, and place planks of the width of a
cubit between two ropes, and fasten one rope's end to the top of the
hill, and the other on the other side of the water. Then they attach
two other ropes a gaz higher than these, that foot-passengers may
place their feet on the planks, and, taking hold of the upper ropes,
may descend from the top of the hill to the bottom, and so cross the
river. This bridge they call zampa, in the language of the people
of the hill country. Wherever they apprehended that a rope bridge
might be constructed, they stationed musketeers and archers and
men-at-arms, and so felt secure. Dilawar K. made rafts (jhala), and,
placing on them eighty of his valiant young men, sent them across
the river at night. As the water was flowing with great violence, the
rafts were carried down by the flood of destruction, and sixty-eight
of these gallant men were drowned in the sea of non-existence, and
obtained the renown of martyrdom, whilst ten, by the aid of swimming,
reached the shore of safety (i.e., returned), and two on the other
side became prisoners in the hands of the infidels. In short, for
four months and ten days Dilawar Khan, having planted the foot of
courage at Bhandarkot, made endeavours to cross over; but the arrow
of stratagem did not reach the target of intent until a Zamindar
pointed out a place which the enemy had no idea of. There, having
constructed a zampah, in the heart of night, Jalal, Dilawar K.'s son,
with some of the servants of the Court and a band of Afghans, about
200 in number, crossed over in safety, made unawares in the morning
an attack on the Raja, and blew loudly the trumpets of victory. A
few who were around and before the Raja rushed out, bewildered, half
asleep and half awake, and most of them became the harvest of the
blood-drinking sword, while the rest quickly withdrew themselves from
that whirlpool of calamity. In that encounter one of the soldiers came
upon the Raja, and wished to finish him with a sword. He called out:
"I am the Raja; take me alive to Dilawar Khan." The men rushed on
him and made him prisoner. After the Raja was made prisoner, his
people all fled. When Dilawar Khan heard this good news of victory,
he prostrated himself in thankfulness to Allah, and, having crossed
the river with the victorious army, came to Mandal Badr, [308] which
was the capital of the country, and is 3 koss from the river. The
daughter [309] of Sangram Raja of Jammu, and the daughter of the
abandoned Suraj Mal, s. Raja Baso, were in the Raja's house (i.e.,
married to him). By Sangram's daughter he had children. Before the
victory he had, by way of caution, sent his family for refuge to
the Raja of Jaswal and other Zamindars. When my victorious retinue
approached, Dilawar Khan, according to order, took the Raja with him,
and came to kiss the threshold, leaving Nasru-llah `Arab with a body
of horse and foot to guard the country.

In Kishtwar there are produced much wheat, barley, lentils, millet,
and pulse. Differing from Kashmir, it produces little rice. Its saffron
is finer than that of Kashmir. About a hundred hawks and falcons are
caught there (annually). Oranges, citrons, and water-melons of the
finest kind are obtained. Its melons are of the same kind as those of
Kashmir, and other fruits, such as grapes, apricots, peaches, and sour
pears, are grown. If they were cultivated, it is possible they would
improve. A coin [310] of the name of sanhasi [311] is a relic of the
old rulers of Kashmir, one and a half of which equal a rupee. In their
business transactions they reckon fifteen sanhasi, or ten rupees,
as one padshahi muhar. They call two seers of Hindustani weight a
man (maund). It is not the custom for the Raja to take revenue from
cultivation; he takes annually six sanhasi--that is, four rupees--from
each house. All the saffron is assigned, as pay, to a body of Rajputs
and to 700 musketeers (tupchi) who are old retainers. When the saffron
is sold, four rupees per maund, or two seers, are taken from the
purchaser. The whole income of the Raja consists of fines, and for a
small offence he takes a heavy sum. From whomsoever is wealthy and in
comfortable circumstances the Raja, on some pretext, clears out all
that he has. From all sources his income is about Rs. 100,000. In time
of war 6,000 or 7,000 men on foot collect together; there are but few
horses among them. The Raja and the chief men have about fifty between
them. I bestowed a year's revenue on Dilawar K. by way of reward. By
conjecture, his jagir was worth about 1,000 personal and 1,000 horse,
according to the Jahangiri rules. When the chief diwans calculate
the allowances to the jagirdars, the exact amount will be ascertained.

On Monday, the 11th, after two watches and four gharis had passed,
the royal cortege alighted auspiciously and happily at the buildings
lately erected on the bank of the lake (the Dal lake). By order of my
father, a very strong fort of stone and lime had been built. It is not
quite completed, one side being unfinished. It is hoped that hereafter
it will be completed. From Hasan Abdal to Kashmir by the road I came
is a distance of 75 koss; this was accomplished in nineteen marches
and six halts--that is, in twenty-five days. From Agra to Kashmir,
in the space of 168 days, a distance of 376 koss was traversed in
102 marches and 63 halts. By land [312] and the ordinary route the
distance is 304 1/2 koss.

On Tuesday, the 12th, Dilawar K., according to order, brought the Raja
[313] of Kishtwar, chained, into my presence, and did homage. He (the
Raja) is not wanting in dignity. His dress is after the Indian fashion,
and he knows both the Hindi and the Kashmiri languages. Contrary to
other Zamindars of these regions, he looked like the inhabitant of
a town. I told him that, notwithstanding his offences, if he would
bring his sons to Court, he should be released from confinement, and
might live at ease under the shadow of the eternal State, or else he
would be imprisoned in one of the forts of Hindustan. He said that
he would bring his people, his family, and his sons to wait on me,
and was hopeful of my clemency.

I shall now give a brief account of the country of Kashmir and of
its peculiarities.

Kashmir [314] belongs to the fourth climate. Its latitude is 35°
N., and its longitude, from the White Islands, 105°. In old times
the country was in the possession of Rajas. Their dynasty lasted for
4,000 years. An account of them, and a list of their names, are given
in the Raja-tarang, which, by my father's order, was translated [315]
from the Sanskrit (Hindi in text) into Persian. In the Hijri year 712
(1312-13) Kashmir was illumined by the religion of Islam. Thirty-two
Muhammadan princes reigned over it for 282 years, until, in 994
(1586), my father conquered it. From that date till now, being a
period of thirty-five years, the country has been in the possession
of the Crown. Kashmir, from the Pass of Buliyasa [316] to Qambarbar,
is 56 Jahangiri koss long, and its breadth is never more than 27
koss, or less than 10 koss. Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl has, in the Akbar-nama,
stated, by guess and conjecture, that the length of Kashmir from the
Kishan Ganga to Qambarbar is 120 koss, and its breadth from 10 to 25
koss. I, out of prudence and caution, appointed a number of trustworthy
and intelligent men to measure the length and breadth with ropes
(tanab). The result was that what the Shaikh wrote as 120 koss came
out as 67. As it is agreed that the boundary of a country is the place
up to which people speak the language of that country, it follows
that the boundary of Kashmir is Buliyasa, which is 11 koss on this
side (i.e., east) of the Kishan Ganga. So, according to the preceding
figures, the length of Kashmir is 56 (67 - 11) koss. The variations in
breadth were found to be not more than 2 koss. The koss [317] which
is in use during my reign is that prescribed by my father. That is,
a koss is 5,000 yards, and the yard is 2 shar`i yards, each of the
latter (yards) being 24 digits [318] (angusht). Wherever the koss or
gaz is mentioned, the reference is to the above koss and the above
gaz. The name of the city is Srinagar, and the Bihat river flows
through the midst of it. They call its fountain-head Vir-nag. [319]
It is 14 koss to the south. By my order they have made a building and
a garden at that source. There have been built in the city four very
strong stone and wooden bridges, over which people come and go. They
call a bridge in the language of this country kadal. There is a
very lofty mosque in the city, one of the marks of Sultan Sikandar,
[320] made in 795 (1393). After a time it was burnt, but was rebuilt
by Sultan Husain. It had not been completed when the mansion of his
life fell down. In 909 (1503-04) Ibrahim Maqri, Vizier of Sultan
Husain, finished it handsomely. From that day till now it is 120
years since it has been in existence. From the Mihrab to the eastern
wall it is 145 yards, and its breadth is 144 yards, containing four
(taq) alcoves. On all sides of the hall they have erected beautiful
cloisters and pillars. In short, no better memorial of the rulers
of Kashmir has been left than this. Mir Sayyid `Ali of Hamadan (may
his grave be sanctified!) was for some time in this city. There is
a monastery [321] to his memory. Near the city there are two [322]
large lakes full of water all the year round. Their flavour [323]
does not vary; they are the means for coming and going of the people,
and for the conveyance of grain and firewood on boats. In the city
and parganas there are 5,700 boats, with 7,400 [324] boatmen. The
country of Kashmir has thirty-eight parganas. It is divided into two
provinces; the territory on the upper part of the river they call
Marraj, and that on the lower Kamraj. It is not the custom to use
gold and silver for payment of the revenue from land or in commerce,
except for a portion of the cesses (sa'ir-jihat). [325] They reckon
the value of things in kharwars of rice, each kharwar being three
maunds and eight seers of the current weight. The Kashmiris reckon
two seers as one maund, and four maunds, or eight seers, make one
tark. The revenue of Kashmir is 30,63,050 kharwars and 11 tarks, which
in cash represents 7,46,70,000 dams. Ordinarily it maintains 8,500
horse. It is very difficult to enter Kashmir. The routes by Bhimbhar
[326] and Pakli are the best. Though that by Bhimbhar is the shorter,
yet if one wishes to find spring in Kashmir, he is confined to the
road by Pakli, for the other roads at this season are blocked with
snow. If one were to take to praise Kashmir, whole books would have
to be written. Accordingly a mere summary will be recorded.

Kashmir is a garden [327] of eternal spring, or an iron fort to
a palace of kings--a delightful flower-bed, and a heart-expanding
heritage for dervishes. Its pleasant meads and enchanting cascades
are beyond all description. There are running streams and fountains
beyond count. Wherever the eye reaches, there are verdure and
running water. The red rose, the violet, and the narcissus grow of
themselves; in the fields, there are all kinds of flowers and all
sorts of sweet-scented herbs more than can be calculated. In the
soul-enchanting spring the hills and plains are filled with blossoms;
the gates, the walls, the courts, the roofs, are lighted up by the
torches of banquet-adorning tulips. What shall we say of these things
or of the wide meadows (julgaha) and the fragrant trefoil?


    VERSE.

   "The garden-nymphs [328] were brilliant,
    Their cheeks shone like lamps;
    There were fragrant buds on their stems (or 'under their rind'),
    Like dark amulets on the arms of the beloved.
    The wakeful, ode-rehearsing nightingale
    Whetted the desires of wine-drinkers;
    At each fountain the duck dipped his beak
    Like golden scissors cutting silk;
    There were flower-carpets and fresh rosebuds,
    The wind fanned the lamps of the roses,
    The violet braided her locks,
    The buds tied a knot in the heart."


The finest inflorescence is that of the almond and the peach. Outside
the hill-country the commencement of blossoming is the 1st
Isfandarmuz (February 10). In the territory of Kashmir it is 1st
Farwardin (March 10), and in the city gardens it is the 9th and
10th of that month, and the end of their blooming joins on to
the commencement of that of the blue jessamine. In attendance on
my revered father I frequently went round the saffron fields, and
beheld the spectacle of the autumn. Thank God that on this occasion
I beheld the beauties [329] of the spring. The beauties of the
autumn shall be described in their place. The buildings of Kashmir
are all of wood; they make them two-, three-, and four-storied, and
covering the roofs with earth, they plant bulbs of the chaughashi
[330] tulip, which blooms year after year in the spring season,
and is exceedingly beautiful. This custom is peculiar to the
people of Kashmir. This year, in the little garden [331] of the
palace and on the roof of the chief mosque, the tulips blossomed
luxuriantly. There are many blue jessamines in the gardens, and
the white jessamines that the people of India call chambili are
sweet-scented. Another kind is of the colour of sandal-wood, and
this is also very sweet-scented. This is special to Kashmir. I
saw several sorts of red roses: one is specially sweet-scented,
and another is a flower of the colour of sandal (light yellow),
with an exceedingly delicate scent. It (the scent?) is of the
nature of (that of) the red rose, and its stem is like that
of the red rose. There are two kinds of lilies. That which is
grown in gardens is vigorous (balida) and fresh (lit. green)
coloured, the other is a wild kind. Although the latter has less
colour it is very sweet-scented. The flower of the Ja`fari [332]
(a yellow flower) is large and sweet-scented; its stem is above a
man's height, but in some years, when it has grown large and has
flowered, a worm is produced, and spreads over the flower a kind
of spider's web, and destroys it and dries up its stem. This year
it has so happened. The flowers that are seen in the territories
of Kashmir are beyond all calculation. Those that Nadiru-l-`asri
Ustad Mansur, [333] has painted are more than 100. Before my
father's time there were no shah-alu (cherries). [334] Muhammad
[335] Quli Afshar brought them from Kabul and planted them,
and there are now ten or fifteen fruit-bearing trees. There were
also some apricot-trees. The aforesaid made them known in this
country, and now there are many of them. In fact, the apricot [336]
of Kashmir is good. There was a tree in the Shahr-ara garden at
Kabul, called Mirza'i, better fruit than which I had not eaten,
but in Kashmir there are trees equal to this in the gardens. There
are pears (nashpati) of the best kind, better than those of Kabul,
or Badakhshan, and nearly equal to those of Samarkand. The apples
of Kashmir are celebrated for their goodness. The guavas (amrud)
are middling. Grapes are plentiful, but most of them are harsh and
inferior, and the pomegranates are not worth much. Water-melons
of the best kind can be obtained. The melons are very sweet
and creased, (? shikananda) [337], but for the most part when
they become ripe a worm is found in them that spoils them. If
by chance they are preserved from this misfortune they are
very delicate. There are no shah-tut [338] (some kind of large
mulberry), but there are other (tut) mulberries everywhere. From
the foot of every mulberry-tree a vine-creeper grows [339] up. In
fact, the mulberries of Kashmir are not fit to eat, with the
exception of some on trees grown in gardens, but the leaves are
used to feed the silkworm. They bring the silkworms' eggs from
Gilgit and Tibet. There is plenty of wine and vinegar, but the
wine is sour and inferior, and in the Kashmir language is called
mas. After they take cups of it some heat of head ensues. They make
various pickles with the vinegar. As the garlic of Kashmir is good,
the best pickle is that of garlic. There are all kinds of crops
except peas. If they sow peas, they give a crop the first year,
in the second they are inferior, and in the third year they are
like mushang. [340] Rice is the principal crop. Probably there are
three parts under rice and one under all other grains. The chief
food of the people of Kashmir is rice, but it is inferior. They
boil it fresh, [341] and allow it to get cold, and then eat it, and
call it batha. It is not usual to take their food warm, but people
of small means keep a portion of the batha for a night, and eat
it next day. Salt is brought from India. It is not the custom to
put salt into the batha. They boil vegetables in water, and throw
in a little salt in order to alter the flavour, and then eat them
along with the batha. Those who want to have something tasty put
a little walnut-oil into the vegetables. Walnut-oil soon becomes
bitter and evil-flavoured. They also use cow-oil (raughan--i.e.,
ghi), but this is taken fresh, and fresh from newly-made butter
(maska). They throw this into the food, and call it "sada-pak"
in the Kashmiri language. As the atmosphere is cold and damp,
it becomes altered by being kept for three or four days. There
are no buffaloes, and the cattle are small and inferior. The
wheat [342] is small and of little substance (kam maghz). It
is not the custom to eat bread (nan). There are tailless sheep,
resembling the kadi [343] (or gaddi) of India. They are called
handu, and their flesh is not without flavour. Fowls, geese,
and ducks (murghabi)--golden and others--are plentiful. There
are all kinds of fish, both with and without scales, but they are
inferior. The woollen cloths are well known. Men and women wear a
woollen tunic (kurta), and call it pattu. If they do not put on
a tunic, they believe that the air affects them, and even that
it is impossible to digest their food without it. The shawls of
Kashmir, to which my father gave the name of parm-narm, are very
famous: there is no need to praise them. Another kind is taharma
(naharma in the printed version); it is thicker than a shawl, and
soft. [344] Another is called darma. It is like a jul-i-khirsak,
[345] and is put over carpets. With the exception of shawls they make
other woollen materials better in Tibet. Though they bring the wool
for the shawls from Tibet they do not make them there. The wool for
shawls comes from a goat which is peculiar to Tibet. In Kashmir they
weave the pattu shawl from wool, and sewing two shawls together they
smooth them into a kind of saqarlat (broad-cloth), which is not bad
for a rain-coat. The men of Kashmir shave the head and put on a round
turban, and the common women do not wear clean, washed clothes. They
use a tunic of pattu for three or four years; they bring it unwashed
from the house of the weaver, and sew it into a tunic, and it does
not reach the water till it falls to pieces. It is considered wrong
to wear drawers (izar); they wear the tunic long and ample as far
as the head and falling down to the feet, and they also wear [346]
a belt. Although most of the houses are on the river-bank not a drop
of water touches their bodies. In short, they are as dirty outside
as inside, without any cleanliness. In the time of Mirza Haidar there
were many skilled people there. They were skilled in music, and their
lutes, dulcimers, harps, drums, and flutes were celebrated. In former
times they had a musical instrument like a lute, and used to sing in
the Kashmiri language compositions according to Hindi musical modes,
there being even two or three modes combined together. Moreover,
many sing together in chorus. In fact, Kashmir is much indebted to
Mirza Haidar for its excellencies. Before the reign of my father the
chief method by which the people of these parts rode was on gunts
(ponies). They had no large horses, but used to bring `Iraq and Turki
horses by way of rare gifts for their rulers. Gunt means a yabu [347]
(pony). They have thick shoulders, and are low in the body. They
are common in other of the hill-countries of India. For the most
part they are vicious [348] and hard-mouthed. When this God-created
flower-garden acquired eternal beauty under the auspices of the State,
and by the blessing of the teaching of the Alexander-minded Khaqan,
many of the Aimaqs (cavalry) were presented with jagirs in this Subah,
and herds of `Iraqi and Turki horses were given them to breed from
(kih kurra bagirand). The soldiers also brought horses [349] on
their own account, and in a short time horses were obtainable, so
that many Kashmiri horses were bought and sold for 200 and Rs. 300,
and even for Rs. 1,000.

The merchants and artificers of this country are mostly Sunnis,
while the soldiers are Imamiyya Shias. There is also the sect
of Nur-bakhshis. [350] There is also a body of Faqirs whom they
call Rishis. [351] Though they have not religious knowledge or
learning of any sort, yet they possess simplicity, and are without
pretence. They abuse no one, they restrain the tongue of desire,
and the foot of seeking; they eat no flesh, they have no wives,
and always plant fruit-bearing trees in the fields, so that men may
benefit by them, themselves deriving no advantage. There are about
2,000 of these people. There is also a body of brahmans living from of
old in this country, who still remain there and talk in the Kashmiri
tongue. Outwardly one cannot distinguish them from Mussulmans. They
have, however, books in the Sanskrit language, and read them. They
carry into practice whatever relates to the worship of idols. Sanskrit
is a language in which the learned of India have composed books, and
esteem them greatly. The lofty idol temples which were built before
the manifestation of Islam are still in existence, and are all built
of stones, which from foundation to roof are large, and weigh 30 or 40
maunds, placed one on the other. Near the city there is a small hill
which they call Kuh-i-Maran [352] ("The Wicked Hill," Lawrence, 298),
as well as Hari Parbat. On the east side of the hill there is the
Dal Lake, which measures round a little more than 6 1/2 koss. [353]
My father (may the lights of Allah be his testimony!) gave an order
that they should build in this place a very strong fort of stone
and lime; this has been nearly completed during the reign of this
suppliant, so that the little hill has been brought into the midst
of the fortifications, and the wall of the fort built round it. The
lake is close to the fort, and the palace overlooks the water. In
the palace there was a little garden, with a small building in it
in which my revered father used constantly to sit. At this period it
appeared to me to be very much out of order and ruinous. As it was the
place where that veritable qibla (place turned towards in prayer) and
visible Deity used to sit, and it is really a place of prostration for
this suppliant, therefore its neglected state did not appear right to
me. I ordered Mu`tamid K., who is a servant who knows my temperament,
to make every effort to put the little garden in order and repair the
buildings. In a short space of time, through his great assiduity,
it acquired new beauty. In the garden he put up a lofty terrace 32
yards square, in three divisions (qit'a), and having repaired the
building he adorned it with pictures by masterhands, and so made it
the envy of the picture gallery of China. I called this garden Nur-afza
(light increasing).

On Friday, the 15th of the Divine month of Farwardin, two qutas oxen,
out of the offerings of the Zamindar of Tibet, were brought before
me. In form and appearance they closely resemble the buffalo. All the
limbs are covered with wool which properly belongs to animals in a cold
country. For instance, the rang goats (ibex), which they brought from
the country of Bhakkar (Sind) and the hill-country of the Garmsir (in
Afghanistan) were very handsome, and had but little wool, and those
that are met with in these hills, on account of the excessive cold
and snow, are covered with hair and ugly. The Kashmiris call the rang
kapal. [354] On this day they brought a musk deer as an offering. As
I had not tasted its flesh, I ordered it to be cooked; it appeared
very tasteless and bad for food. The flesh of no other wild animal
is so inferior. The musk-bag when fresh has no scent, but when it is
left for some days and becomes dry, it is sweet-scented. The female
has no musk-bag. In these two or three days I frequently embarked in
a boat, and was delighted to go [355] round and look at the flowers of
Phak and Shalamar. Phak is the name of a pargana situated on the other
side of the lake. Shalamar is near the lake. It has a pleasant stream,
which comes down from the hills, and flows into the Dal Lake. I bade
my son Khurram dam it up and make a waterfall, which it would be a
pleasure to behold. This place is one of the sights of Kashmir.

On Sunday, the 17th, a strange affair took place. Shah Shuja`
was playing in the buildings of the palace. By chance there was a
window with a screen in front of it looking towards the river. They
had put a screen in front, but had not fastened the door, and the
prince in play went towards the window to look out. As soon as
he arrived there he fell headlong. By chance they had laid down a
carpet below the wall, and a farrash (carpet-spreader) was sitting
near it. The child's head fell on this carpet, and his feet on the
back and shoulders of the farrash, and so came to the ground. Though
the height was 7 yards [356] (dara`), the compassion of God, the
Great and Glorious, came to his aid, and the carpet and the farrash
became the means of saving his life. God forbid, but if it had not
been so it would have been a serious matter for him. At the time Ray
Man, the head of the Khidmatiyya [357] piyadas, was standing below
the jharoka. He immediately ran and picked him up, and holding him
in his arms, was taking him upstairs. In that condition he asked:
"Whither are you carrying me?" He replied: "Into the presence of His
Majesty." Then weakness overcame him, and he could speak no more. I
was lying down when this alarming news reached me, and ran out in a
state of bewilderment. When I saw him in this state my senses forsook
me, and for a long time holding him in my affectionate embrace I was
distracted with this favour from Allah. When a child of four years of
age falls headlong from a place ten ordinary (shar`i) gaz in height,
and no harm happens to his limbs, it is a cause for amazement. Having
performed my prostrations for this fresh act of goodness, I distributed
alms, and ordered that deserving people and the poor who lived in the
city should be brought before me in order that I might assure them
their means of livelihood. A strange thing was that three or four
months before this event Jotik Ray, the astrologer, who is one of
the most skilled of the class in astrology, had represented to me,
without any intermediary, that it was predicted from the Prince's
horoscope that these three or four months were unpropitious to him,
and it was possible he might fall down from some high place, but that
the dust of calamity would not settle on the skirt of his life. As
his prognostications had repeatedly proved correct, this dread dwelt
in my mind, and on these dangerous roads and difficult mountain
passes I was never for a moment forgetful of that nursling of the
parterre of Fortune. I continually kept him in sight, and took the
greatest precautions with regard to him. When I arrived in Kashmir
this unavoidable [358] catastrophe occurred. His nurses (anagaha)
and wet-nurses must have been very careless. God be praised that it
ended well!

In the garden of `Aishabad [359] (abode of pleasure) I saw a tree
which had numerous [360] blossoms. They were very large and beautiful,
but the apples that the tree produced were bitter.

As excellent service had been done by Dilawar K. Kakar, I promoted him
to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and also conferred
mansabs on his sons. Shaikh Farid, s. Qutbu-d-din K. was raised to
the mansab of 1,000 personal and 400 horse. The mansab of Sar-barah
K. was ordered to be 700 personal and 250 horse, and I promoted
Nuru-llah Kurkiraq (in charge of furriery?) to that of 600 personal
and 100 horse, bestowing on him the title of Tashrif K. The offerings
of Thursday, the 21st, were handed over as a reward to Qiyam K., the
chief huntsman. As Allah-dad Afghan, s. the Tariki, [361] had repented
of his evil deeds and come to Court at the request of I`tmadu-d-daula
I pardoned his offences; the signs of disgrace and shame were evident
on his forehead and, according to the previous arrangement, I bestowed
on him the mansab of 2,500 and 200 horse. Mirak Jalayir, one of the
auxiliaries of Bengal, was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal
and 400 horse.

As it was reported that the jughasi (i.e., black) tulips were in
good bloom on the roof of the Jami` mosque, on Saturday, the 23rd,
I went to see them. In truth, one side of that flower-garden was
very beautiful. The parganas of Mau [362] and Mihri (?) (text has
Maud Mihri), which previously to this had been granted to Raja Baso,
and afterwards continued to his rebel son Suraj Mal, were now bestowed
on Jagat Singh, his brother, who had not obtained the tika (mark of
royal succession), and I gave the pargana of Jammu to Raja Sangram. On
Monday, the 1st of Urdibihisht, I went to the house of Khurram,
and entered his bath-house, and when I came out he presented his
offerings. Of these I accepted a trifle in order to please him. On
Thursday, the 4th, Mir Jumla was promoted to the mansab of 2,000
personal and 300 horse. On Sunday, the 7th, I rode to the village of
Chardara, [363] which is the native country of Haidar Malik, to hunt
partridges. In truth this is a very pleasant spot of ground, and has
flowing streams and lofty plane-trees. At his request I gave it the
name of Nurpur [364] (city of light). On the road there was a tree
[365] called halthal; when one takes one of the branches and shakes it,
the whole of the tree comes into movement. The common people believe
that this movement is peculiar to that tree. By chance in the said
village I saw another tree of the same kind, which was in similar
movement, and I ascertained that it was common to that species of
tree, and not confined to one tree. In the village of Rawalpur,
2 1/2 koss from the city towards Hindustan, there is a plane-tree,
burnt in the inside. Twenty-five years before this, when I myself was
riding on a horse, with five other saddled horses and two eunuchs,
we went inside it. Whenever I had chanced to mention this people were
surprised. This time I again ordered some of the men to go inside,
and what I had in my mind came to pass in the same manner. It has
been noted in the Akbar-nama that my father took [366] thirty-four
people inside and made them stand close to each other.

On this day it was represented to me that Prithi-chand, s. Ray
Manohar, who was one of the auxiliaries of the army against Kangra,
had sacrificed his life in a useless (bi-sarfa [367]) battle with
the enemy.

On Thursday, the 11th, certain servants of the State were promoted
in the following manner: Tatar K. to 2,000 personal and 500 horse;
`Abdu-l-`Aziz K. to 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse; Debi Chand of
Gwalior to 1,500 personal and 500 horse; Mir Khan, s. Abu-l-Qasim
K. Namakin to 1,000 personal and 600 horse; Mirza Muhammad to 700
personal and 300 horse; Lutfu-llah to 300 personal and 500 horse;
Nasru-llah `Arab to 500 personal and 250 horse; and Tahawwur K. was
appointed to the faujdarship of Mewat. On Thursday, the 25th, Sayyid
Bayazid Bukhari, faujdar of Bhakkar, raised his head of honour with
the Subadarship of Sind, and his mansab, original and increased, was
fixed at 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, and he was also presented
with a standard. Shaja`at K. `Arab obtained the honour of exaltation
to the mansab of 2,500 personal and 2,000 horse. Anira'i Singh-dalan,
at the request of Mahabat K., was appointed to Bangash. Jan-sipar
K. was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse.

At this time, on the representation of the Commander-in-Chief,
Khan-Khanan, and all the loyal people, it was shown to me that `Ambar,
the black-fated one (he was an Abyssinian), had again placed his foot
beyond the bounds of good behaviour, and had, according to his nature,
laid a foundation for trouble and sedition, and as the victorious army
had proceeded to a distant part of the country, he, considering it a
good opportunity, had broken the pledges he had given to the servants
of the Court, and had stretched out his hand to take possession of
royal territory. It is hoped that he will soon be entangled in the
disgrace of his deeds. As he (the Commander-in-Chief) had asked
for treasure, it was ordered that the diwans of Agra should send
Rs. 20,00,000 to the Commander-in-Chief. Close upon this news came that
the Amirs had left their posts, and come together to Darab K., and that
the Bargis [368] (the Mahrattas) were surrounding his camp, and that
Khanjar K. had taken refuge in Ahmadnagar. Two or three battles had
already taken place between the rebels and the servants of the Court,
and each time the enemy had been defeated, and many of them killed. On
the last occasion Darab K., taking with him well-mounted young men,
attacked the rebels' camp. A fierce battle ensued, and the enemy being
defeated turned the face of ruin towards the valley of flight. Their
camp had been plundered, and the victorious army had returned in safety
to their camp. As difficulty and distress had fallen on the victorious
army, those who were loyal came to the conclusion that they should
go down by the Pass of Rohangarh [369] and remain below the ghat,
so that forage and grain might be easily obtained, and the men not
incur any labour or distress. Having no choice, they prepared the
army of prosperity at Balapur, and the rebels of black fortune, with
impertinence and importunity, appeared near Balapur. Raja Bir Singh
Deo, with some of the devoted servants, plucking up courage in order
to beat back the enemy, slew many of them. An Abyssinian of the name of
Mansur, who was in the rebel army, fell into their hands, and although
they wished to put him on an elephant (see Iqbal-nama 161, the text
wrongly has zir "under"), he would not agree, and was insolent. [370]
Raja Bir Singh Deo ordered them to separate his head from his body. It
is hoped that the circling sphere will lay the recompense of improper
deeds on the skirt of life of all who do not recognize the right.

On the 3rd Urdibihisht I rode to see the Sukh Nag. [371] It is a
beautiful summer residence (ilaq). This waterfall is in the midst
of a valley, and flows down from a lofty place. There was still ice
on its sides. The entertainment of Thursday was arranged for in that
flower-land, and I was delighted at drinking my usual cups on the edge
of the water. In this stream I saw a bird like a saj. [372] A saj is
of a black colour and has white spots, while this bird is of the same
colour as a bulbul with white spots, and it dives and remains for
a long time underneath, and then comes up from a different place. I
ordered them to catch and bring two or three of these birds, that I
might ascertain whether they were waterfowl and were web-footed, or
had open feet like land birds. They caught two and brought them. One
died immediately, and the other lived for a day. Its feet were not
webbed like a duck's. I ordered Nadiru-l-`asr Ustad Mansur to draw
its likeness. The Kashmiris call it galkar [373]--that is, "water saj."

On this day the Qazi and the Chief Justice represented to me that
`Abdu-l-Wahhab, the son of Hakim `Ali, claimed Rs. 80,000 from
the Sayyids of Lahore, and produced a bond with the seal of Qazi
Nuru-llah. He said that his father had placed that sum in deposit
with Sayyid Wali, the father of these men, who denied it. [374] If
an order were given, the Hakim's son, by way of caution, [375] would
swear an oath on the Qoran, and would take what was his due from
them. I told them to do whatever was right by the Divine Law. The
next day Mu`tamid Khan represented that the Sayyids showed great
humility and submissiveness. The matter was a complicated [376]
one. The greater reflection shown in ascertaining the truth in the
matter the better. I accordingly ordered that Asaf K. should take
exceeding trouble and forethought in ascertaining the truth of this
quarrel, and point out such a way (of unravelling it) that no doubt
whatever should remain. With all this, if it could not be cleared
up, I would examine them in my own presence. Immediately he heard
these words, the Hakim's son lost both his hands and his heart in the
affair, and made a number of his friends intercessors, and proposed
a withdrawal. His representation was that if the Sayyids would not
[377] refer the matter to Asaf K. he would give a release, and that
hereafter he would have no right against nor claim from them. Whenever
Asaf K. sent to fetch him, as he was a low deceiver, he passed his
time in making excuses, and did not appear until he handed over the
deed of release to one of his friends, and the true state of affairs
became evident to Asaf K. They brought him by force into the place
of examination, and, having no choice, he confessed that the deed had
been prepared by one of his servants, who himself witnessed it, and had
misled him. He gave a writing to this effect. When Asaf K. informed
me of the real state of matters, I took away his mansab and jagir,
and cast him out of my presence, and gave the Sayyids leave to return
to Lahore in all honour and respect.

On Mubarak-shamba (Thursday), the 8th of Khurdad, I`tiqad Khan was
promoted to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 1,500 horse, and Sadiq
Khan to that of 2,500 personal and 1,400 horse. Zainu-l-`abidin,
son of the deceased Asaf Khan (Ja`far), was promoted to be Bakhshi
of Ahadis. Raja Bir Singh Deo Bandila raised his head of honour with
the high mansab of 5,000 personal and horse.

In Kashmir the most juicy(?) fruit is the ashkan(?) (askami in the
MSS.). It is subacid (mai-khush), smaller than the alu balu (sour
cherry), much better flavoured, and more delicate. When drinking
wine, one cannot eat more than three or four alu balu, but of these
one can take as many as a hundred in twenty-four hours, especially
of the paiwandi(?) sort. I ordered that the ashkan should hereafter
be called the khushkan. It grows in the hills of Badakhshan and in
Khurasan; the people there call it jamdami. The largest of them weigh
1/2 misqal. The shah-alu (cherry), on the 4th Urdibihisht, appeared
of the size of a grain of pulse; on the 27th it reddened, and on the
15th Khurdad it was ripe, and new fruit (nau-bar) had formed(?). The
shah-alu (cherry), to my taste, is better than most fruits. Four
trees had borne fruit in the Nur-afza garden. I called one of these
Shirin-bar, the second Khush-guwar, the third, which bore the most
fruit, Pur-bar, and the fourth, which had less, Kam-bar. One tree in
Khurram's garden had also borne fruit, and I called it Shahwar. There
was a young plant in the little garden of `Ishrat-afza (joy enhancing),
and this I called Nau-bar (new fruit). Every day I plucked with my own
hand sufficient to give a flavour to my cups. Although they sent them
by runners from Kabul as well, yet to pick them oneself from one's
home garden gave additional sweetness. The shah-alu of Kashmir is
not inferior to that of Kabul; it is even better grown. The largest
of them weighed one tank, five surkhs.

On Tuesday, the 21st, Padshah [378] Banu Begam died (became a
sitter in the bridal chamber of the permanent world), and grief for
this heart-rending event laid a heavy load on my mind. I hope that
Almighty God may give her a place near his own forgiveness. A strange
thing is--that Jotik Ray, the astrologer, two months before this,
had informed some of my servants that one of the chief sitters in the
harem of chastity would hasten to the hidden abode of non-existence. He
had discovered this from the horoscope of my destiny, and it fell
out accordingly.

One of the events (that now took place) was the martyrdom of Sayyid
`Izzat [379] K. and of Jalal K. Gakhar in the army of Bangash. The
particulars of this are that when the season for the collection
of revenue arrived, Mahabat K. appointed a force to go into the
hill-country to eat up the crops of the Afghans, and not omit one
tittle of raiding and plundering, and killing and binding. When the
servants of the Court arrived at the foot of the Pass the ill-fated
Afghans attacked them from all sides, and took the head of the Pass,
and fortified it. Jalal K., who was an experienced man, and an old man
that had undergone labours, thought it better to delay for a few days,
so that the Afghans might expend the few days' provisions they had
brought with them on their backs, and necessarily disperse of their
own accord; that then his men would be able to cross with ease over the
head of the difficult Pass. When he once passed the head of the defile
they would be unable to do any more, and would be punished. `Izzat
K., who was a battle-lighting flame and a foe-burning lightning, did
not fall in with Jalal K.'s idea, and excited the steed of courage
of some of the Sayyids of Barha. The Afghans, swarming round on all
sides, like ants and locusts, attacked him, and caught him in their
midst. Though the battlefield was not fit for cavalry, yet wherever
the forehead of his wrath shone, he consumed many with the fire of
his sword. In the midst of the fighting they hamstringed his horse,
but he fought on foot and as long as he had breath, and at last fell
bravely. At the time when `Izzat K. made his attack, Jalal K. Gakhar
[380] and Mas`ud, s. Ahmad Beg K., and Bizan (or Bizhan), s. Nad
`Ali Maidani, and other servants, lost restraint, and rushed on from
all sides of the pass, and the rebels seized the tops of the hills,
and fought with stones and arrows. The devoted young men, both of
the servants of the Court and the retainers of Mahabat K., performed
the duties of valour, and slaughtered many of the Afghans. In this
contest Jalal K. and Mas`ud, with many other brave men, sacrificed
their lives. Owing to the rashness of `Izzat K. such a disaster as
this befell the Imperial army.

When Mahabat K. heard this fearful news, he sent a fresh body of
men to assist, and strengthened the posts. Wherever they found a
trace of those ill-fortuned ones, they did not fail to slay or bind
them. When I heard this news, I summoned Akbar Quli, s. Jalal K. who
had been told off for duty in the conquest of the fort of Kangra, to my
presence, and gave him the mansab of 1,000 personal and 1,000 horse,
and confirmed to him, according to custom, his hereditary territory
(the Gakhar country) in jagir, presented him with a dress of honour
and a horse, and sent him to the support of the army of Bangash. As
`Izzat K. had left a son of very tender years, keeping before my eyes,
that discerned the truth, his life-sacrifice, I gave him (the child)
a mansab and a jagir, so that those left behind should not be scattered
abroad, and others might have increased hope.

On this day Shaikh Ahmad of Sirhind, who had for some time been
placed in the prison of correction on account of his pretentiousness
(literally, adorning his shop and selling himself) and immoderate
language, was summoned to my presence, and I released him, giving him
a dress of honour and Rs. 1,000 for expenses, and making him free to
go or remain. He justly represented that his punishment had really
been a valuable lesson to him, and that his desire was to wait on me.

On the 27th Khurdad apricots arrived [381] (from Kabul). The
picture-gallery in the garden had been ordered to be repaired; it
was now adorned with pictures by master hands. In the most honoured
positions were the likenesses of Humayun and of my father opposite
to my own, and that of my brother Shah `Abbas. After them were the
likenesses of Mirza Kamran, Mirza Muhammad Hakim, Shah Murad, and
Sultan Daniyal. On the second storey (row?) were the likenesses of
the Amirs and special servants. On walls of the outer hall the stages
of the road to Kashmir were recorded in the order in which I had come
to them. A poet fixed the date by this hemistich:


        Pictures of kings of Solomon-like glory. [382]


On Thursday, the 4th of the Ilahi month of Tir, the Feast of
buriya-kubi [383] took place. On this day the Kashmir cherries came
to an end. From the four trees of the Nur-afza garden, 1,500, and from
other trees 500 had been plucked. I strictly ordered the officials of
Kashmir to plant shah-alu (cherry) trees in all the gardens. On this
day Bhim, s. Rana Amar Singh, was honoured with the title of Raja,
and Dilir K., brother of the brave `Izzat K., was promoted to the
mansab of 1,000 personal and 800 horse, Muhammad Sa`id, s. Ahmad
Beg K., to that of 600 personal and 400 horse, and Mukhlis-ullah,
his brother, to that of 500 personal and 250 horse. On Sayyid Ahmad
Sadr the mansab of 1,000, and on Mirza Husain, s. Mirza Rustam Safawi,
that of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, were bestowed, and the last-named
was despatched for duty to the Deccan. On Sunday, the 14th of the
Divine month of Tir, Hasan `Ali Turkman was made Governor of Orissa,
and his personal and horse mansab was raised to 3,000. On this day
Bahadur K., Governor of Qandahar, sent offerings of nine Iraq horses,
some nine pieces of gold brocade, some brocaded satin, and some marten
[384] skins, and other things; these were laid before me.

On Monday, the 15th, I rode to see the summer quarters of Tusi-marg
[385] (?). Arriving in two matches at the foot of the kotal, on
Wednesday, the 17th, I reached the top of the pass. For a distance
of 2 koss very elevated ground was crossed with difficulty. From the
top of the kotal to the Ilaq (summer quarters) was another koss of
high and low land. Although here and there flowers of various colours
had bloomed, yet I did not see so many as they had represented to me,
and as I had expected. I heard that in this neighbourhood there was
a very beautiful valley, and on Thursday, the 18th, I went to see
it. Undoubtedly, whatever praise they might use in speaking of that
flowery land would be permissible. As far as the eye reached flowers of
all colours were blooming. There were picked fifty kinds of flowers in
my presence. Probably there were others that I did not see. At the end
of the day I turned my reins in order to return. That night an account
was given in my presence of the siege of Ahmadnagar. Khan-Jahan told
a strange tale, which I had also heard before, and it is written on
account of its strangeness. At the time when my brother Daniyal was
besieging the fort of Ahmadnagar, one day the garrison laid the gun
Malik-maidan [386] (king of the plain) against the Prince's camp,
and fired it. The ball reached nearly to the Prince's tent; from that
place it bounded (ricocheted), and went to the lodging of Qazi Bayazid,
who was one of the Prince's companions, and fell there. They had tied
up the Qazi's horse at a distance of 3 or 4 gaz. As the ball touched
the ground, the horse's tongue [387] was torn out by the root and fell
on the ground. The ball was of stone, weighing 10 maunds as current
in Hindustan, or 80 Khurasar maunds. The said gun is so large that
a man can sit comfortably in it.

On this day I promoted Abu-l-Hasan, the chief Bakshi, to the mansab of
5,000 personal and 2,000 horse, Mubariz K. to that of 2,000 personal
and 1,700 horse. Bizan (or Bizhan) s. Nad `Ali, to that of 1,000
personal and 500 horse, and Amanat K. to that of 2,000 personal
and 400 horse. On Thursday, the 25th, I gave Nawazish K., s. Sa`id
K., the mansab of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, Himmat K. that
of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, and Sayyid Ya`qub K., s. Sayyid
Kamal Bukhari, that of 800 personal and 500 horse. Mir `Ali `Askar,
[388] s. Mir `Ali Akbar Musawi, was dignified with the title of Musawi
K. As I had repeatedly heard praise of the Ilaq of Kuri-marg, [389]
I felt much disposed to visit it at this time, and on Tuesday, the
7th Amurdad, rode in that direction. How shall I write its praise? As
far as the eye could reach flowers of various hue were blooming, and
in the midst of the flowers and verdure beautiful streams of water
were flowing: one might say it was a page that the painter of destiny
had drawn with the pencil of creation. The buds of hearts break into
flower from beholding it. Undoubtedly there is no comparison between
this and other Ilaqs, and it may be said to be the place most worth
seeing in Kashmir.

In Hindustan (i.e., Upper India) there is a bird called Papiha,
[390] of a sweet voice, which in the rainy season utters soul-piercing
(jan-suz, lit. soul-burning) laments. As the koyal lays its egg in the
nest of the crow, and the latter brings up its young, so I have seen
in Kashmir that the papiha lays its egg in the nest of the ghaugha'i
[391] (ring-dove?) and the ghaugha'i brings up its young.

On Thursday, the 17th, Fida'i K. was promoted to the mansab of 1,500
personal and 700 horse. On this day the ambassador of `Izzat [392]
K., ruler of Urganj, by name Muhammad Zahid, came to the Court,
and presented a petition, accompanied with some trifling presents,
and recalled the existence of hereditary relations (lit., shook the
chain of hereditary connection). I distinguished him with the eye of
kindness, and on the spur of the moment gave the ambassador 10,000
darbs (Rs. 5,000) as a present, and ordered the officials of the
buyutat (household) to prepare and send (by him) such things as he
might ask for.

At this time a strange act of grace occurred to my son [393] Khan-Jahan
(Lodi). He had become very ill from the madness of wine, and from the
overpowering of this man-destroying intoxication things had come to
such a pass that it threatened his precious life. Suddenly he reformed,
and God directed him, and he made a vow that thereafter he would not
defile the fringe of his lip with wine. Although I warned him that
it was not good to give it up all at once, and that he should leave
it off gradually, he would not consent, but gave it up manfully.

On the 25th of Amurdad Bahadur K., Governor of Qandahar, was promoted
to the mansab of 5,000 personal and 4,000 horse, and on the 2nd of
the Divine month of Shahriwar, Man Singh, s. Rawat Shankar, to that of
1,500 and 800 horse, Mir Husamu-d-din to that of 1,500 and 500 horse,
and Karamu-llah, s. `Ali Mardan K. [394] to that of 600 with 300 horse.

As at this time I was much inclined to parti-coloured [395] veined
teeth, the great Amirs exerted themselves greatly in looking out for
them. Of these, `Abdu-l-`Aziz K. Naqshbandi sent a servant of the name
of `Abdu-llah with a letter to Khwaja Hasan and Khwaja `Abdu-r-Rahim,
ss. Khwaja Kalan Juybari, who are to-day the leading holy men of
Transoxiana, containing a request for these things. By chance, Khwaja
Hasan had a perfect tooth, exceedingly delicate, and immediately
sent it with the aforesaid (servant) to the Court, which it reached
this day. I was greatly pleased, and ordered them to send the value
of Rs. 30,000 in choice goods to the Khwajas, a service for which
Mir Baraka Bukhari was fixed upon. On Thursday, the 12th Shahriwar,
Mir Miran obtained leave to take up the faujdarship of Mewat, and
his mansab, original and increased, was fixed at 2,000 with 1,500
horse. I gave him a special horse, with a dress of honour and a sword.

At this time it was made clear from a report of Sundar [396] that
Jauhar Mal, the rebel, had delivered his soul to the lords of hell
(had died). It was also reported that a force sent against one of the
Zamindars had abandoned the path of caution, and without fortifying
the way of entrance and exit, or taking possession of the hill-tops,
had entered into the fastnesses of the hills, and had fought without
any good result. As the day drew towards its close, they had turned
their reins with their object unaccomplished, and in turning back,
had made every haste. Many people had been killed, especially those
who would not put up with the disgrace of flight. They purchased
martyrdom with their lives. Out of them Shah-baz K. Dalumani [397]
(?), which is a tribe of Lodi Afghans, sacrificed his life with a
band of his servants and tribesmen. In truth he was a good servant,
and had intelligence combined with modesty. Another report was that
Jamal Afghan, Rustam, his brother, Sayyid Nasib Barha, and some
others had come in wounded. It was also reported that the siege (of
Kangra) had become a close one, and the affair was going hard with
the besieged. They had sent (literally thrown out) men as mediators,
and had asked for quarter. It was hoped that by the blessing of
increasing fortune the fort would be subdued.

