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                  BELL’S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS
    _General Editors_: S. E. WINBOLT, M.A., and KENNETH BELL, M.A.

                         ENGLAND AND NAPOLEON

                  BELL’S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS

            Scope of the Series and Arrangement of Volumes.


                       1. Roman Britain to 449.
                       2.  449-1066.
                       3. 1066-1154.
                       4. 1154-1216.
                       5. 1216-1307.
                       6. 1307-1399.
                       7. 1399-1485.
                       8. 1485-1547.  _Immediately._
                       9. 1547-1603.  _Now Ready._
                      10. 1603-1660.      “
                      11. 1660-1714.      “
                      12. 1714-1760.      “
                      13. 1760-1801.      “
                      14. 1801-1815.  _Immediately._
                      15. 1815-1837.
                      16. 1837-1856.
                      17. 1856-1876.
                      18. 1876-1887.
                      19. 1887-1901.
                      20. 1901-1912.


              _The volumes are issued in uniform style._
                         _Price 1s. net each._




                              ENGLAND AND
                               NAPOLEON

                              (1801-1815)

                              COMPILED BY
                          S. E. WINBOLT, M.A.

                       [Illustration: colophon]

                                LONDON
                         G. BELL & SONS, LTD.
                                 1912




INTRODUCTION


This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any
ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown
that such apparatus is a valuable--nay, an indispensable--adjunct to the
history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively
illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing,
before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of
problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion,
and are admirably illustrated in a _History of England for Schools_,
Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish
to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his
craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto
not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of
the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every
secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active
part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw
material: its use we leave to teacher and taught.

Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of
historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys in
secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What
differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not so
much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can read
into or extract from it.

In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the
natural demand for certain “stock” documents of vital importance, we
hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention that
the majority of the extracts should be lively in style--that is,
personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan--and
should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for
inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under
contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates,
and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life
generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.

The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being
numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is
modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties in
reading.

We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us
suggestions for improvement.

S. E. WINBOLT.
KENNETH BELL.


NOTE TO THIS VOLUME

It will be obvious from the Table of Contents that, though there is a
great wealth of illustrative matter for this period, I have preferred to
draw largely upon the _Diary and Correspondence of Charles Abbot, Lord
Colchester_, published in three volumes in 1861, and the _Despatches of
the Duke of Wellington_, by Lieutenant-Colonel Gurwood. The latter is a
very convenient selection. The title of the volume is justified by the
fact that some eighteen out of the forty-eight pieces have more or less
direct reference to England’s struggle with Napoleon.

S. E. W.

CHRIST’S HOSPITAL,
_October, 1912_.




TABLE OF CONTENTS


DATE             TITLE                                              PAGE

      INTRODUCTION                                                     V

1801. BATTLE OF THE BALTIC        _Campbell_                           1

1801. STATE OF IRELAND           “_Diary of Lord Colchester_”          3

1801. GOLF AND FOOTBALL           _Strutt_                             8

1802. PARTY SPEECHES OF SHERIDAN
AND CANNING                      _Stanhope_                            9

1803-1815. TYPICAL VESSELS OF THE
ROYAL NAVY                       _Clowes_                             13

1803. DESIRE FOR PITT’S RETURN TO
OFFICE                           _Stanhope_                           15

1803. CANNING ON ADDINGTON       _Stanhope_                           17

1803. NOTES BY PITT ON THE WAR,
GERMANY, AND NAPOLEON            _Stanhope_                           18

1803. GUN-BOATS FOR DEFENCE     “_Diaries of George Rose_”            20

1804. THE POOR IN MANUFACTURING
TOWNS                           “_Gentleman’s Magazine_”              21

1804. WHEAT, FLOUR, AND BREAD   “_Gentleman’s  Magazine_”             24

1805. ENGLAND AND THE MEDITERRANEAN (I.)
                                 _Pitt_                               25

      ENGLAND AND THE MEDITERRANEAN (II.)
                                 _Nelson_                             26

1805. THE BLOW THAT KILLED PITT (I.)
                                 _Pitt_                               27

      THE BLOW THAT KILLED PITT (II.)
                                 _Canning_                            28

1805. ROUTINE ON A BRITISH
MAN-OF-WAR                       _Clowes_                             29

1805. NELSON’S PLAN FOR
TRAFALGAR                        _Clowes_                             32

1805. TRAFALGAR                  _Southey_                            34

1806. THE YOUNGER PITT           _Scott_                              43

1806. MINISTRY OF ALL THE
TALENTS                          _Earl of Malmesbury_                 44

1806. MILITARY PLANS             _Lord Colchester_                    46

1807. CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION (I.) _Lord Colchester_                    47

CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION (II.)      _Malmesbury_                         50

1807. PARTY POLITICS             _Leigh Hunt_                         52

1807. BERLIN DECREES             _Colchester_                         53

1809. CORUNNA (I.)               _Colchester_                         55

      CORUNNA (II.)              _Charles Wolfe_                      55

1809. PUBLIC ECONOMY            “_Diaries of George Rose_”            57

1809. RESIGNATION OF PORTLAND    _Colchester_                         58

1809. DUEL OF CANNING AND
CASTLEREAGH                      _Colchester_                         59

1806-1809. MILITARY EXPENSES     _Colchester_                         60

1809. TALAVERA: PROTEST BY LORDS _Protests of the Lords_              61

1810. WALCHEREN EXPEDITION       _Colchester_                         62

1810. WELLINGTON’S DIFFICULTIES IN
SPAIN                            _Wellington’s Despatches_            65

1811. THE REGENCY                _Colchester_                         71

1811. FÊTE AT CARLTON HOUSE      _Colchester_                         73

1812. WEAVING MACHINES           _Byron’s Letters_                    76

1812. BADAJOZ                    _Wellington’s Despatches_            79

1812. MURDER OF PERCEVAL         _Colchester_                         84

1812. SHERIDAN’S LAST UTTERANCES
IN THE HOUSE                     _Moore_                              85

1813. SIR STAPLETON COTTON’S MILITARY
SERVICES                         _Colchester_                         86

1813. VITTORIA                   _Wellington’s Despatches_            87

1814. DEPOSITION OF NAPOLEON     _Byron’s Letters_                    95

1814. CAPTURE OF TOULOUSE        _Wellington’s Despatches_            96

1814. DUKE OF WELLINGTON’S
THANKS                           _Colchester_                        102

1814. NEGOTIATIONS WITH
BUONAPARTE                       _Southey_                           105

1815. INTERVIEW WITH NAPOLEON IN
ELBA                             _Vivian_                            109

1815. WATERLOO                   _Wellington’s Despatches_           112




ENGLAND AND NAPOLEON

1801-1815




THE BATTLE OF THE BALTIC (1801).

=Source.=--Thomas Campbell: _Historical Lyrics and Ballads_. P. 93.


        I.

    Of Nelson and the North
    Sing the glorious day’s renown,
    When to battle fierce came forth
    All the might of Denmark’s crown,
    And her arms along the deep proudly shone;
    By each gun the lighted brand,
    In a bold determined hand,
    And the Prince of all the land
    Led them on.


        II.

    Like leviathans afloat
    Lay their bulwarks on the brine;
    While the sign of battle flew
    On the lofty British line:
    It was ten of April morn by the chime:
    As they drifted on their path,
    There was silence deep as death;
    And the boldest held his breath
    For a time.


        III.

    But the might of England flushed
    To anticipate the scene;
    And her van the fleeter rushed
    O’er the deadly space between.
    “Hearts of oak!” our captains cried; when each gun
    From its adamantine lips
    Spread a death-shade round the ships,
    Like the hurricane eclipse
    Of the sun.


        IV.

    Again! again! again!
    And the havoc did not slack,
    Till a feeble cheer the Dane
    To our cheering sent us back;--
    Their shots along the deep slowly boom:
    Then cease--and all is wail,
    As they strike the shattered sail;
    Or in conflagration pale
    Light the gloom.


        V.

    Out spoke the victor then,
    As he hailed them o’er the wave,
    “Ye are brothers! ye are men!
    And we conquer but to save!
    So peace, instead of death, let us bring;
    But yield, proud foe, thy fleet
    With the crews, at England’s feet,
    And make submission meet
    To our King.”


        VI.

    Then Denmark blessed our chief,
    That he gave her wounds repose;
    And the sounds of joy and grief
    From her people wildly rose,
    As death withdrew his shades from the day:
    While the sun looked smiling bright
    O’er a wide and woful sight,
    Where the fires of funeral light
    Died away.


        VII.

    Now joy, Old England, raise
    For the tidings of thy might,
    By the festal cities’ blaze,
    Whilst the wine-cup shines in light;
    And yet amidst that joy and uproar,
    Let us think of them that sleep
    Full many a fathom deep
    By thy wild and stormy steep,
    Elsinore!


        VIII.

    Brave hearts! to Britain’s pride
    Once so faithful and so true,
    On the deck of fame that died
    With the gallant good Riou!
    Soft sigh the winds of Heaven o’er their grave!
    While the billow mournful rolls
    And the mermaid’s song condoles,
    Singing glory to the souls
    Of the brave!




IRELAND IN 1801.

_Source._--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. i., p. 286.


     MINUTES OF PROCEEDINGS IN IRELAND FROM JULY TO DEC. 1801; AND
     OUTLINES OF IRISH BUSINESS FOR 1802, REPORTED AND READ OVER TO MR.
     ADDINGTON, FEB. 1802.


IRISH AFFAIRS, JAN. 1802.

I. Their present state, including a detailed Account of the Government
Transactions there during the last Six Months.

II. Outline of the Public Business of Ireland for the Year 1802.


I. THE GOVERNMENT.

1. _Lord-Lieutenant._--Unsettled powers; question whether a
Lord-Lieutenant from England, administering the protection and patronage
of the Crown subordinately to the King’s Ministers--or a Government by
Lords Justices setting up for themselves, and tyrannising over their
countrymen--or endeavour to govern Ireland entirely by a Secretary of
State at Whitehall.

N.B.--No communication has been made to Lord Hardwicke in answer to the
paper transmitted by him to Lord Pelham, containing remarks upon Lord
Pelham’s proposition.

2. _Chief Secretary._--Unsettled emoluments of the Office in Ireland.
Unsettled footing of the Irish Office in London.

Query.--Suppress its establishment as an Office accredited with the
Secretary of State for the Home Department; and as hitherto employed for
soliciting Civil Patents and Military Commissions in the place of the
old office of Resident Secretary (Fremantle and Jenkinson). And transfer
the agency and fees of the business to the Secretary of State’s Office;
leaving no establishment in London for the Chief Secretary to transact
his business, except what assistance he may personally obtain for
himself from Dublin Castle, etc.

N.B.--The salary and fees of this Office upon Peace Establishments, viz.
about 5,000_l._ British, are not more than adequate to the necessary
expenses of the office conducted with economy; having houses and
servants in each country; and the removal of a family twice a year
across the Channel.

3. _Private Secretary._--Unprovided present subsistence, and no certain
future provision.

4. _Lord Chancellor_ (_Lord Clare_).--Hostile to any Government by
Lord-Lieutenant. Desirous himself to be Lord-Deputy, or at the head of
Lords Justices; and for Mr. Cooke to be Secretary of State under him.

5. _Commander of the Forces._--Sir W. Meadows, cordially co-operating
with the Lord-Lieutenant.

6. _Royal Building, &c._--In the Castle a library for printed books
upon Irish affairs. Orders also given for arranging the State Papers,
&c., in the Birmingham Tower. Plans and estimate ordered for rebuilding
the Castle chapel, and adapting it to choir service.

_Parliament House._--A proposal transmitted to the King’s Ministers for
selling it to the National Bank of Ireland, or appropriating it to
Public Offices.

_Phœnix Park._--Walls and roads ordered to be repaired; rights of
Park officers ascertained; encroachments defeated.

7. _Union Engagements._--Many liquidated. No vacant office has been
given away without considering to what promise it could apply.


II. FINANCE.

1. Treasury Statements of Annual Income and Expenditure of Ireland
assimilated to the British series of Public Accounts, and adapted to the
same annual and quarterly periods.

2. _Revenue Boards._--Examination into its past state by personal
conference with each of the four senior Examiners; all of them agreeing
that it was corrupt and inefficient; proved also by lists of Officers
accused and protected; proved also by reports of Mr. Beresford, in 1792;
and of the Acting Surveyor-General, Mr. Cooke, in 1800.

Division of the Board into Customs and Excise, as projected in Lord
Townsend’s and Lord Buckingham’s Administration, and executed now in the
manner prescribed by Mr. Beresford, in a letter written by himself on a
former occasion; a copy whereof was delivered to me by Mr. B., with a
recommendation of its being adopted for this purpose at this time.

_Dublin Quay Regulated._--Tobacco stores, gate notes, &c., under advice
of the Board, and upon suggestion and report of Mr. Croker, who was
appointed acting Surveyor-General of the port, with joint approbation of
Mr. Beresford and Mr. Annesley, and established in the Office of
Surveyor-General by Lord Hardwicke.

Regulations enforced prohibiting all Revenue Officers from being
traders.

Revision and Amendment of the Distillery Laws considered. Throughout
Ireland the Surveyors-General ordered to report quarterly from their
actual surveys.

N.B.--Dublin Customs’ duties are one half, and Dublin Excise duties one
quarter of all Ireland.

A mode settled for passing Collector’s accounts in Dublin with more
expedition, and (as in England) without their personal attendance.

Cruisers called in; inspection of repairs ordered, and a report upon the
future complement of men for their Peace Establishment.

Additional officers appointed, not for patronage, but upon special
reports of the Board, and upon considerations of personal merit, viz.
two Surveyors-General, one Inspector-General, and one Inspector, and two
Landwaiters in the Port of Dublin.

General plan for prevention of smuggling and illicit distilleries
prepared for consideration.

Commercial regulations between Great Britain and Ireland considered, and
reported upon by the Commissioners of Revenue.

3. _Auditors of Public Accounts._--Their accounts methodised on the
British plan, and brought up to 5th January, 1802, showing the actual
amounts of debts due from Public Accountants.

4. _Stamps._--After a previous investigation by the Treasury, and
personal conference repeatedly with the Commissioners.

Establishment settled on the British model, and report upon the building
purchased for the use of this Office before the Rebellion.

Consignments to distributors, and the appropriation of their receipts
new modelled.

Debts from deceased and dismissed distributors called in; securities of
distributors raised.

Inspectors-General ordered upon survey throughout Ireland, and to make
quarterly reports; and two new inspectors added at inferior salaries,
with prospect of succession to the higher, if merited.

Revision and amendment of the Stamp Laws prepared.

N.B.--Last summer, in the counties of Wicklow and Wexford, several
Justices of Peace refused to convict in penalties for evading the Stamp
Duties.

5. _Crown Lands._--A report upon their state, extent, and value ordered
to be made out in thirty-two books for the thirty-two counties.

6. _Board of Works._--Appropriation of issues between May 1801, and
August 1801, viz. 20,000_l._ having been called for, and no account
being produced of time or place, of articles supplied, or work done, nor
any check appearing; an inquiry directed for settling an efficient
system of checks for the future; report made and instructions issued to
take effect prospectively from 5th January, 1802.

