STATEMENT
OF THE
PROVISION FOR THE POOR,
AND THE
CONDITION OF THE LABOURING CLASSES,
IN A CONSIDERABLE PORTION OF
AMERICA AND EUROPE.

The following Questions apply to Customs and Institutions whether general throughout the State, or peculiar to certain Districts, and to Relief given:

• 1st. By the Voluntary Payment of Individuals or Corporate Bodies.
• 2nd. By Institutions specially endowed for that purpose.
• 3rd. By the Government, either general or local.
• 4th. By any one or more of these means combined.

[3]

And you are requested to state particularly the cases (if any) in which the person relieved has a legal claim.

QUESTIONS.

Vagrants.

• 1. To what extent and under what form does mendicity prevail in the several districts of the country?
• 2. Is there any relief to persons passing through the country, seeking work, returning to their native places, or living by begging; and by whom afforded, and under what regulations?

Destitute Able-bodied.

• 1. To what extent and under what regulations are they, or any part of their families, billeted or quartered on householders?
• 2. To what extent and under what regulations are they boarded with individuals?
• 3. To what extent and under what regulations are there district houses of industry for receiving the destitute able-bodied, or any part of their families, and supplying them with food, clothes, &c., and in which they are set to work?
• 4. To what extent and under what regulations do any religious institutions give assistance to the destitute, by receiving them as inmates, or by giving them alms?
• 5. To what extent and under what regulations is work provided at their own dwellings for those who have trades, but do not procure work for themselves?
• 6. To what extent and under what regulations is work provided for such persons in agriculture or on public works?
• 7. To what extent and under what regulations are fuel, clothing, or money, distributed to such persons or their families; at all times of the year, or during any particular seasons?
• 8. To what extent and under what regulations are they relieved by their children being taken into schools, and fed, clothed and educated, or apprenticed?
• 9. To what extent and under what regulations, and to what degree of relationship are the relatives of the destitute compelled to assist them with money, food, or clothing, or by taking charge of part of their families?
• 10. To what extent and under what regulations are they assisted by loans?

[4]

Impotent Through Age.

• 1. To what extent and under what regulations are there almshouses or other institutions for the reception of those who, through age, are incapable of earning their subsistence?
• 2. To what extent and under what regulations is relief in food, fuel, clothing, or money afforded them at their homes?
• 3. To what extent, and under what regulations, are they boarded with individuals?
• 4. To what extent and under what regulations are they quartered or billeted on householders?
• 5. To what extent and under what regulations, and to what degree of relationship, are their relatives compelled to assist them with money, food, or clothing, or by taking part of their families?

Sick.

• 1. To what extent and under what regulations are there district institutions for the reception of the sick?
• 2. To what extent and under what regulations are surgical and medical relief afforded to the poor at their own homes?
• 3. To what extent and under what regulations are there institutions for affording food, fuel, clothing, or money to the sick?
• 4. To what extent and under what regulations is assistance given to lying-in women at their homes, or in public establishments?
• 5. To what extent and under what regulations are there any other modes of affording public assistance to the sick?

Children:

Illegitimate.

• 1. Upon whom does the support of illegitimate children fall; wholly upon the mothers, or wholly upon the fathers; or is the expense distributed between them, and in what proportion, and under what regulations?
• 2. To what extent and under what regulations are the relatives of the mothers or fathers ever compelled to assist in the maintenance of bastards?
• 3. To what extent and under what regulations are illegitimate children supported at the public expense?

[5]

Orphans, Foundlings, or Deserted Children.

• 4. To what extent and under what regulations are they taken into establishments for their reception?
• 5. To what extent and under what regulations are they billeted or quartered on householders?
• 6. To what extent and under what regulations are they boarded with individuals?
• 7. To what extent and under what regulations, and to what degree of relationship, are their relatives compelled to support them?

Cripples, Deaf and Dumb, and Blind.

• 1. To what extent and under what regulations are there establishments for their reception?
• 2. To what extent and under what regulations are they billeted or quartered on householders?
• 3. To what extent and under what regulations are they boarded with individuals?
• 4. To what extent and under what regulations, and to what degree of relationship, are their relatives compelled to support them?

Idiots and Lunatics.

• 1. To what extent and under what regulations are there establishments for their reception?
• 2. To what extent and under what regulations are they billeted or quartered on householders?
• 3. To what extent and under what regulations are they boarded with individuals?
• 4. To what extent and under what regulations, and to what degree of relationship, are their relatives compelled to support them?

Effects of the foregoing Institutions.

You are requested to state whether the receipt, or the expectation of relief, appears to produce any and what effect,

• 1st. On the industry of the labourers?
• 2nd. On their frugality?
• 3rd. On the age at which they marry?
• 4th. On the mutual dependence and affection of parents, children and other relatives?[6]
• 5th. What, on the whole, is the condition of the able-bodied and self-supporting labourer of the lowest class, as compared with the condition of the person subsisting on alms or public charity. Is the condition of the latter, as to food and freedom from labour more or less eligible? See p. 261 and 335 of the Poor Law Extracts.

You are also requested to read the accompanying volume[1], published by the English Poor Law Commissioners, and to state the existence of any similar mal-administration of the charitable funds of the country in which you reside, and what are its effects?

You are also requested to forward all the dietaries which you can procure of prisons, workhouses, almshouses and other institutions, with translations expressing the amounts and quantities in English money, weights and measures, and to state what changes (if any) are proposed in the laws or institutions respecting relief in the country in which you reside, and on what grounds?

In reply to the following Questions respecting Labourers, you are requested to distinguish Agriculturists from Artisans, and the Skilled from the Unskilled.

• 1. What is the general amount of wages of an able-bodied male labourer, by the day, the week, the month or the year, with and without provisions, in summer and in winter?
• 2. Is piece-work general?
• 3. What, in the whole, might an average labourer, obtaining an average amount of employment, both in day-work and in piece-work, expect to earn in a year, including harvest-work, and the value of all his advantages and means of living?
• 4. State, as nearly as you can, the average annual expenditure of labourers of different descriptions, specifying schooling for children, religious teachers, &c.
• 5. Is there any, and what employment for women and children?
• 6. What can women, and children under 16, earn per week, in summer, in winter and harvest, and how employed?
• 7. What, in the whole, might a labourer’s wife and four children, aged 14, 11, 8 and 5 years respectively (the eldest a boy), expect to earn in a year, obtaining, as in the former case,[7] an average amount of employment?
• 8. Could such a family subsist on the aggregate earnings of the father, mother and children, and if so, on what food?
• 9. Could it lay by anything, and how much?
• 10. The average quantity of land annexed to a labourer’s habitation?
• 11. What class of persons are the usual owners of labourers’ habitations?
• 12. The rent of labourers’ habitations, and price on sale?
• 13. Whether any lands let to labourers; if so, the quantity to each, and at what rent?
• 14. The proportion of annual deaths to the whole population?
• 15. The proportion of annual births to the whole population?
• 16. The proportion of annual marriages to the whole population?
• 17. The average number of children to a marriage?
• 18. Proportion of legitimate to illegitimate births?
• 19. The proportion of children that die before the end of their first year?
• 20. Proportion of children that die before the end of their tenth year?
• 21. Proportion of children that die before the end of their eighteenth year.
• 22. Average age of marriage, distinguishing males from females?
• 23. Causes by which marriages are delayed?
• 24. Extent to which, 1st, the unmarried; 2nd, the married, save?
• 25. Mode in which they invest their savings?

We may be permitted to suggest one alteration of the present law, of considerable importance. In Massachusetts and New York, and perhaps in some other States, paupers who have no settlement in the State are relieved at the expense of the State. In this commonwealth the burthen falls upon the particular district in which the pauper may happen to be. This often occasions considerable expense to certain counties or places from which others are exempt. The construction of a bridge or canal, for instance, will draw to a particular neighbourhood a large number of labourers, many of whom may have no settlement in the State. If disabled by sickness or accident, they must be relieved by the township in which they became disabled, although their labour was employed for the benefit of the State or county, as the case may be, and not for the benefit of the township alone. If provision were made for the payment of the expenses incurred by the township in such case out of the county, or perhaps the State treasury, we think that it would be more just, and that the unhappy labourer would be more likely to obtain adequate relief, than if left to the scanty resources of a single township. A case[14] which is stated in the second volume of the Pennsylvania Reports (Overseers v. M’Coy, p. 432), in which it appeared, that a person employed as a labourer on the State Canal, and who was severely wounded in the course of his employment, was passed from one township to another, in consequence of the disinclination to incur the expense of supporting him, until he died of the injury received, shows in a strong light the inconvenience and perils of the present system respecting casual paupers, and may serve to excuse our calling the attention of the legislature to the subject.

It will appear (say the Commissioners), that of the whole number more or less assisted during the last year, that is, of 12,331 poor, 5927 were State’s poor, and 6063 were town’s poor; making the excess of town’s over State’s poor to have been only 497. The proportion which, it will be perceived, that the State’s poor bear to the town’s poor, is itself a fact of startling interest. We have not the means of ascertaining the actual growth of this class of the poor. But if it may be estimated by a comparison of the State’s allowance for them in 1792-3, the amount of which, in round numbers, was $14,000, with the amount of the allowance twenty-seven years afterwards, that is, in 1820, when it was $72,000, it suggests matter for very serious consideration. So sensitive, indeed, to the increasing weight of the burthen had the legislature become even in 1798, when the allowance was but $27,000 that “an Act” was passed, “specifying the kind of evidence required to accompany accounts exhibited for the support of the poor of the Commonwealth.” In 1821, with a view to still further relief from the evil, the law limited its allowance to 90 cents a week for adults, and to 50 cents for children; and again, for the same end, it was enacted,[15] in 1823, that “no one over twelve, and under sixty years of age, and in good health, should be considered a State pauper.” The allowance is now reduced to 70 cents per week for adults, and proportionally for children; and in the cases in which the poor of this class have become an integral part of the population of towns, and in which, from week to week, through protracted sickness, or from any cause, they are for the year supported by public bounty, the expense for them is sometimes greater than this allowance. But this is comparatively a small proportion of the State’s poor: far the largest part, as has been made to appear, consists of those who are but occasionally assisted, and, in some instances, of those of whom there seems to be good reason to infer, from the expense accounts, that they make a return in the product of their labour to those who have the charge of them, which might well exonerate the Commonwealth from any disbursements for their support. Even 70 cents a week, therefore, or any definable allowance, we believe, has a direct tendency to increase this class of the poor; for a charity will not generally be very resolutely withheld, where it is known that, if dispensed, it will soon be refunded. And we leave it to every one to judge whether almsgiving, under the influence of this motive, and to a single and defined class, has not a direct tendency at once to the increase of its numbers, and to a proportionate earnestness of importunity for it.

It is also not to be doubted, that a large proportion of this excess of State’s poor, more or less assisted during the year, consist of those who are called in the statements herewith presented, “wandering or travelling poor.” The single fact of the existence among us of this class of fellow-beings, especially considered in connexion with the facts, that nearly all of them are State’s poor, and that, to a great extent, they have been made what they are by the State’s provision for them, brings the subject before us in a bearing, in which we scarcely know whether the call is loudest to the pity we should feel for them, or the self-reproach with which we should recur to the measures we have sanctioned, and which have alike enlarged their numbers and their misery. Nor is it a matter of mere inference from our tables, that the number is very large of these wandering poor. To a considerable extent, and it is now regretted that it was not to a greater extent, the inquiry was proposed to overseers of the poor, “How many of the wandering, or travelling poor, annually[16] pass under your notice?” And the answers, as will appear in the statements, were from 10 to 50, and 100 to 200. Nor is there a more abject class of our fellow-beings to be found in our country than is this class of the poor. Almshouses, where they are to be found, are their inns, at which they stop for refreshment. Here they find rest, when too much worn with fatigue to travel, and medical aid when they are sick. And, as they choose not to labour, they leave these stopping places, when they have regained strength to enable them to travel, and pass from town to town, demanding their portion of the State’s allowance for them as their right. And from place to place they receive a portion of this allowance, as the easiest mode of getting rid of them, and they talk of the allowance as their “rations;” and, when lodged for a time, from the necessity of the case, with town’s poor, it is their boast that they, by the State’s allowance for them, support the town’s inmates of the house. These unhappy fellow-beings often travel with females, sometimes, but not always their wives; while yet, in the towns in which they take up their temporary abode, they are almost always recognized and treated as sustaining this relation. There are exceptions, but they are few, of almshouses in which they are not permitted to live together. In winter they seek the towns in which they hope for the best accommodations and the best living, and where the smallest return will be required for what they receive. It is painful thus to speak of these human beings, lest, in bringing their degradation distinctly before the mind, we should even for a moment check the commiseration which is so strongly claimed for them. We feel bound therefore to say, that bad as they are, they are scarcely less sinned against in the treatment they receive, than they commit sin in the lawlessness of their lives. Everywhere viewed, and feeling themselves to be outcasts; possessed of nothing, except the miserable clothing which barely covers them; accustomed to beggary, and wholly dependent upon it; with no local attachments, except those which grow out of the facilities which in some places they may find for a more unrestrained indulgence than in others; with no friendships, and neither feeling nor awakening sympathy; is it surprising that they are debased and shameless, alternately insolent and servile, importunate for the means of subsistence and self-gratification, and averse from every means but that of begging to obtain them? The peculiar attraction of these unhappy fellow beings to our[17] Commonwealth, and their preference for it over the States to the south of us, we believe is to be found in the legal provision which the State has made for them. Your Commissioners have indeed but a small amount of direct evidence of this; but the testimony of the chairman of the overseers in Egrement to this fact, derived from personal knowledge, was most unequivocal, and no doubt upon the subject existed in the minds of the overseers in many other towns. But shall we therefore condemn, or even severely blame, them? Considered and treated, in almost every place, as interlopers, strollers, vagrants; as objects of suspicion and dread, and, too often, scarcely as human beings; the cheapest methods are adopted of sending them from town to town, and often with the assurance given to them that there, and not here, are accommodations for them, and that there they may enjoy the bounty which the State has provided for them. Would such a state of things, your Commissioners ask, have existed in our Commonwealth, if a specific legal provision had not been made for this class of the poor? Or, we do not hesitate to ask, if the Government had never recognized such a class of the poor as that of State’s poor,—and, above all, if compulsory charity, in any form, had never been established by our laws, would there have been a twentieth part of the wandering poor which now exists in it, or by any means an equal proportion of poor of any kind with that which is now dependent upon the taxes which are raised for them? Your Commissioners think not.

The goods and chattels of any pauper applying for relief are to be inventoried by the overseer before granting any relief, and afterwards sold to reimburse the township, out of the proceeds, all expenses they have been at; all sales of which by the pauper, after he becomes chargeable, are void.[2]

No person shall be entered on the poor-book of any district, or receive relief from any overseers, before such person, or some one in his behalf, shall have procured an order from two magistrates of the county for the same; and in case any overseer shall enter in the poor-book or relieve any such poor person without such order, he shall forfeit a sum equal to the amount or value given, unless such entry or relief shall be approved of by two magistrates as aforesaid. (p. 142.)

To open an account with the pauper, and to charge him for his maintenance, and credit him the value of his services; and all idle persons who may be sent to the almshouse by any of the said guardians, may be detained in the said house by the board of guardians, and compelled to perform such work and services as the said board may order and direct, until they have compensated by their labour for the expenses incurred on their account, unless discharged by special permission of the board of guardians; and it shall be the duty of the said board of guardians to furnish such person or persons as aforesaid with sufficient work and employment, according to their physical abilities, so that the opportunity of reimbursement may be fully afforded: and for the more complete carrying into effect the provisions of this law, the said board of guardians are hereby authorized and empowered to exercise such authority as may be necessary to compel all persons within the said almshouse and house of employment to do and perform all such work, labour, and services as may be assigned to them by the said board of guardians, provided the same be not inconsistent with the condition or ability of such person.

And whereas it frequently happens that children who have been receiving public support for indefinite periods are claimed by their parents when they arrive at a proper age for being bound out, the guardians are authorized to bind out all children that have or may receive public support, either in the almshouse or children’s asylum, although their parents may demand their discharge from the said institutions, unless the expenses incurred in their support be refunded.

With respect to poor children, (says Mr. Buchanan,) a system prevails in New York, which, though seemingly harsh and unfeeling, has a very powerful influence to deter families from resorting to the commissioners of the poor for support, or an asylum in the establishment for the poor; namely, that the commissioners or overseers apprentice out the children, and disperse them to distant parts of the State; and on no account will inform the parents where they place their children. (p. 110.)

Impotent through age, cripples, and others who cannot subsist themselves, are, in the country districts, billeted or quartered on such of the inhabitants (house and landholders in the parish) as have the means of providing for them. By them they are furnished with clothing and food, and they are in return expected to perform such light services as they can. In the distribution, respect is had to the extent or value of the different farms, and to the number of the indigent, which varies greatly in different parishes. In some they have so few poor that only one pauper falls to the lot of five or six farms, who then take him in rotation; whilst in other parishes they have a pauper quartered on every farm or estate all the year round, and on the larger ones several. (p. 696.)

Section 26. The main principle to be observed everywhere in affording relief is to maintain “lœgd,” or the outquartering of the paupers, wherever it has existed or can be introduced, taking care to avoid the separation of families. The regulation of “lœgd,” where it has been once established among the farms, should be as durable and as little liable to alteration as possible; so that a fresh arrangement should be made only in instances where there exists a considerable decrease or increase in the number of the paupers quartered out, or a marked alteration in the condition of the occupiers upon whom they are so quartered. In the event of a fresh arrangement, it is desirable that the existing paupers hitherto provided for should, in as far as may be consistent with justice towards the parties to whom they are quartered, continue to have “lœgd” upon the same farm or farms where they have hitherto been relieved. Families not belonging to the class of peasants are bound to have paupers quartered upon them in “lœgd” in case they cultivate land; however, the overseer of the district is competent to grant permission to them as well as to other “lœgds-ydere,” to let out the “lœgd” when he finds that they individually are unable to provide for the pauper on their own lands, and the letting out can be effected without any considerable inconvenience to the latter. (p. 704.)

27. When a new regulation of “lœgd” takes place, or new “lœgd” is established, a statement in writing of the “lœgd,” or outquartering intended, is to be issued by the commission, or by the overseer on its behalf, containing the name of the pauper to be outquartered, and the farm or farms on which he shall receive “lœgd,” and in case it is on several, the rotation, and for what period, on each. In case the “lœgd” is only to be during the winter, or during a certain part of the year, this likewise is to be stated. In like manner the houseless and others, who are provided with relief in kind from particular farms, are to be furnished with a note setting forth the quantity the individual has to[22] demand of each farm, and the time at which he is entitled to demand the same. In default of the furnishing of these contributions in proper time, they are to be enforced by execution, through the lensmand. (p. 705.)

5. In case the house poor, and other poor who are not quartered out, conduct themselves improperly, are guilty of idleness, drunkenness, incivility, obstinacy or quarrelsomeness, the overseer is entitled to give them a serious reprimand; and in case this is unattended with any effect, to propose in the poor commission the reduction of the allowance granted to the offender, to the lowest scale possible. Should this prove equally devoid of effect, or the allowance not bear any reduction, he may, in conjunction with the president of the commission, report the case, at the same time stating the names of the witnesses, to the sorenskriver[5], who on the next general or monthly sitting of the court, after a brief inquiry, by an unappealable sentence shall punish the guilty with imprisonment not exceeding 20 days, upon bread and water.

In case of a like report from the superintendent of the “lœgd,” of improper conduct on the part of the pauper quartered out, the overseer shall give the said offending pauper a severe reprimand; and in case this likewise proves devoid of effect, the mode of proceeding to be the same as has been stated already in reference to the house poor.

36. In case the person with whom a pauper has been quartered out do not supply adequate relief, or ill use the pauper so quartered upon him, and is regardless of the admonitions of the overseer, an appeal to the sorenskriver is to take place, and in other respects the mode of proceeding is to be the same as is enacted in s. 35: when all the conduct complained of can be proved, for which purpose, in default of other witnesses, the combined evidence of the superintendent of the “lœgd,” and of the overseer, is to be deemed sufficient, the offending party to be fined, according to his circumstances and the nature of the case, from 2 to 20 specie dollars, and in case of ill-usage, to be imprisoned on bread and water for from 5 to 10 days; and in the event of a repetition of the offence, for from 10 to 20 days.

39. None may beg, but every person who is in such want that he cannot provide for himself and those belonging to him, shall[23] apply for aid to the competent poor commission, or to the overseer. In case any one is guilty of begging, for the first offence he is to be seriously admonished by the overseer of the district in which he has begged, who is likewise to point out to him what consequences will follow a repetition of the offence. In case he offends afterwards, he is to be punished according to the enactments set forth in s. 35; and afterwards, in case of a repetition of the offence, with from two months’ to a year’s confinement in the house of correction.

A person is not to be accounted a beggar who asks only for food, when it appears that his want of sustenance is so great that unless he tried to procure immediate relief he would be exposed to perish of hunger, provided he immediately afterwards applies to the overseer of the district for relief; or in case the poor administration is unable to relieve all the poor in years of scarcity, save in a very scanty manner, and the hungry mendicant then confines himself to the soliciting of food. (p. 706.)

Should any person, (the law goes on to say,) who has led an irreproachable life, and has become unprotected, not through an unsteady or reprehensible conduct, but from causes which cannot be reasonably laid to his charge, and who has obtained an extension of time for procuring protection, still remains without yearly employment or other lawful means of support, and not be willing to try in other places to gain the means of support, or shall have transgressed the orders that may have been given him, and (being a male person) should not prefer to enlist in any regiment, or in the royal navy, or should not possess the requisite qualifications for that purpose, the person shall be sent to be employed on such public works as may be going on in the neighbourhood, or to a work institution within the county, until such time as another opportunity may offer for his maintenance; he shall however be at liberty, when the usual notice-day arrives, and until next moving-time, to try to obtain legal protection with any person within the county who may require his services, under[27] the obligation to return to the public work institution in the event of his not succeeding. Should there be no public work to be had in the neighbourhood, or the person cannot, for want of necessary room, be admitted, he shall be sent to a public house of correction, and remain there, without however being mixed with evil-disposed persons or such as may have been punished for crimes, until some means may be found for him or her to obtain a lawful maintenance.—(p. 362.)

Servants or other unprotected persons who have of their own accord relinquished their service or constant employ, and by means of such or other reprehensible conduct have been legally turned out of their employ, or who do not perform service with the master or mistress who has allowed such person to be rated and registered with them, or who, in consequence of circumstances which ought to be ascribed to the unprotected person himself, shall become deprived of their lawful means of support, but who may not be considered as evil-disposed persons, shall be bound to provide themselves with lawful occupations within 14 days, if it be in a town, and within double that number of days if it be in the country. Should the unprotected person not be able to accomplish this, it shall depend on Our lord-lieutenant how far he may deem it expedient to grant a further extended time, for a limited period, to a person thus circumstanced, in order to procure himself means for his subsistence.—(p. 363).

Such persons as may either not have been considered to be entitled to an extension of time for procuring lawful maintenance, or who, notwithstanding such permission, have not been able to provide themselves with the same, shall be liable to do work, if a man, at any of the corps of pioneers in the kingdom, and if a woman, at a public house of correction. If the man is unfit for a pioneer, he shall in lieu thereof be sent to a public house of correction.—(p. 363.)

The main defect of the charitable institutions consists in a very imperfect control over the application of their funds, the[28] parish not being accountable for their distribution to any superior authority. This is so much felt, that new regulations are contemplated for bringing parish affairs more under the inspection of a central board. Another great evil is, that each parish manages its affairs quite independently of any other, and frequently in a totally different manner; and there is no mutual inspection among the parishes, which, it is supposed, would check abuses. Again, parishes are not consistent in affording relief; they often receive and treat an able-bodied impostor (who legally has no claim on the parish) as an impotent or sick person, whilst many of the latter description remain unaided.

The Swedish artizan is neither so industrious nor so frugal as formerly; he has heard that the destitute able-bodied are in England supported by the parish; he claims similar relief, and alleges his expectation of it as an excuse for prodigality or indifference to saving.—(p. 375.)

That the number of poor (says Colonel Forsell) has lately increased in a far greater progression than before, is indeed a deplorable truth. At Stockholm, in the year 1737, the number of poor was 930; in 1825 there were reckoned 15,000 indigent persons. Their support, in 1731, cost 9000 dollars (dallar). In 1825, nearly 500,000 rix dollars banco were employed in alms, donations, and pensions. Perhaps these facts explain why, in Stockholm, every year about 1500 individuals more die than are born, although the climate and situation of this capital is by no means insalubrious; for the same may be said of almshouses as is said of foundling hospitals and similar charitable establishments, that the more their number is increased, the more they are applied to.

In the little and carefully governed town of Orebro, the number of poor during the year 1780 was no more than 70 or 80 individuals, and in the year 1832 it was 400! In the parish of Nora, in the province of Nerike, the alms given in the year 1814 were 170 rix-dollars 4 sk.; and in 1832, 2138 rix-dollars 27 sk.; and so on at many other places in the kingdom. That the case was otherwise in Sweden formerly, is proved by history. Botin says that a laborious life, abhorrence of idleness and fear of poverty, was the cause why indigent and destitute persons could be found, but no beggars. Each family sustained its destitute and impotent, and would have deemed it a shame to receive support from others.

When the accounts required from the secretary of state for ecclesiastical affairs, regarding the number of and institutions for the poor, shall be reduced to order, and issue from the press, they must impart most important information. By the interesting report on this subject by the Bishop of Wexio, we learn, that the proportion of the poor to the population is as 1 to 73 in the government of Wexio, and as 1 to 54 in that of Jönköping. The assessed poor-taxes are, on an average, for every farm (hemman,) eight kappar corn in the former government, and 12½ in the latter. With regard to the institutions for the poor, it is said, the more we give the more is demanded, and instead of the poor-rates being regulated by the want, the want is regulated by the profusion of charities and poor-taxes.

In the bishopric of Wisby (Island of Gottland), the proportion between the poor and those who can maintain themselves, is far more favourable than in that of Wexio; for in the former only 1 in 104 inhabitants is indigent, and in 22 parishes there is no common almshouse at all. Among 40,000 individuals, no more than 17 were unable to read.—(p. 377.)

As far as regards those parts of the empire which may most properly be called Russia, it will not be necessary for me to detain your Lordship long, since in them (where in fact by far the greatest portion of the population is to be found), the peasantry, being in a state of slavery, the lords of the soil are induced more by their own interest, than compelled by law, to take care that its cultivators, upon whom their means of deriving advantage from their estates depend, are not entirely without the means of subsistence.