On Wednesday, the 18th of the same month (Shahriwar), Dilawar
K. Kakar died a natural death. Beyond all the other Amirs of high
rank, he combined valour with leadership and knowledge of affairs,
and from the time when I was a prince carried away from all the ball
of superiority in my service. He acted constantly with the perfection
of sincerity and the jewel of doing right, and had thus arrived at
the dignity of Amirship. In the end of his life God Almighty bestowed
grace upon him, and the conquest of Kishtwar, which was an exemplary
service, was accomplished by his courage. It is hoped he may be one
of the pardoned. His sons and the others that he left behind him I
exalted with all kinds of favours and patronage, and enrolled those
of his people who were fit for mansabs amongst the servants of the
Court. I ordered the rest, to remain as usual with his sons, so that
his company might not be split up.

On this day Qur Yasawul came with a diamond that Ibrahim K. Fath-jang
had obtained from the Bengal mine, and waited on me. Wazir K., diwan
of Bengal, who was an old servant of the Court, died a natural death.

On the night of Thursday, the 19th, the Kashmiris had lined with lamps
both sides of the Bihat. It is an ancient custom that every year on
this day everyone, whether rich or poor, whoever has a house on the
bank of the river, should light lamps as on the Shab-i-barat. I asked
the brahmans the reason of this, and they said that on this day the
fountain-head of the Jhelam was disclosed, and the custom had come
down from old days that on this date must take place the feast of Veth
tarwah. [398] Veth means the Jhelam, and they call thirteen tarwah;
as this day is the 13th of Shawwal, they light lamps. In this way they
call it the Veth tarwah. Undoubtedly the lamp-lighting was good. I
sate in a boat and went round to see it. On this day the feast of
my solar weighing took place, and according to the usual custom,
I weighed myself against gold and other things, which I distributed
among deserving people. The 51st year of the age of this suppliant
at the throne of Allah came to an end; the 52nd year lit up the face
of expectation. It is hoped that the period of my life will be spent
in pleasing God. The entertainment of Thursday, the 26th, was held
in the lodging of Asaf K. (Nur-Jahan's brother), and that pillar
of the Sultanate fulfilled the duties of homage, and of offerings,
and thereby acquired eternal bliss.

On 1 Shahriwar (about 11 August) ducks (murghabi) appeared on the Wular
lake, and on the 24th of that month they appeared on the Dal lake. The
following is the list of birds which are not met with in Kashmir:


    LIST.

     1. Crane [399] (kulang).
     2. Saras (grus Antigone).
     3. Peacock.
     4. Bustard (jarz or charz).
     5. Stork (laglag).
     6. Bustard (tughdari).
     7. Bustard (tughdagh).
     8. Karwanak (kind of crane?).
     9. Zard-tilak (golden oriole?).
    10. Nuqra-pay (silver-foot).
    11. `Azam-pay.
    12. Boza laglag (royal curlew).
    13. Pelican (hawasil).
    14. Makisa (Ardea indica?).
    15. Baghla (paddy-bird).
    16. Goose (qaz).
    17. Konkla (kokila, the black cuckoo?).
    18. Partridge (durraj).
    19. Shavak (starling).
    20. Nol-i-surkh (redbeak, [parrot]?).
    21. Musicha (wood-pigeon?).
    22. Hariyal (green pigeon?).
    23. Dhing (adjutant).
    24. Koyal (Eudynamys Orientalis).
    25. Shakar-khwara (sugar-eater, [parrot]?).
    26. Mahokha (cuculus castaneus?).
    27. Mahirlat (?).
    28. Dhanesh (hornbill).
    29. Gulchari (quail?).
    30. Tatiri, which the Turks call (blank in MSS.) and I have named
        bad-awaz, "evil-voiced." (It is perhaps the sandpiper.)


As the Persian names of some of these are not known, or rather,
these birds don't exist in Persia (Wilayat), I have written the Hindi
names. [400] The names of the carnivorous and herbivorous animals
that are not in Kashmir are as follows: The tiger, the panther
(yuz), the rhinoceros, [401] the wild buffalo, the black antelope,
the gazelle, the kotah pacha (hog-deer), the nil-gaw, the wild ass,
the hare, the lynx, the wild cat, the mushak-i-karbala'i (?), [402]
the porpoise, and the porcupine.

On this day peaches came from Kabul by runners. The largest of these
weighed 26 tolas, [403] or 65 misqals. As long as their season lasted,
such a number came that I gave them to most of the Amirs, and to the
private servants fed from the royal table.

On Friday, [404] the 27th, I went out to see Virnag, [405] the source
of the Bihat. Going up the river 5 koss in a boat, I alighted at the
village of Pampur.

On this day unpleasant news came from Kishtwar. The details of this
are that when Dilawar K. conquered it and returned to Court, he left
Nasru-llah `Arab, with some of the mansabdars to guard it. Nasru-llah
made two mistakes. One was that he treated the Zamindars and the people
of the place harshly, and did not observe a conciliatory demeanour
towards them. The second was that the forces sent as auxiliaries to
him, in expectation of increase of mansab, asked him for leave to go to
Court and transact their affairs. He yielded to their representations,
[406] and gave them leave one after the other. When only a small
force was left with him, the Zamindars, whose hearts had been wounded
by him, and were on the look out for a disturbance, found their
opportunity and made an attack from all quarters. Having burnt the
bridge by which the army had crossed, and by which assistance could
come, they lighted the fire of disturbance and sedition. Nasru-llah
shut himself up, and for two or three days defended himself with the
greatest difficulty (literally, with a thousand life-extractions). As
he had no provisions, and they had closed the road, he determined to
accept martyrdom, and manfully, with some of those who were with him,
performed the dues of bravery and valour until most of his men were
killed, and some became captives in the hands of destiny.

When this news reached my ear, I appointed Jalal, s. Dilawar K.,
on whose forehead the traces of bravery and ambition were manifest,
and who had done good service in the conquest of Kishtwar, with the
mansab of 1,000 personal and 600 horse, giving him the attendants
of his father who were enrolled among the servants of the Court,
and an army of the soldiers of Kashmir, with many of the Zamindars
and men on foot with muskets, to assist him in overcoming that mob,
doomed to a vile end. An order was also given that Raja Sangram, the
Zamindar of Jammu, with his own men, should come in by the hill-road
from Jammu. It is hoped that the rebels will quickly obtain the
recompense for their deeds.

On Saturday, the 28th, I marched 4 1/2 koss. Passing one koss beyond
Kakapur, I came to the bank of the river. The bang [407] (bhang)
of Kakapur is well-known. It grows wild on the bank of the river in
quantities. On Sunday, the 29th, I halted at the village of Panj
Brara. [408] This village [409] has been bestowed on my fortunate
son Shah Parwiz. His Vakils had prepared a small building and a
little garden overlooking the river. In the neighbourhood of Panj
Brara there is a meadow (julga) [410] exceedingly clean and pleasant,
with seven lofty plane-trees in the middle of it, and a stream of the
river flowing round it. The Kashmiris call it Satha Bhuli(?) [411]
It is one of the great resorts of Kashmir.

On this day arrived the news of the death of Khan Dauran, [412]
who died a natural death at Lahore. He had nearly reached ninety
years of age. He was one of the brave men of the age and valiant in
the battlefield. He combined bravery with leadership. He performed
great services for the dynasty. It is hoped that he will be among
the pardoned ones. He left four sons, but none of them was worthy to
be his son. He left about Rs. 400,000 in cash and goods, which were
given to his sons.

On Monday, the 30th, I first visited the fountain of Inch. This
village had been given by my father to Ram Das Kachhwaha, [413] and
he had erected buildings and basins at the spring. Undoubtedly, it
is an exceedingly sweet and delightful place. Its water is perfectly
clear and pure, and many fish swim in it.


    VERSE.

    So clear the water that the grains of sand at bottom
    Could be counted at midnight by a blind man.


As I gave [414] the village to my son Khan Jahan, he prepared an
entertainment there, and presented offerings. I chose a trifle in order
to please him. Half a koss from this spring, there is a fountain that
they call Machhi Bhawan, [415] above which Ray Bihari Chand, one of
the servants of my father, built an idol-temple. The beauty of this
spring is more than one can describe, and large trees of ancient
years, planes, white and black poplars, have grown up round it. I
passed the night at this place, and on Tuesday, the 31st, pitched
at the fountain of Achval. [416] The water of this spring is more
plentiful than that of the other, and it has a fine waterfall. Around
it lofty plane-trees and graceful white poplars, bringing their heads
together, have made enchanting places to sit in. As far as one could
see, in a beautiful garden, Ja`fari flowers had bloomed, so that one
might say it was a piece of Paradise. On Wednesday, the 1st of Mihr,
marching from Achval, I pitched camp near the fountain of Virnag. [417]
On Thursday, the 2nd, the feast of cups was prepared at the spring. I
gave my private attendants permission to sit down. Filling brimming
cups, I gave them Kabul peaches as a relish, and in the evening they
returned drunk (mastan, exhilarated?) to their abodes. This spring is
the source of the River Bihat, and is situated at the foot of a hill,
the soil of which, from the abundance of trees and the extent of green
and grass, is not seen. When I was a prince, I had given an order that
they should erect a building at this spring suitable to the place. It
was now completed. There was a reservoir of an octagonal shape,
forty-two yards in area and fourteen [418] gaz in depth. Its water,
from the reflection of the grass and plants on the hill, had assumed
a hue of verdure. Many fish swam in it, round it halls with domes
had been erected, and there was a garden in front of them. From the
edge of the pond to the gate [419] of the garden there was a canal 1
gaz in width and 180 [420] gaz in length, and 2 gaz in depth. Round
the reservoir was a stone walk (khiyaban-i-sang). The water of the
reservoir was so clear that, notwithstanding its 4 gaz of depth, if
a pea had fallen into it, it could have been seen. Of the trimness of
the canal and the verdure of the grass that grew below the fountain,
what can one write? Various [421] sorts of plants and sweet-smelling
herbs grew there in profusion, and among them was seen a stem
(buta), which had exactly the appearance of the variegated tail of
a peacock. It waved about in the ripple, and bore flowers here and
there. In short, in the whole of Kashmir there is no sight of such
beauty and enchanting character. It appears to me that what is upstream
[422] in Kashmir bears no comparison with (i.e., is far superior to)
what is downstream. One should stay some days in these regions, and go
round them so as to enjoy oneself thoroughly. As the hour for marching
was near, and snow was beginning to fall at the head of the passes,
I had not the leisure to linger there, and was obliged to turn my rein
towards the city. I gave an order that plane-trees should be planted
on both sides, on the banks of the canal above mentioned. On Saturday,
the 4th, I encamped at the spring of Loka Bhawan. [423] This spring
is also a pleasant spot. Although at present it is not equal to the
others, if it were to be repaired it would be very good. I ordered
them to construct a building worthy of the place, and to repair the
reservoir in front of it. On the road I passed by a spring which
they call Andha Nag [424] (blind fountain. See Iqbal-nama, 166). It
is well known that the fish in this fountain are blind. I delayed a
while near this spring, and threw in a net and caught twelve of the
fish. Of these, three were blind and nine had eyes. Evidently the
water of this spring has the effect of making them blind. Certainly
this is not devoid of strangeness. On Sunday, the 5th, I again passed
by the springs of Machhi Bhawan and Inch, and went to the city.

On Wednesday, the 8th, news arrived of the death of Hashim, s. Qasim
K. On Thursday, the 9th, Iradat K. was promoted to the governorship of
Kashmir. Mir Jumla in his place was chosen for the duty of Khansaman,
and Mu`tamid [425] K. to that of `Arz-muqarrir. The mansab of 2,000
personal and 500 horse was ordered for Mir Jumla. On the night of
Saturday, the 11th, I entered the city. Asaf K. was appointed to the
duty of Diwan of Gujarat. Sangram, Raja of Jammu, was promoted to
the mansab of 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse.

On this day I saw an unusual kind of fishing on the part of the
fishermen of Kashmir. In a place where the water was up to a man's
chest, they propelled two boats that were side by side, and so that
at one end they were in contact, and at the other end they were 14
or 15 yards apart. Two boatmen held long poles in their hands, and
sate on the outside edge of each boat (?) so as to regulate the space
between each boat, and that they should proceed equally. Then ten or
twelve boatmen got down into the water, and laying hold of the ends
of the two boats that were joined [426] together with their hands,
trampled the bottom with their feet, and moved on. The fish which
were between the boats wanted to get out of the narrow space, and
came against the feet of the boatmen. Immediately one of the boatmen
dived, and another one pressed upon his back, and with his two hands
kept him from coming to the surface. The latter caught a fish and
produced it. Some who are skilful in the art catch two fish with their
hands, and bring them to the surface. Among them was an old boatman,
who generally at each dive brought up two fish. This kind of fishing
occurs at Panj Brara, [427] and is peculiar to the Jhelam. It is not
used in ponds or in other streams. It also only takes place in the
spring when the water is not cold or impetuous (gazanda, "biting"?).

On Monday, the 13th, the feast of the Dasahra took place. According to
the annual custom, they decorated the horses in the special stables,
and those that had been entrusted to Amirs, and brought them out. At
this time I experienced in myself a shortness of breath and difficulty
in breathing. I hope that in the end, please God, it may all go well.

On Wednesday, the 15th, I went to make an autumn tour in the direction
of Safapur and the valley of Lar, situated downstream of the Kashmir
River. In Safapur there is a fine tank, and on the north side of
it a hill full of trees. It being the beginning of autumn, it had a
wonderful appearance, with trees of all colours, such as the planes,
the apricot, and others, reflected in the middle of the tank, and
very beautiful. Undoubtedly the beauties of autumn are not less than
those of spring.


    VERSE.

    There's no exhilaration in decay, but to the eye
    The glory of autumn is more brilliant than the Spring.


As the time was short and the hour of marching near, I took a short
circuit and returned. These few days I passed pleasantly in catching
[428] ducks. One day, in the midst of the sport, a boatman caught and
brought me a young qarqara (the demoiselle crane, Ardea virgo). It was
very thin and miserable. It did not live longer than one night. The
qarqara does not live in Kashmir. This had become ill and thin at
the time of coming from, or going to, Hindustan, and fallen there.

On Friday news came of the death of Mirza Rahmandad, s. the
Khan-khanan. He died a natural death at Balapur. It appears that he
had been suffering from fever for some days. When he was recovering,
the Deccanis one day appeared with an army. His elder brother,
Darab K., mounted with the intention of fighting. When the news
reached Rahman-dad, with great bravery, notwithstanding his weakness
and failing health, he went to his brother. After he had beaten the
enemy, he returned and in taking off his jubba (quilted waistcoat)
was not sufficiently careful. The wind immediately caught him, and
he was seized with convulsions, and his tongue became powerless to
speak. He remained two or three days in this state and died. He
was a good and brave youth, was fond of sword-play, and was very
zealous. In every place it was his idea to display his skill with the
sword. Although fire burns equally what is green and what is dry,
yet it appeared very grievous to me, and what must it have been to
his broken-hearted old father? Hardly had the wound from the calamity
of Shah-nawaz K. healed, when he received this fresh wound. I trust
that God Almighty may give him patience and resignation.

On Thursday, the 16th, Khanjar K. was promoted to the mansab of 3,000
personal and horse, Qasim K. to that of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse,
and Muhammad Husain, brother of Khwaja Jahan, who held the post of
Bakhshi to the army of Kangra, that of 800 personal and horse. On the
night [429] of Monday, the 27th of the Divine month of Mihr, after
one watch and seven gharis had passed, the royal standards were raised
auspiciously and happily to return towards Hindustan. As the saffron
had blossomed, a march was made from the neighbourhood of the city to
the village of Pampur. [430] In the whole country of Kashmir there is
saffron only in this place. On Thursday, the 30th, the feast of cups
was held in a saffron field. Groves on groves, and plains on plains
were in bloom. The breeze in that place scented one's brain. The stem
is attached (close?) to the ground. The flower has four petals, and
its colour is that of a violet. It is of the size of a champa flower,
and from the middle of it three stigmas of saffron grow. They plant
the bulbs, and in a good year obtain 400 maunds of the current weight
or 3,002 [431] Khurasan maunds. The custom is for half to go to the
government, and half to the cultivators. A seer is bought and sold
for Rs. 10. Occasionally its market price is more or less, and it is
an established custom that they bring the saffron flowers plucked, and
according to the plan they have adopted from of old, they take half its
weight in salt as wages. There is no salt in Kashmir, and they bring
it from Hindustan. Again, among the excellencies of Kashmir are the
plumes of feathers (kalgi) and the hawks (janwar-i-shikari). As much
as 10,700 feathers are yearly obtained. Hawks and falcons are taken
in nets to the number of 260. It has also nest sparrow-hawks (basha),
[432] and the nest sparrow-hawk is not bad. On Friday, the 1st of
the divine month of Aban, marching from Pampur, I pitched my camp at
Khanpur. As it was reported to me that Zambil [433] Beg, ambassador
from my brother Shah `Abbas, had reached the neighbourhood of Lahore,
a dress of honour and Rs. 30,000 for expenses were sent to him by Mir
Husamu-d-din s. `Azudu-d-daula Inju. [434] I ordered that whatever he
might expend on entertaining the ambassador should be sent to him to
the extent of Rs. 5,000. [435] Before this I had directed that from
Kashmir to the end of the hilly country buildings should be erected
at each stage for the accommodation of myself and the ladies, for in
the cold weather one should not be in tents. Although the buildings at
this stage had been completed, as they were still damp and there was
a smell of lime, we put up in tents. On Saturday, the 2nd, I halted
at Kalampur. As it had repeatedly been represented to me that in
the neighbourhood of Hirapur there was a waterfall [436] very high
and wonderful, as it was 3 or 4 koss off on the left of the road,
I hastened there to see it. What can be written in its praise? The
water pours down in three or four gradations(?). I had never seen such
a beautiful waterfall. Without hesitation, it is a sight to be seen,
very strange and wonderful. I passed the time there in enjoyment till
the third watch of the day, and filled my eye and heart with the sight;
but in the cloudy and rainy season it is not devoid of wildness. After
the third watch had passed, in the evening I rode back to Hirapur,
[437] and passed the night at that stage. On Monday, the 4th, crossing
over the kotal of Bari Brari, [438] I chose Pirpanjal, at the head
of the kotal, for a halting-place. Of the roughnesses of the pass and
the difficulties of this road what shall I write? It is difficult for
thought even to cross it. In these last few days snow had repeatedly
fallen, the hills had become white, and in the middle of the path in
some places ice had formed, so that the hoof of a horse had no hold,
and a rider could only pass with difficulty. God Almighty bestowed
upon us His mercy, for it did not snow on this day. The advantage
was for those who went on in front. Those who followed came in for
snow. On Tuesday, the 5th, going by the pass of Pirpanjal the camp
was pitched at Poshana. Although on this side there is a descent, yet
as it is high, most of the people passed it on foot. On Wednesday,
the 6th, we pitched at Bahramgalla. Near this village there is a
waterfall and a very fine spring. According to orders, they had made
a terrace for me to sit upon; indeed, this is a sight to be seen. I
ordered that they should engrave on a stone tablet the date of the
crossing, and place it on the top of the terrace (suffa). Bi-badal
K. [439] composed some couplets, and this mark of my fortune remains
on the path of poetry as a memorial on the tablet of Time(?). There
are two Zamindars on this road in whose charge are the arrangements
for the traffic on it, and they are in reality the keys of the
country of Kashmir. They call one Mahdi Nayak and the other Husain
Nayak. The charge of the road from Hirapur to Bahramgalla is in their
hands. Bahram Nayak, the father of Mahdi Nayak, during the Kashmiri
government, was an important person. When the authority passed to the
imperial servants, Mirza Yusuf K., during his government, made Bahram
Nayak a traveller to the country of non-existence. It is now equally
in the possession and charge of the two. [440] Although outwardly
they are on good terms, they really bear great enmity towards each
other. On this day Shaikh Ibn Yamin, who was one of the old trusted
servants, went to the neighbourhood of God's mercy (died). [441]
On account of my great reliance on him, my opium and drinking water
[442] were in his charge. On the night when we were encamped above
the kotal of Pirpanjal, the tents and furniture had not arrived. He
was rather infirm and the cold affected him, and he became cramped
so that he could not speak. He remained alive for two days in this
state and then died. I gave over the private opium to Khawass K.,
and the ab-dar-khana (the water department) to Musawi K. On Thursday,
the 7th, the village of Thana [443] became the encamping place. Many
monkeys (maimun) were seen in Bahramgalla, and from that stage a great
difference was apparent in the climate, the language, the clothing,
the animals, and whatever properly belongs to a warm country. The
people here speak both Persian and Hindi. Evidently Hindi is their real
language, and they have acquired Kashmiri on account of the proximity
of Kashmir. Briefly, one enters India at this place. The women do
not wear woollen clothing, and like Indian women, they wear nose-rings.

On Friday, the 8th, Rajaur was the camping-ground. The people of
this country were in old times Hindus, and the landholders are called
Rajas. Sultan Firuz made them Muhammadans, but they are still called
Rajas. They still have the marks of the times of ignorance. One of
these is that just as some Hindu women burn themselves along with their
husbands (bodies), so these women (the Rajaur women) are put into the
grave along with their (dead) husbands. I heard that recently they
put alive into the grave a girl of ten or twelve along with her (dead)
husband, who was of the same age. Also, when a daughter is born to a
man without means, they put her to death by strangulation. [444] They
ally themselves with Hindus, and both give and take girls. Taking them
is good, but giving them, God forbid! I gave an order that hereafter
they should not do such things, and whoever was guilty of them, should
be capitally punished. There is a river at Rajaur. Its water during
the rainy season becomes much poisoned. Many of the people there get
a swelling (bughma) under the throat, and are yellow and weak. The
rice of Rajaur is much [445] better than the rice of Kashmir. There
are self-grown and sweet-scented violets in this skirt of the hills.

On Sunday, the 10th, I encamped at Naushahra. At this place, by order
of my father, they had built a stone fort, and there is constantly
here, by way of a station (thana), a body of men from the governor
of Kashmir. On Monday the camp was at Chauki Hatti. A chela named
Murad had exerted himself to complete the buildings at this place,
and had done it well. In the middle of the royal abode there was
a fine terrace, superior to those of other stages. I increased
his mansab. On Tuesday, the 12th, I halted at Bhimbar. Passing
this day out of kotals and hills, we entered the broad plains of
Hindustan. The hunters had previously been dispatched to form
qamurghas, so as to prepare jirgas (hunting rings) in Bhimbar
and Girjhak [446] and Makhiyala. On Wednesday and Thursday they
drove in the game. On Friday I rejoiced in a hunt. Hill quchqar,
[447] etc., to the number of 56 head were taken. On this day Raja
Sarang Deo, who was one of the intimate attendants, was promoted
to the mansab of 800 personal and 400 horse. On Saturday, the 16th,
I went towards Girjhak, and in five marches encamped on the bank of
the Bihat. On Thursday, the 21st, I hunted in the hunting-ring of
Girjhak. Less game than usual was taken, and I was not satisfied. On
Monday, the 25th, I hunted with much enjoyment in the hunting-ring
of Makhiyala, [448] thence in ten stages I encamped at the stage
of the hunting-place of Jahangirabad. When I was prince, this was
my hunting-place. Afterwards, I founded a village with my own name,
and erecting a small building, placed it in charge of Sikandar Mu`in,
who was one of my best huntsmen. After I came to the throne I made
a pargana of it, and bestowed it as a jagir on him. I gave an order
that they should construct there a building as a royal residence,
with a tank and a minaret [449] (manara). After his death this pargana
was given in jagir to Iradat K., and the charge of the buildings was
given to him. It has now been handsomely completed. Undoubtedly the
tank was very broad, [450] and in the middle there is a delightful
building. Altogether the buildings here cost Rs. 1,50,000. Really it
is a kingly hunting-place. On Thursday and Friday, having halted,
I enjoyed myself with various kinds of sport. Qasim K., who was
honoured with the charge of Lahore, had the good fortune to pay his
respects to me, and presented 50 muhars.

In one march after this stage I encamped at the garden of Mumin
`Ishq-baz, [451] which is on the bank of the Lahore River (the
Ravi), and has some lofty plane-trees and handsome cypresses. It
is certainly a rare garden. On Monday, the 9th of the Divine month
of Azar, corresponding with the 5th Muharram of A.H. 1030 [452]
(20 November, 1620), mounting an elephant of the name of Indra, I
went towards the city, scattering coin as I proceeded. After three
watches and two gharis of day had passed, at the selected auspicious
hour, having entered the royal residence, I alighted happily and
auspiciously at the building recently brought to completion and
finished handsomely by the exertions of Ma`mur K. Without exaggeration,
charming residences and soul-exciting sitting places had been erected
in great beauty and delicacy, adorned and embellished with paintings
by rare artists. Pleasant green gardens with all kinds of flowers
and sweet-scented herbs deceived the sight.


        VERSE. [453]

        From head to foot, wherever I look,
        A glance plucks at the heart's skirt (saying),
        "This is the place" (to stop at).


Altogether, there had been expended on these buildings the sum of
Rs. 700,000 or 23,000 current tumans of Persia. [454]

On this day the joy-enhancing news of the conquest of the fort
of Kangra rejoiced our mind. In thankfulness for this great boon
and important victory, which was one of the renewed favours of the
Bestower of Gifts, I bowed the head of humility at the throne of the
merciful Creator, and beat with loud sounds the drum of gladness
and pleasure. Kangra is an ancient fort to the North of Lahore,
situated in the midst of the hill country, famous for its strength
and the difficulty of conquering it. Who was the founder of this fort
God only knows. The belief of the Zamindars of the province of the
Panjab is that, during this period the said fort has never passed to
any other tribe, and no stranger has stretched out to it the hand of
dominion. Wisdom is from Allah! But certainly from the time when the
voice of Islam and the sound of the established religion of Muhammad
reached Hindustan, not one of the Sultans of lofty dignity has obtained
the victory over it. Sultan Firuz-shah, with all his power and might,
himself went to conquer it, and besieged it for a long time. As he
knew that the strength of the fort was such that as long as the means
for holding it and provisions were with the besieged, victory over
them was unattainable, nolens volens he was contented with the coming
of the Raja to pay his respects to him, and withheld his hand. They
say that the Raja prepared an offering and an entertainment, and at
his request took the Sultan inside the fort. The Sultan, after going
round and inspecting it, said to the Raja that to bring a king like
him inside the fort was not according to the dictates of caution. What
could he do if the body of men who were in attendance were to attack
him and take possession of the fort? The Raja made a sign to his men,
and instantaneously an army of valiant men armed and accoutred, came
out from a concealed place and saluted the Sultan. The Sultan became
suspicious and anxious about an attack from these men, and suspected
some stratagem. The Raja came forward and kissed the ground of service,
and said: "I have no thought but that of service and obedience, but
as has been spoken by the auspicious tongue, I observe far-sighted
caution, for all times are not the same." The Sultan applauded
him. The Raja, having accompanied him for some stages, obtained
leave to return. After this, whoever sat on the throne of Delhi
sent an army to subdue Kangra, but the thing went no further. My
revered father also sent a large army once under the leadership of
Husain Quli K., who, after approved service, was honoured with the
title of Khan Jahan. Whilst the siege was in progress, the outbreak
of Ibrahim Husain Mirza took place. That ingrate fled from Gujarat,
and raised the flag of rebellion and calamity towards the Panjab. Khan
Jahan was compelled to raise the siege, and to turn to extinguish the
flame of his sedition. Thus the acquisition of the fort fell into the
knot of delay. The thought was continually lurking in the royal mind:
"The longed-for Fair one does not show her face from the secret place
of Destiny." When by the Grace of the Glorious God the throne of the
State was adorned by the existence of this suppliant, this was one
of the holy wars which I considered incumbent on me. In the first
instance I dispatched Murtaza K., who was governor of the Panjab,
with a force of brave men skilled in war, to conquer the fort. This
important matter had not been completed when Murtaza K. attained
to the mercy of God (died). After this Jauhar Mal, [455] s. Raja
Baso, undertook this duty. I sent him, giving him the command of the
army. That wicked one, taking to evil revolt and ingratitude, committed
sin, and dispersion found its way into that army, and the acquisition
of the fort fell into the knot of delay. No long time elapsed before
that ingrate received the recompense of his deeds and went to hell,
as has been described in its own place. [456] In fine, at this time
Khurram undertook that duty, and sent his own servant Sundar [457]
with all haste, and many of the royal servants obtained leave to go
to his support. On the 16th Shawwal, A.H. 1029, (5 September, 1620),
the armies, having invested the fort, erected batteries. Looking to the
ways of entrance into and exit from the fort with the eye of caution,
they closed the road for the entrance of provisions. By degrees the
besieged became straitened, and when there remained in the fort no
grain that they could eat, for four months more they boiled dry grasses
[458] with salt and ate it. When destruction was imminent, and no hope
of escape was left, they asked for quarter and surrendered the fort.

On Thursday, the 1st Muharram, A.H. 1030, [459] Hijri (16 November,
1620), the victory unattainable by all preceding Sultans of lofty
dignity, and which appeared distant to the short-sighted, God Almighty
of His own grace and mercy granted to this suppliant. The troops,
who had displayed praiseworthy activity in this service, were exalted
according to their exertions and fitness by increase of mansab and
dignities.

On Thursday, the 11th, I went, at the request of Khurram, to his
newly-built house. I took those of his offerings that pleased me. Three
elephants were placed in the private stud. On the same day I appointed
`Abdu-l-`Aziz K. Naqshbandi to the faujdarship of the district of
Kangra, and his mansab was fixed at 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse. I
gave a private elephant to I`tiqad K. Alf K. Qiyam-khani K. obtained
leave to take charge of the fort of Kangra, and his mansab, original
and increased, was fixed at 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse. Shaikh
Faizu-llah, son-in-law of Murtaza K., was appointed in company with
him to stay at the top of the fort (bala-i-qil`a).

On the night of Saturday, the 13th of the same month, a lunar eclipse
took place. Having performed the dues of humility at the throne of the
highest and most powerful God, cash and goods were distributed by way
of charity among the faqirs and poor, and deserving people. On this day
Zambil Beg, ambassador of the ruler of Persia, had the good fortune to
kiss the threshold. After performing salutation, he laid before me the
gracious letter of that brother of high degree, containing expressions
of sincerity and perfect friendship. He presented 12 `Abbasi [460]
(coin) as nazar, four horses with trappings, three tuyghun (white)
falcons, five mules, five camels, nine bows, and nine scimitars. The
Shah had given him leave, in company with Khan `Alam, but for certain
necessary matters he could not come with him. On this day he arrived
at Court. I presented him with a superb dress of honour, with a
plume and a jewelled turban fringe, and a jewelled dagger. Wisal Beg
and Haji Ni`mat, who had come with him, were honoured by waiting on
me. Amanu-llah, s. Mahabat K., was promoted to the mansab, original
and increased, of 2,000 and 1,500 horse. At the request of Mahabat K.,
I added 300 horse to the mansab of Mubariz K. Afghan, and brought it up
to 2,000 personal and 1,700 horse. One hundred horse were also added
to the mansab of Kabak [461] (?). I sent winter dresses of honour to
`Abdu-llah K. and Lashkar K. At the request of Qasim K. I went to
his garden in the neighbourhood of the city, and in the course of
the procession, scattered 10,000 charans (4-anna pieces). Out of his
offerings I selected one ruby and one diamond, and some cloths.

On the night of Sunday, the 21st, the advanced camp proceeded
auspiciously and happily towards Agra. Barq-andaz K. was appointed
superintendent of artillery with the army of the Deccan. Shaikh Ishaq
(Isaac) was appointed to duty at Kangra. The brother of Allah-dad, the
Afghan, I released from prison, and made him a present of Rs. 10,000. I
gave also a tuyghun falcon to Khurram. On Thursday, the 26th, the
usual entertainment took place. The presents from the ruler of Persia,
which had been sent by Zambil Beg, were laid before me. I gave an
elephant to Sultan Husain, and made a present of Rs. 1,000 to Mulla
Muhammad Kashmiri. [462] The mansab of Sardar Afghan, at the request
of Mahabat K., was fixed at 1,000 personal and 400 horse. As Raja Rup
Chand of Gwalior [463] had been very active in his service at Kangra,
an order was given to the chief diwans to hand over half of his native
place to him in free gift, and the remaining half as a tankhwah jagir.

On the 3rd I demanded in marriage for my son Shahriyar the daughter's
daughter [464] of Madaru-l-mulk I`timadu-d-daula, and sent Rs. 100,000
in cash and goods by way of sachaq (dowry given as part of the marriage
rites). Most of the Amirs and the chief servants went to his house
with gifts. He prepared a grand entertainment with much ceremony. It
is hoped that it may be auspicious to him. As that Chief of the State
had erected lofty buildings, and highly decorated bowers in his house,
he invited me to an entertainment. I went there with the ladies. He
had prepared a great feast, and laid before me appropriate offerings
of all kinds. In order to please him, I took such as I approved of. On
this day Rs. 50,000 were presented to Zambil Beg, the ambassador. The
mansab of Zabar-dast K. was fixed at 1,000 personal and 500 horse,
original and increased. Maqsud, brother of Qasim K., was promoted to
the mansab of 500 personal and 300 horse, and Mirza Dakhani, s. Mirza
Rustam, to that of 500 personal and 200 horse.

At this auspicious time [465] when the standards of victory and
conquest were in Kashmir, the province of eternal spring, happily
employed in sight-seeing and sport, representations constantly
came from the officials in the Southern territories to the effect
that when the victorious standards went to a distance from the
centre of the Khalifate, the rulers of the Deccan, owing to their
wickedness, broke their promises and raised their heads by giving
trouble and exciting sedition, and placing their feet beyond their
own boundary, took possession of many of the districts of Ahmadnagar
and Berar. It was constantly reported that the chief object of these
evil-fortuned ones was to plunder and ruin the cultivated fields and
the grazing-lands. When at the first time the world-opening standards
had proceeded to the conquest of the regions of the south and the
overthrow of that band, and Khurram, with the vanguard, had gone to
Burhanpur, they, by feline tricks suitable to such seditious people,
made him their intercessor and evacuated the royal dominions. They
also sent by way of tribute large sums in cash and goods, and promised
that they would not let loose from their hands the rope of service,
and would not place their feet beyond the boundary of respect, as
has been recorded in the preceding pages. At the request of Khurram,
I had halted for a few days at the Fort of Shadi'abad Mandu, and
at his intercession, and on their humiliation and bewailing, they
were pardoned.

As they had now broken their agreement through evil disposition
and quarrelsomeness, and had turned back from the way of obedience
and service, I sent off the hosts of good fortune again under his
leadership, that they might receive retribution for their evil deeds,
and be an example to all those of crooked fortune and turned heads. But
as the important business of Kangra had been entrusted to him, he had
sent most of his experienced men there. For some days, accordingly, he
could not arrange the matter. At last, report followed on report one
after another, that the enemy had gathered strength, and that nearly
60,000 vagabond horsemen had collected together and taken possession
of royal territory, and wherever there were posts, had removed them,
and joined together in the town of Mahakar. For three months the
imperialists had passed their days in strife and fighting with their
rascally enemies, and during this time three pitched battles had taken
place, and each time the self-sacrificing servants (of the State) had
proved superior to the evil-fortuned rebels. As grain and provisions
could not reach the camp by any road, and the enemy was plundering
on all sides of the army of good fortune, a great scarcity of grain
resulted, and the animals were in bad plight. Having no choice, they
came down from the Balaghat, and took up their position at Balapur. The
rebels, waxing valiant in their pursuit, engaged in plundering in the
neighbourhood of Balapur. Of the servants of the Court 6,000 or 7,000
horsemen, well mounted, were selected, and they made an attack on the
enemy's camp. They (the enemy) numbered about 60,000 cavalry. Briefly,
a great fight took place, and their camp was plundered. Having killed
and taken prisoners many of them, they returned in safety and with
plunder. When they turned back those wretches again attacked them from
all sides, and they came on, fighting as far as the camp. On both sides
about 1,000 were killed. After this fight they (the imperialists)
remained about four months at Balapur. When the scarcity of grain
became excessive, many of the qulaqchis (servants) ran away and
joined the enemy, and constantly bands of them, taking to the road
of disloyalty, were enrolled among the rebels. On this account, not
considering it advisable to delay any longer, they (the imperialists)
came to Burhanpur. Again, those wretches followed them and besieged
Burhanpur, and they were six months shut up there. Many parganas of the
provinces of Berar and Khandesh passed into their possession, and they
stretched out the hand of oppression over the cultivators and poor,
and engaged in collecting the revenues. As the army had undergone
great hardships and the animals had fallen into bad condition, they
could not leave the city to inflict substantial punishment. Thus the
pride and conceit of those short-sighted ones became greater. Just
at this time the royal standards returned to the capital, and by the
grace of God Kangra was conquered.

Accordingly, on Friday, the 4th of Dai, I despatched Khurram in
that direction, bestowing on him a dress of honour, a sword, and an
elephant. Nur Jahan Begam also gave him an elephant. I told him after
he had conquered the province of the Deccan he should take as a reward
two [466] crores of dams from the conquered country. 650 mansabdars,
1,000 Ahadis, 1,000 Turkish musketeers, and 1,000 [467] gunners on
foot, in addition to the 31,000 horse already in that quarter, and
a large force of artillery, and many elephants, were appointed to
accompany him. I also gave him a crore of rupees for the expenses of
the victorious army. The servants (of the Court) who were appointed
on this duty received each, according to his standing as a reward,
horses, elephants, and dresses of honour.

At the same auspicious hour and favourable time, the standards
of the expedition were turned toward Agra, and a halt was made at
Naushahr. [468] Muhammad Riza Jabiri was appointed Diwan to Bengal,
and Khwaja Mulki to the post of Bakhshi in the same, and were promoted
in mansab. Jagat Singh, s. Rana Karan, came from his native place,
and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On the 6th of the
same month the open space on the bank of Raja Todar Mal's tank [469]
became the alighting place of the Court of good fortune. Here I halted
for four days. On this day some of the mansabdars who had obtained
leave to go to the conquest of the Deccan were promoted as follows:
Zahid K. held the mansab of 1,000 and 400 horse; he received that
of 1,000 and 500 horse; Hardi Narayan Hada I promoted to 900 and
600 horse, original and increased; Ya`qub, s. Khan Dauran, was given
that of 800 and 400 horse, and in the same manner a great number of
the servants of the State received increase of mansab according to
their capabilities. Mu`tamid K. was appointed to the post of Bakhshi
and newswriter to the royal army, and was honoured with a tugh. The
offering of Lachmi Chand, Raja of Kumaon, consisting of hawks and
falcons and other hunting animals, was brought before me. Jagat Singh,
s. Rana Karan, obtained leave to proceed as an auxiliary to the army
of the Deccan, being presented with a private horse and saddle. Raja
Rup Chand, having been honoured with the gift of an elephant and a
horse, took leave to go to his jagir. On the 12th my son Khan Jahan
(Lodi) was made governor of Multan, and was given leave. There were
conferred on him a complete dress together with a nadiri (a robe of
Jahangir's invention), a jewelled dagger, a special elephant with
trappings, a female elephant, a special horse of the name of Khadang
(i.e., Arrow), and a pair of hawks. Sayyid Hizabr K. held the mansab
of 1,000 and 400 horse. Increasing these by 500 and 200 horse, I gave
him leave to accompany Khan Jahan. Muhammad Shafi` was appointed
Bakhshi and newswriter to the Subah of Multan. Bhawal (or Bahwal),
who was one of the old servants, was made Ashraf-i-tup-khana (head of
the artillery?), and received the title of Ray. On the 13th the bank
of the river Gobindwal became the camp of the army of prosperity, and
a halt of four days was made. A special elephant called Jai Singh,
with a female, were given to Mahabat K., and sent to him by Safiyya
his servant. Robes of honour were also forwarded to the Amirs of the
Subah of Bangash by `Isa Beg.

On the 17th [470] the feast of my lunar weighing took place. As
Mu`tamid K. had been appointed Bakhshi to the army of the Deccan and
given leave, the post of `Arz-muqarrir was given to Khwaja Qasim. Mir
Sharaf was made Bakhshi of the Ahadis, and Fazil Beg made Bakhshi of
the Panjab. As Bahadur K., governor of Qandahar, in consequence of a
disease in his eyes, had requested to be allowed to kiss the threshold,
entrusting the government of Qandahar this day to `Abdu-l-`Aziz K.,
an order was issued to Bahadur K., that when he arrived he should
hand over the fort to him and come himself to Court. On the 21st
of the same month I took up my quarters at Nur-saray. [471] At this
spot the Vakils of Nur Jahan Begam had built a lofty house, and made
a royal garden. It was now completed. On this account the Begam,
having begged for an entertainment, prepared a grand feast, and by
way of offering, with great pains produced all kinds of delicate and
rare things. In order to please her, I took what I approved. I halted
two days at this place. It was settled that the officials of the
Panjab should send Rs. 200,000, in addition to the Rs. 60,000 already
ordered for provisions for the fort of Qandahar. Mir Qiwamu-d-din,
the diwan of the Panjab, obtained leave to go to Lahore, and received
a dress of honour. Qasim K., with a view to punish the seditious in
the neighbourhood of Kangra, and to preserve order in those regions,
was given leave to go, and I presented him with a special nadiri, a
horse, a dagger, and an elephant. His mansab, original and increased,
was fixed at 2,000 personal and 500 horse. At his request, I allowed
Raja Sangram (of Jammu) to proceed to that region, conferring on him
a robe of honour, a horse, and an elephant.

On Thursday the camp was pitched outside the town of Sihrind. I halted
one day, and amused myself with going round the garden. On Sunday,
the 4th, Abu-l-Hasan was sent on service for the conquest of the
Deccan. A dress of honour, with a nadiri, a special shawl, an elephant
named Subh-dam (breath of morn), a horsetail banner, and drums, being
given him. I gave leave to Mu`tamid K., presenting him with a dress of
honour, and a special horse called Subh-i-sadiq (the true dawn). On
the 7th of the same month the bank of the river Sarasati (Saraswati)
was the place of encampment of good fortune in the neighbourhood of
the qasba of mustafa'abad. The next day I encamped at Akbarpur, [472]
whence I sat in a boat on the river Jumna, to reach my object. On
this day `Izzat K. Chachi, [473] with the faujdar of that region,
had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Giving Muhammad Shafi`
leave to proceed to Multan, I presented him with a horse, a dress
of honour, and a nur-shahi muhar, and sent by him a special turban
(chira) to Khan Jahan, my son (farzand).

Thence, in five marches, I reached the pargana of Kirana, the native
country of Muqarrab K., and the Court encamped there. By way of
offering, his Vakils laid before me 91 rubies [474] and 4 diamonds,
1,000 gaz of mikhmal (satin) as a pa-andaz (foot-carpet), with a
petition from him, presenting also 100 camels as charity. I ordered
them to be distributed among deserving people. From this place,
in five marches Delhi became the halting-place of the standards of
good fortune I sent It`imadu-d-daula to my fortunate son Shah Parwiz
with a special farji (a dress), for him, and it was settled that he
should return in the space of one month and wait on me. Having halted
for two days at Salimgarh, on Thursday, the 23rd, I passed through
the district of Delhi with the intention of hunting in the pargana
of Palam, and halted on the bank of the Shamsi tank. On the road
I scattered 4,000 charans (Rs. 1,000) with my own hand. Twenty-two
elephants, male and female, had arrived from Bengal as an offering
from Allah-yar, s. Iftikhar K., and were passed before me.

Zu-l-Qarnain [475] obtained leave to proceed to the faujdarship of
Sambhar. He is the son of Iskandar, the Armenian, and his father
had the good fortune to be in the service of `Arsh-ashyani (Akbar),
who gave him in marriage the daughter of `Abdu-l-Hayy, [476] the
Armenian, who was in service in the royal harem. By her he had two
sons. One was Zu-l-Qarnain, who was intelligent and fond of work, and
to him, during my reign, the chief diwans had entrusted the charge
of the government salt works at Sambhar, a duty which he performed
efficiently. He was now appointed to the faudjarship of that region. He
is an accomplished composer of Hindi songs. His method in this art was
correct, and his compositions were frequently brought to my notice
and were approved. La`l Beg [477] was selected for the daroghahship
of the records in the place of Nuru-d-din Quli. I passed four days
pleasantly in sporting in the neighbourhood of Palam and returned to
Salimgarh. On the 29th, 19 elephants, 2 eunuchs, [478] 1 slave, 41
[479] fighting cocks, 12 bullocks, and 7 buffaloes were brought before
me as offerings from Ibrahim K. Fath-jang. On Thursday, the 30th,
corresponding with the 25th Rabi`u-l-awwal, the ceremony of my lunar
weighing [480] was performed. I had sent Koka K. to the Khan-khanan,
and forwarded some messages by him. On this day a petition from him
arrived. Mir Miran, who had been appointed to the faujdarship of Mewat,
on this day came and paid his respects, and was dignified with the
governorship of Delhi, in the room of Sayyid Bahwa.

On this day Aqa Beg and Muhibb `Ali, the envoys of the ruler of
Persia, paid their respects, and presented a loving letter from that
noble brother, together with a black and white plume (kalgi-i-ablaq),
valued by the jewellers at Rs. 50,000. My brother also sent me a ruby
weighing 12 tanks, [481] which had belonged to the jewel-chamber of
M. Ulugh Beg, the successor of M. Shah-rukh. In the course of time,
and by the revolutions of fate, it had come into the hands of the
Safawi family. On this ruby there were engraved in the Naskh [482]
character the words: "Ulugh Beg b. M. Shah-rukh Bahadur b. Mir Timur
Gurgan." My brother, Shah `Abbas, directed that in another corner
they should cut the words:


            Banda-i-Shah-i-Wilayat [483] `Abbas
        "The slave of the King of Holiness, `Abbas."


in the Nasta`liq character. He had this ruby inserted in a jigha
(turban ornament), and sent to me as a souvenir. As the ruby bore
the names of my ancestors, I took it as a blessing for myself,
and bade Sa`ida, the superintendent of the goldsmith's department,
engrave in another corner the words "Jahangir Shah b. Akbar Shah,"
and the current date. After some days, when the news of the conquest
of the Deccan arrived, I gave that ruby to Khurram, and sent it to him.

On Saturday, the 1st of Isfandarmuz, I marched from Salimgarh, and
going first to the glorious mausoleum of Humayun (may the lights
of Allah be his testimony!), performed the dues of humility, and
presented 2,000 quarter rupees (charan) to those who sat in seclusion
in that pure cemetery. I encamped twice on the bank of the Jumna in the
environs of the city. Sayyid Hizabr K., [484] who had been appointed
an auxiliary to Khan Jahan, was sent off with the distinction of a
dress of honour, a sword, a dagger, a horse, and a standard. Sayyids
`Alim and `Abdu-l-Hadi, his brothers, were also each honoured with
a horse and a dress of honour. Mir Baraka Bukhari was allowed to go
to Transoxiana. I entrusted Rs. 10,000 to him, 5,000 of them to be
conveyed to Khwaja Salih Dihbidi, who from his fathers was one of the
well-wishers of this State, and the other 5,000 to be divided among the
mujawirs (custodians) attached to the tomb of Timur (may the lights
of Allah be his testimony!). I also gave a special turban (chira)
to Mahabat K., and sent it to him by Mir Baraka. I also ordered Mir
Baraka to make every effort to procure mottled fish-teeth, and to
procure them from any possible quarter, and at any price.