N.B.--By Comptroller of Accounts (who has controlled the Barrack
Accounts), and two Privy Councillors.

All the old accounts ordered to be balanced and closed to 5th January,
1802, where a debt stated in November to be 11,000_l._, was stated in
January to be a debt of 37,000_l._; though no new work was ordered or
executed in the interval. And it appeared also that no final accounts
had been settled with the tradesmen for [1] years. How many years?

N.B.--During the period within which this debt was incurred, there was
an annual issue to the Board of from 25,000_l._ to 32,000_l._ a year. No
new building, except one house, which cost 3,000_l._, was erected. The
Castle or public apartments are worse furnished than any private
gentleman’s house in England.

_Note._--The First Commissioner of the Board, consisting of seven, is
also sole Barrackmaster-General; and has the sole expenditure of nearly
300,000_l._ a year. And the latest of his accounts delivered in to be
audited, viz. March, 1800, did not come down to a later period than 25th
March, 1796.

N.B.--Lord Tyrawley, from a very moderate beginning, is reputed to have
made a landed property of 10,000_l._ a year, out of private trusts (viz.
law arrears, &c.), and out of public offices, viz. the Board of Works
and Barrack Office.

As to the economy of his department, _ex uno disce omnes_. Ready-made
sentry-boxes sent in carts from Dublin to Cork. Extravagant expense of
carriage, and destruction of the articles themselves.




GOLF AND FOOTBALL (1801).

=Source.=--Strutt’s _Sports and Pastimes of the People of England_, 1801.
Pp. 93 and 97 of Methuen’s edition, 1903.


There are many games played with the ball that require the assistance of
a club or bat, and probably the most ancient among them is the pastime
now distinguished by the name of golf. In the northern parts of the
kingdom golf is much practised. It requires much room to perform this
game with propriety, and therefore I presume it is rarely seen at
present in the vicinity of the metropolis. It answers to a rustic
pastime of the Romans which they played with a ball of leather stuffed
with feathers, called _paganica_, because it was used by the common
people: the golf-ball is composed of the same materials to this day; I
have been told it is sometimes, though rarely, stuffed with cotton. In
the reign of Edward III. the Latin name _cambuca_ was applied to this
pastime, and it derived the denomination, no doubt, from the crooked
club or bat with which it was played; the bat was also called a bandy,
from its being bent. Golf, according to the present modification of the
game, is performed with a bat, not much unlike the bandy: the handle of
this instrument is straight, and usually made of ash, about four feet
and a half in length: the curvature is affixed to the bottom, faced with
horn and backed with lead; the ball is a little one, but exceedingly
hard; being made with leather, and, as before observed, stuffed with
feathers. There are generally two players, who have each of them his bat
and ball. The game consists in driving the ball into certain holes made
in the ground; he who achieves it the soonest, or in the fewest number
of strokes, obtains the victory.

Football is so called because the ball is driven about with the feet
instead of the hands. It was formerly much in vogue among the common
people of England, though of late years it seems to have fallen into
disrepute, and is but little practised. I cannot pretend to determine at
what period the game of football originated: it does not, however, to
the best of my recollection, appear among the popular exercises before
the reign of Edward III., and then, in 1349, it was prohibited by a
public edict; not, perhaps, from any particular objection to the sport
in itself, but because it co-operated, with other favourite amusements,
to impede the progress of archery. When a match at football is made, two
parties, each containing an equal number of competitors, take the field,
and stand between two goals, placed at the distance of 80 or 100 yards
the one from the other. The goal is usually made with two sticks driven
into the ground, about two or three feet apart. The ball, which is
commonly made of a blown bladder, and cased with leather, is delivered
in the midst of the ground, and the object of each party is to drive it
through the goal of their antagonists, which being achieved the game is
won. The abilities of the performers are best displayed in attacking and
defending the goals; and hence the pastime was more frequently called a
goal at football than a game at football. When the exercise becomes
exceeding violent, the players kick each other’s shins without the least
ceremony, and some of them are overthrown at the hazard of their limbs.




SHERIDAN FOR ADDINGTON, CANNING FOR PITT (1802).

=Source.=--Stanhope’s _Life of Pitt_, 1862. Vol. iii., p. 415.


The great speech of Sheridan was, however, reserved till the 8th of
December, when the Army Estimates came forward. They were moved by Mr.
Charles Yorke as Secretary at War. “I was much surprised,” said Mr.
Yorke, “when, on another evening, I heard an Hon. gentleman (Mr. Fox)
maintain that there was no reason why a larger establishment than usual
in former periods of peace should be maintained in Great Britain; and
that there were reasons why even a smaller force would suffice
everywhere but in the West Indies.” It was no hard matter for Mr. Yorke
to argue against this proposition, or to point out the dangers that
impended from the Continent of Europe. He could reckon on the support of
the House for the proposal which his speech contained--to provide for a
regular force of nearly one hundred and thirty thousand men, counting
officers, and including the regiments in India. This was an increase on
the establishment voted on the first conclusion of the peace.

Then and after some other speeches Sheridan rose. He referred to Fox as
to the man whom of all men upon earth he most loved and respected. But
these sentiments did not withhold him from some keen animadversions,
although in covert terms, upon the course which Fox had latterly been
seeking to promote. He approved of the King’s Speech. He approved of the
large establishments. He approved of Addington as Minister. What (he
asked) had other members really to allege against that Right Hon.
gentleman? Theirs was a mere capricious dislike; for no better reason
than is given in an epigram of Martial, or in an English parody upon
that epigram:

    “I do not like thee, Dr. Fell,
     The reason why I cannot tell;
     But this I’m sure I know full well,
     I do not like thee, Dr. Fell.”

Those who call to mind that Addington already bore the nickname of “the
Doctor,” and who know the keen relish of the House of Commons for almost
any jest, may easily imagine the roars of laughter with which Sheridan’s
allusion was received.

Sheridan proceeded in a strain of blended wit and argument. “What,” he
said, “did these gentlemen expect from the present Chancellor of the
Exchequer? We treated him when in the Chair of this House with the
respect he merited.... But did they expect that when he was a Minister
he was to stand up and call Europe to Order? Was he to send Mr. Colman,
the Serjeant-at-Arms, to the Baltic and summon the Northern Powers to
the Bar of this House? Was he to see the Powers of Germany scrambling
like Members over the benches, and say--Gentlemen must take their
places? Was he expected to cast his eye to the Tuscan gallery, and
exclaim that strangers must withdraw? Was he to stand across the Rhine,
and say--The Germans to the right, and the French to the left? If he
could have done these things, I for one should always vote that the
Speaker of the House should be appointed the Minister of the country.
But the Right Hon. gentleman has done all that a reasonable man could
expect him to do.”

“Sir,”--so Sheridan continued--“I confess I wish to know what Mr. Pitt
himself thinks. I should be glad to hear what his sentiments are of the
call made for him; and loudly too, in another place by a vigorous
statesman.[2] I well remember, Sir, and so do we all, the character Mr.
Pitt gave of the present administration. Does he mean to retract that
character? I cannot suppose he does.... Sir, when I see so many persons
anxious about that gentleman, I am glad to hear that his health is
re-established. But how, I would ask, can we with any consistency turn
out the man who made the peace to bring in the man who avowed his
approbation of it?... I suspect, therefore, that the political
Philidor’s game has been misunderstood; that his friends have displaced
a knight and a castle when they should only have taken two pawns; that
they have made an attempt to checkmate the King when they had no
instructions for doing it. I cannot forget the period when the august
Person of the Sovereign was held up as the only man who was against
extending privileges to the Catholics in Ireland; and I cannot,
therefore, brook the idea of calling that Right Hon. gentleman back to
power, and forcing him upon the Crown.... Mr. Pitt the only man to save
the country! If a nation depends only upon one man, it cannot, and I
will add, it does not deserve to be saved; it can be saved only by the
Parliament and people.”

Next after Sheridan rose Canning. In his great speech that evening he
displayed not only a luminous eloquence, but the rarer gift (rarer, I
mean, in him) of perfect discretion. He desired to express his
sentiments, not of satisfaction merely, but of thankfulness, for the
part which his Hon. Friend (Mr. Sheridan) had that day done.

“It is by no means the first time,” he said, “that my Hon. Friend,
throwing aside all petty distinctions of party feeling, has come
forward, often under circumstances of peculiar difficulty, often
discouraged, always alone, as the champion of his country’s rights and
interests, and has rallied the hearts and spirits of the nation.[3] I
trust we shall now hear no more of those miserable systems, the object
of which is not to rouse us to ward off our ruin, but to reconcile us to
submit to it.... ‘We have nothing to dread from France but a rivalry in
commerce,’ says the Hon. gentleman opposite to me (Mr. Fox). Look round,
Sir, on the state of the world, and can such an argument even from such
a man need farther refutation?”

“And what, Sir”--so Canning went on in another passage--“what is the
nature of the times in which we live? Look at France, and see what we
have to cope with, and consider what has made her what she is? A man.
You will tell me that she was great, and powerful, and formidable before
the date of Bonaparte’s Government; that he found in her great physical
and moral resources; that he had but to turn them to account. True, and
he did so. Compare the situation in which he found France with that to
which he has raised her. I am no panegyrist of Bonaparte; but I cannot
shut my eyes to the superiority of his talents, to the amazing
ascendency of his genius. Tell me not of his measures and his policy--it
is his genius, his character, that keeps the world in awe. Sir, to meet,
to check, to curb, to stand up against him, we want arms of the same
kind. I am far from objecting to the large military establishments
which are proposed to you. I vote for them with all my heart. But, for
the purpose of coping with Bonaparte, one great commanding spirit is
worth them all. This is my undisguised opinion. But when I state this
opinion thus undisguisedly, is my Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Pitt) to be
implicated in a charge of prompting what I say?...

“Sir, of all the imputations to which that Right Hon. gentleman could be
subjected, I confess I did think that of intrigue and cabal the least
likely to be preferred against him by any man who has witnessed his
public conduct.... No, Sir. Never did young Ambition, just struggling
into public notice and aiming at popular favour, labour with half so
much earnestness to court reputation and to conciliate adherents, as my
Right Hon. Friend has laboured since his retreat from office not to
attract, but to repel; not to increase the number of his followers, but
to dissolve attachment and to transfer support. And if, whatever has
been his endeavour to insulate and individualize himself in political
life, he has not been able to succeed wholly, even with those who would
sacrifice to his wishes everything but their attachment to him--if with
the public he has succeeded not at all, what is the inference? what but
that, retreat and withdraw as much as he will, he must not hope to
efface the memory of his past services from the gratitude of his
country?--he cannot withdraw himself from the following of a nation; he
must endure the attachment of a people whom he has saved.”




TYPICAL VESSELS OF THE ROYAL NAVY (1803 to 1815).

=Source.=--Clowes: _The Royal Navy_, 1900. Vol. v. (1803 to 1815), p. 15.


Models of many of the most typical vessels which were added to the Navy
during the period under review are to be seen at Greenwich. Among them
are whole or half-block models of the following ships:

  +--------------+------------+----------+----------+
  |    Name.     | Length of  |  Beam.   | Depth in |
  |              | Gun-deck.  |          |   Hold.  |
  +--------------+------------+----------+----------+
  |              | Ft.   In.  | Ft.  In. | Ft.  In. |
  |_Caledonia_   | 205  0     | 54  6    | 23  2    |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |_Hercules_    | 176  1     | 48  4¼   | 21  0    |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |_Bulwark_     | 181 10     | 49  3    | 20  7    |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |_Java_        | 171 11½    | 44  1    | 14  3    |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |_President_   | 173  3     | 44  4    | 13 11    |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |_Chesapeake_  | 151  0     | 40 11    | 13  9    |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |_Lively_      | 154  1     | 39  6    | 13  6    |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |_Euryalus_    | 145  2     | 38  2½   | 13  3    |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |_Lacedemonian_| 150  4     | 40  0½   | 12  9½   |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |_Barbados_    | 140  0     | 36  7    | 16  0    |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |_Eden_        | 108  6     | 30  8    |  9  0    |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |_Andromeda_   | 129  7     | 36  5-3/8| 11  0    |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |_Florida_     | 119  5½    | 32  0    | 14  2    |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |_Epervier_    |  95  1     | 28  6    |  8  9½   |
  |_Cadmus_      |  90  3     | 24  6    | 11  0    |
  |              |            |          |          |
  |              |            |          |          |
  +--------------+------------+----------+----------+


  +--------------+-------+------+-------+-------------------------------+
  |    Name.     | Tons. | Men. | Guns. | When and where Built, or how  |
  |              |       |      |       |      Acquired, etc.           |
  +--------------+-------+------+-------+-------------------------------+
  |              |       |      |       |                               |
  |_Caledonia_   | 2,616 | 875  |  120  | Launched 1808, at Devonport.  |
  |              |       |      |       |   Designed by Sir W. Rule.    |
  |_Hercules_    | 1,750 | 590  |   80  | Launched 1815, at Chatham.    |
  |              |       |      |       |   Designed by Surveyor’s Dept.|
  |_Bulwark_     | 1,940 | 590  |   74  | Launched 1807, at Portsmouth. |
  |              |       |      |       |   Designed by Sir W. Rule.    |
  |_Java_        | 1,458 | 480  |   60  | Launched 1815, at Devonport.  |
  |              |       |      |       |   Designed by Surveyor’s Dept.|
  |_President_   | 1,533 | 480  |   50  | Taken 1815, from              |
  |              |       |      |       |   the Americans.              |
  |_Chesapeake_  | 1,135 | 315  |   48  | Taken 1813, from              |
  |              |       |      |       |   the Americans.              |
  |_Lively_      | 1,076 | 284  |   46  | Launched 1804, at Woolwich.   |
  |              |       |      |       |   Designed by Sir W. Rule.    |
  |_Euryalus_    |   946 | 264  |   42  | Launched 1803, by Adams,      |
  |              |       |      |       |   Bucklershard.               |
  |              |       |      |       |   Designed by Sir W. Rule.    |
  |_Lacedemonian_| 1,073 | 264  |   38  | Launched 1812, at Portsmouth. |
  |              |       |      |       |   Built after the French      |
  |              |       |      |       |   _Hébé_, taken in 1782.      |
  |_Barbados_    |   800 | 195  |   36  | Ex. _Brave_. Taken from       |
  |              |       |      |       |   the French, 1804.           |
  |_Eden_        |   451 | 150  |   28  | Launched 1804, by Courtney,   |
  |              |       |      |       |   Chester. Designed by        |
  |              |       |      |       |   Sir W. Rule.                |
  |_Andromeda_   |   812 | 195  |   24  | Ex. _Hannibal_. Taken 1812,   |
  |              |       |      |       |   from the Americans.         |
  |_Florida_     |   539 | 135  |   20  | Ex. _Frolic_. Taken 1814,     |
  |              |       |      |       |   from the Americans.         |
  |_Epervier_    |   315 | 121  |   16  | Taken 1803, from the French.  |
  |_Cadmus_      |   237 |  76  |   10  | Launched 1808, by Dudman,     |
  |              |       |      |       |   Deptford. Designed          |
  |              |       |      |       |   by H. Peake.                |
  +--------------+-------+------+-------+-------------------------------+





DESIRE FOR PITT’S RETURN TO OFFICE (1803).