Consequently, in cases of scarcity, the landed proprietors frequently feel themselves under the necessity (in order to prevent their estates from being depopulated) of expending large sums, for the purpose of supplying their serfs with provisions from more favoured districts. There is no doubt, however, (of which they must be well aware) that in case of their forgetting so far the dictates of humanity and of self-interest, as to refuse this assistance to the suffering peasantry, the strong hand of a despotic government[30] would compel them to afford it.

The only cases, therefore, of real misery, which are likely to arise, are, when soldiers, who having outlived their 25 years’ service, and all the hardships of a Russian military life, fail in getting employment from the government as watchmen in the towns, or in other subordinate situations, and returning to their villages, find themselves unsuited by long disuse to agricultural pursuits, disowned by the landed proprietors, from whom their military service has emancipated them, and by their relations and former acquaintances, who have forgotten them.

I am led to understand, that in all well-regulated properties, in order to provide for the contingencies of bad seasons, the peasants are obliged to bring, to a magazine established by the proprietor, a certain portion of their crops, to which they may have recourse in case of need.

In the estates belonging to the government, which are already enormous, and which are every day increasing, in consequence of the constant foreclosing of the mortgages by which so many of the nobility held their estates under the crown, more special enactments are in vigour; inasmuch as in them, all serfs incapable of work are supported by their relations, and those whose relations are too poor to afford them assistance, are taken into what may be termed poor-houses, which are huts, one for males, the other for females, built in the neighbourhood of the church, at the expense of the section or parish, which is also bound to furnish the inmates with fuel, food, and clothing.

The parish must, moreover, establish hospitals for the sick, for the support of which, besides boxes for receiving alms, at the church and in the hospitals themselves, all fines levied in the parish are to be applied.

The clergy are compelled to provide for the poor of their class, according to an ordonnance, regulating the revenues set apart for this object, and enacting rules for the distribution of private bequests and charities.

In Courland, Esthonia, and Livonia, the parish (or community) are bound to provide for the destitute to the utmost of their means, which means are to be derived from the common funds; from bequests, or from any charitable or poor fund which may exist; and in Esthonia, from the reserve magazines of corn, which, more regularly than in Russia, are kept full by contributions[31] from every peasant.

When those are inadequate, a levy is made on the community, which is fixed by the elders and confirmed by the district authorities; and when this rate is levied, the landowners or farmers contribute in proportion to the cultivation and works they carry on, or to the amount of rent they pay; and the labourers according to the wages they receive.

The overseers consist of the elder of the village, (who is annually elected by the peasantry) and two assistants, one of whom is chosen from the class of landholders or farmers, and the other from the labourers, and who are confirmed by the district police. One of these assistants has to give quarterly detailed accounts to the district authorities, and the elder, on quitting office, renders a full account to the community.

Those who will not work voluntarily may be delivered over to any individual, and compelled to work for their own support, at the discretion of the elder and his assistants.

Those poor who are found absent from home, are placed in the hands of the police, and transferred to their own parishes.

All public begging is forbid by very strict regulations.

In the external districts of the Siberian Kirghese, which are for the most part peopled by wandering tribes, the authorities are bound to prevent, by every means in their power, any individual of the people committed to their charge from suffering want, or remaining without superintendence or assistance, in case of their being in distress.

All the charitable offerings of the Kirghese are received by the district authorities, and as they consist for the most part of cattle, they are employed, as far as necessary, for the service of the charitable institutions; the surplus is sold, and the proceeds, together with any donations in money, go towards the support of those establishments; when voluntary contributions are not sufficient for that purpose, the district authorities give in an estimate of the quantity of cattle of all sorts required to make up the deficiency, and according to their estimate, when confirmed by the general government, the number of cattle required in each place is sent from the general annual levy made for the service of the government.

In the Polish Provinces incorporated with the empire, as the state of the population is similar to that of Russia Proper, the proprietors in like manner, in cases of need, supply their peasantry[32] with the means of existence; under ordinary circumstances, however, the portions of land allotted to them for cultivation, which afford them not only subsistence, but the means of paying a fixed annual sum to their lords, and the permission which is granted to them of cutting wood in the forests for building and fuel, obviate the necessity of their receiving this aid.

The same system existed in the Duchy of Warsaw prior to 1806, and every beggar and vagabond was then sent to the place of his birth, where, as there was not a sufficiency of hands for the cultivation of the soil, he was sure to find employment, or to be taken care of by his master, whilst there were enough public establishments for charity to support the poor in the towns belonging to the government, and those, who by age, sickness, or natural deformities, were unable to work.

But when the establishment of a regular code proclaimed all the inhabitants of that part of Poland equal in the eye of the law, the relations of the proprietor and the peasant were entirely changed; and the former having no power of detaining the latter upon his lands, except for debt legally recognised, was no longer obliged to support them.

So great and sudden a change in the social state of the country soon caused great embarrassment to the government, who being apprehensive of again altering a system which involved the interests of the landed proprietors, the only influential class in the country, for a long time eluded the consideration of the question, by augmenting the charitable institutions; but at length the progressive expense of this system compelled the Minister of Finance to refuse all further aid to uphold it, and by an arbitrary enactment, recourse was had to the former plan of passing the poor to the places of their birth. As this arrangement is only considered as provisional, and as the population has not hitherto more than sufficed for the purpose of agriculture, and the manufactories which were established prior to the late insurrection, it has not been much complained of, though the necessity for some more precise and positive regulations respecting the poor is generally acknowledged.

In Finland, there are no laws in force for the support of the indigent, nor any charitable establishments, except in some of the towns. In the country districts it is expected that reserve magazines of corn should be kept in every parish, but I cannot ascertain that the adoption of this precautionary measure is imperative[33] upon the landed proprietors and peasantry.

Each market town, or kiöbstœd, (of which there are 65 in Denmark,) constitutes a separate poor district, in which are also included those inhabitants of the adjacent country who belong to the parish of that town. In the country, each parish forms a poor district.

The poor laws are administered in the market towns by a board of commissioners, consisting of the curate, of one of the magistrates (if any), of the provost (byefoged) in his quality of policemaster, and of two or more of the most respectable inhabitants of the place.

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In the country this is done in each district by a similar board, of which the curate, the policemaster, besides one of the principal landholders, and three to four respectable inhabitants, are members, which latter are nominated for a term of three years.

All persons are to be considered as destitute and entitled to relief, who are unable, with their own labour, to earn the means of subsistence, and thus, without the help of others, would be deprived of the absolute necessaries of life.

The poor to whom parochial relief may be awarded, are divided into three classes. To the first class belong the aged and the sick, and all those who from bodily or mental infirmity are wholly or partially debarred from earning the means of subsistence. In the second class are included orphans, foundlings, and deserted children, as well as those, the health, resources, or morals of whose parents are of a description which would render it improper to confide the education of children to their care. The third class comprises families or single persons, who from constitutional weakness, a numerous offspring, the approach of old age or similar causes, are unable to earn a sufficiency for the support of themselves or children.

Paupers of the first class who are destitute of other support, are to be supplied by the proper parish officers:

(a) With food (or in market towns where the necessary establishments for that purpose are wanting, with money in lieu thereof); to which, in the agricultural districts, the inhabitants have to contribute, according to the orders issued by the commissioners, either in bread, flour, pease, groats, malt, bacon, butter or cheese, or in corn, or in money, or by rations, or in any other manner, which, from local circumstances, may be deemed most expedient:

(b) With the necessary articles of clothing:

(c) With lodging and fuel, either by placing them in establishments belonging to the parish, or in private dwellings:

(d) With medical attendance, either at their own dwellings, or in places owned or rented by the parish.

The children belonging to the second class are to be placed with a private family, to be there brought up and educated at the expense of the parish, until they can be apprenticed or provided for in any other manner.

The commissioners are carefully to watch over the treatment and education of the children by their foster-parents, and that[35] such of them as have been put out to service are properly brought up and instructed until they are confirmed.

The paupers of the third class are to be so relieved that they may not want the absolute necessaries of life; but avoiding mendicity on the one hand, they must at the same time be compelled to work to the best of their abilities for their maintenance. To render the relief of paupers of this description more effectual, care must be taken that, if possible, work be procured for them at the usual rate of wages; and where the amount does not prove sufficient for their support they may be otherwise assisted, but in general not with money, but with articles of food and clothing, to be supplied them at the expense of the parish.

In cases where families are left houseless, the commissioners are authorized to procure them a habitation, by becoming security for the rent; and where such habitation is not to be obtained for them, they may be quartered upon the householders in rotation, until a dwelling can be found in some other place.

Should the rent not be paid by the parties when due, such persons must be considered as paupers, and be removed to that district where they may be found to have a settlement. The house-rent thus disbursed must in this case be looked upon as temporary relief, and be borne by the parish that advanced it. Where parish-officers refuse to obey these injunctions, they may be compelled by a fine, to be levied daily until they comply.

The Danish law has established the principle, that every individual receiving relief of any kind under the poor-laws, is bound, either with his property or his labour, to refund the amount so disbursed for him, or any part thereof; and authority has therefore been given to the poor-law commissioners, “to require all those whom it may concern, to work to the best of their ability, until all they owe has been paid off.”

On relief being awarded to a pauper, the commissioners of the district have forthwith to take an inventory of, and to appraise, his effects, which are only to be delivered over to him for his use, after having been marked with the stamp of the board.

Any person receiving goods or effects so marked, either by way of purchase or in pledge, shall be liable to the restitution of the property, to the payment of its value, and besides to a fine.

The same right is retained by the parish upon the pauper, if he should happen to acquire property at a later period, as well as it[36] extends to his effects at his demise, though he should not have received relief at the time of his death.

An ordinance of the 13th of August, 1814, expressly enacts, that wherever a person absolutely refuses either to refund or to pay by instalments the debt he has so contracted with the parish, he shall be forced to pay it off by working for the benefit of the same, and not be allowed to leave the parish; but that if he do so notwithstanding, he is to be punished by imprisonment in the house of correction. The commissioners are further authorized to stipulate the amount such individual is to pay off per week, in proportion to his capability to work, to the actual rate of wages and other concurring circumstances, and that where such person either refuses to work, or is idle or negligent during the working hours, he is to be imprisoned on bread and water until he reform his conduct.

The poor having thus been provided for, begging is prohibited, and declared to be liable to punishment.

In adjudging punishment for begging, it is to be taken into consideration whether the mendicant was in need of support or not. In the first case he shall, the first time, be imprisoned fourteen days; the second time, four weeks; and the third time, work for a year in the house of correction. For every time the offence is committed, the punishment to be doubled. But if the mendicant is able to work, and thus not entitled to support from the parish, he shall, the first time, be imprisoned four weeks; the second time, eight weeks; and the third time, work for two years in the house of correction, which last punishment is to be doubled for every time the offence is committed. When the term of punishment is expired, the beggar is to be sent to his home under inspection, and his travelling expenses by land in every parish through which he passes to be paid by the poor-chest of the bailiwick in which the parish lies; but his conveyance by water to be paid by the parish bound to receive him.

In the market-towns, all persons belonging to the working classes are obliged to enter into fixed service, unless they have some ostensible means of subsistence, which must be proved to the satisfaction of the magistrates, if required.

In the agricultural districts, every person belonging to the class of peasants, who is not a proprietor or occupier of land, a tacksman (boelsmand), or cottager (huusmand), or subsists upon[37] some trade or profession, is to seek fixed service, unless he be married and permanently employed as a day-labourer.

Where a single person of either sex belonging to the labouring class is not able to obtain a place, he (or she) shall within two months before the regular term when regular servants are changed (Skiftetid) apply to the parish-beadle, who, on the Sunday following at church-meeting, is publicly to offer the services of his client, and inquire amongst the community if any person is in want of a servant, and will receive him (or her) as such. Should the said person not get a place within a fortnight, a similar inquiry is to be made in the neighbouring parish.

All those that have not followed the line of conduct pointed out in the preceding regulation, and are without steady employment, shall be considered as vagrants, and punished accordingly.

It is also provided, that where parents, without sufficient reason, keep more grown up children at home than they absolutely require for their service, it shall be considered indicative, either of their being in comparatively good circumstances, or that their income has been improved by the additional labour of their children, and their poor and school-rates are to be raised in proportion.

It is not only made obligatory upon the house and landowners to contribute to the parochial fund, but also upon servants and labouring mechanics; in short, upon all persons, without distinction of religion, who are not on the parish themselves, and whose circumstances are such that they can afford to pay the contribution in proportion to their incomes, without thereby depriving themselves of the necessaries of life.

The only exception are the military, and persons receiving pay from the military fund, who are only liable to contribute in so far as they have private means.

The receipts of the parochial fund are derived from various sources, which may be classed under the following heads, viz.—

1ᵒ. An annual contribution in money, either voluntary or levied upon the inhabitants, according to the assessment of the board of commissioners in each parish, and in proportion to the amount annually required for the relief of the poor.

This contribution is recovered in four quarterly instalments, each of which is payable in advance. The commissioners have to transmit a list of those persons that are in arrears to the bailiff[38] of the division, who may levy the amount by distress.

2ᵒ. A contribution assessed upon the produce of the ground-tax in the townships.

3ᵒ. One-quarter per cent. of the proceeds of goods and effects sold by public auction in the townships.

4ᵒ. Fines and penalties adjudged to the parochial fund by the courts of justice, and the commissioners of arbitration in the townships.

5ᵒ. Produce of collections in churches and hospitals on certain occasions; of the sale of the effects of paupers deceased; of the sale of stray cattle having no owner; voluntary donations on the purchase or sale of houses and lands; contingencies.

6ᵒ. Interest on capital, and rent of lands or houses bequeathed to, or otherwise acquired by, the poor administration.

The receipts of the separate poor fund of the bailiwick consist chiefly,—1ᵒ. In a proportion of certain dues levied in each of its jurisdictions; 2ᵒ. In fines and penalties adjudged to the fund by the tribunals and the commissions of arbitration in the agricultural districts; 3ᵒ. In ¼% of all goods and effects sold by public auction in the country; 4ᵒ. In the interest on capital belonging to the fund.

This fund has been established for the following purposes:—1ᵒ. Of contributing to the support of paupers who, although not properly belonging to the poor of the district in which they have become distressed, must still be relieved; 2ᵒ. Of assisting the parochial fund in extraordinary cases; 3ᵒ. Of defraying all expenses of a general nature that ought to be assessed upon the several parish funds within the jurisdiction of the bailiwick.

Be the management (he says) of the poor-laws good or bad, yet the system itself seems to have answered an important object, that of checking the rapid growth of pauperism. I admit that paupers have increased in Denmark these last thirty years, in the same proportion with the increase of population (pari passu); but I am far from believing that the proportion which they bear to the whole population is much greater now than it was in 1803, namely, 1:32, although some of the townships, from particular[39] circumstances, may form an exception. I have diligently perused all the different reports that have been published for the last five years upon the present state of the rural economy of the country, and they all concur in stating that there is a slight improvement in the value of land; that idle people are seldom found; and that there is sufficient work in which to employ the labouring population.—(p. 291.)

Pauperism is chiefly confined (especially in the country) to the class of day-labourers, both mechanic and agricultural, who, when aged and decrepit, or burdened with large families, throw themselves upon parish relief whenever they are distressed from sickness or from some other casualty. But happily the allowance-system, which is productive of so much mischief, is not acted upon here to the same enormous extent as in England, and as the able-bodied can expect nothing beyond the absolute necessaries of life, they have no inducement for remaining idle, and they return to work the moment they are able, and have the chance of obtaining any. Relief, therefore, or the expectation of it, has hitherto not been found to produce any sensible effect upon the industry of labourers generally, nor upon their frugality, although it is more than probable that any relaxation in the management of the system would stimulate them to spend all their earnings in present enjoyment, and render them still more improvident than they already are. Nor are the poor-laws instrumental in promoting early marriages among the peasants; but it being their custom to form engagements at a very early period of life, this, in the absence of all moral restraint in the intercourse between the two sexes, leads to another serious evil, bastardy, which has so much increased of late years, that out of ten children, one is illegitimate.

A pauper in this kingdom lives in a state of degradation and dependence; he only receives what is absolutely necessary for his subsistence, and must often have recourse to fraud and imposition to obtain that, what is reluctantly given.

The working labourer, on the other hand, enjoys a certain degree of freedom and independence, although his means may be small, and that sometimes he may even be subject to great privations.

Should it ever so happen that the labouring population readily submit to all the restrictions imposed upon them by the parish officers, and that this is found not to be owing to any transitory[40] causes, such as a single year of distress or sickness, then, in my humble opinion, the time is arrived and no other remedy left to correct the evil than for the government to promote emigration. (p. 292.)

Hitherto these institutions have had a salutary and beneficial effect on the nation, inasmuch as many thousand individuals have been prevented from strolling about as beggars, and many thousand children have received a good education, and have grown up to be useful and orderly citizens. Neither as yet have any remarkable symptoms of dissatisfaction appeared among the wealthier classes. But we cannot be without some apprehension for the future, since the poor-rates have been augmented to such a degree that it would be very difficult to collect larger contributions than those now paid. And as sufficient attention has not been paid to this circumstance, that the farmers are continually building small cottages, in which poor people establish themselves, since the government have been unwilling to throw any restraint on marriages between poor persons; there seems reason to fear, that in the lapse of another period of twenty years, the poor in many districts will to such a degree have multiplied their numbers, that the present system will yield no adequate means for their support.

In the towns much embarrassment is already felt, the poor having increased in them to a much greater extent than in the country.

All the taxes of a considerable merchant of Dram in Norway, who owns eight trading vessels actually employed, amounted during last year to not more than the school and poor-rates of one large farm in the heath district which you visited last year. (p. 279.)

Benevolent as the Danish poor system will appear, it is generally objected to it that the too great facility of gaining admittance, particularly to the third class, encourages sloth and indolence, especially in the country, where the means are wanted to establish workhouses, the only sure way of controlling those supported:

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It is further objected to the present system, that it already begins to fall too heavy on the contributors, and that in course of time, with the constant increase of population, it will go on to press still more severely on them, inasmuch as their number and means do not by any means increase in a ratio equal to the augmentation of the number wanting support: (p. 274.)

Before the introduction of the present poor law system, the distress was much greater, and begging of the most rapacious and importunate kind was quite common in the country. This was not only a heavy burthen on the peasantry, but was in other respects the cause of intolerable annoyance to them; for the beggars, when their demands were not satisfied, had recourse to insolence and threats, nay, even to acts of criminal vengeance. This is no longer the case, and in so far, therefore, the present system has been beneficial.

It is a fact that poverty now appears in less striking features than it did before the introduction of the poor law system. This may, however, proceed from causes with which that system has no connexion; for example, from the increased wealth of the country in general, from improvements in agriculture, from the large additions made to the quantity of arable land, which have been in a ratio greatly exceeding that of the increased population. If the clergyman, who is, and will always be the leading member of the poor committee, was able to combine with his other heavy duties, a faithful observance of the rules prescribed for him in the management of the poor, I am of opinion that the system would neither be a tax on industry nor a premium on indolence. But it rarely happens that the clergyman can bestow the requisite attention on the discharge of this part of his duty; and therefore it is not to be denied that the present poor law (not from any defect inherent in the system, but merely from faulty management) does occasionally act as a tax on industry and a premium on idleness. (p. 275.)

1. On the industry of the labourers?—On their industry, most injurious, involving the levelling principle to a very great degree, lowering the middleman to the poor man, and the poor man who labours to the pauper supported by the parish. It tends to harden the heart of the poor man, who demands with all that authority with which the legal right to provision invests him. There is no thankfulness for what is gotten, and what is given is afforded with dislike and reluctance.

2. On their frugality?—The poor laws greatly weaken the frugal principle.

3. On the age at which they marry?—Encourage early and thoughtless marriages. The children are brought up with the example of indolence and inactivity before their eyes, which must be most prejudicial in after-life. I have often remarked amongst the people, who are naturally soft, susceptible and sympathizing, an extraordinary insensibility towards those who voluntarily relieve them, even at the moment of relief, and no gratitude whatever afterwards. I can attribute this most undesirable state of feeling, so contrary to what might be expected from the natural character of the people, solely to the perpetual association of right to relief. Thus does the system always disturb and often destroy the moral and kindly relation which should subsist and which is natural, between the higher and lower orders. The poor man becomes stiff and sturdy; the rich man indifferent to the wants and sufferings of the poor one. He feels him a continual pressure, at moments inconvenient to relieve, and under circumstances where he would often withhold if he could, partly from dislike to the compulsory principle, and often not regarding the case as one of real charity, and disapproving, as he naturally may, of the whole system of poor laws’ administration. From all I have observed, I feel persuaded (and I have lived a good deal in the country, having had much connexion with the lower orders, and not having been indifferent to their condition either moral or physical) that a more mischievous system could not have been[43] devised—that poverty has been greatly increased by weakening the springs of individual effort, and destroying independence of character—that the lower orders have become tricky, sturdy and unobliging, the higher orders cold and uncharitable; and in short, that ere long, unless some strenuous steps are taken, Denmark will drink deep of the bitter cup of which England, by a similar system, has been so long drinking to her grievous cost. Were there no other objection, the machinery is wanting to conduct so delicate and complicated a system. And were it the best possible, and had the managers no other occupation but the one, the ingenuity of idleness to escape from action is so great, that it would often, very often, defeat eyes less actively open to detect it. I have spoken with few who do not object to the system from first to last, or who do not press an opinion that the state of the population before the existence of the poor laws was more desirable by far than at present.

4. On the mutual dependence and affection of parent, children, and other relatives?—No doubt it materially disturbs the natural dependence and affection of parent and child. The latter feels his parent comparatively needless to him; he obtains support elsewhere; and the former feels the obligation to support the latter greatly diminished. In short, being comparatively independent of each other, the affections must inevitably become blunted.

5. What, on the whole, is the condition of the able-bodied and self-supporting labourer of the lowest class, as compared with the condition of the person subsisting on alms or public charity; is the condition of the latter, as to food and freedom from labour, more or less eligible?—Were I a Danish labourer, I would endeavour to live partly on my own labour, and partly on the parish, and I feel persuaded that a labourer so living in Denmark will be better off than one who gets no help from the parish; that is, the former, from a knowledge that he may fall back on the parish, will spend all he earns at the time on coffee, spirits, tobacco, snuff, &c., whereas the latter, who certainly can live on his industry (except under extraordinary and occasional emergencies, sickness, &c.) is debarred from such gratifications. Under such circumstances, the poorer labourer is better off than the poor one.

1st. The dread of poverty is diminished, and he who is half-poor works less instead of more, so that he speedily becomes a complete pauper. Those who are young and capable of labour are less economical, always having the poor rate in view, as a resource against want; likewise marriages are contracted with much less forethought, or consideration as to consequences.

2d. The morality of the poor man suffers, for he looks upon his provision as a right, for which he, therefore, need not be thankful; and, 3d, the morality of the rich man suffers, for the natural moral relation between him and the poor man has become completely severed; there is no place left for the exercise of his benevolence; being obliged to give, he does it with reluctance, and thus is the highest principle of charitable action, Christian love, exposed to great danger of destruction.

4th. As the clergyman of the parish is the president of the poor committee, he becomes involved in transactions peculiarly unsuited to his sacred calling, sometimes even compelled to resort to the extremity of distraint to compel his own parishioners to pay the allotted proportions; and thus does the moral influence of him, who should be a picture of the God of love, become every day less and less powerful. (p. 276.)

Every inhabitant is obliged to pay certain poor rates, with the exception of military men, up to a certain rank, students, clerks in counting-houses and shops, assistant artisans and servants.

When the crown lands are let, there is always a clause in the contract, to regulate what the farmer, the dairy farmer, the smith and the shepherd, are to give. A day labourer pays 8d. yearly.

The inhabitants of higher situation and public officers pay voluntarily. They ought to pay one per cent. of their income. If any one pays too little, the overseers of the poor rates can oblige him to pay more. The overseers are chosen by the inhabitants of the district.

In the towns all inhabitants pay a voluntary subscription; it ought to be one per cent. of their income. If they pay too little, the overseers can demand more. The overseers are chosen by the magistrate.

With respect to estates belonging to private individuals, the subsistence of the poor falls entirely to the charge of the proprietor, who is entitled to levy a trifling tax from all the inhabitants of the estate, equal to a simple contribution amounting to 8d. for a day labourer per annum, and 4d. for a maid servant. Few proprietors, however, levy such a tax.

Every one has a legal claim to assistance, and there are to be distinguished,

1st. Able-bodied persons. Work and a dwelling must be provided for them; the former at the usual rate, in order not to render them quite destitute, if through chicane work should be denied to them.

2d. People, impotent through age, must perform such work as they are capable of, and so much must be given to them that they can live upon it, besides a dwelling and fuel.

Throughout the whole kingdom of Prussia, the funds for the maintenance and support of the poor are raised from private charity. No law exists enabling either the government of the country, or the subordinate provincial regencies, to raise funds explicitly appropriated for the provision of the poor, and it is only when private charity does not suffice for the exigencies of the moment, that the government, or the regency, advance money for that purpose. But to enable them to do so, the amount must be taken from those funds which had been destined for other[46] purposes, such as, for improvements in paving, lighting, or for the public buildings of a town, or for the construction of roads, or other public works.

In Prussia, each town, and each commune, is obliged to take charge of the poor that may happen to reside within them; and consequently there is no passing from one parish to another, or refusal to maintain an individual because he belongs to another parish.

In each town there is a deputation (called armen-direction) or society for the poor, who undertake the collection and distribution of funds raised by charity. In small towns, of under 3,500 inhabitants, exclusive of military, this society is composed of the burgomaster, together with the town deputies (forming the town senate) and burghers chosen from the various quarters of the town.

In large and middle-sized towns, including from 3,500 to 10,000 inhabitants, exclusive of military, to the afore-mentioned individuals is always added the syndic (or town accomptant), and if necessary, another magistrate. Clergymen and doctors are likewise included in the society; and where the police of the place has a separate jurisdiction from the magistrate, the president of the police has always a seat as a member of the society.

Under this armen-direction the care of the poor is confided to different sub-committees formed of the burghers, and for this purpose the town is divided into poor districts (or armenbezirke). In small and middle-sized towns, these districts are again divided into sub-districts, containing not above 1,000, or less than 400 souls. In large towns the sub-districts are to comprise not above 1,500, or less than 1,000 souls; and in these last towns several sub-districts may, if requisite, be united into one poor district or armenbezirke.

From each armenbezirke must be elected one or more of the town deputies, or burghers, according to necessity, for the management of the affairs of the poor; and it is also required that at least one of those elected should be a member of the society for the poor (or armen-direction), and these individuals are required to find out and verify the condition of the poor of their own district.