I went by boat from Delhi, and in six stages reached the plain of
Brindaban. I gave an elephant to Mir Miran, and permitted him to
go to Delhi. Zabar-dast K. was selected to be Mir Tuzuk (master of
ceremonies) in the place of Fida'i K., and I presented him with
a special shawl (parm-narm). Next day, Gokul [485] was the place
of encampment. At this stage, Lashkar K., the governor of Agra,
`Abdu-l-Wahhab Diwan, Raja Nath Mal, Khizr K. Faruqi, ruler (deposed)
of Asir and Burhanpur, Ahmad K., his brother, the Qazi, the Mufti,
and other chief men of the city (of Agra), had the good fortune to wait
[486] on me. On the 11th I halted auspiciously at the Nur-afshan [487]
garden, which is on the opposite side of the Jumna. As the auspicious
hour for entering the city had been fixed for the 14th, I halted here,
and at the selected auspicious hour proceeded to the fort, and entered
the palace happily and victoriously. The propitious journey from
Lahore to Agra was accomplished in the period of two months and two
[488] days, with 49 marches and 21 halts. No day either of marching or
halting, on land or water, passed without sport. 114 deer, 51 duck,
4 heron (karwanak), 10 black partridge (durraj), and 200 bodna [489]
were taken on the way.

As Lashkar K. had satisfactorily performed his duties at Agra,
I increased his mansab by 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and made
it 4,000 personal and 2,500 horse, and sent him as an auxiliary to
the army of the Deccan. Sa`ida, superintendent of the goldsmith's
department, was dignified with the title of Bi-badal K. Four horses,
some silver ornaments and cloths, which the ruler of Persia had
sent me by Aqa Beg and Muhammad Muhibb `Ali, were produced before
me on this day. The entertainment of Thursday, the 20th, took place
in the Nur-manzil garden. I gave a present of Rs. 1,00,000 to my
son Shahriyar. Muzaffar K., according to order, came from Thatta,
and had the good fortune to wait on me. He offered 100 muhars and
Rs. 100. Lashkar K. produced a ruby as an offering. It was valued
at Rs. 4,000. A special horse of the name of Musahib (companion)
was given to `Abdu-llah K. `Abdu-s-Salam, s. Mu`azzam K., having
arrived from Orissa, had the good fortune to wait on me: 100 muhars
and Rs. 100 were laid before me as his nazar. The mansab of Dust Beg,
s. Tulak K., was fixed at 900 personal and 400 horse. The entertainment
of Thursday, the 27th, was held in the Nur-afshan garden. A special
dress of honour was given to M. Rustam, and a horse to his son, who
was called Dakhani, and a special horse and an elephant to Lashkar K.

On Friday, the 28th, I went to hunt to the village of Samonagar,
and returned at night. Seven Persian horses, with their trappings,
were laid before me as an offering from Aqa Beg and Muhibb `Ali. I
presented Zambil Beg, the ambassador, with a Nur-jahani muhar of the
weight of 100 tolas, and gave a jewelled penholder to Sadiq K., the
chief Bakhshi. I also gave a village [490] in Agra, by way of in`am,
to Khizr K. Faruqi. In this year 85,000 bighas of land, 3,325 khar-wars
(of rice), 4 villages, 2 ploughs (of land), and a garden, Rs. 2,327, 1
muhar, 6,200 darbs (half rupees), 7,880 quarter rupees (charan), 1,512
tolas of gold and silver, and 10,000 dams from the treasury were given,
in my presence, as alms to faqirs and necessitous people. Thirty-eight
elephants, of the value of Rs. 2,41,000, [491] were presented as
offerings, and were placed in the special elephant house, whilst 51
were presented by me to the great Amirs and the servants of the Court.








THE SIXTEENTH NEW YEAR'S FEAST AFTER THE AUSPICIOUS ACCESSION


On Monday, [492] the 27th Rabi`u-l-akhir, A.H. 1030 (10 March, 1621),
the sun that bestows bounty on the world lit up the abode of fortune
of Aries with his world-illuminating light, and gladdened the world
and its inhabitants. The sixteenth year of the reign of this suppliant
at the throne of Allah commenced with gladness and victory, and at the
auspicious hour and blessed time I sat on the throne of success in the
capital of Agra. On this joy-enhancing day my fortunate son Shahriyar
lifted up his head with the honour of the mansab of 8,000 and 4,000
horse. My revered father bestowed, for the first time, this mansab
[493] on my brothers. It is hoped that in the shadow of my education
and in carrying out my pleasure, he may reach the extreme of life
and prosperity. On this day Baqir K. arrayed his men and passed them
before me in order. The great Bakhshis recorded (the number as) 1,000
horse and 2,000 foot, and reported to me. Having promoted him to the
mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, I entrusted the duties of
faujdar of Agra to him.

On Wednesday, together with the ladies seated in a boat, I went to the
Nur-afshan garden, and rested there at night. As the garden belongs to
the establishment of Nur Jahan B., on Thursday, the 4th, she held the
royal [494] entertainment and presented great offerings. Of jewels,
jewelled ornaments, and all sorts of precious goods, I selected
what I approved of, of the value of Rs. 100,000. During these days,
every day after midday I embarked in a boat, and went to Samonagar,
4 koss distant from the city, for sport, returning to the palace at
night. Sending Raja Sarang Deo to my prosperous son Shah Parwiz,
I sent with him a special dress of honour, with a jewelled belt,
which contained a sapphire [495] and several rubies. As I had
given Behar to that son in the place of Muqarrab K., I started off
a sazawul to conduct him from Allahabad to Behar. Mir Zahid, [496]
son-in-law of Muzaffar K., having come from Thatta, waited on me. As
Mir `Azudu-d-daula [497] had become very old and decrepit, he could
not carry out the duties of the camp and his jagir. I released him
from the trouble of service and active work. I ordered that he should
receive Rs. 4,000 every month out of the public treasury, and living
at ease and in comfort at Agra or Lahore, or wherever he wished,
should employ himself in prayers for my increased life and welfare.

On the 9th Farwardin the offering of I`tibar K. was laid before
me. Of jewels, cloths, etc., the value of Rs. 70,000, was accepted,
and I returned the remainder to him. Muhibb `Ali and Aqa Beg, envoys
of the ruler of Persia, presented twenty-four horses, two mules,
three camels, seven greyhounds (sag-i-tazi), twenty-seven pieces
(taq) of brocade, a shamama [498] of ambergris, two pairs of carpets,
and two namad takya [499] (woollen coverlets). Two mares with foals
that my brother had sent with them were also brought before me.

On Thursday, at the request of Asaf K., I went to his house with the
ladies. Having prepared a grand entertainment, he submitted to me many
delicate gems and wonders in cloths, and rare gifts. Choosing out of
these to the value of Rs. 130,000, I gave the rest to him. Mukarram
K., governor of Orissa, sent by way of offering thirty-two elephants,
male and female, and these had the honour of being accepted. At
this time I saw a wild ass [500] (gur-khar), exceedingly strange in
appearance, exactly like a lion. From the tip of the nose to the end
of the tail, and from the point of the ear to the top of the hoof,
black markings, large or small, suitable to their position, were seen
on it. Round the eyes there was an exceedingly fine black line. One
might say the painter of fate, with a strange brush, had left it
on the page of the world. As it was strange, some people imagined
that it had been coloured. After minute inquiry into the truth, it
became known that the Lord of the world was the Creator thereof. As
it was a rarity, it was included among the royal gifts sent to my
brother Shah `Abbas. Bahadur K. Uzbeg had sent as an offering some
tipchaq horses and cloth stuffs from `Iraq, and they were produced
before me. Dresses of honour for the winter were sent for Ibrahim
K. Fath-jang and the Amirs of Bengal by Mumin Shirazi. On the 15th
the offering of Sadiq K. was produced. It was of all sorts. Having
taken what was worth Rs. 15,000, I gave the remainder to him. Fazil
K. on this day also gave an offering according to his condition. Of
this a trifle was taken. On Thursday (19th Farwardin) the feast of the
culmination was held, and when two watches and one ghari of the day
had passed, I took my seat on the throne. According to the request
of Madar-ul-mulk I`timadu-d-daula, the feast of the culmination was
held in his house. He presented a remarkable offering of rare and
choice things from all countries. Altogether I took the value of
Rs. 138,000. On this day I gave Zambil Beg, the ambassador, a muhar
[501] equal to 200 tolas in weight. At this time Ibrahim K. had sent
some eunuchs from Bengal. One of these was a hermaphrodite. Among
the offerings of the above-mentioned were two boats made in Bengal,
of a very pleasant shape, on the decoration of which a sum of
Rs. 10,000 had been expended. They were really kingly boats. Having
made Shaikh Qasim K. governor of Allahabad, I honoured him with the
title of Muhtashim K. and the mansab of 5,000, and gave an order
that the Diwans should give him an increase to his jagir out of the
unappropriated (mahall-i-ghair-i-`amali) estates. Raja Shyam Singh,
Zamindar of Srinagar (in Garhwal) was given a horse and an elephant.

At this time it was reported to me that Yusuf K., s. Husain K., [502]
had died in the victorious army of the Deccan a sudden death. The
report said that when he was at his jagir he had become so fat that he
got out of breath with the least exertion. One day when he was paying
his respects to Khurram, in coming and going his breathing [503]
became difficult. When a dress of honour was given him, in putting
it on and saluting he became helpless, and a trembling affected
all his limbs, and with a hundred labours and exertions he saluted
and stumbled out and fell under the shelter of the tent enclosure,
and became unconscious. His servants placed him in a palanquin,
and took him home, and as he arrived, the messenger of death came
also. He received his command, and left his heavy lump of earth in
the perishable dustbin. On 1st Urdibihisht, I gave a special dagger
to Zambil Beg, the ambassador. On the 4th of the same month the feast
of the kar-i-khair (consummation of marriage) of my son Shahriyar
increased the joy of my heart. The Hinna-bandi (putting on henna)
assembly took place in the palace of Maryamu-z-zamani. The feast of
the nikah (marriage) was held in the house of I`timadu-d-daula. I
myself went there with the ladies and adorned the feast of joy. After
seven gharis of night had passed, on Friday [504] the marriage took
place with rejoicings. I hope that it will be propitious to this
daily-increasing State. On Tuesday, the 19th, in the Nur-afshan garden,
I presented my son Shahriyar with a jewelled charqab (coat), with a
turban and waist-belt (kamar-band), and two horses, one an `Iraqi,
with a gold saddle, and the other a Turki, with an embroidered saddle.

In these days Shah Shuja` had an eruption so violent that water would
not go down his throat, and his life was despaired of. As it had been
recorded in his father's horoscope that his son would die this year,
all the astrologers were unanimous that he would not live, but Jotik
Ray said, on the contrary, that the dust of calamity would not settle
on the skirt of his life. I asked: "By what proof?" He said that
in the horoscope of my destiny it was recorded that in this year
no distress or trouble would find its way to the royal mind from
any road, and as I had a great affection for the child, it behoved
that no calamity should happen to him, and some other child would
die. It came to pass as he said, and he carried his life out of this
deadly place, and a son that he (Shah Jahan) had by the daughter of
Shah-nawaz K., died at Burhanpur. Besides this, many of Jotik Ray's
judgments (ahkam) turned out correct. This is not without strangeness,
and it is therefore recorded in these memoirs. I accordingly ordered
him (Jotik Ray) to be weighed against money and the weight came to
Rs. 6,500. This was given him as a reward.

Muhammad Husain Jabiri was appointed Bakhshi and newswriter of the
Subah of Orissa. The mansab of Lachin Munajjim (astrologer) Qaqshal,
at the request of Mahabat K., was fixed, original and increased,
at 1,000 personal and 500 horse. Muhammad Husain, brother of Khwaja
Jahan, came from Kangra and waited on me. Having presented an elephant
to Bahadur K. Uzbeg, I sent it with his Vakil. Hurmuz and Hushang,
grandsons of the asylum of pardon Mirza Muhammad Hakim, by reason
of the caution that is fitting to rulers, had been imprisoned in the
fort of Gwalior. At this time, having summoned them into my presence,
I ordered them to remain in Agra, and a daily allowance sufficient for
their expenses was allowed for them. At this time a brahman of the
name of Rudar Bhattacharaj, who was one of the learned ones of this
caste, and was engaged at Benares in teaching, had the good fortune
to pay his respects to me. In truth, he has studied well, both in
the rational and traditional sciences, and is perfect in his own line.

One of the strange events of this time [505] was that on 30 Farwardin
(about 10 April, 1621) in the present year, in a certain village of the
pargana of Jalandhar, in the morning, a terrible noise arose from the
East, such that its inhabitants, from fright at that terror-increasing
sound, nearly deserted their bodies. Whilst this noise and disturbance
were going on, a light fell from above on the ground, and the people
thought that fire was raining down from heaven. After a moment, when
that noise ceased, and their troubled hearts recovered from their
bewilderment and terror, they sent a quick runner to the collector
(`amil) Muhammad Sa`id, and informed him of what had occurred. He
immediately rode there himself, and went to look at the spot. For ten
or twelve yards in length and breadth the land was so burnt that no
trace of any grass or green was left, and there were still signs of
heat and burning. He ordered them to dig up the soil, and the more
they dug the greater the heat appeared to be till they came to a place
where a piece of heated iron appeared. It was as hot as if it had been
taken out of a furnace. After a while it became cold, and taking it
up, he conveyed it to his house, and placing it in a kharita (cover),
which he sealed, he sent it to Court. I ordered them to weigh it in
my presence, and it came to 160 tolas. I ordered Master (Ustad) Da'ud
[506] to make a sword, a dagger, and a knife of it, and bring them to
me. He represented that it would not stand below the hammer, and fell
to pieces. I told him in that case to mix it with other iron and make
use of it. As I had told him, he mixed three parts of lightning-iron
and one of other iron, and having made two swords, one dagger, and
one knife, brought them to me. From the mixing of other iron he had
brought out its quality (watering). According to the manner of the
excellent swords of Yaman [507] and the South, it could be bent, and
became straight again. I ordered them to test it in my presence. It
cut very well, equal to true swords. I called one the Shamshir-i-qati`
(keen sword) and the other Barq-sirisht (lightning-natured). Bi-badal
K. composed a quatrain which demonstrated [508] these particulars,
and recited it:


        By Shah Jahangir the world acquired order.
        There fell in his reign raw iron from lightning.
        From that iron were made by his world-taking command,
        A dagger, a knife, and two scimitars.


And "Spark of royal lightning" gave the date (A.H. 1030).

At this time Raja Sarang Deo, who had gone to my fortunate son Shah
Parwiz, came and waited on me. Parwiz represented that he, according
to order, had proceeded from Allahabad to Behar. I hope he will be
prosperous (there). Qasim K. was dignified with the gift of drums. On
this day one `Alimu-d-din, a servant of Khurram, brought a report
from him containing the good news of the victory, with a jewelled
thumbstall (shast, perhaps a ring), which he had sent as nazar. I gave
him leave, sending by him a dress of honour. Amir Beg, brother of Fazil
Beg. K., was appointed Diwan to my son Shahriyar and Muhammad Husain,
brother of Khwaja Jahan, was made Bakhshi, and Ma`sum was appointed
Mir-Saman. Sayyid Haji obtained leave to go as an auxiliary to the
army of the Deccan, and I gave him a horse. Muzaffar K., was also
promoted to the post of Bakhshi.

As at this time the mother [509] of Imam-quli K., the ruler of Turan,
had sent to Nur Jahan Begam a letter containing expressions of good
will and the dues of acquaintanceship, and sent some rarities from
that country. Khwaja Nasir, who was one of the old servants and
one of my attendants from the time when I was a prince, was sent by
way of embassy on the part of Nur Jahan Begam with a letter, with
choice gifts from this country. At the time when the ladies were
staying in the Nur-afshan garden, a rang (ibex) fawn eight days old,
jumped down from the terrace of the palace, which is 8 gaz in height,
on to the ground, and began to leap about, no sign of injury or pain
being perceptible in it.

On the 4th of the Divine month [510] of Khurdad, Afzal K., Khurram's
Diwan brought a letter from him containing the good news of his
victory, and kissed the threshold. The details are as follows:
When the victorious army reached Ujain, a band of the servants of
the Court, who were in the fort of Mandu, sent a report that an army
of the rebels, putting forward the foot of audacity, had crossed the
Narbada, and burning several villages that were under [511] the fort,
were busy with rapine and plunder. Madaru-l-mahamm Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan,
with 5,000 cavalry, were appointed to go in all haste and inflict
punishment on that vain lot of people. The Khwaja made a night march,
and at the dawn of day reached the bank of the Narbada. When the
enemy learnt this, they in one moment threw themselves into the
river and reached the bank of safety. The brave cavalry galloped
after them, and pursued them for nearly 4 koss, [512] and with the
sword of vengeance, made many of them travellers on the road of
non-existence. The ill-fated rebels did not turn back the reins of
haste till they reached Burhanpur. Khurram wrote to Abu-l-Hasan to
remain on that (the South) side of the river till he came. Soon he,
with his army, joined this advanced force, and hastened on, march by
march, till he reached Burhanpur. The graceless rebels were still
keeping [513] their ground, and were encamped round the city. As
the imperial servants had been contending with the rebels for two
years, they had suffered much hardship from want of land (bi-jagiri,
[514] non-possession of fiefs, landlessness) and scarcity of corn,
and their horses were worn out by continued service. Accordingly,
they had to delay nine days in order to recruit. During this period,
thirty lakhs of rupees and many cuirasses [515] were distributed
among the soldiers, and sazawuls had been sent out and had brought
many men out of the city (Burhanpur). The gallant troops had not
yet put their hands to the work, when the black-fated rebels felt
that they could not resist, and scattered like "the daughters of
the Bier" (the stars of the constellation of the Great Bear, which
are dispersed over the heavens, instead of being clustered like the
Pleiades). The brave and swift cavaliers followed them, and with the
sword of vengeance cast many of them upon the earth of perdition. They
gave them no rest, but smiting and slaying them, pursued them as
far as Khirki, which was the residence of the Nizamu-l-mulk and the
other rebels. One day before this the ill-starred one (Malik `Ambar)
had got information of the approach of the imperialists, and had
removed the Nizamu-l-mulk and his family and effects to the fort
of Daulatabad. There he had encamped, with his back resting on the
fort, while in front of him there were marshes and quagmires. [516]
Most of his men became scattered in all directions. The leaders of
the victorious army, with their vengeance-seeking soldiers, halted
three days in the town of Khirki, and so destroyed a city which had
taken twenty years to build, that it is not known if it will regain
its splendour in other twenty years. In fine, after throwing down
its buildings, all agreed in opinion that as an army of rebels was
still besieging Ahmadnagar, they must at once go there, and inflict
condign punishment on the originators of the disturbance, renew the
supplies (of the Ahmadnagar garrison), and leave assistance there,
and then return. With this view they set out, and came as far as the
town of Patan (in Berar, Jarrett II. 233). Meanwhile, the crafty `Ambar
[517] sent agents and officers, and said: "After this I will not drop
the thread of service and loyalty from my hand, nor put out my foot
beyond orders, and will regard whatever tribute and fine be commanded
as a favour, and will send it to the government." It happened that
just then there was great scarcity in the camp in consequence of
the dearness of provisions, and also that news came that the rebel
force which was besieging Ahmadnagar had withdrawn on hearing of the
approach of the imperialists. Accordingly, a force was sent to help
Khanjar K. (the governor of Fort Ahmadnagar), and a sum of money
for his charges. Thereupon the imperialists were relieved from all
anxiety and returned (across the Narbada?). After much entreaty and
lamentation (on the part of `Ambar) it was settled that in addition
to the territory which of old had belonged to the empire, the rebels
should surrender 14 koss of the adjoining country, and should pay
into the public treasury fifty lakhs of rupees as tribute.

I gave Afzal K. (Shah Jahan's diwan) leave to return, and sent with
him, for Khurram, the ruby plume (kalgi-i-la`li) which the King
of Persia had sent to me, and which has been already described,
and I gave to the aforesaid (Afzal) a dress of honour, an elephant,
an inkpot, and a jewelled pen. Khanjar K., who, when besieged in the
Fort of Ahmadnagar, had performed approved services, and shown proper
activity, was promoted to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 1,000 horse.

Mukarram K., having come by order from Orissa, had, with his
brothers, the good fortune to wait upon me. He presented a string
of pearls by way of offering. Muzaffaru-l-mulk, s. Bahaduru-l-mulk,
was honoured with the title of Nusrat K. A standard was conferred
on Uda Ram, Dakhani, and to `Azizu-llah, s. Yusuf K., was given
the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. On Thursday, the 21st,
Muqarrab K. arrived from Behar, and had the good fortune to wait upon
me. At this time Aqa `Ali, Muhibb `Ali Beg, Haji Beg, and Fazil Beg,
the envoys of the ruler of Persia, who had come at different times,
were allowed to depart. To Aqa Beg I made a present of a dress of
honour, a jewelled dagger, and Rs. 40,000 in cash; to Muhibb `Ali
Beg a dress of honour and Rs. 30,000; and to the others in the same
way I presented gifts according to their positions. I also sent a
suitable souvenir by them to my brother. On this day Mukarram K. was
appointed Subahdar of Delhi, and faujdar of Mewat. Shaja`at K. `Arab
was dignified with the mansab of 3,000 personal and 2,500 horse,
original and increased; Sharza K. with that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse;
Girdhar, s. Ray Sal Kachhwaha, with that of 1,200 and 900 horse.

On the 29th, Qasim Beg, an envoy of the ruler of Persia, came and
waited on me, bringing a letter from that brother of lofty dignity,
containing expressions of sincerity and friendship. What he had
sent by way of royal gifts was laid before me. On the 1st of Tir,
I sent a special elephant called Gaj Ratan, for my son (farzand)
Khan Jahan. Nazar Beg, a servant of Khurram, laid before me a letter
from him asking for the gift of horses. I ordered Raja Kishan Das,
the mushrif (accountant) to prepare within fifteen days 1,000 horses
from the royal stables, and to send them off with him. I sent to
Khurram as a present a horse of the name of Rum-ratan [518] ("the
jewel of Turkey"), which the ruler of Persia had sent me out of the
spoils of the Turkish camp.

On this day a servant of Iradat K., of the name of Ghiyasu-d-din,
laid before me a report from him containing the good news of his
victory. In the preceding pages there has been written with the pen of
demonstration an account of the rebellion of the Zamindars of Kishtwar
and of the despatch of Jalal, s. Dilawar K. As this important matter
had not been properly managed by him, an order was given to Iradat
K. to hasten to take up that duty, and to inflict severe punishment
on the rebels, and make such arrangements in the hill-country that the
dust of dispersion and calamity might not settle on its frontiers. He,
as ordered, hastened there and did approved service, and the people of
sedition and disturbance, having turned their heads towards the desert
of exile, escaped half dead. Thus once more was the thorn of calamity
and mischief rooted out of that country, and having established the
officials and established posts, he returned to Kashmir. As a reward
for this service I added 500 horse to his mansab.

As Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan had done good service and shown proper
activity in the affair of the Deccan, I increased his mansab by 1,000
horse. Ahmad Beg, nephew of Ibrahim K. Fath-jang, being exalted to
the Subahdarship of Orissa, was dignified with the title of Khan,
and had given him a standard and drums. His mansab also was raised
to 2,000 with 500 horse.

As I had often heard of the virtues and good qualities of Qazi Nasir
of Burhanpur, my truth-seeking mind had a desire for his society. At
this time he came, according to summons, to the Court. Doing honour to
his learning, I paid him great regard. The Qazi is one of the unique of
the age for rational and traditional sciences, and there are few books
that he has not read, but his exterior did not agree with his interior,
and I could not be delighted with his company. As I found him much
devoted to being a dervish and seclusion, I respected his feelings,
and did not give him the trouble of serving me. I gave him Rs. 5,000,
and dismissed him to his native country to pass his days in ease.

On the 1st of the Divine month of Amurdad Baqir K. was promoted
to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse, and of the Amirs
and royal servants who had distinguished themselves in the conquest
of the Deccan, thirty-two individuals were exalted by having their
mansabs raised. `Abdu-l-`Aziz K. Naqshbandi, who had been appointed
to the governorship of Qandahar at the request of my son Khan Jahan,
was promoted to that of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the 1st
Shahriwar I gave the ambassador Zambil Beg a jewelled sword, and also
presented him with a village under the jurisdiction of the capital,
the revenue of which was Rs. 16,000.

At this time, knowing that he was unfit for duty on account of his
bad temper and want of knowledge, I dismissed Hakim Rukna, [519]
and told him he might go wherever he wished. As it was reported to
me that Hushang, the brother's son of Khan `Alam, had committed an
unjust murder, having summoned him to my presence, I investigated
the charge, and after it was established, gave an order for his
execution. God forbid that in such affairs I should consider princes,
and far less that I should consider Amirs. I hope that the grace of God
may support me in this. On 1st Shahriwar, at the request of Asaf K.,
I went to his house and bathed in the bath-house that he has lately
built. It is beautifully finished. After I had done bathing he laid
before me offerings fit for a nazar. I took what I approved of and
gave him the rest. The Wazifa (pension) of Khizr Khan (late ruler)
of Khandesh, was fixed at Rs. 30,000, [520] original and increased.

At this time it was reported to me that a blacksmith of the name of
Kalyan was much in love with a woman of his own caste, and was always
laying his head at her feet, and showing symptoms of infatuation. The
woman, though she was a widow, would in no way consent to accept him,
and the love of this wretch who had given his heart to her made no
impression on her. Having summoned both of them into my presence, I
cross-examined them, and however much I advised her to unite herself
to him, she did not agree. At this time the blacksmith said that if
he could make sure that I would [521] give her to him, he would throw
himself down from the Shah-burj of the fort. I said by way of jest:
"Never mind the Shah-burj; if your love be genuine, fling yourself
from the roof of this house, and I'll make her submit herself to
you." I had not ended before he ran like lightning and threw himself
down. When he fell, blood began to flow from his eyes and mouth. I
repented myself greatly of that jest, and was grieved in my mind,
and bade Asaf Khan take him to his house and look after him. As the
cup of his life was brimming over, he died from the injury.


    VERSE.

    The life-sacrificing lover who stood on that threshold
    Gave up his life with joy and regarded death as a trifle.


At the request of Mahabat K. the mansab of Lachin Qaqshal, original
and increased, was fixed at 1,000 personal and 500 horse.

It has been mentioned [522] that on the day of the Dasahara festival
in Kashmir, I had perceived in myself a catching and shortness of
breath. Briefly, from excessive rain and the dampness of the air,
a difficulty in drawing breath showed itself on my left side near
the heart. This by degrees increased and became intensified. Of the
physicians who were in waiting on me, Hakim Ruhu-llah first tried
his remedies, and for some time warm, soothing medicines were of use,
for there was evidently a slight diminution (of the symptoms). When I
came down from the hills, they came on again violently. This time for
some days I took goats' milk, and again camel's milk, but I found no
profit whatever from them. About this time Hakim Rukna, who had been
excused from the journey to Kashmir, and whom I had left at Agra,
joined me, and confidently and with a show of power, undertook my
cure, and relied on warm and dry medicines. From his remedies, too,
I derived no advantage; on the contrary, they appeared to increase
the heat and dryness of my brain and temperament, and I became very
weak. The disease increased and the pain was prolonged. At such a
time and in this state, at which a heart of stone would have burnt
(been distressed) about me, Sadra, [523] s. Hakim Mirza Muhammad,
who was one of the chief physicians of Persia (was in attendance on
me). He had come from Persia in the reign of my revered father, and
after the throne of rule had been adorned by this suppliant, as he
was distinguished above all others by natural skill and experience
(tasarruf-i-tabi`at), I was attended to by him, and I distinguished
him with the title of Masihu-z-zaman (Messiah of the Age). I made his
position more honourable than that of the other Court-physicians, with
the idea that at some crisis he would help me. That ungrateful man,
in spite of the claims which I had on him, though he saw me in such
a state, did not give me medicines or treat me. Notwithstanding that
I distinguished him beyond all the physicians who were waiting on me,
he would not undertake my cure. However great attention I showed him
and troubled myself to soothe him, he became more obstinate (sullab),
and said: "I have no such reliance on my knowledge that I can undertake
the cure." It was the same with Hakim Abu-l-Qasim, s. Hakimu-l-mulk,
notwithstanding his being a khanazad, and what was due for his
bringing up; he professed himself suspicious and afraid, and that
considering the matter in his mind, he was terrified and vexed, and
how, then, could he prescribe a remedy? As there was no help for it,
I gave them all up, and weaning my heart from all visible remedies,
gave myself up to the Supreme Physician. As drinking alleviated my
sufferings, I took to it in the daytime, contrary to my habit, and
gradually I carried this to excess. When the weather became hot, the
evil effects of this increased, and my weakness and laboured breathing
were augmented. Nur Jahan Begam, whose skill and experience are greater
than those of the physicians, especially as they are brought to bear
through affection and sympathy, endeavoured to diminish the number of
my cups, and to carry out the remedies that appeared appropriate to
the time, and soothing to the condition. Although previously to this
she had approved of the remedies made use of by the physicians, yet at
this time I relied on her kindness. She, by degrees, lessened my wine,
and kept me from things that did not suit me, and food that disagreed
with me. I hope that the True Physician will grant me perfect recovery
from the hospital of the hidden world.

On Monday, the 22nd [524] of the same month, corresponding with the
25th of Shawwal, A.H. 1030 (2 September, 1621), the feast of my solar
weighing took place auspiciously and happily. As in the past year
(of my life) I had suffered from severe illness, I had passed it in
continuous pain and trouble. In thankfulness that such a year ended
well and in safety, and that in the commencement of the present year
the signs of health became apparent, Nur Jahan Begam begged that her
Vakils might make the arrangements for the entertainment (of the
solar weighment). In truth, they prepared one which increased the
astonishment of beholders. From the date on which Nur Jahan Begam
entered into the bond of marriage with this suppliant, although in
all weighing entertainments, both solar and lunar, she had made such
arrangements as were becoming to the State, and knew what were the
requirements of good fortune and prosperity; yet on this occasion she
had paid greater attention than ever to adorn the assembly, and arrange
the feast. All the servants of approved service and the domestics who
knew my temperament, who in that time of weakness had constantly been
present and been ready to sacrifice their lives, and had fluttered
round my head like moths, were now honoured with suitable kindnesses,
such as dresses of honour, jewelled sword-belts, jewelled daggers,
horses, elephants, and trays full of money, each according to their
positions. And though the physicians had not done good service, yet
in consideration of the slight contempt [525] with which they had
been treated for two or three days, they received various favours,
and on the occasion of this feast also, they received presents in
jewels and cash.

After the conclusion of the weighment, trays of gold and silver were
poured out by way of nisar (coin-scattering) into the hope-skirts of
the ministers of amusement (ahl-i-nishat), and of the poor. Jotik
Ray, astrologer, who had given the glad news of my recovery and
restoration to health, I had weighed against muhars and rupees, and
by this method a present was made [526] him of 500 muhars and 7,000
rupees. At the end of the entertainment the offerings she (Nur Jahan)
had prepared for me were produced. Of the jewels, jewelled ornaments,
cloths and various rarities I selected what I approved of. Altogether
the cost of this great entertainment which Nur Jahan Begam gave was
recorded to be two lacs of rupees, exclusive of what she laid before
me as offerings. In previous years, when I was in health, I weighed
3 maunds and 1 or 2 seers more or less, but this year, as a result
of my weakness and leanness, I was only 2 maunds and 27 seers.

On Thursday, the 1st of the Divine month of Mihr, I`tiqad K., the
Governor of Kashmir, was promoted to the mansab of 4,000 and 2,500
horse, and Raja Gaj Singh to that of 4,000 and 3,000 horse. When the
news of my illness reached my son, Shah Parwiz, without waiting for a
farman he came to see me, being unable to restrain himself. On the 14th
[527] of the same month (September 25, 1621), at an auspicious hour
and propitious time, that fortunate son had the good fortune to kiss
the threshold, and went three times round the couch (takht). However
much I adjured him and forbade him to do so, he insisted the more
in lamentation and importunity. I took him by the hand and drew him
towards me, and by way of kindness and affection held him fast in an
embrace, and displayed great love to him. I hope that he may enjoy
a long life with prosperity.

At this time Rs. 20,00,000 were sent to Khurram for the expenses
of the army of the Deccan by Allah-dad K., who was honoured with an
elephant and a standard. On the 28th Qiyam K., chief huntsman, died
a natural death. He was a confidential servant, and apart from his
skill in hunting, looked over every trifling detail relating to it,
and consulted my pleasure in it. In short, I was much grieved at this
event. I hope that God may grant him forgiveness.

On the 29th the mother of Nur Jahan Begam died. Of the amiable
qualities of this matron (Kad-banu) of the family of chastity what
can I write? Without exaggeration, in purity of disposition and in
wisdom and the excellencies that are the ornament of women no Mother
of the Age [528] was ever born equal to her, and I did not value
[529] her less than my own mother. With regard to the attachment
that I`timadu-d-daula bore towards her it is certain that no husband
was equal to him. Here one must imagine what had happened to that
grief-stricken old man. Also with regard to the attachment of Nur Jahan
Begam to her mother what can one write? A son like Asaf K., exceedingly
intelligent and clever, rent in pieces his robe of patience and left
off the dress of men of the social state (lit., men of dependence,
or connection). At the sight of his dear son, the grief and sorrow of
the father, wounded at heart, increased more and more. However much
we admonished him, it had no result. On the day on which I went to
condole with him, as the disturbance of his mind and grief of his heart
had commenced, I spoke a few words of admonition by way of affection
and kindness, but did not urge him. I left him until (the sense of)
his calamity should abate. After some days I ministered to his inward
wound the balm of kindness, and brought him back to the position of
sociable beings. Although in order to please me and satisfy my mind
he outwardly controlled himself, and made a show of resignation, yet
with regard to his affection for her what resignation could there be?

On the 1st of the Divine month of Aban, Sar-buland K., Jan-sipar K.,
and Baqi K., were honoured with the gift of drums. `Abdu-llah K. had
gone to his jagir without the leave of the Subahdar [530] of the
Deccan: I accordingly told the Chief Diwans to deprive him of his
jagir, and I`timad Ray was ordered to act as a sazawul, and to send
him back to the Deccan.

It has been recorded with regard to the case of Masihu-z-zaman (Hakim
Sadra) that, notwithstanding what was due from him for his bringing-up
and my kindness to him, he had not the grace to attend upon me in
such an illness, and more strange still is it that he suddenly threw
off the veil of modesty and asked for leave to undertake a journey
to the Hijaz, and make a pilgrimage to the holy house. Inasmuch
as at all times and under all circumstances the reliance of this
suppliant is on the Lord, that needs no return, and the gracious
Creator, I gave him leave with an open brow. Though he had all kinds
of things (for the journey) I made him a present of Rs. 20,000 in aid
of his expenses, and I hope that the Supreme Physician, without the
assistance of physicians and the means of medicine, may grant this
suppliant complete recovery from the Dispensary of His mercy.

As the air of Agra, in consequence of the increase of the temperature,
did not agree with me, on Monday, the 13th of the Divine month of
Aban and 16th year (of my reign), the standards were raised to go
towards the hill country of the North, so that if the air of that
quarter should be equable, I might choose some spot of ground on
the bank of the River Ganges, and found a city there, to make a
permanent place of residence for the hot weather, or else turn the
reins of purpose in the direction of Kashmir. Leaving Muzaffar K. to
guard and administer Agra, I dignified him with drums, a horse, and
an elephant. Having appointed his nephew, M. Muhammad faujdar of the
city, I gave him the title of Asad K., and selected him for increase
of mansab. Having exalted Baqir K. to the duty of the Subah of Oudh,
I dismissed him. On the 26th of the said month my prosperous son Shah
Parwiz obtained leave to proceed from Mathura to Bihar and his jagir. I
gave him leave after presenting him with a special dress of honour,
a nadiri, a jewelled dagger, a horse, and an elephant. I hope that
he may enjoy long life. On 4 Azar, Mukarram K., governor of Delhi,
was exalted with the good fortune of paying his respects. On the 6th I
alighted at Delhi, and having halted two days in Salimgarh I employed
myself with the pleasure of sport. At this time it was reported to me
that Jado Ray Kaitha (or Kathiya), who is one of the leading Sardars
of the Deccan, by the guidance of good fortune and reliance on God,
had elected for loyalty, and had been enrolled amongst the loyal
servants. Bestowing on him a dress of honour and a jewelled dagger,
I sent a gracious farman to him by the hand of Narayan Das Rathor. On
the 1st of the Divine month of Dai, corresponding with the 7th Safar,
A.H. 1031, Maqsud, brother of Qasim K., was honoured with the title
of Hashim K. and Hashim Beg Khushi [531] with that of Jan-nisar K.

On the 7th of the same month the camp was pitched at Hardwar on the
bank of the Ganges. It is one of the most famous places of worship
of the Hindus, and many brahmans and recluses have chosen a corner
of retirement in this place and worship God according to the rule
of their religion. I gave alms in cash and goods to each of them
according to his requirements. As the climate of this skirt of the
hills was not approved by me, and I could not see a spot of ground
on which to make a permanent residence, I proceeded towards the skirt
of the hill country of Jammu and Kangra.

At this time it was reported to me that Raja Bhao Singh had died in
the Deccan (become a traveller on the road of non-existence). From
excess of wine-drinking he had become very weak and low. Suddenly a
faintness came over him. However much the physicians tried remedies
for him and burnt scars on the top of his head, he did not come to his
senses: for a night and a day he lay without perception, and died the
next day. Two wives and eight concubines burnt themselves in the fire
of fidelity for him. Jagat Singh, his elder brother, and Maha Singh,
his nephew, had spent the coin of their lives in the wine-business,
and the aforesaid, not taking warning from them, sold sweet life for
bitter fluid. He was of very good disposition and sedate. From the
days when I was a prince he was constantly in my service, and by the
blessing of my education had reached the high rank of 5,000. As he
left no son, I dignified the grandson of his elder brother, though of
tender years, with the title of Raja, and gave him the mansab of 2,000
personal and 1,000 horse. The pargana of Amber, his native place,
was assigned to him as jagir, according to former custom, in order
that his family might not be dispersed. Asalat K., s. Khan Jahan,
was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. On the
20th [532] of the same month I halted at the saray of Alwatu. [533]
As I am constantly engaged in the pleasure of hunting, and the flesh
of animals I have killed with my own hand is very much to my taste, in
consequence of the suspicions and caution that I have in such matters,
I order them to be cleaned in my presence, and myself inspect their
stomachs to see what they have eaten and what the food of the animals
is. If by chance I see anything to which I have a dislike I forbear
from eating the flesh. Before this I was not inclined towards any
kind of waterfowl except the sona (golden duck?). When I was at Ajmir
I saw a tame sona duck eating horrible worms. From seeing this, my
taste turned against it, and I gave up eating tame sona ducks until
now, when a duck was caught, and I ordered them to clean it in my
presence. From its crop there first came out a small [534] fish:
after this there appeared a bug [535] so large that I could not
believe till I saw it with my own eye that it could swallow a thing
of such a size. Briefly I this day determined that I would not eat
waterfowl. Khan `Alam represented that the flesh of the white heron
(`uqab-i-safid) was very delicious and tender. I accordingly sent for
a white heron, and ordered them to clean it in my presence. By chance
there came out of its crop ten bugs in a manner disgusting to me,
at the remembrance of which I am distressed and disgusted.

On the 21st the garden of Sirhind brought joy to my senses, and on
the day of halt there I delighted myself by going round and looking
at it. At this time Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan came from the Deccan, and had
the good fortune to wait on me. He had great favour shown him. On
the 1st of the Divine month of Bahman I halted at Nur-Saray. [536]
The mansab of Mu`'tamid K., original and increased, was ordered to
be 2,000 personal and 600 horse. Khan `Alam was made governor of
Allahabad, [537] and having been presented with a horse, a dress
of honour, and a jewelled sword, took his leave. Muqarrab K. was
selected for the mansab of 5,000 personal and horse. On Thursday,
when I was encamped on the bank of the Biyah (Beas), Qasim K. came
from Lahore, and had the good fortune to wait on me. Hashim K., his
brother, with the Zamindars of the country bordering on the hills,
had the honour of kissing the threshold.

Baso'i, [538] the zamindar of Talwara, brought me a bird, which the
hill-people call jan-bahan. Its tail resembles the tail of the qirqawul
(pheasant), which is also called the tazru, and its colour is exactly
like that of the hen-pheasant, but it is half as large again. The
circle round the eyes of this bird is red, while the orbit of the
pheasant is white. The said Baso'i stated that this bird lived in
the snow-mountains, and that its food was grass and other stuff. I
have kept pheasants and have reared young ones, and have often eaten
the flesh both of young birds and of mature ones. One may say that
there is no comparison between the flesh of the pheasant and this
bird. The flesh of the latter is much more delicate. Among the birds
which I saw in the hill-country one was the phul-paikar, [539] which
the Kashmiris call sonlu. It is one-eighth (nim sawa'i?) less than
a pea-hen. The back, tail, and wings resemble those of the bustard,
and are blackish, with white spots. The breast to the end of the
bosom is black, with white spots, and some red ones. The ends of the
feathers are fiery red, and very lustrous and beautiful. From the end
of the back of the neck it is also brilliantly black. On the top of
its head it has two fleshy horns of a turquoise colour. The skin of
its orbits and round its mouth is red. Below its throat there is skin
round it enough to cover the palms of two hands, and in the middle
of this the skin is of a violet colour of the size of a hand, with
blue spots in the middle. Around it each streak is of a blue colour,
consisting of eight plumes; round the blue streak it is red to the
breadth of two fingers, like the peach flower, and again round its
neck is that blue-coloured streak: it has red legs also. The live
bird, which was weighed, came to 152 tolahs. After it was killed and
cleaned it weighed 139 tolahs. Another bird is of a golden colour:
this the people of Lahore call Shan [540] (?) and the Kashmiris
put. Its colour is like that of a peacock's breast. Above its head
is a tuft (kakul). Its tail of the width of five fingers is yellow,
and is like the long feather (shah-par) of the peacock, and its body as
large as that of a goose. The neck of the goose is long and shapeless:
that of this one is short, and has a shape.

My brother, Shah `Abbas, had asked for golden birds, [541] and I sent
some to him by his ambassador. On Monday [542] the ceremony of my lunar
weighing took place. At this entertainment Nur Jahan Begam gave dresses
of honour to forty-five of the great Amirs and private servants. On the
14th of the same month the camp was pitched at the village of Bahlwan
[543] belonging to the Siba district. As I constantly longed for the
air of Kangra and the hill-country above-mentioned, I left the large
camp at this place, and proceeded to inspect the said fort with some
of my special servants and attendants. As I`timadu-d-daula was ill
I left him in the camp, and kept Sadiq K., the chief Bakhshi, there
to look after him and guard the camp. The next day news came that his
state had undergone a change, and that the signs of hopelessness were
apparent. I could not bear the agitation of Nur Jahan Begam, and,
considering the affection which I bore towards him, I returned to
the camp. At the end of the day I went to see him. It was the hour of
his death agony. Sometimes he became unconscious and sometimes came
back to his senses. Nur Jahan Begam indicated me, and said: "Do you
recognise (him)?" At such a time he recited this couplet of Anwari:


    Were a mother-born blind man present
    He'd recognise Majesty in the World-Adorner.


I was for two hours at his pillow. Whenever he was conscious,
whatever he said was intelligent and rational. In fine, on the 17th
of the said month (Bahman) (about the end of January, 1622), after
three gharis had passed he attained to eternal mercy. What shall I
say about my feelings through this terrible event? He was a wise and
perfect Vizier, and a learned and affectionate companion.


    VERSE. [544]

    By the reckoning of the eye, there's one frame less:
    By Wisdom's reckoning, the lessening is more than thousands.


Though the weight of such a kingdom was on his shoulders, and it is
not possible for or within the power of a mortal to make everyone
contented, yet no one ever went to I`timadu-d-daula with a petition
or on business who turned from him in an injured frame of mind. He
showed loyalty to the sovereign, and yet left pleased and hopeful
him who was in need. In fact, this was a speciality of his. From the
day on which his companion (his wife) attained to the mercy of God he
cared no longer for himself, but melted away from day to day. Although
outwardly he looked after the affairs of the kingdom, and taking pains
with the ordering of civil matters, did not withdraw his hand from
business, yet in his heart he grieved at the separation, and at last,
after three months and twenty days, he passed away. The next day I
went to condole with his sons and sons-in-law, and, presenting 41 of
his children and connections and 12 of his dependents with dresses
of honour, I took them out of their mourning garments.

The next day I marched with the same purpose (as before), and went
to see the fort of Kangra. In four stages the camp was pitched at
the river Banganga. Alf K. and Shaikh Faizu-llah, the guards of the
fort, had the good fortune to pay their respects. At this stage the
offering of the Raja of Chamba [545] was laid before me. His country
is 25 koss beyond Kangra. There is no greater Zamindari in these
hills than this. The country is the asylum of all the Zamindars of
the country. It has passes (`aqabaha) difficult to cross. Until now
he had not obeyed any king nor sent offerings. His brother also was
honoured by paying his respects, and on his part performed the dues of
service and loyalty. He seemed to me to be reasonable and intelligent
and urbane. I exalted him with all kinds of patronage and favour.

On the 24th [546] of the same month I went to see the fort of
Kangra, and gave an order that the Qazi, the Chief Justice (Mir
`Adl), and other learned men of Islam should accompany me and carry
out in the fort whatever was customary, according to the religion
of Muhammad. Briefly, having traversed about one koss, I went up to
the top of the fort, and by the grace of God, the call to prayer and
the reading of the Khutba and the slaughter of a bullock, which had
not taken place from the commencement of the building of the fort
till now, were carried out in my presence. I prostrated myself in
thanksgiving for this great gift, which no king had hoped to receive,
and ordered a lofty mosque to be built inside the fort. The fort of
Kangra is situated on a high hill, and is so strong that if furnished
with provisions and the necessaries for a fort the hand of force
cannot reach its skirt, and the noose of stratagem must fall short of
it. Although there are heights (sar-kubha) in some places, and guns
and muskets might reach (the fort) from them, yet no harm would accrue
to the garrison, for they could move to another part of the fort,
[547] and be safe. It has 23 bastions and seven gates. Its inner
circumference is 1 koss and 15 ropes, its length is 1/4 koss and 2
ropes (tanab), its breadth not more than 22 ropes nor less than 15. Its
height is 114 cubits. There are two reservoirs inside the fort, one 2
ropes long and 1 1/2 broad; the other is of the same length (?). [548]

After going round the fort I went to see the temple of Durga, which
is known as Bhawan. [549] A world has here wandered in the desert of
error. Setting aside the infidels whose custom is the worship of idols,
crowds on crowds of the people of Islam, traversing long distances,
bring their offerings and pray to the black stone (image). Near the
temple, and on the slope of the hill there is a sulphur-mine (kan),
and its heat causes flames to continually burst forth. They call it
Jwala Mukhi [550] (Flame-Face or Burning Mouth), and regard it as
one of the idol's miracles. In fact, Hindus, while knowing the truth,
[551] deceive the common people. Hindus say [552] that when the life
of Mahadeo's wife came to an end and she drank the draught of death,
Mahadeo, in his great love and attachment to her, took her dead body
on his back, and went about the world carrying her corpse. When some
time had passed in this manner, her form dissolved and dropped asunder,
and each limb fell in a different place: they give honour and dignity
to the place according to the dignity and grace of the member. As
the breast, which when compared with other members has the greatest
dignity, fell in this place, they hold it more precious than any
other. Some maintain that this stone, which is now a place of worship
for the vile infidels, is not the stone which was there originally,
but that a body of the people [553] of Islam came and carried off
the original stone, and threw it into the bottom of the river, with
the intent that no one could get at it. For a long time the tumult
of the infidels and idol-worshippers had died away in the world,
till a lying brahman hid a stone for his own ends, and going to the
Raja of the time said: "I saw Durga in a dream, and she said to me:
'They have thrown me into a certain place: quickly go and take me
up.'" The Raja, in the simplicity of his heart, and greedy for the
offerings of gold that would come to him, accepted the tale of the
brahman, and sent a number of people with him, and brought that stone,
and kept it in this place with honour, and started again the shop of
error and misleading. But God only knows!