=Source.=--Stanhope’s _Life of Pitt_, 1862. Vol. iv., p. 28.


_Mr. Long to Mr. Pitt._

BROMLEY HILL,
_April 3, 1803_.

DEAR PITT,

I am anxious to give you some account of what passed between Addington
and myself upon my return, reserving details upon the whole subject till
we meet. He seemed extremely anxious that you should not consider a
pending negotiation as any obstacle to coming forward at the present
moment, but it is hardly necessary to say what he stated upon this
subject, because he has since altered his opinion, and rather thinks the
fit time would be when the negotiation is brought to a point _either
way_, which (in conjunction with Lord Hawkesbury, Lord Castlereagh, and
your brother) he is satisfied will be determined before you meet at
Bromley Hill. Upon the whole question of arrangement he seemed disposed
to adopt what you had authorized me to state, not as anything settled,
but as a general idea upon the subject, but at the same time expressed
great difficulties about Lord Hobart (none about Lord Pelham). He ended
this part of the subject by saying that of course you were the best
judge of those persons who had claims upon you, but that he trusted you
would not decide anything upon this point (if the thing proceeded to
that length) without also considering the fair pretensions of those who
had claims upon him. I instanced Bragge, Smyth, Lord C. Spencer, and
Wickham, as persons _accidentally_ placed in the situations they held,
and whom it might be necessary to call upon to give way: he admitted the
justice of what I said upon all these persons, and of the possible
necessary arrangement respecting them, but added that he believed the
last particularly agreeable to the Chancellor of Ireland and the Lord
Lieutenant, and also well qualified for his office. With respect to Lord
Grenville, he thought it impossible to admit him or any of his friends
at the present moment without a marked degradation of himself and his
colleagues, but that he could not mean to proscribe them, or to preclude
you from taking whatever assistance you thought right at any future
time. I then mentioned Canning and Rose: he said the first had been
personally offensive to him; but upon my submitting to him whether he
could justify the suffering even personal offence to stand in the way of
what he had taken so much pains to convince me was a necessary public
arrangement, he seemed very much softened upon this point, and with
respect to Rose he stated no objection. There was no difficulty in
leaving the vacancies at the Treasury, provided something else was done
for Broderick, for whom he had pledged himself to provide. He then
showed me a letter from Lord St. Vincent, requesting, on account of his
state of health, that he would find him a successor as soon as he
conveniently could, and expressed a wish to send the papers which
referred to the points upon which you desired information. It is very
probable you may want further information upon these subjects, which of
course you can have at Bromley Hill.

I saw Lord Castlereagh the next day: very anxious that you should be
induced to come into the proposal, even during negotiation, if, contrary
to all appearances, it should be protracted. He argued the cases of war,
of peace, and of protracted negotiation very ably, as each affording
sufficient grounds for your placing yourself at the head of the
Government. If we were led into war, no person could conduct it with
effect but yourself. You could prevent the negotiation spinning out to a
disadvantageous length; and in peace, the state of parties was the
ground upon which he urged the necessity of your taking the Government.
Neither he nor Lord Hawkesbury concealed from me the _necessity for a
change_. Lord H. was of opinion Lord Grenville could not possibly come
in under this arrangement, but seemed to think there would not be any
difficulty at a future period.... I have made some endeavours to obtain
the opinion of the City: as far as I have been able to ascertain it, it
is uniform--a very strong wish that you should take the lead in
Government, but an almost equally strong opinion that Grenville should
be no part of it. Thornton gave me some strong grounds for supposing
this was the general opinion upon both points; but as I know how often
people give their own opinion as the public opinion, only for the
purpose of strengthening it, I receive a public opinion with some
caution. At the same time I have heard the [same] from so many quarters,
that I believe it is not mistaken; and there is one point at least in
which I think you will concur with me--that pending the negotiation it
would be extremely prejudicial to yourself to take office with
Grenville; for if it ended in war, his influence would be supposed to
have occasioned it; and things are certainly in that state in which it
is the general wish that we should at least give ourselves every fair
chance of preserving peace....

I have only had time to scribble this as fast as I could since Huskisson
told me he was going to Walmer. I hope you will find it intelligible.

Ever yours,
C. L.




VERSES BY CANNING AGAINST ADDINGTON (1803).

=Source.=--Stanhope’s _Life of Pitt_, 1862. Vol. iv., pp. 58, 59, 60.


    Praise to placeless proud ability
    Let the prudent Muse disclaim;
    And sing the statesman--all civility--
    Whom moderate talents raise to fame.

           *       *       *

    Splendid talents are deceiving,
    Tend to counsels much too bold;
    Moderate men we prize, believing
    All that glitters is not gold.

    When the faltering periods flag,
    Or the House receives them drily,
    Cheer, oh cheer him, brother Bragge!
    Cheer, oh cheer him, brother Hiley!

    Each a gentleman at large,
    Lodged and fed at public charge,
    Paying, with a grace to charm ye,
    This the fleet, and that the army.

    Brother Bragge and brother Hiley,
    Cheer him! when he speaks so vilely;
    Cheer him! when his audience flag,
    Brother Hiley, brother Bragge.

    If _blocks_ can from danger deliver,
      Two places are safe from the French:
    One is the mouth of the river,
      The other the Treasury Bench.

    Pitt is to Addington
    As London to Paddington.




NOTES ON THE WAR, GERMANY, AND NAPOLEON, BY PITT (1803).

=Source.=--Stanhope’s _Life of Pitt_, 1862. Vol. iv., p. 223.


THE WAR.

(_Paper-mark_, 1803.)


“Whether the attacks should be numerous or few in order to strengthen
them, and in what points:--

“1. _South of Italy._--Besides Neapolitans, 10 or 15,000 British troops
and as many Russians; besides free corps raised in Albania and Italy,
the latter by the King of Sardinia.

“2. _North of Italy_.--_Switzerland and South of Germany._--Austrian
troops supported by 60,000 Russians as auxiliaries.

“_North of Germany._--40,000 Russians, with a body of Hanoverians, a
Swedish army, and a diversion from England. To advance towards the Low
Countries.

“The operations on the two flanks may be modified according to the
conduct of Turkey. These will probably only act when forced. Austria and
Sweden may, it is thought, be brought to act voluntarily.

“It is not meant by diversion that any descent should be made from hence
in the beginning, but that we should continue to menace their coasts,
and not attempt anything in the interior till after some decided
success.

“Advantages to be given to any Power if necessary should be regulated
with a view to the future safety of Europe, and the zeal shown by each
Power. It is supposed nothing can be proposed for Prussia consistent
with the safety and interests of the rest of Europe, except the
provinces she ceded to France. Austria is expected from the little which
has passed to be very moderate, and content with inconsiderable
acquisitions in Germany and Italy.

“King of Sardinia should not only be re-established, but his share
should be made as large as possible.

“Switzerland should be _arrondi_, and its position strengthened as much
as possible.

“The same principle should be followed with respect to Holland.”


GERMANY.

(_Paper-mark_, 1803.)

“The present situation of the German body neither good for the countries
themselves nor for Europe.

“Should a part of it be _englobé_ by the two great Powers, or a third
great State formed in the middle of Germany? This can scarce be thought
of, from its injustice to so many Princes of the Empire.

“Could a more concentrated Federative Government be formed out of the
different States; and should not in that case both Austria and Prussia
be separated from it?

“Principle of mediation being to precede war.

“Intimate union necessary between England and Russia, who are the only
Powers that for many years can have no jealousy or opposite interests.”


NAPOLEON.

“I see various and opposite qualities--all the great and all the little
passions unfavourable to public tranquillity--united in the breast of
one man, and of that man, unhappily, whose personal caprice can scarce
fluctuate for an hour without affecting the destiny of Europe. I see the
inward workings of fear struggling with pride in an ardent,
enterprising, and tumultuous mind. I see all the captious jealousy of
conscious usurpation dreaded, detested, and obeyed--the giddiness and
intoxication of splendid but unmerited success--the arrogance, the
presumption, the self-will of unlimited and idolized power, and--more
dreadful than all in the plenitude of authority--the restless and
incessant activity of guilty but unsated ambition.”




GUN-BOATS FOR DEFENCE (1803).

=Source.=--_Diaries ... of the Right Hon. George Rose_, 1860. P. 69.


_Mr. Pitt to Mr. Rose._

MARGATE,
_Oct. 18th, 1803_.

DEAR ROSE

I received your letter just as I left home this morning. I had not
forgot your wish to have a description of our gun-boats; but as many of
my friends here are more expert in fitting a boat, or fighting it, than
in writing or drawing, I could not at once obtain one which would
explain to you the last improved mode of fitting as accurately as I
wished. But Mr. Whitby, the Assistant of Sheerness Yard, who has been
appointed to superintend the work, and whom I saw yesterday, has
promised me to send immediately to your house, in Palace Yard, a small
model of the frame and slide, which will, I trust, completely answer the
purpose. I should hope it will reach your house in a day or two, and you
will, I take for granted, send orders for its being immediately
forwarded to you by coach. We have now fitted, or are fitting, I
believe, about 170 boats between Margate and Hastings, which, I think,
will contribute not a little to giving the enemy a good reception
whenever they think proper to visit us. By the intelligence I collect,
and by the orders for extraordinary preparation which are received from
London by this post, I am much more inclined than I have ever been
hitherto to believe that some attempt will be made soon. In this
situation I am likely to have my time very completely occupied by the
various concerns of my regiment and my district. I hope, however, to
find some interval for attending a little to the cursory remarks, when I
hear from Long, which I am expecting to do every day. Our volunteers
are, I think, likely, to be called upon to undertake permanent duty,
which, I hope, they will readily consent to. I suppose the same measure
will be recommended in your part of the coast. I wish the arrangements
for defence were as forward everywhere else as they are in Hythe Bay,
under General Moore. We begin now to have no other fear in that quarter
than that the enemy will not give us an opportunity of putting our
preparations to the proof, and will select some other point, which we
should not be in search of in the first instance. I write here to save
the post, as I shall not get back to Walmer till a late hour.

Ever sincerely yours,
W. PITT.




CONDITION OF THE POOR IN MANUFACTURING TOWNS (1804).

=Source.=--_Gentleman’s Magazine._ Vol. 74, July to December, 1804, p.
710.

_July 17._

MR. URBAN,

    “Judge not, lest you be judged.”

The benevolence and humanity of Dr. Lettsom must ensure esteem; and
certainly the trouble he has taken to meliorate the condition of the
labouring poor must deserve praise, and be grateful to his own feelings,
but, in the way of doing good, there is much delicacy required; and
while we are zealous in our endeavours to promote an active charity in
one particular instance, we should be careful, in the extension of this
important Christian duty, not to forget the other Christian branch of
charity to others also.

In his Remarks on the Condition of the Children of our labouring Poor,
this worthy medical gentleman has, I think, been too partial in
confining his subject to the great manufacturing towns of this kingdom,
and very particularly so in his comparative view of the new Lanark Mills
and those of Holy-well and Manchester.

I have always understood there is great difficulty in the attempt of
separating the cause of the evil which a state derives from the
immorality and the emasculated condition of the poor, from the important
benefits which it derives from the increasing manufactures carried on by
these objects of our speculation. That the regulation of the morals and
the health of the rising progeny of a state, as conducive to industry
and to opulence, demands every attention, it is needless to argue; but
let us see the great difficulties which our principal manufacturing
towns labour under, such as Birmingham and Manchester, compared with the
less contaminated primitive and more hardy poor connected with the
manufactories of Scotland.

From several generations past, the manufactories of our great commercial
towns have encouraged the most extensive employment to the labouring
poor; motley groups of individuals from various quarters have been lured
to them; the parental stock in various particulars originally defective
in point of stamina, and their progeny of course, unhappily tainted with
the same misfortune; the gleanings of work houses from the capital, from
many parts of the country, have been thrown into these great towns;
forsaken children from impure connexions, in whom squalid poverty has
laid the foundation of many disorders, and which growing up and settling
in these places have been communicated to a succeeding race: this evil
is therefore not the present growth of our large factories. In Scotland,
it is but of late years the manufactures have sprung up; the stamina of
their labouring poor is naturally more hardy and less corrupted, not
having the intercourse of the Southern provinces; and by recruiting
constantly from the same parental source, no wonder that the children at
the Lanark Mills have been found more healthy than those of the English
manufacturing towns.

Although the proprietor of the Lanark Mills may deserve praise for his
attention to the health of the children employed in his establishment,
it does not follow that other gentlemen, eminently signalized for their
enterprising spirit, industry, and abilities, owing to the natural
advantages of Mr. Dale,[4] deserve a public exposure and stigma.

I think Mr. Bott, of Nantwich, in Cheshire, is highly to be commended,
for his denial of an entry into his manufactory; and if the visit of the
benevolent Mr. Neild was only to wrest from his mill articles of
crimination for an exposure before the public, Mr. Bott has acted very
wisely, by the interdiction of curiosity and intrusive inquiry at his
own expense; but there are many other reasons which may be fairly
alledged for this gentleman’s refusal. I am informed, that it frequently
happens that many persons, on gaining admittance to these extensive
manufactories, have suborned the artisans from their employers, and in
various other respects have caused much disorder to the establishment.

By the law of the land, it is ordained that these factories should be
opened to the regular and periodical visits of Magistrates; therefore,
by thus exposing the partial evils of these extensive commercial
establishments, which few human undertakings of such a vast magnitude
can be exempt from, where such immense numbers of hands are employed, an
oblique reflection is doubtless cast on the judicial administration of
the State.

The benevolence and zeal of a patriotic character should recommend
itself in a more effectual manner than by publicly praising one man or
set of men at the expense of others, equally, and in the fullest extent
as much deserving. All memorials for the public good should be
circulated through the hands of the civil Magistrate or members of the
country where the evil exists; reforms can thus be more certainly
obtained than by innuendos, which but too generally carry with them the
appearance of party consideration, or other interested motives.

CONSERVATOR.





ANNUAL STATEMENT OF WHEAT, FLOUR, AND BREAD FOR THE YEAR 1804.

=Source.=--_Gentleman’s Magazine._ Vol. 74, January to June, 1804, p.
[iv].


WHEAT.