The direction of the affairs of the poor is therefore, as thus established, confided entirely to the burghers of the town, and the provision of the funds rests upon the charity and benevolence[47] of the inhabitants.

As regards hospitals and public charities, one or more of the members of the armen-direction undertake to watch that the funds are expended according to the provisions made by the founders.

In the villages, the direction of the funds for the poor is confided to the mayor (or schûltze), assisted by individuals chosen for that purpose from amongst the principal inhabitants of the commune.

This body is accountable to the councillor of the district (or land rath), who is in like manner under the jurisdiction of the provincial regency, and the whole is under the inspection of the 1st section of the home department.

I have now specified the authorities who control the maintenance for the poor, and who are likewise charged with the care of administering to their wants.

As regards the manner of obtaining the necessary funds, everything is done by donations and private charity. Each house proprietor, each inhabitant of a floor or apartment, is in his turn visited by some of the members of the sub-committee of the armenbezirke, who, in return for the donation, deliver a receipt for the amount.

The donations from residents are generally monthly, and vary in amount according to the number of individuals in the family, or to the feelings of generosity of the donor. No rate or calculated fixed table exists, regulating the sum to be given by each individual or head of a family.

Each town being governed by its own particular laws and customs with regard to the management of its poor, and each from accidental circumstances differing from its neighbour, it is impossible to particularize any other general principle that is followed, than the establishments of the armen-direction, and of the sub-committees; which detailed information I have extracted as above from the Städte Ordnüng, or town laws, as revised in 1831.

As regards the practical working of this system, I have no hesitation in affirming, that it is found universally to succeed; that the effect upon the comfort, character, and condition of the inhabitants, is, first, to afford speedy and sufficient means of relief when necessary; that it prevents in a great degree false applications, inasmuch as that the districts being small, the really needy are more easily discovered; and secondly, that as no tax is fixed for the maintenance of the poor, it renders all classes more willing[48] and anxious to assist, according to their respective means, in sustaining the funds required for the support of the poor. (p. 426.)

In general it is the duty of the police authority in every community, where any person in distress may come, to render him the needful assistance for the moment, which must be repaid,

a) by the provincial pauper fund, if the person be a foreigner, or have no domicile; or,

b) by the community, or owner of the estate (called the dominium), he belongs to, if a native of the country.

Destitute Able-bodied.

Every pretended needy person is duly examined by a medical man, whether he be bodily and mentally able to maintain himself (it is the same with families) by work, and in this case he is required by the police to do so, and to conduct himself properly. Any one who does not, is sent to the poor-and-workhouse (the work is compulsive) of the province, where he is taught to earn a livelihood. If the distress be temporary, the proprietor of the estate (called the dominium), or the community in which the indigent person has acquired a settlement, is bound to afford the requisite relief; yet having the right to claim restitution, upon the assisted person becoming able to make it. When this is not the case, and the relief has been afforded by a community, the members of it must bear the expense, if in a town, out of its general funds; if in the country, in the proportions they pay the land-tax to the king, called war-contribution. The support is rendered in giving a dwelling, (with a garden, if in the country), fuel, salt, money, &c., wholly or partly, sometimes by boarding the pauper, according to the necessity of the case.

There is in every province a poor-and-workhouse (the work compulsive), for receiving the following persons:

a) such as have indeed a fixed place of abode in the country, yet seek their livelihood by begging, although able to work;

b) actual paupers, who receive a fixed maintenance or aid from communities, benevolent institutions, &c., yet, notwithstanding,[49] wander about the country begging;

c) invalid soldiers, found begging, as every soldier who has been rendered invalid in war enjoys a pension from the state (a very small one);

d) travelling handicraftsmen, as none are permitted to travel in their profession who have not the means of subsistence, or are above 30 years old;

e) foreign vagabonds, until they can be transported over the borders;

f) those who have been punished for crime, in the fortress or house of correction, and after expiration of their term of punishment, are unable to show how they can earn an honest livelihood;

g) such as by particular sentences are, or by future laws may be, declared subjects for the compulsive workhouse.

It is left to every proprietor of an estate (called the dominium), to every town and village community, to provide and select, at their option, a livelihood for those individuals, having a settlement under their jurisdiction, who cannot procure such for themselves. Should a proprietor of an estate, or a community, not fulfil this obligation, it is compelled to do so, but which seldom is necessary.

It is to be observed, that when, from bad crops, inundations, &c., a general scarcity occurs in particular parts of the country, works of public utility, such as turnpike-roads, drains, and the like, are ordered by government, in order to afford the inhabitants the means of subsistence, which work is paid for with money, grain, salt, or other articles, as most suitable, according to circumstances.

No person, able-bodied or capable of earning a livelihood, has a legal claim for support, but he can only, when misfortune befals him, receive a temporary aid in the way of an advance. For further answers to this question, see the preceding answers.

All children capable of going to school are obliged to attend it. Those whose parents are unable to pay the expense, must be sent thither at the cost of the community to which they belong, which must also do the needful for clothing, feeding, educating, and apprenticing them. Such children also frequently receive assistance[50] from private benevolent societies and individuals.

Impotent through Age.

In the towns, the community must provide for all the absolute wants of the poor out of the municipal funds, and in every town a board is established for directing the management of these affairs.

In the country, the proprietors of the estates, or the village authorities, must provide for these wants, for which, in the latter case, the members of the village community must contribute in the proportions as they pay the taxes to the king, say the land-tax, called war contribution.

In Dantzig, the poor, besides being placed in the poor-house, or, otherwise assisted, receive alms at their homes from a charitable society of the citizens, whose funds arise partly from private contributions, and partly from an annual supply out of the municipal funds. From this society about 1000 persons yearly receive support (about one-third males and two-thirds females), but not above about 3s. to 4s., and not under 1s. monthly, for the time the support is required. In winter, when severe, they get also firing, partly in fir-wood, but chiefly in turf. The sum thus disbursed is now considerably less than before, from the control on the part of the magistracy being much stricter. The whole annual expense of the society is about 1200l. sterling.

Sick.

The law prescribes that every town and every village community must support its own members when in distress, provided there be no relations able to do so, and the owners of estates are under a similar obligation; hence the sick stand under the same regulations as the impotent through age.

Effects of the foregoing Institutions.

The regulations for the support of paupers operate beneficially on industry. Every proprietor of an estate, every community of a town or village has unquestionably the most correct knowledge of the bodily condition, of the moral conduct, of the expertness, of the capability to earn a livelihood in whole or in part, and of the pecuniary circumstances of the needy persons under their jurisdiction, whom they are bound to support, as well[51] as of the circumstances of their relatives. The pauper knows that aid must always be given when necessary, and he applies to the proper authority for it, when not duly afforded; while he is, on the other hand, deterred from making exorbitant claims by his situation being so thoroughly known in every respect, and from ungrounded demands not being complied with. In general, therefore, neither the party called upon for assistance, nor that requiring it, inclines to let the authority interpose, but an amicable arrangement usually takes place between them, according to existing circumstances. The pauper must perform what service or work he can for those who assist him, or for himself, towards contributing to his own support as far as in his power; while those rendering assistance can seek only in themselves the means to do so, of course in the least expensive and most suitable manner. The paupers are employed at various kinds of work and service, accordingly as such is wanted and as they are able to perform it, and this as well for their supporters, privately, as in the public workhouses.

It is, in general, to be observed that the right of settlement of individuals is established in the following manner:—

If any person acquires the right of citizenship in a town, or a possession (house or lying-ground) in the country, or if he is permitted by the local authority to form a regular domicile by becoming a householder, he then is considered as an expressly accepted member of the community, and the obligation to support him, when reduced to want, immediately commences. So soon, therefore, as any person shows an intention to settle, or to become a householder, in a place, it is the business of the community, or of those interested, to ascertain, through the medium of the proper local authority, whether or not the emigrant possesses sufficient means to maintain himself there. Should this not be the case, and he is evidently unable to earn a livelihood, then must the support of the individual (or family) be borne by the community where he has previously dwelt, and it is not advisable to permit the change of domicile. Thence is the rule justified, that upon any person being regularly received as member of a community, with the express consent of its magistracy, that community becomes bound to render him support, when his situation requires it. Minors belong to the community in which their parents were settled, even after the death of these. With regard to other inhabitants, only that town or village community[52] is bound to maintain a pauper where he last contributed to its public burthens.

A person who is of age, and has resided three succeeding years in a place (for instance, as servant,) acquires by that the right of settlement, but which he again loses by leaving the place for one year. Privileged corporations, that possess a particular poor-fund, or raise among themselves, pursuant to their laws, the means to provide for their needy members, are specially bound to maintain them.

In conformity with the rules before stated, must also the wives, widows, and destitute children of paupers be supported by the communities or corporations, or the owners of the estates.

Paupers for whom communities, corporations, proprietors of estates, or relatives are not bound to provide, according to the foregoing rules, or when these are unable to do so, have to be maintained in provincial poor and workhouses. These are established at the expense of government, and supported by contributions from the whole province.

39. He who cannot derive the necessaries of life either from his property, his labour, or his trade, nor be supported by his nearest relations and other persons bound to it by private right, has a claim on the support of the (political or civil) community in which he has the right of a burgher or of a beisitzer.

In times of particular distress, not only those who are absolutely poor, but those also who are indeed not without property, but, by the unfavourable circumstances of the times, are rendered incapable of providing the necessaries of life for themselves and their children, have a right to require, from the communities of which they are members, the necessary support. Thus, in the year of scarcity in 1817, the spiritual and temporal overseers of the communities were expressly made responsible by the government, that none of those who were confided to their superintendence and care should be exposed to suffer want; with the threat, that if, for want of care on the part of the overseers, any person should perish, the guilty should be prosecuted with all the rigour of the law.

If a person belonging to one or more communities has need of public support, the share to be borne by each is determined by the government authorities, having respect to the merely personal or family connexion with the several communities.

Each of the three religious persuasions prevailing in the kingdom has the full enjoyment of its poor fund. Poor members of the community, however, who belong to a religious persuasion different to that which prevails in the place, cannot be denied the necessary relief from the poor fund of the place, on account of the difference of religion.

Of the Bailiwick Corporations.

40. If a community has so many poor, or is so limited in its resources, that it is not in a condition properly to support its poor, the other communities of the bailiwick, particularly the towns, so far as they are better able, and have few or no poor, are bound by the law to assist such a poor community with their alms. A general obligation of the bailiwick corporation to assist those communities of the bailiwicks which are not able to afford the[57] necessary assistance to their poor inhabitants, is not ordained by the laws, unless such assistance is to the interest of the bailiwick corporation as such.

In the year 1817, however, the bailiwick corporations were enjoined, so long as the dearth lasted, and with reference to old laws, in case single communities should be unable sufficiently to provide for all the inhabitants, to give them credit so far as to answer either partly or entirely for the debt, but always with the reservation of repayment by the receivers of the aid. And with respect to the support of the poor, which are assigned to a community, it is expressly ordered, that if the assignment is founded on one of the titles to a right of settlement enumerated under 1, 2, and 3[6], the community against which the right is established is to bear only one-third, and the whole of the bailiwick the other two-thirds; but if the assignment is founded on one of the other titles, the whole bailiwick has to take upon itself this support. The expense which is hereby incurred by a bailiwick, constitutes an object of what is called amtsvergleichung, and is imposed on the whole old and now rateable cadastre of the bailiwick.

Of the Duty of the State.

41. The public Exchequer affords, partly on account of the previous sequestration of the church property, and of some other funds and revenues destined for pious and charitable purposes, and partly without any such special legal ground, contributions for the foundation and support of various public beneficent institutions, and it sometimes assists single bailiwicks, communities, and individuals in particular cases, by contributions for charitable purposes. But a general obligation of the public Exchequer to intervene, in case of the inability of the communities or bailiwicks, is no where enacted in the laws of Wurtemberg, and is also not recognised by the government, because too great liberality on its part, and the grant of a distinct head of expenditure for this purpose, as in general the transferring of local burthens to the public exchequer, might lead to very extensive consequences, and might gradually give rise to always increasing claims, which, in the impossibility of ranging single cases under general points of view,[58] it might not be always possible successfully to meet.

Amount of Relief to the Poor.

42. What is necessary for a poor person or a poor family, and how much such a person or family may require for their necessary support, is not expressed in the laws of Wurtemberg; on the contrary, the answer to this question is left to the judgment of the magistrate in every particular case. In fact, it is not well susceptible of a general answer, because the wants of men are so very different, according to their constitutions and inclinations, and the means of satisfying these wants depend too much on personal, local, and temporary circumstances.

Support and Employment of the Adult Poor.

75. With respect to the adult poor, it is enacted by our oldest laws, that such grown-up poor who would willingly work, but cannot find employment, shall, as far as possible, have means found them by the magistrates to earn a livelihood by their labour; but that lazy idlers who are strong and healthy shall be compelled to work; and, according to a recent ordinance, the able-bodied who claim support from the public funds are bound to take any work for which they have adequate strength, whether it be public or private, which is assigned to them by the local overseers, receiving for it proportionate moderate wages. If they refuse to do the work assigned them, and cannot allege that they can earn something by other work, or produce some other excuse, the overseer is authorized to employ towards them means of compulsion.

According to old laws, poor persons who still have a house and lands, or at least some little portions of land, and who have suffered by failure of the crops, frost, &c., or who cannot sow their lands, or are unable to dispose of them without great loss, but are still able to work, and have hopes of retrieving their losses in the harvest and autumn, shall be assisted by the communities, which, according as the case may be, shall lend to them from the public fund a sufficient sum, to be repaid as they may be able to do it in course of time, or shall at least give security for them.

The laws also order that in public works which the communities have executed by daily labourers, able-bodied poor who have a claim to support from the public funds shall be employed in preference. In places where the hospitals have lands of their own, and farm[59] them on their own account, poor persons are also employed in preference, at suitable wages.

Not only in the year of scarcity, 1817, and subsequently, many adult poor have been employed at suitable wages on the public account in other hard work, such as forest labours, planting trees, cultivating waste lands, turf-digging, working in the quarries, lime-pits, or excavating for antiquities, pulling down old buildings, cutting down avenues of old trees, levelling ground, laying out new public walks or churchyards, draining marshes, cleaning common sewers and streets, working at bridges, roads, and canals, &c.

79. According to the ancient laws, the communities are bound to advance money on loan according to the ability of the poor fund, and to the circumstances of the persons, to poor mechanics who cannot begin or carry on their trade, without assistance, which sum they are to repay as they may be able to do in time.

81. But the indirect support of the poor by employment and loans has, however, its limits.

The extraordinary expense incurred in 1817, for public works, was indeed justified at that time by the extraordinary distress; but for the constant prosecution of such works, there would be wanting, in most places, occasion and opportunity, and at all events the necessary means; nor could the communities well be expected, merely for the sake of employing the poor, to have such works done by them if they are not absolutely necessary, or at least urgently required at the moment, or if they could be performed at a cheaper rate by contract or by statute labour.

In many places there is not always an opportunity to obtain work for daily wages, with private persons, especially in winter, and for women and children; or at least the wages at different times of the year, and for many kinds of work, are too small to support a family, and when public institutions for giving employment are in question, great prudence is necessary, that while one person is provided with work and wages, another may not find the source of gain interrupted or cut off by which he has hitherto obtained a livelihood without the assistance of the magistrates.

But when due attention is paid to these very important considerations, it is extremely difficult, in Wurtemberg at least, to find means of employing the poor capable of work, by the intervention of the magistrates, when they are themselves not able to obtain suitable employment, and this difficulty must increase from year to[60] year, in which the number and extent of the public institutions for employing children increase, and as the employment of the prisoners in the penal establishments (police and workhouses, and houses of correction) is extended.

On this account, there are indeed in the capital, and in some other places, where for the sake of the moral gain a small pecuniary sacrifice is not regarded, particular public establishments for employing the adult poor in spinning, and other such work; but they nowhere extend to a whole bailiwick. Wherever they still exist, though the poor in them are not fed and clothed, but only employed, their support requires considerable annual aid from public funds; and in most places the establishments formerly opened for the employment of the adult poor have been entirely broken up, with the exception of a part of the inhabitants of the poor-houses (s. 91).

Consequently, and especially till the new institutions for the better education of the youthful poor shall have been able to produce their entire effect, there will still remain in Wurtemberg a very considerable number, not only of poor unable or unwilling to work, but also of such as are both able and willing, who cannot be supported otherwise than directly.

82. In many places the local poor are, with this view, allowed themselves to collect gifts in money, food, &c. from the wealthier inhabitants of the place; but in most of these places this kind of collecting of such gifts is limited to the houses of certain of the richer inhabitants, who have given them express permission to do so, and to fixed days and hours, and it is likewise subject to the superintendence of the police: but as a general rule, the poor are prohibited from personal collecting of gifts, even in their own place of residence. On the other hand, those poor persons in whose cases the above-described indirect means of relief are not applicable, or not sufficient for their necessary support, regularly receive everywhere out of the public funds of the community to which they belong, and under different names, such as alms, gratuity, pension, board, &c., partly weekly, monthly, quarterly, or annually, partly without any fixed time, as need may be, gifts according to the wants of the individuals relieved, and the ability of the community, sometimes amounting to only one or a few florins, sometimes to 20, 50, 70, and even 100 and more florins, for each person or family in a year. With respect to the extent of these gifts, there is nowhere any general, legal ordinance; but[61] the question, how much is requisite for the necessary support of each individual or of each family, remains entirely for the consideration of the authorities which have to give the relief.

67. Adult poor who, on account of their great age, or of weakness, infirmity, and sickness of body or mind, or on account of immoral conduct, cannot be left to themselves, and who have no relations legally bound and able to superintend and take care of them, and who consequently would not be sufficiently relieved merely by a present in money or in kind, are even now, especially in small towns, taken in by all the members of the community in their turn, from house to house, by the day or by the week, or else put out to board in a fixed private house at the expense of the local funds.

But as nobody readily determines to admit such persons to his table and his house, particularly persons affected with the itch and other contagious disorders; and as even the most careful selection of such private boarding-houses, with the best superintendence which is possible in such cases, frequently answers neither the expectations of those who provide such accommodation, nor the wants of those intended to be provided, it is very fortunate that, partly so far back as the 14th and 15th centuries,—partly in modern and very recent times, almost in every large and small town, and even in some villages,—partly by particular endowments for the purpose,—partly at the expense of the local funds, a distinct public poor-house, or even several such poor-houses, have been built, or purchased, or taken from debtors in lieu of payment, which were not precisely intended to provide for persons of the above description, but rather to receive foreign vagabonds, and also for fear of the leprosy, plague, or cholera; which establishments, founded under various denominations, such as poor-house, beggars’-house, hospital, lazaretto, infirmary, leprosy-house, cholera-house, &c., &c., now that the entrance of foreign vagrants is prevented, and the fear of plague, leprosy, and cholera is past, can be made use of for the reception of the native poor belonging to the above classes.

Many of these houses can, indeed, accommodate only 10, 20, 30, or 40 persons, but many of them are calculated for a hundred or several hundred persons.

Formerly it was usual to receive also poor children, with or without their parents, into these houses, but latterly the children are otherwise disposed of, and only married persons, without children, or single adult poor, are admitted, who for the most part[62] are, as far as possible, kept separate according to their sex, and partly according to other circumstances, especially as prescribed by existing ordinances. Separate rooms for insane and sick persons, particularly for those who have the venereal disease and the itch, are fitted up in these poor-houses, so as to answer, as much as possible, this particular object; and in some cases separate buildings are allotted for this purpose.

90. In many of these poor-houses, those who are admitted into them have only free lodging and firing, and sometimes clothing; and to provide for their other wants, a weekly, monthly, or annual allowance in money or in kind.

In others, they are directly provided with every thing; that is, they have in the house free lodging, candles, firing, bedding, clothes, food, and in case of sickness, medical care, medicine, and attendance. In general, in this case, each of the two sexes, or a great number of such persons, nearly of the same class, have a common sleeping-room, and a common eating and working-room. Sometimes however only two, three, or four poor persons together, and often even individual poor have their separate rooms.

In the common sleeping-rooms, every person has his separate bed, generally feather beds, such as are usually found in poor independent families.

The clothing is mostly warmer and stronger, but not so good-looking and more old-fashioned than that of the poorer independent citizens.

The food consists, generally, in the morning of soup, at noon a farinaceous dish and vegetables, and once, twice, rarely three times in the week, of a quarter or half a pound of meat; in the evening of soup, together with milk or potatoes. There are, however, poor-houses where they get no breakfast in the morning; at dinner only farinaceous food or vegetables (not both together), and once a week only, or even but a few times in the year, on certain holidays, or even not at all, meat, and in the evening nothing but soup.[7] When this diet is furnished by contract, 5, 5½, 6, 7, 8 to 8½ kreutzer daily per head are at present paid for it; besides which, however, the contractor mostly has lodging and firing gratis, and the use of a garden.

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Besides this, every person receives in most of these houses, 3, 3½, 4, 5, 6, and even 7 pounds of bread weekly, and in some places a few kreutzer every week for snuff; wine is given only where there are special endowments for that purpose, mostly on certain holidays. The sick have better and lighter food and wine, as the physician thinks fit to prescribe in every case.

In some of these houses, more, and in others less, care is taken that the inmates of them do not unnecessarily go out, and that those who are able to do some work are not idle. Some hospitals have lands which they keep in their own hands, and in this case the inmates are employed as much as possible in assisting in the agricultural operations. Where there is no land, they must at least prepare the necessary firewood, carry wood and water, help in washing, cooking, and other domestic employments; they must spin, wind yarn, knit, sew, make clothes and shoes for the house, &c. In some poor-houses they are also employed in making wooden pegs for shoemakers and tilers, matches, &c.

On the whole, however, the employment of these people in the poor-houses does not produce much.

In the year 1817, and during the dearth which prevailed at that time, an old law which had fallen into desuetude was revived; according to which, the rich and opulent who, after having been previously applied to for voluntary contributions, should not come forward in a manner suitable to their property, are to be taxed by the magistrates in a sum conformable to their income, and according to all the circumstances of their situation.

If we now compare the situation of one of the poorest of the Wurtemberg poor who support themselves independently by their labour without external aid (see § 40.), with that of one of the more favoured of the Wurtemberg poor who lives by public charity, for instance, the inmate of an hospital, and even of a prison, it might certainly appear that the condition of the latter is preferable to that of the former.

In fact, we often see such hospital inmates, and even prisoners, attain the most advanced age, while many a poor day-labourer and artisan sinks at a much earlier age under the weight[64] of his cares and the want of necessaries. In fact, many an inmate of an hospital, and many a prisoner, even with bodily infirmities and sufferings, still seems to find his condition quite comfortable, and shows himself thankful for the good which he enjoys, while many a day-labourer or artisan, in the enjoyment of good bodily health, feels himself miserable, and curses his existence; in fact, many a one seeks admission into the hospital who would be very well able to provide himself with necessaries by his work at home. In fact, the man often separates from his wife, or the wife from her husband, or from the children, to be received into the hospital. In fact, many a one does not economize, but squanders what he has, and does not work in order to earn something, because he thinks that he always has the right of being received into the hospital as a last resource. In fact, in many places where there are rich hospitals and other foundations, the number of the poor is proportionably greater than in places where less is done for their support. In fact, many a one continues to beg and to steal, who has already been frequently imprisoned for these offences, because he finds his situation in the workhouse very tolerable in comparison with the laborious life of a poor man at liberty.

However, the situation of the inmates of an hospital, even of those which are the most liberal to their inmates, is by no means so enviable as from the above comparison it might seem to be. Frequently their residence is embittered by their being obliged to live together with rude, quarrelsome, mad, silly, and disgusting persons. Many embitter their own lives by a discontentedness, which may either be natural to them, or communicated by others. Many dislike the kind or the quantity of the work allotted to them, the restrictions with respect to the time of going out and returning home which are prescribed by the regulations of the house. Prisoners, in particular, consider the loss of their freedom as an intolerable burden. Besides this, too, the treatment is by no means in general and in every poor-house so good as it is represented in the above comparison; hence it is not the case with all the poor received into a poor-house, that they have voluntarily sought admission there, or that they voluntarily and willingly remain in it; hence, too, the applications for admission to these houses are not everywhere equally pressing; hence the assertion that the existence of such houses increases the numbers of prodigals, idlers, and poor, cannot be taken as generally correct.

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At all events, the above comparison applies to the actual inmates of the hospital, rather than to those poor who are relieved only by money and commodities, or by finding them employment; for the relief which they receive in this manner is in most places dealt out with so scanty a measure, that their situation is little or not at all better than that of a healthy poor person, who maintains himself independently by the labour of his hands, without external assistance. The independent poor man always has the cheering consciousness of maintaining himself and his family by his own exertions, and of enjoying the respect of his fellow-citizens, which is always lost in a greater or less degree by the poor man who receives relief, to whom, in the eyes of the better classes, a kind of disgrace attaches, which must often fall on the idle, who is excluded from elections of the community, &c., restricted in marrying, &c.

The former mode of providing for the wants of the poor by weekly relief in money or in bread, by giving them clothes, or providing them small apartments, or by paying their rent or their board, entrained many abuses, and therefore little effected its end; in fact, it wanted the superintendence essential to the management of a class of men for the most part of irregular and dissipated habits. Employment was not furnished to those who were yet in a state to work; and there were no means of repressing mendicity and vice.—(p. 500.)

Art. 1.—To provide a common habitation, and all other necessaries, for all those who, whether sick or in health, need assistance.

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Art. 2.—As far as it may be possible, to furnish them with employment, according to their capability of work.

Art. 3.—Not only to provide work for those who ask for it, but to enforce it from those who, being without property, neither engage in trade nor in service, but endeavour to live at the expense of others.

2. Conditions of Admission.

The persons who need assistance are, with few exceptions, men of vicious, or careless, or improvident habits, who are now unable to earn their bread. The old practice was, to pay their rent, furnish them with fuel, or give them weekly allowances in money or bread; but there was no certainty that these gifts were well employed. For this reason, only persons worthy of assistance are received, clothed, and fed in this institution: for, in our country, well-disposed people, even with little talent, can always earn their own maintenance.

The aged or impotent poor may be admitted at their own request.

Art. 7.—The Directors of the establishment, as well as the President of the Committee of Founders, can order the admission of poor people if they are fully persuaded of its necessity. The person so admitted must promise, in writing, to obey the laws of the establishment. This admission requires to be confirmed at the next sitting of the Committee of Founders. The same rules apply to the admission of the indigent sick.