From the temple I went to see the valley which is known as
Kuh-i-Madar. [554] It is a delightful place. From its climate,
the freshness of its verdure, and its delightful position it is a
place of pleasure worthy to be seen. There is a waterfall here which
pours down water from the top of the hill. I ordered them to put up a
symmetrical building there. On the 25th of the month the standards were
turned back to return. Having presented Alf K. and Shaikh Faizu-llah
with horses and elephants I left them to defend the fort. Next day I
encamped at the fort of Nurpur. [555] It was reported to me that in
this neighbourhood there were many jungle fowl. As I had never yet
caught these, I made a halt of another day, and enjoyed myself with
the sport, having caught four. One cannot distinguish them in shape
and colour from domestic fowls. One of the peculiarities of these
birds is that if they are caught by the feet and turned upside down,
wherever they are taken they make no sound, and remain silent, contrary
to the domestic fowl, which makes an outcry. Until the domestic fowl
is plunged into hot water its feathers do not come off easily. The
jungle fowl, like the partridge and podna, [556] can be plucked when
dry. I ordered them to roast them. It was found that the flesh of
the full-grown ones was very tasteless and dry. The chickens had
some juiciness, but were not good to eat. They cannot fly farther
than a bow-shot. The cock [557] is chiefly red, and the hen black
and yellow. There are many in this Nurpur jungle. The ancient name of
Nurpur is Dhameri. [558] Since Raja Baso built the fort and made houses
and gardens they call it Nurpur, after my name. About Rs. 30,000 were
expended on the building. Certes, the buildings Hindus construct after
their fashion, however much they decorate them, are not pleasant. As
the place was fit and the locality enchanting, I ordered them to spend
Rs. 1,00,000 out of the public treasury, and to erect buildings at it,
and to make lofty edifices suited to the spot.

At this time it was reported to me that there was a Sannyasi Moti
[559] in the neighbourhood who had entirely renounced control over
himself. I ordered them to bring him that I might ascertain the real
state of affairs. They call Hindu devotees Sarb basi. [560] By usage
the word has become San-nyasi (laying down everything). There are
many degrees among them, and there are several orders among the Sarb
basi. Among them there is the Moti order. They put themselves into the
figure of a cross (?) (salb ikhtiyar mikunand) and surrender themselves
(taslim [561] misazand). For instance, they never speak. If for ten
days and nights they stand in one place, they do not move their feet
forwards or backwards; in fact, make no movement at all, and remain
like fossils. When he came into my presence I examined him, and found
a wonderful state of persistence. It occurred to me that in a state
of drunkenness and absence of mind and delirium, some change might
be wrought in him. Accordingly I ordered them to give him some cups
of spirit (`araq) of double strength. This was done in royal fashion
(liberally?), but not the least change took place, and he remained in
the same impassive state. At last his senses left him, and they carried
him out like a corpse. God Almighty granted him mercy so that he did
not lose his life. Certainly there was great persistence in his nature.

At this time Bi-badal K. presented me with the chronogram of the
conquest of Kangra, and that of the foundation of the mosque which
I had ordered. As he had hit it off well, I here record it:


    VERSE.

    World-gripper, World-giver, World-holder, World-king,
    With the sword of ghazi-ship he conquered this fort.
    Wisdom spoke the date "The Jahangiri Fortune opened this fort."


He composed the chronogram [562] of the building of the mosque
as follows:


    VERSE.

    Nuru-d-din Shah Jahangir s. Shah Akbar
    Is a king who in the Age hath no equal.
    He took Fort Kangra by the aid of God.
    A drop from the cloud of his sword is a tempest.
    As by his order this illumined mosque was built,
    May his forehead shine by his prostration.
    A hidden messenger said: "In seeking for the date
    (Say) The mosque of Shah Jahangir was illumined." [563]


On the first of the Divine month of Isfandarmuz I gave the
establishment and everything belonging to the government and Amirship
of I`timadu-d-daula to Nur Jahan Begam, and ordered that her drums
and orchestra should be sounded after those of the king. On the 4th
of the same month I pitched in the neighbourhood of the pargana
of Kashhuna. [564] On this day Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan was raised to
the lofty dignity of supreme Diwan. I conferred dresses of honour
on 32 individuals of the Deccan Amirs. Abu Sa`id, grandson of
I`timadu-d-daula, was raised to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500
horse. At this time a report came from Khurram that Khusrau, on the
8th [565] (20th) of the month, had died of the disease of colic pains
(qulanj), and gone to the mercy of God.

On the 19th of the month I pitched on the bank of the Bihat
(Jhelam). Qasim K. was raised to the mansab of 3,000 personal and 2,000
horse. Raja Kishan Das was selected for the duty of faujdar of Delhi,
and his mansab was fixed at 2,000 personal and 500 horse, original
and increased. Previously to this, huntsmen and yasawulan (guards)
had been ordered to prepare a jarga (hunting-ring) in the shikar-gah
(hunting-place of) Girjhak. When it was reported to me that they
had brought the game into the enclosure, on the 24th of the month I
went out to hunt with some of my special servants. Of hill quchqar
(rams?) and gazelles 124 [566] head were taken. On this day it was
reported that Zafar K. s. Zain K., had died. I promoted Sa`adat Umid,
his son, to the mansab of 800 personal and 400 horse.








THE SEVENTEENTH NEW YEAR'S FEAST AFTER THE AUSPICIOUS ACCESSION


On the eve of Monday, the ----, [567] of the month of Jumada-l-awwal,
A.H. 1031, March 10-12, 1622, after one watch, five gharis and a
fraction had passed, the sun that illuminates the world lighted the
mansion of Aries, and the 17th year of the reign of this suppliant
began auspiciously and happily. On this joy-increasing day Asaf K. was
promoted to the mansab of 6,000 personal and horse. Having given Qasim
K. leave to proceed to the government of the Panjab, I presented him
with a horse, an elephant, and a dress of honour. Eighty thousand darbs
were given to Zambil Beg, ambassador of the ruler of Persia. On the 6th
of the same month (Farwardin) the royal camp was at Rawalpindi. Fazil
K. was promoted to the post of Bakhshi. Zambil Beg was ordered to
remain at ease in Lahore until the return of the victorious army from
Kashmir. An elephant was conferred on Akbarquli K. Gakkar.

At this time I frequently heard that the ruler of Persia had hastened
from Khurasan for the purpose of conquering Qandahar. Although looking
to our previous and present connections, it appeared very unlikely,
and beyond all calculation, that such a great king should entertain
such light and crude ideas, and himself come against one of my humble
slaves who was in Qandahar with 300 or 400 [568] servants, yet as
caution is one of the duties of a ruler and becoming to a king, I sent
Zainu-l-`Abidin, Bakhshi of Ahadis, with a gracious farman to Khurram
to come and wait on me with all possible speed with a victorious host,
and elephants of mountain hugeness, and the numerous artillery that
were assigned for his support in that Subah. So that, if these words
should be near the truth, he might come and be despatched with an
innumerable army and countless treasure, in order that he (the king of
Persia) might discover the result of breaking faith and of wrong-doing.

On the 8th I halted at the fountain of Hasan Abdal. Fida'i K. was
promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and
Badi`u-z-zaman was appointed Bakhshi of the Ahadis. On Friday,
the 12th, Mahabat K., having come from Kabul, waited on me and had
the good fortune to pay his respects, and became the recipient of
daily-increasing favours. He presented 100 muhrs as a present and
Rs. 10,000 as alms. Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan passed his followers before me
in review; 2,500 well-horsed cavalry were enrolled of whom 400 were
matchlock men. At this stage a qamurgha hunt was arranged, and I shot
[569] 33 hill quchqar (mountain sheep), etc. At this time Hakim Mumina,
at the recommendation of the pillar of the State, Mahabat K., had
the good fortune to wait on me. With power and courage he undertook
my cure, and I hope that his coming may prove auspicious to me. The
mansab of Amanu-llah, s. Mahabat K., was fixed at 2,000 personal and
1,800 horse. On the 19th I encamped near Pakhli, and the feast of the
culmination was held there. Having given Mahabat K. leave to return to
Kabul, I gave him a horse, an elephant, and a dress of honour. The
mansab of I`tibar K. was ordered to be 5,000 personal and 4,000
horse. As he was an old servant, and had become very weak and old,
I promoted him to the Subah of Agra, and entrusted to him the defence
of the fort and the treasury, and, presenting him with an elephant,
a horse, and a dress of honour, dismissed him. At the Pass of Kunwar
[570] Mast, Iradat K. came from Kashmir, and had the good fortune to
kiss the threshold. On the 2nd of the Divine month of Urdibihisht,
I entered the enchanting region of Kashmir. Mir Miran was promoted to
the mansab of 2,500 personal and 1,400 horse. At this time, in order
to ease the condition of the ryots and soldiery, I did away with the
faujdari cess, and gave an order that in the whole of my dominions
they should not impose anything on account of faujdari. Zabar-dast
K., Master of the Ceremonies (Mir Tuzuk), was promoted to the mansab
of 2,000 personal and 700 horse. On the 13th, by the advice of the
physicians, and especially of Hakim Mumina, I was lightened by being
bled from my left leg. A present of a dress of honour was made to
Muqarrab K., and one of 1,000 darbs to Hakim Mumina. At the request
of Khurram the mansab of `Abdu-llah K. was fixed at 6,000. Sar-faraz
[571] K. was honoured with the gift of drums. Bahadur K. Uzbeg,
having come from Qandahar, had the good fortune to pay his respects:
by way of nazar he gave 100 muhrs, and by way of charity offered
Rs. 4,000. Mustafa K., governor of Thatta, had sent as an offering
a Shah-nama and a Khamsa (quintet) of Shaikh Nizami illustrated
by masters (of painting), along with other presents: these were
laid before me. On the 1st of the Divine month of Khurdad Lashkar
K. was exalted to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and
to Mir Jumla was given that of 2,500 personal and 1,000 horse. Some
of the Amirs of the Deccan were similarly honoured with an increase
of mansab. Promotion was also given as follows: Sardar K., 3,000 and
2,500 horse; Sar-buland K., 2,500 personal and 2,200 horse; Baqi K.,
2,500 and 2,000 horse; Sharza K., 2,500 and 1,200 horse; Jan-sipar K.,
2,000 personal and 2,000 horse; Mirza Wali, 2,500 and 1,000 horse;
Mirza Badi`u-z-zaman s. Mirza Shahrukh, 1,500 personal and horse;
Zahid K., 1,500 and 700 horse; `Aqidat K., 1,200 and 300 horse;
Ibrahim Husain Kashghari, 1,200 and 600 horse; and Zu-l-faqar K.,
1,000 personal and 500 horse. Raja Gaj Singh and Himmat K. were
selected for drums. On the 2nd of the Divine month of Tir, Sayyid
Bayazid was honoured with the title of Mustafa K., and was also
presented with drums. At this time Tahawwur K., who is one of the
personal servants, was despatched with a gracious farman to summon
my fortunate son Shah Parwiz.

Some days before this, petitions came from the officials in Qandahar
reporting the intention of the ruler of Persia to conquer Qandahar,
but my mind, which is actuated by sincerity, looking to past and
present relations, placed no reliance on the truth of this until the
report of my son Khan Jahan arrived that Shah `Abbas, with the armies
of Iraq and Khurasan, had come and besieged Qandahar. I ordered them
to fix an hour for leaving Kashmir. Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan, the Diwan,
and Bakhshi Sadiq K. hastened to Lahore in advance of the victorious
army to expedite the arrival of the princes of high degree with the
armies of the Deccan, Gujarat, Bengal, and Behar, and to send on the
Amirs who were present with the victorious stirrups, and those who
one after another should come in from the districts of their jagirs
to my son Khan Jahan at Multan. At the same time the artillery,
with the strings of warlike elephants, and the armoury [572] were to
be prepared and forwarded. As there was little cultivation between
Multan and Qandahar, the despatch of a large army without provisions
was not to be thought of. It was therefore decided to encourage the
grain-sellers, who in the language of India are called banjara, and,
providing them with money, to take them along with the victorious army,
so that there might be no difficulty about supplies. The Banjaras
[573] are a tribe. Some of them have 1,000 bullocks, and some more
or less. They take grain from different districts (bulukat) into the
towns and sell it. They go along with the armies, and with such an
army there would be 100,000 bullocks or more. It is hoped that by the
grace of the Creator, the army will be furnished with numbers and arms
so that there may be no delay or hesitation until it reaches Isfahan,
which is his (the Shah's) capital. A farman was sent to Khan Jahan to
beware and not start in that direction (Qandahar) from Multan before
the arrival of the victorious army, and not be disturbed, but attend
to orders. Bahadur K. Uzbeg was selected to go as an auxiliary to the
army of Qandahar, and favoured with a horse and dress of honour. Fazil
K. was given the mansab of 2,000 personal and 750 horse.

As it had been brought to notice that the poor of Kashmir suffer
hardships in the winter from the excessive cold, and live with
difficulty, I ordered that a village of the rental of Rs. 3,000 or
Rs. 4,000 should be entrusted to Mulla Talib Isfahani, [574] to be
expended in providing clothes for the poor, and for warming water,
for purposes of ablution, in the mosques.

As it was reported that the Zamindars of Kishtwar had again raised
their heads in disobedience and sin, and engaged in sedition and
disturbance, Iradat K. was ordered to proceed hot-foot, before
they had time to establish themselves firmly, and having inflicted
condign punishment on them to tear up the root of sedition. On this
day Zainu-l-`Abidin, who had been sent to summon Khurram, came and
waited on me, and reported that the stipulation he made was that he
should pass the rainy season in the fort of Mandu, and then come to
Court. His report was read. I [575] did not like the style of its
purport nor the request he made, and, on the contrary, the traces
of disloyalty (bi-daulati) were apparent. There being no remedy,
an order was given that as he proposed to come after the rains,
he should despatch the great Amirs, the servants of the Court who
were employed in assisting him, and especially the Sayyids of Barha
and Bukhara, the Shaikh-zadas, the Afghans, and the Rajputs. Mirza
Rustam and I`tiqad K. were ordered to go to Lahore in advance, and
assist the army of Qandahar. Rs. l,00,000 were given them as advance
of pay, and I also granted drums to `Inayat K. and I`timad K. Iradat
K., who had hastened to punish the rebels of Kishtwar, having killed
many of them and regained the mastery and established himself firmly,
returned to duty. Mu`tamid K. had been appointed Bakhshi to the army
of the Deccan. As that matter was over [576] he was sent for at his own
request. He came on this day, and on his arrival kissed the threshold.

It is a strange thing that when a pearl of the value of Rs. 14,000 or
15,000 was lost in the harem, Jotik Ray, the astrologer, represented
that it would be found in two or three days. Sadiq K. Rammal
(soothsayer) represented that in the same two or three days it would
come from a place which was perfectly clean and pure, such as the
place of worship or oratory. A female soothsayer represented that it
would soon be found, and that a woman with white skin would bring it
in a state of ecstasy, and give it into the hand of the Hazrat (the
king). It happened that on the third day one of the Turkish girls
found it in the oratory, and all in smiles and in a happy frame of
mind gave it to me. As the words of all three came true each one was
favoured with an acceptable reward. This is written because it is
not devoid of strangeness.

At this time I appointed Kaukab and Khidmatgar K., and others to the
number of twelve in all, of the familiar servants to be sazawuls of
the Amirs in the Deccan in order that they might exert themselves
and send them forward as soon as possible to Court, so that they
(the Amirs) might be sent to the victorious army at Qandahar. [577]
At this time it was frequently reported to me that Khurram had
taken into his possession some of the estates of the jagir of Nur
Jahan Begam and Shahriyar, and especially the pargana of Dholpur,
which had by the High Diwan been assigned to Shahriyar, and had
sent there an Afghan of the name of Darya, one of his own servants,
with a body of men. Darya fought with Sharifu-l-mulk, a servant of
Shahriyar, who had been appointed to the faujdari of that region,
and many were killed on both sides. Although in consequence of his
(Khurram's) remaining in the fort of Mandu, and the unreasonable
requests made in his letter it appeared that his reason was turned,
yet from hearing this news it became clear that he was unworthy of
all the favours and cherishing I had bestowed on him, and that his
brain had gone wrong. Accordingly I sent Raja Ruz-afzun, who was a
confidential servant, to him, and made inquiries as to the cause of
this boldness. He was ordered hereafter to behave properly, and not
place his foot beyond the path of reasonableness and the high road of
politeness, and content himself with the districts of his own jagir
that he had obtained from the High Diwan. He must also beware not to
form any intention of coming to wait upon me, but to send the body
of the servants of the State I had requisitioned on account of the
disturbance at Qandahar to the Court. If anything contrary to this
order should come to notice, he would repent it.

At this time Mir Zahiru-d-din, the grandson of Mir Miran, s. the famous
Shah Ni`matu-llah, came from Persia and waited on me, and received as
a present a dress of honour and 8,000 darbs. Ujala Dakhani obtained
leave to go to Raja Bir Singh Deo with a gracious farman in order
that he should act as sazawul and collect the men. Previously to
this, on account of the great regard and abundant affection I bore to
Khurram and his sons, at the time when his son (Shuja`) was very ill,
I had determined that if God Almighty would grant him to me I would
not again sport with a gun, and would inflict no injury on a living
thing with my own hand. Notwithstanding my inclination and love for
hunting, especially with a gun, I had given it up for five years. At
this time, when I was greatly distressed at his unkind behaviour,
I took again to sporting with a gun, and gave orders that nobody
should remain in the palace without one. In a short time most of
the servants took a liking to shooting with guns, and the archers,
[578] in order to perform their duties, became cavalry soldiers.

On the 25th of the month, corresponding with the 7th Shawwal, at
the favourable hour that had been chosen, I turned towards Lahore
from Kashmir (apparently means Srinagar, the capital). I sent Bihari
Das Brahman with a gracious farman to Rana Karan to the effect that
he should bring his son with a body of men to pay his respects to
me. Mir Zahiru-d-din was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and
400 horse. As he represented to me that he was in debt, I made him
a present of Rs. 10,000. On the 1st of Shahriwar I encamped at the
fountain of Achbal, [579] and on Thursday I had a feast of cups beside
the fountain. [580] On this auspicious day my fortunate son Shahriyar
was appointed to the Qandahar expedition, and was promoted to the
mansab of 12,000 personal and 8,000 horse. A special dress of honour,
with a nadiri with pearl buttons, was also given him. At this time
a merchant had brought two large pearls from the country of Turkey,
one of them weighing 1 1/4 misqals, and the second 1 surkh less. Nur
Jahan Begam bought the two for Rs. 60,000, and presented them to me
as an offering on the same day. On Friday, the 10th, by the advice of
Hakim Mumina, [581] I was relieved by bleeding from the arm. Muqarrab
K., who has great skill in this art, always used to bleed me, and
possibly never failed before, but now failed twice. Afterwards Qasim,
his nephew, bled me. I gave him a dress of honour and Rs. 2,000,
and gave 1,000 darbs to Hakim Mumina. Mir Khan, at the request of
Khan Jahan, was promoted to the mansab of 1,500 and 900 horse.

On the 21st of the month the feast of my solar weighing took place,
and the 54th year of the age of this suppliant at the throne of God
began auspiciously and happily. I hope that the whole of my life will
be spent in fulfilling the will of God. On the 28th, I went to see
the waterfall of Ashar [582] (?). As this spring is famous for its
sweetness and agreeable flavour, I weighed it in my presence against
Ganges water, and that [583] of the valley of Lar. The water of Ashar
was 3 masha heavier than that of the Ganges, and the latter was 1/2
masha lighter than that of the valley of Lar. On the 30th the camp was
at Hirapur. Though Iradat K. had done his duty in Kishtwar well, yet
as the ryots and inhabitants of Kashmir complained of his treatment of
them, I promoted I`tiqad K. to the governorship of Kashmir. I bestowed
on him a horse, a dress of honour, and a special enemy-piercing
[584] sword, and appointed Iradat K. to do duty with the army of
Qandahar. Having brought Kunwar Singh, the Raja of Kishtwar, out of
the fortress of Gwalior, where he was imprisoned, I bestowed Kishtwar
on him, and gave him a horse and a dress of honour, with the title of
Raja. I sent Haidar Malik to Kashmir (i.e., Srinagar) to bring a canal
from the valley of Lar to the Nur-afza garden, giving him Rs. 30,000
for the materials and labour. On the 12th of the month I came down
from the hill country of Jammu, and pitched at Bhimbhar. The next day I
had a qamurqha hunt. To Dawar-bakhsh, s. Khusrau, I gave the mansab of
5,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the 24th I crossed the Chenab. [585]
Mirza Rustam came from Lahore, and waited on me. On the same day Afzal
[586] K., Khurram's Diwan, bringing a petition from him, waited on
me. He had clothed his immoderate acts in the garment of apology,
and had sent him with the idea that perhaps he might carry his point
by flattery and smooth speeches, and so correct his improprieties. I
[587] paid no attention, and did not listen to him. The Diwan Khwaja
Abu-l-Hasan and Sadiq K. Bakhshi, who had hastened to Lahore to make
provision for the army of Qandahar, had the good fortune to kiss
the threshold. On the 1st of the Divine month of Aban, Amanu-llah,
s. Mahabat K., was promoted to the mansab of 3,000 personal and 1,700
horse. A gracious farman was sent to summon Mahabat K. At this time
`Abdu-llah K., whom I had sent for for service at Qandahar, having come
from the district of his jagir, paid his respects. On the 4th of the
same month I entered the city of Lahore auspiciously and happily. Alf
K. was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,500 horse. I gave [588]
an order to the chief Diwans to levy the pay of the force of servants
of the State who had been appointed for service at Qandahar out of
the jagirs of Khurram, which were in the Sarkar of Hisar, and in
the Du-ab and those regions. In the place of these he might take
possession of districts from the Subah of Malwa and the Deccan, and
Gujarat and Khandesh, wherever he wished. Presenting Afzal K. with a
dress of honour I gave him leave to go. An order was passed that the
Subahs of Gujarat, Malwa, the Deccan and Khandesh should be handed
over to him (Khurram), and he might take up a permanent residence
wherever he might wish, and employ himself in the administration
of those regions. He was to send quickly the sazawuls who had been
appointed to bring the servants of the State who had been summoned to
my presence on account of the disturbance at Qandahar. After that he
was to look after his own charge, and not depart from order: otherwise,
he would repent. On this day I gave the best tipchaq horse that was in
my private stable to `Abdu-llah K. On the 26th Haidar Beg and Wali Beg,
envoys of the ruler of Persia, had an audience. After performing the
ceremony of salutation they produced a letter from the Shah. My son
Khan Jahan, according to order, having come post from Multan, waited
on me. He presented as offerings 1,000 muhrs, 1,000 rupees, and 18
horses. Mahabat K. was promoted to the mansab of 6,000 personal and
5,000 horse. I gave an elephant to Mirza Rustam. Raja Sarang Deo was
appointed sazawul to Raja Bir Singh Deo. I told him to produce him at
Court as quickly as possible. On [589] the 7th of the Divine month of
Azar the ambassadors of Shah `Abbas, who had come at different times,
were presented with dresses of honour and their expenses, and given
leave to go. The letter he had sent by Haidar Beg making excuses in
the matter of Qandahar has been given in this record of good fortune
(Iqbal-nama) along with my reply.



Letter of the King of Persia.

(After compliments, and good wishes for that "brother dear as life"
the letter proceeds as follows):

"You will be aware that after the death of the Nawab Shah Jannat-makan
(Shah Tahmasp) great misfortunes befell Persia. Many territories
which belonged to our saintly family passed out of possession,
but when this suppliant at the throne of Grace became sovereign,
he, by God's help, and the excellent measures of friends, recovered
the hereditary lands which were in the possession of enemies. As
Qandahar was held by the agents of your lofty family, I regarded you
as myself, and did not make any objection. From feelings of unity and
brotherhood we waited, thinking that you would, after the manner of
your ancestors [590] who are in Paradise, voluntarily take the matter
into your consideration. When you neglected to do this, I repeatedly,
by writing and verbal messages, directly and indirectly, asked for the
disposal of the question, thinking that perhaps that petty country
(Qandahar) was not regarded as worthy of your notice. You said
several times that by making over the territory to our family, the
notions of enemies and censurers would be disposed of, and praters,
enviers, and fault-finders would be put to silence. A faction [591]
formerly delayed the settlement of this matter. As the truth of the
affair was known to friends and enemies, and as no clear answer,
either of refusal or concession, came from you, it occurred to me
that I would go to Qandahar to see it, and to hunt. In this way the
agents of my distinguished brother, in accordance with the ties of
friendship which exist between us, might welcome us and wait upon
us. By this means the relationship of union would be renewed, and
would be made evident to the world, and the tongues of the envious
and the evil-speaking be shortened. With this view, I set off without
apparatus for taking forts, and when I came to Farah I sent a rescript
to the governor of Qandahar, mentioning that I intended to see the
place and hunt there. I did this in order that he might treat me
as a guest. We also called the honourable Khwaja Baqi Kurkaraq,
and sent a message to the governor and the other officers in the
fort to the effect that there was no difference between Your Majesty
and ourselves, and that we were aware of each other's territories,
and that we were coming to see the country. Therefore they were not
to act in such a way as to give umbrage or to vex anyone. They did
not receive the conciliatory order and message in the proper way,
but showed obstinacy and a rebellious spirit. When I came to the fort
I again called the honourable aforesaid (K. Baqi), and sent him with
the message that I had directed my troops not to invest the fort till
the lapse of ten days. They did not receive the wholesome advice,
and were stubborn in their opposition. As there was nothing more to
be done, the Persian army set about taking the fort, though it was in
want of appliances, and soon levelled the walls and bastions with the
ground. The garrison became straitened, and asked for quarter. We,
too, maintained the ties of love which had existed from of old
between the two exalted dynasties, and the brotherly relation which
was formed between you and me when you were prince (Mirza), and which
was an object of envy to contemporary sovereigns, and from my innate
kindness forgave their errors and offences. Encompassing them with
favours, I sent them safe and sound to your Court along with Haidar Beg
Qurbashi, who is one of the sincere Sufis of this family. Of a truth,
the foundation of love and union, both inherited and acquired, on the
part of this seeker after affection, has not grown old or decayed,
and is strong so that no rupture in it can take place on account of
any things which may have transpired owing to the action of Fate.


    VERSE.

    Between us and you there cannot be trouble,
    There can be naught but love and trust.


"It is hoped that you, too, will preserve your affection for us, and
that you will not approve of certain strange actions, and that if any
suspicion about friendship arise you will endeavour by your innate
goodness and continual love to efface it. May the ever-vernal flower
of union and cordiality remain in bloom, and every effort be made to
strengthen the foundations of concord, and to cleanse the fountains of
agreement which regulate temperaments and territories. You will regard
all our dominions as belonging to you, and will extend your friendship
to everyone (in them?), and will proclaim that it (Qandahar) has been
given up to him (`Abbas) without any objection, and that such trifles
are of no importance, and that though the governor and officers who
were in the fort did some things which were obstacles to friendship,
yet what took place was done by you and me. They performed the duties
of service and life devotion. It is certain, too, that Your Majesty
will be gracious to them, and will treat them with royal kindness,
and will not shame me before them. What more need I write? May thy
star-brushing standards ever be associated with the Divine aids!"



Reply to the Letter of Shah `Abbas.

"Unfeigned thanks, and pure thanksgivings are due to the sole object of
worship (God) for that the maintenance of the compacts and treaties of
great princes is the cause of the order of Creation and the repose of
mankind. A proof of this is the harmony and unity which existed between
us and the exalted family (of Persia), and which were increased during
our time. These things were the envy of contemporary sovereigns. The
glorious Shah--the star of heaven's army, the ruler of the nations,
the adorner of the Kayani tiara, the fitting occupant of the throne
of Chosroes, the fruitful tree of the gardens of sovereignty, the
splendid nursling of the parterres of prophecy and saintship, the
cream of the Safawi dynasty--hath without ground or reason, engaged
in disturbing the rose-garden of love and friendship and brotherhood
in which for long periods there has been no possibility of a breath
of confusion. Clearly the methods of union and concord among princes
require that they make oaths of friendship to one another, and that
there should be perfect spiritual agreement between them. There
should be no need of physical contact, and still less should there
be any necessity for visiting one another's countries for 'shooting
and spectacle' (sair u shikar).


    VERSE.

    Alas, a hundred times for the love passing thought!


"By the arrival of your loving letter apologizing for the 'spectacle
and shooting' (sair u shikar) of Qandahar, which came with the
honourable Haidar Beg and Wali Beg, I became apprised of the bodily
health of your angelic personality, and the flowers of joy were
scattered over the world. Let it not be hidden from the world-adorning
mind of my exalted and prosperous brother that until the arrival of
the letter and messages brought by Zambil Beg no mention had been made
by you in letters or verbal messages of your wish for Qandahar. At the
time when we were engaged in visiting the delightful land of Kashmir,
the Deccan lords, in their shortsightedness, extended their feet beyond
the limits of obedience, and trod the path of rebellion. Accordingly
it became necessary for me to chastise them. I moved my standards
to Lahore, and appointed my worthy [592] son Shah Jahan to proceed
against them with a victorious army. I myself was proceeding to Agra
when Zambil Beg arrived, and produced your loving letter. I took it
as a good omen, and went off to Agra to put down the enemies and the
rebels. In the jewelled and pearl-dropping letter there was no mention
of a wish for Qandahar. It was mentioned verbally by Zambil Beg. In
reply, I said to him that I made no difficulty with regard to anything
that my brother wished. Please God, after settling the Deccan affair,
I would send him back in a manner suitable to my sovereignty. I also
said that as he had made long marches he should repose for some days
in Lahore, and that I would afterwards send for him. After coming to
Agra, I sent for him and gave him leave to depart. As the favour of
God attaches to this suppliant, I withdrew my mind from victories and
proceeded to the Panjab. My intention was to send him away, but after
disposing of some necessary matters I went to Kashmir on account of
the hot weather. After coming there I sent for Zambil Beg in order
to give him his leave. I also wished to show him something of that
delightful country. Meanwhile news came that my prosperous brother
had come to take Qandahar. This idea had never entered my mind, and I
was entirely astonished. What could there be in a petty village that
he should set out to take it, and that he should shut his eyes to so
much friendship and brotherly feeling? Though truthful reporters sent
the news, I could not credit it! When it became certain I immediately
gave orders to `Abdu-l-`Aziz K. not to transgress in any way the good
pleasure of that prosperous brother. Up to now the relationship of
brotherhood stands firm, and I do not value the world in comparison
therewith, nor do I consider any gift equal to it. But it would have
been right and brotherly that he should have waited till the arrival
of the ambassador. Perhaps he would be successful in the object [593]
and claim for which he had come. When he (`Abbas) takes such steps
before the return of the ambassador, to whom will mankind ascribe the
merit of keeping compacts and of preserving the capital of humanity
and liberality! May God preserve you at all times!"



After I had given leave to the ambassadors, I devoted all my energy
to urging on the Qandahar force, and presented my son Khan Jahan,
who had been sent for for certain matters, with an elephant, a special
horse, a jewelled sword and dagger, and a dress of honour. I sent him
on as an advance guard, and directed him to remain in Multan until the
arrival of Prince Shahriyar with the victorious army. Baqir K., who was
faujdar of Multan, was summoned to Court, and I appointed `Ali-quli
Beg Darman to assist him (Khan Jahan), and raised him to the mansab
of 1,500. In the same manner, having raised M. Rustam to the mansab
of 5,000, I appointed him to the duty of assisting that son with the
(Qandahar) army. Lashkar K. came from the Deccan, and waited on me, and
was also attached to that army. Allah-dad K. Afghan, M. `Isa Tarkhan,
Mukarram K., Ikram K., and other Amirs, who had come from the Deccan
and from their fiefs, after being presented with horses and dresses
of honour, were sent with Khan Jahan. `Umdatu-s-saltana Asaf K. was
sent to Agra to bring to Court the whole of the treasure in muhrs
and rupees which had accumulated from the beginning of the reign of
my father. Asalat K., s. Khan Jahan, was promoted to the mansab of
2,000 and 1,000 horse. Muhammad Shafi`a, Bakhshi of Multan, had the
title of Khan conferred on him. I gave leave to Sharif, Vakil of my
fortunate son Shah Parwiz, to go with all possible haste, and bring
my son to wait on me with the army of Behar, and writing a gracious
farman with my own hand I urged him to come.

On this day Mir Miran, the grandson of Shah Ni`matu-llah, died
suddenly. I hope that he will be among the pardoned. A raging elephant
threw down the huntsman Mirza Beg and killed him: I assigned his
duties to Imam-wirdi.

As in consequence of the weakness that came over me two years ago
and still continues, heart and brain do not accord. I cannot [594]
make notes of events and occurrences. Now that Mu`tamid K. has come
from the Deccan, and has had the good fortune to kiss the threshold,
as he is a servant who knows my temperament and understands my words,
and was also formerly entrusted with this duty, I gave an order that
from the date which I have written he shall hereafter write them with
his own hand, and attach them to my Memoranda. Whatever events may
occur hereafter he should note after the manner of a diary, and submit
them for my verification, and then they should be copied into a book.




FROM THIS PLACE THE NOTES ARE WRITTEN BY MU`TAMID KHAN. [595]

As the whole of my world-opening mind was taken up with the preparation
of the Qandahar army, and the remedy for that business, the unpleasant
news that reached me of a change in the condition of Khurram, and his
want of moderation, became a cause for aversion and dissension. I
accordingly sent Musawi K., who is one of the sincere servants who
knows my temperament, to that wretch (bi-daulat) to lay before him the
threatening messages and my wishes, and to give admonitions that might
sharpen his intelligence, so that by the guidance of good fortune he
might awake from the dream of carelessness and pride, and that he
(Musawi) having gained a (true) knowledge of his futile ideas and
aims might hasten to my presence, and carry out whatever appeared to
be necessary. On the 1st of the Divine month of Bahman the feast of
my lunar weighing took place. At this auspicious ceremony Mahabat K.,
having come from Kabul, paid his respects, and was the recipient of
special favours. I appointed Ya`qub K. Badakhshi to Kabul, exalting
him with the gift of drums. About this time report came from I`tibar
K. from Agra that Khurram, with the army of adversity, had left
Mandu and started in that direction. He had evidently heard the news
that the treasure had been sent for, and fire had fallen into his
mind, and having let fall from his hand the reins of self-control,
had started (with the idea) that on the road he might lay hold of
the treasure. Accordingly I thought it best to proceed for a tour,
and in order to hunt to the bank of the river of Sultan-pur (the
Beas). If that wretch by the guidance of error should place his
foot in the desert of audacity, I might hasten farther forward and
place the punishment of his unbecoming behaviour in the skirt of his
fortune. If matters turned out in any other way I might take steps
accordingly. With this purpose, on the 17th of the same month, at
an auspicious hour, I marched. Mahabat K. was dignified with a dress
of honour. Rs. 1,00,000 were ordered to be given to Mirza Rustam and
Rs. 2,00,000 to `Abdu-llah K. by way of advance of pay. I sent Mirza
Khan, s. Zain K., with a gracious farman to my fortunate son Shah
Parwiz, and renewed my urgency for his attendance. Raja Sarang Deo
had gone to summon Raja Bir Singh Deo: he came, and having paid his
respects, reported that the Raja, with a proper force and an equipped
army, would join me at Thanesar. At this time constant reports [596]
came from I`tibar K. and other servants of the State from Agra that
Khurram in revolt and disloyalty (bi-daulati) had changed what was
due by him for rearing into undutifulnesses, [597] and having placed
the foot of ruin in the valley of ignorance and error, had started in
that direction. They therefore did not consider it advisable to bring
the treasure, and were engaged in strengthening the towers and gates,
and providing things necessary for the defence of the fort. Similarly
a report came from Asaf K. that the wretch had torn off the veil of
respect, and turned his face towards the valley of ruin, and that the
odour of good came not from the manner of his approach. As it was not
for the advantage of the State to bring the treasure, he had entrusted
it to God, and was himself on the way to wait on me. Accordingly,
having crossed the river at Sultanpur, by successive marches I
proceeded to punish that one of dark fortune, and gave an order
that henceforth they should call him Bi-daulat (wretch). Wherever
in this record of fortune "Bi-daulat" is mentioned it will refer to
him. From the kindnesses and favours bestowed upon him I can say that
up till the present time no king has conferred such on his son. What
my reverend father did for my brothers I have done for his servants,
giving them titles, standards, and drums, as has been recorded in the
preceding pages. It will not be hidden from the readers of this record
of prosperity what affection and interest I have bestowed on him. My
pen's tongue fails in ability to set them forth. What shall I say of
my own sufferings? In pain and weakness, in a warm atmosphere that
is extremely unsuited to my health, I must still ride and be active,
and in this state must proceed against such an undutiful son. Many
servants cherished by me for long years and raised to the dignity of
nobility, whom I ought to employ to-day in war against the Uzbeg or
the Persian, I must punish [598] for his vileness and destroy with
my own hand. Thank God that he has given me such capacity to bear my
burdens that I can put up with all this, and go on in the same path,
and reckon them as light. But that which weighs heavily on my heart,
and places my eager temperament in sorrow is this, that at such a time
when my prosperous sons and loyal officers should be vying with each
other in the service against Qandahar and Khurasan, which would be
to the renown of the Sultanate, this inauspicious one has struck with
an axe the foot of his own dominion, and become a stumbling-block in
the path of the enterprise. The momentous affair of Qandahar must now
be postponed, but I trust that Almighty God will remove these griefs
from my heart.

At this time it was reported to me that Muhtarim K., the eunuch,
Khalil Beg Zu-l-qadr, and Fida'i K., the Master of the Ceremonies,
had allied themselves with Bi-daulat, and opened the gates of
correspondence with him. As it was no time for mildness and winking at
matters, I imprisoned all three, and as, after making inquiry into the
circumstances, no doubt remained as to their falseness to their salt,
and about the evil designs and malevolence of Khalil and Muhtarim, and
as Amirs like Mirza Rustam swore to the insincerity and malevolence
of Khalil, having no remedy I punished them [599] capitally. Fida'i
K., the dust of whose sincerity was free of suspicion and pure, I
brought out of confinement and promoted. I sent Raja Ruz-afzun by post
(dak-chauki) to my son Shah Parwiz that he might bring him with all
haste to wait on me; so that Bi-daulat might be brought to punishment
for his improper conduct. Jawahir K., the eunuch, was appointed to
the post of Ihtimam-i-darbar-i-mahall (superintendent of the harem).

On the 1st of Isfandarmuz the royal army arrived at Nur-saray. On this
day a report came from I`tibar K., that Bi-daulat had arrived in all
haste in the neighbourhood of Agra, in the hope that before the fort
was strengthened, the gates of strife and mischief might be opened,
and he might attain his end. When he arrived at Fathpur, he found
the gates closed against him, and, being struck with the disgrace
of ruin, he had halted. The Khan-khanan and his son and many of the
royal Amirs attached to the Deccan and Gujarat had come with him as
companions on the road of rebellion and ingratitude. Musawi K. saw
him at Fathpur, and showed him the royal orders, and it was settled
that he should send his servant Qazi `Abdu-l-`Aziz with him to Court
to put his requests before me. He sent to Agra his servant Sundar,
[600] who was the ringleader of the people of error and the chief of
the seditious, to take possession of the treasures and hidden wealth
of those servants of the State who were at Agra. Amongst [601] others
he entered the house of Lashkar K., and seized Rs. 9,00,000. In
the same manner, wherever he suspected there was property in the
houses of other servants (of the Court), he stretched out his hand
to seize it, and took possession of all that he found. When nobles
like Khan-khanan, who had been distinguished with the rank of Atalik
and arrived at the age of seventy years, made their faces black with
rebellion and ingratitude, how could one complain of others? It may
be said that his very nature was seditious and ungrateful. His father
(Bairam K.) at the end of his life behaved in the same unbecoming way
towards my reverend father. He, following the example of his father,
at his age made himself accursed and rejected to all eternity.


        In the end a wolf's cub becomes a wolf
        Although he grow up with man. (Sa`di.)


On this day Musawi K. arrived with `Abdu-l-`Aziz, the envoy of
Bi-daulat. As his requests were unreasonable, I did not allow him
to speak, but handed him over to Mahabat to be kept in prison. On
the 5th of the month I pitched on the bank of the river of Ludiyana
(the Sutlej). I promoted Khan A`zam to the mansab of 7,000 with 5,000
horse. Raja Bharat, the Bandila, from the Deccan, and Dayanat K. from
Agra, came and waited on me. I pardoned the offences of Dayanat K.,
and gave him the same mansab that he had previously held. Raja Bharat
was raised to the mansab of 1,500 and 1,000 horse, and Musawi K. to
that of 1,000 and 300 horse. On Thursday, the 12th, in the pargana of
Thanesar, Raja Bir Singh Deo, having waited on me, reviewed his army
and elicited great praise. Raja Sarang Deo was promoted to the mansab
of 1,500 with 600 horse. In Karnal Asaf K., coming from Agra, lifted
up the head of honour in kissing my stirrup. His coming at this time
was the herald of victory. Nawazish K., s. Sa`id K., having arrived
from Gujarat, paid his respects. When Bi-daulat was at Burhanpur, at
his request I had appointed Baqi K. to Junagarh. He had been ordered
to come to Court, and now came and shared in my service. As my march
from Lahore took place without previous notice, and time did not
admit of delay or reflection, I came with the few Amirs who were in
attendance. Until I arrived at Sihrind only a few men had the good
fortune to accompany me, but after passing beyond it, great numbers
of the army came in from all sides and quarters. Before arrival at
Delhi such a force had come together that in any direction in which
one looked the whole plain was occupied by troops.

As it was reported that Bi-daulat had left Fathpur and was coming
in this direction, and making continuous marches towards Delhi,
I gave the victorious army orders to put on their chiltas (quilted
coats). In this disturbance the pivot of the management of affairs and
the arrangement of the army were entrusted to Mahabat K. The command
of the vanguard was given to `Abdu-llah K. Of the selected young men
and experienced sipahis, whoever was asked for by him was enrolled in
his corps. I ordered him to march a koss ahead of the other forces. He
was also entrusted with the intelligence department and the control
of the routes. I was ignorant of the fact that he was in league with
Bi-daulat, and that the real object of that evil-natured one was to
send news from my army to him. Previously to this he used to bring
long written slips of true and false news, saying that his spies
had sent them from that place. The purport was that they (the spies)
suspected some of my servants of being in league with Bi-daulat, and
of sending him news. Had I been led away by his intrigues and become
alarmed at this time when the wind of disturbance was blowing strongly
I would have been obliged to destroy many of my servants. Although some
faithful servants suspected his evil intentions and untruthfulness,
the time was not one for removing the veil openly from the face of his
deeds. I guarded my eye and tongue from doing anything which might
carry terror into his evil mind, and showed him more attention and
favour than before, with the idea that possibly he would be struck
with shame, and might turn away from his evil deeds, and give up his
evil nature and sedition. That rejected one to all eternity, in whom
a tendency to vileness and falsity was natural, did not fail to do
what was in accordance with himself, as will be related hereafter.


        The tree [602] that is bitter in its nature
        If you plant it in the garden of Paradise,
        And water it from the eternal stream thereof,
        If you pour on its root pure honey,
        In the end it shows its natural quality,
        And it bears the same bitter fruit.


In fine, when I was near Delhi, Sayyid Bahwa Bukhari, Sadr K., and
Raja Kishan Das came out of the city, and had the good fortune to
kiss my stirrup. Baqir K., faujdar of Oudh, also on this day came to
the victorious camp. On the 25th of the month, passing by Delhi, I
pitched my camp on the bank of the Jumna. Girdhar, s. Ray Sal Darbari,
having come from the Deccan, had the honour to pay his respects. He
was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,500 horse, and obtained the
title of Raja, and was clothed in a dress of honour. Zabar-dast K.,
Master of the Ceremonies, was honoured with a standard.