  +------------+-------------+------------+-------------+-------------+
  |Quantity of |Highest Price|  Monthly   |Lowest Price |Average Price|
  |  Quarters  | per Quarter |Arrangement,| per Quarter |per Quarter  |
  |returned per|in the Month.|  1804.     |in the Month.|for the      |
  |   Month.   |             |            |             |the Month.   |
  +------------+-------------+------------+-------------+-------------+
  |  Qrs. Bush.| Shillings.  |            | Shillings.  |  s.  d.     |
  | 25,789  3  |    63       | January    |    35       |  53  8½     |
  | 19,253  5  |    60       | February   |    32       |  52  1¼     |
  | 22,465  2  |    61       | March      |    35       |  50  8¼     |
  | 22,813  1  |    62       | April      |    30       |  51  8¾     |
  | 17,198  0  |    59       | May        |    32       |  51  8¾     |
  | 18,877  8  |    58       | June       |    32       |  51  1¾     |
  | 30,517  4  |    70       | July       |    32       |  54 11¼     |
  | 50,437  2  |    80       | August     |    37       |  64  2¼     |
  | 45,199  3  |    85       | September  |    42       |  70  6¼     |
  | 64,684  7  |    93       | October    |    42       |  73  5      |
  | 69,001  1  |   132       | November   |    50       |  88 11¼     |
  | 51,933  3  |   135       | December   |    62       | 104  3¼     |
  +------------+-------------+------------+-------------+-------------+

Total, 438,170 quarters, 3 bushels. Average per quarter, 70s. 8½d.


FLOUR.

  +--------------+-------------+------------+-------------+--------------+
  |  Quantity of |Highest Price|  Monthly   |Lowest Price |Average Price |
  |Sacks returned| per Sack    |Arrangement,|  per Sack   |per Sack      |
  |  per Month.  |in the Month.|   1804.    |in the Month.|for the Month.|
  +--------------+-------------+------------+-------------+--------------+
  |              | Shillings.  |            |   s.  d.    |   s.   d.    |
  |   71,797     |    55       | January    |   36  6     |   49   1½    |
  |   61,191     |    50       | February   |   37        |   44   9½    |
  |   73,366     |    50       | March      |   30        |   44  10¾    |
  |   60,904     |    50       | April      |   38        |   44   9¼    |
  |   48,641     |    50       | May        |   39        |   44   9¼    |
  |   69,795     |    50       | June       |   37        |   44  10¼    |
  |   86,321     |    60       | July       |   37        |   49   4¼    |
  |   67,421     |    75       | August     |   45        |   63   2     |
  |   40,586     |    75       | September  |   50        |   63  11¾    |
  |   84,443     |    84       | October    |   56        |   71   4¾    |
  |   49,954     |   105       | November   |   65        |   87   8½    |
  |   59,110     |   105       | December   |   80        |   98   3½    |
  +--------------+-------------+------------+-------------+--------------+

Total, 773,529 sacks. Average, per sack, 58s. 1d.


BREAD.

_Price of the Quartern Loaf, Wheaten, per Week._

NOTE.--The Assize is set on Tuesday in every week, and takes place on
the Thursday following; therefore the under is dated on Thursday.

             d.          d.            d.           d.
  January  5 9¼|April  5 8½|July    5  8½|October 4 12
     “    12 9¼|  “   12 8½|  “    12  8¾|  “    11 12¼
     “    19 9¼|  “   19 8½|  “    19  9¼|  “    18 12¼
     “    26 9 |  “   26 8¼|  “    26  9¼|  “    25 12¾
  February 2 9 |May    3 8¼|August  2  9¾|Novem.  1 1¼
     “     9 8½|  “   10 8½|  “     9 10 |  “     8 13½
     “    16 8½|  “   17 8½|  “    16 10¾|  “    15 14½
     “    23 8½|  “   24 8½|  “    23 12 |  “    22 16
  March    1 8½|  “   31 8½|  “    30 12 |  “    29 16½
     “     8 8½|June   7 8½|Septem. 6 11¼|Decem.  6 16½
     “    15 8½|  “   14 8½|  “    13 11 |  “    13 16¾
     “    22 8½|  “   21 8½|  “    20 11½|  “    20 16½
     “    29 8½|  “   28 8½|  “    27 11½|  “    27 16¼




ENGLAND AND THE MEDITERRANEAN.


I. PITT ON MALTA (1805).

=Source.=--Stanhope’s _Life of Pitt_, 1862. Vol. iv., p. 306.


_Mr. Pitt to M. Novosiltzoff_ (_Extract_).

DOWNING STREET,
_June 7, 1805_.

I certainly have always felt that, as long as the execution of the
Treaty of Amiens was in question, this country had no right to look to
any object [touching Malta] but that of endeavouring to secure for it,
if possible, a real and secure independence according to the spirit of
that treaty. But a fresh war, produced by the conduct of France, having
once cancelled that treaty, I cannot consider this country as bound by
any intentions it has professed with a view to the execution of the
treaty; and on general grounds of moderation and justice, I cannot think
this country called upon to offer such an addition to all the other
sacrifices of acquisitions made during the war, especially in return for
concessions on the part of France which can afford no adequate security
for Europe.

The possession of Malta appears to be of the most essential importance
to great and valuable interests of our own, and to our means of
connexion and co-operation with other Powers. Some naval station in the
Mediterranean is absolutely indispensable; but none can be found so
desirable and secure as Malta. Notwithstanding this sentiment, however,
if the arrangement proposed respecting Malta could secure by negotiation
an arrangement really satisfactory on the Continent, and particularly
adequate barriers both for Italy and for Holland, and if we could obtain
the only substitute for Malta which we think could at all answer the
purpose (namely, Minorca), we are ready to overcome our difficulties on
this point; but on any other ground the sacrifice is one to which we
cannot feel ourselves justified to consent. It has, therefore, been
impossible to ratify that part of the 10th article which relates to this
subject, and which was referred hither for decision. We have also found
ourselves under the painful necessity of protesting against any step
which can lead to making our established principles of maritime law the
subject of any revision or discussion. We have endeavoured to explain
frankly and without reserve the motives which guide us on both points.
They are, to our own minds, convincing and conclusive.


II. NELSON ON SARDINIA (1805).

=Source.=--Stanhope’s _Life of Pitt_, 1862. Vol. iv., p. 328.


_Lord Nelson to Mr. Pitt._

GORDON’S HOTEL, 6 A.M.,
_Aug. 29, 1805_.

SIR

I cannot rest until the importance of Sardinia, in every point of view,
is taken into consideration. If my letters to the different Secretaries
of State cannot be found, I can bring them with me. My belief is, that
if France possesses Sardinia, which she may do any moment she pleases,
our commerce must suffer most severely, if possible to be carried on.
Many and most important reasons could be given why the French must not
be suffered to possess Sardinia; but your time is too precious to read
more words than is necessary; therefore I have only stated two strong
points to call your attention to the subject. I am sure our fleet would
find a difficulty, if not impossibility, in keeping any station off
Toulon, for want of that island to supply cattle, water, and
refreshments, in the present state of the Mediterranean; and that we can
have no certainty of commerce at any time, but what France chooses to
allow us, to either Italy or the Levant.

I am, &c.,
NELSON AND BRONTE.




THE BLOW THAT KILLED PITT (1805).

“How I leave my country!” (Pitt’s last words).

=Source.=--T. Holland Rose: _Pitt and Napoleon_. London: G. Bell and Sons.
Pp. 312, 332, 333.


(_a_) _Pitt to Lord Harrowby._

DOWNING STREET,
_October 30, 1805_.

I enclose you a very gloomy account from one of our Dutch
correspondents,[5] from which however I am inclined to deduct as he
proposes at least one half. And though the remainder would be bad enough
in itself, I see nothing in the consequences at all alarming, if Austria
has the courage to pursue the only policy which is safe under such
circumstances. Allowing for the great loss the French must evidently
have sustained, they must probably require some interval before they can
move to the Inn, and that march must be from 100 to 150 miles. If the
Austrians and Russians on the Inn were to be 100,000 men by the 20th of
this month, the further reinforcements they must probably receive from
the Tirol and Salzburg, from such part of the Ulm army as may find its
way to them, and from the Austrian reserves, must enable them to make a
stout and probably an effectual resistance in that position. And they
have still to expect a second army of 50,000 Russians in no long time,
and, I should hope, 40,000 more of the reserve originally intended by
Russia to have been kept on the frontier of Lithuania, but which might
surely now be converted into an active force. Add to this that if
Bonaparte advances to the Inn, he will be at least 300 miles from his
frontier, just about the time the Prussian force will be collected at
Bayreuth, and his allies probably advancing from Saxony and Hesse, the
first of which places seems not more than 80 miles, the second 150 and
the third 200 miles from points that would cut off all communication
with Mentz, Manheim, and Strasburg. I am only unreasonable enough to
desire that the Prussian army may move for this object within five days
from your arrival, and everything may yet take a decisive turn in our
favour before Christmas. We are flattering ourselves that as the wind is
nearly due north, you may be able to sail, but I take the chance of this
finding you still at Yarmouth.


(_b_) _Canning to Pitt._

SOUTH HILL,
_January 4, 1806_.

If Sturges had not written to me yesterday, and I had only my newspapers
of this morning to trust to, I should have made out a very good
consolatory case from the materials which they furnish. But they are not
altogether sufficient to counteract the impression of Sturges’s first
intelligence; and I must therefore refer to you for more substantial and
certain consolation.

1. If the Emperor of Russia has not given up the game personally; and if
he is still in a situation to communicate with the Emperor of Germany, I
have hopes that his influence may yet induce the E. of G. to break the
armistice, before it has led to peace. It is obviously (upon the map)
the interest of Austria to do so.

2. My second hope is from the co-operation of Prussia, but that (which
was my only hope yesterday) is a good deal weakened by the resolution
which Sturges announced to me of the Russian army retreating through
Hungary. Thro’ Hungary! _Into_ Hungary with a view to the first object,
I can understand. But a retreat commenced thro’ Hungary at the same
moment with the offer to Berlin of the use of Russian armies is more
perplexing than encouraging.

3. If the very worst happens that is now threatened--if Austria does
make a separate peace, and is abolished as a Power, and if Prussia lies
down and licks Bonaparte’s feet, and is forgiven and gets Hanover
assigned to her for her submission--still, with Russia unpledged to
peace and committed in war, we are better off than we were before the
Coalition took place. We must then, I think, set about making a new
treaty with Russia with a view to joint negotiation _hereafter_. But
still this is not the hopeless state of things in which (when we were
looking at the possibility of it three months ago) we thought we should
have nothing to do but to return an answer to Bonaparte’s neglected
letter of January last. Nothing like it.

“One of the greatest comforts that you could send me would be the
intelligence that you are going on well and getting stout. I did not
very much like the late accounts of you.... I take for granted you do
not mean to attend the funeral.”[6]

       *       *       *       *       *

NOTE.--The last fatal news of Austerlitz was received by Pitt on January
13, 1806, and he died ten days afterwards, on January 23.




ROUTINE ON A BRITISH MAN-OF-WAR--THE REVENGE (1805).

=Source.=--Clowes’ _Royal Navy,_ 1900. Vol. v., p. 21.


“Our crew were divided into two watches, starboard and larboard. When
one was on deck the other was below: for instance, the starboard watch
would come on at eight o’clock at night, which was called eight bells;
at half-past is called one bell, and so on; every half-hour is a bell,
as the hour-glass is turned, and the messenger sent to strike the bell,
which is generally affixed near the fore-hatchway.[7] It now becomes the
duty of the officer on deck to see that the log-line is run out, to
ascertain how many knots the ship goes an hour, which is entered in the
log-book, with any other occurrence which may take place during the
watch. At twelve o’clock, or eight bells in the first watch, the
Boatswain’s Mate calls out lustily, ‘Larboard watch, a-hoy.’ This is
called the middle watch, and when on deck, the other watch go below to
their hammocks, till eight bells, which is four o’clock in the morning.
They then come on deck again, pull off their shoes and stockings, turn
up their trousers to above their knees, and commence ‘holy-stoning’ the
deck, as it is termed (for Jack is sometimes a little impious in the way
of his sayings). Here the men suffer from being obliged to kneel down on
the wetted deck, and a gravelly sort of sand strewed over it. To perform
this work they kneel with their bare knees, rubbing the deck with a
stone and the sand, the grit of which is often very injurious. In this
manner the watch continues till about four bells, or six o’clock; they
then begin to wash and swab the decks till seven bells, and at eight
bells the Boatswain’s Mate pipes to breakfast. This meal usually
consists of burgoo, made of coarse oatmeal and water; others will have
Scotch coffee, which is burnt bread boil’d in some water, and sweetened
with sugar. This is generally cooked in a hook-pot in the galley, where
there is a range. Nearly all the crew have one of these pots, a spoon,
and a knife; for these things are indispensable; there are also basins,
plates, etc., which are kept in each mess, which generally consists of
eight persons, whose berth is between two of the guns on the lower deck,
where there is a board placed, which swings with the rolling of the
ship, and answers for a table.... At half-past eight o’clock, or one
bell in the forenoon watch, the larboard watch goes on deck, and the
starboard remains below. Here again the ‘holy-stones,’ or ‘hand-bibles,’
as they are called by the crew, are used, and sometimes iron scrapers.
After the lower deck has been wetted with swabs, these scrapers are used
to take the rough dirt off. Whilst this is going on, the cooks from each
mess are employed in cleaning the utensils and preparing for dinner; at
the same time the watch are working the ship, and doing what is wanting
to be done on deck.

“About eleven o’clock, or six bells, when any of the men are in irons,
or on the black list, the boatswain or mate are ordered to call all
hands; the culprits are then brought forward by the Master-at-Arms, who
is a warrant-officer, and acts the part of Jack Ketch when required; he
likewise has the prisoners in his custody, until they are put in irons,
under any charge. All hands being now mustered, the Captain orders the
man to strip; he is then seized to a grating by the wrists and knees;
his crime is then mentioned, and the prisoner may plead; but, in
nineteen cases out of twenty, he is flogged for the most trifling
offence or neglect, such as not hearing the watch called at night, not
doing anything properly on deck or aloft which he might happen to be
sent to do, when, perhaps, he has been doing the best he could, and, at
the same time, ignorant of having done wrong, until he is pounced on,
and put in irons. So much for legal process. After punishment, the
Boatswain’s Mate pipes to dinner, it being eight bells, or twelve
o’clock; and this is the pleasantest part of the day, as at one bell the
piper is called to play ‘Nancy Dawson,’ or some other lively tune, a
well-known signal that the grog is ready to be served out. It is the
duty of the cook from each mess to fetch and serve it out to his
messmates, of which every man and boy is allowed a pint, that is, one
gill of rum and three of water, to which is added lemon acid, sweetened
with sugar. Here I must remark that the cook comes in for the
perquisites of office, by reserving to himself an extra portion of grog,
which is called the over-plus, and generally comes to the double of a
man’s allowance. Thus the cook can take upon himself to be the man of
consequence, for he has the opportunity of inviting a friend to partake
of a glass, or of paying any little debt he may have contracted. It may
not be known to everyone that it is grog which pays debts, and not
money, in a man-of-war. Notwithstanding the cook’s apparently
pre-eminent situation, yet, on some occasions, he is subject to censure
or punishment by his messmates, for not attending to the dinner
properly, or suffering the utensils of his department to be in a dirty
condition. Justice, in these cases, is awarded by packing a jury of
cooks from the different messes, for it falls to the lot of each man in
a mess to act as cook in his turn. The mode or precept by which this
jury is summoned is by hoisting a mess swab or beating a tin dish
between decks forward.... At two bells in the afternoon, or one o’clock,
the starboard watch goes on deck, and remains working the ship, pointing
the ropes, or doing any duty that may be required, until the eight bells
strike, when the Boatswain’s Mate pipes to supper. This consists of half
a pint of wine, or a pint of grog, to each man, with biscuit, and cheese
or butter. At the one bell, or half-past four, which is called one bell
in ‘the first dog-watch,’ the larboard watch comes on duty, and remains
until six o’clock, when that is relieved by the starboard watch, which
is called the ‘second dog-watch,’ which lasts till eight o’clock. To
explain this, it must be observed that these four hours, from four to
eight o’clock, are divided into two watches, with a view of making the
other watches come regular and alternate.... By this regular system of
duty, I became inured to the roughness and hardships of a sailor’s life.
I had made up my mind to be obedient, however irksome to my feelings,
and, our ship being on the Channel Station, I soon began to pick up a
knowledge of seamanship.”