Art. 8.—But in no case is this charitable institution to become the periodical abode of persons not accustomed to a fixed trade, or of those who will not remain with their masters, or who would like to pass there the winter when the demand for labour is slack, or who have wasted their summer wages by spending the earnings of one day’s toil in two days of idleness and debauchery.

Art. 9.—Whoever then is once admitted, enters the establishment with all that he possesses, and engages himself to work and remain there for ever.

Art. 10.—In all cases, those who enter voluntarily, as well as those who are forced to enter, are, from the moment of admission, considered as paupers, and whatever they possess becomes the property of the foundation.

Art. 11.—In case of extraordinarily good conduct on the part of a pauper, when there is reasonable hope that he can support[67] himself, or if he wishes to enter the service of a respectable family, the Council of Foundation may permit him to leave the Institution. In this case his property is restored to him, after deducting, from a person capable of work, 58f., and from one incapable of work 88f. The expense of their residence is deducted from the property of the sick.

All persons of the age of fourteen, who cannot prove that they are in the service of a respectable family, may be forced to work in the Institution.

Art. 12.—All persons of either sex, who are not in a state to maintain themselves, either from their property or by industry, and who become chargeable to others may be admitted; but, before the police can require their admission, it must be shown that they have been punished three times, either for mendicity or theft—(p. 501.)

Each town, market, and village, is to have an institution for the poor; but if several villages wish to unite in forming one of these[69] institutions, it is not only to be permitted, but every facility is to be afforded it.

Each provincial district (landgericht) must have an institution of its own.

All the inhabitants of such district are obliged, according to their means, to contribute to that purpose; each person is, besides, bound to continue to support those poor relations whom the laws direct him to maintain.

The claims for relief are to be fixed according to the laws of their district (heimath gesetz.) Sometimes, in cases of great necessity, relief is allowed to strangers who do not belong to the parish.

The overseers consist (unless it is otherwise determined) of the directors, of the police, commissaries, and magistrates.

In cases where medical aid is necessary, they are to be attended by physicians, who are appointed by the state.

In towns and larger market towns, besides the above-named overseers, a council is to be formed, consisting of the clergyman and the mayor and persons deputed by the magistrates and all classes of the people, in proportion to the number of inhabitants of each place.

In smaller market-towns the clergyman and deputies from the peasants form this council.

When several villages join together to form one of these institutions, a general committee is to be formed.

The members of the council for the institutions for the poor are to be elected in the same way as the magistrates and mayors (burgermeister).

When several parishes are joined together, a deputy is to be chosen from each, and again, several are elected from among these, who are to take immediate charge of the affairs. Each deputy is chosen for three years, and is obliged to perform his duties without remuneration; no inhabitant is allowed to refuse to perform his functions the first time he is elected; extraordinary merits in the service of the poor are to be publicly distinguished.

The public charge is brought into action in the following manner:

1st. By institutions for working.

2d. By institutions for taking care of people who are unable to work.

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3d. By institutions for alms.

1. Materials and tools are to be distributed to those paupers who, notwithstanding all inquiries and interference, cannot obtain the necessary work, to be used at their houses until the required situation can be obtained. If in larger towns the number of these is very great, houses are to be opened and maintained at the expense of the institution for the poor, in which the paupers who are unoccupied are to work.

The choice among the different sorts of work in these houses is settled according to the local circumstances, and chiefly according to the facility with which either orders from private persons can be received, or with which the material is obtained and worked; then accordingly as the material can be used for the wants of the poor or can be usefully employed for any other purpose.

The houses for the employment of the poor are always to retain their original destination, namely, an employment, for the present, of poor men who would otherwise be without work, and therefore do not admit any such persons whose names are not down on the above-named register. Therefore those persons are no longer allowed to work in this house after they have had an offer of work from any other quarter.

2. Houses of nourishment are to be erected for those poor who, besides having no fortune or means of obtaining their livelihood, are in an extraordinary degree helpless, namely, children, sick people, old persons, and cripples.

3. Poor people who do not require extraordinary care, and who are not fit to be admitted into the particular houses of nourishment, or cannot yet be received into them, but are unable to gain their livelihood, are to be assisted by alms, which, however, are not to be given without the most complete proof of want.

The alms are to be given in the form of gifts of money. These gifts are sometimes to be increased, according to the price of provisions; and from time to time a maximum is to be fixed, which is on no account to be exceeded.

These gifts of money may, either in part or entirely, be substituted by provisions, if this sort of aid is more easily afforded with regard to lodging, nourishment, and clothing.

Their lodging is to be changed every day among the different members of the parish, but the poor who are lodged are obliged to repay this lodging by work. Where there are opportunities,[71] rooms are to be warmed, to which the poor may bring their work.

The nourishment of the poor can be facilitated and insured by the equal division of them amongst the public, to be maintained in turn, being obliged to partake of the work of their host, or by voluntarily offered days for food, or lastly, by distribution of bread and other nourishment. Where circumstances permit, kitchens are to be erected on purpose for preparing nourishing soups, partly gratis, partly very cheap.

No pauper who partakes of the benefactions of the poor institutions may go away from his dwelling without the knowledge and leave of the head of the village, to stay for some time, or permanently in another village, even if it is in the same district.

The same leave from the police direction is necessary when a pauper wishes, for some good reason, to go out of his police district; the leave is only to be given in both cases on well-grounded reasons, and on proofs that the poor will not be burdensome to other villages and districts; also he must give in a declaration to the same, in which, besides his name and village, and the duration of his absence, the villages to which he intends to go must be expressed.

Paupers who have been warned in vain concerning bad conduct and idleness shall be proceeded against without favour, by the power of magistrates, and be punished accordingly.

The poor institutions can claim repayment from those hypocrites who, although they possess private means, embezzle and grasp at the gifts and assistance which are only intended for true poverty, which shall be fully repaid. The poor institutions can make the same claim from those persons who have renounced their duty of supporting those relations whom they are obliged to support, either by law or by contract.

No marriage between people without capital shall be allowed without the previous permission of the poor institutions. Directors who do not follow these orders, nor pay attention to the Act of the 12th of July, 1808 (Government Paper, page 1506), concerning marriages in the country, have to answer for the maintenance of the new families, should they not be able to maintain themselves. In the same manner, the priests and other churchmen shall be responsible for the support of such persons as they have married without leave from the authorities, besides other fines which are imposed on this breach of the rules of the[72] marriage ceremony.

Besides the extraordinary sources, which consist partly in the restitution which hypocrites and relations who avoid their duty are obliged to make, and partly out of fines which are given to the poor fund, or may be hereafter given, are sources for charity from donations from the district fund, and from loans or from taxes.

The yearly produce of all charities belongs to the poor institutions, and is used for their purposes. With the establishments for the poor are united the already existing or still accumulating capitals of one or other of the poor institutions; the gain on mortgages or on those possessions whose owners cannot be discovered; the legacies for the poor, when by the will of the deceased they are to be laid out in a regular yearly income, and the fourth part of such legacies as are destined in general for pious purposes.

The voluntary donations consist of casual gifts in money and food which have been given by philanthropic persons of their own accord, for the use of the poor institutions, and in this manner are to be employed for their daily use. Besides these, are the legacies which are meant for immediate division among the poor, and those subscriptions which are collected either by single persons or by companies and corporations.

General and extraordinary collections, in the name of the institutions for the poor, are to be made monthly from house to house, when the members of the parish have bound themselves to a certain subscription; also in the churches on the great holidays, and in the public-houses by means of private poor-boxes; and lastly, on all important and joyful occasions of the state, or companies.

According to the circumstances of the place, certain accidental funds can be appropriated to the uses of the poor institutions, which particularly on great joyful occasions, namely, great marriages in the taverns, the permission to have music, particularly past the stated times, processions of the apprentices, shooting matches, &c. &c., at shows, balls, masquerades, and so on.

When all the aforesaid sources do not suffice to cover the wants of the poor institutions, it will be supplied out of the funds of the district, or through loans, and then only when all these means cannot be put in practice, or do not suffice to cover their[73] wants, compulsory contributions or poor-taxes are to be resorted to. The manner and amount of these are to be according to the calls of the villages and districts, and are only to be levied for a certain time. It is to be observed, however, that these taxes are to be imposed with the greatest equality, and without any exception among all classes.

The poor institutions and committees in such towns as have no police directors or commissaries, also in the market towns and parishes, are directly under the control of the district tribunal, and under their guidance and inspection.

The inspection of the poor institutions of the whole kingdom is given to the ministry for the interior, which is to receive regularly the report of the state of this branch of administration from the annual accounts and other proper sources, and which is to issue the necessary general orders and regulations, and is to judge of the proposals for the establishment, the arrangement and fitting up of workhouses, and others in which the poor are taken care of, for single districts, whole circles, or for the entire kingdom, which decides with the ministry of finance all proposals for allowing certain taxes and poor subscriptions, decides the complaints brought against the general circle and local commissaries, if such do not belong to the private council, and causes the election of certain poor directors where it may be found advisable.

Upon carefully examining and considering these poor laws of Bavaria. I have come to the conclusion in my own mind that they are useful, and well adapted to the purposes for which they were intended, because by the establishment of the poor institutions (as they are called), by districts over the whole kingdom of Bavaria, with sufficient power by law to carry their provisions into execution, the great and important object is attained of giving relief and support to the aged, helpless, and sick, and finding work in workhouses or at their own homes, at a moderate payment, for those who cannot otherwise obtain it; for which purpose a register is to be kept by the guardians of the poor of all those persons who are in want of work, and who are therefore either a burthen upon the parish, or are likely to become so, as also a list[74] of those who wish to employ workmen, in order to endeavour to arrange between them the terms of employment; and that this object may be the more easily attained, the directors are required to be in continual communication with the overseers of public works, the masters of manufactories, with individual proprietors, and societies; in order that where there are a quantity of hands capable of work, they may be passed into that part of the country where they are most wanted; but whenever it may happen that, notwithstanding all inquiries and exertions, the necessary work cannot be obtained, in such cases materials and tools are to be distributed to those paupers who may be in want of them, to be used at their own houses; and if in larger towns the number of those paupers should be very great, houses are to be opened and maintained at the expense of the institutions for the poor, in which the paupers who are out of work are to be employed; but the number of paupers to be so employed is always limited to those who have not had a reasonable offer of work from any other quarter. But the great cause why the number of the poor is kept so low in this country, arises from the prevention by law of marriages in cases in which it cannot be proved that the parties have reasonable means of subsistence; and this regulation is in all places and at all times strictly adhered to.

The effect of a constant and firm observance of this rule has, it is true, a considerable influence in keeping down the population of Bavaria, which is at present low for the extent of country, but it has a most salutary effect in averting extreme poverty and consequent misery. (p. 554.)

What are the abuses complained of?

Do they arise from the principle of the law, or from the character and social position of its administrators?

What remedies have been applied?

What have been their results?

The abuses in the administration arise both from the principle of the law, and from the character and social position of its administrators: from the law, because it abandons all administration to the communes; from the administrators, because they neglect improvement, distribute relief without discrimination or real inquiry, and generally provide only against the exigences of the moment.

The separate parishes, being, for the most part, too small to establish schools and workhouses, want means of coercion, and are in general more busied in providing relief for those actually indigent than in diminishing their number, either as regards the present or future generations. Besides, although the practice is not sanctioned by law, many parishes, in order to prevent the return of their bourgeois who are domiciled elsewhere, forward to them relief without being able to ascertain their conduct.

The government has long felt that these abuses could not be remedied except by a law founded on a principle totally different from that of abandoning the administration to the parishes: but from a mistaken solicitude for the poor, it always hesitated to take this course.

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What has been the influence of the system?

1. Statistically?

2. Morally?

1. Has the number of the indigent augmented, diminished, or remained stationary?

2. Does the law appear to have encouraged imprudent marriage or illicit intercourse?

The answers are implied in our previous statements. The existing system favours imprudent marriage and illicit intercourse,—but, precisely because it encourages marriage, probably does not augment the proportion of illegitimate to legitimate births. But the final result is, that it encourages, in an extraordinary degree, the increase of the indigent population. The abuses which have followed this fatal system are too numerous to be here detailed. It is easy to conceive what must have been its results on a populace whom education, or rather the want of education, has deprived of all honourable feeling, and of all preference of independence to public charity. Idleness, carelessness, improvident marriage, and illicit intercourse, have been encouraged by the prospect of making others support their results. All means and opportunities of acquiring knowledge, or skill, or regular occupation, have been neglected. Thence have arisen not only a constantly increasing burden upon society, but obstacles to the development of the physical and intellectual faculties, to moral improvement, and in short to the advancement of civilization. Experience has clearly proved, that the number of paupers increases in proportion to the resources created for them, and that the bourgeois population is least industrious and least active, and endeavours least to be useful to society in those parishes which have the largest public property and public revenue.

This state of things, and above all the constantly increasing burden in some parts of the country, and the demands urged by parishes on the State for protection against the claims and the insolence of the really and the pretended indigent, have determined the government to strive to remedy the evil at its source. We are still ignorant of the proposed principles of the new law. The plan, or at least the preparatory inquiry, is now going on in the offices of the Department of the Interior. It is nearly certain, however, that compulsory charity will be, if not entirely abolished, at least restricted to those poor who are incapable of work. But if assessment for the indigent is put an end to, the revenue of the[78] properties appropriated to them will remain for their support.

The administration of the poor-laws in the Canton of Berne is therefore on the eve of a radical reform.

The administration of parochial property has not been properly audited by any parochial authorities: frequently and for many years it has remained in the hands of the same family; those to whom it has been intrusted have received little or no salary: a capricious and dishonest management were the obvious and almost the inevitable consequences. The mere nature of the transaction led to mal-administration. The poor who had a right to bourgeoisie had a right to relief. How could their conduct or their wants be ascertained, if they dwelt in other parishes, with whose authorities their own parish had no relation? Was it not almost inevitable that relief would be demanded with insolence and spent in idleness and debauchery?

In some places in the mountains (such as Sieventhal and Grindelwald), the relief was given in kind; but with the increased circulation of money, money-relief has become general, and is exclusively afforded to out-parishioners. The facility with which such relief is mis-applied has favoured mis-management, and may be said to engender pauperism.

These fatal results have become more strongly felt as the number of the poor has augmented. In many places the growing embarrassment occasioned great and praiseworthy remedial efforts. The administration was made more regular, and inspectors and other officers appointed. Some country parishes erected alms-houses at an expense apparently beyond their means. But many of these fine institutions disappointed the hopes of their founders: we shall presently see why. These new measures and institutions were each the private affair of each parish; they failed because they were isolated. The beneficial measures of one parish were not supported by its neighbours. They followed their old routine, and opposed improvement by obstacles and dislike. Superintendence, which[79] is essential to the administration of poor laws, was ineffectual, because it was applied only to the parishioners of the single commune which enforced it.

During the last half century, other countries have acquired knowledge relative to alms-houses for the poor, and have adopted the results of the inquiries and experience of their neighbours. This has not been the case with our own establishments: their very origin was erroneous. They were the products of a philanthropy which proposed entirely to remedy all human misery. They were founded in villages, and proportioned each to the existing wants of the village. Their resources seldom permitted the adoption of the first condition of good administration, namely, classification. And even when we find a spacious building, we see heaped, pell-mell, children by the side of the old and infirm, and the sick mixed with able-bodied idlers. Even whole families are found in this assemblage of the good and bad, the sick and the healthy, the useful and the mischievous. In such establishments provision ought to have been made for the education of the children, the cure of the sick, the support of the aged, and the employment of the able-bodied. Each class of inmates required a separate treatment. The instant this principle is neglected, and classification abandoned, the institution not only loses its utility, but becomes actually mischievous. But each single establishment was governed by a single authority, unfit for the management of several dissimilar classes of inmates. In general, one uniform system was applied to them all. A further obstacle to the success of these establishments was the frequent change of their governors. As they were ill-paid and often subject to disagreeable contests with the local authorities, it was difficult to get good officers, and still more so to keep them. (p. 221.)

Unfavourable as our representation of these establishments has been, the picture of the treatment of the poor in the other parts of the canton is still more gloomy and painful. In these districts (superintendence being absent) all that is not left to accident is regulated by habit, or by a routine without apparent motives.

In such places no regular system is to be looked for. The most usual modes of affording relief are allowances in money, or payment of board. In some places, as in Emmenthal, the parochial charges are thrown on the large estates, and the proprietors are forced in turn, and gratuitously, to maintain the paupers who are allotted to them. In many other places it has long been the[80] custom to send round the poor to be maintained in turn by the settled inhabitants (bourgeois), some of whom, though forced to receive paupers, are themselves in indigent, or even in distressed circumstances.

Not less sad or even revolting is the practice which prevails in some poor and ill-judging parishes of getting rid of their poor by allotting them to those who will take them on the lowest terms. The parochial authorities offer an allowance to those who will receive such and such paupers. The allowance at first proposed is very small; but it is ready money, and public competition enables the parish to make it still smaller. The poor victim falls into the hands of a rapacious and needy family. We may conceive how deplorable his situation must always be. That it is sometimes supportable can be attributed only to a benevolence not yet entirely stifled in the hearts of our people. Cases even have occurred in which the proprietors, by allowing their inmates to work for themselves, have given them habits of industry, and bred up their children to be good workmen. But these exceptions only render the general rule more apparent.

Relief in money produces effects equally pernicious. It is the result of the law which enables every family which is, or believes itself to be, in want, to demand a relief which cannot be refused. Small sums are given sometimes for payment of rent, sometimes to meet other wants, whether the applicant live in the parish or elsewhere—and without control or superintendence. What can, what must be the consequences? (p. 222.)

We cannot wonder, then, that the administration of the poor laws in the canton of Berne has become so irregular and so mischievous. The effects of the subdivision of the inhabitants into so many corporations have become more and more apparent. The principle of permanent and hereditary unions necessarily clashed with the principle of mobility and change which governs all our social relations. The welfare of the public necessarily gave way to that of the particular corporations, and the private interests of the corporations or parishes rendered them selfish and mutually hostile. Obstacles were opposed to every change of residence, and consequently the industry and enterprise of the labouring classes were paralyzed, and the parishes felt the results of their own measures when an unemployed and dispirited population was thrown upon them. It was to be expected that in time this population would look for support to the relief to which[81] they had a legal right; it was natural that in time they would get a taste for an idle and consequently vicious existence. We could support our remarks by many instances of whole families which have subsisted like parasites from year to year, and from generation to generation, on the parochial funds; whose status it is to be paupers; and the cases in which they have emerged from this condition are few.

The parishes and parochial corporations (bourgeoisies) in the town and in the country are required, as heretofore, to afford protection and relief to their needy fellow-citizens.

No one can claim parochial relief unless he is without property, and either physically incapable of work, or out of employ without his own fault.

Parishes may continue their previous modes of regulating and fixing their accounts with respect to the poor.

They may likewise relieve their poor as they think fit, by regular money relief, by putting them out to board, by collecting them in a single establishment, or placing them in hospitals, or distributing among themselves the children of the indigent. But it is forbidden for the future that, except in cases of emergency, and with the sanction of the district authorities, they should be sent round from house to house to be maintained. Persons arrested for begging, and taken to their parish, shall be sentenced by the parochial authorities, after having given notice to the district judge. The punishment may be eight days’ imprisonment on bread and water, or fifteen days’ hard labour[8].

An equally rigorous treatment is to be applied to those who, being in the receipt of parochial relief, are disobedient, or give rise to well-founded complaint. They may be forbidden to enter[82] inns, or drinking-shops, and punished in the above-mentioned manner if they disobey.

Parishes may require their overseers to watch the conduct of those who, from extravagance, drunkenness, debauchery, or other misbehaviour, are in danger of poverty, and to proceed legally to have them placed under restrictions. Such persons may be forbidden by the prefect, on the application of the parish, to frequent, for a certain period, inns and drinking-shops.

If a person who has received relief subsequently obtains any property, his parish may demand to be reimbursed their expenditure on his behalf, but without interest; and though they may not have exercised their right during his life, they may proceed against his estate after his death.

No pauper can marry without the consent of his parish, nor without having reimbursed it for the relief which he has received. The same law applies to widowers, who, while married, had received relief for themselves or their children. None who are relieved in consequence of sickness or infirmity should be allowed to marry, except in extreme cases.

No minister, unless with the permission of the parish, ought to announce from the pulpit the intended marriage of one whom he knows to be in the receipt of relief.

If children, in consequence of the idleness, debauchery, gambling, or voluntary desertion of their father, become chargeable to the parish, and it is alleged that the father if he had been industrious and frugal could have supported them, the overseers may bring an action against him for the amount of the relief which has been afforded to his children; and if he do not pay he may be suspended from the exercise of all civil rights and claims as a bourgeois, or be sentenced to not exceeding two years’ imprisonment in a house of correction. A second offence is to be more severely punished.

A mother wilfully abandoning her children shall be taken back to her parish and there kept to work. If she refuse, or attempt to escape, she may, on the requisition of her parish, and subject to an appeal to the Council of State, be sentenced to not exceeding three years’ imprisonment in a house of correction.

Women who have had several bastards chargeable to the parish may, on the requisition of their parishes, be similarly punished. No one receiving, or who has received, parochial assistance,[83] either on his own account or on that of his children can, unless specially authorized so to do by his parish, be present at parochial meetings, until he has repaid all the sums advanced to him.

If any person entitled to parochial relief shall be refused, or insufficiently relieved, he may complain to the Prefect, who shall thereupon hear the allegations of the parish, and ascertain the condition of the complainant, with the assistance, if he has any doubt as to the existence or degree of his bodily infirmities, of a physician. The Prefect may then order such relief as may appear to him necessary, but no part of it is to be given in money.

It is evident that, with respect to pauperism, the present situation of the Canton de Berne is in the highest degree painful. The evil is not temporary or partial: it arises from no external or accidental sources: a considerable portion of the population is attacked by it, and it is spreading itself, like a moral blight, over the whole community.

Some districts, or some classes, may perhaps suffer less than others, but the malady continues its progress and its extension: if it decrease in one place, it grows in another. It is indeed evident that it contains within itself the elements of its own increase. Not merely the annual augmentation of the number of paupers, but their constantly increasing misconduct, their carelessness, and insolence, and above all, their utter immorality, prove the augmenting force of the evil; an evil which must destroy all benevolent feelings, and swallow up, without being satisfied, all that charity can supply. The contagious nature of the disease carries it beyond the[84] indigent, to invade and destroy the classes immediately above them. Those whose daily labour ought to have supported them, and those small proprietors whose properties ought to have enabled them to maintain their families, satisfy their engagements, and contribute to the relief of the poor, even these classes throw themselves among the really indigent, and add weight to the load which oppresses those who cannot escape the poor tax.

For older children, from the age of 6 to 14, there has long existed in Wurtemberg in every, even the smallest community, supported chiefly at the expense of the local church estate and community fund, and of the parents, with the co-operation, however, of the public treasury, a German or elementary school, which all children of that age, both boys and girls, must attend, and in which, with the exception of short holidays during the time of haymaking, harvest and vintage, they receive throughout the year every day, with the exception of Sundays and holidays, in winter for five and in summer for at least two hours, instruction in religion, morality, singing, the German language, reading, writing, arithmetic, and the elements of natural philosophy, natural history, geography and history. In summer, in consideration of the work in the fields, the instruction is given as much as possible in the morning; and at the season when the labours of the field are the most urgent, and in cases of great poverty, an exception is made in favour of those children, where it is required, who, on application, are excused two or three times a week from coming to school. With this exception, every illegal neglect of school is punished by a fine of two or three kreutzers, and if the neglect of attending is continued, from four to six kreutzers; and no child, even if it has completed the 14th year, is suffered to leave the elementary school till it has acquired sufficient knowledge of what is taught there. (p. 528.)

As, however, many poor children endeavour notwithstanding to avoid attending the elementary schools, and in all cases the instruction in these elementary schools occupies only the smaller portion of the day, so that those poor children who are not properly attended and employed by their parents have still plenty of time for idleness and beggary; attempts have latterly been made in some places to put such children under special superintendence, as, for instance, by appointing a guardian for each poor child in the person of an overseer or other public officer of the community, or of a neighbour, who has to observe it every where, at home, at work, at play; or by periodical general summons to the several parents; or by periodical visitations in the[93] houses of poor families, especially of those who are suspected of not paying proper attention to the education of their children; or by the periodical exhibition of the work done at home; or by the public performance of some work as a specimen; or by gratuitously providing the poor children with tools and materials; by the distribution of rewards among the most diligent and skilful of the children; and by exhorting, summoning, and punishing negligent parents; by these means to acquire the certainty that such children are kept to the constant attendance of the church and school, and to doing their tasks; that they are sufficiently employed in a suitable manner; that they are not ill-treated, either by being overworked or by unmerited corporal chastisement; that they are not neglected with respect to clothing and cleanliness; and that they are not abandoned to idleness, beggary and other vices, &c. (p. 529.)

Partly to retain, by practice, what they have learnt in the elementary schools, and partly to promote the further improvement of the grown-up youth, a Sunday School is kept in every community in Wurtemberg, in the common school-room, where every youth and girl above 14 years of age, in the Protestant places to their 18th, and in Catholic places to their 21st year, must go every Sunday, or where there is only one school-room the youths and girls every Sunday alternately, and attend the lessons for at least an hour and a half, on pain of paying four kreutzers, and if the neglect is of long continuance, six kreutzers, for every time that they remain away. It may be added, that, according to the existing laws, more care has lately been taken that young persons of this age, unless they are wanted to assist their parents in their domestic and field-work, particularly those who are educated at the public expense, and the poor girls and youths discharged from the penal establishments, do not remain at home with their families, or, out of love to a more unrestrained way of life, endeavour to gain a livelihood as Eigenbrödler[9], as they are called, merely by sewing, knitting, &c., but that they try either to engage as servants or learn a trade. (p. 534.)

3. To what extent and under what regulations are there district houses of industry for receiving the destitute able-bodied, or any part of their families, and supplying them with food, clothes, &c., and in which they are set to work?—There exists but one poor-house in Bremen, in which the destitute able-bodied are received,[97] to the number of 220, lodged, fed, and clothed, for which they are bound to work, for the benefit of the institution, as far as they are able.

4. To what extent and under what regulations do any religious institutions give assistance to the destitute, by receiving them as inmates, or by giving them alms?—Independently of three houses for the lodging and partly providing for poor widows, free of expense, there are other buildings set apart for the reception of poor superannuated or helpless women; but chiefly a number of private institutions for the relief of poor deserving persons by testamentary bequests. Such are the Rheden, the Tiedemann, the Nonnen, the Von Bühren, &c., so called.