THE EIGHTEENTH NEW YEAR'S FEAST AFTER THE AUSPICIOUS ACCESSION


On the eve of Tuesday, the 20th of Jumada-l-awwal, A.H. 1032 (March 10,
1623), the sun that lights the world entered his house of honour in
Aries, and the eighteenth year from the beginning of my reign commenced
auspiciously and happily. On this day I heard that Bi-daulat, having
gone to the neighbourhood of Mathura, had encamped the army tainted
with ruin in the pargana of Shahpur, and reviewed 27,000 cavalry. It
is hoped that they will soon be subdued and miserable. Raja Jay Singh,
grandson [603] of Raja Man Singh, came from his native country, and had
the good fortune to kiss my stirrup. I dignified Raja Bir Singh Deo,
than whom in the Rajput caste there is no greater Amir, with the title
of Maharaja, and promoted his son Jograj to the mansab of 2,000 with
1,000 horse. Sayyid Bahwa was presented with an elephant. As it was
reported to me that Bi-daulat was coming by the bank of the Jumna,
the march of the victorious army in that direction was also decided
on. The array of the army that resembled the waves of the sea was
divided into the van, the right and left wings, the altmish, the
tarah (reserve), the chandawul (rear), etc., and arranged in a manner
suitable to the circumstances and according to the locality. Close
upon this came the news that Bi-daulat, with the wretch Khan-khanan,
had turned his reins from the right road and gone towards the pargana
Kotila, 20 koss towards the left, along with the brahman Sundar,
who was his guide to the desert of error, with Darab, s. Khan-khanan,
and many of the Amirs who had accompanied him on the road of rebellion
and rascality, such as Himmat K., Sar-buland K., Sharza K. `Abid K.,
Jado Ray, Uday Ram, Atash K., Mansur K., and other mansabdars, who
were attached to the Deccan, Gujarat, and Malwa, the recital of whom
would take too long, and all his own servants, such as Raja Bhim,
s. Rana, Rustam K., Bairam Beg, the Afghan Darya, Taqi, and others
whom he had left to confront the royal army. There were five [604]
armies (corps?). Although nominally the command was in the hands of
the wretch (bar-gashta-i-ruzgar) Darab, yet in reality the leader
and centre of the whole affair was Sundar, of evil deeds. These men
of darkened fortune pitched in the neighbourhood of Baluchpur to
their ruin. On the 8th I pitched at Qabulpur. On this day the turn
to take the rear fell upon Baqir K. We had left him behind all the
rest. A body of the rebels attacked him on the march, and stretched
out the hand of plunder. Baqir planted firmly the foot of courage,
and succeeded in beating them back. Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan got news of
this, and turned his reins to support him. Before the arrival of the
Khwaja the rebels (mardudan), not being able to stand, had taken
to flight. On Wednesday, the 9th of the month, having separated
25,000 horse under the leadership of Asaf K., Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan,
and `Abdu-llah K., I sent them to attack the rebels who did not look
to the end of things. Qasim K., Lashkar K., Iradat K., Fida'i K.,
and other servants, to the number of 8,000 horse, were appointed to
Asaf K.'s force. Baqir K., Nuru-d-din Quli, Ibrahim Husain Kashghari,
and others, to the number of 8,000 horse, were appointed to support
Abu-l-Hasan. Nawazish K., `Abdu-l-`Aziz K., `Azizu-llah, and many of
the Barha and Amroha Sayyids, were ordered to accompany `Abdu-llah. In
this army 10,000 horse were enrolled. Sundar had arranged the army
of ruin and put forward the foot of shamelessness. At this time I
sent my special quiver by Zabar-dast K., Master of Ceremonies, to
`Abdu-llah K., that it might be the means of animating his zeal. When
the encounter of the two sides took place, that black-faced one
to all eternity, in whom the tendency to rebellion and ingratitude
was innate, taking to flight, joined the rebels. `Abdu-l-`Aziz K.,
the son of the Khan Dauran, God knows whether knowingly or not,
went off with him. Nawazish K., Zabar-dast K., and Shir-hamla, who
were in the corps of that shameless one (`Abdu-llah K.), planted
firmly the foot of courage, and were not disturbed at his going. As
the aid of Almighty God is ever near this suppliant, at this crisis,
when a leader of the army such as `Abdu-llah K. threw 10,000 cavalry
into confusion and joined the enemy, and there was nearly a great
disaster, a shot from a mysterious hand reached Sundar. At his fall
the pillars of the courage of the rebels shook. Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan
also drove before him the army in front of him and defeated it. Asaf
K., when Baqir K. arrived, showing great activity, finished the
affair, and a victory which might be the tughra (sign manual) of
the victories of the age showed its face of purpose from the hidden
world. Zabar-dast K., Shir-hamla, Shir-bacha, his son, and the son
of Asad K., the architect, and Muhammad Husain, brother of Khwaja
Jahan, and a number of the Sayyids of Barha who were in the corps of
the black-faced `Abdu-llah, having tasted the sweet-flavoured wine of
martyrdom, obtained everlasting life. `Azizu-llah, grandson of Husain
K. (Tukriya), being wounded by a gun-shot, got off safely. Although at
this time the desertion of that rejected hypocrite was a secret help,
yet it is probable that if he had not performed this detestable action
in the crisis of the battle, many of the rebel leaders would have been
killed or captured. It chanced that he was known to the common people
by the title of La`natu-llah (God's curse), and as he had received
this name from the hidden world I also called him by it. Hereafter,
wherever the expression La`natu-llah is used it refers to him. Briefly,
after the rebels, whose end was evil, took to flight from the field of
battle, and turned their faces towards the valley of ruin and could
not reassemble, La`natu-llah, with all the rebels, did not turn his
rein till he reached Bi-daulat, who was at a distance of 20 koss.

When the news of the victory of the servants of the State reached this
suppliant to God, he prostrated himself in thankfulness for this gift,
which was from the renewed favour of Allah, and summoned the loyal ones
into his presence. On the next day they brought before me the head of
Sundar. It appeared that when the ball struck him he gave up his soul
to the lords of hell, and they took his body to a neighbouring village
to be burnt. When they were about to light the fire, an army appeared
in the distance, and for fear lest they should be taken prisoners,
everyone took to flight. The Muqaddam (head man) of the village cut
off his head, and for his own acquittal took it to Khan A`zam, as it
occurred in his jagir. He was brought to me (with the head): the head
was quite recognizable and had as yet undergone no change, but they
had cut off the ears for the sake of the pearls in them. No one knew
by whose hand he had been shot. In consequence of his destruction,
Bi-daulat did not gird his loins again. One might say his good fortune
and courage and understanding lay in that dog of a Hindu. When, with a
father like me, who in truth am his ostensible creator, and in my own
lifetime have raised him to the great dignity of Sultanship, and denied
him nothing, he acts in this manner, I appeal to the justice of Allah
that He may never again regard him with favour. Those servants who
in this disturbance had done fitting service were honoured with more
and more favours, each according to his degree. Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan was
raised to the mansab of 5,000, original and increased, Nawazish K. to
that of 4,000 and 3,000 horse, Baqir K. to that of 3,000 and 500 horse,
with drums, Ibrahim Husain Kashghari to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse,
`Azizu-llah to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, Nuru-d-din Quli to that
of 2,000 and 700 horse, Raja Ram Das to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse,
Lutfu-llah to that of 1,000 and 500 horse, Parwarish K. to that of
1,000 and 500 horse. If all the servants were to be written in detail
it would take too long. Briefly I remained at that place one day
and marched on the next. Khan `Alam, having marched from Allahabad,
had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On the 12th of the month
I encamped at the village of Jhansa (?).

On this day Sar-buland Ray came from the Deccan and waited
on me, and was honoured with a special jewelled dagger, with a
phul katara. `Abdu-l-`Aziz K. and some of those who had gone with
La`natu-llah released themselves from the hand of Bi-daulat, and paid
their respects, and represented that when La`natu-llah charged, they
thought it was for a cavalry encounter. When they found themselves
in the midst of the rebels they saw nothing for it but to submit and
pay their respects, but now they had found an opportunity and had
obtained the good fortune of kissing the threshold. Though they had
taken 2,000 muhrs from Bi-daulat for their expenses, as the times
were critical I made no inquiry, but accepted [605] their statement.

On the 19th the Feast of the culmination was held, and many of the
servants of the State were raised in mansab, and had suitable favours
conferred on them.

Mir `Azudu-d-daulah, having come from Agra, waited on me. He brought a
vocabulary [606] of words that he had prepared. In truth he had taken
much pains, and collected together all the words from the writings
of ancient poets. There is no book like this in the science.

Raja Jay Singh was raised to the mansab of 3,000 with 1,400 horse,
and a special elephant was presented to my son Shahriyar. The post
of `Arz-mukarrir (examiner of petitions) was conferred on Musawi
K. Amanu-llah, s. Mahabat K., was given the title of Khan-zad Khan,
was favoured with a mansab of 4,000 personal and horse, and was
honoured with a flag and drums.

On the 1st of the Divine month of Urdibihisht I pitched on the
bank of the lake at Fathpur. I`tibar K. came from Agra and waited
on me, and was graciously received. Muzaffar K., Mukarram K., and
his brother also came from Agra, and had the good fortune to wait
on me. As I`tibar K. had done approved service in the charge of
the Agra fort he was dignified with the title of Mumtaz K., and I
gave him the mansab of 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and having
bestowed on him a dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a horse, and
a special elephant, I sent him back to his duty. Sayyid Bahwa was
promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,500 horse, Mukarram K. to that
of 3,000 and 2,000 horse, and Khwaja Qasim to that of 1,000 with 400
horse. On the 4th Mansur K. Farangi, whose circumstances have been
recorded [607] in the preceding pages (?), with his brother [608] and
Naubat [609] K. Dakhani, by the guidance of good fortune separated
themselves from Bi-daulat, and came into my service. I sent Khawass
K. to my fortunate son Shah Parwiz. Mirza `Isa Tarkhan, having come
from Multan, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. A special
sword was given to Mahabat K. On the 10th the camp was pitched in the
pargana of Hindaun. Mansur K. (the Farangi) was raised to the mansab
of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and that of Naubat [610] K. to
that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse. On the 11th was a halt. As on this
day a meeting with my fortunate son Shah Parwiz had been arranged,
I ordered that the powerful princes and the illustrious Amirs and all
the devoted servants should go out to meet him, and bring him to wait
on me in a fitting manner. After midday had passed, at an auspicious
chosen hour he kissed the ground and illuminated the forehead of
his sincerity. After the usual salutations had been performed and
the customary ceremonies gone through I embraced my fortunate son
with the greatest pleasure and affection, and loaded him with more
and more favours. At this time news came that Bi-daulat, when he
was passing through the township (hawali) of the pargana of Amber,
which was the hereditary abode of Raja Man Singh, had sent a band of
scoundrels and plundered that cultivated spot.

On the 12th I pitched outside the village of Sarwali. I had previously
sent Habash K. (Abyssinian) to repair the buildings at Ajmir. I
promoted my fortunate son Shah Parwiz to the high mansab of 40,000
and 30,000 horse. As it was reported that Bi-daulat had sent off
Jagat Singh, s. Raja Baso, to his own country to raise disturbances
in the hills of the Panjab, I promoted Sadiq K., chief Bakhshi,
to the governorship of that province, and ordered him to punish him,
giving him a dress of honour, with a sword and an elephant, and making
up his mansab, original and increased, to 4,000 personal and 3,000
horse. I also honoured him with a standard (tugh) and drums.

At this time it was reported to me that the younger brothers of
Mirza Badi`u-z-zaman, s. Mirza Shahrukh, who was known as Fathpuri,
had attacked him unawares and killed him. About this time his brothers
came to Court and paid their respects. His own mother also waited on
me, but did not make a claim, as was proper, for her son's blood, and
(so) proceedings [611] could not be taken according to law. Although
his disposition was so bad that his murder was not to be regretted, but
on the contrary was opportune and advantageous, yet, as these wretches
had shown such audacity with regard to their elder brother, who was to
them in the position of a father, I ordered them to be put in gaol,
and afterwards what was deemed proper should be done to them. On the
21st Raja Gaj Singh and Ray Suraj Singh arrived from their jagirs,
and had the good fortune to kiss my stirrup. Mu`izzu-l-mulk, whom
I had sent to Multan to summon my son Khan Jahan, came and waited
on me, and presented me with a letter about his severe illness and
weakness. He had sent his son Asalat K. with 1,000 horse to wait on me,
and expressed great regret at being deprived of the honour of meeting
me. As his apology was evidently sincere, I accepted it. On the 25th
my fortunate son Prince Parwiz, with the victorious army, was sent
in pursuit to overthrow Bi-daulat. The reins of authority over the
powerful Prince, and the centre of the ordering of the victorious
army, were given into the hand of Mu'taminu-d-daula Mahabat K. Of
the illustrious Amirs and life-sacrificing brave men who were in
attendance on the Prince of lofty fortune, this is the detail.

Khan `Alam, Maharaja [612] Gaj Singh, Fazil K., Rashid K., Raja
Girdhar, Raja Ram Das Kachhwaha, Khwaja Mir `Abdu-l-`Aziz, `Azizu-llah,
Asad K., Parwarish K., Ikram K., Sayyid Hizbar K., Lutfu-llah, Ray
Narayan Das, and others to the number of 40,000 horse, with much
artillery. Rs. 20,00,000 (twenty lakhs) of treasure were sent with
them. At a propitious hour they were started with my son, and bridle
to bridle with victory. Fazil K. was appointed Bakhshi and newswriter
to the victorious army. A special dress of honour was bestowed on
the Prince, with a nadiri of gold brocade, and pearls on the collar
and skirt worth Rs. 41,000, prepared in the royal establishment, and
a private elephant of the name Ratan Gaj, ten [613] female elephants,
a private horse, and a jewelled sword, the value of the whole of which
was Rs. 77,000. These were all given to the Prince. Nur Jahan Begam
also gave him a dress of honour, a horse, and an elephant, as is the
custom. To Mahabat K. and the other Amirs, according to their standing,
horses, elephants, and dresses of honour were presented. The immediate
attendants of the prince were also honoured with favours. On this
day Muzaffar K. received a dress of honour on appointment to the post
of chief Bakhshi. On the first of the Divine month of Khurdad Prince
Dawar-bakhsh, s. Khusrau, was appointed to Gujarat, and Khan A`zam to
the high dignity of tutor to him. I conferred on the prince a horse,
an elephant, a dress of honour, a private jewelled dagger, a standard
(tugh), and drums. Khan A`zam, Nawazish K. and other servants were
honoured with presents according to their standing. Iradat K. was
appointed Bakhshi in place of Fazil K. Ruknu-s-saltana Asaf K. exalted
his head with the dignity of the Subadarship of Bengal and Orissa. A
special dress of honour, with a jewelled sword, were conferred on
him. Abu Talib (i.e., Shaista K.), his son, was appointed to accompany
him, and promoted to the mansab of 2,000 with 1,000 horse. On Saturday,
the 9th, corresponding with the 19th Rajab, A.H. 1032 (May 9, 1623),
the camp was pitched at the Ana-Sagar lake outside Ajmir. Prince
Dawar-bakhsh, being honoured with the mansab of 8,000, and 3,000
horse, was granted Rs. 2,00,000 of treasure for the expenses of the
army which accompanied him. Rs. 1,00,000 I also gave as an advance to
Khan A`zam. Allah-yar, s. Iftikhar Beg, who was in the service of my
fortunate son Shah Parwiz, was at his request granted a standard. Tatar
K. took leave on his appointment to the charge of Fort Gwalior. Raja
Gaj Singh was appointed to the mansab of 5,000, with 4,000 horse.

On this day news came from Agra that Her Highness (hazrat)
Maryamu-z-zamani, [614] by the decree of God, had died. I trust
that Almighty God will envelop her in the ocean of His mercy. Jagat
Singh, s. Rana Karan, having come from his native place, had the
good fortune to pay his respects. Ibrahim K. Fath-jang, governor
of Bengal, had sent thirty-four elephants by way of offering, and
they were submitted to me. Baqir K. was appointed faujdar of Oudh,
and Sadat K. to the Du-ab. The Mir Mushrif was made Diwan-i-buyutat.

On the 12th of the Divine month of Tir a report came from the
officials of Gujarat with the good news of victory and conquest. The
particulars of this summary are that I had granted the Subah of
Gujarat, the abode of Sultans of high dignity, to Bi-daulat as a
reward for his victory over the Rana, as has been fully related in the
preceding pages. Sundar, the brahman, administered and protected the
country. When futile ideas entered his ungrateful mind, he sent for
that dog of a Hindu, who was always shaking the chain of enmity and
perversity, along with Himmat K., Sharza K., Sar-afraz K., and many
of the royal servants who were fiefholders in the province. Sundar's
brother Kunhar was appointed in his room. When Sundar was killed, and
Bi-daulat retreated after his defeat to Mandu, the province of Gujarat
was put in the charge of La`natu-llah as his fief, and Kunhar was sent
for along with Safi K., the diwan. At the same time the treasure, the
jewelled throne on which five lakhs had been expended, and the pardala
(belt) on which two lakhs had been spent--and which things had been
prepared as a present for myself--were also sent for. Safi K. was the
brother's son (text says "brother") of Ja`far Beg, who received in my
father's service the title of Asaf K., and was married to a daughter
of Nur Jahan's brother, who by my favour had received the title of
Asaf K. An elder daughter was the wife of Bi-daulat. Both daughters
were by one mother, and Bi-daulat expected that on account of this
connection Safi K. would be on his side. But an eternal decree had
gone forth for Safi K.'s loyalty and prosperity, and that he should
attain to high rank! Accordingly, Almighty God made him loyal and
the performer of good deeds, as will now be described. In short, the
faithless (bi-wafa) La`natu-llah sent his eunuch named Wafa-dar to be
governor of that country, and he, with a few ragamuffins (bi-sar-u-pa)
entered Ahmadabad, and took possession of the city. As Safi K. had made
up his mind to be loyal, he courageously looked after the servants, and
collected a force, and won the hearts of the people. Some days before
Kunhar came out of the city he (Safi) encamped on the bank of the
Kankariya lake, and thence hastened to Mahmudabad, giving out openly
that he was going to Bi-daulat. Secretly, he opened communication
and made arrangements to be loyal with Nahir K., Sayyid Dilir K.,
Nanu [615] K., Afghan, and other devoted servants of the State, who
were waiting in their own jagirs. He awaited his opportunity. Salih,
a servant of Bi-daulat, who was faujdar of the Sarkar of Pitlad, and
had a good force with him, heard rumours that Safi K. entertained
other ideas. Kunhar [616] had also discovered this, but as Safi
K. soothed them and was very cautious and careful in his conduct,
they could not move hand or foot. Salih, for fear lest Safi K.,
abandoning dissimulation, should stretch his hand towards the treasure,
exercised foresight, and went farther on with the treasure, taking
nearly Rs. 10,00,000 to Bi-daulat at Mandu. Kunhar (or the younger
brother?) also, having seized the jewelled pardala, started after
him, but could not take the throne on account of its weight. Safi K.,
knowing this was his opportunity, changed his place from Mahmudabad to
the pargana of Karang, [617] which is to the left of the usual road,
where Nanu K. was, and arranged by letter and verbal messages with
Nahir K. and other loyal servants that each of them should ride from
his jagir with the force that he had, and at the hour of sunrise,
which was the morning of prosperity for people of good fortune, and
the evening of ruin to those who practised villainy, enter the city
by the gate to which each was opposite. He (Safi) left his women in
the aforesaid pargana, and, in company with Nanu (Babu?) K., came at
dawn to the outskirts of the city. He halted for a short time in the
Sha`ban [618] garden until it had become light and friend could be
distinguished from enemy. After the world-illuminating sun of good
fortune (had risen), when he found the gate of prosperity open,
though he could see no trace of Nahir K. and the other loyalists,
yet lest possibly the enemy might obtain information and fasten the
gates of the fort he placed his confidence in God who gives victory,
and entered the city by the Sarangpur gate. About this time Nahir
K. also arrived, and, entering by the gate, came into the city. The
eunuch of La`natu-llah, having ascertained the unfailing good fortune
of (Jahangir), took refuge in the house of Shaikh Haidar, grandson
of Nizam Wajihu-d-din. The royal servants of approved service,
having proclaimed their victory with loud voices, set to work to
strengthen the towers and gates. They sent men to the houses of
Muhammad Taqi, Bi-daulat's diwan, and of Hasan Beg, his Bakhshi, and
seized them. Shaikh Haidar himself came and informed Safi K. that the
eunuch of La`natu-llah was in his house, and they tied his hands to
his neck, and brought him. Having imprisoned a number of Bi-daulat's
servants and dependants, they engaged in keeping order in the city. The
jewelled throne, the cash of Rs. 2,00,000, and the property and effects
of Bi-daulat and his men in the city, came into their possession. When
this news reached Bi-daulat, he sent off La`natu-llah with Himmat K.,
Sharza K., Sar-afraz K., Qabil Beg, Rustam Bahadur, Salih Badakhshi,
and other criminals. What with royal servants and his own men, he
had some 5,000 or 6,000 horse. Safi K. and Nahir K., becoming aware
of this, planted firmly the foot of courage, and employed themselves
in encouraging their men and collecting forces. Whatever cash and
valuables they could obtain, even to the throne, which they broke up,
they divided amongst both the old and new troopers as pay. Raja Kalyan,
Zamindar of Idar (printed wrongly "Andur"), and the son of Lal Gopi
(?) [619], and all the Zamindars from every quarter, were summoned
into the city. A good number was thus assembled. La`natu-llah did
not wait for auxiliaries, and in the space of eight days came from
Mandu to Baroda. The loyal party, by the guidance of their courage,
and in reliance on God, came out of the city and encamped on the bank
of the Kankariya Lake. It occurred to La`natu-llah that if he came
on quickly, the rope of order of the loyal might be broken. When he
obtained news of the coming out of the loyal servants, drawing in the
reins of ruin, he delayed in Baroda till the arrival of help. After
the evil-ending criminals collected together at that chief place of
mischief, he put forward the foot of error and deviation from the
right path, and the loyal party, marching from the Kankariya tank,
encamped outside the village of Batoh, near the mausoleum of Qutb
`Alam. La`natu-llah traversed a road of three days in two, [620]
and arrived at Mahmudabad. As Sayyid Dilir K. had seized the women
of Sharza K. and brought them from Baroda to the city, and the
women of Sar-afraz K. were also in the city, Safi K. sent a secret
message to both of them that if by the guidance of good fortune they
would rub off the stain of sin (rebellion) from the tablet of their
foreheads, and would enrol themselves among the loyal servants, their
position in the present and future worlds would approach salvation;
otherwise he would subject their wives and children to all kinds of
indignities. Hearing this, La`natu-llah sent for Sar-afraz K. on some
excuse to his house, and imprisoned him. As Sharza K., Himmat K.,
and Salih Badakhshi were in league together, and had alighted at the
same place, he could not get Sharza K. into his hands. Briefly, on
the 21st of Sha`ban, A.H. 1032, June 10, 1623, La`natu-llah mounted
and arrayed the forces tinged with calamity. Those who were loyal
also arrayed their forces and prepared for the fight. It occurred to
La`natu-llah that if he were to go, their foot of courage would not
stand firm, and, without a battle taking place, they would be dispersed
in a miserable condition. When he saw the firm attitude of the loyal,
he could not screw up his courage (tab nayawarda), but turned his rein
towards the left, and gave out that they had hidden gunpowder under the
ground of that plain, and that his men would be destroyed by it--that
it would therefore be better to go into the plain of Sarkhej and
deliver battle there. These futile ideas were due to the aid of good
fortune, for on the turning back of his rein a rumour of his defeat
was spread abroad, and the horsemen of the plain of victory attacked
him in flank, and that ill-omened one was unable to reach Sarkhej,
and halted in the village of Naranja. The loyal party arranged their
forces in the village of Balud, which is nearly three koss off. At
dawn on the next day they went to battle after the approved manner,
their forces being drawn up in this way. In the vanguard were Nahir
K., Raja Kalyan, the Zamindar of Idar, and other valiant men; on the
left wing Sayyid Dilir K., Sayyid Sidu, and other loyal servants were
stationed; and on the right wing Nanu K., Sayyid Ya`qub, Sayyid Ghulam
Muhammad, and the rest of the life-sacrificing devoted ones, whilst in
the centre were Safi K., Kifayat K. Bakhshi, and some other servants
of approved service. It so happened, fortunately, that in the place
where La`natu-llah had halted, the land was undulating, full of thorn
brakes and narrow lanes. The forces, accordingly, were not in compact
order. He had sent on most of the experienced men with Rustam Bahadur,
and Himmat K., and Salih Beg were amongst the foremost in (the ranks
of) error. The army doomed to calamity first of all came in contact
with Nahir K. and Shams K., and a notable fight took place. By chance
Himmat K. fell in the dust of destruction from a gun-shot wound,
and a fight ensued between Salih Beg, and Nanu K., Sayyid Ya`qub,
Sayyid Ghulam Muhammad, and other servants. In the height of the
battle the elephant of Sayyid Ghulam Muhammad came and threw him
(Salih) from his horse; he fell severely wounded to the ground, and
about a hundred of his men were slain. At this moment an elephant
which was in the van of the rebel army turned round at the noise of
the rockets and the lightning of the guns, and got into a narrow lane,
on both sides of which were thorn brakes, and trod down many of the
rebels. By the turning back of the elephant the ranks of the enemy
were disordered. At this moment Sayyid Dilir K. came fighting from
the right wing. La`natu-llah did not know of the killing of Himmat
K. and Salih, and, with the idea of helping them, urged on the steed
of ruin. As the brave ones in the van, having displayed activity, had
been mostly wounded, they could not stand the onset of La`natu-llah,
and turned back their rein, and it nearly happened that there was a
great disaster. At this time the assistance of God displayed itself,
and Safi K. hastened from the centre to the support of the van. Just
then La`natu-llah heard of the killing of Himmat K. and Salih Beg,
and, on the appearance of the centre and the attack of Safi K., his
courage failed him, and he became a vagabond in the desert of defeat
and disaster. Sayyid Dilir K. pursued him for a koss, and made many
of the defeated the harvest of the sword of vengeance. Qabil Beg,
unfaithful to his salt, with a body of rebels, became captives in the
claws of retribution. As La`natu-llah was not sure about Sar-afraz
K., he on the day of battle placed him in chains on an elephant and
put him in charge of one of his slaves, with orders that if a defeat
occurred he should kill him. In like manner he placed in chains on one
of the elephants Bahadur, s. Sultan Ahmad, and gave permission to kill
him. When the fight took place the man in charge of Sultan Ahmad's son
put him to death with a dagger, but Sar-afraz K. threw himself down
off the elephant. The man in charge of him in that confusion aimed a
blow at him in his bewilderment, but it was not effectual. Safi K.,
finding him in the fight, sent him into the city. La`natu-llah did not
turn back till he arrived at Baroda. As the women of Sharza K. were
captives of those who were loyal, he was helpless, and came and waited
upon Safi K. Briefly, La`natu-llah hastened from Baroda to Broach. The
sons of Himmat K. were in the fort there. Although they did not admit
him, yet they sent him 5,000 mahmudis by way of maintenance. For three
days he remained outside the fort of Broach in a wretched state, and
on the fourth went to Surat by sea. For nearly two months he remained
there assembling his scattered men. As Surat was in Bi-daulat's jagir,
he took nearly 4 lakhs of mahmudis from his officials there, and took
possession of whatever he could by oppression and injustice. He again
collected together those whose fortune was reversed and whose stars
had been burnt, and betook himself to Bi-daulat at Burhanpur.

In fine, when this approved service performed by Safi K. and other
loyal servants in Gujarat became known, each one was exalted with
favours and kindnesses. Safi K. held the mansab of 700 personal
and 300 horse: having given him that of 3,000 personal and 2,000
horse, I honoured him with the title of Saif K. Jahangir-shahi,
and conferred on him a standard and drums. Nahir K. had 1,000 with
200 horse; having given him the mansab of 3,000 with 2,000 horse,
I bestowed on him the title of Shir K., and raised his head of
honour with a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled sword. He is the
(descendant?) grandson of (?) [621], the brother of Puran Mal Lulu
(?), who was governor of Raysin and Chanderi. When Shir K., the
Afghan (i.e., Shir Shah), besieged the fort of Raysin, it is well
known that he killed him (Puran Mal) after promising him quarter,
and that his women burnt themselves, committing "Johar," according to
the Hindu custom, in the fire of fame and modesty, so that the hand
of no unlawful person should touch the skirt of their chastity. His
sons and caste fellows went off to various [622] places. The father
of Nahir K., whose title was Khan Jahan, having gone to Muhammad K.,
governor of Asir and Burhanpur, became a Musalman, and when Muhammad
K. died, Hasan, his son, when in tender years, succeeded him. Raja
`Ali K., brother of Muhammad K., put the child in confinement, and
took possession of the government. After some time news reached Raja
`Ali K. that Khan Jahan and a body of the servants of Muhammad K. had
leagued together to attack him, and had determined to take Hasan
K. out of the fort and raise him to power. He was beforehand with
them, and sent Hayat Khan Habashi, with many brave men, to the house
of Khan Jahan, either to take him alive or to kill him. He, planting
his foot firmly on his good fame, took to fighting, and when things
went badly with him committed Johar, and passed from this borrowed
life. At that time Nahir K. was very young. Hayat Khan Abyssinian,
having asked `Ali K.'s permission, adopted him as his son, and made
him a Musalman. After his death Raja `Ali K. brought up Nahir K.,
and took good care of him. When my revered father conquered Asir,
Nahir K. joined his service. He (Akbar) discerned the signs of bravery
on his forehead, and raised him to a suitable mansab, and gave him in
jagir the pargana of Muhammadpur in Malwa. In my service he advanced
more and more. Now that the grace of gratitude has been bestowed upon
him, he has found the advantage of doing what was right.

Sayyid Dilir K. is of the Sayyids of Barha; formerly his name was
Sayyid `Abdu-l-Wahhab. I raised him from the mansab of 1,000 and 800
horse to 2,000 and 1,200 horse, and presented him with a standard. They
call twelve bara in Hindi. As in the Du-ab there are twelve villages
near each other which are the native country of these Sayyids, they
have become known as the Sayyids of Barha. Some people make remarks
about their lineage, but their bravery is a convincing proof of
their being Sayyids, for there has never been a battle in this reign
in which they have not been conspicuous, and in which some have not
been killed. Mirza `Aziz Koka always said the Sayyids of Barha were
the averters of calamity from this dominion, and such is in reality
the case.

Nanu K. Afghan held the mansab of 800 personal and horse: it was
ordered to be one of 1,500 personal and 1,200 horse. In the same manner
the other loyal servants, according to their services and sacrifices,
were promoted to high mansabs, and obtained the desire of their
hearts in lofty employments. At this time Asalat K., s. Khan Jahan,
was deputed to the assistance of my son (grandson) Dawar-bakhsh in
Gujarat, and I sent Nuru-d-din Quli into the Subah to bring Sharza K.,
Sar-afraz K., and the other leaders of the rebel army who had been
made captive in the land of retribution, chained, to the Court.

On this day it was reported to me that Minu-chihr, s. Shah-nawaz
K., had separated himself from Bi-daulat under the guidance of
good fortune, and had joined the service of my fortunate son Shah
Parwiz. I`tiqad K., governor of Kashmir, was promoted to the mansab
of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse.

As the huntsmen brought news that in this neighbourhood a tiger had
made its appearance, I felt disposed to hunt it. After entering the
forest three other tigers became visible. Having killed all four,
I returned to the palace. I have such a liking for tiger shooting
that whilst I can get it I do not go after other sport. Sultan
Mas`ud, s. Sultan Mahmud (of Ghaznin) (may the lights of Allah be
his testimony!), was also much inclined to tiger shooting. With
regard to his killing of tigers strange tales have been recorded,
especially in the history of Baihaqi, [623] who has kept a diary of
what he saw with his own eyes. Among these things he writes that one
day he (Mas`ud) went to hunt tigers in the borders of Hindustan, and
was riding an elephant. A very large tiger came out from the wood,
and made for the elephant. He threw a javelin (khisht) and struck
the tiger's chest. The tiger, enraged at the pain, came up on the
elephant's back, and the Amir knelt down and struck him such a blow
with his sword that he cut off both the tiger's fore-feet, and the
tiger fell backwards and died. It happened to me once when I was
prince that I had gone out in the Punjab to hunt tigers. A powerful
tiger appeared out of the wood. I fired at him from the elephant
and the tiger in great fury rose and came on the elephant's back,
and I had not time to put down my gun and seize my sword. Inverting
the gun, I knelt, and with both hands struck him with the stock over
the head and face so that he fell on to the ground and died.

One of the strange things that happened was that one day I was on an
elephant, and was hunting wolves in Aligarh [624] in the Nuh forest. A
wolf appeared, and I struck it with a bullet on its face (mana) near
the lobe of the ear. The bullet penetrated for about a span. From
that bullet it fell and gave up its life. It has often happened in
my presence that powerful (jawanan) men, good shots with the bow,
have shot twenty or thirty arrows at them, and not killed. As it is
not right to write about oneself, I must restrain the tongue of my
pen from saying more.

On the 29th of the month I presented a string of pearls to Jagat Singh,
s. Rana Karan. At this time it was reported to me that Sultan Husain,
Zamindar of Pakli, had died. I gave his mansab and jagir to Shadman,
his eldest son.

On the 7th of the month of Amurdad Ibrahim Husain, a servant of my
fortunate son Shah Parwiz, came from the victorious army, and brought
news of the victory of the chiefs of the everlasting State. The
report of my son laid before me the particulars of the fight, and
the exertions of the brave and distinguished men in it. I performed
the dues of thanksgiving for this favour, which was of God's grace
alone. The details of this are as follows: When the royal troops in
the army of the prince of high degree crossed the pass of Chanda,
[625] and entered the province of Malwa, Bi-daulat, with 20,000 horse,
300 fighting elephants, and a large force of artillery, left Mandu
in order to fight. He dispatched a body of the Bargis (Mahrattas)
of the Deccan with Jadu Ray and Uday Ram, Alash K., and other rebels
to make a raid (qazzaqi) on the royal camp. Mahabat K. made proper
arrangements. He placed the illustrious prince in the ghaul (centre),
and he himself proceeded with the whole army, and in marching and
in halting observed the conditions of caution. The Bargis kept at
a great distance, and did not put forward the foot of bravery. One
day it was Mansur K. Farangi's turn to be with the rear-guard. At the
time of pitching the camp Mahabat K., by way of caution, was standing
with his army drawn up outside the camp, in order that the men might
fence it in at their ease. As Mansur K. had been drinking on the road,
he was coming to the stage drunk with the wine of pride. It happened
an army was seen in the distance, and the wine put the idea into his
head that he must charge. Without telling his brothers or his men,
he mounted and charged, and drove off two or three Bargis, and came to
where Jadu Ray and Uday Ram were standing with two or three thousand
cavalry drawn up. As was their custom, they attacked him from all
sides and surrounded him. He fought as long as there was breath in
his body, and gave up his life on the path of loyalty.

During these days Mahabat K. was continually capturing, by messages and
letters, the afflicted hearts of a number of men who out of timidity
and confusion had accompanied Bi-daulat. When men read the lines of
despair on the page of his (Shah Jahan's) condition, letters also came
from that side, asking for agreements (qaul). After Bi-daulat came out
of the fort of Mandu, he in the first instance sent forward a body of
Bargis, and after them he sent Rustam K., Taqi, and Barq-andaz K. with
a body of musketeers. Then he sent Darab K., Bhim, Bairam Beg, and his
other active men. As he could not resolve to give battle in person,
he was continually looking backwards. He crossed the war-elephants
over the Narbadda with the artillery waggons, and went himself
unattended behind Darab and Bhim, turning his face of ruin towards
the battle. On the day when the royal camp was pitched at Kaliyadaha,
Bi-daulat sent his army against the victorious forces, and stationed
himself with Khan-khanan and a few men at the distance of a koss in
the rear. Barq-andaz K., who had made an agreement with Mahabat K.,
was lying in wait. When the armies were ranged opposite to each other,
he got his opportunity, and attacked with a body of musketeers, and
joined the royal army, crying out, "Success to King Jahangir!" When he
reached Mahabat K., the latter took him to wait on my fortunate son
Parwiz, who bestowed royal favours upon him. Previously he bore the
name of Baha'u-d-din, and was a servant of Zain K. After the latter's
death he enlisted among the Turkish gunners. As he was active in the
performance of his duty, and had a band of men with him, considering
him worthy of patronage, I gave him the title of Barq-andaz K. When I
sent Bi-daulat to the Deccan, I put him at the head of the artillery,
and sent him with him. Although in the beginning he placed the scar of
curse on the forehead of his obedience, yet in the end he turned out
well and came at a good time. On the same day Rustam, who was one of
his (Shah Jahan's) chief servants and on whom he had perfect reliance,
when he found that Fortune had turned away from him, made a compact
with Mahabat K. By the guidance of good fortune and reliance on God,
he, with Muhammad Murad Badakhshi and other mansabdars, left the
ill-fated army, and joined that of the illustrious prince. Bi-daulat's
hand and heart were paralyzed on hearing this news, and he suspected
all his own servants, and still more the royal servants he had with
him, of faithlessness and unreliability. During the night he sent for
the men who were in front, and decided on flight, and in bewilderment
crossed the Narbadda. At this time, again, some of his servants took
the opportunity of separating themselves from him, and joined the
service of my fortunate son. Each of them received favours according
to his condition. On the day that he crossed the river Narbadda,
a letter fell into the hand of one of his men, that Mahabat K. had
written in answer to Zahid's K. letter, making him hopeful of the
royal favour, and urging him to come in. This they sent direct to
Bi-daulat, and he, becoming suspicious of Zahid K., imprisoned him
with his three sons. Zahid K. is s. Shaja`at K., who was one of the
Amirs and trusted servants of my revered father. I had patronized this
wretch in consideration of his claims of service and of his position
as a house-born one (khana-zad), and given him the title of Khan and
the rank of 1,500, and had sent him with Bi-daulat for the conquest
of the Deccan. When I summoned the Amirs of that quarter on account
of the business of Qandahar, although a special farman of urgency
was sent to him, the wretch did not come to Court, and gave himself
out as an adherent and devoted servant of Bi-daulat. After the defeat
near Delhi, he turned back. Though [626] he had not a family, he had
not the good fortune to pay his respects, or to cleanse the dust
of shame and the stain of sin from the tablet of his forehead. At
last the True Recompenser caught him on this day, and his property,
to the extent of one lac and Rs. 30,000, was confiscated by Bi-daulat.


    When [627] thou hast done evil, think not thyself free of
                                                        calamities
    For retribution is according to natural law.


Briefly, Bi-daulat having quickly crossed the Narbadda, drew all
the boats over to that side, and having secured the fords with men
that he trusted, he left Bairam Beg, his Bakhshi, with a force of
trustworthy men and a body of the Bargis from the Deccan on the bank
of the river. Taking the artillery-waggons, he himself went towards
the fort of Asir and to Burhanpur. Meanwhile Taqi, his servant,
caught the runner whom Khan-khanan had sent to Mahabat K., and took
him to Bi-daulat. This couplet was written on the margin of the letter:


    Hundreds are watching me
    Otherwise I'd fly away from trouble.


Bi-daulat sent for him with his sons from his quarters, and showed him
the writing. Although he made excuses, he could give no answer that
could be listened to. In short, he kept him with Darab and his other
sons in surveillance near his own station, and the lot he had himself
drawn--viz., that hundreds were watching him--happened to him. At
this time I gave Ibrahim Husain, the servant of my prosperous son who
had brought the report of the victory, the title of Khush-khabar K.,
with a dress of honour, and an elephant, and sent a gracious farman
to the Prince and Mahabat K. by Khawass K. I also sent with him a
pahunchi [628] (bracelet) of great value to my son (Parwiz) and a
jewelled sword to Mahabat K. As Mahabat K. had done approved service,
I gave him the mansab of 7,000 personal and horse.

Sayyid Salabat K., having come from the Deccan, had the good fortune
to pay his respects, and received special favours. He was one of those
employed in the Deccan. When Bi-daulat, having been defeated near
Delhi, went to the fort of Mandu, he placed his children in independent
territory under the protection of God, and went off by secret routes
to pay his respects (to me). Mirza Hasan, s. Mirza Rustam Safawi,
having obtained leave to proceed to his appointment as faujdar of
Bahraich, was given the mansab of 1,500 personal and 500 horse,
original and increased. Having sent La`l Beg, Superintendent of the
Record Department, to my fortunate son Shah Parwiz, I sent with him a
special dress of honour and a nadiri for him, and a turban for Mahabat
K. Khawass K., who had previously been sent to him and had returned,
waited upon me with good news (of him). Khana-zad K., s. Mahabat K.,
was given the mansab of 5,000 personal and horse.

At this time I enjoyed myself for a day with hunting nilgaw. Whilst
I was hunting I saw a snake the length of which was 2 1/2 yards,
and its girth equal to three cubits (dast). He had swallowed half
a hare, and was in the act of swallowing the other half. When the
huntsmen picked him up and brought him to me, the hare fell out of
his mouth. I ordered them to put it into its mouth again, but they
could not do it, however much they exerted themselves; but by using
great violence the corner of his mouth was torn to pieces. After this
I ordered them to open its belly. Thereupon another entire hare came
out. They call this kind of snake chital [629] in Hindustan, and it
grows so large that it swallows a hog-deer (kotah-pacha) entire; but
it is not poisonous, and does not bite. One day during the same hunt
I shot a female nilgaw, and two fully formed young ones were found
inside. As I heard that the flesh of nilgaw fawns was delicate and
delicious, I ordered the royal cooks to prepare a du-piyaza [630]
(a kind of rich fricassee). Certainly it was not without flavour.

On the 15th of the Divine month of Shahriwar Rustam K., Muhammad Murad,
and several other servants of Bi-daulat, who under the guidance of
good luck had separated themselves from him and entered the service
of my fortunate son Shah Parwiz, according to orders came to Court,
and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Having promoted Rustam
K. to the mansab of 5,000 personal and 4,000 horse, and Muhammad Murad
to that of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, I made them hopeful of daily
increasing favours. Rustam K. by extraction is a Badakhshi. His name
was Yusuf Beg. He is connected with Muhammad-quli of Isfahan, who was
agent for and prime minister of Mirza Sulaiman (of Badakhshan). He was
first of all in the service of the Court, and passed his days mostly
in the Subahs. He was included among the smaller mansabdars. Having
been deprived of his jagir for some reason, he came to Bi-daulat, and
entered his service. He had a perfect knowledge of tiger-hunting. He
also did good service with him, especially in the affair of the
Rana. Bi-daulat selected him out of all his servants, and made him an
Amir. As I bestowed much favour on him (Shah Jahan), at his request
I gave him the title of Khan, with a standard and drums. For some
time he conducted as his agent the government of Gujarat, and did not
manage badly. Muhammad Murad is the son of Maqsud Mir-ab (butler),
who was one of the old servants of Mirza Sulaiman and Mirza Shah-rukh.

On this day Sayyid Bahwa came from Gujarat, and waited on
me. Nuru-d-din Quli brought in chains to the Court forty-one of the
rebels, who had been taken prisoners at Ahmadabad. Sharza K. and Qabil
Beg, who were ring-leaders of the seditious, I executed by throwing
them under the feet of warlike (mast) elephants. On the 20th of the
same month, corresponding with the 18th of the month of Zi-qa`da,
a daughter was given by the grace of God to my son Shahriyar by the
granddaughter [631] of I`timadu-d-daula. I hope that her advent [632]
will be propitious and blessed to this State. On the 22nd of the month
the feast of my solar weighment took place, and the 55th year of the
age of this suppliant began auspiciously and happily. According to
annual custom, I had myself weighed against gold and other valuables,
and gave them to deserving people. Among these I gave Rs. 2,000 to
Shaikh Ahmad [633] of Sihrind. On the 1st of the Divine month of
Mihr Mir Jumla was promoted to the mansab of 3,000 personal and
300 horse. Muqim, the Bakhshi of Gujarat, was given the title of
Kifayat K. As the innocence of Sar-faraz K. [634] was established to
my satisfaction, I took him out of prison, and allowed him to pay his
respects. At the request of my son Shahriyar, I went to his house. He
had prepared a grand entertainment, and presented suitable offerings,
and gave dresses of honour to most of the servants.

At this time a report came from my fortunate son Shah Parwiz that
Bi-daulat had crossed the river of Burhanpur (the Tapti), and was
wandering in the desert of error. The particulars are that when
he crossed the Narbadda and drew all the boats to that side, and
fortified the banks of the river and the ferries with cannon and
muskets, he left Bairam Beg on the bank with a large number of the
rebels, and withdrew towards Asir and Burhanpur. The Khan-khanan and
Darab he took with him under surveillance.

And now, for the sake of enlivening my narrative, a few words must
be said about Asir. The said fort, in its great height and strength,
is not in want of my praise. Before Bi-daulat went to the Deccan it
was in the charge of Khwaja Nasru-llah, s. Khwaja Fathu-llah, who
was one of the household slaves and ancient servants. Afterwards,
at the request of Bi-daulat, it was handed over to Mir Husamu-d-din,
s. Mir Jamalu-d-din Husain. [635] As the daughter of Nur Jahan Begam's
maternal uncle (tagha'i) was married [636] to him, when Bi-daulat,
having been defeated in the neighbourhood of Delhi, turned his rein
towards Malwa and Mandu, Nur Jahan Begam wrote to him and strictly
urged him, saying: "Beware, a thousand times beware, not to allow
Bi-daulat and his men to come near the fort, but strengthen the
towers and gates, and do your duty, and do not act in such a manner
that the stain of a curse and ingratitude for favours should fall on
the honour or the forehead of a Sayyid." In truth, he strengthened
it well, and the arrangements of the fort were not of such a sort
that Bi-daulat's bird of thought could fly up to its border, or the
conquest of it be quickly accomplished. In brief, when Bi-daulat sent
one of his attendants, of the name of Sharifa, to the above-mentioned,
he (Sharifa) seduced him by means of promises and threats, and it
was settled (between Shah Jahan and Sharifa) that when Husamu-d-din
should come down to take the letter and dress of honour which had
been sent, he should not be allowed to go up again. That wretch,
immediately Sharifa arrived, put away on the shelf of forgetfulness
what he owed on account of his bringing up and the favours conferred
on him, and without opposition or effort handed over the fort to
Sharifa, and with his wife [637] and child went to Bi-daulat, who
made him accursed of the Faith and in the world by bestowing on him
the mansab of 4,000 personal, and a standard and drums, and the title
of Murtaza K.--a disgraceful name to all eternity.

In short, when that one of reversed fortune reached the foot of
the fort of Asir, he took with him Khan-khanan, Darab, and all his
evil-minded offspring up to the fort, and remaining there for three
or four days, and having set his mind at ease about provisions, etc.,
handed it over to one Gopal Das, a Rajput, who had formerly been an
attendant of Sar-buland Ray, and entered his service when he went to
the Deccan. He left the women and his superfluous baggage, and took
with him his three wives with their children and some maid-servants. At
first he proposed to imprison Khan-khanan and Darab in the fort, but
at last changed his mind, and bringing them down with him, hastened
to Burhanpur. At this time La`natu-llah, after suffering disgrace
and contempt, came from Surat and joined him. In great perplexity,
Bi-daulat employed Sar-buland Ray, the son of Ray Bhoj Hara, who is
one of the brave Rajput servants, and who is fed from the royal table
(?), as his mediator, and by letters and messages made proposals
of peace. Mahabat K. said that until Khan-khanan came, peace was
impossible. His (Mahabat's) sole purpose was by these means to separate
from him that head of deceivers who was the ring-leader of trouble
and sedition. Being helpless, Bi-daulat brought him (Khan-khanan)
out of prison, and satisfied himself by taking an oath from him on the
Qoran. In order to please him and strengthen his promises and oath, he
took him inside the female apartment and made a confidant [638] of him,
and brought his own wife and son to him, and made use of all kinds of
entreaty and lamentation. The gist of his (Shah Jahan's) remarks was:
"My times are hard, and my position difficult; I make myself over to
you, and make you the guardian of my honour. You must act so that
I no longer undergo contempt and confusion." The Khan-khanan, with
a view to bring about peace, parted from Bi-daulat and proceeded
to the royal army. It was settled that he should remain on the
other side of the river, and arrange matters relating to peace in
writing. According to fate, before Khan-khanan arrived on the bank of
the river, some of the brave warriors and victorious youths one night
found an opportunity and crossed over at a place where the rebels were
careless. On hearing this news the pillars of their courage trembled,
and Bairam Beg could not keep firm the foot of error and ignorance,
or engage in driving them back. Whilst he was in this agitation
[639] many crossed the river, and on the same night the rebels of
evil fortune were separated from each other like the Banatu-n-na`ash,
[640] and took to flight. By the unfailing good fortune (of Jahangir)
the Khan-khanan fell into perplexity (lit. fell into the shash-dar
[641] position), and could neither go nor stay where he was. At this
time again letters arrived from my prosperous son mingling threats
with promises. The Khan-khanan, finding only despair and ruin in
the page of Bi-daulat's affairs, hastened, through the mediation
of Mahabat K., to wait upon my fortunate son. Bi-daulat, on hearing
of the departure of Khan-khanan and the crossing of the Narbadda by
the victorious army and the flight of Bairam Beg, lost courage, and,
notwithstanding a flood in the river and the violence of the rain,
crossed the Tapti in a state of wretchedness, and went off towards
the Deccan. In this confusion many of the royal servants and his own
attendants willingly or unwillingly separated, and did not accompany
him. As the native country of Jado Ray and Uday Ram and Atash K. was
on the route, they thought it better for themselves to keep with him
for some stages, but Jado Ray did not come into his camp, and followed
him at the distance of one stage. He took possession of such property
as the men in this confusion and fear for their lives abandoned. On
the day he (Shah Jahan) started from the other side of the river
(the Tapti) he sent a message by one of his immediate attendants of
the name of Zu-l-faqar K. Turkman, summoning Sar-buland K. Afghan,
with the message that it seemed to him contrary to courage and the
due performance of his engagements that he had as yet not crossed the
river. "Fidelity was the glory of men; the faithlessness of no one
has touched me (Shah Jahan) so much as yours." He (Sar-buland) was
standing on horseback on the river-bank when Zu-l-faqar [642] K. came
and delivered the message. Sar-buland did not give a precise answer,
and was undecided as to whether to stay or go. In his perplexity and by
way of objection he told Zu-l-faqar to let go his bridle. Zu-l-faqar
drew his sword, and struck at his waist. At this crisis an Afghan
interposed a short spear which the people of India call a barchha,
and the blow of the sword caught the shaft, and the point of the sword
did not reach Sar-buland's waist. After swords were drawn, the Afghans
attacked Zu-l-faqar and cut him in pieces. The son of Sultan Muhammad,
the treasurer, who was Bi-daulat's page, for friendship's sake had come
(with Zu-l-faqar) without Bi-daulat's permission, and was also killed.