NELSON’S PLAN OF ACTION FOR TRAFALGAR (1805).

=Source.=--Clowes’ _Royal Navy_, 1900. Vol. v., p. 127.


After declaring his intention of keeping the fleet in such a position of
sailing that the order of sailing should be the order of battle, Nelson
went on to say:--

     “If the enemy’s fleet should be seen to windward in line of battle,
     and that the two lines ... could fetch them, they will probably be
     so extended that their van could not succour their rear. I should
     therefore probably make the second in command’s signal to lead
     through about the twelfth ship from their rear, or wherever he
     could fetch, if not able to get so far advanced. My line would cut
     through about their centre.... The whole impression of the British
     fleet must be to overpower [from] two or three ships ahead of their
     commander-in-chief--supposed to be in the centre--to the rear of
     their fleet. I will suppose 20 sail of the enemy’s line to be
     untouched. It must be some time before they could perform a
     manœuvre to bring their force compact to attack any part of the
     British fleet engaged, or to succour their own ships; which,
     indeed, would be impossible without mixing with the ships
     engaged.... British to be one-fourth superior to the enemy cut off.
     Something must be left to chance. Nothing is sure in a sea-fight,
     beyond all others. Shot will carry away the masts and yards of
     friends as well as of foes; but I look with confidence to a victory
     before the van of the enemy could succour their rear; and then that
     the British fleet would, most of them, be ready to receive their 20
     sail of the line, or to pursue them should they endeavour to make
     off.... The second in command will, in all possible things, direct
     the movements of his line, by keeping them as compact as the nature
     of the circumstances will admit. Captains are to look to their
     particular line as their rallying point; but, in case signals
     cannot be seen or clearly understood, no captain can do very wrong
     if he places his ship alongside that of an enemy.”

Should the enemy wait in line of battle--as he actually did at
Trafalgar--to receive an attack from windward--

     “the divisions of the British fleet will be brought nearly within
     gunshot of the enemy’s centre. The signal will most probably then
     be made for the ... lines to bear up together; to set all their
     sails, even their steering sails, in order to get as quickly as
     possible to the enemy’s line, and to cut through, beginning at the
     twelfth ship from the enemy’s rear. Some ships may not get through
     their exact place, but they will always be at hand to assist their
     friends. If any are thrown round the rear of the enemy, they will
     effectually complete the business of 12 sail of the enemy. Should
     the enemy wear together, or bear up and sail large, still the 12
     ships composing, in the first position, the enemy’s rear are to be
     the object of attack of the lee line, unless otherwise directed by
     the Commander-in-Chief, which is scarcely to be expected, as the
     entire management of the lee line, after the intentions of the
     Commander-in-Chief are signified, is intended to be left to the
     judgment of the admiral commanding that line. The remainder of the
     enemy’s fleet ... are to be left to the management of the
     Commander-in-Chief, who will endeavour to take care that the
     movements of the second in command are as little interrupted as
     possible.”[8]




TRAFALGAR (1805).

=Source.=--Southey: _Life of Nelson_ (1813).


Villeneuve was a skilful seaman, worthy of serving a better master and a
better cause. His plan of defence was as well conceived, and as
original, as the plan of attack. He formed the fleet in a double line,
every alternate ship being about a cable’s length to windward of her
second ahead and astern. Nelson, certain of a triumphant issue to the
day, asked Blackwood what he should consider as a victory. That officer
answered, that considering the handsome way in which battle was offered
by the enemy, their apparent determination for a fair trial of strength,
and the situation of the land, he thought it would be a glorious result
if fourteen were captured. He replied, “I shall not be satisfied with
anything short of twenty.” Soon afterwards he asked him if he did not
think there was a signal wanting. Captain Blackwood made answer, that he
thought the whole fleet seemed very clearly to understand what they
were about. These words were scarcely spoken before that signal was
made, which will be remembered as long as the language, or even the
memory of England shall endure--Nelson’s last signal--“ENGLAND EXPECTS
THAT EVERY MAN WILL DO HIS DUTY!” It was received throughout the fleet
with a shout of answering acclamation, made sublime by the spirit which
it breathed, and the feeling which it expressed. “Now,” said Lord
Nelson, “I can do no more. We must trust to the great Disposer of all
events, and the justice of our cause. I thank God for this great
opportunity of doing my duty.”

He wore that day, as usual, his Admiral’s frock-coat, bearing on the
left breast four stars of the different orders with which he was
invested. Ornaments which rendered him so conspicuous a mark for the
enemy, were beheld with ominous apprehensions by his officers. It was
known that there were riflemen on board the French ships; and it could
not be doubted but that his life would be particularly aimed at. They
communicated their fears to each other, and the Surgeon, Mr. Beatty,
spoke to the Chaplain, Dr. Scott, and to Mr. Scott, the public
Secretary, desiring that some person would entreat him to change his
dress, or cover the stars: but they knew that such a request would
highly displease him. “In honour I gained them,” he had said, when such
a thing had been hinted to him formerly, “and in honour I will die with
them.” Mr. Beatty, however, would not have been deterred by any fear of
exciting his displeasure, from speaking to him himself upon a subject in
which the weal of England, as well as the life of Nelson, was concerned,
but he was ordered from the deck before he could find an opportunity.
This was a point upon which Nelson’s officers knew that it was hopeless
to remonstrate or reason with him; but both Blackwood, and his own
Captain, Hardy, represented to him how advantageous to the fleet it
would be for him to keep out of action as long as possible; and he
consented at last to let the _Leviathan_ and the _Téméraire_, which were
sailing abreast of the _Victory_, be ordered to pass ahead. Yet even
here the last infirmity of this noble mind was indulged; for these
ships could not pass ahead if the _Victory_ continued to carry all her
sail, and so far was Nelson from shortening sail, that it was evident he
took pleasure in pressing on, and rendering it impossible for them to
obey his own orders. A long swell was setting into the Bay of Cadiz. Our
ships, crowding all sail, moved majestically before it, with light winds
from the south-west. The sun shone on the sails of the enemy, and their
well-formed line, with their numerous three-deckers, made an appearance
which any other assailants would have thought formidable; but the
British sailors only admired the beauty and the splendour of the
spectacle; and, in full confidence of winning what they saw, remarked to
each other what a fine sight yonder ships would make at Spithead!

The French Admiral, from the _Bucentaure_, beheld the new manner in
which his enemy was advancing--Nelson and Collingwood each leading his
line; and pointing them out to his officers, he is said to have
exclaimed, that such conduct could not fail to be successful. Yet
Villeneuve had made his own dispositions with the utmost skill, and the
fleets under his command waited for the attack with perfect coolness.
Ten minutes before twelve they opened their fire. Eight or nine of the
ships immediately ahead of the _Victory_, and across her bows, fired
single guns at her, to ascertain whether she was yet within their range.
As soon as Nelson perceived that their shot passed over him, he desired
Blackwood, and Captain Prowse, of the _Sirius_, to repair to their
respective frigates, and on their way to tell all the Captains of the
line-of-battle ships that he depended on their exertions; and that if by
the prescribed mode of attack they found it impracticable to get into
action immediately, they might adopt whatever they thought best,
provided it led them quickly and closely alongside an enemy. As they
were standing on the front of the poop, Blackwood took him by the hand,
saying he hoped soon to return and find him in possession of twenty
prizes. He replied, “God bless you, Blackwood; I shall never speak to
you again.” ...

The enemy continued to fire a gun at a time at the _Victory_, till they
saw that a shot had passed through her main-topgallant sail; then they
opened their broadsides, aiming chiefly at her rigging, in the hope of
disabling her before she could close with them. Nelson, as usual, had
hoisted several flags, lest one should be shot away. The enemy showed no
colours till late in the action, when they began to feel the necessity
of having them to strike. For this reason the _Santissima Trinidad_,
Nelson’s old acquaintance, as he used to call her, was distinguishable
only by her four decks, and to the bow of this opponent he ordered the
_Victory_ to be steered. Meantime an incessant raking fire was kept up
upon the _Victory_. The Admiral’s Secretary was one of the first who
fell; he was killed by a cannon-shot while conversing with Hardy.
Captain Adair, of the Marines, with the help of a sailor, endeavoured to
remove the body from Nelson’s sight, who had a great regard for Mr.
Scott; but he anxiously asked, “Is that poor Scott that’s gone?” and
being informed that it was indeed so, exclaimed, “Poor fellow!”
Presently a double-headed shot struck a party of marines who were drawn
up on the poop, and killed eight of them, upon which Nelson immediately
desired Captain Adair to disperse his men round the ship, that they
might not suffer so much from being together. A few minutes afterwards a
shot struck the fore-brace bits on the quarter-deck, and passed between
Nelson and Hardy, a splinter from the bit tearing off Hardy’s buckle,
and bruising his foot. Both stopped, and looked anxiously at each other;
each supposed the other to be wounded. Nelson then smiled, and said,
“This is too warm work, Hardy, to last long.”

The _Victory_ had not yet returned a single gun. Fifty of her men had
been by this time killed or wounded, and her main-topmast, with all her
studding sails and her booms, shot away. Nelson declared that in all his
battles he had seen nothing which surpassed the cool courage of his crew
on this occasion. At four minutes after twelve she opened her fire from
both sides of her deck. It was not possible to break the enemy’s line
without running on board one of their ships. Hardy informed him of
this, and asked him which he would prefer. Nelson replied, “Take your
choice, Hardy; it does not signify much.” The Master was ordered to put
the helm to port, and the _Victory_ ran on board the _Redoutable_, just
as her tiller ropes were shot away. The French ship received her with a
broadside; then instantly let down her lower-deck ports, for fear of
being boarded through them, and never afterwards fired a great gun
during the action. Her tops, like those of all the enemy’s ships, were
filled with riflemen. Nelson never placed musketry in his tops. He had a
strong dislike to the practice, not merely because it endangers setting
fire to the sails, but also because it is a murderous sort of warfare,
by which individuals may suffer, and a commander now and then be picked
off, but which never can decide the fate of a general engagement.

Captain Harvey, in the _Téméraire_, fell on board the _Redoutable_ on
the other side. Another enemy was in like manner on board the
_Téméraire_; so that these four ships formed as compact a tier as if
they had been moored together, their heads lying all the same way. The
Lieutenants of the _Victory_ seeing this, depressed their guns of the
middle and lower decks, and fired with a diminished charge, lest the
shot should pass through, and injure the _Téméraire_. And because there
was danger that the _Redoutable_ might take fire from the lower-deck
guns, the muzzles of which touched her side when they were run out, the
fireman of each gun stood ready with a bucket of water, which, as soon
as the gun was discharged, he dashed into the hole made by the shot. An
incessant fire was kept up from the _Victory_ from both sides, her
larboard guns playing upon the _Bucentaure_ and the huge _Santissima
Trinidad_.

It had been part of Nelson’s prayer, that the British fleet might be
distinguished by humanity in the victory which he expected. Setting an
example himself, he twice gave orders to cease firing upon the
_Redoutable_, supposing that she had struck, because her great guns were
silent; for, as she carried no flag, there was no means of instantly
ascertaining the fact. From this ship, which he had thus twice spared,
he received his death. A ball fired from her mizen-top, which in the
then situation of the two vessels was not more than fifteen yards from
that part of the deck where he was standing, struck the epaulette on his
left shoulder, about a quarter after one, just in the heat of action. He
fell upon his face, on the spot which was covered with his poor
Secretary’s blood. Hardy, who was a few steps from him, turning round,
saw three men raising him up. “They have done for me at last, Hardy,”
said he. “I hope not,” cried Hardy. “Yes,” he replied; “my backbone is
shot through.” Yet even now, not for a moment losing his presence of
mind, he observed, as they were carrying him down the ladder, that the
tiller ropes, which had been shot away, were not yet replaced, and
ordered that new ones should be rove immediately; then, that he might
not be seen by the crew, he took out his handkerchief, and covered his
face and his stars. Had he but concealed these badges of honour from the
enemy, England perhaps would not have had cause to receive with sorrow
the news of the battle of Trafalgar. The cockpit was crowded with
wounded and dying men, over whose bodies he was with some difficulty
conveyed, and laid upon a pallet in the Midshipmen’s berth. It was soon
perceived, upon examination, that the wound was mortal. This, however,
was concealed from all except Captain Hardy, the Chaplain, and the
medical attendants. He himself being certain, from the sensation in his
back and the gush of blood he felt momently within his breast, that no
human care could avail him, insisted that the Surgeon should leave him,
and attend to those to whom he might be useful; “for,” said he, “you can
do nothing for me.” All that could be done was to fan him with paper,
and frequently to give him lemonade to alleviate his intense thirst. He
was in great pain, and expressed much anxiety for the event of the
action, which now began to declare itself. As often as a ship struck,
the crew of the _Victory_ hurrahed, and at every hurrah a visible
expression of joy gleamed in the eyes and marked the countenance of the
dying hero. But he became impatient to see Captain Hardy; and as that
officer, though often sent for, could not leave the deck, Nelson feared
that some fatal cause prevented him, and repeatedly cried, “Will no one
bring Hardy to me? He must be killed! He is surely dead!” An hour and
ten minutes elapsed from the time when Nelson received his wound before
Hardy could come to him. They shook hands in silence, Hardy in vain
struggling to suppress the feelings of that most painful and yet
sublimest moment. “Well, Hardy,” said Nelson, “how goes the day with
us?” “Very well,” replied Hardy; “ten ships have struck, but five of the
van have tacked, and show an intention to bear down upon the _Victory_.
I have called two or three of our fresh ships round, and have no doubt
of giving them a drubbing.” “I hope,” said Nelson, “none of our ships
have struck.” Hardy answered, “There was no fear of that.” Then, and not
till then, Nelson spoke of himself. “I am a dead man, Hardy,” said he;
“I am going fast; it will be over with me soon. Come nearer to me. Let
my dear Lady Hamilton have my hair, and all other things belonging to
me.” Hardy observed, that he hoped Mr. Beatty could yet hold out some
prospect of life. “Oh, no!” he replied; “it is impossible. My back is
shot through. Beatty will tell you so.” Captain Hardy then once more
shook hands with him, and, with a heart almost bursting, hastened upon
deck.