5. To what extent and under what regulations is work provided at their own dwellings for those who have trades, but do not procure work for themselves?—This is done, but in a very limited degree, at the public expense, as those who have trades come under the care and superintendence of their respective guilds, whose duty and credit it is to prevent any of their fraternity coming upon the parish, and who can easily afford the means of providing them with work. Females, on application to the poor-house, may receive hemp and flax for spinning, and are remunerated accordingly.

7. To what extent and under what regulations are fuel, clothing, or money distributed to such persons or their families; at all times of the year, or during any particular seasons?—Those who are registered in the poor-house list, and thus come under the superintendence and control of the parish officers, receive, as long as they may require assistance,—1. A small monthly allowance in money. 2. Clothing for themselves and their families. 3. If necessary, bedding. 4. In the winter, during severe frost, fuel.

8. To what extent and under what regulations are they relieved by their children being taken into schools, and fed, clothed, and educated or apprenticed?—Means are not only afforded to the poor for sending their children to school and for giving them religious instruction, but they are here compelled to do so, on pain of forfeiting all claim to parochial relief, or by other modes of punishment. That every child in the State, of whatever descent, shalt be subjected to school discipline and tuition, is founded upon the principle, that no means so effectually obviates that general poverty, among the lower classes in particular, as[98] an attention to the development of their minds, by which they acquire that self-confidence that stimulates exertion, and that proper spirit of independence that keeps them above want, whilst by religious instruction they are impressed with a sense of the duties and advantages of good moral conduct through life. It has ever been the prevailing opinion in this Republic, that the principal duty of the State towards bettering the condition of its poorer classes, rests upon a due regard to this school discipline, and that it tends in its practice to prevent the frequent recurrence of application for relief in the same family; the descendants of which, without such control, would habitually and irrecoverably become, in their turn, dependents upon public charity. When such children have arrived at the age of 14 or 15 years, after having been taught reading, writing, arithmetic, and any other acquirement consistent with their situation, books, and other materials being furnished them by the poor-house, gratis; they are, after confirmation, generally put out to service, and thus prevented from returning to the idle habits of their parents. Girls are, in like manner, often provided for. They are taught reading, writing, knitting, and needle-work. (pp. 410, 411.)

3. To what extent and under what regulations are there district houses of industry for receiving the destitute able-bodied, or any part of their families, and supplying them with food, clothes, &c.,[99] and in which they are set to work?—No other institution of this kind exists here but the work and poor-house, called the Cloister, into which, however, none are admitted but persons totally incapable of contributing to their own support, whether from drunkenness or other incapacitating causes.

4. To what extent and under what regulations do any religious institutions give assistance to the destitute, by receiving them as inmates, or by giving them alms?—We have none such, but a collection is made in all our churches every Sunday for the poor; this, however, being a regular matter-of-course thing, yields comparatively small sums, which are privately distributed to poor persons by the churchwardens and deacons.

5. To what extent and under what regulations is work provided at their own dwellings for those who have trades, but do procure work for themselves?—or for such persons in agriculture or on public works? Every able-bodied man is supposed capable of providing for himself, and no such work or relief is afforded him. In winter, many poor women are supplied with a little work by the overseers of the workhouse, who give them flax to spin. The average annual quantity thus spun is about 6000 to 6500 pounds, the pay for which, amounting to about 130l. annually, relieves about 300 poor women. The linen yarn thus spun is disposed of by lottery among the wealthier classes. No work is supplied at the public expense or by public institutions to able-bodied men, merely because they are destitute; they must seek and find it themselves, and are of course accepted and employed on public works, as far as there is a demand for them. Having no relief to expect elsewhere, they are of course spurred on to exertion, and if sober and of good character, it may be generally assumed that they find work, at least sufficient for their bare existence, since, if a man can earn but a few pence daily, it will suffice to support him in this country.

7. To what extent and under what regulations are fuel, clothing, or money, distributed to such persons or their families; at all times of the year, or during any particular seasons?—As above stated, no relief of this kind is afforded to able-bodied men; their families, if considered destitute, may perhaps obtain the relief afforded by the poor-board to the poor generally, by means of portions of cheap food daily during the five winter months, and four times a week during the other part of the year. About 230,000 such portions are distributed annually, and bread to the[100] value of about 60l. Fuel is distributed during the severer part of the winter, but money is rarely given, and only in extreme cases, never exceeding one mark, or about 14d. sterling a week, to the same party. Clothing forms no part of the relief afforded. In Lubeck these various kinds of relief are partaken of by about 850 persons annually.

8. To what extent, and under what regulations, are they relieved by their children being taken into schools, and fed, clothed, and educated, or apprenticed?—Not only are all the children of the poor admitted into the poor-schools for instruction gratis, but when relief is afforded by the poor-board, it is on the positive condition that they shall send their children to such schools. Neither food, clothing, nor any further provision is afforded them, in these schools, excepting in a very few extreme cases, in which the maintenance of very young children is undertaken by the poor-board. The number of children in our poor-schools averages about 300. (p. 415, 416.)

The allowance in our poor and workhouse for every individual, is—

Marriages among the poor are delayed by the necessity a man is under, first, of previously proving that he is in a regular employ, work, or profession, that will enable him to maintain a wife; and secondly, of becoming a burgher, and equipping himself in the uniform of the burgher guard, which, together, may cost him nearly 4l. (p. 419.)

The condition of the labouring classes living on their own earnings is considered by themselves to be far superior to that of the paupers maintained in our poor-house. The partial assistance afforded by the poor-board is chiefly directed towards aiding those who are not devoid of honest pride, and have some feelings of independence left, who consequently earn their own maintenance[101] as far as they can, and are thus assisted in their endeavours to support themselves, and keep out of the workhouse. The aid they receive is proportioned to their age and families, and is mostly granted to females; it is gratefully received, and no idea exists of ever thinking it a right. As a rule, no persons fully able to work can receive assistance; they are therefore forced to seek out employment, and may be generally presumed to succeed. If they get but a moderate portion of work, very trifling earnings place them in a situation much more eligible than that of the pauper maintained in the poor-house. (p. 418.)

The main support of the poor is derived from religious communities and charitable institutions. Every denomination of Christians, as well as the Jews, relieve their own members; and for this purpose have, for the most part, orphan and poor-houses, and schools connected with them, which are supported by property belonging to them, and by voluntary contributions at the church-doors, and collections at the houses of the members: the Jews being permitted occasionally to make a general collection throughout the city for their own purposes. These establishments, among the Protestants (the most numerous community), are called Deaconries; and they provide not only for the support of their indigent members, but also for their relief in sickness. The deacons, who have the immediate superintendence of the poor, limit the assistance given according to the exigency of the case, which they investigate very narrowly; and by becoming particularly acquainted with the situation of the applicants, are enabled to detect any imposition. The pecuniary relief afforded is very small, and can only be considered as in aid of the exertions of the poor to earn their own support, being limited to a few pence in the week; a weekly donation of 2 florins (or 40d.) being looked upon as one of the largest. In winter, provisions, fuel, and clothing, are given in preference to money. The aged and infirm are admitted into the poor-houses, where, and at the schools, the children are educated, and afterwards put out to different trades, till they are able to provide for themselves. The deacons act gratuitously; and being of the most respectable class of citizens, elected by the churches to that office, the conscientious discharge of it is ensured, and in consequence, malversations seldom take place. The general poor (being inhabitants), including persons who are and are not members of religious communities (Jews excepted), are relieved at their own houses from the revenue of property, long since appropriated to that use, administered by commissioners appointed by the magistrates, and acting without emolument (as is the case with most similar offices in this country), and in aid of which public charitable collections at private houses are permitted, while any eventful deficiency is supplied from the funds of the city; but the relief afforded by these means is very small, and is confined chiefly to bread, with the addition of fuel in winter. Without other resources,[103] therefore, or the assistance of private charity, the claimants could hardly subsist upon what they obtain in this way. By a decree passed in the year 1818, it was enacted, that the domicile of a male pauper is the place of his birth, superseded by the place where he has resided four years and paid taxes; and that of a child, the residence of his father, or of his mother, if a widow. That the domicile of a stranger is the place where he has resided six years; of married women and widows, the place of their husband’s residence; of legitimate minors, that of their fathers’, and of illegitimate, that of their mothers’. This decree, fixing the domicile of paupers for the purpose of obtaining relief, and a subsequent one, by which gratuitous legal advice is allowed them, if they apply for it, implies that they have a claim to support, which can be enforced at law; but as the funds from which this support must be obtained are uncertain, the amount of the relief that can be given depends upon their extent, and it is in fact left at the discretion of the overseers, who have the faculty of withholding it on the proof of bad conduct of the recipients, or when their children do not properly attend the school, or have been neglected to be vaccinated. Those not members of churches are, moreover, admonished to join some religious community, and must promise to do so the first opportunity. The decree above alluded to also regulates the proceedings of one town against another, and of religious and charitable institutions at the same place, in respect to paupers. There are at Amsterdam, besides, a variety of private establishments for the poor of different religious denominations, endowed by charitable persons, in which the poor are relieved in different ways, according to prescribed regulations. In general, the funds of all the public charitable institutions have greatly diminished, while the number of claimants has much increased, which causes frequent and urgent appeals to the public benevolence. In the country, the same system prevails, and the deacons or office-bearers of the churches are often called upon during the winter to assist in the support of indigent labourers with families, till the return of spring enables them to find work; but there are few permanent poor there, except the old and infirm, who are generally boarded in poor-houses in the adjoining town. (p. 582.)

The principle which invariably has been acted on is, that the charge of relieving the poor should in the first place rest on the overseers of the poor of the religious sects in each parish; but when the means of the administration of the poor are not sufficient, they can indiscriminately (without reference to the sect to which such poor belong) apply to the local administration for relief, which, after due investigation, generally grants it, according to the means of the municipal administration, which is regulated by its direction.

Paupers, however, who are not members of any congregation, or any religious sect, in the place where they live and receive relief, or where no ecclesiastical charity for the poor exists, are supported by the municipal administration of the place where they live and obtain their support; for which purpose, in several cities and parishes, a separate administration for the poor is established responsible to the municipal administration; whereas in the remaining cities and parishes such relief is granted either by the burgomaster, or by an overseer of the poor nominated by him.

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The hospitals, which in many cities exist, are for the greater part government establishments, which are administered on account of the local magistracy, by a number of directors appointed thereto, in which hospitals all inmates, without any distinction as to religion, are taken in; some of these hospitals are however separate foundations, which exist wholly, or in part, on their own revenues.

Amongst the orphan houses and charities for children and old people, there are several establishments which exist wholly or in part on their own revenues; whereas the remainder are generally the property of particular church administrations of the poor, which in great cities is almost generally the case in orphan houses, or charities for children.

Foundlings and abandoned children, at the charge of the place in which they are abandoned, are provided for in the establishment for children of the society for charitable purposes; by which institution the beggars are also provided for in the establishments appropriated for that purpose, and acknowledged by the government, at the charge of the place where they have a claim for relief.

There exist three local workhouses, one at Amsterdam, one at Middleburgh, and one in the commonalty Nieuwe Pekel A., in the province of Groningen, in which paupers, generally those who apply of their own accord, are taken in, upon condition that they contribute to their support as much as possible by labour: further, there are in several places twenty-one charitable houses of industry, which procure work for paupers who are in immediate want of work, either in the houses of industry, or at their own dwellings.

Besides the before-mentioned institutions, there are also various places, unions, and societies, the intentions of which are to grant relief in some way or other; namely, some for the relief of very indigent poor; others for granting relief to poor lying-in-women; and the commissions or societies which during the winter distribute provisions and fuel.

For the twelve years from 1820 to 1831, the receipts of the administration for the established charity houses, and those of the hospitals, taken on an average for each year, amount together;

The dearths of 1816 and 1817, and the consequent distress, occasioned the establishment, in the northern provinces of the Low Countries, of a Philanthropic Society (Société de bienfaisance), to whose funds each subscriber was to pay one halfpenny a week. The subscribers soon amounted to 20,000. One of its projects was the foundation of poor colonies among the heaths, with which this country abounds. The Colonies were to be divided into Colonies for the Repression of Mendicity, Colonies for Indigent Persons and Veterans, Free Colonies, Colonies for Inspectors of Agricultural Works, Colonies for Orphans and Foundlings, and Colonies for Agricultural Instruction.

In the first year of its formation the Society established the Free Colony, called Frederiks-Oord, on the heaths between the provinces of Drenthe, Friesland, and Over-Yssel. It consisted of 52 small farms, part of which had been previously cultivated by the Society, of a store-house, of several workshops, a school, &c. It was peopled with families, indigent, but not dependent altogether on alms. The expense of its foundation amounted to 68,000 flor. (5666l. 13s. 4d.), and was defrayed out of the annual subscriptions and donations of the members of the Société de bienfaisance; and in order to give employment to the colonists during the dead season of the year, the Society engaged to purchase from them 26,000 ells of linen.

In 1819, the Society proposed to the directors of the Orphan Institutions throughout the kingdom, to take charge, at a fixed annual payment, of any number of orphans of the age of six years, leaving to those institutions the right of superintending their treatment. To meet this expense, the society borrowed 280,000 flor. (23,333l. 6s. 10d.). The orphans were for a time placed in separate dwellings, six orphans with two elderly persons, to act as their parents, in each. But afterwards almost all were collected into large buildings. In the same year the members of the society had increased to 22,500, and their subscriptions to 82,500 flor. or 6875l., and the society was enabled to establish two other[110] free colonies, and to place in them 150 families.

In 1820, the society borrowed 100,000 flor. more, or 8333l. 6s. 8d., which, with donations to the amount of 78,000 flor. or 6500l., enabled it during that year to settle 150 more families.

In 1821, the society by means of loans and subscriptions had collected a sum of 421,000 flor. or 35,083l. 6s. 8d., of which 300,000 flor., or 25,000l. was borrowed, and 121,000 flor., or 10,983l. 6s. 8d. subscribed, and was possessed of seven free colonies, consisting of 500 small farms, with the public buildings to which we have alluded.

In 1822 the society founded the first colony for the repression of mendicity; and engaged with the Government to receive and settle on its colonies 4000 orphans, 2500 indigent persons, and 1500 mendicants, the Government engaging to pay for each orphan 45 florins, or 3l. 15s. a year, for 16 years, but nothing for the others. As yet the society has fulfilled only a part of its engagements. It has, however, established every kind of colony which we have enumerated.

Frederiks-Oord.

In August, 1829, we visited all the colonies of the society. Those of Frederiks-Oord are spread over a space of two leagues. The small farms, containing each about 9 English acres, extend along the sides of roads, bordered with trees, and of canals, which intersect the colonies in different directions. Each house is composed of one great room, round the walls of which are placed the large drawer-like beds, in which, according to the custom of the Dutch peasantry, the family sleep. A cow-house, a barn, and every building necessary for an agricultural family, is annexed to the farm. Near the house is the garden; beyond it the land to be cultivated.

Upon his admission into the colony, each colonist makes a declaration, by which he binds himself to obey its rules, as respects subordination to its officers, moral and religious conduct on the part of himself and his family, modes of working, wearing the colonial uniform, &c.

When a family of 8 persons (the number usually adopted by the society) has been settled in a farm, the society opens an account with them, in which they are debited in the sum of 1700 florins, or 141l. 13s. 4d., which is considered as having been advanced for their use under the following heads:—

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The sum advanced for furniture and clothing is stopped out of the wages of the colonist; and as soon as the farm has been completely brought under cultivation, the head of the family is annually debited 60 florins, or 5l., as the interest of the remainder of the capital, and the rent of the farm.

During three years at the least, the colonists cultivate the land in common, and receive wages, but are allowed to make use of no part of the produce of the farm; though that of the garden and the cows is their own. The farm produce (and it appeared to us to be very trifling), consisting principally of rye, potatoes, and buck-wheat, is taken to the storehouses of the society to be preserved for subsequent distribution, either as prepared food or otherwise, among the colonists, in payment or on account of their wages.

As long as a family cannot provide its own subsistence, it receives food daily from the society; but when it can provide for itself (as it can when it earns 4 flor., or 6s. 8d. a week), it is allowed to prepare its food at home.

The society distributes medals of copper, of silver, and of gold. The first are the rewards of those who distinguish themselves by regular labour and good conduct, and confer the right to leave the colony on Sundays and holydays without asking permission. The second are bestowed on those whose industry supplies their whole subsistence; they confer the right to leave the colony without permission, not only on Sundays and holydays, but on every day of the week, at the hours not devoted to labour. The golden medals are distributed to those who have already obtained silver ones, when their farms produce the annual value of 250 flor. (20l. 16s. 8d.), and upon obtaining them the colonist is no longer subjected to the strict colonial regimen, though some restrictions still distinguish him from an ordinary farmer. The medals which[112] have been obtained by good conduct may be lost or suspended, with their privileges, by misbehaviour. They are solemnly distributed, and withdrawn every fifteen days.

After a residence of three years in the colony, the colonists are distributed into three classes:—1st, That of industrious men who have received the silver medal: they may continue to cultivate their farms in common, as before, or, after having discharged their original debt to the society, may manage them on their own account, at a rent payable to the society. 2nd. That of colonists who have received the copper medal: they may manage their own farms, and dispose of a part of the produce; the other part must be sent to the magazines of the society, to be applied in payment of the rent of the farm, in discharge of the original advances, and in creating a common fund. A portion of it, however, is returned to them in bread. But if in any year a colonist does not raise a given quantity of potatoes, or if he requires from the society extraordinary assistance, he is forced to restore his medal, and to return to the third class. 3. This last class, which is composed of those who have obtained no medal, must, in addition to what is required from the others, render to the magazines of the society a greater amount of produce, and have therefore less for their own use.

A certain extent of ground is cultivated in common by the colonists, each head of a family being required to work on it three days in the year, at wages paid in a colonial paper money. The produce of this common land is employed in supplying the deficiencies of the harvests of the separate farms, and meeting the expenses of the school, the hospital, and the general Administration. The colonists are also allowed in summer to pasture their cattle in the common pastures of the colony. There are several shops for the sale, at prices fixed by the Administration, of whatever the colonists are likely to want, except spirituous liquors, the use of which is prohibited.

Whatever may have been the length of time during which the colonist has resided in the colony he can never become the proprietor of his farm. He may, however, acquire the ownership of his furniture, and sell it or remove it when he quits the colony.

No colonist is allowed to marry unless he be a widower, or the son of a widower, and in possession of a farm. When his children have attained 16 or 18 years of age, they choose a trade[113] (etat) with the consent of their parents and the colonial authorities, and may follow it either in the colony or elsewhere.

To every 25 farms there is a superintendent, who visits them daily, and directs and distributes among the colonists the labours of the day; and to every 100 farms a sub-director, who gives instructions to the superintendent, keeps the registers, and manages the manufactures.

In selecting the occupiers of each subdivision of 25 farms, care is taken that persons of different trades shall be included. The superintendence to which a family is subjected diminishes day by day with its good conduct, and ceases almost entirely as soon as the colonist has repaid the value of the advances which have been made to him. Those who are idle or disorderly are taken before a council of superintendence, of which some colonists are members, and may be sent on to a council of discipline, which has the power to transfer them to Ommerschans, a colony for the repression of mendicity; of which we shall speak hereafter. They are detained there for a fixed period, in a place set apart for them, and kept to more than usually hard labour. The industrious and well-disposed colonists are appointed superintendents of the works in the colonies for the repression of mendicity, and in those for the reception of orphans and indigent persons.

Most of the inhabitants of Frederiks-Oord are Protestants; there are, however, several Catholic and two Jewish families.

Wateren.

In the morning of the 3d day we went to Wateren, which is two leagues from Frederiks-Oord. Wateren is the colony of Agricultural Instruction, to which are sent the orphans who most distinguish themselves in their colonies. They amount to 60, and acquire agricultural knowledge from a master, and from the practice of working at a farm of 42 bonniers (nearly 103 acres) in arable, nursery grounds, and pasture. They are instructed by the same master in the Bible, the history of Holland, land surveying, natural-history, botany, mathematics, chemistry, and gymnastics. They are better dressed than the others, and wear a hat with a riband, on which is written the name of the privileged colony to which they belong. Their destination is to become superintendents in the free colonies. The society derives from this colony an annual profit of about 900 flor. or 75l.

Veenhuisen.

On the same day, after a journey of three leagues, we arrived at Veenhuisen, which contains one colony for the repression of mendicity, two for orphans, one for indigent persons and veterans,[114] and one for inspectors of agricultural works. They are intersected by high ways, bordered by trees and by canals communicating with Amsterdam. Two great square buildings, at the distance of a half mile from each other, contain, in the part which looks into the interior quadrangle, the one mendicants, the other orphans, and each contains, in the rooms on the exterior, indigent persons and veterans. Another similar edifice, at two miles distance, contains all these three classes of individuals. In the midst of the three edifices are situated two churches, one Catholic, the other Protestant; twenty-four houses forming a colony of inspectors of agricultural works, and an equal number of houses inhabited by the officers of the colonies.

The children and grown-up persons have been placed thus near one another for convenience, with respect both to their agricultural and manufacturing employments.

The interior of each of the three great edifices is divided into two sides, one for the males, the other for the females, separated by the kitchen. On the ground-floor are large rooms, containing each forty or fifty individuals. The upper floors are mere lofts, and used as store-rooms.

The persons placed in the colonies for the repression of mendicity receive a new and uniform dress, and for some time are maintained without reference to the value of their work. Their out-doors employment consists of agricultural labor, brick-making, or turf-cutting: in-doors they work as artizans, generally by piece work. The society fixes the amount of their wages.

The lands of these colonies are divided into farms of thirty-two bonniers, or about eighty acres each, half arable, half pasture. To each of these farms are attached forty or fifty colonists, who work under the orders of a superintendent, who himself follows the instructions of a sub-director. The annual expenditure on each of these farms is fixed at 1680 flor., or 140l.

The accounts between the society and the colonists are kept in the military form. Each colonist carries a book, in which is entered the work which he has performed each day, the supplies and paper money which he has received, and his share of the general expenditure. If his earnings exceed what has been laid out on him, which is said to be commonly the case, a third of the excess is given to him in paper money, another third is placed in a savings’ bank, to be given him on his leaving the colony, and the remaining third is retained by the society to meet contingent[115] expenses.

Horse-patrols round the colonies, rewards to such as bring back colonists who have attempted to escape, and a uniform dress are the means employed to prevent desertion. The colonists are detained for 6 years, unless they have previously saved 12½ flor. (1l. 10d.), which entitles them to immediate discharge.

Orphans are admitted in the orphan colonies at the age of six. They work, either in-doors or in the fields, for a part of the day, another part is employed in elementary instruction, drawing, and singing. They leave the colonies at the age of 18, generally for the sea or land service.

The colonies for indigent persons and veterans serve as preparatory residences for those who are to be placed in the free colonies. These colonists dwell with their families in the outer apartments of the great buildings, the interior quadrangles of which are inhabited by the mendicants and orphans. Like the mendicants, they are considered day labourers, and paid according to their work.

In every colony the supplies and wages vary according to the difference of age, strength, or sex. The men are divided into 5 classes, the women into 7. The first class of men is supposed to earn 1 flor. 70 cents, or 2s. 10d. per week; the second, 1 flor. 35 cents, or 2s. 3d.; the third, 1 flor. 6 cents, or 1s. 11d.; the fourth, composed of children from 8 to 16 years, 1 flor. 1 cent, or 1s. 8½d.; the fifth, composed of children under that age, 67½ cents, or 1s. 1½d. The first class of females is supposed to earn per week 1 flor. 51 cents, or 2s. 6¼d.; the second, 1 flor. 26 cents, or 2s. 1d.; the third, 98 cents, or 1s. 7½d.; the fourth and fifth, composed of children, 95 cents, or 1s. 7d., and 75 cents, or 1s. 3d. respectively; the sixth and seventh, composed also of children, but still younger, 63 cents, or 1s. 0½d., and 55 cents, or 11d., respectively.

Ommerschans.

On the morning of the fourth day we went to Ommerschans, which is seven leagues from Veenhuisen.

At Ommerschans there is a colony for the repression of mendicity, and one for indigent persons and veterans. The first is composed of men and children; and has a separate division for the free colonists who have been sent thither as a punishment. The building can contain 1000 persons, and resembles in several respects those in Veenhuisen, except that its moat, and the iron-bars to its windows give it more the appearance of a prison;[116] and that it has a story above the ground floor. Nor does it differ as to its interior arrangement, or the employment or treatment of its inmates. In the middle of the quadrangle there are shops for locksmiths, joiners, and other trades; and for the manufacture of thread and linen. On the outside stands the church, which serves for both Catholic and Protestant worship, and as a school; the house of the sub-director, the hospital, and other public edifices; and 20 houses scattered about the lands, form a colony of inspectors of agricultural works. Nearly 150 persons are annually discharged from this colony for the repression of mendicity.

Among the colonists there were a few whose previous habits and natural dispositions disposed them to avail themselves, to the best of their ability, of the benevolent provisions thus offered for their relief, and who had worked industriously, and conducted themselves well during their residence in the colony. Their land was cultivated to the extent of their means; and their dwelling-houses had assumed an appearance of greater comfort, order, and civilization than the rest. But these were too few in number, and the result too trifling to offer the stimulus of emulation to others.

Those farms that I examined, with the above exceptions, were not encouraging examples: there were few evidences of thrift and providence, the interior of the dwellings being, in point of comfort, little, if at all removed from the humblest cottage of the most straitened condition of labourers in this country.

A clause in the regulations allows certain of the colonists, whose good conduct and industry have obtained them the privilege, to barter with the neighbouring towns for any article they may want.

The nearest towns to the establishment, of any note, are Hoogstraten and Tournhout; but on inquiry I could not find that any intercourse was maintained with them; and the country[152] round offered no evidences of the existence of a thriving community in its centre, exercising an influence on its traffic or occupations. In the winter I should think the roads to the colonies scarcely practicable for any description of carriages.

From what I saw of the social condition of the colonists, I am disposed to insist much on the inexpediency of assembling, in an isolated position especially, a large community of paupers for this experiment.

Admitting the physical difficulties to have been much less than they are, and the prospect of pecuniary advantage much greater and more certain, the moral objections to the system would outweigh them. Without the example of the better conditions of society, there can be no hope of such a community gradually acquiring those qualities that would fit the members of it for a better condition. One or two families established in the neighbourhood of an orderly and industrious community would find the stimulus of shame, as well as emulation, acting on their moral qualities and exertions; but in the present case, where all are in a condition of equal debasement, both of those powerful stimuli are wanting. The reports of the progress of the Dutch free colonies up to the year 1828 are certainly encouraging; and as the same system has been adopted in the free colonies of Belgium as in Holland, and the experiment in both cases tried on similar soils, they might lead to the inference that some peculiar cause has operated in favour of the Dutch colonies, and against those of Belgium. Not having had an opportunity of visiting the Dutch colonies, I cannot offer an opinion on the subject; but reasoning from what I personally witnessed, I should be disposed to think, that either some greater encouragement has been granted in Holland, or some improvement of the system adopted; or that the habits, dispositions, and character of the Dutch fit them better for this experiment.