Briefly, when the news of his leaving Burhanpur and of the victorious
army's approaching that city reached me, I sent Khawass K. on the
wings of haste to my loyal son, and strongly impressed upon him that
he must not relax his efforts, but must determine either to take him
alive or to drive him out of the imperial territory. It was said that
if things went badly with him on this side, it was probable that he
would throw himself by the road of Qutbu-l-mulk's country into the
provinces of Orissa and Bengal. This, too, was in accordance with
military plans. So out of caution, which is becoming to a ruler,
I appointed Mirza Rustam to be governor of Allahabad and dismissed
him with orders that if such circumstances should so occur (as Shah
Jahan's going to Bengal), he should rectify matters.

At this time my son (farzand) Khan Jahan came from Multan, and had
the good fortune to pay his respects. By way of nazar he presented
1,000 muhrs and a ruby of the value of Rs. 100,000, a pearl, and
other jewels. I gave an elephant to Rustam K. On the 9th of the
Divine month of Aban Khawass K. brought a report from the prince and
Mahabat K. to the effect that when my son (Parwiz) reached Burhanpur,
though many of his men had remained behind in consequence of the heavy
rains, he, according to orders, without delay had crossed the river
(Tapti), and gone in pursuit of Bi-daulat. Bi-daulat, on hearing
this terrible news, was marching on. On account of the heaviness
of the rain and the excessive quantity of mud and constant marching
his beasts of burden had become exhausted. If any baggage was left
behind no inquiries were made, and he (Shah Jahan) and his children
and dependents thought themselves lucky to save their lives and did
not trouble about their goods. The army of good fortune having come
down the pass of Bhangar, hastened after him as far as the pargana of
Ankot, [643] about forty koss from Burhanpur. Bi-daulat in this state
reached the fort of Mahur, and when he knew that Jado Ray and Uday Ram
and the other Dakhanis would not go with him any farther, he did not
disgrace them, but let them go. Leaving the heavy elephants with the
goods and chattels with Uday Ram in the fort, he himself started for
Qutbu-l-mulk's territory. When his departure from the royal territory
was ascertained, my fortunate son, with the approval of Mahabat K. and
other loyalists, turned rein from that pargana. On the first of the
Divine month of Aban he entered Burhanpur. Raja Sarang Deo was sent
to my son with a gracious farman.

Qasim K. was raised to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 2,000
horse. Mirak Mu`in, Bakhshi of Kabul, at the request of Mahabat K., was
honoured with the title of Khan. Alf K. Qiyam-khani, having come from
the Subah of Patna, paid his respects, and was appointed to the charge
of the fort of Kangra. I presented him with a standard. On the 1st of
the Divine month of Azar Baqi K. came from Junagarh and waited on me.

As I was at ease with regard to the affair of Bi-daulat, and the heat
of Hindustan did not agree with my constitution, on the 2nd of the
month, corresponding with the 1st of Safar [644] my camp started from
Ajmir for a tour and to hunt in the pleasant regions of Kashmir. Before
this I had appointed the chief of the state Asaf K. Subahdar of Bengal,
and gave him leave. As I had taken a great liking to his society,
and he was distinguished above all the other servants for ability and
good disposition and tact, and is moreover unequalled in all kinds of
propriety, and I regretted separation from him, I had broken through
that purpose, and had sent for him to wait upon me. He came on this
day, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Jagat Singh,
s. Rana Karan, took leave on his return to his native country,
and was given a dress of honour and a jewelled dagger. Raja Sarang
Deo brought a report from my fortunate son Shah Parwiz and Mahabat
K. Madaru-s-saltana, and kissed the threshold. It was written that
their minds were at ease with regard to the affair of Bi-daulat,
and that the rulers of the Deccan, willingly or unwillingly, were
performing the dues of obedience and submission. His Majesty (Jahangir)
might make his mind at ease about that quarter and enjoy himself in
hunting and travelling in whatever place in the royal dominions he
might approve of and which was good for his health. On the 20th of
the month Mirza Wali, having come from Sironj, waited on me. Hakim
Mumina was raised to the mansab of 1,000. Asalat K., s. Khan Jahan,
according to order, came from Gujarat, and had the good fortune to
pay his respects.

At this time a report came from `Aqidat K., Bakhshi of the Deccan,
containing the news of Raja Girdhar's having been killed. The
particulars of this event are that one of the brothers of Sayyid
Kabir Barha, who was an attendant of my fortunate son Shah Parwiz,
gave his sword to brighten and put on the wheel (to sharpen) to a
cutler who had a shop close to the house of Raja Girdhar. The next day,
when he came to fetch his sword, a conversation took place as to the
charge for the work, and the people of the Sayyid struck the cutler
some blows with a stick. The Raja's people in supporting him used
their whips on them. By chance two or three young Sayyids of Barha
had lodgings in that neighbourhood, and hearing of this disturbance,
went to the assistance of the aforesaid Sayyid. The fire of strife
was lighted, and a fight took place between the Sayyids and Rajputs,
ending in an encounter with arrows and swords. Sayyid Kabir, becoming
aware of this, came to assist with thirty or forty horsemen, and at
this time Raja Girdhar, with a body of Rajputs and his caste people,
according to the custom of the Hindus, were sitting barebodied and
eating their food. Becoming aware of the coming of Sayyid Kabir and
the violence of the Sayyids, he brought his men inside the house
and firmly closed the door. The Sayyids, setting fire to the door,
forced their way inside and the fight went to such a length that Raja
Girdhar and twenty-six of his servants were killed and forty others
wounded. Four of the Sayyids were also killed. After Raja Girdhar was
killed, Sayyid Kabir took the horses out of his stable to his own house
and returned. The Rajput officers, when informed of the slaying of Raja
Girdhar, came on horseback in great numbers from their houses, and all
the Barha Sayyids came to the aid of Sayyid Kabir. They assembled in
the plain outside the citadel, and the fire of trouble and calamity
increased, and it nearly came to a great disturbance. Mahabat K.,
being informed of it, immediately mounted and went there, and bringing
the Sayyids into the citadel, and soothing the Rajputs in a manner
suitable to the occasion, took some of their chief men with him and
went to the house of Khan `Alam, which was near there. He soothed
them down in a proper way, and promised and became security for an
inquiry into the matter. When this news reached the prince he also
went to the quarters of the Khan `Alam, and soothed them with words
appropriate to the state of affairs, and sent the Rajputs to their
own houses. Next day Mahabat K. went to the house of Raja Girdhar,
condoled and sympathized with his sons, and having contrived to get
hold of Sayyid Kabir put him into confinement. As the Rajputs would
not be consoled without his being put to death, after a few days he
executed him.

On the 23rd I appointed Muhammad Murad faujdar of Ajmir, and sent him
off. On this road I continually enjoyed myself in sporting. One day,
while hunting, a tuyghun (albino) partridge, which till now I had never
seen, came to my sight, and I caught it with a hawk. By chance the
hawk that caught it was also a tuyghun. I ascertained by trial that
the flesh of the black partridge was better than that of the white,
and that the flesh of the large quail (budana), which the people of
India call ghaghar, [645] is better than that of the quail, which
is a fighter. I compared the flesh of a fat kid with that of a lamb;
the flesh of the fat kid is more delicious. By way of test I ordered
them both to be cooked in the same way, so that I might discern the
matter accurately. On this account I have recorded it.

On the 10th of the month of Dai, in the neighbourhood of the pargana
of Rahimabad, [646] the huntsmen brought in news of a tiger. I
ordered Iradat K. and Fida'i K. to take with them some of the guards
(ahl-i-yatish) and surround the wood, and mounting (an elephant)
I followed them and went towards the hunt. From the number of trees
and thickness of the jungle it could not be well seen. Driving the
elephant forward, the tiger's flank came into view, and with one
wound from my gun he fell and gave up his life. Of all the tigers
I have shot from the time when I was a prince until now I never
saw a tiger like this for size and majesty and the symmetry of its
limbs. I ordered the artists to take its portrait according to its
real form and body. He weighed 8 1/2 Jahangiri maunds; his length,
from the top of his head to the end of his tail, was 3 1/2 cubits
[647] and 2 tassu (1/24 of a yard).

On the 16th it was reported that Mumtaz [648] K., the governor of Agra,
had died. At first he was in the service of Bahadur K., the brother
of Khan Zaman. After they were killed he entered the service of my
revered father. When I placed my foot in the world of existence that
revered person favoured me with making him the Nazir (Superintendent)
of my establishment. For a period of fifty-six years he served me
sincerely and zealously and in a manner to please me, and at no time
did a speck of dust from him settle on the fringe of my heart. What is
due to him for the excellence of his service is more than a clerk could
write. May God Almighty overwhelm him in the ocean of His forgiveness!

Having conferred on Muqarrab K., who is one of the old officials,
[649] the government and administration of Agra, I gave him his
leave. In the neighbourhood of Fathpur, Mukarram K. and his brother
`Abdu-s-Salam had the good fortune to pay their respects. On the 22nd
the entertainment for my lunar weighment took place in the town of
Mathura, and the fifty-seventh year of my age began auspiciously and
happily. At Mathura I went on by boat seeing what was to be seen,
and hunting. On the way the huntsmen reported that a tigress with
three cubs had appeared. Disembarking from the boat I engaged in
the pleasure of sport. As the cubs were small I ordered them to be
taken by hand, and killed the mother with my gun. At this time it was
reported to me that the villagers [650] and cultivators on the other
side of the river Jumna had not given up stealing and highway robbery,
and, passing their time in the shelter of thick jungles and difficult
strong places in stubbornness and fearlessness, would not pay their
rents to the jagirdars. I gave an order to Khan Jahan to take a force
of mansabdars with him and give them exemplary punishment, and having
slaughtered, imprisoned, and plundered them, raze to the ground their
strongholds and forts, and tear up from the root their thorn-brakes of
mischief and disturbance. The next day the force crossed the river and
made a hot attack on them. As they had no time for escape by flight
they planted firmly the foot of folly, and showed fight. Many of
them were slaughtered: their women and children were taken prisoners,
and much booty fell into the hands of the victorious army.

On 1st Bahman, having promoted Rustam K. to the faujdarship of the
Sarkar of Qanauj, I sent him there.

On the 2nd `Abdu-llah, s. Hakim Nuru-d-din, of Teheran, was ordered
to be capitally punished in my presence. The explanation of this brief
announcement is as follows: When the ruler of Persia, on suspicion of
his having money and other property, tortured his father, the aforesaid
fled from Persia, and with a hundred miseries and adversities threw
himself into Hindustan, and by the patronage of I`timadu-d-daula was
enrolled among the servants of the Court. By the aid of good fortune,
having in a short time become well known, he was included among those
who were in immediate attendance, and obtained a mansab of 500 and
a fertile jagir, but as his capacity was small (lit., his digestion
was narrow) he could not stand such great good fortune, and assumed
ingratitude and unthankfulness and constantly defiled his tongue with
abuse [651] of his lord and master. At this time it was continually
reported to me that as my kindness to him and observance of what
was due to him increased, that ungrateful one blamed and abused me
the more. When I considered the favours I had bestowed upon him, I
could not believe these stories about him, but at last I heard from
impartial and disinterested persons the disrespectful language which
he had used with respect to me in assemblies and companies. The charge
was thus confirmed, and accordingly I summoned him to my presence
and had him executed. [652]

"A red [653] tongue gives the green head to the winds." As the
huntsmen reported that there was a tigress in this neighbourhood, by
the mischief caused by which the inhabitants were oppressed, I ordered
Fida'i K. to take elephants with him and surround it. Mounting myself,
I followed him into the forest. It soon came to view, and with one
shot from my gun its affairs were finished. One day I was enjoying
myself with sport, and caught a black partridge with a hawk. I ordered
them to open its crop in my presence. A mouse it had swallowed whole
came out of its crop, and which was not yet digested. I was greatly
astonished that the pipe of its gullet, small as it was, should
swallow a whole mouse and how it had done so. Without exaggeration,
if anyone had told me the tale I should not have believed it. As I
saw this myself I have recorded it on account of its strangeness. On
the 6th of the month Delhi became the abode of good fortune.

As Jagat Singh, s. Raja Baso, at the instigation of Bi-daulat, had
gone out into the hills in the north of the Panjab, which is his
hereditary abode, and raised a disturbance there, I appointed Sadiq
K. to punish him, as has been related in the preceding pages. At this
time Madho Singh, his younger brother, was promoted to the title of
Raja, and given a horse and robe of honour. An order was given for
him to go to Sadiq K. and attack the rebels with him.

Next day I marched from the outskirts of the city, and alighted at
Salimgarh. As the house of Raja Kishan Das was on the road, and he had
made great efforts and entreated me to do so, I at his request threw
the shadow of prosperity on his dwelling, and gratified the desire
of that old servant. A few of his offerings were accepted in order to
dignify him. Marching on the 20th from Salimgarh, I appointed Sayyid
Bahwa Bukhari to the governorship of Delhi, which is his ordinary
residence. In fact, he had already done this service well, and I had
given him high rank.

At this time `Ali Muhammad, s. `Ali Ray, [654] ruler of Tibet, by his
father's order came to Court, and had the good fortune to pay his
respects. It was clear that `Ali Ray had a great affection for and
attachment to this son, and held him dearer than his other children. He
wished to make him his successor, and he was consequently envied by
his brothers, and disputes arose between them. Abdal, s. `Ali Ray,
who was the eldest of his children, through this jealousy sought
the patronage of the Khan of Kashghar and made him his protector,
so that when `Ali Ray, who was very old and decrepit, should die,
he might, under the protection of the Wali of Kashghar, become ruler
of Tibet. `Ali Ray, suspecting that the brothers might attack `Ali
Muhammad, and a disturbance might arise in his country, sent him to
Court, his desire being that he might be attached to this Court,
and his affairs might prosper by service to and kindness shown by
the Court.

On the 1st of the Ilahi month of Isfandarmuz I pitched in the pargana
of Umbala. Lashkari, s. Imam-wirdi, who had run away from Bi-daulat,
and joined the service of my auspicious son Shah Parwiz, having come
on this date to Court, kissed the threshold. A report came from my
son and Mahabat K. It contained the recommendation and the offer of
service of `Adil K., with a letter which he had sent to Mahabat,
in which were set forth his submissiveness and loyalty. Lashkari
was sent back to Parwiz with a dress of honour, a nadiri with pearl
buttons for the prince, and a dress of honour for Khan `Alam and
Mahabat K. At the request of my son I wrote a gracious farman to
`Adil K. showing great favour to him, and sent him a robe of honour
with a special nadiri. I gave an order that if they thought fit they
should send the above-mentioned [655] to `Adil K.

On the 5th I alighted at the garden of Sihrind. On the bank of the
Beas Sadiq K., Mukhtar K., Isfandiyar, Raja Rup Chand of Gwalior, and
other Amirs who had been appointed to support him, having succeeded in
restoring order in the northern hill-country, had the good fortune to
kiss the threshold. The facts, briefly, are that Jagat Singh, at the
instigation of Bi-daulat, had taken to the hills above-mentioned, and
engaged in stirring up sedition and strife. As the field was clear
(i.e., there was no one to oppose him) he passed over difficult
mountains and defiles, and by attacking and plundering peasantry
and the weak, heaped misfortune on them until Sadiq K. arrived. He
brought the Zamindars under control by means of fears and hopes,
and made the overthrow of that wretched creature the object of his
exertions. Jagat Singh strengthened the fort of Mau, and was protected
by it. Whenever he found an opportunity he left that fortress and
fought with the royal servants. At last his provisions were exhausted,
and he came to despair of assistance from the other Zamindars. The
elevation of his younger brother became a source of disturbance and
anxiety to him. Helplessly he then sought for patronage, and begged
the protection of Nur Jahan Begam, expressing shame and contrition,
and sought a refuge in her mediation. In order to please and satisfy
her, the pen of pardon was drawn through the record of his faults.

On this day reports came in from the officials in the Deccan that
Bi-daulat, with La`natu-llah, Darab, and other wretched (with broken
wing and feathers) creatures in miserable condition, with blackened
faces, had gone from the borders of Qutbu-l-mulk's territory towards
Orissa and Bengal. In this journey great loss fell on him and his
companions, many of whom, when a chance offered, with bare heads
and feet, and having washed their hands of life (desperate), took to
flight. Out of these one day Mirza Muhammad, s. Afzal K., his Diwan,
with his mother and his family, ran away during the march, and when
the news reached Bi-daulat, he sent Ja`far and Khan-quli Uzbeg and
some others of his confidential men in pursuit of him, that, if they
could take him alive, well and good, or otherwise they should cut
off his head and bring it into his presence. They with all speed
proceeded and caught him up on the road. Becoming aware of this,
he sent his mother and family into the jungles and hid them there,
and himself with a body of young men whom he relied on as companions,
planted manfully the foot of courage and stood with their bows. In
front of them there was a canal and a swamp (chihla). Sayyid Ja`far
K. wished to approach near him and take him with him by deceiving him,
but however much he tried to persuade him by threatening and holding
out hopes, it had no effect, and he answered him with life-taking
arrows. He made a good fight of it, and sent Khan-quli and some others
of Bi-daulat's men to hell. Sayyid Ja`far also was wounded. Finally
Mirza Muhammad received severe wounds and gambled away the cash of
his life. But as long as he had breath he deprived many thereof. After
he was killed, they cut off his head and took it to Bi-daulat.

When Bi-daulat was defeated near Delhi and went to Mandu, he sent Afzal
K. to get assistance and support from `Adil K. and others, forwarding
with him an armlet (bazu-band) for `Adil K., and a horse, an elephant,
and a jewelled sword for `Ambar. He first went to `Ambar. After
delivering his message he produced what Bi-daulat had sent for him,
but `Ambar would not accept them, saying he was the servant of `Adil
K., who was at present the head of those in power in the Deccan: he
should go first to him and explain what he desired. If he agreed, his
slave would ally himself to and obey him, and in that case he would
take whatever was sent, otherwise not. Afzal K. went to `Adil K.,
who received him very badly, and for a long time kept him outside the
city and did not look into his affair, but put all kinds of slights
upon him, but secretly asked for what Bi-daulat had sent for him and
`Ambar, and took possession of it. The aforesaid (Afzal K.) was there
when he heard the news of the killing of his son and the ruin of his
family, and so fell upon evil days. In short, Bi-daulat, in spite
of all his (original) good fortune and happy auspices, undertook
a long and distant journey, and came to the port of Machhli Patan
(Masulipatam), which belongs to Qutbu-l-mulk. Before reaching this
place, he sent some of his men to Qutbu-l-mulk, and besought him
for all sorts of assistance and companionship. Qutbu-l-mulk sent him
a small amount of cash and goods for his support, and wrote to the
warden of his frontier to conduct him in safety out of his territory,
and encourage the grain-sellers and Zamindars to send grain and all
other necessaries to his camp.

On the 27th of the month a strange event took place. Returning from
the hunting-place, I had come back to the camp at night. By chance I
crossed a stream of water, the bed of which was very rocky and the
water running violently. One of the servants of the sharbat-khana
(wine-cellar) was conveying a huntsman's relish. He had a gold tray,
which contained a salver and five cups. There were covers to the cups,
and the whole was in a cotton bag. When he was crossing, his foot
slipped and the tray fell out of his hand. As the water was deep and
running rapidly, however much they searched and beat their hands and
feet (exerted themselves), no trace of it could be found. Next day
the state of the case was reported to me, and I ordered a number of
boatmen and huntsmen to go to the place and make a careful search,
and it perhaps might appear. By chance, in the place where it had
fallen it was found, and more strange still, it had not been turned
upside down, and not a drop of water had got into the cups. This
affair is similar to what happened when Hadi was seated on the throne
of the Khalifate. A ruby ring had been inherited by Harun from his
father. Hadi sent a slave to Harun and asked for it. It happened that
at that time Harun was seated on the bank of the Tigris. The slave gave
the message, and Harun, enraged, said: "I have allowed thee [656] to
have the Khalifate, and thou dost not allow me one ring." In his rage
he threw the ring into the Tigris. After some months by the decree
of fate Hadi died, and the turn of the Khalifate came to Harun. He
ordered divers to look for the ring in the place where he had thrown
it. By the chances of destiny, and the aid of good fortune, at the
first dive the ring was found, and brought and given into Harun's hand!

At this time one day on the hunting ground the chief huntsman
Imam-wirdi brought before me a partridge that had a spur on one leg
and not on the other. As the way to distinguish the female lies in
the spur, by way of testing me he asked whether this was a male or a
female. I said at once "A female." When they opened it an egg appeared
inside (pishina) its belly. The people who were in attendance asked
with surprise by what sign I had discovered this: I said that the head
and beak of the female are shorter than the male's. By investigation
and often seeing (the birds) I had acquired this dexterity. [657]
It is a strange thing that the windpipe in all animals (haiwanat),
which the Turks call halq, [658] is single from the top of the throat
to the crop (china-dan), while in the case of the bustard (jarz)
it is different. In the bustard it is for four finger-breadths from
the top of the throat single and then it divides into two branches
and in this form reaches the crop. Also at the place where it divides
into two branches there is a stoppage (sar-band) and a knot (girih)
is felt by the hand. In the kulang (crane) it is still stranger. In
it the windpipe passes in a serpentine manner between the bones of
the breast to the rump and then turns back from there and joins the
throat. The jarz or charz (bustard) is of two kinds: one is a mottled
black and the other bur (a kind of dun colour). I now [659] discovered
that there are not two kinds, but that which is a mottled black is
the male, and that which is dun-coloured is the female. The proof of
it is this, that in the piebald there are testicles and in the dun
one there are eggs; this has been repeatedly found on examination.

I have a great liking for fish, and all kinds of good fish are brought
for me; the best fish in Hindustan is the rohu, and after that the
barin. [660] Both have scales, and in appearance and shape are like
each other. Everyone cannot at once distinguish between them. The
difference in their flesh also is very small, but the connoisseur
discovers that the flesh of the rohu is rather more agreeable of
the two.








THE NINETEENTH NEW YEAR'S FEAST AFTER THE AUSPICIOUS ACCESSION


On Wednesday, the 29th Jumada-l-awwal, A.H. 1033, March 10, 1624,
after one watch and two gharis of day had passed, the sun, that
bestows bounty on the world, passed into its house of honour in
Aries. The royal servants obtained promotions and increase of
mansab. Ahsanu-llah, s. Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan, received as original
and increase that of 1,000 and 300 horse. Muhammad Sa`id, s. Ahmad
Beg K. Kabuli, the same, Mir Sharaf Diwan-i-buyutat, and Khawass K.,
each of them that of 1,000. Sardar K., having come from Kangra, had
the good fortune to pay his respects. At this time I gave orders to
the yasawuls and men of the yasaq (guards) that hereafter at the time
when I came out of the palace they should keep away defective people,
such as the blind, and those whose noses and ears had been cut off,
the leprous and the maimed, and all kinds of sick people, and not
permit them to be seen. On the 19th the feast of the culmination
was held. Ilah-wirdi, the brother of Imam-wirdi, had run away from
Bi-daulat and came to Court, and was honoured with great favours.

As the news of Bi-daulat's coming to the border of Orissa was
constantly repeated, a farman was issued to the prince and Mahabat
K. and the Amirs who had been sent to the support of my son, that
they should set their minds at ease about the administering the
provinces (of the Deccan), and go quickly to Allahabad and Behar,
and if the Subahdar of Bengal could not forestall him, and he should
put forward the foot of audacity, he must be made a wanderer in the
desert of disappointment by the blows of the victorious army which is
in the shadow of the flag of my son. By way of precaution on the 2nd
Urdibihisht I gave my son Khan Jahan leave to proceed to Agra to remain
in that neighbourhood and wait for a sign. If there should happen to
be any necessity for a particular service and an order should be given
him, he must act as occasion might require. I sent him a special dress
of honour, with a nadiri with pearl buttons, a special jewelled sword,
and to Asalat K., his son, a horse, and a dress of honour.

On this day a report came from `Aqidat K., Bakhshi of the Deccan. He
wrote that, according to order, my prosperous son Shah Parwiz had
married the sister of Raja Gaj Singh. I hope that her coming will be
auspicious to the State. He also wrote that, having sent for Turkuman
K. from Pattan he had appointed `Azizu-llah in his place. Jan-sipar
K., also by order, came and waited on me. When Bi-daulat crossed
the Burhanpur river and took the road of ruin, Mir Husamu-d-din,
considering his own evil deeds, could not remain at Burhanpur. Taking
his children with him, he conveyed the goods of ruin to the Deccan, in
order that he might pass his days under the protection of `Adil K. By
chance, as he passed by Bir, Jan-sipar K. obtained information, and
sent a body of men to head him off. He seized him and his dependants,
and brought them before Mahabat. Mahabat placed him in confinement,
and took from him Rs. 1,00,000 in cash and goods. (Also) Jado Ray
and Uday Ram had taken the elephants which Bi-daulat had left in
Burhanpur and brought them to the prince (Parwiz).

Qazi `Abdu-l-`Aziz, who had come to Delhi from Bi-daulat in order
to state his objects, had not been allowed by me an opportunity to
speak and I had handed him over to Mahabat K. After his (Bi-daulat's)
defeat and ruin Mahabat K. had made him his own servant. As he was an
old friend of `Adil K., and was for some years at Bijapur as Vakil of
Khan Jahan. Mahabat K. now sent him again as his representative [661]
to `Adil Khan, and the leading men of the Deccan, nolentes volentes,
looking to the necessities of the time and the upshot of affairs,
were contented and professed loyalty and desire for service. The rebel
`Ambar sent one of his confidential men of the name of `Ali Shir,
and displayed great humility. He (`Ambar) wrote in the capacity of
a servant to Mahabat K., and engaged that he (`Ambar) should come to
Dewalgaon [662] and wait upon Mahabat. He would make his eldest son
a servant of the State, and keep him in the service of my auspicious
son. About this time there arrived a letter from Qazi `Abdu-l-`Aziz
that `Adil K. from the bottom of his heart had elected for service
and loyalty, and agreed that he would send Mulla Muhammad Lari,
who was his principal agent and minister, and whom both in spoken
and written messages he called Mulla Baba, with 5,000 horse, that
he might remain continually on duty, and they might know that other
[663] troops would follow (?). Urgent farmans had been sent that
my son should proceed to Allahabad and Behar in order to overthrow
Bi-daulat. At this time news arrived that notwithstanding the rainy
season and the violence of the rain, that son, on the 6th Farwardin
had marched out of Burhanpur with the army of fortune, and had taken
up his quarters in Lal Bagh, [664] and that Mahabat K. was awaiting at
Burhanpur the arrival of Mulla Muhammad Lari, so that when he arrived
he would relieve himself of the care of the maintenance of order in
that neighbourhood, and come with him (Muhammad Lari) to wait on my
son. Lashkar K., Jado Ray, Uday Ram, and other servants of the State
had been ordered to go to the Balaghat (the country above the Ghats),
and remain at Zafarnagar. Having given Jan-sipar K. leave as before,
he (Parwiz) kept Asad K. Ma`muri at Elichpur. Minuchihr, s. Shah-nawaz
K., was appointed to Jalnapur. He sent Rizawi K. to Thalner, to guard
the province of Khandesh.

On this day news came that Lashkari had taken the farman to `Adil K.,
and he, having decorated the city, had gone out four koss to meet
him, and had performed salutations and prostrations for the farman
and the dress of honour. On the 21st I sent dresses of honour for my
son Dawar-bakhsh and Khan A`zam and Safi K. Having appointed Sadiq
K. to the government of Lahore, and given him a dress of honour and an
elephant, I gave him leave. An order was given that he should have the
mansab of 400 personal and 400 horse. Multafat K., s. Mirza Rustam,
raised the head of distinction with the mansab of 1,500 personal and
300 horse.

One day while hunting it was reported to me that a snake with a
black hood (kafcha) had swallowed another hooded (kafcha?) snake
and gone into a hole. I ordered them to dig up the place and bring
out the snake. Without exaggeration I had never seen a snake of this
size. When, they opened its belly, the hood of the snake that it had
swallowed came out whole. Although this snake was of another kind,
in length and girth little difference was visible.

At this time it was represented to me in a report [665] by the news
writer of the Deccan that Mahabat K. had ordered `Arif s. Zahid to
be executed, and had put him (i.e., Zahid), with two other sons,
in prison. It appeared that that wretched man had written with his
own hand a petition to Bi-daulat representing on the part of his
father and himself his loyalty, sincerity, repentance, and shame. By
fate that letter fell into the hands of Mahabat K. Having sent for
`Arif into his presence he showed him the letter. As he had written a
decree for his own blood, he could not make any acceptable excuse, and
of necessity he was executed, and his father and brothers imprisoned.

On the 1st Khurdad it was reported that Shaja`at K. `Arab, had died
a natural death in the Deccan.

At this time a report came from Ibrahim K. Fath-jang that Bi-daulat had
entered Orissa. The particulars of this are that between the boundary
[666] of Orissa and the Deccan there is a barrier. On one side there
are lofty mountains, and on the other swamps and a river. The ruler
of Golconda had also erected a wall (dar-band) and a fort, and armed
it with muskets and cannon. The passage of men by that closed route
was impracticable without the leave of Qutbu-l-mulk. Bi-daulat, with
the guidance of Qutbu-l-mulk, having passed by that route, entered the
country of Orissa. It happened that at this time Ahmad Beg K., nephew
of Ibrahim K., had attacked the Zamindars of Khurda. At this strange
occurrence, which happened without precedent or news or information,
he became confused and bewildered and without seeing a remedy gave up
his campaign, and came to the village of Bulbuli [667] (Pipli), the
seat of the governor of that Subah (Orissa). He then took his women
with him and hastened to Cuttack, which is 12 koss from Pipli towards
Bengal. As the time was short, he had not leisure to collect troops
and arrange his affairs. He did not feel himself equal to a war with
Bi-daulat, and he had not with him associates such as were necessary,
so he went on from Cuttack to Bardwan, of which Salih, nephew of Asaf
K. deceased, was the Jagirdar. At first Salih was astonished [668],
and did not believe that Bi-daulat was coming, until a letter came from
La`natu-llah to conciliate him. Salih fortified Bardwan and remained
in it. Ibrahim K. was surprised on hearing the terrible news. Though
most of his auxiliaries and soldiers were scattered in the villages
round about and unprocurable, he yet planted the foot of courage firmly
in Akbarnagar (Rajmahal), and set himself to strengthen the fort and
collect troops, and encourage the heads of tribes and retainers. He
prepared the things necessary for his guns and other weapons and for
battle. In the meanwhile a notice came to him from Bi-daulat that by
the decree of God and the ordinances of heaven what was not suitable
to him had appeared from the womb of non-existence. By the revolving
of crooked-moving time and the changes of night and day his passage
towards these regions had come to pass. Although to the view of
manly courage the extent and breadth of that country were not more
than an exercising-ground, or rather than a rubbish-heap (pur-kahi,
"full of straw"), and his aims were higher, yet as he had to pass
by this way, he could not pass for nothing. If it were Ibrahim's
determination to go to the royal Court, he (Shah Jahan) would hold
back the hand of injury from him and his family, and he might go
to Court with an easy mind. If he considered it advisable to stay,
he would bestow upon him any corner of the country he might ask for.




ADDENDUM BY MIRZA MUHAMMAD HADI, THE WRITER OF THE PREFACE

The MS. states: "Up to this place is the writing (ta'lif) of the
deceased king Jahangir. The rest, up to the end of the book, is
written by Muhammad Hadi from some trustworthy MS. collected together
to complete the book.








ADDENDUM


Mr. Berthold Laufer's paper on "Walrus and Narwhal Ivory," reprinted
at Leyden, 1913, from the Toung Pao, throws light on Jahangir's remarks
about fish-tooth dagger-hilts. It now seems certain that they were made
of the canine tooth of the walrus, or the horn of the narwhal. Possibly
one reason why Jahangir attached so much value to the fish-teeth was
because they were supposed to be an antidote to poison. He was fond
of such things, and one day, when he was heir-apparent, Father Jerome
Xavier found him engaged at Fathpur in extracting copper from peacocks'
tails, on account of its supposed antitoxine properties.

It is stated in Mr. Laufer's paper, pp. 13 and 15, that walrus-teeth
were supposed to be also useful in reducing swellings. As they
were often made into knife-handles, it is not improbable that the
knife which a Rajah of Cochin appears to have sent to Akbar in 1569
(Akbar-nama, i. 342) was, wholly or in part, made of walrus ivory. The
Rajah said that whenever it was applied to a swelling it reduced it,
and Akbar told Abu-l-Fazl that over 200 persons had benefited by
touching it.

In the British Museum there is a fascinating set of chessmen made of
walrus or narwhal ivory. They were discovered in the island of Lewis
in 1831, but are supposed to be as old as the twelfth century.








NOTES


[1] Jahangir was born on Wednesday, 17 Rabi`u-l-awwal 977 A.H.,
or August 31, 1569, and so on March 11, 1618, or 23 Rabi`u-l-awwal,
1027, he was in the beginning of his fifty-first lunar year. By solar
computation he was not yet fifty, that is, he was in his fiftieth
year. The text wrongly has 1017 instead of 1027.

[2] Text wrongly has panchaq. In Turki dictionaries it is spelt
topchaq, and means a large or long-necked horse. See P. de Courteille
Dict., etc.

[3] Asaf K. III. of Blochmann; his name was Ja`far Beg.

[4] See "Iqbal-nama," p. 111. etc. He is not the famous Mir Jumla,
who was Aurangzeb's general, though possibly the latter was his
son. According to the "Iqbal-nama, he was the nephew, and not
the uncle, of Mir Riza, but Jahangir's statement agrees with the
`Alam-ara'i (p. 623). Mir Jumla's patron, Muhammad Quli Qutb-Shah,
died in 1612. He himself died in 1637, while Aurangzeb's general died
in 1663.

[5] Possibly what is meant is that Shah `Abbas was greedy after Mir
Jumla's (Saman) wealth. Kamgar Husaini distinctly says that `Abbas
wanted to get hold of Mir Jumla's goods.

[6] The Iqbal-nama says that `Abbas only gave Mir Jumla flattering
words, and did not give him any high appointment. See also `Alam-ara'i,
623, and Ma'asiru-l-umara, III. 415.

[7] Tuquz means "nine," but perhaps it is here only used to express
a gift, and the pieces of cloth were perhaps only nine, and not
eighty-one. See Vullers s.v., who refers to Quatremere.

[8] The I.O. MSS. have Mamu'i, and the meaning may be "the maternal
uncle of the Zamindar."

[9] Jariya in No. 181. It seems to be the Jareja tribe of Abu-l-Fazl,
Jarrett II. 250. Compare Blochmann's translation, p. 285 n., of the
corresponding passage in the Iqbal-nama. The tribe is there called
Jhariyah.

[10] This must be Pavagarh, a hill fort in the Panch `Mahal district,
which is 2,800 feet above the sea. See I.G. XX. 79, and XIX. 380.

[11] Son-in-law of I`tmadu-d-daula, being married to a sister of
Nur-Jahan. See Ma'asiru-l-umara I. 573.

[12] Jhalod in the Dohad ta'luqa of the Panch Mahal district, Bombay.

[13] The text (pp. 227, 228) has drawings of the twelve Zodiacal
coins. See also Tavernier's account of their institution.

[14] Text wrongly has Saturday.

[15] Probably the Seyreh of Bayley's map, in the Lunavada State,
E. of Ahmadabad.

[16] Quoted by Blochmann, Calcutta Review, 1869, p. 128.

[17] The text has dar zir-i-an ("under it") in mentioning the position
of the letters, but the I.O. MS. No. 181, has dar zabar ("above"
or "on it."). The words khatt-i-muharraf might mean "inverted or
slanting letters," and Mr. Rogers has taken the passage to mean that
two of the letters were on a line with one another, and that the
third was inverted and below the other two. But muhrif, as the word
may also be read, has the meaning of "handsome," and I think this is
the meaning here. Possibly the meaning is that there was a letter or
mark above--viz., the tashdid. Another meaning may be that all three
letters were equal in size, and in a slanting position on the stone.

[18] Dihbid, "the village of the willow," a well-known place in
Transoxiana. It is Dihband in text.

[19] Ukna. The word appears to be Arabic, and signifies a nest. It
is commonly written wukna.

[20] Baz dami apparently means hawks reared in captivity, or it may
mean hawks brought by dealers--dami. Information about hawks may be
found in Blochmann, 293, etc., and in Col. Phillott's recent articles
in the J.A.S.B., May, 1907, etc.

[21] The I.O. MS. has "rupees."

[22] Blochmann, 346.

[23] Ulugh in MSS.

[24] Blochmann, 346. Yusuf died in November, 1601. His eldest son
was M. Lashkari.

[25] The MSS. have 24th and 25th for the following day, but 14th and
15th seem right.

[26] The passage is translated in Elliot, VI. 357, but the mention of
Saturday and of Multan doctors there is a mistake. Text has afzudam,
"I increased my intoxication," but this seems wrong. The MSS. have
afzud. Jahangir means that the stoppage of his wine increased
crapulousness. See Elliot, VI. 357.

[27] Apparently this should be yughan, which is a Turki word meaning
"thick."

[28] Elliot, VI. 358.

[29] See Vol. I., p. 414.

[30] The Iqbal-nama, 115, has a different reading of this line.

[31] It should be recorded to Jahangir's credit that he has a
reputation even at the present day for his love of justice.

[32] `ajabi. The MSS. have `ajsi, "lasting," which seems better.

[33] Compare Elliot, VI. 359. Rukh-i-gulzar also means the cheek of
the rosebud (i.e., the beloved one). Apparently the conceit is that
the cheek of the fair one is clouded over, so it should be reddened
by pouring wine on it.

[34] hamwar. Perhaps it means "mediocre" here, but we have the word
a little lower down, p. 240, used in a laudatory sense.

[35] According to the Ma'asir and Blochmann, 465, it was the second
son who attained the highest rank.

[36] dah duwazdah, "10, 12"--i.e., it is one-fifth larger. The saras
is the Ardea Antigone of naturalists.

[37] Two boundaries. The name signifies that it is on the borders of
Malwa and Gujaru, I. G. XI. 366.

[38] pak sakht. Lit. cleaned it, which may mean also that he
disembowelled it, or even that he cooked it. Probably the gunner
left the body or part of it there, and it was this that the male
circumambulated.

[39] Apparently this should be Pavan. It was one of those caught in
the elephant hunt. It is written Bavan in the MSS.

[40] For meaning of dara, "yard," see text (15th year), pp. 298 and
303. For 3 1/2 quarters (pao) the text wrongly has 3 1/2 feet (pa).

[41] MSS. has 17. Text has 7. According to Elliot, Supplement II.,
177, the Ilahi gaz was one of 41 fingers.

[42] This was not the son who died in the following year. See text,
p. 282. That son was the eldest son, and probably was the one born
in the 9th year. See Tuzuk, p. 137.

[43] The Zamindar of Cutch, whose residence was at Bhuj. See Jarrett,
II. 250, where it is said that the Jam left his original country 60
years ago.

[44] Jahangir is referring to his visit to Gujarat in the 12th year
of his reign.

[45] MSS. have this 70 or 80.

[46] Elliot, VI. 359.

[47] Text "of Merv," but the MSS. have Herat.

[48] Mansur Naqqash is one of the illustrators to the Babar-nama in
the British Museum. Rieu Supplement, p. 52. There is also a Husain
Naqqash mentioned in the MS. there described.

[49] Apparently there were 32 days in this Tir.

[50] The Sabarmati rises in the hills of Mewar.

[51] I cannot find this Kokra or Gogra. The Sabarmati falls into the
Gulf of Cambay. Possibly Kokra thereby means "mountains."

[52] Apparently the Mairpur of Bayley's map.

[53] Blochmann, 339.

[54] Perhaps this is the Biragam of the A'in A. (Jarrett,
II. 230). Panju Zamindar may be the Bab-jiu, Zamindar of the Gond
tribe, whom Abu-l-Fazl mentions. The word Barakar is omitted in text.

[55] See Blochmann, 480 n., Elliot, VI. 344, and the Tuzuk, annals
of 10th year.

[56] Probably the meaning is that the four mines occur within a space
of 50 koss. Tavernier, vol. II., may be consulted.

[57] Pukhta in text, but the MSS. have not this word. Instead, they
have a word which seems to be tahsina, "beautiful." The R.A.S. MS. also
seems to have tahsina.

[58] mahagi? Probably it means that they were caught when a month old,
and Elliot's translator so took it.

[59] This was the garden which `Abdu-r-Rahim made after his victory
over Muzaffar Gujarati. In Price's Jahangir, pp. 115-16, there is an
account of an entertainment given there to Jahangir by `Abdu-r-Rahim's
daughter.

[60] Or 22 Ramazan, 1027 = September 2, 1618.

[61] Cf. Iqbal-nama, 117.

[62] In MSS. written Marhana or Sarhana. Perhaps Harhana in the Bet
Jalandhar Du'ab, Jarrett, II. 317. Though the text says 22 lakhs of
dams, the MSS. only say 22 lakhs, and possibly rupees are meant.

[63] Khud bi-in`am iltimas namud. "As a favour to himself." It is
not likely that Shah Jahan would ask for the pargana for Bikramajit
if it was already his own. I presume the meaning is that Shah Jahan
asked that this pargana should be given to Bikramajit as a favour to
himself. But perhaps the meaning is "which he (Shah Jahan) had asked
for, for himself."

[64] In the MSS. the word khud follows in`am instead of preceding
it. Perhaps the meaning is, "which was his own appanage," "and he
requested," etc.

[65] Text wrongly has Mu`tamid.

[66] The saint who is buried at Gwalior. He died September 14, 1562.

[67] Elliot, VI. 360.

[68] The 8th Shahriwar = August 20, 1618. The departure had been
fixed for the 21st, and having mentioned this, Jahangir goes on to
describe what occurred between the 7th and the 21st.

[69] So in text, but MSS. give Jahanda as the name of the brother
of Baluch.

[70] Elliot, VI. 361.

[71] Text wrongly has Maghribi, who was a much later poet, for he
died in 809 A.H. = 1416. Sultan Sanjar belonged to the sixth century
of the Hijra, and Mu`izzi, who is the poet meant by Jahangir, died
in 542 A.H. (1147-48), having been accidentally killed with an arrow
by Sultan Sanjar. See Rieu, II. 552b. The ode quoted by Jahangir is
to be found at p. 138b of British Museum MS. Add. 10588.

[72] hamwar used here in a favourable sense, though some pages farther
back, 233 of Persian text, it seems to be used, when speaking of Jami,
in disparagement.

[73] See Beale art. Sa`ida-i-Gilani. He was styled Bi-badal. The date
1116 in Beale is manifestly wrong. He is the Mulla Shaida of Rieu,
III., 1083e. See also Sprenger's Catalogue, 124; there is a notice
of him in the Ma'asiru-l-Umara, I. 405. He was the artist of the
Peacock-throne.

[74] Turunj, rendered by Vullers as "citron." Probably the reference
is to the colour of the sky, which is often spoken of by Orientals as
green. The concluding lines play upon Jahangir's title of Nuru-d-din,
on his son's title of Shah-Jahan, and his name of Khurram.

[75] Bari is a Hindu word meaning garden.

[76] ayyam-i-jawani. The MSS. have qazzaqi, "raids." The name of the
Mulla there seems to be Asiri.

[77] dar khala wa-mala mahram buda.

[78] MS. 305. "On every side there are Bulsari-trees." Both
I.O. MSS. have Bulsari, for which see Blochmann, 70. Apparently there
was only one tree.

[79] Elliot, VI. 361.

[80] This was not the `Id, for the month was not over. It was the
feasting after nightfall usual in the Ramazan.

[81] khudawandi-gar. For which word see Vullers and the
Bahar-i-`Ajam. Perhaps it means here a locum-tenens or officiating
master.

[82] Apparently this should be thirty-two. The egg was laid on 21
Amurdad, see p. 237, and the interval between the hatching of the
two chicks was three or four days.

[83] Text dah yazdah, ten to eleven. But MS. 305 has dah panzdah,
ten to fifteen, which is more likely. The meaning then would be that
the young of the saras were 50 per cent., or one-half, larger than
goslings. The common expression for one-tenth is dah yak.

[84] Ganj in No. 181. Perhaps it should be Gajna, see I.G., 17, p. 11.

[85] MSS. Atrak. It is the Watrak of Bayley's Gujarat, p. 201, and
the Vatrak of I.G., XXI. 344.

[86] Sultan Mahmud III., killed by Burhan in February, 1554. Bayley's
Gujarat, pp. 449 and 453. Jahangir calls him the last Sultan of
Gujarat, because Ahmad II. and Muzaffar III. were regarded as
spurious. See Ayin-i-Akbari, Jarrett, II. 261.

[87] Probably great-grandson, for Shah `Alam died in 880 (1475-76), as
Jahangir tells us supra, and he says that he questioned Sayyid Muhammad
about Shah `Alam's raising the dead, and that Sayyid Muhammad said he
had the story from his father and grandfather. The Ma'asiru-l-Umara,
III. 447, says Sayyid Muhammad was five removes from Shah `Alam.

[88] For Yaqut, see Blochmann, 99-100. He was a famous calligrapher,
and lived in the thirteenth century. It appears, however, that Yaquti
is also the name of a particular kind of writing.

[89] Ba-qita`-i-matbu`a-i-mukhtasar. Matbu`a is used in modern times to
mean "printed," but here, I think, it means "elegant." It is so used
in the annals of the 12th year, p. 208, line 18, where it is applied
to a building. Qita` probably refers to the shape of the volume,
and mukhtasar to its small size, or to the minuteness of the writing.