By this time all feeling below the breast was gone; and Nelson, having
made the Surgeon ascertain this, said to him: “You know I am gone, I
know it. I feel something rising in my breast”--putting his hand on his
left side--“which tells me so.” And upon Beatty’s inquiring whether his
pain was very great, he replied, “So great, that he wished he was dead.
Yet,” said he, in a lower voice, “one would like to live a little longer
too!” And after a few minutes, in the same undertone, he added, “What
would become of poor Lady Hamilton, if she knew my situation!” Next to
his country she occupied his thoughts. Captain Hardy, some fifty minutes
after he had left the cockpit, returned; and, again taking the hand of
his dying friend and commander, congratulated him on having gained a
complete victory. How many of the enemy were taken he did not know, as
it was impossible to perceive them distinctly; but fourteen or fifteen
at least. “That’s well,” cried Nelson, “but I bargained for twenty.” And
then, in a stronger voice, he said: “Anchor, Hardy; anchor.” Hardy, upon
this, hinted that Admiral Collingwood would take upon himself the
direction of affairs. “Not while I live, Hardy,” said the dying Nelson,
ineffectually endeavouring to raise himself from the bed: “Do you
anchor.” His previous order for preparing to anchor had shown how
clearly he foresaw the necessity of this. Presently calling Hardy back,
he said to him in a low voice, “Don’t throw me overboard:” and he
desired that he might be buried by his parents, unless it should please
the King to order otherwise. Then reverting to private feelings: “Take
care of my dear Lady Hamilton, Hardy: take care of poor Lady Hamilton.
Kiss me, Hardy,” said he. Hardy knelt down and kissed his cheek: and
Nelson said, “Now I am satisfied. Thank God, I have done my duty.” Hardy
stood over him in silence for a moment or two, then knelt again and
kissed his forehead. “Who is that?” said Nelson; and being informed, he
replied, “God bless you, Hardy.” And Hardy then left him--for ever.

Nelson now desired to be turned upon his right side, and said, “I wish I
had not left the deck; for I shall soon be gone.” Death was, indeed,
rapidly approaching. He said to the Chaplain, “Doctor, I have _not_ been
a _great_ sinner:” and after a short pause, “Remember that I leave Lady
Hamilton and my daughter Horatia as a legacy to my country.” His
articulation now became difficult; but he was distinctly heard to say,
“Thank God, I have done my duty.” These words he repeatedly pronounced;
and they were the last words which he uttered. He expired at thirty
minutes after four--three hours and a quarter after he had received his
wound....

The _Redoutable_ struck within twenty minutes after the fatal shot had
been fired from her. During that time she had been twice on fire--in her
fore-chains and in her forecastle. The French, as they had done in other
battles, made use in this of fire-balls and other combustibles;
implements of destruction which other nations, from a sense of honour
and humanity, have laid aside; which add to the sufferings of the
wounded, without determining the issue of the combat: which none but the
cruel would employ, and which never can be successful against the brave.
Once they succeeded in setting fire, from the _Redoutable_, to some
ropes and canvas on the _Victory’s_ booms. The cry ran through the ship,
and reached the cockpit: but even this dreadful cry produced no
confusion: the men displayed that perfect self-possession in danger by
which English seamen are characterized; they extinguished the flames on
board their own ship, and then hastened to extinguish them in the enemy,
by throwing buckets of water from the gangway. When the _Redoutable_ had
struck, it was not practicable to board her from the _Victory_; for,
though the two ships touched, the upper works of both fell in so much,
that there was a great space between their gangways; and she could not
be boarded from the lower or middle decks, because her ports were down.
Some of our men went to Lieutenant Quilliam, and offered to swim under
her bows, and get up there; but it was thought unfit to hazard brave
lives in this manner.

What our men would have done from gallantry, some of the crew of the
_Santissima Trinidad_ did to save themselves. Unable to stand the
tremendous fire of the _Victory_, whose larboard guns played against
this great four-decker, and not knowing how else to escape them, nor
where else to betake themselves for protection, many of them leaped
overboard, and swam to the _Victory_: and were actually helped up her
sides by the English during the action. The Spaniards began the battle
with less vivacity than their unworthy allies, but they continued it
with greater firmness. The _Argonauta_ and _Bahama_ were defended till
they had each lost about four hundred men; the _San Juan Nepomuceno_
lost three hundred and fifty. Often as the superiority of British
courage has been proved against France upon the seas, it was never more
conspicuous than in this decisive conflict. Five of our ships were
engaged muzzle to muzzle with five of the French. In all five the
Frenchmen lowered their lower-deck ports, and deserted their guns; while
our men continued deliberately to load and fire, till they had made the
victory secure....

The total British loss in the battle of Trafalgar amounted to one
thousand five hundred and eighty-seven. Twenty of the enemy struck. But
it was not possible to anchor the fleet, as Nelson had enjoined; a gale
came on from the south-west. Some of the prizes went down, some went on
shore; one effected its escape into Cadiz; others were destroyed. Four
only were saved, and those by the greatest exertions. The wounded
Spaniards were sent ashore, an assurance being given that they should
not serve till regularly exchanged; and the Spaniards, with a generous
feeling which would not perhaps have been found in any other people,
offered the use of their hospitals for our wounded, pledging the honour
of Spain that they should be carefully attended there. When the storm,
after the action, drove some of the prizes upon the coast, they declared
that the English who were thus thrown into their hands should not be
considered as prisoners of war; and the Spanish soldiers gave up their
own beds to their shipwrecked enemies. The Spanish Vice-Admiral Alva
died of his wounds. Villeneuve was sent to England, and permitted to
return to France. The French Government say that he destroyed himself on
the way to Paris, dreading the consequences of a court-martial; but
there is every reason to believe that the tyrant, who never acknowledged
the loss of the battle of Trafalgar, added Villeneuve to the numerous
victims of his murderous policy.




THE YOUNGER PITT (1806).

=Source.=--Sir W. Scott.


             I.

    O, dread was the time, and more dreadful the omen,
      When the brave on Marengo lay slaughtered in vain,
    And beholding broad Europe bow’d down by her foemen,
      Pitt closed in his anguish the map of her reign!

    Not the fate of broad Europe could bend his brave spirit
      To take for his country the safety of shame;
    O, then in her triumph remember his spirit,
      And hallow the goblet that flows to his name.


             II.

    Round the husbandman’s head while he traces the furrow
      The mists of the winter may mingle with rain.
    He may plough it with labour and sow it in sorrow,
      And sigh while he fears he has sow’d it in vain;
    He may die ere his children shall reap in their gladness;
      But the blithe harvest-home shall remember his claim;
    And their jubilee-shout shall be softened with sadness,
      While they hallow the goblet that flows to his name.


             III.

    Though anxious and timeless his life was expended,
      It toils for our country preserved by his care,
    Though he died ere one ray o’er the nations ascended,
      To light the long darkness of doubt and despair;
    The storms he endured in our Britain’s December,
      The perils his wisdom foresaw and o’ercame,
    In her glory’s rich harvest shall Britain remember,
      And hallow the goblet that flows to his name.




MINISTRY OF ALL THE TALENTS (1806).

=Source.=--_Diaries ... James Harris, first Earl of Malmesbury_, 1844.
Vol. iv., p. 349.


_February 1._--His Royal Highness was cold with me for several days; but
when he found my opinion to be the prevalent one, and even that of the
King himself, he very handsomely gave way, and, having sent for me, by a
fair and honest avowal of his mistake, left me more satisfied with him
than before. The new Ministry was appointed a few days after this.

Lord Grenville and Fox were its two leaders, and their respective
adherents and friends made up the Cabinet.[9]

The Prince of Wales went most heartily and _unbecomingly_ with them, and
lowered his dignity by soliciting office and places for his dependents,
and by degrading himself into the size of a common party leader.

From this moment I withdrew entirely from official men, my determination
being to act as if Mr. Pitt was alive, and to endeavour to regulate my
political conduct, and that of those I influenced, on what I supposed
would be his, were he still in existence, whether in or out of office.

I told this to Lords Bathurst and Camden on the 27th January,
considering these two as more _personally_, and less politically,
attached to him, than any one else, not excepting Canning himself.

On the 4th February, Lord Carrington came to me in consequence of my
having canvassed him for his interest at Cambridge University for Lord
Palmerston. This he promised me in the handsomest manner; but I was
surprised--when I lamented Mr. Pitt’s death, and spoke of the wisdom and
propriety of his friends’ acting together, and in conformity to his
doctrines and principles--to find Lord Carrington lukewarm on the
subject. He said he conceived “_we_ were all _now_ free to act as we
pleased. All bond of union was dissolved; no obligation remained with
anyone to abide by a party which had lost its leader, _and with its
leader everything_.” He said this in so very positive a way, that I
contented myself with saying my sentiments were directly contrary to
his, but that it was not for me to dispute with him on a point rather of
feeling than of party. Lord Carrington was profuse in his lamentations
on the death of Pitt, and equally so in his profession of friendship and
gratitude to him, and respect for his memory, and, as a proof, he
instanced his wish, that the part of Mr. Pitt’s debts, arising from a
loan his friends contributed to raise for him in 1800, should not be
produced when the items of them were laid before the House. [N.B. the
House had voted a public funeral, and to pay Mr. Pitt’s debts
immediately after his death, which Wyndham (strange to say) opposed,
giving as a motive that no public funeral had been decreed to Burke.]
Lord Carrington, however, said he was overruled by the Bishop of
Lincoln, Prettyman[10] (who had been Pitt’s private tutor at Cambridge),
who assured him it was one of Pitt’s last dying requests, that the six
friends who had advanced him certain sums should be repaid. (They were
Lord Bathurst and Carrington, Steele, Bishop of Lincoln, and two others,
who at the time never would take any acknowledgment, or ever expected to
be repaid.) This assertion of the Bishop of Lincoln, Lord Carrington
said, shut his mouth, and the debt was laid before the House, which
raised his (Pitt’s) debts to 43,000_l._

Ministers went on quietly, and with a very large majority, the whole
year of 1806. In June an idea was suggested to make a push at them
before the Recess, and I had several conversations with Canning, and one
with Perceval on the subject, and constant ones with the Duke of
Portland, who, by having undergone an operation for the stone, was
wonderfully recovered.




MILITARY PLANS (1806).

=Source.=--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 49.


_House of Commons._--Mr. Fox attended; and Mr. Wyndham opened his
military plans: about 350 Members present. His speech lasted four hours.
Lord Castlereagh spoke next--about an hour and a half. Mr. Fox about an
hour, and Mr. Yorke the same; he was followed by Sir James Pulteney,
General Tarleton, and Colonel Crawfurd, &c. The House rose at half-past
one without any division; and leave was given to bring in four Bills.
The first of which was for the repeal of the additional force, or Parish
Recruiting Act; the others for further suspending the militia ballot;
altering the levy _en masse_, or training Act; and for increasing the
Chelsea Hospital privileges and allowances.

Mr. Wyndham’s plan consisted in these points:--

1. To supply, maintain, and increase the regular army, by recruiting
for term of years, renewing the service at the end of seven and fourteen
years: even for a further period; making twenty-one years in the whole.
The second and third periods of renewed service to be attended with some
small increase of pay, _e.g._ 6d. for the first, and 1s. per week for
the second period, and an increased Chelsea pension to every soldier at
the end of twenty-one years. Also an increase of widows’ pensions, and
of the Compassionate List; and this to be the only mode of recruiting.

2. To reduce the militia gradually to its original or lowest standard,
viz. about 36,000 for England, by not filling up the vacancies.

3. The volunteer establishment to be reduced in expense, by striking off
inspecting field officers, permanent duty pay, and lowering the high
allowances to the lowest rate, called the August allowances. The
clothing now due (being the fourth year) to be continued for this issue
only, and no person hereafter becoming volunteer to have any assistance
from Government but arms; and an exemption from the operation of the
General Training Act.

4. All persons of military age, from eighteen to forty, to be liable to
be trained to arms when called out by classes, but not to be embodied in
corps; and to be relieved also from the training, either by entering
into a volunteer corps, or paying a fine; and the numbers for training,
_e.g._ 100,000 for one year, to be taken by lot out of the given
classes.




CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION (1807).

I. LORD COLCHESTER’S DIARY.

=Source.=--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 92.


[_Feb._] _28th_.--Lord Hawkesbury called on the Catholic clauses in the
Mutiny Bill, to express his alarms, and those of the Archbishop of
Canterbury, and Perceval and Sir William Scott, about the apprehended
extension of the Irish law of 1793, by now enabling Catholics to be
Generals on the Staff.

_Sunday, March 1st._--Lord Sidmouth called. He desired to deposit with
me his determination not to agree to granting the Catholics liberty to
hold staff commissions. The King had with difficulty been persuaded by
Lord Sidmouth to consent even to extend the Irish Act of 1793 to
Catholic officers in the army, when coming to England; but had acceded
to it at last, as a strict consequence of the Union; the Irish law then
in force being virtually adopted for England. Lord Howick admitted that
in the House of Commons he had given no other intimation of his notice.
The Duke of Bedford and the Irish Government had understood the same
things, and explained the concession on this ground to be only to the
Catholics in Dublin. That it was now proposed, because the minute of
Cabinet had been worded generally, that it should be carried into effect
in its largest sense; and the King was again to be asked for his
consent. The Cabinet were about to meet this day upon that express
topic.

_2nd._--Lord Sidmouth called. The Cabinet had parted yesterday upon a
resolution to proceed with the Catholic clauses, although they admitted
that the King had not been specifically acquainted with that part of the
measure which enabled Catholics to become Generals on the Staff; and
although Lord Sidmouth had consented only to the application of the law
of 1793; and although Lord Henry Petty, and Lord Holland, and Lord
Howick allowed that he had never consented beyond that; and although
Lord Howick admitted that, in his notice to the House of Commons, he had
not in his own mind, any larger measure, &c. &c. But Lord Grenville
declined to be the person who should state the subject again to the King
or ask his consent upon it. Lord Sidmouth said he certainly would not
interfere by volunteering his advice to the King; but, when he should
see the King on Wednesday, he should, if asked by the King, give his own
opinion and act upon it, whether sanctioned by the King or not; and so
the Cabinet parted.

In the House of Commons Lord Howick first mentioned to me the Catholic
clauses, and asked whether I thought they must necessarily pass through
a Committee of the whole House, as being of religion. I told him that
had really never occurred to me, but I would look into it and let him
know; and although I entirely disapproved of what he was about, it was
no reason why we should not freely converse about all the forms of
proceeding.

The House engaged from six in the evening till six in the morning,
hearing counsel and witnesses on the Westminster petition, complaining
of Mr. Sheridan for having tampered with witnesses.

_3rd._--Searched precedents for Catholic clauses. Lord Howick postponed
the Mutiny Bill Committee. I showed him the precedents I had collected.
He hoped “I should not take any part in the Committee.” But I told him
that “I must inevitably do so.”

_4th._--Lord Howick wrote me the following note:--


[_Private._]

STRATTON STREET,
_March 4, 1807_.

MY DEAR SIR,

I believe I shall alter my course of proceeding respecting the new
clauses, and introduce a new Bill instead. As the _measure_ is the
subject of a notice for discussion to-day, though in another form, I
take it for granted there can be no objection to my moving for leave to
bring in a Bill, if I should ultimately determine to do so, instead of
moving an instruction on the clauses in a committee.