The same authorities that I have quoted in the case of these colonies, speak favourably also of the Belgian colonies up to the same period; and on the part of the latter experiment it may be asserted, that the unsettled state of the country since that period ought very much to qualify any condemnation of its principle. But notwithstanding this disadvantage (which is much less, I fear, than has been insisted on), there would still have remained evidences of the probable success of the experiment. Those evidences were not satisfactory to my mind; and I may further observe,[153] that while the people in general recommended the colonies to foreigners as especially worthy of their notice, I do not remember meeting with one individual who could point out any specific results, and few who would distinctly assert that there was any increasing and permanent benefit to the community from them.

It is probable that unless some great change is made in the present system, the colonies will be ultimately abandoned, or merge into the establishments for compulsory labour: in other words, the society will become the farmers, and the present colonists merely agricultural labourers, differing only from the ordinary labourer, inasmuch as they will work under the penalty of being treated as vagabonds in case of contumacy.

The observations I have hitherto made apply only to the free colonies. In the mendicity or compulsory colonies, the poor are assembled in large establishments, and cultivate the ground, either by task or day labour, and attend the cattle, &c., under the direction of certain officers; it is, in fact, a species of agricultural workhouse.

The following is a Return of the compulsory establishment at Merxplas. (p. 20.)

Hospital Regulations at Havre.

Aged persons of 60, without distinction of sex, are admitted into the hospital upon a certificate of indigence delivered by the mayor of their district, and a ticket of admission signed by one of the directors of the establishment.

The sick are admitted if they can produce a certificate of indigence from the mayor or curate of their parish, and every care is taken of them at the expense of the establishment.

Orphans, foundlings, or deserted children are admitted, provided they are under 12 years; they are then engaged as servants or apprentices; but should they get out of employment from no fault of their own, they are at liberty to return until the age of 21 years.

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Regulations of the Establishment of the Bureau de Bienfaisance, of Havre.

1. None are admitted but those whose poverty is well known, and who have lived 12 months in the town. The number of persons to be relieved is fixed by the bureau, whose names must be entered in a register, stating their age, date of application, place of residence, number and age of their children.

2. There is a second register for such poor who, having resided one year in Havre, shall apply after the closing of the register mentioned in the above article. This inscription is made in order of their dates, and the paupers carried upon it will only be entitled to relief in turn, and as vacancies occur in the first list, by departures, deaths, or discharge.

3. No poor of either sex can receive relief if more than 15 years old, and under 50. This exclusion is not applicable to widows with young children, or with four children under 15 years. In all cases they must produce a certificate that their children attend the free school, and are diligent.

4. The inscription in the register mentioned in No. 2, can only take place after inquiry has been made respecting the claimant, and it has been authorized by the bureau, which meets for this purpose once a month.

5. No children can be admitted to the assistance of the bureau, nor into the classes of instruction and work, above the age of 15, or without having been vaccinated.

6. If the number of children attending the classes and work shall be too many, either on account of the size of the building or the attention of the instructors, preference will be given to the children whose parents are already on their lists, and who are known to require assistance for the education of their children.

7. Every year, at the period of the first communion, a certain number of children shall be clothed. But to be admitted to this assistance they must produce a certificate from the clergyman appointed to give religious instruction, or from the nuns of the convent, that they have been attentive and are deserving. The boys are clothed in brown cloth; the girls in coloured calico.

8. Every year the sum of 653 fr. (26l.) shall be given to the clergymen of the town, in tickets of 1 fr. (9d.), 50 c. (4½d.), to be distributed where they think proper, of which only those who are past 60 or under 15 can participate.

9. Each person shall receive 3 lbs. of bread, two in the same[157] family 6 lbs. of ditto, three to five persons in the same family, whose children are under 15, 12 lbs. of ditto, for 15 days. The number admitted to this relief to be regulated each year, so that the distribution shall not exceed 3,000 lbs. a month. These distributions will take place to the most needy each Monday and Friday, from 9 to 12 o’clock, after which no more will be given.

10. In the distribution of clothing, which will be made once a year, each individual will only be clothed once in two years.

11. When the establishment is enabled to give woollen clothing, it will only be to such as are above 60 years, or to children under seven years, and those the most destitute; this relief once in two years.

12. If any one who receives bread and clothing from the bureau sells or pawns the same, he shall be struck off.

13. All clothes given by the establishment shall be marked, so that they may be known.

14. Assistance to lying-in women, new-born children, and sick, will be rendered at their houses; those who are not on the lists cannot be assisted until their case is examined; money will not be given to women in labour but when absolutely necessary; soup is distributed on Mondays and Wednesdays, from two to three o’clock.

15. There is attached to the establishment a doctor, at 400 fr. (16l.), and two assistants, at 500 fr. (20l.) each per year, who attend such as are named by the bureau; and also women in extraordinary cases of labour.

16. A midwife is attached, at 200 fr. (8l.) a year, who attends all women designated by the bureau.

17. In hard weather, if it should be thought expedient to make a subscription, the poor who are upon the second list (article 2) will be relieved from it.

Rouen Depôt of Mendicity.
Regulations.

Section 1.—Duty of the Porter of the Outside Gates.

Art. 1st. All the gates shall be kept constantly shut.

3. The porter shall not allow any one to enter or go out during the day without a permission or passport from the Governor.

6. The porters and other officers are expressly forbidden, on[158] pain of dismissal, to allow the inmates to send any message or commission, or have any correspondence whatever beyond the walls of the establishment. Letters to and from them must be laid before the governor before they are forwarded.

Section 2.—In-doors Porter.

Art. 3. To prevent all communication between the mendicants of different sexes and ages, the porter is ordered to keep locked the doors of the dormitories, the work-shops, the courts for recreation, and other places to which the inmates have access, as soon as they have quitted them, in pursuance of the regulations of the place.

4. It is the duty of the porter and other officers and servants to see that the inmates are carefully kept to the apartments provided for them respectively. The porter must go the rounds from time to time to ascertain this.

Section 3.—Dormitories.

Art. 1. The bell is to announce the hour of rising from the 1st of March to the 30th of September at 4 o’clock in the morning, and from the 1st Oct. to the 28th Feb. at 6. The inspectors must take care that the inmates immediately rise.

3. After prayers at 6 o’clock in summer, and 7 in winter, the inmates, accompanied by the inspectors, are to proceed to their respective workshops. The dormitories are to be swept and cleaned by two inmates, selected by turns for this employment out of each dormitory, and then to be kept locked.

4. At 9 in the evening, in all seasons, the bell is to announce bedtime. The inmates are immediately to proceed to their respective dormitories; the roll is to be called by the inspector, and prayers (not lasting more than a quarter of an hour) are to be said, and listened to attentively; after prayers each shall go quietly to bed, and perfect silence be kept in every dormitory.

Section 4.—Refectories.

Art. 1. Breakfast shall take place during the summer six months precisely at 8 in the morning, and during the six winter months at 9, and last half an hour. Immediately after breakfast the inmates are to return to work until precisely half-past 12 o’clock, the dinner hour at all seasons.

5. From half-past 12 till 2 is allowed for dinner and for recreation, under the inspection, in each division, of a servant. At 2 o’clock precisely the bell is to summon the inmates to return to[159] work, and the inspectors are to call the roll in each workshop.

6. At 8 in the evening, in all seasons, the bell is to be rung for supper; the inmates may remain in the refectory till nine.

7. The same regulations shall be observed in the dormitories and refectories of each sex, except that as respects the aged, sick, and infirm.

Section 4.—Workshops.

Art. 1. The inspectors are to see that every workman is busily employed, and loses no time.

2. The workshops are to be kept locked during the hours of work, and the inmates not allowed to leave them.

3. Each able-bodied inmate is to have a task set him, proportioned to his strength and skill. If he do not finish it, he is to be paid only for what he has done, put on dry bread, and kept to work during the hours of recreation.

4. Every workman, who for three consecutive days fails in completing his task, is to be kept during the hours of meals and of recreation, and during the night, confined in the punishment-room upon bread and water, until he has accomplished his task.

5. Every workman who wilfully or negligently spoils the materials, tools, or furniture in his care, shall pay for them out of the reserved third of his earnings, besides still further punishment as the case may deserve.

6. Every workman doing more than his task is to be paid two-thirds of the value of his extra labour.

7. With respect to every inmate who shall have been imprisoned, 5 centimes for each day of imprisonment shall be deducted from the reserved third of his earnings. The amount of these deductions, and of all fines and other casual sources of profit, is to form a reserved fund for the purpose of rewards for those inmates who may distinguish themselves among their companions by good conduct and industry.

Section 7.—Religious Instruction.

Art. 1. Religious and moral instruction is to be given in the chapel twice a week—on Sundays and Thursdays, at 7 in the evening.

All the able-bodied inmates are to be present, in silence and attention, under the inspection of their respective superintendents. On Sundays, and the holidays established by the Concordat, all the inmates and the officers of the depôt shall hear mass at half-past 8 in the morning, and vespers at half-past 1 in the afternoon.

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2. At periods determined by ecclesiastical authority, the children who are to be confirmed are to be instructed for two months.

7. When any of these regulations are broken, the inspectors and other officers are to report to the Governor, and he is to pronounce sentence on the inmates.

It is extremely difficult to obtain any statistical information in Britany, all inquiries being received with distrust, not only by the authorities, but also by the inhabitants. This has been the principal cause of my delay in replying to the series of questions. The answers, imperfect as they may appear, are the result of patient and persevering inquiry.

The state of society in Britany, and its institutions, differ so widely from those of any other civilized country, that few of the questions are applicable. In order, therefore, to convey the information which they are intended to elicit, it is necessary to enter into a description of the population, which I shall endeavour to do as briefly as possible.

The population of Britany may be classed under the following heads:

• Old noblesse, possessing a portion of the land.
• Proprietors, retired merchants, and others, who have vested their money in landed property.
• Peasants, owners of the ground they till.
• Farmers.
• Daily labourers and beggars.

The abolition of the right of primogeniture causes a daily[161] diminution of the two first classes. As property, at the demise of the owner, must be divided equally amongst his children, who can seldom agree about the territorial division, it is put up for sale, purchased by speculators, and resold in small lots to suit the peasantry. Farmers having amassed sufficient to pay a part, generally one-half, of the purchase-money of a lot, buy it, giving a mortgage at five or six per cent. for the remainder. Thus petty proprietors increase, and large proprietors and farmers decrease.

A man, industrious enough to work all the year, can easily get a farm.

Farms are small. Their average size in Lower Britany does not exceed 14 acres. Some are so small as two acres, and there are many of from four to eight. The largest in the neighbourhood of Brest is 36 acres. The average rate of rent is 1l. 5s. per acre for good land, and 8s. for poor land (partly under broom and furze).

The farmers are very poor, and live miserably: yet, their wants being few and easily satisfied, they are comparatively happy. Their food consists of barley bread, butter, buck wheat (made into puddings, porridge, and cakes). Soup, composed of cabbage-water, a little grease or butter and salt poured on bread. Potatoes; meat twice a week (always salt pork).

A family of 12, including servants and children, consumes annually about 700 lbs. of pork and 100 lbs. of cow beef; the latter only on festivals.

The class of daily labourers can only be said to exist in towns. In the country they are almost unknown.

The inmates of each farm, consisting of the farmer’s family, and one, two, or three males, and as many female servants (according to the size of the farm), paid annually, and who live with the family, suffice for the general work. At harvest some additional hands are employed. These are generally people who work two or three months in the year, and beg during the remainder. Daily labourers and beggars may, therefore, in the country, be classed under the same head.

Farmers’ servants are orphans or children of unfortunate farmers.

The conditions of the poorer farmers, daily labourers and beggars, are so near akin, that the passage from one state to another is very frequent.

Mendicity is not considered disgraceful in Britany. Farmers[162] allow their children to beg along the roads. On saints’ days, especially the festivals of celebrated saints, whose shrines attract numerous votaries (all of whom give something, be it ever so little, to the poor), the aged, infirm, and children of poor farmers and labourers, turn out. Some small hamlets are even totally abandoned by their inhabitants for two or three days. All attend the festival, to beg.

The Bretons are hospitable. Charity and hospitality are considered religious duties. Food and shelter for a night are never refused.

Several attempts to suppress mendicity have been unsuccessful. District asylums were established. No sooner were they filled than the vacancies in the beggar stands were immediately replenished by fresh subjects from the country; it being a general feeling that it is much easier and more comfortable to live by alms than by labour.

In towns where the police is well regulated, the only mendicants permitted to sojourn are paupers belonging to the parish. They are known by a tin badge, for which they pay at the police office.

No such thing is known as a legal claim for assistance from public or private charities.

In towns, destitute workmen or other persons in distress must be authorized by the municipality previous to soliciting public or private assistance. To this effect, the pauper makes known his case to the commissary of police of the quarter he inhabits, who makes inquiry among the neighbours. Should the destitute case of the applicant be established, the mayor grants him a certificate of indigence, which authorizes him to apply for relief to the public institutions, and to solicit private charity. It also exempts him (or rather causes his exemption) from the payment of taxes.

The principal cause of misery is inebriety; its frequency among the lower orders keeps them in poverty. The “cabaret” (wine and brandy shop) absorbs a great portion of their earnings. This vice is not confined to men; the women partake of it. It has decreased within the last five or six years, but is still considerable.

Vagrants.

In the department Loire Inférieure there is no asylum for mendicants; but Nantes has a species of workhouse, “St. Joseph’s House,” supported entirely by private subscriptions. To this house the tribunals often send vagabonds, in virtue of the 274th article of the Penal Code, although the directors of the establishment have contested, and still contest, the right assumed by the judges to do so; and they never receive any person so sent as a criminal to be detained a certain number of days at labour as if in a prison, but merely give him a refuge as an act of charity, and liberty to leave the place, if he likes to go before the time expires. The number of vagrants that formerly infested Nantes (strangers to the department as well as to the city) have decreased to about a tenth part since begging in the streets was prohibited, and the paupers sent to this establishment.

The hospitals of Nantes receive all workmen, travellers, and needy strangers, that fall sick in the city (if foreigners, at the charge to their consuls of 1s. 3d. sterling per day for men, and 10d. for women.) If a man, (and his family also,) being destitute, wishes to return to his native place, and has not rendered himself liable to be committed as a vagrant, the préfet has the power to give a passport to him for that place; on the production of which at the mairie of the commune from which he sets out he receives from the public funds of the department three halfpence per league for the distance from thence to the next place he is to be relieved at, and so on to the end of his journey, each place he has to stop at being set down on his passport; if he deviates from the route designated, he is arrested as a vagabond.

There is in France throughout the whole country a general union for each of several trades, the carpenters, bakers, masons, tailors, &c. In each city or town of consequence, each society has a member who is called “the mother,” who receives the weekly contributions of those who reside in that place, affords relief to all of its members passing through it, and is obliged to[164] procure work for the applicant, or support him at a fixed rate, established by their bye-laws, until a situation be provided for him there or elsewhere. Those unions sometimes assume a very dangerous power, by compelling masters to hire all their members that are without work, before they engage one man who does not belong to them.

Destitute Able-bodied.

In times of political commotion, of unforeseen events, of rigorous seasons, when the usual courses of labour are stopped, the civil administrations create temporary workshops, furnish tools, &c., to the labourers, and enter into contracts for repairs to the streets, quays, bridges, roads, &c., from which a large city, as well as the country parishes, can always draw some advantages for the money so distributed, to employ those persons who would otherwise be supported without work by the same funds. The money required on those occasions is furnished by the treasury of the city or commune, assisted by private subscriptions from nearly all persons in easy circumstances. The want of regular or parish workhouses for labourers, unemployed, is in some measure supplied by private charities, for a great number of wealthy families, and others of the middling class, give employment to old men, women, and children, in spinning, and in weaving of coarse linen, at prices far beyond those that the articles can be purchased at in the shops; but this plan is adopted to prevent a disposition to idleness, although at a greater sacrifice, perhaps, than would be made by most of the promoters of it, in a public subscription.

The bureau de bienfaisance distributes annually about 80,000 fr.; the chief part, or very nearly the whole, to poor families at their homes, in clothes, food, fuel, and sometimes money; but of the latter as little as possible. Les dames de charité (ladies of the first families, who are appointed annually to visit and give relief to the poor, each having a fixed district) distribute about three-fourths of that sum, which would be insufficient for the indigent if it were not assisted by distributions made by the priests of the different parishes and other persons employed to do so by private families, who give their alms in that manner, and not at their own residences. It is generally supposed that, in the whole, not less than 250,000 fr. are so distributed annually in the city of Nantes. In making this distribution care is always taken to prefer invalids[165] to those in health.

Impotent through Age.

In the city of Nantes there is a general hospital, called the “Sanitat,” for the reception of the old and impotent; at present it contains about 800; it answers to an English workhouse; the inmates are lodged, fed, clothed, and are taken care of in every way: they are employed about trifling work, but the average gain by it does not exceed 20 fr. per annum for each. The average cost appears to be about 11 to 12 sous per day for each person. The establishment of St. Joseph’s, already alluded to, is, in fact, a sort of assistant to the Sanitat (although supported by private charity) for the 100 to 120 old people it contains. The Sanitat has a ward for dangerous as well as ordinary lunatics; is under the same board and direction as the Hôtel Dieu (the general hospital for the sick); but each is supported by its own funds, arising from bequests and donations from private persons, and from the city funds; yet if either hospital should require any assistance, the money wanted would be voted by the city treasury.

The general council for the department votes about 1200 to 1250 fr. annually to the Sanitat from the departmental funds.

Sick.

Nantes has a general hospital (Hôtel Dieu) for the sick, containing 600 beds, 300 of which are reserved for the indigent of the city. The expense of this establishment is about a franc to 25 sous per day to each person. The military are received at 20 sous per man per day, which is paid by the government. It is supported by its own funds, arising from bequests and donations, and grants made from time to time by the city; is under the same board and direction as the Sanitat. If a poor person becomes sick in the country, he is either relieved by the curé of the parish or by some of the more wealthy neighbours, or he comes into Nantes and resides there for a week or ten days before he makes an application to the mayor to be admitted into the hospital; he is then sent there as an inhabitant of the city. The authorities in the country have not the right to send a patient to the Hôtel Dieu, yet a great number arrive at the hospital, sent by country practitioners, who have not the skill, or perhaps the leisure or inclination, to attend to them; and they are always received, if it be possible to take them in. The students at the[166] hospital are ever ready to admit any difficult cases or fractures from the country, for their own improvement.

There are also hospitals for the sick at the following places in the Loire Inférieure: Ancenis, for the town and commune; Chateaubriand, Paimbœuf, Savenay, and Clisson, for the towns only.

Besides the succour afforded to the poor at their homes by the bureau de bienfaisance, there are three dispensaries supported by that establishment, for administering relief to the sick, who are attended at their homes, if necessary, by the nuns of St. Vincent de Paule, 12 or 14 of whom are kept in the pay of, and are wholly supported by the bureau. They carry to them soup and other victuals, remedies, &c., and lend them linen and clothes, if wanted. There are a number of young men, who are either studying, or have just completed their study of medicine, who are anxious to give their assistance gratis, and who are in constant attendance on those who are receiving relief from the dispensaries. It is impossible to state the extent to which such relief is given. The nuns are paid by the bureau de bienfaisance, which also pays for the medicines, &c. they distribute; but the sum that is thus expended bears but a small proportion to the amount that is distributed by the hands of those sisters, who, from the accurate knowledge they possess of the real situation and condition of each person they visit, are employed by numerous wealthy persons to distribute privately such charities as they feel disposed to give; and can thus be well applied in providing those little comforts for the invalids, which cannot be sent from the bureau to all those who require them, although the funds are increased from time to time by the proceeds of representations at the theatre, public concerts, &c. given for that purpose.

Independent of the foregoing, there are several tradesmen’s societies on the plan of benefit societies in England, the members of which pay five or six sous per week, and receive, in case of sickness, all necessary assistance in medicines, &c., besides an indemnity of a franc to a franc and a half per day during the time they are unable to work.

Orphans, Foundlings, or Deserted Children.

The law requires an establishment (a tour) in each department, for the secret reception of children. Every arrival is particularly noted and described in a register kept for that purpose, that the infant may be recognised if it should be claimed. The[167] children, after having received all necessary assistance and baptism, are confided to women in the country (a regulation of this department only), to dry-nurse them (au biberon); they are paid eight francs per month for the first year, seven for the second and third, six until the ninth year, and four francs per month from that time until the child is 12 years old; when the nurse who has taken care of one from its birth to that age receives a present of 50 fr. for her attention. A basket of requisite linen is given with the child, and a new suit of clothes annually for seven years. These regulations are observed for orphans and foundlings. The registers for the last 20 years give an average of 360 to 370 admissions annually; more than one-half of them die under one year old; therefore, with the deaths at other ages, and the claims that are made for some of them before they attain 12 years, the establishment has seldom at its charge more than from 1200 to 1300, of all ages, from 0 to 12.

The parents being unknown when they place their infants in the “tour,” cannot be traced afterwards, unless they acknowledge themselves; they are, however, as has been observed before, liable for the expenses of their offspring; and whenever they are discovered, whether by claiming their children or otherwise, the right to make them repay the costs they have occasioned is always maintained, and they are compelled to pay the whole, or as much as their finances will admit of.

Deserted children of the city, or the children of poor persons, who cannot support them, are received and treated in a similar manner, without being placed in the “tour;” they are admitted according to the state of the finances appropriated to such branch of the establishment, which in general permits from 80 to 100 to be on it. Certificates are required that the parents are dead, the child abandoned, or that the mother is totally unable to support it, or that she has a number of young children. Independent of the 1400 children thus received by the Hôtel Dieu, the bureau de bienfaisance supports 200 legitimate children, and the société maternelle from 60 to 80, until they attain the age of 18 years.

The number of deaths in 1832 was 11,999; the number under one year old, 1970, or one in 6¹²⁄₁₉₇. Chateauneuf states, for all France, 33 deaths, under one year old, out of every hundred births, which is nearly double the number of deaths of that description for this department; but the mortality is much greater amongst the orphans, foundlings, and deserted children of this[168] city received at the hospital. An account, made up to the year 1828, gave an average of 52 deaths, under one year old, of every hundred children received there; and since that date it has increased considerably.

There are women in the city who make it their business to place infants in the “tour,” and who afterwards attend the delivery of them to the country nurses, and thus, knowing where certain children are placed, give notice to the parents, who can visit them without being discovered. Children thus recognised are frequently demanded by their parents for servants, in the ordinary way; and by this plan they screen themselves from the payment of the child’s support.

There can be no doubt that the prospect of an asylum for the indigent creates amongst the working class a disposition to idleness and debauchery, whilst at the same time there are those who look down with disgust on their miserable brothers who are compelled to accept a public charitable support; and the shame which they consider attaches to a man who does it stimulates them to avoid the doors of an hospital by industry and sobriety. The number of these, however, is very small, whilst the applications for admittance to the Sanitat and to St. Joseph’s are so very numerous, so far beyond the accommodation that can be granted, that after the name of an applicant is registered he has (frequently) to wait 18 to 24 months for his turn. For the sick, however, at the Hôtel Dieu it is not so; for arrangements are made that no delay takes place with any case requiring immediate relief or treatment.

The shades between the healthy labourers of the lowest class that support themselves, and those who obtain relief from charitable institutions, are so slight, that it is almost impossible to state the difference in their conditions. No man has a legal claim upon any of the charities; in the distribution of which, however, there is but one fixed rule that governs the distributors, and that is, to compel the applicants for relief to work to their utmost power, and to give such relief only in each individual case as they suppose to be necessary with the wages he can or ought to earn, according to the demand for labourers at the time.

According to the price of lodgings, victuals and clothing in[169] Nantes, a steady labourer at the highest rate of wages, 1s. 3d. per day, supposing he had 300 days’ employment in the year, is considered to be able to support a wife and three young children; if he has a larger family, is out of employ, or is at a lower rate of wages, without his wife and children being able to gain a little, he is regarded as indigent, and in need of succour. A labourer, his wife, and three children consume in the day from 8 to 10 lbs. of bread, which is their chief food, and will cost him 240 fr.; his cabbages and other vegetables, butter or fat for his soup, 90 fr.; his room, 50 fr.; leaving 70 fr. or 2l. 18s. 4d. for clothes, fuel, &c.; which make up the sum of his wages for 300 days at 1½ fr., or 1s. 3d. per day. The wife in general adds a little to the husband’s earnings by spinning, and sometimes weaving; but it is not much when the family is young.

To prevent the increase and lessen the present state of disorder into which the greater part of the labouring class and mechanics of Nantes has fallen, a number of master tradesmen and proprietors of factories will not employ those men who do not agree to allow a certain sum weekly to be retained from their wages for the use of the wife and family. The example spreads, and will no doubt become more general; but this circumstance shows forth, in strong colours, the immoral state of the working class in France.

There are no cottages for labourers, as are seen in England: the chief part of the work on farms in this part of France is done by servants in the house of the farmer, or by married labourers, to whom an acre or two, sometimes as high as 10, according to the quality, is fenced off from the estate for the use of the man and his family; for which he has to give a certain number of days’ work. If such patch of land requires to be ploughed, the farmer does it for him, for an additional number of days’ work. Besides those, there are an immense number of little proprietors, having from an acre and a half to 10 or 15 acres; and they give their labour also to the farmers of larger estates, receiving in return either assistance with oxen, carts, ploughs, &c., or an equivalent in some produce which they do not raise on their own land. Very little money, if any, passes between them. These little properties have sprung up from labourers and others fencing in small patches of commons or waste lands. Nearly all the vineyards in the Loire Inférieure are cultivated by labourers, who have a small spot of ground partitioned off from the main estate: it is for married men only that ground is so divided; the single men live[170] with their families in the villages, or in public-houses, but generally in the latter. In regard to these questions, it must be observed that almost every farmer who hires an estate takes such a one as will just sustain his family, without the aid, or with the assistance only of a man or a man and woman servants, and that therefore very few daily labourers find employment. Few estates run to 200 acres, and if so large, a daily labourer is only hired during harvest, so wretchedly is the husbandry of the country managed.