[90] Sayyid Muhammad, the Mir referred to by Jahangir, lived into
Shah-Jahan's reign, not dying till 1045 (1635-36). See Padshah-nama,
I., Part II., p. 329. But we do not hear anything more of his
translation. Perhaps his ill-health prevented him. It is also the
fact that orthodox Muhammadans object to translations of the Qoran,
regarding it as an impossible task. The Mir's son became chief
ecclesiastical officer (Sadr) under Shah-Jahan. See Ma'asiru-l-Umara,
III. 447, and Padshah-nama, I., Part II., p. 328.

[91] Elliot, V. 361.

[92] There were twelve mashas in a tola; the six cups, then, of 6
tolas and a quarter came to 37 1/2 tolas.

[93] Jahangir visited his father's tomb in the following year (the
14th). The passage describing the renunciation of shooting (not of
hunting) is translated in Elliot, VI. 362.

[94] The version of the last two lines is by Sir William Jones,
and is given by him in his Tenth Anniversary Discourse, delivered on
February 28, 1793. As my friend Mr Whinfield has pointed out to me,
the quotation comes from the story of Shibli and the ant in the second
chapter of the Bustan. It occurs in the sixth story of the second
book and p. 161 of Graf's edition. Sir William Jones's remark is:
"Nor shall I ever forget the couplet of Firdausi, for which Sadi, who
cites it with applause, pours blessings on his departed spirit." The
quotation from Firdusi occurs on p. 67 of Vol. I. in Macan's edition
of the Shah-nama.

[95] Urvasi is the name of a celestial nymph. It is also stated by
Forbes to be the name of an ornament worn on the breast.

[96] Text ba naqsh by mistake for banafsha.

[97] I.O. MS. 181 has "thirty surkh."

[98] Perhaps the Moondah of Bayley's map, east of Mahmudabad.

[99] The text has khAdA khada, "an oar," but the word is perhaps
kharwa, "a sailor." I.O. MS. 181, has kharwa.

[100] The I.O. MSS. have Albatta.

[101] The youth who was afterwards drowned in the Jhelam.

[102] I.O., No. 181, has Ghairat K.

[103] gam sometimes means a step, but here it seems to mean one
foot-length. The distance mentioned by Jarrett appears to be 90 feet.

[104] No. 181 has "in three days."

[105] Compare account in Akbar-nama, II. 150. Akbar was then twenty
years old. There is a picture of the two elephants crossing the bridge
with Akbar on the elephant Hawa'i in the Clarke MS. in the Victoria
and Albert Museum, South Kensington.

[106] Presumably the other side of the tank; it was the wild male
saras that Jahangir put rings upon.

[107] The hunting of deer with decoys is described in Blochmann's
Ayin, 291.

[108] Apparently a metaphorical expression, "fought with fire and
water."

[109] su'u-l-qinya, "Bad state of the body, cachexy" (Steingass).

[110] I do not know of any poet with the takhallus Ustad. Possibly
Jami is referred to. The lines are obscure, and I am not certain of
the meaning. The I.O. MSS. omit the negatives in the first two lines.

[111] Not identified. I.O. MS. 305, seems to have Panib. Can it be
the Manchan or Majham? Possibly we should read Banas.

[112] The I.O. MSS. have not the words Nau Ruz, "New Year," and I am
not sure what New Year's day is meant. The time was October. Perhaps it
was the first day of Zi-l-Qa`da that was celebrated, or it may be what
is described in Richardson as the New Year's day of the Balance--viz.,
the entry of the Sun into the Sign of the Balance. Jahangir may have
had special regard to that Sign as he was born under it. Perhaps all
that is meant is that the feast of 1 Aban was celebrated. Aban was
a sacred month because Akbar was born in it, and it may be that the
feast was celebrated on Thursday the 2nd because the previous day,
Wednesday, was regarded by Jahangir as unlucky, and was always spoken
of as Kam-shamba. But most probably Nau Ruz is simply a mistake of
the text.

[113] I.O. MS. has 600.

[114] The name of the stage is not given.

[115] Literally the mother of children, but explained as meaning a
female demon (larva) who torments children. See Lane's Dictionary,
1650, where it is described as "flatulence."

[116] See above, p. 243 of text.

[117] Apparently the vow applied only to shooting. Jahangir was not
at that time fifty-one years of age by solar computation.

[118] The natural term of life, which some Orientals regarded as
being 120 years.

[119] The name `Ali is omitted in text.

[120] qand-i-siyah (? treacle).

[121] We are not told what was the result of this experiment.

[122] MSS., as before, have Ghairat instead of `Izzat.

[123] This son was Aurangzib. See Khafi K., I. 296. Khafi K. has 11th
instead of 15th Zi-l-Qa`da. The 11th Zi-l-Qa`da corresponds to 20th
October, 1618.

[124] Text has Sunday, but Wednesday must be the correct day, for
immediately after Friday is spoken of as the 17th (Aban).

[125] Perhaps the Samarni of Jarrett, II. 207. The I.O. MSS. have
Tamarna.

[126] I have been assisted by the translation in Elliot, VI. 363. See
also Iqbal-nama, 117. The author there expatiates on the calamities
which followed these celestial appearances. Elliot, loc. cit., p. 364,
has eight years, but the text of the Tuzuk and all the MSS. have
"eight nights." The Iqbal-nama has Dai instead of Aban, but probably
Dai is a mistake for Zi-l-(qa`da). Perhaps the first phenomenon was
the Zodiacal Light.

[127] The MSS. have Sambhalkhera.

[128] MSS. have Badhnur. Perhaps it is the Badhnawar of Jarrett, II.

[129] Pargana Nula'i in MSS., and this seems right as Nola'i, is
mentioned in Jarrett, II. 198, as having a brick fort and as being
on the Chambal.

[130] It seems to be Gambhir in the MSS.

[131] There seems to be an omission in the recital. We are not told of
the first half, but evidently the meaning is that the mice (or rats)
ate half the crop on the field, and half of what was brought into
the threshing floor. See also Iqbal-nama, p. 118.

[132] Elliot, VI. 364.

[133] The word ma`ni, "spiritual," does not occur in the I.O. MSS.,
and does not appear to be wanted.

[134] Also a weight = two barley-grains. Blochmann, 36.

[135] The line is wanting in some MSS. In I.O. MS. 181, the conjunction
wa is omitted (p. 145b).

[136] So in text, but Sunday was either the 10th or the
17th. Apparently Sunday is a mistake for Wednesday, as, later on,
Thursday is mentioned as the 14th.

[137] Iqbal-nama, 119, "Three sons."

[138] Apparently the meaning is that he carried them off as prisoners.

[139] Text jada-dusti by mistake for jan-dusti.

[140] Namak, "salt." See for a similar expression, p. 149, in the
account of Chin Qilij. Perhaps the phrase is a reminiscence of
the answer given by Muhammad Husain M. when asked who had captured
him. "The king's salt," was his reply.

[141] The Sind is mentioned in Tieffenthaler, I. 184. See also I.G.,
new ed., XXII., p. 432. It is one of the chief rivers of Central India.

[142] The word is shikar. Either the ducks were caught in nets and
not shot, or the shooting was done by others, for Jahangir had vowed
to give up shooting from the time of Shuja`'s illness.

[143] Akbar really took it in the 14th year of his reign (March,
1569). The siege lasted a month, according to Abu-l-Fazl. Akbar-nama,
II. 339.

[144] Elliot, VI. 366.

[145] For notes about the meaning of the word chaukandi,
"four-cornered," see Elliot, V. 347 and 503.

[146] Text Rustam, but it is Dastam in MS. 181, and it appears from
Blochmann that Dastam or Dostam is the proper spelling. See pp. 398
and 620.

[147] Apparently Jahangir spent the night in this summer-house.

[148] Khila`at, surely used here on account of the alliteration
kharji u Khila`at. At p. 10 of Price's "Jahangir" it is stated that
he released 7,000 prisoners from Gwalior Fort!

[149] durna, or turna, a crane. It is a Turki word.

[150] The words diwan-i-buyutat are repeated. It looks as if the
word buyutat in the second place was a mistake, or if some word
implying that Lashkar K. had been appointed director of buildings
(diwan-i-buyutat) had been omitted. Apparently `Abid K. went to the
Deccan as Diwan, and not as Diwan-i-buyutat. Compare Iqbal-nama, 122.

[151] No. 181 has no conjunction, and makes the meaning "porcelain
from Tartary."

[152] See Blochmann, 140 and 233. Abu-l-Fazl says the mujannas horses
resemble Persian horses, and are mostly Turki or Persian geldings.

[153] So in text, but evidently Mandu, or at least Mandu in Malwa
cannot be correct. The MSS. seem to have Hindaun, and possibly
this is the place meant. Or it may be the place called Mandawar or
Hindaun Road (see I.G., new ed., XIII. 135). The position of Hindaun
agrees fairly well with Jahangir's itinerary, for Tieffenthaler,
I., 172, says that Hindaun is 12 leagues--i.e., koss--S.S.-W. from
Biana, and Jahangir gives the distance from Mandu or Hindaun to the
neighbourhood of Bayana as 8 1/4 koss. Bayana is in the Bhartpur State,
and apparently about 21 miles from Hindaun.

[154] The quatrain which Jahangir describes as that of someone
(shakhsi) is included in `Umar Khayyam's poems, and is thus translated
by Whinfield:


   "My comrades all are gone, Death, deadly foe,
    Hath caught them one by one, and trampled low;
    They shared life's feast, and drank its wine with me,
    But lost their heads and dropped a while ago."

                                            (Quatrain 219, p. 148.)


FitzGerald has it as Quatrain XXII., and his version is:


   "For some we loved, the loveliest and the best
    That from his Vintage rolling Time hath prest,
    Have drunk their Cup a Round or two before,
    And one by one crept silently to rest."


The quatrain is also quoted by Badayuni, Lowe's translation,
p. 192. The phrase tang-sharab in the third line means "poor
drinkers." Whinfield has ba-yak sharab. But tang-sharab is given in
Johnson's dictionary with the meaning of being easily made drunk,
unable to carry much liquor.

[155] Bayana (Biana) is described in I.G., new ed., VII. 137. It
is stated there that it used to have a fort with a very high
tower. Bahlul's tomb still exists. It was his brother, M. Ghaus,
who was most known for his skill in incantations, and who wrote a
book on the subject.

[156] The story is told in the Akbar-nama, Vol. I. Jahangir is
not correct in saying that Humayun had ordered Hindal to remain in
Agra. Hindal went there without permission, and doubtless in order
to rebel. See also Gul-badan Begam's "Memoirs," who, naturally,
tries to excuse her brother.

[157] This must be the Barmadh Mata mentioned by Beale (see Proceedings
A.S.B. for August, 1873, p. 159). Beale says there is a place of
worship of the Hindus about 1 1/2 koss from Biana in the district
of Bhartpur called Barmadh Mata. In the 7th year of Jahangir, 1022,
1613, Jahangir's mother Maryam-zamani made a garden and a ba'oli
(step-well) here at a cost of Rs. 20,000. The garden has disappeared,
but the building which is over the ba'oli still exists. Beale gives
the inscription. William Finch (Hakluyt Society) speaks of a place
called Menhapur, near Biana, where there was a garden made by the
Queen-Mother. It was a great saray. The pargana Jusat of the text is no
doubt the Chausath of Jarrett, II. 183, and of Elliot's Supp. Gloss.,
II., p. 83. Barah may be the Parath or Berath of Jarrett, II. 181.

[158] Apparently this is the Da'ir or Dabar of Badayuni, II. 171,
and Akbar-nama, III. 145. It is described by Badayuni as being 4 koss
from Fathpur. Da'ir may also be read Dabar in MSS., and it is Dabar
in the map. It is in the Bhartpur State.

[159] So in the MSS. and the text, but must be a mistake for Ahmadabad,
which Jahangir left on 21 Shahriwar or 22 Ramazan. See also Iqbal-nama,
117. He arrived at the environs of Fathpur on 19 Dai, or about 22
Muharram, 1028 (end of December, 1618). Apparently he considered
that he arrived at Fathpur on 20 Dai. He remained on the outskirts
and did not enter the town till the 28th (apparently should be 26th
or 27th). The Iqbal-nama 122 makes Jahangir arrive at the outskirts
of Fathpur on 20 Dai, and it gives the date of his entering the town
as 26 Dai or 1 Safar, 1028 (January 8, 1619). See p. 123.

[160] Viz., the propitious hour of the 28th Dai, which had been
fixed for the entry into Agra, but was now made the time for entering
Fathpur.

[161] The lake was to the north of the city, and is now dried up. It
had been made by damming up a stream.

[162] Apparently this lady was relating what had occurred in Agra, for
Jahangir has just told us that the plague did not come to Fathpur. Her
father was the Asaf K., known also as Ja`far K. The ladies seem to
have come out from Agra to welcome Jahangir. His mother came later
from Agra, see infra.

[163] Tiryaq-i-Faruq. See Lane's Dict., p. 304, col. 3.

[164] I.O. MSS. have az bala radd u az payan itlaq shud, "there was
vomiting from above and evacuations from below." The text misses out
the words az bala radd.

[165] 4,000 in No. 181.

[166] Certainly Thursday was the 27th according to Jahangir. The 28th
must be a copyist's mistake here and previously.

[167] Jahangir says four ghari are nearly equal to two sidereal
hours. According to Abu-l-Fazl, a ghari is the sixteenth part of
a nychthemeron, or 360 out of the 21,600 breathings which make
up a nychthemeron--i.e., 24 hours. See Jarrett, III. 16 and 17,
and II. 16, n. 4. According to the Bahar-i-`ajam, 2 1/2 ghari =
one sidereal hour, so that, correctly speaking, five ghari = two
sidereal hours. Each ghari is 24 minutes (Jarrett, II. 16, n. 4). Here
it should be noted that there is a mistake in the translation at
p. 17, line 2, of Jarrett, vol. III., due to a faulty reading in the
Bib. Ind. edition of the text. Instead of yaki we should read pali,
as in two MSS. in my possession. Abu-l-Fazl's meaning then becomes
clear. What he says is, a ghari is 360 breathings, consequently (pas)
every pal (already defined as the sixtieth part of a ghari) is 360
divided by 60, and equal to six breathings (nafas). Jahangir's line,
however, is obscure. In two I.O. MSS. we have ba-tala`i instead of
ba-sa`ati. I think the meaning probably is that the same day which
marked Jahangir's arrival at Fathpur also marked Shah-Jahan's birthday.

Tawalla is defined in the Bahar-i-`ajam as meaning to have
friendship with anyone. It also says that it is used in the sense of
taqarrub--i.e., nearness. It may be therefore that Jahangir's line
means "At a moment which nearly corresponded to two (hours)." Taqwim
would then mean established or fixed, and not a calendar. Taqwim
kardan is a phrase which means "to adjust, to arrange."

[168] Shah-Jahan was born on January 5, 1592, so that in January,
1619, he began to be in his 28th year--i.e., he was 27 complete.

[169] That is, 120 according to Muhammadan idea.

[170] Afterwards drowned in the Jhelam.

[171] Text dar`a, MSS. zira`. See text 298, account of fifteenth year,
where a dar`a is defined. The Ilahi gaz or dara` consisted of 40 digits
(fingerbreadths), according to Jahangir. If the Kapur tank be the one
described in the Archæological Survey Reports, Vol. XVIII., for 1894,
yards seem to be required here, for the tank is mentioned in the Report
as being 95 feet 7 inches square. According to Jahangir, 34 krors
odd of dams--i.e., I presume, fulus, in copper money, and 16 lakhs
and 80,000 rupees in silver were poured into the tank, making a total
of 1 kror and 3 lakhs of rupees, or 3 lakhs 43,000 tumans. Apparently
the tuman, which was a gold coin, was, in Jahangir's time, reckoned as
worth 30 rupees, and Wollaston, in his Dictionary, says it was worth
£3 in Shah `Abbas I.'s time. Jahangir's account of the tank should
be compared with that given in the Akbar-nama, III. 246 and 257,
where the tank is called the Anup-talao, or the "Unequalled Tank."

In the text, difficulty has, I think, been made by the introduction
of the word kih in p. 260, six lines from foot, and bashad in the
fifth line from the foot. These words make the sense to be that 34
krors odd of dams were only equal to 16 lakhs odd of rupees. But
this cannot be, for the dam was the fortieth part of a rupee, and
so 34 krors of dams would be not far short of one kror--i.e., 100
lakhs of rupees. The MSS. have not the kih and bashad in question,
and have only a conjunction after the word dam. Thirty-four krors odd
of copper and 16 lakhs of silver were poured into the tank, making a
total, in round numbers, of 1 kror, 3 lakhs of rupees. According to
Abu-l-Fazl gold was also thrown in.

[172] Text Yad `Ali, but the MSS. have Nad. See also Blochmann, 508.

[173] This name is Bairam or Siram in MSS. Chikani may be a trade
designation, and mean embroiderer, or worker in gold thread.

[174] Kuh-daman, "hill-subduing."

[175] dibacha. Here meaning the early part of the Memoirs.

[176] The text has ba by mistake for ya.

[177] `aurat-i-mustahaqqa. Perhaps "pensioned women."

[178] These are the opening lines of Jami's Yusuf and Zulaikha (note
by Mr. Rogers).

[179] Salim Chishti died on 29 Ramazan 979, or February 15,
1572. Jahangir was born on 17 Rabi` 1st, 977; and so he would be
about two years and seven months old at the time of Salim's death. See
Beale and Khazinatu-l-asfiya, I. p. 435.

[180] The conjunction wa in text, p. 262, line 16, is a mistake.

[181] This is the Buland Darwaza. It was built many years after the
mosque. For an account of it, see Mr. Edmund Smith's Fathpur Sikri. The
gateway is there said to be 134 feet high from the pavement and 176
feet from the roadway. The thirty-two steps mentioned in text must
be those from the roadway to the gate. There are two flights of
steps, and the total number, up to the top, is 123. The quadrangle
or court is stated by Keene to be 433 feet by 366. Another statement
(in the Archæological Report) is 438-9 by 359-10 feet. Salim's tomb
was erected in 1581 (988). It is 47 feet 11 inches each way.

[182] 4 1/2, Iqbal-nama, 124.

[183] Text aiwan, but should be alwan, "coloured." See Iqbal-nama, 124.

[184] Finch says: "Under the courtyard is a good tank of excellent
water." He also speaks of the lake and of its being covered with the
singara (Trapa bicornis).

[185] That is, Bayazid, a grandson of the saint. Ikram K. is another
name for Hushang. His mother was Abu-l-Fazl's sister. According to
the Ma'asir, I. 120, he was a tyrant. According to local tradition,
Qutbu-d-din is buried in Bardwan near Shir-afgan.

[186] So in text, but ought to be the 17th.

[187] Mau was a Himalayan fort. Blochmann, 345. The text has Mau u
shahri, and so have the MSS. The Iqbal-nama has Maud u Mahri, p. 124,
and so has the Ma'asir U., II. 178. Evidently from what follows there
were two places, unless one was the fort and the other the city. See
also Tuzuk, 304, l. 10, which has pargana Maud Mahri. In the Ayin,
Jarrett, II. 319, we have Mau and Nabah, and the next name in the
list is Mahror. Gladwin has Mowd, and possibly we should translate
"Mowd, a city on which he relied."

[188] The Iqbal-nama, 125, says Rs. 20,000 which would be 40,000 darbs.

[189] Jagat Singh afterwards became a rebel, joining Shah-Jahan,
as also did Raja Bikramajit, or Sundar. He rebelled also in
Shah-Jahan's reign, but was pardoned, and did good service in Kabul
and Badakhshan. He died in Peshawar in 1055 (1645). See Ma'asir U.,
II. 238, and Padishah-nama, II. 481.

[190] It is hasr in text, but surely this is a mistake for hafr, and
the meaning is that a new pit or well should be made in the middle
of the garden. It appears to be hafr in MSS. The Nur-manzil garden
is the same as the Bagh Dahra, and was near Agra. Blochmann, 499.

[191] Egyptian. Hitherto this has been read Qutbi, but it really is,
I think, Qibti, "Egyptian." Chardin, IV. 70, ed. 1723, says that
the Persians state that the ruby of the East comes from Egypt. The
etymology, however, is doubtful.

[192] Possibly the praise of Shah-Jahan's inventive powers refers
to his arrangements for the orchestra. The kuwarga is defined
in the Ain, Blochmann, 50, as a damama--i.e., a large drum. See
illustration in Plate VIII. to Blochmann's Ain. The karana and surna
are wind-instruments, and are also represented in Plate VIII. With
regard to the mursal, Blochmann, p. 51, has: "The mursali, which
is the name of a tune played by the mursil." Apparently the mursal
is the overture, or some introductory strain, and played only by a
portion of the band.

[193] MS. No. 181 has ten instead of two as the number of elephants
presented by Qutbu-l-mulk, and this seems likely to be correct, else
where do the six now mentioned come from? But six should probably
be eight.

[194] Kurkaraqs. See Blochmann, 87, n. 2, and p. 616. Kurk means fur,
and kurkaraqan may be translated furriers.

[195] So in text, but it should be Tatta--i.e., Sind. See Blochmann,
378, n. 2, and also the Tuzuk, infra, p. 275.

[196] Suwaran-i-khud-mahalla. I do not know the exact force of the
last two words. Possibly they are pleonastic. The word mahalla is
explained in Irvine A. of M. 46.

[197] The Iqbal-nama, 127, mentions that Parwiz came from Allahabad
to pay his respects. See infra, Tuzuk, 268, and 273.

[198] Probably this is the friend of Father Jerome Xavier and the
abridger of the Zafar-nama. See Rieu, 177b and 1077a.

[199] He was of the royal house of Khandesh.

[200] See Blochmann, 252, and n. 1. Jahangir himself saw 700 antelope
taken, and Ray Man afterwards made a drive of 800 more.

[201] This was Jodh Ba'i, d. the Mota (fat) Raja. See Blochmann, 619.

[202] Qulba, ploughs. Here apparently used as a measure of land. But
the expression is obscure. In Wilson's Glossary kulba is stated to be
a measure of land in Sylhet, and equal to 1,008 cubits by 144. The
corresponding Sanskrit word Sir ("a plough") is used to mean land
held by the landholder in his own possession.

[203] Mahalla. Here used apparently for musters.

[204] Mr. Rogers corrects this to Miran on the authority of R.A.S.,
MS. It is, however, Bizhan in I.O. MS., 181, and as Blochmann points
out, Bizan or Bizhan is twice referred to in the Tuzuk, pp. 307,
309. He was son of Nad `Ali Maidani.

[205] I.O. MS. has "by favour of my rearing" (tarbiyat) and probably
the words in text rather mean that he was promoted by virtue of
Jahangir's liking for him, than that he was of good disposition. His
real name was `Abdu-r-Rahim. He was the son of Qa'im K., and his
sister Saliha Banu was one of Jahangir's wives, and had the title
of Padishah-Mahall. Blochmann, 371. Before Nur-Jahan she was the
chief wife.

[206] Mihtar K. was a very old servant, and died in the third year
of Jahangir. Blochmann, 417.

[207] Text wrongly has Shah Nur.

[208] This is the ancient Dhafur or Dofar on the south coast of Arabia
now known as Mirbat. The proper spelling was Zafr. See Redhouse's
Annotations to the History of Yemen, published by the Gibb Trust,
Nos. 349, 578, and 836. See also d'Herbelot, 269, and Jarrett, III, 51.

[209] The description is rather obscure. Apparently Jahangir regards
bamand (dun- or bay-coloured) as equal to red (surkh).

[210] Text has Mushrif.

[211] Du manzil kishti must surely mean "tray" here; or perhaps they
were models. Kosha is a well-known Bengali name for a swift boat.

[212] Apparently Khwaja Hasan died in Badakhshan. Ma'asir, III., 459.

[213] This S. Ahmad is a well-known man. He is mentioned in
Beale as Ahmad Sirhindi (Shaikh), and as having had the title of
Mujaddid-i-Alf-i-Sani, because he believed that he was the man of the
second millenium. In other words, he claimed to be a Mahdi. He was
s. `Abdu-l-Wahid Faruqi, and born in 1503. He died 29 November, 1624,
and is buried at Sirhind. The I.G. new edition, XXIII. 21., says there
are two tombs in Sirhind known as those of the Master and the Disciple,
and it may be that one of them is S. Ahmad's, although the Gazetteer
says they probably belong to the fourteenth century. There is also
a reference to him in Rieu's Catalogue, III. 1058a., fol. 16. He
belonged to the Naqshbandi order, and one of his writings is called
Majmu`atu-t-tasawwuf. There is a very long account of him, and of his
interviews with Jahangir in the Khazinatu-l-Auliya, I. 607, etc. It is
said there that he was imprisoned for two years, and then released,
and that he died on the last day of Safar, 1035, November 20, 1625,
at the age of sixty-three. Jahangir afterwards pardoned S. Ahmad. See
Tuzuk, 308, account of fifteenth year.

[214] Dandan-i-mahi, explained in dictionary as the canine tooth of the
Walrus (Trichechus rosmarus). But there is nothing black or piebald
about walrus-teeth, and Jahangir would surely not admire greatly a
kind of ivory which was inferior to that of the elephant. I incline
to think that what is here meant is tortoise-shell. Jauhar-dar has two
meanings--it may mean jewelled and also "striated." See Vullers, 542a.

[215] Apparently Miran is a mistake for Bizhan. See ante and Blochmann,
508, and Tuzuk, 307. It is Bizan in I.O. MS., 181.

[216] The buildings referred to are the garden-houses made by Khwaja
Jahan in the Nur-manzil garden.

[217] See Jarrett, II. 323; it was near the Jhelam. See also I.G.,
new edition, XV. 297. It is in the Shahpur district. The land-revenue
of it was 24 lakhs of rupees in 1903-1904. 30 lakhs of dams would be
equal to Rs. 75,000. Khan Dauran's name was Shah Beg K. The Ma'asir
says his resignation was not altogether voluntary. See Blochmann, 378.

[218] In the MSS. the name is written Nardani.

[219] The route from the South. See Jarrett, II. 347, n. 3.

[220] I.O. MSS. have Monday.

[221] The word in text is shashsat. Shast is a thumbstall, but it
may also mean a ring. See Blochmann, 166 and n. 1.

[222] Khatam-bandi. It also means "inlaying."

[223] Bandu ban. In I.O. MSS. it is bandu baran. Perhaps "skilful
painter" should be "the Painter of Creation."

[224] Should be Kara. See Herklots Qanun-i-Islam, Appendix XXIV.

[225] Nabira here cannot mean grandson, for Suraj Singh, commonly
called Sur Singh, was fifth in descent from Maldeo (Blochmann,
359). Suraj or Sur was s. Ray Ray Singh of Bikaner. See Tod, who says
Sur Singh passed nearly all his life as an alien.

[226] Tod has much to say about Gaj Singh, but the account seems
hardly trustworthy.

[227] The text, p. 277, has a representation of one of these milestones
which was outside Delhi.

[228] Perhaps sib-i-khub is the name of a kind of apple.

[229] I.O. MS. 181 has Shukr-dara and the name of the village as
Shin-waran. The printed text has Siwaran.

[230] Mr. Rogers here refers to the R.A.S. MS. The I.O. MSS. are not
clear. Apparently what Jahangir says is: "On this occasion fresh items
of expenditure occurred to me, and the former outlay was greatly
increased." The word tasarrufat ("expenditure") is omitted in the
printed copy.

[231] The village must be Hilalabad, near Rankatta (Blochmann, 332).

[232] Jahangir says nothing about the permission that he gave to
Bir Singh Deo--as a reward for murdering Abu-l-Fazl--to build a very
splendid temple at Mathura. It was destroyed by Aurangzib. See Growse's
"Mathura."

[233] Text halal, which means "weakness," or hulal ("striped
garments"). But according to the MSS., the true reading is khalal,
which means "a crack" and also "corruption."

[234] The Iqbal-nama, 128, calls him Achadrup, and says that the
Khan A`zam went privately to him and begged him to use his influence
with Jahangir for the release of Khusrau. Achadrup spoke accordingly,
and Khusrau was released and allowed to pay his respects. See infra
for account of his release. After Jadrup removed to Mathura, he was
cruelly beaten by Hakim Beg. See Ma'asiru-l-Umara, I. 576.

[235] Elliot, VI. 367.

[236] Luqman is the Eastern Æsop, and there is much about him in
D'Herbelot. In the second line the word translated "hollow" is gulugah,
literally "throat place," and the word for bosom is sina, the whole
expression being sina-i-chang. Chang is a harp or lyre, and apparently
the expression refers to the narrowness of the space between the horns
of a lyre (chang, which appears to be the Jew's harp), or the sides
of a harp. The fourth line is obscure, and the version in text seems
corrupt. The words shash bidast du pay seem unintelligible. They,
however, occur in I.O. MS. 181, f. 161a, and in I.O. MS. 305,
f. 225a. The only difference is that they have a conjunction after
bidast. On the other hand, the Iqbal-nama, which inserts the lines
into the record of the eleventh year, has, at p. 95, a different
reading for the fourth line. The words there are khana yak bidast
u sih pay. Bidast is given in Richardson, and the Farhang-i-Rashidi
as meaning a span, so the line as given in the Iqbal-nama may mean
3 feet and 1 span. The author of the Iqbal-nama was so struck with
the verse of Hakim Sana'i and the appearance of Jadrup's dwelling,
that he composed a masnavi on the subject, which he gives at pp. 95,
96. There is a third version in Daulat Shah's anthology, p. 97 of
Professor Browne's edition. There, in the second line we have halqa
("ring"), or perhaps "plectrum" instead of sina. We have also two lines
not given in the Tuzuk or the Iqbal-nama, and the line containing the
noodle's question is given thus: "Kin chih jayast yak pust u du pay."


    "What place is this, one skin (?) and two feet."


As if the meaning was that Luqman lived in a tent propped up by two
sticks. In the first line, also, we have wisaqi instead of kurichi.

The lines may be versified thus:


   "Luqman's cell was small and narrow to boot,
    Like the throat of a pipe, or the breast of a lute.
    A foolish one said to the grand old man--
    'What house is this--three feet and six span?'
    With tears and emotion the sage made reply--
    'Ample for him whose task is to die.'"


In the Nawalkishor edition of Hakim Sana'i's poem the lines
are entered as in the seventh book of the Hadiqa, but in two
B.M. MSS. (Add. 25,329, f. 145a, and Or. 358, f. 172b), they are
placed in the fifth book. Both of these MSS. have bidast, apparently,
and Add. 25,329, has shash ("six"), but Or. 358 has shass. There is
such a word, meaning hard ground. Both MSS. have sih ("three"). Bidast
may properly be bad-pusht ("bad-backed"), or it may be bad-past ("bad
and mean"). The reference in verse may be rather to the curvature of
the chang (Arabic, sanj) than to its narrowness, for Jami speaks of
the back "being bent like a harp."

[237] Compare Price, 123.

[238] Ba dusturi kih dar Bangala dasht.

I think this must mean that his men were allowed the Bengal batta, or
exceptional allowance, which used to be 50 p.c. of pay elsewhere. See
A.N., III. 293, the eighth reason for the rebellion.

[239] This passage has been translated by Colonel Phillott in the
A.S.B.J. for February, 1907, p. 113. There is something wrong in the
text. Khan `Alam certainly did not die on the road (see Blochmann,
513), for he waited upon Jahangir at Kalan ur (Tuzuk, 284); nor did
the Mir Shikar, for Jahangir says he gave him a present and dismissed
him. I presume, therefore, that the word "aforesaid" refers to Khan
`Alam's hawk.

[240] Nigah-darad. Perhaps this means that the painter was afterwards
to stuff the bird.

[241] This is an obscure passage, and Jadrup's reference to the
mention of dams in the Vedas is curious, for dam is said to be
derived from the Greek drachma. However, it appears from the Ayin
(Blochmann, 31), that the dam, though in value only the fortieth
part of a rupee, weighed 5 tanks or 1 tola, 8 mashas, 7 surkhs. The
rupee, we are told there, weighed 11 1/2 mashas--i.e., half a masha
less than a tola. Consequently the dam weighed over 20 mashas, and
so was not far from being equal in weight to 2 rupees. The weight
of a seer varied, and it may be 30 or 36 copper dams were reckoned
as equal to a seer. By dam Jahangir probably meant paisa, or double
paisa. According to Gladwin, 3 1/2 tanks are by jeweller's weights =
one tola, and a tank is 70·112 grs. Troy.

[242] As stated below, the antelope which were caught all eventually
died.

[243] Text gul-rang, which seems unintelligible. No. 181 MS. has
kalanak ("somewhat grown-up"). The child was presumably the Sultan
Dur-andish, born at the end of the ninth year (Tuzuk, 137), and so was
now about five years old. Gul-rang occurs in B.M. MS., and may mean
"ruddy."

[244] Text has Agha-i-Aghaman. The MSS. have Aqa Aqayan ("Agha
of Aghas").

[245] Akbar was born in October, 1542, so she was now seventy-seven
years old.

[246] Sayyid Bahwa is commonly known as Din-dar K. Bukhari, and is
described under that name in the Ma'asir, II. 23.

[247] Elliot, VI. 366, and Rieu, I. 14 and 355. The book is called
Akhbaru-l-Akhyar, id.

[248] In Sarkar Saharanpur. Elliot, Supp. Gloss., II. 129. I.G. new
edition, XIV. 287.

[249] The child was born at Sirhind on Wednesday, 11 Muharram, 1029
(December 8, 1619), and died at Burhanpur in Rabi`u-s-sani, 1031
(February-March), 1622. Padishah-nama, I. 392.

[250] See Erskine's Babur, p. 321.

[251] Perhaps this is Biru'i in Sambhal, Jarrett, II. 200. Or it may
be the Miyani Nuriya of Jarrett, II. 317.

[252] To clear the roots? Or is it to let the sap flow? Or is
`iraq-bandi right, meaning footpaths? Jahangir's order then would be
to clear out the brick footpaths.

[253] Yak-awiz. Defined in Vullers as a short, broad sword, and also
as a two-edged knife. See Vullers, 1519a. The weapon is described in
text as shamshir-i-nimcha-i-yak-awiz.

[254] Az nilam-i-farang-tarash. It is difficult to suppose that the
hilt was a sapphire. Possibly "nilam" is the European artist's name,
or nilam-i-farang may be some kind of European work or material. Query
niello?

[255] Buy-i-khwish ("my own scent"). The scent (otto of roses) was
invented by Jahangir's mother-in-law (the mother of Nur-Jahan). She
called it after Jahangir's name.

[256] The meaning of the clause is obscure.

[257] The first line is obscure and the MSS. do not help. Possibly the
meaning is Spring thanks thee for robbing his garden, or it may be,
Spring is exhorted to rob thy garden. The quatrain is also given in
the Iqbal-nama, 132.

[258] Meaning that the lips were so closed that the mouth looked like
a thin scar.

[259] The collyrium of Solomon was something which enabled one to
see hidden treasures.

[260] This quatrain is stated in the Iqbal-nama, 133, to be by
Baba Talib Isfahani. He is a quite different person from Talib
Amuli. The same quatrain is given by Abu-l-Fazl, and I am indebted
to Mr. Blochmann, p. 607, for being able to understand it. Baba
Talib Isfahani is not mentioned by Dr. Rieu. At Vol. II., 679b, of
his Catalogue, there is an account of Talib Amuli, who, it is said,
died young. Baba Talib died somewhat later, and at the age of over
100. See Iqbal-nama, loc. cit., and Badayuni, III. 265.

[261] A Muhammad Shaikh is mentioned in Beale as the author of two
books (see p. 273, col. 2). One of them was the Jam-i-Jahan-numa,
and is perhaps the work mentioned in Rieu, II. 866a, V.

[262] Some unnecessary details have been omitted here.

[263] Khwaja Jahan's real name was Dust Muh., and he was from
Kabul. See Blochmann, 424. Jahangir's characterization of him is rather
obscure, and I am not sure if my translation is correct. Jahangir
had married his daughter. Blochmann, 477, n. 2.

[264] This is the seesee partridge or Ammoperdrix Bonhami of Jerdon,
p. 567 of first edition. Jerdon states that in Afghanistan it is
called the teehoo, and that its flesh is said to be delicious.

[265] Apparently this is the Hibiscus mutabilis, for which the Bengali
name is thal padma ("land lotus").

[266] The word for twenty is omitted in text, and also in Elliot,
VI. 367.

[267] "On the southern bank of the Harroh River," Elliot, VI. 367.

[268] Bhim was the younger brother of Karan (Tod). The passage is
translated in Elliot, VI. 367.

[269] Elliot, VI. 368 and n. 1.

[270] Elliot, VI. 368, and note.

[271] Elliot has Hazara Farigh.

[272] On the eastern bank of the Dhor. Elliot, loc. cit.

[273] Elliot has: "As far as the eye could reach, the blossoms of
the thal kanwal, and other flowers were glowing between the green
foliage. It was a beautiful scene."

[274] Salhar in text, but Salhar in Elliot.

[275] Marsh-mallow of Steingass and Elliot. Query Hollyhock?

[276] The word violets occurs in MS. 181 and also in Elliot.

[277] The Bib. Ind. edition, Iqbal-nama, p. 135, changes this into
Pakli. MS. 181 has Bankli (?) apparently. Pakli is probably not right,
for the entrance to it is mentioned lower down.

[278] Tasadduq shud. This is how Mr. Rogers has translated the
passage, and this seems to me to be right. Elliot has "lost,"
but surely Jahangir would not pass over so lightly the loss of 25
elephants. Tasadduq is often used in the sense of almsgiving, or of
granting a favour. The text 290, line 2, has aksar-i-rah basta bud. The
word basta seems unintelligible, and in the corresponding passage of
the Iqbal-nama, 135, the words are aksar-i-rah ajama bud. This word
perhaps means "muddy," and this would fit the sense.

[279] Elliot has Tawadkar.

[280] Achamba. But MS. 305 has ajamat, and this may mean forest,
or woods. Perhaps Elliot's "mud" is a clerical error for wood, but
ajamat means pools as well as woods. Perhaps this is the same word
as occurs in the Iqbal-nama, 135, and means "muddy."

[281] So in text, but the MSS. ba garaz basta ("loosely tied"),
so that they could be thrown off if any game appeared.

[282] Elliot has sir.

[283] Now known as the Kunhar. It rises in Lake Lohusur at the head
of the Kagan glen. See I.G., old edition, VIII. 365, and ditto new
edition, XIV. 272, for Kagan Valley.

[284] Text Waru. Iqbal-nama 136 has Kuh-i-Wazuh. MS. 181 seems to
have Dard.

[285] Text shakhdar ("with branches"), but the true reading seems to
be naj ("pine"). Elliot has "sal."

[286] This is a fanciful derivation. The word is not darang, but
drang, which means a watch-station. See Stein, A.S.B.J., for 1899,
p. 84. The Pamba-drang, however, was near the Kishan Ganga, and so
is not the drang mentioned by Stein.

[287] A mistake. See Elliot, VI. 373, note.

[288] Each sidereal hour being equal to 2 1/2 gharis.

[289] Sag-i-abi. Probably otters are meant, as a name for them is
pani kutta ("water-dogs"). But in the dictionaries sag-i-abi is given
as meaning the beaver. The otter occurs in Kashmir, and is known as
wudar. Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, 111.

[290] Properly Buliyasa. See Stein, A.S.B.J., for 1899, p. 85. It is
the Peliasa of the maps. Later on, Jahangir indicates its position
by saying that it is 11 koss on the Kashmir side of the Kishan Ganga.

[291] That is, I presume, he did not really utter the words,
but his appearance represented them. The Iqbal-nama has, p. 138,
mihman chu Biga ("a guest such as a Begam"). MS. 181 has nagah chu
Sultan. I.O. MS. 305 has nagah chu mihman. The reading Bega or Begam
certainly seems preferable. The text is wrong as usual, and has mihan
("the great"), unless it is to be read mahan, and taken in the sense
of Moons--i.e., ladies.

[292] The Iqbal-nama, 139, has Kahta'i.

[293] The Iqbal-nama, 139, has 500 horse.

[294] The name of M. Rustam's son, who was drowned.

[295] Kushtigir, which means a wrestler. But Jahangir puns on the
word as if it were kishtigir ("a boatman"). Perhaps kushtigir was
his name. I presume that the person meant is the other servant. There
was no boat there. The Iqbal-nama has either kishtigir, or kushtigir.

[296] There is an extraordinary account of the Mirza's death in Price's
"Jahangir" which quite differs from the story told here. See Price,
p. 138. It is also stated there that he had been married six months
before to a daughter of I`timadu-d-daula. There is also an account
of the accident in the Iqbal-nama, p. 139.

[297] Or Kuwarmast.

[298] Perhaps we should read Buniyar. See Stein, loc. cit.,
p. 87. Jahangir seems to have crossed over to the left bank of the
Jhelam in the course ot his march. Perhaps he did so at Ooriu of the
map (Uri). Buniyar seems to be the Bhaniar of the map. I.O. MS. 181
has Butiyar.

[299] The allusion may be to the tuft of leaves at the top of a
pineapple.

[300] Perhaps bula nik.

[301] Push means flower in Kashmiri. Does the name mean "flower of
`Ali the Perfect"?

[302] Baramula is on the left bank of the Jhelam according to the
I.G., new edition. But maps and travellers seem to place it on the
right bank.

[303] Fourteen koss seem too little. The distance to Srinagar seems
to be 31 miles by the road. The old city Varamula was on the right
bank. Stein, 201. It is 32 miles from Srinagar.

[304] There is an omission in the text here. The MSS. have: "As Monday
had been fixed for entering Srinagar, I did not think it advisable to
halt at this stage, but immediately entered boats with the ladies and
proceeded on with blessings towards the goal. On Sunday, the 10th, when
two watches of the day had passed, I arrived at Shihabu-d-din-pur."

[305] See Jarrett, II. 310, n. 7.

[306] The MSS. have La? Apparently the kah of text is a relative
pronoun and not part of the name. Perhaps Lah in Ladakh is the
place meant.

[307] Dar kull ("in general, in bulk") (?).

[308] The MSS. have also Mandal Badr. They have not Mulk after Badr
as in text.

[309] Sister in MSS.

[310] Zar here does not, I think, mean gold.

[311] The silver sasnu of Jarrett, II. 354, and n. 2.

[312] Jahangir went part of the way by water.

[313] Perhaps he is the Raja Bhagwan Singh mentioned by Drew in his
book on Kashmir, p. 119.

[314] Abu-l-Fazl, Jarrett, II. 347, puts Kashmir into the third
and fourth climates, but at Vol. III., p. 89, he puts Kashmir into
the fourth climate. Probably both he and Jahangir mean by Kashmir
Srinagar. The appellation "White Islands" is probably a mistake for
"The Fortunate Islands," safid (white) being written instead of sa`ada,
which is the word in the Iqbal-nama. Jaza'ir-i-Sa`ada ("The Fortunate
Isles") is also the expression used in the Zafar-nama, II. 178, which
is probably the source of the Ayin and the Tuzuk. In the extract from
the Zafar-nama given in the T. Rashidi translation, 430, the longitude
is given as 105° from the "Fortunate Islands." The text of the Ayin,
Bib. Ind. edition, II. 42, gives 105.40° as the longitude.

[315] See Rieu, I. 296. The translator was Mulla Shah Muh. of
Shahabad. See also Blochmann, 106.

[316] The Peliasa of the maps and the Bolvasaka of Stein. Qambarbar is
Farutar in text. The Iqbal-nama, 147, has Qambarbar. It is evidently
the Qambarber of Jarrett, II. 347 and 361. It lies in the south-east of
Kashmir. Measured by the compass, Jahangir's 67 is much more correct
than Abu-l-Fazl's 120. The I.G. new edition gives the area of Kashmir
and Jammu as 80,900 square miles. Lawrence states the approximate
length of the valley as 84 miles, and the breadth as from 20 to
25 miles.

[317] The word used by Jahangir is dara`, which is given by Steingass
as Arabic, and as meaning a yard. Zara` again, is given as equal to a
cubit. Clearly Jahangir uses the word here as equivalent to a gaz or
yard, for he says that there are 5,000 dara` in the koss adopted by
himself and his father, and Abu-l-Fazl in the Ayin (Jarrett, II. 414)
says the koss is 5,000 gaz. The word dara` is also rendered gaz in
the Hindustani translation of the Memoirs. There is an important
discrepancy between the two I.O. MSS. and the printed text of the
Memoirs. The former, instead of saying that the dara` or yard is =
2 shar`i dara`, say that 1 1/4 dara` are = 2 shar`i dara`. In the
Ayin (Jarrett, II. 417) the gaz is given as equal to 24 digits. See
later on, p. 303 of text, where, in describing Shah Shuja's accident,
7 dara` are said to be equal to 10 shar`i, or ordinary, gaz.

[318] See text (thirteenth year), p. 234, where it is stated that
the Ilahi gaz is 40 finger-breadths.

[319] Vir is willow, so Vir-nag means Willow-fountain.

[320] Jarrett, II. 387. The I.G., XXIII. 100, says it was built by
Zainu-l-`abidin. The inscription shows that Zainu-l-`abidin built
it (Lawrence, 290). It is stated there that it was also burnt in
1029. A.H.--i.e., in the year of Jahangir's visit.

[321] Khanaqahi. Lawrence, 292.

[322] So in text and MSS., but perhaps du is a mistake for
Dal. However, the I.G. speaks of two lakes, the Dal and the Anchar
(north of Srinagar). See also Lawrence, 20 and 36.

[323] Probably the meaning is that the water never causes
indigestion. Abu-l-Fazl speaks of the streams being khush-guwar--i.e.,
their water is digestible.

[324] The number of boatmen, when compared with the number of boats,
seems very small, but the figures are the same in the I.O. MSS. and in
the Iqbal-nama, 149. Perhaps the word bist, 20, has been omitted, and
we should read 27,400 boatmen. Lawrence states the number of boatmen
at 33,870, and the boats, exclusive of private ones, at 2,417. The
revenue of Kashmir, as stated by Jahangir, is that mentioned in the
Ayin, Jarrett, II. 366, and is according to the assessment of Qazi
'Ali. In the two I.O. MSS. the corresponding number of dams is given
as 7,46,70,400 (Rs. 1,866,760), being only 11 less than that given
in Jarrett, II. 367, line 3. The figures given in Lawrence, 234, are
taken apparently from the Persian text (compare Bib. Ind. edition,
I. 571), corresponding to Jarrett, II. 368. The pargana Der, which
Lawrence failed to trace, is a mistake for the well-known Ver, dal
having been written or read by mistake for wa.

[325] Compare Jarrett, II. 366. "Some part of the Sair Jihat cesses
are taken in cash."

[326] Jarrett, II. 347.

[327] Compare Jarrett, II. 348, where we have "the country is
enchanting, and might be fittingly called a garden of perpetual spring
surrounding a citadel terraced to the skies."

[328] That is, the flowers.

[329] Text jawaniha, but I.O. MSS. have khubiha.

[330] Apparently the proper spelling is jughashi. See Vullers'
s. v. and Bahar-i-`ajam, 368, col. a. It is a black tulip. Sir George
King thought it might be the Fritillaria imperialis. See Jarrett,
349, and n. 1.