I am afraid I have been guilty of an omission in not moving for an
address in answer to the King’s message, which I see was done in the
House of Lords yesterday; but, as the treaty was not laid before the
House, and the only matter on which a proceeding of the House was to be
had was voting the money, I thought it was the best way to refer the
message to the Committee of Supply; in which it was proposed to vote
to-day the sum advanced to the King of Prussia. Will you have the
goodness to let me know, when I come to the House to-day, whether this
has been the usual course of proceeding; or whether, if it should not be
deemed sufficiently respectful, anything can now be done to correct the
error.

I am, my dear Sir,
Ever yours sincerely,
HOWICK.

He drank tea with me in my room behind the chair. I told him I wished he
would confine his Bill to the Irish Law of 1793. To that I could agree;
but not without the same exclusion from the high military offices. He
said, “That was but _a small object_.” I replied, “But the principle is
large. You will never satisfy Mr. Keogh.” He said, “Oh, I did not think
of trying at that. But I have said too much on this subject to let
things remain as they are; we must do what satisfies us, whether it
satisfies Mr. Keogh or not.”


II. LETTER FROM THE DUKE OF PORTLAND TO THE KING.

=Source.=--_Diaries and Correspondence of James Harris, first Earl of
Malmesbury_, 1844. Vol. iv., p. 360.

     _Copy of a Letter from the Duke of Portland to the King, sent
     Thursday Evening, March 12th, 1807, to the Queen’s House,
     acknowledged by Colonel Taylor Friday Morning the 13th._


BURLINGTON HOUSE,
_March 12th, 1807_.

SIR,

I am so sensible of my presumption in addressing your Majesty on a
subject of a public nature, that nothing but the confidence I have in
your Majesty’s goodness, and the attachment I bear your Majesty, would
induce me to do it. But it is a subject of such infinite magnitude,
that, were I silent, I feel I should deserve to forfeit that I am most
ambitious to be considered, of being looked upon by your Majesty as one
of your Majesty’s most loyal and devoted subjects and servants.

Your Majesty will probably anticipate the subject on which I cannot but
express my anxiety to lay my sentiments at your Majesty’s feet.

It is the Bill just proposed by Lord Howick, granting indulgences to the
Catholics; a measure, that should any peculiarity of circumstances have
induced your Majesty to acquiesce in, I should still think that by
following the dictates of my own conscience and voting against it, I
should not offend your Majesty.

But, impressed as I am with a belief of what must be your Majesty’s
opinions and wishes, I could not forgive myself were I to conceal from
your Majesty that your opinion is mistaken and your wishes not generally
understood; and, humbly permit me to represent to your Majesty that it
cannot well be otherwise, since one of your Majesty’s principal
Ministers in the House of Commons brings in the Bill. Should I be wrong,
and your Majesty has not given your consent to the measure in its
present shape, I have little apprehension in giving it as my opinion
that it may ultimately be defeated in its progress, though not, I fear,
till it comes into the House of Lords; but, for this purpose, I must
fairly state to your Majesty, that your wishes must be distinctly known,
and that your present Ministers should not have any pretext for
equivocating upon the subject, or any ground whatever to pretend
ignorance of your Majesty’s sentiments and determination, not only to
withhold your sanction from the present measure, but to use all your
influence in resisting it.

The effect of such a proceeding is so obvious, that I would not suggest
it, did I not believe that your Majesty’s business would be at a stand
in such a case; and that persons would not be ready to come forward
(should your Majesty think fit to call upon them) who are capable and
willing to undertake the management of your Majesty’s affairs. But for
this purpose it would be highly necessary and advantageous that the
public should know the necessity to which your Majesty was driven of
taking the conduct of your affairs out of the hands of those who now
administer them; that for this purpose your Majesty should send for Lord
Grenville, and state to him distinctly, that either your sentiments had
been misrepresented or that you never had consented to the measure
proposed by Lord Howick, and that, consistently with the opinion your
Majesty had uniformly expressed, it never could or would have your Royal
assent. It would then remain with Lord Grenville and his colleagues to
take their part; possibly they might give way and still remain your
Majesty’s Ministers; but, should they refuse to submit themselves to
your Majesty’s pleasure, the necessity of employing other persons would
be obvious to the whole world. The designs (which my feelings may
possibly lead me unjustly to attribute to them) could no longer be
mistaken, viz.: that the most venerated and sacred barriers of our
constitution should be undermined and sapped for the purpose of
introducing a new system into Church and State, and that your Majesty
was reduced to the necessity of submitting to them or quarrelling with
your Parliament.

Under such circumstances I cannot but believe, and cannot fear to assure
your Majesty, that the nation as well as individuals will come forward
in support of the established laws of the realm, and that persons will
be found able to carry on your Majesty’s business with talents and
abilities equal to those of your present Ministers. If your Majesty
should suppose that in the forming of such an Administration, I can
offer your Majesty any services, I am devoted to your Majesty’s
commands; but, while I say this, I feel conscious that my time of life,
my infirmities, and my want of abilities are not calculated for so high
a trust. I, however, can say that if, in this very momentous crisis,
your Majesty calls upon me, I will serve you zealously and faithfully to
the end of my existence.[11]




PARTY POLITICS (1807).

=Source.=--Extract from the Prospectus of _The Examiner_. By Leigh Hunt.


The great error of politicians is that old fancy of Solon, who insisted
that it was infamous for a citizen to be of no party, and endeavoured by
a law to make the Athenians hypocrites. This conceit not only destroys
every idea of mediation between two parties, but does not even suppose
that both may be wrong. Yet all history may convince us, that he who
resolutely professes himself attached to any party, is in danger of
yielding to every extreme for the mere reputation of his opinion: he
will argue for the most manifest errors of this or that statesman,
because he has hitherto agreed with him--an obstinacy as stupid, as if a
pedestrian were to express his satisfaction with a tempest at night,
because he had enjoyed sunshine in the morning.

The big and little Endians in _Gulliver_ have not yet taught us the
folly of mere party: and one of the most ridiculous inconsistencies in
the human character is that enjoyment which all ages have expressed in
satirical productions, without receiving benefit from them: they drink
the physic with a bold and pleasant countenance, and instantly prepare
to counteract its effect; or rather, every man thinks the physic
excellent for everybody but himself.--“Party,” says Swift, “is the
madness of many for the gain of a few.” When _Scarmentado_ in Voltaire
arrived at Ispahan, he was asked whether he was for black mutton or
white mutton: he replied, that it was equally indifferent to him,
provided it was tender. A wise man knows no party abstracted from its
utility, or existing, like a shadow, merely from the opposition of some
body. Yet, in the present day, we are all so erroneously sociable, that
every man, as well as every journal, must belong to some class of
politicians; he is either Pittite or Foxite, Windhamite, Wilberforcite,
or Burdettite: though at the same time two-thirds of these disturbers of
coffee-houses might with as much reason call themselves Hivites or
Shunamites, or perhaps Bedlamites.




THE BERLIN DECREES (1807).

=Source.=--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 134.

_Tuesday, December 1st._--Received the following letter from Perceval:


DEAR MR. SPEAKER,

The Parliament will not meet till the Thursday after the birthday. I am
culpable in not having sent you earlier intelligence, but the day was
not fixed till Wednesday last, and, of the determination not to meet
till near the birthday, unless circumstances particularly required it,
you were apprised by me before.

       *       *       *       *       *

The business of recasting the law of trade and navigation, as far as
belligerent principles are concerned, for the whole world, has occupied
me very unremittingly for a long time; and the subject is so extensive,
and the combinations so various, that, even supposing our principles to
be right, I cannot hope that the execution of the principle must not in
many respects be defective; and I have no doubt we shall have to watch
it with new provisions and regulations for some time.

The short principle is that trade in British produce and manufactures,
and trade either from a British port or with a British destination, is
to be protected as much as possible. For this purpose all the countries
where French influence prevails to exclude the British flag shall have
no trade but to and from the country, or from its allies. All other
countries, the few that remain strictly neutral (with the exception of
the colonial trade, which backwards and forwards direct they may carry
on) cannot trade but through this being done as an ally with any of the
countries connected with France. If, therefore, we can accomplish our
purposes, it will come to this, that either those countries will have no
trade, or they must be content to accept it through us.

This is a formidable and tremendous state of the world; but all the part
of it which is particularly harassing to English interests was existing
through the new severity with which Buonaparte’s decrees of exclusion
against our trade were called into action.

Our proceeding does not aggravate our distress from it. If he can keep
out our trade he will; and he would do so if he could, independent of
our orders. Our orders only add this circumstance: they say to the
enemy, if you will not have _our_ trade, as far as we can help it you
shall have _none_. And as to so much of any trade as you can carry on
yourselves, or others carry on with you through us, if you admit it,
you shall pay for it. The only trade cheap and untaxed which you shall
have, shall be either direct from us, in our own produce and
manufactures, or from our allies, whose increased prosperity will be an
advantage to us.

       *       *       *       *       *

Yours, very truly,
SP. PERCEVAL.




CORUNNA (1809).

I. BULLETIN OF JAN. 21.

=Source.=--_Diary of Lord Colchester._ Vol. ii., p. 164.

[_Jan._] _21st._--The annexed bulletin was circulated.


DOWNING STREET,
_Jan. 21st._

Brigadier General Stewart arrived this morning at Lord Castlereagh’s
with despatches from Sir John Moore, dated Corunna, 13th inst., upon
which place he had directed his retreat, and not on Vigo, as he
originally intended. Sir John Moore had effected his retreat to Corunna
with the loss of only part of his baggage; there had been repeated
skirmishes with the rear guard, in which we had uniformly repulsed the
enemy, and at Vigo Sir John Moore offered the enemy battle, but the
French declined it. The enemy, when Brigadier General Stewart left
Corunna, were in force in the neighbourhood, but it was trusted that Sir
John Moore would effect his re-embarkation without much loss, as the
transports which he had sent for from Vigo were entering the Bay at
Corunna, when General Stewart sailed on the 14th.


II. THE BURIAL OF SIR JOHN MOORE AT CORUNNA (1809).

=Source.=--Charles Wolfe.

             I.

    Not a drum was heard, not a funeral note,
      As his corse to the rampart we hurried;
    Not a soldier discharged his farewell shot
      O’er the grave where our hero we buried.

             II.

    We buried him darkly, at dead of night,
      The sods with our bayonets turning;
    By the struggling moonbeam’s misty light,
      And the lantern dimly burning.

             III.

    No useless coffin enclosed his breast,
      Not in sheet or in shroud we wound him;
    But he lay like a warrior taking his rest,
      With his martial cloak around him.

             IV.

    Few and short were the prayers we said,
      And we spoke not a word of sorrow;
    But we steadfastly gazed on the face that was dead,
      And we bitterly thought of the morrow.

             V.

    We thought, as we hollowed his narrow bed,
      And smoothed down his lonely pillow,
    That the foe and the stranger would tread o’er his head,
      And we far away on the billow!

             VI.

    Lightly they’ll talk of the spirit that’s gone,
      And o’er his cold ashes upbraid him;--
    But little he’ll reck, if they let him sleep on
      In the grave where a Briton has laid him.

             VII.

    But half of our heavy task was done
      When the clock struck the note for retiring:
    And we heard the distant and random gun
      That the foe was sullenly firing.

             VIII.

    Slowly and sadly we laid him down,
      From the field of his fame fresh and gory;
    We carved not a line, and we raised not a stone--
      But we left him alone with his glory!




IMPORTANCE OF PUBLIC ECONOMY (1809).

=Source.=--_Diaries ... Right Hon. George Rose_, 1860. Vol. ii., p. 336.

_Lord Mulgrave to Mr. Rose._


ADMIRALTY,
_Feb. 4th, 1809_.

MY DEAR ROSE,

It must be ever unpleasant to me not to accede at once to any measure
proposed by you and by Canning; more especially as I find the Memorial
is in the hands of the clerks of the Council before I had an opportunity
of answering your note.

Since I came into office I have proceeded on all questions of
augmentation of salaries, on a strong impression of the importance of
public economy, and on a full conviction that the advance of any one
salary does not rest there, but raises a cry of claim, founded upon
relative duties and rank, with an air of justice from precedent; which
involves either an excessive increase of charge to the public, or an
imputation of harshness and injustice, against the person in authority,
who rejects the authority of the precedent, and refuses the increase
demanded. I feel how impossible it is for me to follow up the principle
I have set out upon either with comfort to myself or advantage to the
public, if I alone pursue it. Upon all the demands of clerks for
increase of salary, I have consulted Perceval, to ascertain how far the
general charges upon the funds of Government would be influenced by such
increase; because I know that the advance in one department must be
followed by a similar advance in every other. I relinquished, on the
representation of Perceval, a most important, and almost necessary,
measure of increasing the appointments of the _Naval_ Lords of the
Admiralty. I rejected the recommendation of the Commissioners of Naval
Revision for the addition of £200 per annum to the Commissioners of the
Navy, because I did not think that increase necessary, whilst so many
eager candidates were pressing for the situation. If the Paymaster to
the Treasurer of the Navy has his salary raised, will not the
Commissioners of Victualling and Transport Boards, whose duties are so
constant and laborious, especially the former, have a claim to a similar
advance? I have refused the advance to the Commissioners at the Cape as
recommended by the Commissioners of Naval Revision; and in short I have
consented to no increase of salary without being persuaded that proper
persons could not be found without such increase; and therefore, as far
as my consent is required, I cannot give it, but upon that persuasion,
in any case. I am aware that I have created much dissatisfaction by
holding the public purse-strings so close; but it is from an
apprehension that without very rigid economy we can neither retain the
goodwill of the public, nor hold out against the perseverance and
resources of the enemy.

Ever yours sincerely,
MULGRAVE.




RESIGNATION OF PORTLAND (1809).

=Source.=--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 200.

_Sunday, Sept. 10th._--Received the following letter from Perceval.


[_Most private and confidential._]

DOWNING STREET,
_Sept. 9th, 1809_.

MY DEAR MR. SPEAKER,

I cannot let the week close without giving you some information (though
I have delayed till now giving you any, with the hopes of giving you
more than I am able, even at present) upon a subject of great
importance.

_The Duke of Portland has resigned_, the King only desiring he would
keep his office till some arrangement might be made for his successor.
The story is a great deal too long for a note or a letter; suffice it
to say, that it is mixed in some respects with the most painful
considerations that it has ever been my misfortune to have felt.

Whether it will be possible for us to form any arrangement, or what it
will be, I really cannot at present state to you, as I do not know
myself. According to present appearances, Castlereagh _cannot_ stay with
us, from a sense of what is due to himself; and Canning _will_ not.
Conceive me then, and my situation in your house, under such
circumstances, and judge whether, if these appearances are realised, it
would be just by the King or by the country in me, to affect to be able
to remain either without them or some other _strength_, where how to
acquire it is not very easy to imagine.

I wished you not to know this subject from any other quarter but myself,
and I feel that I have only whetted your curiosity, and it would take a
volume to communicate it fully. Possibly, therefore, till a personal
meeting, I must defer the full explanation. The result, whatever it may
be, you shall hear as soon as I can tell you. The cruel thing upon
Castlereagh is, that though this is entirely independent of the late
expedition, it is next to impossible but that the public impression will
connect the two together.