The cottages or houses in villages for labourers are in general the property of the owners of the large estates in the neighbourhood, as well as those that are built on the patches of land for the use of those who are married; some of the latter, however, are built at the joint expense of the farmer and labourer. A cottage or cottages in a detached place from a village, or a house in such a situation, with a little plot of ground for a garden for each apartment, lets for about 20 to 30 francs a year per room, whether the building consists of one or of four rooms. In the villages the rent is a little higher, from 30 to 50, and sometimes as high as 80, if the garden be large to a cottage with only one room. These buildings are so seldom on sale, that the price cannot be stated with accuracy.

There are no houses of industry in this department for the destitute able-bodied, except that known as the Depôt de Mendicité.

This institution was first established in the year 1827, with a view to suppress the great number of professed beggars who infested the streets and public walks, taking advantage of any defect of conformation, &c. to attract the notice of passengers. By law all persons found begging in the streets are liable to be taken up, and imprisoned; but instead of imprisonment, those arrested are conveyed to the Depôt de Mendicité, where, if able, they are made to work. The good effects of this institution are visible; for instead of the number of professed beggars amounting to 800, which it did before the institution of the establishment, it does not now amount to above 150 or 200.

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This institution is supported by private contribution. The King and the town contribute a certain portion to make up what may be wanting. The average number of the population of the depôt amounts to 350 souls.

Generally speaking, owing to the want of population, employment is to be found in commerce, trade or agriculture. The high price of wages in the towns and in the country proves that work is always to be found.

When any unforeseen circumstances have arisen to interrupt the common order of things, the local authorities have come to the assistance of the population, by giving work to those out of employment. Public subscriptions are also resorted to on these occasions.

All indigent families, and in which there are those capable of working, but who are not able to obtain it, or whose numbers are so great that all cannot be subsisted, are relieved by the Bureaux de Charité.

The same relief is given to those who, having a habitation, are unable of themselves, through age or infirmity, to support themselves.

The mode of obtaining this relief is by petition, signed by some credible person, and attested by the priest or protestant clergyman. It is proportioned to the number of the family, and to the number of those able to work, and whose wages go to the maintenance of the family. The relief consists in bread, soup, wood for fuel, and sometimes, though rarely, blankets and woollen clothing; medicines for the sick, and broth.

Generally speaking, these distributions of food would be insufficient; but most indigent families are assisted by private persons, so that, on the whole, they have wherewithal to sustain life.

The annual distribution à domicile (domiciliary relief) amounts to the sum of 100,000 francs (4,000l.).

3,520 families are relieved. The number of impotent in these families, father and mother included, though able to work, amounts to 9,634, or less than a franc per head per month.

It is in proportion to these numbers that the relief is given, but it is greater in winter than the other parts of the year.

As to the medicines and broth, whenever there are sick in these families a sufficiency is given. Physicians are attached to each auxiliary bureau of every district, who visit the sick, prescribe the remedies, &c., all of which are distributed by the Sœurs de Charité (Sisters of Charity, an order of nuns who devote themselves to[172] the care of the poor and sick, and who undertake, gratuitously, the elementary education of their children). It is a most respectable and praiseworthy institution.

The same Sisters receive in their houses the little girls of these families who are old enough to read. Books are supplied by the instructors.

In extraordinary cases, recourse is had to subscriptions and collections, which increase the means of the Bureaux de Charité; so that during long and hard winters, more clothing, &c. is distributed. It seldom happens that money is given.

There are, however, no positive regulations on these points. The whole is in the hands of the directors of this establishment. A responsible receiver is attached to it, whose accounts are submitted to the examination of the Cours des Comptes (audit office). Thus, though the distributions are left to the judgment of the directors, they are subjected to control.

The above details relate to the city of Bourdeaux. There are, however, proportionate institutions in most of the larger towns of the department, but in the poorer parishes and rural districts the Bureaux de Charité are merely nominal. These parishes being without a revenue, are unable to assist their poor, who subsist on the alms they may receive at the different dwelling-houses, and who when ill, if possible, come to the nearest hospital, generally to that of Bourdeaux.

In this department there are no schools in which indigent children are received to be fed and clothed gratuitously, but there are those in which they receive a certain degree of instruction.

For Boys.—The institution of Freres des Ecoles Chrétiennes (Brothers of the Christian Schools), and two Lancasterian schools, which have been lately instituted.

For Girls.—A Lancasterian school, a few boarding schools, in which a certain number of indigent girls are taught gratuitously; and also the Sisters of Charity attached to the administration of the Bureaux de Charité.

The Ecoles Chrétiennes are at the charge of the town. The sum appropriated to those establishments amounts annually to about 14,000 francs (560l.). Admissions are granted by the town. The number of children instructed in reading, writing, and a little arithmetic, amounts to about 1,800 for the town. At the Lancasterian school, the instruction is on a more extended scale. Grammar, drawing and surveying are taught, in addition[173] to what is taught at the Ecoles Chrétiennes.

There are at present in these latter schools 300 boys and 150 girls in all.

The department pays the expenses of these schools.

The girls received in the private boarding schools, where they learn to read, to write, and to sew, amount to the number of about 600. This is entirely a private act of charity.

The number of girls received by the Sisters of Charity amounts to about 900.

There has also been established within the last year a model infant school, founded by private subscriptions, for the children of labourers and journeymen artisans. At present, however, it is so little known, that it is of very little importance.

Impotent through Age.

Bourdeaux is the only town of the department which possesses any establishments of this kind, viz., the Hospital of Incurables (Hospice des Incurables), and that of the old people (Hospice des Vieillards).

These two establishments support 300 old people. This number falls very short of that which the population requires. The requisite qualifications for admission are, to have passed the age of 60, and to prove that the candidate has no means of subsistence.

It may be added, that at Bourdeaux the number of old people who are candidates for admittance to these hospitals amounts to 300, and that on an average a vacancy occurs for each at the end of four years at the Hospital des Incurables, and two years at Hospice des Vieillards, and that all these claimants find either in their families, the Secours à Domicile, or private charity, means of subsistence.

Sick.

The department possesses, for the reception of the sick, a small hospital at Bazas; one at St. Macaire, and one at La Réole; a more extensive one at Blaye and Libourne, and the great hospital at Bourdeaux.

The great hospital of Bourdeaux contains always from 600 to 650 sick. The daily admittances average 30; the discharges, 28, and the deaths two.

No distinction is made as to country, &c. either in admittance,[174] treatment, or discharge.

The inmates of this hospital are generally composed of inhabitants of the town, who are too poor to be treated at home, or who prefer the care that is taken of them there to that which they would experience at home; of workmen, &c. from the neighbouring departments employed in the town, and who have nowhere else to go; of peasants, even in easy circumstances, who, from illness or accidents, have not the same resources at home.

Bourdeaux possesses a Hospice de la Maternité, or Lying-in Hospital, and a society, founded by private benefactions, for the same purpose.

The Lying-in Hospital is an asylum in which any woman who presents herself in the ninth month of her pregnancy, whatever may be her state, her country or condition, is admitted without difficulty, without question or inquiry, under the name she pleases, and in such a manner, that the fear of being known or discovered may not prevent those who wish to remain unknown from benefiting by the institution.

Women admitted at the ninth month remain in the establishment till they have completely recovered their lying-in. (p. 231.)

The number of those women, either lying-in or subsisted in the hospital, varies from 35 to 60, and their stay is about 30 days. The births amount annually from 400 to 450; upon this number, 30 or 40 at most are kept and suckled by their mothers; the rest are abandoned and sent to the Foundling Hospital.

Among these inmates, about one-fifth is composed of married women, who have no means of being confined at home; two-fifths of young girls of the town, chiefly servants; the rest of peasants, who leave their homes in order not to be discovered.

Illegitimate children deserted by their parents, and which are deposited at the Foundling Hospital, are clothed and nourished by women in the institution, till a nurse out of it can be procured.

These children, after being suckled, remain with their nurses till the age of 12 years. At this age, if the individuals who have brought them up do not wish to keep them gratuitously till their majority and give them a trade, they return to the hospital, and they then cease to be at the charge of the special funds. The establishment itself provides for their expenses; and until they can be placed as apprentices, they receive, in the Bourdeaux hospital, the rudiments of reading and writing, and they are taught some trade.

Once placed as apprentices, they remain with the master till the[175] age of 21, when they are to shift for themselves.

Those that cannot be placed, or are infirm, remain in the hospital, and form a sort of permanent population there.

Children whose parents are known, and who are living, but have either disappeared or are confined, are received in the same way as foundlings, the mode of admission differing only. This must be granted by the prefect after an inquest. For the remainder, they enjoy the same advantages as the foundlings.

As to orphans, they are also admitted into the Foundling Hospital, upon the order of the administrative commission, after information as to the state of the family. At Bourdeaux the orphans of the town alone are received. Those of the rest of the department remain at the charge of their parishes, and generally live by alms. The orphans received into the hospital enjoy the same privileges as the foundlings and deserted children.

The annual exposal of children amounts at Bourdeaux to 900, comprising all those abandoned at the Lying-in Hospital, those of the town, and those sent from the various parts of the department, as well as from the neighbouring departments.

From 10 to 15 deserted children, and the same number of orphans, are annually admitted.

The population of the hospital amounts generally to 40 new-born infants, waiting to be sent to nurse; 150 children beginning their apprenticeships, and waiting to be placed; about 150 infirm of all ages forming the permanent part of the population.

The number of children from the age of one month to that of 12 years, amounts to 3,600; and that of children above 12 and below 21 apprenticed out, amounts to above 1,500.

The expenditure of the hospital, comprising the clothing for the children brought up out of the establishment, amounts to 110,000 francs per annum (4,400l.) That for the nurses or board in the country, to 240.000 francs (9,600l.), of which

104,000 fr. (4,160l.) is given by the government upon the common departmental fund.

27,000 fr. (1,080l.) taken from the revenue of the town of Bourdeaux.

60,000 fr. (2,400l.) voted by the general council on the Centimes Facultatifs.

49,000 fr. (1,960l.) on the revenue of the other parishes of the department.

Vagrants.

Mendicity, under the head of vagrancy, is not prevalent in the department of the Lower Pyrenees; the relief afforded to French subjects passing through the department, seeking work (which seldom occurs), or returning to their native places, is at the rate of three sols per league, or ½d. per mile; but this relief is more frequently granted to foreigners in distress, and is paid by the several mayors at certain stations or towns on their route. There is no public relief granted to vagrants living by begging.

Destitute Able-bodied.

There are no public or private establishments or relief afforded to the destitute able-bodied or their families; but this description of pauper is seldom or ever to be met with in this department.

Impotent through Age.

There are no public or religious institutions or regulations for the relief of the poor in general; they subsist by begging; and when no longer able to do so, they receive a trifling relief from “The Ladies of Charity” (Dames de la Charité), who make quarterly collections from the respectable inhabitants, which these[177] ladies distribute in food, fuel, or money, to the pauvres honteux, or infirm, as the case may be; but this private voluntary subscription is very inadequate.

The inhabitants of Bayonne (and it is hoped and expected that the example will be followed in other places) are now occupied in forming, by voluntary annual subscriptions, an establishment for the relief of the poor; a commission of gentlemen has been appointed, and there is every prospect that this charitable undertaking will be crowned with success.

Sick.

In the towns there are public hospitals for the sick and wounded; but when convalescent, they are obliged immediately to quit the hospital, destitute or not.

Children.

Illegitimate.

Illegitimate children (infants only) are received into the hospitals established by the famous St. Vincent de Paul, but where the parents have no communication with or control over them; these children are placed out to nurse in the country at about 5s. a month, and are afterward provided for by the hospital, if in the course of seven years they are not claimed by the parents.

When not deposited in the hospitals, the mothers have invariably been found to bestow upon their infants the most scrupulous care and attention, the natural consequence of having had the firmness and humanity not to abandon their offspring, notwithstanding the facility of concealment held out to them by the hospital.

Orphans or Deserted Children.

There are no public or private institutions or regulations for orphans.

Deserted Children.—There are no public or private regulations or institutions under this head; but I have not heard of a case in question in this department.

Cripples, Deaf and Dumb, and Blind.

Cripples.—Obliged to beg if destitute, there being no public or private institutions or regulations for cripples.

The deaf and dumb, if poor and destitute, are obliged to beg; there are excellent establishments in the large towns for their instruction, for those who have the means.

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Blind.—Obliged to beg, there are no public or private institutions for them.

Idiots and Lunatics.

There are no public or private institutions for idiots.

There is an institution (Maison de Force) for the admission of lunatics at the Chef Lieu of the department only (at Pau).

The questions relative to hired country labourers are not altogether applicable to this department, which is invariably divided into small farms, not exceeding from 20 to 30 English acres each, the families on each farm sufficing for the cultivation thereof, the proprietors or the farmers being themselves the labourers of the soil, the neighbours assisting each other in time of harvest; consequently it seldom occurs that a hired labourer is called in; but when employed they are paid at the rate of about 1s. per diem, without food. The women, and the children from the age of 10 years, constantly work on the land. The children generally receive a primary education at the village day schools, where there is always a schoolmaster or mistress appointed by the authorities; price of education, 2 francs (about 1s. 7d.) per month. At these schools the children are prepared for their first communion; they learn reading, writing, and calculation. The food of the proprietor or farmer labourer chiefly consists in vegetable soups, potatoes, salt fish, pork, bacon, &c., and seldom or ever butcher’s meat, and invariably Indian corn bread, homebaked. These persons (who are generally the owners of the soil) procure for themselves a comfortable subsistence, but they are seldom able to lay by anything. The equal division of the land prevents in a great measure mendicity. The families on each farm in the whole department consist on an average of about five persons.

It is calculated that persons attain a more advanced age in this department than in any other in France.

Vagrants.

It has been calculated that the average number of beggars in this department (the Mouths of the Rhone) is 1060, whereof 900 are natives and 105 strangers, besides 240 who traverse the department. The calculation having been made some years ago, the numbers may have increased with the population, which was[179] then 313,000, and is now 359,000.

The only relief granted to the poor travelling is by giving them a “passport d’indigent,” furnished by the local authorities, in which their exact route is designated, and not to be deviated from; they receive, as they pass through each commune, three sous for every league of distance, equal to a halfpenny per mile, and lodging for the night: beggars have no relief but private charity.

Destitute Able-bodied.

The principal establishment at Marseilles for their relief is the bureau de bienfaisance, whose revenues, arising partly from the remnant property of some charitable institutions existing before the revolution, partly from an annual allowance granted by the budget of the commune, partly by a tax on theatrical admissions, and from private subscriptions, amount altogether to about 140,000 francs, or 5600l., of which the major part is distributed in money to the “pauvres honteux” (those who have seen better days), and in providing necessaries and medical assistance for the poor in general, by five directors, and at their sole discretion. Similar establishments exist in the other arrondissements of this department, but, with the exception of Aix, with very small means, principally dependent on the commune budgets, which, in many cases, furnish nothing. I am informed that in this commune, with a population of 140,000 inhabitants, the bureau relieves, more or less, 800 families of “pauvres honteux” and 4000 families of indigent poor. There is also at Marseilles a société de bienfaisance, supported principally by private charity, whose chief object is the establishment of soup kitchens and dispensaries for the relief of the poor, and a school for the education of their children from four to nine years of age. No relief is ever given in money. Their annual revenue is about 40,000 francs, or 1600l.; and in times of great distress the local administration increases its funds, and supplies the poor with soup through its means.

The number of children received in the school above-mentioned is about 200: they receive two meals a day and sleep at home; they are taught various trades, and apprenticed at the expense of the commune; there are also several gratuitous day-schools for children of the age of seven years and upwards, and who bring their own food.

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Impotent through Age.

The only public establishment for the reception of this class is that called “La Charité,” in which those are admitted who have attained the age of seventy, and none before; the number of those individuals at present is about 350; they are there boarded, clothed, and fed.

Sick.

There are no district institutions for the reception of the sick, except the general hospitals. The average number of sick in the hospital of Marseilles may be about 450.

Children.

One large branch of the administration of hospitals of Marseilles is “La Charité,” which receives, as before mentioned, old men, and also all children under twelve years of age, whether illegitimate, orphans, foundlings, or deserted; they are there received, and, when infants, principally nursed in the country. At this time there are 2240 infants in this situation, and on their return they are boarded, lodged, and educated.

Mendicants.

Mendicity is not forbidden by law; every person who is considered unable to obtain by his own industry subsistence for himself and his family may station himself in the streets, and ask charity of the passers by. The government and the local authorities have often, but in vain, endeavoured to repress the innumerable abuses which have followed. But the regulations which have been made for this purpose have been ineffectual and even nugatory. The law, however, which forbids the poor to beg out of their parishes, is frequently put in force. When a great number of strangers are found begging in a town, the municipal authorities drive them out en masse, leaving it to the gendarmerie to oblige them to return to their country, or to the places considered to be their homes. But as the law in question is not enforced by any punishment, if they find any difficulty in living at home, they soon return to violate it afresh.

There are no means of ascertaining, even by approximation, the total number of mendicants. It depends, too, in part on many causes continually varying; such as good or bad harvests, hard or mild winters, and the changes of employment in those trades which afford subsistence to many hands. It is spread, however, over the whole country, but in different degrees. In the valleys of the Alps it scarcely exists; in those of the Apennines it is considerable, as is generally the case where chestnuts are the ordinary food of the lower orders.

If a labouring man, not domiciled in the place of his residence, finds himself, from accident or illness, unable either to earn his living, or to reach his home, the authorities, both of his temporary residence, and of the places that lie in his route homewards, are required to supply to him the means of travelling. In Turin, a small pecuniary assistance is given to all workpeople who wish to return to their own homes, but this is not a general practice.

Destitute Able-bodied.

Are there any establishments for the reception of the destitute able-bodied and their families, in which they are set to work, and furnished with food and clothes?

There are none. The only attempt of the sort was one made some years ago at Raconis, and it failed almost immediately, among difficulties and bad consequences of every description.[182] An establishment called Ergastolo exists near Turin, in which young vagrants are confined and kept to constant work; but although a person may be committed to it without trial on a simple order from the police, it is considered rather as a house of correction than a workhouse.

There are still convents at whose doors soup, bread, and other kinds of food are distributed. But this deplorable practice is not now sufficiently prevalent to produce a sensible effect except in some parts of the Genoese coast, where the mendicant orders are the most numerous, and the poverty the greatest.

Many charitable institutions have ecclesiastical forms and names, but their attention is almost confined to the sick and the impotent. When a bad harvest or a hard winter occasions much distress, the municipal authorities, either spontaneously or on the suggestion and with the aid of the government, undertake public works in order to give employment to the able-bodied. This is more frequent in the large towns, such as Turin and Genoa.

To what extent do they obtain relief in kind and in money?

They never receive either from the government or from the municipal authorities; what they get is from private charity. But on some great occasions, such as the anniversary of the Restoration of the Monarchy, or the celebration of the King’s Birth-day, food and clothes are distributed among some of the most needy families.

Many of the towns have Monts-de-piété, which lend on pledges at 6 per cent., but under very rigorous rules. If the unhappy borrower cannot redeem the pledge before the fixed time, it is sold, whatever may be its value, for the amount of the debt. In spite of this, the number of people who have recourse to them is immense. I do not think I exaggerate in saying that there are very few poor housekeepers some of whose furniture or clothes is not thus in pawn.

Impotent through Age.

1. Are there hospitals for the reception of those who through age are incapable of earning their subsistence?

There are none avowedly for this purpose, but there are several intended for incurables, into which those whose only infirmity is old age, manage to get received.

2. Do they receive relief in kind and in money at their own homes? They receive none from the government or the municipal authorities, but such relief is afforded by many charitable institutions.[183] In Turin, for example, the congregation of St. Paul has large revenues; and by law, there ought in every parish to be a charitable association. But, in fact, none are to be found excepting in some villages and towns; almost all the rural parishes are without them. The resources of those which exist arise from endowments, from donations, and from periodical collections made in churches, or from house to house. These associations certainly do much good, but being subjected to no general rules or central control, their proceedings are neither uniform nor regular; a source of enormous abuse, which, in the present state of things, it is impossible to correct or even to verify.

Much charity is also given through the hands of the clergy. This is, without any doubt, the best distributed, and the most effectual; much of it is devoted to the aged and impotent.

The Sick.

In all the towns, and in many of the large villages, there are hospitals in which any individual suffering under acute sickness, or casualty, may be nursed until his perfect recovery. The principal acute complaint is fever. But there are few hospitals for chronic or incurable cases, and few such patients can obtain access to them: they are, therefore, in general left to private charity.

The hospitals have in general property in land, in the public funds, or lent on mortgage, and when these revenues are insufficient, they are assisted from the local assessments of the parishes and provinces, and by charitable persons. The management of the different hospitals is not uniform; it is in general much under the influence of the government. In some towns, the ecclesiastical authorities and the chapters interfere, and it is in such cases in general that there is most of disorder and abuse. In most parishes the indigent sick receive gratuitous treatment from the physicians and surgeons, who are paid an annual salary by the municipal authorities, or the charitable associations. In Turin, and in some other places, there are dispensaries, distributing gratis, to those who have a certificate of poverty from their clergyman, the most usual and necessary remedies, whenever medically ordered. In general, the sick who cannot procure admission to the hospitals are in a pitiable state of poverty and distress. [184]

Children.

Illegitimate.

If an unmarried woman has a child by an unmarried man, she has recourse to the ecclesiastical tribunal, that is to say, to the episcopal court of the diocese to compel him to marry her. If she succeeds in proving her previous good conduct, and that promises, or other means of seduction were employed against her, the tribunal orders the marriage. The defendant may refuse; but in that case the cause is carried before the civil judges, who admitting the seduction as already proved, award to her damages, regulated by the circumstances of the case.

The child is by law entitled to an allowance for its maintenance, which may be demanded from either parent.

It is to be observed that, in consequence of the constant inclination of the ecclesiastical tribunal, in favour of the female plaintiff, in order that the harm done may be repaired by marriage, and the ease with which children are disposed of in the Foundling Hospitals, few illegitimate children are brought up at home, even in the lowest classes of society.

If the seducer is a member of the family, and under the authority of his father, the girl in general has recourse to his parents for the damages awarded to her. The illegitimate child may claim its allowance from its paternal or maternal grandfather; and if its father and mother have died without leaving it any provision, may claim one from those who have succeeded to their property.

Foundlings, Orphans, and Deserted Children.

Many towns have hospitals for foundlings. Their parents may remain perfectly unknown; they have only to deposit the child at night in a wheel which in all these hospitals communicates with the street and with the interior of the house, ring a bell to warn the person on the watch, and go away. The wheel turns, the child is received into the hospital, and numbered, and no further trace remains of the transaction.

Genoa possesses a splendid orphan establishment; and there is one in Turin for girls only. But they are far from being sufficient for this numerous and interesting class. There is no further public assistance for orphans and deserted children; they are thrown on private charity.[185]

Cripples, Deaf and Dumb, and Blind.

There is no establishment for persons maimed or deformed. Even in the surgical hospitals, as soon as a patient no longer requires the assistance of art, he is dismissed, even if he should have lost the use of his limbs.

In Genoa there is an establishment for the deaf and dumb, which enjoys a well-founded celebrity. On certain conditions poor children are gratuitously admitted. There is no institution for the blind, or any further public relief for any of the classes in question: they are left to private charity.

Idiots and Insane.

There are two large establishments for the insane, one at Turin, the other at Genoa. In each a small payment is made, in respect of the lunatic, either out of his own property, or, if he has none, by his parish or province. In some rare cases insane persons are received gratuitously.

Some mountain districts, and particularly in the valley of Aoste, contain many of the idiots, commonly called Cretins. They are in general gentle and inoffensive, and the objects of the pity and zealous assistance of all around them, so much so that it is never necessary to place them in an hospital. The interesting popular belief that a special protection of heaven is attached to the house inhabited by a Cretin is well known.

Effects of these Institutions.

It is not to the encouragement given by public charity that the great number of premature and improvident marriages contracted in this country is to be imputed. With the exception of those between professional beggars, we owe the greater part of them, first, to the natural disposition of ignorant and rude persons to follow, without reflection, the passions of the moment, and, secondly, to the blind zeal with which the clergy and bigotted people encourage all kinds of marriages, with the erroneous idea of thus preventing the immorality and scandal of illegitimate connexions. Nor are family ties affected by the charitable institutions. Whatever those may be, the poor man ever considers his relations as his sole support against adversity. Besides, as the Roman law with respect to paternal authority has been preserved among us unimpaired, family union is more easy and common than anywhere else.

Though some individuals, skilled in working on the public[186] compassion, may gain more than the average wages of labour, we cannot compare the results of the honest and independent labourer’s industry with the mendicant’s profits: so immense is the difference between the honourable existence of the one, and the humiliation, debasement, and moral degradation of the other.

1. Public mendicity not being at present forbidden, it is difficult to ascertain the number of professed mendicants. Those on the town of Genoa may however be estimated at, at least, 200. If we add to these their families, or at least those members of their families who exist on the profit of their begging, the whole mendicant population may amount to from 600 to 700[20].

2. The unemployed poor, not being mendicants, are relieved at their own homes by the “magistrat de misèricorde,” the “dames de misèricorde,” and by other governors of charities, out of the revenue of many pious bequests, with the administration of which they are charged.

3. The children of the poor, to whatever class they may belong, are gratuitously instructed in the primary public schools, under the direction of the municipal authorities. Six of these schools are for boys, and two for girls.

4. There is a mont de piété in Genoa, from which the poor can borrow on pledge; at 8 per cent. interest.

5. The poor of all ages, from the earliest childhood, who are natives of the town of Genoa, are gratuitously received, lodged, and fed, in the poor hospital, as far as the means of that establishment will go. The poor of the other parts of the duchy are also received there on payment of a small allowance.

6. There are two large hospitals in Genoa, one for the treatment of acute disorders, the other for the incurables and insane. Another lunatic asylum has been just begun, and there is a small establishment in the suburbs for leprosy and other diseases of the skin.

7. The “Conservatoire des Sœurs de St. Joseph,” and a charitable institution, called “Notre Dame de la Providence,” furnish in pursuance of their rules, medical and surgical advice, and remedies to the poor who do not publicly solicit relief [pauvres honteux].

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8. Poor lying-in women, born in the town, or domiciled there for the three previous years, are received and nursed gratuitously in the great hospital, called “de Pammatone.”

9. The same hospital receives illegitimate and deserted children, if secretly placed on the turning box. The hospital takes the charge of the boys until 12 years old, and of the girls until their marriage or death. Ten poor lunatics and idiots, natives of Genoa, are gratuitously received in the hospital for the incurables and insane. Those of the other parts of the duchy, and those who are not poor, are also received there, on paying a sum proportionate to the sort of food given to them.