[331] Nur-afza garden. See infra.

[332] Tagetes patula. The genda of Bengal?

[333] Compare text, p. 235.

[334] Compare Jarrett, II. 349, where the words "Besides plums and
mulberries" should be "except cherries (shah-alu) and shah-tut"
(a large mulberry).

[335] Blochmann, 411. Abu-l-Fazl, Ayin, Blochmann, 65, speaks of
cherries coming from Kabul. But cherries both sweet and sour are
mentioned in the T. Rashidi as growing in Kashmir (Translation,
p. 425).

[336] Zard-alu-i-paiwandi.

[337] Shikananda, query, melting. The word occurs also in Iqbal-nama,
152. Possibly it means "with good markings."

[338] But see I.G., XV. 124, where shah-tut is mentioned. See also
Lawrence, 348.

[339] Compare Jarrett, II. 349.

[340] Mushang or mushanj, a small pea ("pisum arvense").

[341] Text khushka-tar. MSS. have khushka narm. Perhaps we should
translate "it is inferior and dry. They boil till it is soft, etc." The
Iqbal-nama has khushka narm mi-pazand.

[342] The sentence about wheat is omitted in the text.

[343] Text kuhi ("hill"); but this is opposed to the MSS. and also to
the Ayin-i-Akbari which Jahangir is evidently copying. See Jarrett
II. 350, and n. 3, and Persian text, I. 563. The I.O. MSS. of
Tuzuk have kaddi or gaddi. Gaddi is the name of a pastoral tribe
(see Lawrence, 12), and there is a Turkish word kedi meaning a cat,
and a word gaddi which means "horned." The Iqbal-nama, 153, has
"kadi-i-Hindustan." Jarrett, loc. cit. states that handu in Kashmiri
means a domestic ram. The word for tailless is bi-dumba, and perhaps
means that the sheep have not the enormously thick tails of some
kinds of hill sheep.

[344] Possibly nahrma ("like a river"), is right, for the garment
is said to be mauj-dar ("having waves"). The word mauj-dar occurs in
the Iqbal-nama, 153, and in the two I.O. MSS.

[345] Jul is a coverlet, and khirsak means a little bear, but is
applied to a rough woollen coverlet--a drugget. Darma is a name in
Bengal for a reed mat.

[346] Perhaps "tie it at the waist." But see Lawrence, 252: "The
Panditana wears a girdle, but no drawers."

[347] The MSS. have tattu. Both they and the text have also the words
chahar shana ba-zamin nazdik. Chahar shana means a dwarf. Literally
it means "four shoulders," and Vullers following, the Bahar-i-`Ajam,
defines it as a man of small stature with thick shoulders. Evidently
the words ba-zamin nazdik are meant as an explanation or addition to
Chahar-shana, and signify that the yabu or tattu has his withers near
the ground. The words also occur in the Iqbal-nama, 154.

[348] Jangrah u shakh-jilau. Jangrah, however, may refer to their
gait, and may mean that they don't go straight, and very likely we
should read changrah "going crookedly." Shakh-jilau is not in the
dictionaries, and I only guess at the meaning. The phrase is also in
the Iqbal-nama, 154.

[349] Text ilchi-i-saman. The real word is ilkhi, which is also
spelt ilqi and ilghi, and is a Turki word meaning a horse, and also
a troop of horses. See Pavet de Courteille Dictionary, p. 132, and
Vullers I. 149b, who refers to the Burhan-i-qati`, Appendix. See also
Zenker, p. 152. The Iqbal-nama, p. 155, top line, wrongly has balkhha
(from Balkh?).

[350] Jarrett, II. 352, and n. 1, also T. Rashidi, translation,
435. But perhaps all that is meant is the followers of the national
saint Shaikh Nuru-d-din. Lawrence, 287.

[351] Taken from the Ayin, see Jarrett, II. 353. There they are called
brahmans, but this seems to be an error of the Bib. Ind. text. Gladwin
has "Rishi." The Rishis were Muhammadans. See Jarrett, II. 359, where
mention is made of Baba Zainu-d-din Rishi. See also Colonel Newall's
paper on the Rishis or Hermits of Kashmir, A.S.B.J., 1870, p. 265.

[352] Text Baran. MSS. have Maran, and Eastwick has Koh-i-Mahran. He
calls it an isolated hill 250 feet high. It is on the north outskirts
of the city. See also Lawrence, 184, and n. 2, and Stein, 147-48.

[353] The Dal Lake is 3.87 miles long and 2.58 broad, the Anchar Dal
is 3.51 miles long and 2.15 broad. Lawrence, 20.

[354] MSS. have kil, and so has the Iqbal-nama.  Kil is given in
Lawrence, 114, as the Kashmir name for the ibex.

[355] Jarrett, II. 360.

[356] This is the Ilahi gaz.

[357] Blochmann, 252, and note.

[358] So called because in Shuja`'s horoscope.

[359] A village called `Aish-maqam is mentioned in Jarrett, II. 359,
n. 1, but it is probably not the `Aishabad here mentioned, for
`Aish-maqam was on the Lidar and a long way S.S.E. Srinagar.

[360] Shigufa-i-sad-barg ("the blossoms of the hundred-leaved rose"?).

[361] Allah-dad was s. Jalalu-d-din Tariki, also called Raushani,
and he became a distinguished officer of Shah-Jahan under the title
of Rashid K. See Ma'asir, II. 248, and Dabistan, 390.

[362] There are different readings. No. 181 has Maud and
Mihri. Apparently it is the Mau and Nabah of Jarrett, II. 319, where
also there are various readings. See also Tuzuk, 263, where the text
has Mau u shahra.

[363] Or Charvara. See Rieu Catalogue, I. 297. Haidar Malik wrote
a history of Kashmir. It was he who protected Nur-Jahan after her
first husband's murder. Stein has Cadura, recte Isadur p. 43; it is
10 miles south of Srinagar.

[364] An allusion to Nur-Jahan and to Nuru-d-din Jahangir.

[365] See Akbar-nama, III. 542, and Tabaqat-i-Akbari extract in
Appendix, translation of Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p. 490. The place was
Khanpur or near it. Perhaps the tree is the Adansonia. See also
Jarrett, II. 363. According to Stein, 191, Halthal is the name of the
village, and is a corruption of Salasthala. This agrees with the Ayin
I. 569, but not with Akbar-nama III. 542, where halthal is given as
the name of the tree.

[366] I have not found this passage in the Akbar-nama. The
Iqbal-nama, 159, says that 70 people stood erect inside of the
trunk. Rawal-pur is marked on the map of Kashmir, a little to the
south of Srinagar. Nizamu-d-din, in his chapter on Kashmir in the
Tabaqat-i-Akbari, speaks of a tree under the shade of which 200
horsemen could stand.

[367] Possibly bi-sarfa only means "unsuccessful." But it is used lower
down (text 308, line 8), in the sense of immoderate or unprofitable.

[368] Text has Turks (Turkiyan).

[369] Apparently the Rohankhed of I.G., XXI. 304.

[370] Literally, "raised the foot of ignorance."

[371] Perhaps Sukh Nag is the Shakar Nag of Jarrett, II. 361. The Sukh
Nag River is mentioned in Lawrence, 16. It may also be the waterfall
mentioned by Bernier, which he says Jahangir visited and levelled a
rock in order to see properly.

[372] From Dr. Scully's list it appears that this is the sach, the
rose-coloured starling, Pastor roseus. See also Vullers, Dictionary,
s. v. The bird seen by Jahangir may have been a dipper, Lawrence, 153.

[373] The MSS. have kulhai.

[374] According to the two I.O. MSS.--which are corroborated by
the Iqbal-nama--the text has here omitted an important part of the
report--presumably a written one--submitted by the Qazi and the
Mir `Adl. After the words "denied it," there comes in the MSS. the
statement: "The Hakim-zada (Hakim's son) produced two witnesses in
court. The Sayyids invalidated (or impeached) the testimony of one of
them, and the Hakim-zada brought a third witness and proved his case
according to law." The Iqbal-nama, p. 161, has not the whole of this,
and it has kharij instead of jarih, but it has the words guwah-i-salis
("a third witness").

[375] The meaning seems to be that he would in corroboration and ex
cautela take the oath. He had already proved his claim in the ordinary
way by witnesses and the production of the bond. See the account in
the Iqbal-nama, 160-63, which is fuller than that in text.

[376] Mu`amala-i-kulli ast. "The case was involved" (like a bud?),
or perhaps "the case was important."

[377] The text wrongly omits the negative. See Iqbal-nama, I. 62.

[378] Apparently this was Saliha Banu d. Qa'im K. Blochmann, 371, and
477, n. 2. She had the name of Padshah-mahall. See Hawkins' account
in Purchas, IV. 31, and Khafi K. I. 259. He calls the father Qasim.

[379] It is Ghairat K. in I.O. MS., 181.

[380] For Jalal K., see Blochmann, 455 and 486. He was grandson of
Sultan Adam.

[381] Rasid. See lower down text 308, where it is noted that the
cherries came to an end.

[382] This represents A.H. 1029, or 1620.

[383] Mat-treading or beating = house-warming. This was in honour of
the new picture-gallery.

[384] Danaha-kish. See Vullers, s.v. Kesh. The kish is a marten of
whose skin neckcloths, etc., are made. This note corrects the one at
p. 321 of translation, as also the text there.

[385] It is Busi-marg in the I.O. MSS. But perhaps the text is right,
and the place is the Tosh Maidan of Lawrence, 16.

[386] The gun is now at Bijapur, I.G., VIII. 186.

[387] Compare Iqbal-nama, 163-64. The text has ran ("thigh") instead
of zaban.

[388] Blochmann, 382. The name of the son is given in the MSS. as Mir
`Ali Asghar.

[389] Perhaps this is the Gurais Valley of Lawrence, 16, for Kuri
may be read Guri.

[390] See Jarrett, III. 121 and n. 5. The bird is either the
common hawk-cuckoo of Jerdon (Hierococcyx varius) or his Coccystes
melanoleucos--i.e., the pied-crested cuckoo, for both birds seem
to have the native name of Papiha. The Hierococcyx varius is the
"brain-fever" bird of the Anglo-Indian, I.G., I. 250. The pied-crested
cuckoo occurs in Kashmir, and so also apparently does a bird of the
genus Hierococcyx. Lawrence, pp. 138, 139.

[391] I am not sure what bird this is. Ghaugha'i means a turtle dove in
Bengal, but I doubt if this be the bird meant by Jahangir. Ghaugha'i
would mean a noisy bird, and perhaps is the Bengal Babbler of Jerdon,
or the Sat Bha'i (seven brothers) of the Indians. It belongs to the
Malacocircus genus, and Jerdon, I. 340, states that the pied-crested
cuckoo generally lays her egg in the nest of the Malacocirci. The
babbling thrushes occur in Kashmir. In Blochmann, 296, there is an
account of how ghaugha'is are caught.

[392] MS. 305 has Ghairat K., but No. 181 has `Arab K., and this
agrees with Stanley Lane Poole's Muhammadan dynasties (p. 279),
which has 'Arab Muhammad as ruling down to 1623. Urganj is in Khiva.

[393] Jahangir called Khan-Jahan his farzand (son).

[394] Not the famous `Ali Mardan, but `Ali Mardan, who was killed in
the Deccan. Blochmann, 496.

[395] Dandan-i-ablaq-i-jauhar-dar. Jauhar-dar here does not mean
"jewelled," but veined or striped. See Vullers, I. 542a. Walrus-teeth
may be meant by Jahangir, but tortoise-shell is more likely.

[396] Sundar is another name for Raja Bikramajit, and the reference
must be to the Siege of Kangra. Jauhar Mal was a son of Raja Baso,
and appears to be the same person as Suraj Mal. It is Jauhar in
I.O. MS., 181.

[397] Deotani in No. 181. Blochmann has the name Dutani, apparently
as a tribal name (p. 504), and Elphinstone speaks in vol. II., p. 82,
of a small tribe called Dumtauny.

[398] Veth is the Kashmiri name for the Jhelam (Lawrence, 18). It is
contracted from Vitasta. It is curious that the date of the festival
should be given according to a Muhammadan month (Shawwal), which must
recur at different seasons. Apparently the meaning is that the birth
of the Jhelam took place on that day.

Apparently the festival is not much celebrated nowadays, for it
is not mentioned by Lawrence (264-266), except that in a note to
p. 266 the Vathtrwah is mentioned as a day on which daughters receive
presents. The 19th Shahriwar, the corresponding date mentioned by
Jahangir, would answer to the end of August or beginning of September,
and to the Hindu month of Asin. 13 Shawwal, 1029, would correspond
to 1 September, 1620. Possibly the Shawwal of text is a mistake for
the Hindu month Sawan--i.e., Sravan. The legend of the birth of the
Jhelam is told in Stein, 97. Possibly Shawwal does not here mean the
month, and we should read shaghal-i-chiraghan, "the business of lamps."

[399] The crane visits Kashmir in winter, but Jahangir was never
there in that season.

[400] The text wrongly gives this as a list of birds which are found
in Kashmir. The Iqbal-nama 159 and the MSS. show that the text has
omitted a negative, and that the list consists of Indian birds which
are not met with in Kashmir. Several of the names do not occur in
the dictionaries. No 2 (the saras) is described in Babur's Memoirs,
321. No. 4 is the florikan, or Otis Bengalensis. For Nos. 5-7 see
Babur's Memoirs, 321. Karawan is a crane in Arabic, apparently, and so
Karwanak should be a little crane. It is also described as a kind of
partridge. Perhaps the Karwanak is the demoiselle crane. No. 9 may be
the oriole, or mango-bird, but that, too, is common in Kashmir. For
No. 12, which may be the ibis, see Babur's Memoirs, 322. For No. 14
see Babur's Memoirs, p. 321, and for No. 18 Babur's Memoirs, 320. For
the Sharak (No. 19), see Babur's Memoirs, 319. No 22 may possibly be
the bee-eater (Merops viridis). For No. 23 see Babur's Memoirs, 267
and 321. No. 25 may be one of the parrots, as Hafiz called the Indian
parrots and poets tutiyan-i-shakar-shikan. See Ayin-i-Akbari, Persian
text, I. 415, and Jarrett, II. 150. The tatiri, No. 30, is apparently
the black partridge Francolinus vulgaris. The names of the birds seem
to be often wrong in the text, and so I have followed the I.O. MSS.

[401] Kurg, but perhaps Gurg, "the wolf," is meant. The wolf is very
rare in Kashmir (Lawrence, 109).

[402] Query, mushak-i-kur--i.e., mole.

[403] According to Wilson's Glossary, the tola is = 180 grains Troy,
and the misqal = 63 1/2 grains Troy.

[404] Elliot, VI. 373, and Iqbal-nama 165.

[405] Vernag of Lawrence, 23.

[406] Text u an; in MSS. u.

[407] Lawrence, 67.

[408] Jarrett, II. 356, where it is written Vej Brára.

[409] Iqbal-nama, 164.

[410] This must be the Nandimarg of Jarrett II. 357 and of Akbar-nama
III. 551. In the Ayin (Jarrett II. 356), mention is made of a place
where there are seven fountains. Stein, 182, speaks of a spring sacred
to the seven Rishis. Is it possible that chashma in the A.N. (Persian
text, I. 565) is a mistake for chinar?

[411] Satha phuli? Seven fountains?

[412] Khan Dauran is the Shah-Beg K. Arghun of Blochmann, 377.

[413] See Ma'asir, II. 155, and Blochmann, 483, for an account of Ram
Das. Inch is mentioned in Jarrett, II. 356. Perhaps Inch is the Yech
pargana of Stein, 190-191.

[414] Ram Das had died eight years before this.

[415] Akbar-nama, III. 725, last line; Lawrence, 298; Stein, loc. cit.,
176, 177.

[416] The Achh Dal of Jarrett, II. 358, and the Achabal of Lawrence,
22.

[417] Jarrett, II. 361. The Dir Nag of Iqbal-nama, 165. See also
Jarrett, II. 361. The Vernag of Lawrence, 23. Jahangir interpolates
an account of Virnag into the annals of the second year. See p. 92
of translation.

[418] So in text, but a few lines lower down the depth is spoken of
as four gaz. The Ibqal-nama has "fourteen yards."

[419] The Iqbal-nama has "to the end of the garden."

[420] Iqbal-nama, 165, has "186 yards."

[421] Compare Iqbal-nama, 166.

[422] The meaning is that the Maraj (or Marraj), the upper part of
Kashmir, is superior to the lower part, or Kamraj. See Tuzuk, 298.

[423] Iqbal-nama, 166. Perhaps the Bawan Send of Jarrett, II. 361. Loka
Bhavan (bhavan means "abode") is mentioned in Stein, 180. It is the
Lokapunya of the Rajatarangini. It is five miles south of Achbal.

[424] Is this a corruption of Anantanag--i.e., Islamabad?

[425] Author of Iqbal-nama, 166. The appointment was that of examiner
of petitions.

[426] I presume that the ends laid hold of by the boatmen were
the disengaged ends--i.e., the ends 14 or 15 yards apart. But see
Iqbal-nama, 166-167.

[427] Text Panj Hazara. The MSS. are not clear. It may be the Sendbrary
of Bernier.

[428] The word is shikar, but, as he had renounced shooting, netting
is probably what is meant.

[429] Iqbal-nama, 169.

[430] Or Pampar, the ancient Padmapura. See Stein, J.A.S.B. for 1899,
p. 167; Elliot, VI. 375. But the passage, as in Elliot, does not come
directly from the Tuzuk or the Iqbal-nama.

[431] MSS. have 3,200.

[432] I.e., hawks taken from the nest, and not born in captivity.

[433] Iqbal-nama, 169.

[434] This is Mir Jamalu-d-din, the dictionary-maker and friend of
Sir Thomas Roe.

[435] The sentence appears obscure, but probably it was an order to
the authorities at Lahore to supply Husamu-d-din with the cost of
entertaining the ambassador up to the amount of Rs. 5,000.

[436] Perhaps the waterfall described by Bernier in his ninth letter,
and mentioned as having been admired by Jahangir.

[437] Hirapur is Hurapur and the ancient Surapura.

[438] Mari or Nari Brara in the MSS.

[439] Bi-badal K. is the name given by Jahangir to Sa`ida or Shaida who
was chief goldsmith. See end of 15th year, p. 326 of text. For Shaida,
who died in Kashmir in 1080 (A.D. 1669-70), see Rieu, III. 1083a,
and I. 251, and Supp. Catalogue, p. 207, and Sprenger's Catalogue 124.

[440] Text calls them brothers, but the MSS. show that biradar is a
mistake for barabar, "equally."

[441] The MSS. add: "He was a good youth (jawan) and without guile."

[442] Ab-i-hayat, "water of life," a name given by Akbar to his
ab-dar-khana, or supply of drinking-water, etc. See Blochmann, 51.

[443] Text wrongly has Thatta.

[444] Elliott, VI. 376. Apparently Sati was not practised by burning,
but by burying.

[445] Bisyar bihtar, MS., 181.

[446] Girjhak is said to be the Hindu name for Jalalpur, and
the probable site of Bukephala, Jarrett, II. 324. Makhiyala
is also mentioned there. It seems that Mukhyala is the famous
Manikiyala, where the Buddhist tope is which was first described
by Elphinstone. Abu-l-Fazl says in the Ayin that it was a place of
worship. See I.G., new ed., XVII. 182.

[447] Mountain-sheep. Apparently three rings were made.

[448] The I.O. MSS. add here 76 head of markhwur, etc., were taken.

[449] Perhaps the reference is to the tomb he formerly put up over
a favourite deer.

[450] MSS. have "is very noble."

[451] Pigeon-fancier. He belonged to Herat, and is mentioned in
Blochmann, 302.

[452] Text wrongly has 1031. It should be 1030, as in the Iqbal-nama,
171.

[453] The couplet is given in Iqbal-nama, 171, with some verbal
differences.

[454] Elliott, VI. 374.

[455] Jauhar Mal is mentioned at p. 310. Perhaps he was not Suraj Mal,
but it looks as if he was the same person. Cf. corresponding passage
in Iqbal-nama, 173, where he is called Suraj Mal.

[456] P. 310 of text.

[457] Raja Bikramajit. See ante, p. 310.

[458] Text wrongly has ghalla grain, instead of `alafha fodder,
grasses, etc. See MSS. and Iqbal-nama, 174.

[459] Text wrongly has 1031, but it is 1031 in the MSS. and in Elliot,
VI., 375. See, however, Elliot, VI. 378, and text, 326, which shew
that the 16th year began in 1030.

[460] The `Abbasi is also the name of a dress. The MSS. have fourteen,
instead of four, horses. Apparently the presents were Zambil's own
offering, not that of his master. See below.

[461] Mansab-i-kabak. Perhaps we should read katak, and regard the
increase as made to the office of guarding the palace. It is katak,
apparently, in I.O. MSS. It may, however, be Kang or Gang and a
man's name.

[462] Apparently the translator of the Rajatarangini.

[463] Doubtless the Gwalior in the Panjab.

[464] Nur Jahan's daughter by Shir-afgan. The date of the asking is
given in the text as the third, but should be the 30th, as in the
I.O. MSS.

[465] Elliot, VI. 376.

[466] The Iqbal-nama, 176, has "ten crores."

[467] The MSS. have 5,000. The word for "gunners" is tupchi.

[468] The MSS., instead of Naushahr, have sawad-i-shahr, "the environs
of the city" (cf. Lahore?).

[469] It was in the vicinity of Lahore. Akbar-nama, III. 569.

[470] But the next page of text records another feast of the lunar
weighment. Can it be that the lunar weighment refers to Nur Jahan's
birthday, not to Jahangir's? The 17th here mentioned is the 17th
of the solar month of Dai, and corresponded to about December 28,
1620. In the following page (324) we are told that the lunar weighment
took place on 30 Bahman, corresponding to 25 Rabi`u-l-awwal--i.e.,
February 8, 1621: Jahangir's birthday was on Rabi`u-l-awwal 17,
so the anniversary fell this year on 22 Bahman. Consequently, if he
celebrated it, as stated on p. 323, on 17 Dai, he did so more than
a month too soon! Evidently there is a mistake somewhere.

[471] This place is mentioned again in the account of the 16th year,
p. 338. It evidently received its name from Nur Jahan.

[472] Akbarpur, twelve miles N.W. Mathura. J. Sarkar's India of
Aurangzeb, 171.

[473] That is, of Chach in Transoxiana, but according to I.O. MS. 181,
the word is Khafi--i.e., from Khaf or Khwaf.

[474] Ninety-one rubies is surely a mistake. The Iqbal-nama, 177,
only speaks of one. It is, however, 91 yaqut in I.O. MS., 181.

[475] This is the Armenian of whom so much is said by Father Botelho
and other missionaries. It is mentioned in M. Waris's continuation
of the Padishah-nama, p. 392, of B.M. MS., that Zu-l-Qarnain Farangi
came from Bengal and presented poems which he had composed on Shah
Jahan's name, and got a present of Rs. 4,000. He it was, probably,
who entertained Coryat. The passage in the text seems to show that
Akbar had an Armenian wife.

[476] He is mentioned in some MSS. of the Akbar-nama, vol. III.,
as taking part in the religious discussions.

[477] Probably this is the La`l Beg who wrote a book about the
Naqshbandi order. See Ma'asiru-l-Umara, II., 382.

[478] The Iqbal-nama has "42 eunuchs."

[479] The MSS. have 40 cocks, 12 buffaloes, and 7 buffalo-horns. The
text also has shakh, horns, but this has been taken as a pleonasm.

[480] But there was such a ceremony a few days before (see p. 323
of text).

[481] For tank see Blochmann, 16 n. The Iqbal-nama, 178, has "twelve
misqals."

[482] For the Naskh character see Blochmann, 99-100, and for the
Nasta`liq, 101. See also the elaborate article on Writing in Hughes'
Dictionary of Islam.

[483] By Shah-i-Wilayat is meant the Caliph `Ali b. Abi Talib.

[484] The Houshabarchan of Hawkins.

[485] Mahaban, five or six miles from Mathura.

[486] They had made an istiqbal, or visit of welcome, from Agra.

[487] This was Babar's garden. It was on the opposite side of the
Jumna to Agra.

[488] So in text, but two (du) must be a mistake for "ten," as 2
months, 2 days = 62, and the marches and halts 49 + 21 amount to 70,
or 8 more. It is 10 in I.O. MSS.

[489] The budna, or bodna, is a species of quail. See Babar's Memoirs,
Erskine, p. 320, where it is spelt budinah. There is a description
in the Ayin, Blochmann, 296, of the mode of catching them.

[490] The word "village" is omitted in both the I.O. MSS.

[491] This gives an average of Rs. 6,342 for each animal.

[492] The I.O. MSS. have "Saturday." But Monday seems right, as
Thursday was 4 Farwardin.

[493] In the Ayin, which was composed in the 40th year of Akbar's
reign, Salim's rank is given as 10,000, Murad's as 8,000, and Daniyal's
as 7,000 (p. 308).

[494] In celebration of the commencement of the 16th year of the reign.

[495] Yaqut-i-kabud, "a blue ruby."

[496] The I.O. MSS. have Mirza Muhammad.

[497] Jamalu-d-din Husain Inju.

[498] See Vullers, s.v. It is a smelling-bottle or case containing
ambergris.

[499] Blochmann, 55.

[500] Apparently a zebra. See Iqbal-nama, 179, where it is stated that
it was brought by sea. The text of the Tuzuk is wrong, as usual. What
we should read is: "It was like a tiger (MS. 181 and Iqbal-nama have
shir, not babar), but the markings on a tiger are black and yellow,
and these were black and white."

[501] Perhaps this is the muhar now in Germany.

[502] Husain K. Tukriya.

[503] Nafs mi-suzad.

[504] Thursday night or Friday eve is what is meant.

[505] Elliot, VI. 378.

[506] King David was said to be a maker of cuirasses.

[507] Yamani. Elliot has almasi (adamant-like).

[508] See Blochmann's translation and remarks in Proceedings A.S.B. for
1869, p. 167. It is there stated that the date of the fall of the
meteorite was Friday, April 10, 1621, O.S., and that the weight would
be nearly 5.271 pounds troy.

[509] A widow of Baqi Muhammad.

[510] Elliot, VI. 379.

[511] Elliot, VI. 379, has "in sight of the fort." Perhaps the meaning
is that the villages were in the jurisdiction of the fort.

[512] The Iqbal-nama, 181, has "fourteen."

[513] The account of Shah Jahan's spirited attack on the Deccanis
is in some places rather obscurely worded, and the printed edition
is not always correct. Help can be obtained from the Iqbal-nama,
181, etc., and from Elliot, VI. 379. The text has firar, "flight,"
and this has been followed by Elliot, who has "on their approach the
rebels took to flight, and removed to a distance from Burhanpur." But
the true reading, as shown by the Iqbal-nama, is qarar, "firmness,"
not firar, and the words are bar daur-i-shahr, "round the city,"
not bar dur, "far from." The rebels were, as the Iqbal-nama states,
"in the environs of the city," "dar sawad-i-shahr," but apparently not
in such force as to prevent Shah Jahan's sazawuls--i.e., his apparitors
and summoners--from going into the city and bringing out recruits.

[514] In the I.O. MSS. the word looks like bi-jagari (want of settled
home or residence?).

[515] Text has chasa. The word may be jushsha, given in Vullers, 516b,
as meaning robes or garments, and this is the meaning given to it by
Elliot, but the Iqbal-nama has jubba, "cuirasses," and this I have
adopted. It is jubba in I.O. No. 181.

[516] Text, chihla u khamcha. The last word should, I think, be
jamjama. Chihla in Hindustani means a "slimy place." It is jamjama
in I.O. MS., No. 181.

[517] Text has ghair instead of `Ambar.

[518] Text wrongly has Rup-ratan.

[519] Padishah-nama, I., Part II., p. 349.

[520] The text wrongly has 1,000.

[521] The Bib. Ind. ed. of Iqbal-nama, 184, inserts a negative here,
but this seems wrong. In a MS. in my possession there is no negative.

[522] Elliot, VI. 380.

[523] Elliot, VI. 448, the Ma'asiru-l-Umara, I. 577, and Padishah-nama
I., Part II., 347.

[524] Text wrongly has 12th. Jahangir's birthday was on the 18th
Shahriwar.

[525] Khiffati. I am not sure of the reading. One B.M. MS. seems to
have haqqi, and perhaps the meaning is that the physicians had already
been abundantly recompensed for their labour for two or three days,
haqqi being taken as equal to haqq-i-sa`i.

[526] A little before his weight came only to Rs. 6,500 (p. 329 of
text). But possibly Jahangir means that he had himself weighed for
Jotik's benefit.

[527] Elliot, VI. 381.

[528] Madar-i-dahr.

[529] Text and MSS. have madar-i-ura, "her mother"(?) Perhaps we should
read ma ura, "we (esteemed) her not less than our own mother." Or
it may be that the "her" means Nur Jahan, and that Jahangir means he
esteemed his mother-in-law as much as his own mother.

[530] That is, Shah Jahan (see Iqbal-nama, 186).

[531] The MSS. seem to have Khosti--i.e., of Khost.

[532] Text 8th, but should be 20th.

[533] Alwanu in MSS. It appears to be Aluwa, 11m. S.-E. of Sirhind.

[534] Text pahangi, which seems unintelligible. The MSS. have
mahiki(?)-i-khurd, "a small fish."

[535] Baqqa.

[536] Founded by Nur Jahan (see Cunningham, "Archæological Reports,"
XIV. 62).

[537] Spelt Ilah-bas.

[538] I have translated this passage from the MSS., which differ
a good deal from the text. Talwara was in the Bari Du'ab Sarkar
(Jarrett, II. 318.)

[539] Apparently this is the pulpaikar of Babar (Erskine, 320), though
the two descriptions do not altogether agree. Perhaps it is a hornbill.

[540] The MSS. have sal and lut. Is it the sham of Babar? (Erskine,
320).

[541] Murgh-i-zarin, goldfinch or golden oriole (?).

[542] The date and month are not mentioned, but it appears from the
Iqbal-nama, which gives the next entry as 14 Bahman, that the month
was Bahman, and that the date was probably about 20 January, 1622.

[543] The Bhalon of Jarrett, II. 316. Sibah is mentioned at p. 317,
ibid. The text has Sita.

[544] The couplet comes from Budags's elegy on Abu-l-Hasan Nahid
Balkhi. See Aufi's Lababu-l-Albab. Browne's ed., Part II., p. 3.

[545] Text wrongly has Chita. Chamba is N.-W. of Kangra.

[546] Elliot, VI. 382.

[547] The fort was destroyed by the earthquake of 1905 (I.G.,
XIV. 397). Presumably Jahangir's mosque was also destroyed then.

[548] The breadth of the second tank is not mentioned in the MSS.

[549] "The present temple of Bajreswari Devi is at Bhawan, a suburb
of Kangra" (I.G., XIV. 386).

[550] See I.G., XIV. 86, and Jarrett, II. 314 and n. 1. Jarrett states
that Jwala Mukhi is two days' journey from Kangra. Apparently Jahangir
took his statement from the Ayin, which has the words "in the vicinity"
(Jarrett, ibid.). Jarrett's statement that Jwala Mukhi is two days'
journey from Kangra is taken from Tieffenthaler, I. 108. Tieffenthaler
adds that the distance is 14 to 15 milles (leagues, or kosses). He
speaks of the Fort of Kangra as being only one-fourth of a mille
in circumference. The image, he states, was that of Bhowani, and
represented the lower part of the goddess's body. The head was alleged
to be at Jwala Mukhi.

[551] I.e., know the physical cause of the flame. The MSS. do not
mention Hindus in this clause.

[552] See Jarrett, II. 313, and note 2.

[553] The temple was sacked by Mahmud of Ghaznin.

[554] This might be Koh-i-Mandar, the hill which was used as a
churning-stick by the gods. There is a hill of this name in Bhagalpur
district which is known as Mandargiri. But probably Kuh-i-Madar here
means the centre-hill, for in the Bib. Ind. text of the Ayin-i-Akbari,
I. 538, two lines from foot, it is said that the place is called
Jalandhari, and a note (7) gives the various reading, "this spot is
regarded as the centre," "sar-i-zamin-ra madar pindarand." Apparently
it is regarded as the central place because the breast fell here,
Jarrett, II. 314, n. According to the list given there the right
breast fell at Jalandhara and the tongue at Jwala Mukhi.

[555] I.G., new ed., XIX. 232.

[556] Podna, or budana. The quail.

[557] Text khirdash, which I presume is a mistake for khurus.

[558] Dhameri. See I.G., XIX. 232.

[559] Mauti might mean "dead," but probably the word means "Pearl," and
was the title assumed by a tribe or family among the Sannyasis. See
infra. The statement that this order put themselves into the
figure of a cross doubtless means that they belong to the Urdu bahu
(arms-aloft) sect--i.e., the sect who raise their arms above their
heads, in the figure of a cross. In Tavernier, II. 378, of ed. of
1676, this is the 8th posture of ascetics, and at that page and at
376 there are figures of such ascetics. The I.O. MSS. have salab,
"mourning," instead of salb.

[560] Sarva vasi means "all-abiding." Perhaps the word should be
Sarva nasi, "all-destroying."

[561] For taslim, see Hughes' Dict. of Islam. Possibly we should read
taslib, "make the sign of the cross."

[562] The chronogram of the taking of the fort yields 1029, and that
of the building of the mosque 1031.

[563] Nurani, "illumined," an allusion to Jahangir's name.

[564] The MSS. have Kahtuma apparently. ? Kahuta in Rawalpindi
district.

[565] This should be, I think, the 20th, and though the name of the
month is not given, it should be Bahman. See MSS. and Iqbalnama,
191. Khusrau died in the Deccan, and presumably at Burhanpur or
Asir. 20 Bahman, 1031, corresponds to January 29, 1622, O.S. But the
date of his death has not been quite determined. See J.R.A.S. for 1907,
p. 601.

[566] The I.O. MSS. have 121 instead of 124, and they add to the
information about Zafar K. that he died in Ghaznin. They also give
his son's name as Sa`adatu-llah. The Iqbal-nama, p. 191, has 121 hill
sheep, markhur and deer.

[567] Date not given. The Iqbal-nama, 191, has "the 8th."

[568] The Iqbal-nama, p. 192, speaks of a report of Khan Jahan that
Khwaja `Abdu-l-`Aziz Naqshbandi, the governor of Qandahar, had a
garrison of 3,000 men.

[569] Jahangir appears on this occasion to have forgotten the vow he
made in the 13th year. See Elliot, VI. 362. Jahangir's words are clear:
"ba tir u tufang andakhtam."

[570] Apparently this is the Barahmula Pass. It is mentioned in
the Akbar-nama, III. 480-81 and 558, but does not appear on modern
maps. Jahangir refers to it in the account of the 15th year, p. 204,
and says it is the last of the passes.

[571] Sar-afraz in No. 181.

[572] The I.O. MS., No. 181, adds "and treasure."

[573] "Wilson" Glossary, p. 60. Elliot, Supp. Glossary, I. 52. The
word seems connected with barinj, "rice."

[574] This is the poet Baba Talib Isfahani of Blochmann, 607.

[575] Elliot, VI. 383.

[576] Not that the question of the Deccan had been settled, but that
Shah Jahan had left Burhanpur and come to Mandu. See Iqbal-nama, 193.

[577] Elliot, VI. 383.

[578] Tarkash-bandan, literally quiver-holders. Apparently the
meaning is that the archers who were footmen (see Blochmann, 254,
about Dakhili troops) lost their vocation when guns came into use,
and became cavalry soldiers. But the meaning in text may be that
the archers took to practising with bows and arrows on horseback. It
appears from a Dasturu-l-`amal in the I.O., No. 1,855 (E. 2736) that
the tarkash-bands were an inferior order of servants receiving 1,000
dams or less a year. They probably were not necessarily archers.

[579] The Achh Dal of the Ayin, Jarrett, II. 358.

[580] No. 181 has "at Virnag."

[581] Padshah-nama, I., Part II., p. 349.

[582] May also be read Uhar and Adhar. It is Adhar or Udhar in
I.O. MSS.

[583] The Sind River of Kashmir is meant. Jarrett, II. 364.

[584] This seems a translation of Akbar's word arinas
(enemy-destroying).

[585] Elliot, VI. 384, where Jhelam is a mistake.

[586] Padshah-nama, I., Part II., p. 339. His name was Mulla
Shukru-llah, and he was from Shiraz. He is the Mirza Sorocolla of Roe.

[587] Compare Iqbal-nama, 194 and 196. It is stated there that Nur
Jahan would not allow Afzal K. to have an audience, and that he was
dismissed without gaining his object.

[588] See Iqbal-nama, 196, where it is said that these orders were
not really given by Jahangir, but were Nur Jahan's.

[589] Elliot, VI. 280.

[590] This alludes to the facts that Humayun promised Shah Tahmasp
that he would restore the fort after he had conquered India, and that
Akbar had acknowledged the justice of Persia's claim.

[591] The clause is very obscure. Perhaps it is part of what Jahangir
had said.

[592] Farzand-i-barkhurdar.

[593] It is noteworthy that Jahangir does not attempt to controvert
the statement of Shah `Abbas that Qandahar rightfully belonged to
Persia. There is a very long account in the `Alam-ara'i of the claims
of Persia to Qandahar, and of the various attempts made to realize
them, until at last it was taken by Shah `Abbas. See the account
of the 35th year in the Teheran lithograph, p. 682, etc. The fort
of Qandahar surrendered on 11 Sha`ban, 1031, or June 11, 1622. The
Shah's letter announcing the fact and explaining his procedure was
presented by Haidar Beg on 26 Aban, 1031--i.e., early in November,
1622. He brought the officers of the garrison with him. See `Alam-ara'i
and the Tuzuk text, 348 (annals of the 17th year).

[594] Elliot, VI. 280.

[595] These words do not appear in the I.O. MSS. And what is written
in this chapter about the fates of Khalil and Muhtarim, etc., does
not agree with Mu`tamid's writing in Iqbal-nama.

[596] Elliot, VI. 384.

[597] Huquq ba-`uquq, "rights into wrongs."

[598] I rather think the meaning is "he by his baseness and
illfatedness has capitally punished them, and has (as it were) slain
them by his own hand," the meaning being that they will fall in the
civil war about to take place.

[599] Compare Iqbal-nama, 199.

[600] This is the man whom Jahangir had made Raja Bikramajit.

[601] Elliot, VI. 385.

[602] The lines come from Firdusi's satire on Mahmud of Ghazni.

[603] He was the great-grandson, being the son of Maha Singh s. Jagat
Singh s. Man Singh.

[604] Panj fauj. But perhaps the word is binj, or bikh, "root." Or
it may be pichha fauj, "the hinder army." Apparently the reference
is to the arrangement of the royal army into five divisions.

[605] "Bought it as if it were genuine."

[606] The Farhang-i-Jahangiri, Rieu Cat., p. 496 b.

[607] Where is this account? He is mentioned later, p. 359 of
text. Perhaps he is the Armenian mentioned in the 15th year as
Zu-l-Qarnain. But an Armenian would hardly be called a Farangi.

[608] The MSS. have "his brother Maghrur."

[609] The MSS. have a name that is not Naubat, and perhaps is Yunas
or Yunash Khan.

[610] Yunas or Yunash in MSS.

[611] Perhaps it means that qisas or retaliation could not
be inflicted. See Ma'asiru-l-umara, III. 335, and Iqbal-nama,
204. Evidently the mother did not want to prosecute. It is probable
that his murderers were only his half-brothers.

[612] The MSS. have Maharaja Gaj Singh, and they also have the names
Mansur Khan, Sar-buland Ray and Lashkar K.

[613] "Two" in MSS.

[614] Jahangir's mother.

[615] MS. 181 has Baba Khan.

[616] MS. 181 has Kuhnar or Kunhar, and it seems that it is a name,
and not merely "younger brother." The Iqbal-nama, 205, has Kunhar Das.

[617] Karij in text. See Jarrett, II. 253. But perhaps it should
be Kaira.

[618] It is Sha`ban in Nos. 181 and 305. The famous garden of Ahmadabad
is the Shahi, for which see the Bombay Gazetteer, vol. for Ahmadabad,
p. 283. But besides being Sha`ban in the MSS. it is also Sha`ban in the
Iqbal-nama, 207. The Shahi garden lies to the north of Ahmadabad, and
Safi was at the south or south-east of the city. Perhaps the Sha`ban
garden was near the Malik Sha`ban lake, which was east of the city,
and is referred to in Bombay Gazetteer, p. 18. The Bagh Sha`ban is
also referred to in Bayley's Gujarat, 236.

[619] Name very doubtful. MSS. seem to have Pir Lal Koli, or it may
be Bir Lal.

[620] The MSS. have "in ten."

[621] Text, Nar Singh Deo. But the MSS. seem to have another name,
Silhadi Deo (?). The name Lulu is also doubtful. The MSS. seem to
have Bulur. In Elliot, IV. 402, Puran Mal is called Bhaia.

[622] Har kudam ba-tarafi aftadand.

[623] Rieu, Cat., I. 158 b.

[624] Text has Kuh-i-Kul. But the I.O. MSS. show that the true reading
is Kul Nuh ban, and it appears from the Ayin, Jarrett, II. 186, that
Nuh is a district in Kul--i.e., Aligarh. Gurg is a wolf, and Kurag
a rhinoceros, but probably a wolf is here meant. It is not likely
that there were rhinoceros in Aligarh, though Abu-l-Fazl says there
were rhinoceros in Sambhal (Jarrett, II. 281). Tir means an arrow as
well as a bullet. The word mana, "face," is not in text, but occurs
in both the I.O. MSS.

[625] Chanda Ghat between Ajmere and Malwa.

[626] Apparently the meaning is that he had no family with Shah
Jahan's army, and so could not be deterred from leaving Shah Jahan
through fear of their fate. See below, the reference to S. Salabat's
arrangements about his family.

[627] This couplet comes from Nizami's Khusrau u Shirin, and is quoted
by Babur.

[628] See Ja`far Sharif's Qanun-i-Islam. App., p. xxiv.

[629] Dhamin, python (?).

[630] See Blochmann, 60.

[631] Daughter of Nur Jahan.

[632] Blochmann, p. 311, calls her Arzani Begam. The Iqbal-nama (306)
calls her Lardili Begam. A MS. of the Iqbal-nama in my possession
calls her Wali Begam. She was born on September 4, 1623.

[633] The holy man formerly mentioned.

[634] He had been captured in Gujarat when Safi K. defeated `Abdu-llah.

[635] The author of the dictionary.

[636] See Ma'asiru-l-Umara, III. 382. His wife was the sister of Ahmad
Beg, the brother's son of Ibrahim K. Fath-jang. But if so would she not
be the daughter of Sharif and niece of Nur Jahan? See Blochmann, 512.

[637] I.O. MS., 381, and the Iqbal-nama mention the wife.

[638] Mahram sakht, "made him one who could enter the Harem."

[639] The text wrongly has ba-chand instead of ba-jambid.

[640] Daughters of the Bier--i.e., the constellation of the Plough.

[641] Shash-dar is the name of an impasse in the game of nard.

[642] The Muhammad Beg of Roe?

[643] Jarrett, II. 239.

[644] 1 Safar, 1033 = November 14, 1623.

[645] Jerdon states that the black partridge is called ghaghar about
Benares.

[646] Probably Rahimabad in the Bari Du-ab. Jarrett, II. 332.

[647] Dara` or zara`, yards? The text gives his weight as 20 1/2,
but bist must be a mistake for hasht.

[648] He was a eunuch, and originally had the name of I`tibar
K. He received the title of Mumtaz K. in this year. Tuzuk, 359. See
Blochmann, 433.

[649] Az qadiman u babariyan (properly bairiyan).

[650] Ganwaran u muzari`an.

[651] Text ba shukr u shukuh, but the Iqbal-nama, 213, has ba-shakwa,
"with complaints," and this must be correct. `Abdu-llah indulged
in abuse of his lord and master, khuda u khudawand-i-khwish--i.e.,
Jahangir.

[652] Cf. Iqbal-nama, 213-214.

[653] A proverbial expression. It is quoted by Nizamu-d-din in the
Tabaqat.

[654] `Ali Ray was ruler of Little Tibet (Baltistan). Jahangir had
married his daughter. Blochmann, 310, and Akbar-nama, III. 603. The
marriage took place in A.H. 1000 (1592).

[655] That is, Lashkari.

[656] Hadi was Harunu-r-Rashid's elder brother.

[657] Text mulka. Perhaps the word may be malka-i-an, "possession of
it"--i.e., possession of such knowledge. The MSS. have an after malka.

[658] Text hanaq. But the MSS. have merely haqq, and it is said in
the dictionaries that there is a bird called the haqq.

[659] This corrects a previous statement to the effect that the black
and red bustards were two species.

[660] The MSS. have either barin or parin. I cannot find the name in
the dictionaries, but my friend Sir K. C. Gupta suggests that the word
may be bans (Labeo calbasa). This fish is also a carp, and resembles
the rohu (L. rohita), but is smaller. It may also be the catla.

[661] Ba-rism-i-hajabat.

[662] Dewalgaon is about 60 miles S. of Burhanpur, Elliot, VII. 11.

[663] Or, perhaps, they might be sure he was coming shortly.

[664] Lal Bagh was on the outskirts of Burhanpur. Though the rainy
season is spoken of, the date Farwardin is in March.

[665] Perhaps the meaning is that Mahabat had imprisoned `Arif, the son
of the Zahid whom Jahangir had condemned to death, for in the 18th year
Jahangir speaks of Zahid as a rebel. But the sentence is not clear.

[666] Elliot, VI. 390. It seems probable that this is the place
mentioned in the Ma'asiru-l-umara, I. 410, in the biography of Baqir
K. Najm Sani, and also in the Padishah-nama, I. 333. It is called
there "the Pass of Chhatar Diwar," and is described as the boundary
between Orissa and Telingana, and is two koss from Khairapara. One
Mansur, a servant of Qutbu-l-mulk, had built a fort there, and called
it Mansur-garh.

[667] Bulbuli. I had supposed this to be Pipli, but the latter place
is in the Balasore district, and nearer Bengal than Cuttack. Curiously
enough Pipli or Pippli is not given in the I.G. new ed., though it is
given as Pippli in the old. There is also a Pipli in the Puri district
(I.G., new ed., XX. 404). In the Ma'asiru-l-umara, I. 137 and 194, in
the biographies of Ibrahim Fath K. and Ahmad Beg, the place is taken to
be Pipli. It is also Pipli in the Iqbal-nama, 217, where also Cuttack
is described as being 12 koss off, towards Bengal. The maps show a
Pipalgaon between Puri and Cuttack, and about 30 m. from the latter
place. A Pipli in the Puri district is mentioned in the I.G., new ed.

[668] Text isti`dad, but the true reading is istib`ad. Istib`ad namuda,
"regarded the thing as at a distance," or "was surprised." The
I.O. MSS. end here, their last words being "Till at length there
came a conciliatory letter from La`natu-llah (`Abdu-llah)." The
R.A.S. MS. continues with Muhammad Hadi's supplement.