1. Mendicity is very common in the environs of Chambery and the Haute Tarentaise. In the other provinces it is not more extensive than in Florence, and much less so than in Italy. In 1789, the total number of mendicants was 3688. Under the French dominion it rose to 4360. Since that time it has much diminished, partly from the diminution of the public taxes, and partly from the discontinuance of the sales of property which were enforced by the French treasury against the relations of refractory conscripts, and by Genoese creditors against their debtors. It cannot now be estimated at more than 2500.

2. Vagrant mendicity being prohibited by law, beggars have no right to relief. The town of Chambery contains a depôt de mendicité, in which 100 paupers are endeavoured to be kept to work.

3. The duchy possesses nearly 250 charitable establishments, possessing funds distinct to the relief of the poor of the place in which they are situated. Their resources are very far from being sufficient for that purpose, especially in years of bad harvests. But poor families are assisted by their neighbours, their relations, the clergy, and other charitable persons in their parishes. This relief is distributed in the town of Chambery, according to a simple and excellent system. The poor are divided into 24 districts, each confided to a committee consisting of three ladies of charity (dames de charité), belonging in general to the highest class of society. Each committee seeks out, registers, and superintends the poor of its district, gives secret assistance to those families[188] who would be disgraced by the publicity of their situation, and withdraws relief from the unworthy. The resources of the dames de charité consist only of one tenth of the price of the theatrical tickets, of the great public collections (quêtes) made at Easter and Christmas, and of some secret gifts from individuals. If this establishment were rich enough to provide employment for indigent families at their own homes, it would be far superior to all other charitable institutions.

We have as yet spoken of the relief given to those who have no plea beyond that of mere poverty. For those who have some other claim there are several institutions. The Hospice de Charité of Chambery receives 171 persons, consisting of orphans, infirm persons, and old men. The “Asyle de St. Benoit” in the same town is destined to the old of both sexes who once were in easy circumstances; and the Orphan House educates young girls without fortune belonging to the middling classes, in such a manner as to enable them to earn an independent subsistence.

4. The Duchy of Savoy now possesses a great number of gratuitous religious schools, receiving, among others, the children of the poor. At Chambery the two schools de la Doctrine and de St. Joseph provide education for more than 700 children of both sexes, four-fifths of whom could not pay for it.

5. There is no Mont-de-Piété in Savoy.

6. Chambery contains a hospital with 80 beds, all constantly occupied. There are also institutions for the relief of those suffering under incurable or contagious disease, and for sick travellers. There are also hospitals for the sick at Annecy, Thonon, St. Jean-de-Maurienne, Montmelian, Moûtiers, Yenne, la Roche, la Motte-Servolex, and Thônes.

7. Many establishments of sisters of charity have been founded, either by parishes, or by opulent individuals, for the relief of the sick at their own homes. But with respect to the poorest classes it has been necessary to abandon this kind of relief, as they either neglected to use the remedies supplied to them, or used them with fatal imprudence. It can safely be bestowed on those only whose situation is raised above actual poverty.

8. Lying-in women, married or unmarried, are received at Chambery in the Hospice de Maternité.

9. In Chambery, and in Thonon, the greater part of the illegitimate children, whatever be the circumstances of their parents, are taken, the first night after their birth, to the foundling hospitals, which receive them, though clandestinely deposited. Those born in the distant provinces are generally brought up by their mothers,[189] and partake their fortune, or their poverty.

10. At some distance from Chambery a hospital has been established, intended for the gratuitous reception of 60 lunatics. But as yet it has had room for only 20. The others are at the charge of their parishes.

The class of day labourers, such as it exists in England, is not at all numerous in Savoy, almost all the population consisting of proprietors. Out of 102,000 families in the Duchy, 85,000 heads of families are owners of some portion of land; 80,000 of them subsist by agriculture. There is therefore little employment for day labourers. According to the enumerations of 1789 and 1801 the number of persons, including both sexes, and artisans, as well as agriculturists, employed in day labour in that part of Savoy, which formed after 1789 the departement de Mont Blanc, did not exceed from 9000 to 10,000 individuals, which would make for the whole Duchy more than from 14,000 to 15,000 such individuals. The day labourers in general hire, from a small proprietor, part of a cottage, and half an acre, or an acre of land, at the rent of from 60 to 100 francs, which they work out. Saving is a thing almost unknown in Savoy. With the rich people and with the poor, from the gentleman to the peasant, it is unusual and even strange to put a revenue to any other use than that of spending it. A few men of business, and usurers, are the only persons who think of augmenting their patrimonies. Sometimes indeed a merchant or a manufacturer will economise something from his profits, but with no other object than that of procuring a country-house, which from that time swallows up all that he can spare.

The poor never apply for relief to the authorities, but always to private charity; and it is inexhaustible, for (except during the famine of the year 1817) no one has ever perished from want. Vagrants are forced to return to their parishes, or, if foreigners, driven out of the country.

1. Is there any compulsory legal provision for the poor in Venice?—None.

2. In what manner are the funds arising from voluntary donations collected in Venice?—There is a commission of public charity, composed of the laity of the first rank and consideration in Venice, at the head of which is the patriarch.

All sums destined for the relief of the poor and the indigent, from whatever source, are placed at the disposal of this commission.

These funds arise from bequests, which are numerous, from voluntary contributions, from collections made by lay associations in each of the 30 parishes, which hold their meetings either at the church or at the house of the priest; sometimes from the produce of a lottery; and by a singular contrivance of the late patriarch, to render an old custom of complimentary visits on New Year’s-day contributory to the purposes of charity, he had it announced, that all who would subscribe to the funds of the commission of public charity should have their names published, and be exempted from the costly ceremony above adverted to.

3. By what authority are they distributed?—By that of the same commission, which receives the reports of the state of the poor in the several parishes, and particularly inquires into the circumstances of every case.

4. What constitutes a claim to relief, and how is that claim investigated?—Among the lower classes, extreme poverty without the means of obtaining subsistence, or incapability from age or sickness to labour for it. This is certified by the parish priest to the association mentioned in answer to query No. 2, which makes itself acquainted with every case of distress. But there is great distress to be relieved among those who once constituted the higher classes of society, but whose families, since the fall of the Republic, have, from various causes, fallen into decay; these make their application direct to the commission, and are relieved according to their necessities and the state of their funds. 5. What is the amount of relief usually given in each case, and for what length of time is it usually continued?—The amount of[191] relief given, according to the class and circumstances of the distressed, is from 10 cents. to 65 cents. per head per day (or from 3s. 4d. to 5s. 4d. sterling.)—[Sic in orig.]

These alms are continued as long as the parish priest certifies the need of those of the lower classes, or the commission, through its inquiries, are satisfied of the necessities of the others.

6. Is relief given by taking the poor into almshouses or houses of industry, or by giving them relief at home; and in the latter case, is it given in money or in food and clothing?—There are no almshouses in Venice, but there are houses of industry, where work of various descriptions is provided for those who are able to work. Relief is given to many at home, but to most upon their personal appearance before some of the members of the commission.

In winter, relief is afforded by the commission, both in food and clothing.

7. What is the number of persons in Venice usually receiving relief, and what is the least and greatest number known during the last 10 years?—The number usually receiving relief, and which is the least number during the last 10 years, is about 47,000; the greatest number in the last 10 years was about 50,000. The last year 42,705[21] received relief, either at home or by personal application to the commission, and the number in houses of industry and hospitals was 4667.

8. Is there much difficulty in procuring sufficient funds for the support of the poor in times of distress, or is the supply so large as at all to diminish the industry and providence of the working classes?—It has been found impossible to procure sufficient funds for the support of the poor at Venice, and there never was so large a supply as at all to diminish the industry and providence of the working classes. When the funds prove insufficient, the commune contribute, and after their contributions, whatever is deficient is supplied by the Government.

9. Do cases of death by starvation ever occur?—Do the poorer classes afford much assistance to one another in time of sickness or want of employment?—Cases of death by starvation never occur. Even during the great distress caused by the blockade in 1813, and the famine in 1817, no occurrence of this kind was known. In fact, the more urgent the circumstances are, the[192] more abundant are the subscriptions and donations.

The poorer classes are remarkable for their kindness to each other in times of sickness and need. Many instances of this have fallen under my own observation.

10. Is there a foundling hospital at Venice, and if so, what is the number of infants annually admitted into it?—There is a foundling hospital in Venice, which was instituted in 1346, and the number received into it annually is between 400 and 500. I have known seven found in the receptacle in one morning.

Each child is immediately given to a wet nurse; at the end of seven or eight days it is vaccinated, and sent to nurse in the country.

11. Do members of the same family, among the poorer classes in general, show much disposition to assist one another in distress, sickness, or old age?—There is much family affection in all classes of the Venetians, and in sickness, distress, and old age, among the poorer classes, they show every disposition to assist and relieve each other.

The clergy, who have great influence over the lower classes, exert themselves much to cultivate the good feeling which subsists among them towards one another.

12. Have you any other observations to make on the relief afforded to the poor at Venice?—Besides the voluntary contributions and the assistance of the commune and the Government, the several charitable institutions (of which there are no less than 10) in this city, have annual incomes derivable from various bequests in land and other property, amounting to 483,000 Austrian livres (or 16,000l. sterling). Last year the commune contributed 359,000 Austrian livres (or 11,970l. sterling) and the Government 460,000 Austrian livres (or 15,330l. sterling). The Government contributes annually for the foundlings and the insane of the eight Venetian provinces, 1,000,000 of Austrian livres (33,000l. sterling). I should remark, that among other resources which the commission of public charity have at their command, is a tax upon the theatres and other places of public amusement.

The total expenditure of the commission of public charity may be taken approximately at 3,000,000 of Austrian livres, or 100,000l. sterling annually, for the city of Venice alone, which is now declared to contain a population of 112,000.

Mendicity is not permitted in the streets of Venice, and although[193] distress does force mendicants to appear when they can escape the vigilance of the police, yet I do not believe that 20 beggars are to be met with in this large and populous city.

The poor in every parish in Venice have the benefit of a physician, a surgeon and medicines gratis; the expense of these is paid by the commune.

Every commune in the Venetian provinces is bound to support the poor and the indigent within its limits, whether they be natives of the commune or not. No commune or parish can remove from it a pauper, because he may have been born in another. Ten years’ residence entitles a man to a settlement in a different parish from that of his birth. When a commune to which a pauper does not belong affords him relief, it is always reimbursed by his own parish.

Every commune derives funds from local taxes; the communes of towns from taxes on certain articles of consumption; the communes in the country, where articles of consumption are not taxed, from an addition to the capitation tax, which is levied by the State, but all communes have, more or less, sources of revenue from land, houses, and charitable bequests, which are very frequent in these states.

The number of foundlings at present in the country under the age of 12 years is 2300. After that age the child is transferred from the family who have the charge of it, and apprenticed to learn some craft or trade, or servitude; but so kind-hearted are the people in the Venetian provinces, that in numerous instances, from attachment to the child which they have reared, they have begged, when the time arrived for its removal, to be allowed to keep it as their own.

Venice, March 24, 1834.

Although poverty prevails to a great extent in Portugal, still the frugal habits and very limited wants and desires of the lower classes of the population in the northern provinces prevent mendicity from showing itself in those offensive and distressing forms which it assumes in many other countries. The very limited provision which has been made for the poor by the Government, or by public regulation, throws them on their own resources, and makes them careful and provident. Although, during the late siege of Oporto, we issued at one period gratuitously, from a soup society, upwards of 6,000 rations of soup each day, the number of absolute mendicants who were relieved fell greatly short of 1,000. The remainder of the applicants were principally families reduced to distress by the circumstances of the times, who withdrew their claims as soon as the termination of the blockade opened to them other resources and means of support.

Persons destitute of resources, who may be travelling in search of work or otherwise, can claim no pecuniary relief; but the different religious establishments are in the habit of affording a temporary asylum and succour to strangers. There are also houses of refuge for the poor, called “Misericordias,” at various places, which are supported by royal gifts, bequests by will, and private donations.

None but the military can be billeted on private houses; and even this right is now contested by the camara (municipality) of Oporto, as contrary to the constitutional charter. Nor are there any houses of industry for receiving destitute able-bodied, or their families, except at Lisbon, where I understand there are royal manufactories in which the poor are employed, as well as at a rope-walk called the Cordoario. The different religious establishments are, as I have already observed, in the habit of affording pecuniary relief, as well as of giving food and medical aid to the destitute of every description; but the political changes, by suppressing some and diminishing the resources of all these establishments, must have greatly reduced this description of charity.

In most towns and large villages there are schools to which the poor may send their children free of expense; but they receive neither food nor clothing, and the instruction is extremely limited. The masters are allowed a small stipend by the Government.

Relatives are forced to aid each other, in the degrees of father,[195] mother, child, brother and sister, in cases of want: for persons impotent through age, there are houses of charity, called “Recolhimentos,” in most cities and considerable towns, where a limited number of aged or infirm poor of both sexes are lodged, clothed, and fed. These establishments are supported in part by royal gifts, and in part by the different municipalities; but no provision is made for the attendance of the sick poor at their own dwellings, nor are they in any case boarded with individuals, or billeted on private houses; but if they have relatives in the degrees above-mentioned, these are bound to assist them, if able to do so.

There are public hospitals in most cities and towns, where the sick poor are received and treated gratis. There are also lying-in hospitals, which receive pregnant women (without inquiring as to their being married or not) without any charge; but I am not aware of the existence of any regulation which obliges the medical officers of these establishments to deliver women at their own dwellings, although this is frequently done voluntarily.

Children.

A law or decree, issued in 1772, imposes equally on both parents the duty of maintaining their children, whether legitimate or illegitimate, where they have the means of doing so; and the parentage in the latter case, if the father can be ascertained or is acknowledged. Brothers and sisters are equally bound to assist each other.

But in cases where the parents either have not the means or want inclination to support their illegitimate child, a ready resource is offered by the “Casas dos Expostos” which exist in most towns. These establishments for foundlings are provided with rodas, or revolving boxes, into which the infant is placed, and is received without inquiry. The practice of thus abandoning infants to be reared by public charity, prevails, I am assured, to a painful extent in Portugal.

Cripples, Deaf and Dumb, and Blind.

At Lisbon there is, I understand, an establishment for the reception of the deaf and dumb.

Idiots and Lunatics.

At Lisbon there is an establishment for lunatics, called the Hospital of St. Joseph, where lunatics and idiots are received and supported gratuitously, if without means. Better treatment and greater comforts may be obtained for patients ably to pay for the[196] same. This institution is partly supported by the Government, and partly by voluntary contributions, in the same manner as the misericordias in provincial towns.

It may be observed generally, that in Catholic countries, the care of administering to the wants, both physical and moral, of the poor, being left in a great degree to the clergy and religious establishments, the action of the civil government, as well as of private benevolence in their favour, is much less visible, and far more confined than in Protestant states.

Oporto, April 24, 1834.

Vagrants.

In the Azores mendicity is limited to the aged and infirm poor, and to the crippled and blind, for whom there is no legal provision; they are therefore dependent on the charity of the wealthy, to whom they make a weekly application and receive alms. There are no houses for their reception, or asylum of any description, but they obtain a distribution of victuals from the convents, of whatever surplus food remains after the friars and nuns have dined.

Vagrants are not allowed; such people are liable to be imprisoned, and on conviction may be shipped off to India, Angola, &c., or employed on public works, by decrees of the 16th May, 1641, 19th May, 1684, 4th March, 1688, 7th March, 1691, and 4th November, 1755. Those decrees, though severe, have had a good effect in exterminating vagrancy in the Azores. No relief is given to persons seeking work.

Destitute Able-bodied.

There are no laws for granting relief to the poor of any description, excepting the sick. Able-bodied men in want of work can always find employment on seeking it.

Public schools for teaching reading and writing are established in each municipal district, where the children of the poor are taught gratis. A small tribute on the wine produce of the country is levied for payment of these schools, called the Literary Subsidy, and public professors are paid out of it also, who teach Latin, grammar, rhetoric and philosophy to all who choose to attend.

The laws of Portugal oblige the proprietors of entailed property to give alimentary allowances to their children and brothers and sisters, in proportion to their own means and the wants of the applicants. Children coming into possession of property are[197] obliged to assist their parents and brothers, if in necessity. The poor, however, are left to themselves, and to the stimulus of natural affection; and cases are very rare in which appeals are made in vain; but lawsuits are very common to oblige the rich heir of entailed property to give aliments to a brother or sister, as the elder brother takes the whole estate, and the younger branches are entirely dependent on him, if the father has not left money or unentailed property to distribute amongst his other children.

Sick.

In every municipal district there is a public hospital called the Misericordia, i.e. house of mercy, for the reception of the sick poor, supported by endowments of land and bequests of money from pious people long since deceased, and voluntary contributions of living persons, where the sick are well treated, and when cured are sent to their families, and if in great distress a small sum of money is given to assist them. These hospitals contain generally from 200 to 300 sick, and are, generally speaking, well conducted by the governors, stewards, medical attendants, and nurses. Foreign seamen are also admitted on the respective consuls paying 1s. 6d. per diem for diet and attendance.

In cases where the hospitals are full, and cannot accommodate any more patients, medicines are given to applicants, and surgical and medical advice gratis from the hospital practitioners.

Children.

Illegitimate.

The mother must support it in case she chooses to suckle the child herself; if, on the contrary, the sense of shame overcomes her maternal feelings, and she takes it to the misericordia, where there is a private place to receive the infant, it is immediately taken care of, and put out to nurse at the expense of the municipality until seven years of age, when it is apprenticed (if a male) to some trade or handicraft, or to a farmer; if a female to domestic service in some family, where it is fed and clothed until of an age to earn wages. In nine cases out of ten, the practice is to take the child to the misericordia, as pregnancy is more easily concealed here than in other countries, by the peculiar dress of the common class of women. The municipality are at the expense of maintenance of the children, and if their funds are scanty, the State pays the deficiency.

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Orphans, Foundlings, and Deserted Children.

Orphans.—Various laws have been promulgated in favour of orphans, for whom the respective local magistrates were appointed judges and protectors, which duty now devolves on the justices of the peace. If any property belongs to them, proper guardians are appointed to take care of it, and to educate the children; if none, they are under the municipal protection until of age to be put to some trade or calling, service, &c., in cases where their relatives are unable to take charge of them.

Foundlings.—Foundlings are taken charge of and treated as orphans; there are several funds set apart for their support by express decrees of former sovereigns of Portugal; they are received into the misericordias, and supported by the chamber of municipality.

Deserted Children whose Parents are known.—Deserted children are also reputed as foundlings or orphans, and have similar care taken of them by the municipal authorities; the instances are extremely rare of children being deserted by their parents, which is justly held in abhorrence by all classes of persons.

Cripples, Deaf and Dumb, Blind, Idiots and Lunatics.

There are no establishments whatsoever of any kind; they live on the alms bestowed weekly by the benevolent.

In general there prevails much love and affection between parents and children, and from the children much obedience and respect towards their parents, to which they are exhorted by the clergy, who inculcate great subjection to their parents on all occasions.

The poorest able-bodied labourer abhors begging; his utmost exertions are therefore employed to support himself and family; and it is only in cases of sickness, or other corporeal impediment, that he ever has recourse to alms.

In the Island of St. Mary’s wheat and barley are chiefly cultivated, but little Indian corn; much waste land is to be seen, arising from the absence of the great proprietors, who live in St. Michael’s or at Lisbon.

At Terceira more wheat than Indian corn is to be seen under cultivation; much land lying waste from the want of capital or enterprise in the proprietors.

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At St. George’s, being a volcanic soil, there are more vineyards and pasture land than arable.

Gracioza being flat in surface, and having a strong clay soil, much barley and wheat is grown, but little Indian corn; the poor subsist chiefly on barley-bread, pulse, &c.; it also produces much brandy from the low-priced wines.

Pico being very mountainous and volcanic, the whole island is one continued vineyard; little soil for corn; the inhabitants depend upon the other islands for the supplies of bread.

Fayal, partly vineyard, the rest corn land and pasture: all the principal proprietors of Pico living at Fayal, the poor of Pico are chiefly supplied from thence by their landlords.

Corvo produces grain, &c., for its consumption only.

Flores: some wheat and Indian corn is exported from thence, also bacon and hams, as large quantities of hogs are bred in that island.

A great deal of land is still uncultivated throughout the Azores, so that no able-bodied labourer can want employment, and for two centuries to come there will be employment for the increasing population. The temperature of the climate, ranging from 55° to 76° of Fahrenheit, reducing the physical wants of man as to clothing, fuel, &c.; and the abundance of vegetables, fruits, &c., renders the poor man’s lot easier than in colder climates. In the hospitals there is no limit of rations to the sick patients; they have bread, meat, poultry, milk, &c., in abundance. The state of criminals in the prisons is however dreadful; they are not fed by government, and must die if not succoured by relatives, and the casual supply of bread sent them from the misericordia in cases of extreme need: this however is not obligatory on the part of the hospital. Criminals, after sentence to the galleys, are allowed a loaf of bread per day, but nothing more.

St. Michael’s, April 20, 1834.

Mendicity, Vagrants, Destitute Able-bodied, Impotent through Age.

Mendicity does prevail to a great extent in the Canary Islands. There is no legal provision whatever for the relief or support of the poor included in the denominations stated above; casual charity is the only resource; but as the natives for the most part remain in[200] the places where they were born, there are very few who have not some relations and acquaintance, from whom they receive occasional assistance. From the nature of the climate, the wants of the poor, when not suffering from sickness, are very limited; having food sufficient to satisfy their hunger, they are scarcely affected by the privations so sensibly felt by the poor in northern climates. “Goffro,” (which is maize, barley or wheat, roasted, and ground by the hand between two stones,) mixed with water or milk, potatoes and other vegetables, with sometimes a small piece of salt fish, constitute the general food of the peasantry throughout the islands. In the towns the artisans live better, obtaining bread, potatoes, salt fish, and sometimes butcher’s meat.

Sick.

In Santa Cruz there is one hospital for the poor, but the accommodation is very limited (24 beds), in no degree proportional to the wants of the population.

In the town of Laguna is one also, larger than Santa Cruz, and tolerably maintained.

At Las Palmas, the capital of the island of Canary, is the largest and best hospital in the islands; near that town also, is the hospital of St. Lazarus, exclusively for lepers, of which there are considerable numbers. This hospital is well kept up, and the building in a good state of repair, with a garden walled round. The unfortunate inmates are said to be comfortably provided for.

Children, Illegitimate; Orphans, Foundlings, Deserted Children.

There are no legal regulations as to illegitimate children; their support therefore falls on the mother. There is a foundling hospital at Laguna in Teneriffe, and another at Las Palmas in Canary; in each a turning-box, and a great number of children are by this means disposed of. In the hospital of Santa Cruz is also a turning-box; the infants left are understood to be sent to Laguna. Children placed in the box have usually some mark by which they may be recognised, and they are given up to parents when claimed. There is no other provision for children.

Cripples, Deaf, Dumb, and Blind.

Live with their parents or relations, or subsist by casual charity. No provision.

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Idiots and Lunatics.

No particular establishment; live with their relations. When violent, they are placed in the hospitals or gaols.

Almost all the land in the Canary Islands is cultivated by agreement between the owners of the land and a class of persons called “medianeros” (middlemen), intelligent husbandmen; the conditions are simple: that the medianero shall cultivate the land, and find half the seed, he retaining half the produce; the other half is delivered to the landlord in kind.

The peasantry are a robust and hardy race, laborious and frugal. There is a great deal of family affection among them. Considerable numbers emigrate to the Havannah and Puerto Rico ostensibly, but it is believed that they are taken to Caraccas and other American countries, once dependencies of the Spanish crown.

Vagrants.

Before the Revolution, two classes of vagrants existed in Greece; of these, one class consisted of those individuals who, having no property of their own, and being averse to labour, lived by robbery; the other class consisted of those persons who were indeed destitute, but refusing to labour, did not at the same time resort to robbery: the latter existed by the charity of their relations, and of other benevolent individuals, the former were constantly pursued by the Turkish police.

In two provinces only of the new Greek State, viz. Thravari in Acarnania, and Cloutzinas of Kalavryta, does systematic beggary exist; in these places, many persons mutilated their new-born children for the express purpose of exciting the compassion of the public; but neither before the Revolution, during the Revolution,[202] nor even now, is there any public establishment for the relief of either of the above two classes of vagrants; and notwithstanding that during the Revolution the number of these vagrants increased it is now certain that their numbers have sensibly diminished and it is to be hoped that as soon as the municipalities are regularly established, all these individuals will be obliged to labour for their subsistence.

There exists no public institution or decree organizing the relief to be granted to the poor in Greece; neither did anything of the kind exist before the Revolution, although the country was formed into municipalities. It was feared that the Ottoman authorities would appropriate to themselves any resources which might be set apart for the poor. Charitable subscriptions were therefore the only means by which the poor, sick, &c. obtained relief.

Impotent through Age, and Sick.

No regulations ever existed on these heads. The aged who were destitute received, and still receive, assistance from the charitably disposed, and from the monasteries; but this assistance is voluntary, not obligatory.

With regard to hospitals, there are only two, one at Nauplia and one at Syra; the first is at present given up to the military service, and the second, belonging to the municipality of Syra, is maintained by a small duty levied on merchandize; the one at Nauplia was formerly supported in the same manner.

Children.

The support of bastards falls upon their fathers. With regard to foundlings, who are generally left clandestinely at the church doors, the local authorities take charge of them, and intrust them to nurses, whose expenses are defrayed by the government; benevolent individuals likewise frequently take charge of them, and bring them up at their own expense. The number of foundlings supported by the government barely exceeds forty throughout the whole State, by which it appears that depravity of morals in Greece is not great.

For the support of destitute orphans, an establishment (the Orphanotropheion) exists at Ægina, where many are brought up at the expense of the government, and are taught to read and write, and various trades. However, the nearest relations of the[203] orphans generally consider it to be a religious duty to take care of them; so that, in consequence of this praiseworthy feeling, they are seldom left entirely destitute, unless they have no relations, or unless the latter have no means of assistance at their disposal. Moreover, there are numerous benevolent persons who are in the habit of taking orphans into their houses, and bringing them up at their own expense.

Labour hitherto has not much increased in Greece; the labourers are industrious, frugal, and attached to their relations.

I may add, that in consequence of the vast extent of land in Greece in comparison with the number of its inhabitants, the latter apply themselves mostly to agriculture and the care of flocks, by which means they procure ample means of subsistence; and the few manufactures which exist in Greece being all made by hand, sufficient employment is to be procured by every individual. These are the reasons why the number of the poor is so limited, notwithstanding that late events were so much opposed to the progress of arts and industry.