I am, my dear Mr. Speaker,
Yours very truly,
SP. PERCEVAL.




DUEL OF CANNING AND CASTLEREAGH (1809).

=Source.=--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 209.

_Letter from Mr. Perceval._


DOWNING STREET,
_Sept. 20th, 1809_.

DEAR MR. SPEAKER,

I have had so much to say that I have no time to say it; but I might
have found time to have thanked you for your kind and ready answer to my
former letter.

You have judged me _perfectly right_. If you had asked my advice I
could not have been so dishonest as not to have given it for the
decision you have made. Castlereagh and Canning have been fighting.
Thank God Canning is not severely hurt, and Castlereagh is not touched.
Terrible, all this, for public impression. What we are to do is not
finally settled. It must end in an attempt to form an united Government
with our opponents. But it is a bitter pill to swallow for more than
one.

When I can tell you anything positive, and can get a moment to tell it,
I will.

Yours very truly,
SP. PERCEVAL.




MILITARY EXPENSES (1806-1809).

=Source.=--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 239.


The military expenses of the last four years have been:--

  1806.--Army                                    £16,605,000
         Navy                                     15,448,000
         Ordnance                                  4,366,000
                                                 -----------
                                                 £36,419,000
                                                 -----------

  1807.--Army                                    £16,661,000
         Navy (Expedition to Copenhagen)          19,673,000
         Ordnance                                  4,464,000
                                                 -----------
                                                 £40,798,000
                                                 -----------

  1808.--Army                                    £17,365,000
         Navy (Expedition to Spain and
           Portugal)                              18,156,000
         Ordnance                                  3,980,000
                                                 -----------
                                                 £39,501,000
                                                 -----------

  1809.--Army                  £17,459,000
         Vote of Credit          2,500,000
                                ----------
                                                  19,959,000
         Navy (Expeditions to
         Spain and Portugal,
           and Walcheren)       18,986,000
         Vote of Credit            500,000
         Additional              1,291,000
                                ----------
                                                  20,777,000
  Ordnance                                         5,275,000
                                                 -----------
                     Total                       £46,011,000
                                                 -----------




TALAVERA: PROTEST BY LORDS (1809).

=Source.=--_Protests of the Lords._ Vol. ii., 1741-1825, p. 423.


_January 26, 1810._--The thanks of the Lords were voted to Lord Viscount
Wellington for his services on the 27th and 28th of July, 1809, at the
victory of Talavera. The title of Viscount Wellington of Talavera was
conferred on the 4th of September, 1809. The motion was made by Lord
Liverpool and opposed by Lords Suffolk, Grosvenor, and Grey. The
following protest was inserted:

     1st. Because in the battle of Talavera, though eminently
     distinguished by those splendid proofs of discipline and valour
     which his Majesty’s troops have never failed to display, we cannot
     recognize those unequivocal characteristics of victory which can
     alone form an adequate title to the thanks of this House. On the
     contrary, that the British army appears to have been improvidently
     led into a situation, in which the repulse of the enemy, effected
     with a great loss, produced neither security from a subsequent
     attack, nor relief from the distress under which our brave troops
     were suffering, and was immediately followed by the necessity of a
     precipitate retreat, whereby our wounded were left to fall into the
     hands of the enemy.

     2ndly, Because, by voting the thanks of this House on such an
     occasion, we diminish the value of the most honourable reward we
     have it in our power to confer, whilst we indirectly sanction the
     propriety of that elevation to the honours of the peerage, with
     which his Majesty, without inquiry, was advised to mark his
     approbation of the commander of his army in Spain, at a time when
     his ministers were informed of the unfortunate consequences which
     might be expected to follow, and in fact did follow, that
     dear-bought success.

CHARLES GREY, EARL GREY.
JAMES MAITLAND, LORD LAUDERDALE
(EARL OF LAUDERDALE).







WALCHEREN EXPEDITION (1810).


A.--A SQUIB ON THE EXPEDITION.

=Source.=--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 232.

The following squib was published in the papers at this time on the
Walcheren Expedition:

     EXTRACT FROM THE GRAND ROMANTIC DRAMA LATELY PERFORMED FOR THE
     AMUSEMENT OF THE EMPEROR OF FRANCE.


ACT I., SCENE 1.--_Cabinet Council discovered; Naval and Military
Officers attending._

      _First Cabinet Minister._ We now are met in grave deliberation
    Upon the plan for Antwerp’s subjugation,
    That we may not despatch this expedition
    Without due caution, knowledge and precision.
    Ye officers of military fame,
    We wish for your opinion of the same.
      _1st Mil. Officer._ I wrote before my reasons in detail,
    Why I esteem your plan quite sure to fail.
      _Lord C--gh._ You think ’twill fail?
      _2nd Mil. Officer._ And so do I.
      _3rd Mil. Officer._ And I.
      _Lord C--gh._ All of you think so: better go and try.
    But, ere our army sails, ’tis fit we know
    Something about the place to which they’ll go.
    Pray, sirs, is Antwerp fortified or no?
      _1st Mil. Officer._ Rumour reports it fortified full well,
    But I, not having been there, cannot tell.
      _2nd Mil. Officer._ I know no more.
      _3rd Mil. Officer._ Nor I, I do declare.
      _Lord C--gh._ Well, well--they’ll see directly they get there.
      _Lord M--ve._ But as the chief design of this great feat,
    Captain, will be to take the Antwerp fleet;
    Say, can the frigates, or can any ship,
    Sail up above, and so give us the slip?
      _Naval Officer._ Had I been there, I could have told you what
    The water’s depth; but having ne’er, cannot.
      _Lord M--ve._ This is no cause our plan should be forsaken,
    It will be known as soon as Antwerp’s taken.
      _Lord E--n._ But shan’t we lose the fleet? Then there’ll be laughter.
      _Lord M--ve._ Lose it? If they go up, mayn’t we go after?
      _Lord E--n._ Our friend the smuggler says the troops are few;
    And then the garrison--Pray what think you?
      _1st Mil. Officer._ Few on the coast may be, and in the town;
    But from the country they can soon bring down
    A force too large for us to hope to lick;
    And all that’s done must be done very quick.
      _Lord Ch--m._ Fear not: delay was ne’er a fault of mine;
    And every morning I’ll get up at nine--
    Dressed, breakfast done by twelve--no speed I’ll lack,
    And do it all completely in a crack.
      _1st Cab. Min._ Brave warriors, your advice and information
    Has now received our full consideration.
                [_Exeunt Mil. and Naval Officers._
      _Lord C--gh._ As secrecy’s the soul of expeditions,
    I see no use in telling the physicians
    Whither it’s going; but desire they would
    Send plenty of what physic they think good.

_Enter_ SIR LUCAS PEPYS.

      (_To Sir L. P._) Prepare (I can’t tell rightly against when)
    Physic enough for forty thousand men,
    But do it quick; what’s proper you can tell.
                    [_Exit_ SIR L. P.
      _Mr. P--l._ Now there’s no fear but all will answer well;
    So excellent we’ve made each preparation,
    And all so accurate our information.
    When Parliament meets next how fine a story
    Shall we not have to tell of wars and glory.
                    [_Exeunt._
           _Manet_, MR. C--G, _Solus_.
      _Mr. C--g._ Most of this plan is gibberish to me,
    But I shall quietly lie by and see
    How it goes on; and then, if all succeeds,
    I share the praise; but if it ill proceeds
    I’ll try what, leaving this ungoverned crew,
    Setting up statesmen for myself will do.

[END OF ACT FIRST.]

The rest of the play is of so very tragic and horrible a cast, that we
think the author will not be justified in bringing it forward, and we
decline publishing any further extracts at present.


B.--DEBATE ON THE EXPEDITION.

=Source.=--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 243.

_[March] 30th._--House of Commons. Resumed Walcheren debate. At four in
the morning divided four times.

I. To censure the policy, 227; against it, 275.

II. To justify it, 272; against it, 232.

III. To censure the retention, 224; against the censure, 275.

IV. To excuse the delay in evacuating it, 253; against that, 232.

Adjourned after seven o’clock.

The second division, the largest in this Parliament except that of June
1807, upon the address of the change of Ministry.

N.B.--It was the general opinion that the only resolution upon this
business which was _indisputably untrue_ was the _unanimous vote_ that
the failure was not imputable to any misconduct of the officers by sea
or land.

My own opinion certainly was contrary to any such resolution. For,
first, it was in evidence that the wind and weather did not prevent Lord
Huntley from landing in Cadsand, in good time to have destroyed the
batteries of Breskens, and opened a passage for the fleet up the Wieling
Channel, clear of Flushing. And, secondly, there was no evidence to
prove that the whole fleet might not have gone up that channel with
Lord Gardner’s squadron, instead of going originally into the Stonediep:
the further deviation into the Roompot, which ruined the whole prospect
of getting to Antwerp up the West Scheldt, was probably inevitable after
the fleet had once missed their entrance by Cadsand and the Wieling
Channel.

It suited the Opposition to exculpate the land and naval service,
_because_ then the failure (by their reasoning) exclusively followed
from _the plan_, and the plan only. It also _suited the Ministers_,
partly because they had advised the King to tell the City of London that
there was no ground for military inquiry (they then not knowing of Lord
Chatham’s narrative); and partly from a proper desire to avoid throwing
blame upon those who served under them by their own appointment.




WELLINGTON’S DIFFICULTIES IN SPAIN (1810).

=Source.=--_Selections from the Wellington Despatches._ Gurwood. P. 409.


I. _To the Right Hon. H. Wellesley._

CARTAXO,
_2nd Dec., 1810_.

I am afraid that the Spaniards will bring us all to shame yet. It is
scandalous that in the third year of their war, and having been more
than a year in a state of tranquillity, and having sustained no loss of
importance since the battle of Ocaña, they should now be depending for
the safety of Cadiz, the seat of their Government, upon having one or
two more or less British regiments; and that after having been shut in
for 10 months, they have not prepared the works necessary for their
defence, notwithstanding the repeated remonstrances of General Graham
and the British officers on the danger of omitting them. The Cortes
appear to suffer under the national disease in as great a degree as the
other authorities, that is, boasting of the strength and power of the
Spanish nation, till they are seriously convinced they are in no
danger, and then sitting down quietly and indulging their national
indolence.


II. _To the Right Hon. H. Wellesley._

CARTAXO,
_16th Dec., 1810_.

I have had some difficulties lately with the Spanish muleteers attached
to the British army, in consequence of the general requisition which is
said to be made of all individuals of the military ages for the army.

I doubt very much whether this requisition is or can be enforced; and I
believe that the magistrates in the different districts are very glad to
show the activity and steadiness with which they execute the law, by
calling for these people who they know will quit with reluctance the
lucrative business in which they are engaged, to serve as soldiers.
However, I cannot encourage them to stay away when they are called for;
and I very much apprehend that the army will be reduced to the greatest
distress if they should leave us, notwithstanding the pains which I have
taken, and the expense which I have incurred, to have it equipped as it
ought to be with the means of transport.

It appears to me that the production of a certificate from me, or
Colonel Alava, or Colonel O’Lawlor, that a man is employed as a muleteer
with the British army, might exempt him from service as a soldier,
without any great violation of principle or any inconvenience. I do not
believe that the whole number of persons of this description exceeds
500; and of these many cannot be of the military ages.

I hope some arrangement will be adopted upon this subject; and I can
only say that if something is not done, and I am to be deprived of all
those persons of this description who have until now been attached to
this army, I shall be entirely crippled, and it will be a question
whether we ought not to quit the Peninsula entirely. I doubt that even
here we could exist one day without their assistance.


III. _To the Earl of Liverpool._

CARTAXO,
_21st Dec., 1810_.

I did not know what to say about the reduction of the number of our
transports in the Tagus: I have no apprehension that we shall be obliged
to embark, and no idea that the enemy will for a length of time be in a
situation to oblige us to think of such an operation; but I cannot, as
an Officer, be so certain of the course of events as to tell you that
the transports may be withdrawn.

It may be necessary to request your attention for a few moments to
explain our situation in reference to that of the enemy, and the general
state of affairs in the Peninsula as affecting this question. I have no
doubt that the enemy is not, and does not consider himself, able to
force the position of the allies in this country. Indeed, I believe I
have the means of beating the force now opposed to me, in their own
position, of course with the sacrifice of a certain loss of men.

I think that the paper published in the _Moniteur_ of the 23rd November
shows that our position in front of Lisbon is considered so strong, that
it ought not to be attacked in front; and, from the perusal of that
paper, I am of opinion that the enemy will endeavour to maintain a
position in this country with the troops now in it, probably reinforced
by some of those now on the frontier, and will endeavour to dislodge us
by occupying the countries north of the Douro and south of the Tagus,
and thus distress us for supplies. The accomplishment of this plan will
require an enormous force and some length of time; but when I recollect
that in the last year the whole of the north of Spain, and of Old
Castille, were abandoned by the enemy, even before the battle of
Talavera, I cannot doubt that they will abandon those countries likewise
upon the existing emergency, which will give them a part of the force
they require.

I am also certain that, if the British army should not be obliged to
evacuate Portugal, the French army must withdraw from Andalusia. I
think it not improbable, therefore, that a large part of it, if not the
whole of the French army in Andalusia, will be introduced into the
southern parts of this kingdom.

I do not despair of holding my ground against this accumulation of
force, and I have taken measures to prevent the only inconvenience which
it can produce, viz., a deficiency of supplies. But as these troops are
all within a few marches of me, and an order from Paris would not only
put them in motion, but they could be in this country almost before the
transports could arrive in England, I cannot think it advisable, in the
existing situation of affairs, to send them out of my reach.

The question whether I should attack the enemy in the position which he
now occupies has been well considered by me. I have a superior army, I
think, by 10,000 men, or one sixth, including the Spaniards; and,
notwithstanding some defects in its composition, I think I should
succeed. But the loss must necessarily be very great in killed and
wounded; and the necessity which would exist of exposing the troops to
the weather for some days and nights would throw a great proportion of
this convalescent army into the hospital. Then what is to be gained in
this action, in which failure would be the loss of the whole cause?
Nothing at present that I know of, excepting to relieve the northern
provinces and Andalusia from the presence of the enemy; which relief it
is probable that the course of events will bring about, without the risk
and loss of an action.

But there is another view of this question, which is a very serious one,
and has made much impression upon my mind. If the northern provinces of
Spain and Andalusia should be relieved from the pressure and presence of
the enemy by the course of events, or by exertions in Portugal, what
will the cause gain by this relief? In the last year I cannot forget
that I brought upon myself and General Cuesta not less than 5 _corps
d’armée_, and the King’s guards and reserve, more than equal to a 6th
corps; and that when the whole of Castille and the north of Spain was
cleared of the enemy, not a man was put in the field by those
provinces, nor even one raised!

In this year I have had 3 _corps d’armée_, the most numerous and
efficient in Spain, upon my hands for 8 months. The kingdom of Galicia
has been entirely free from the enemy, and Castille partially relieved.
The Spanish army in Galicia have made no movement whatever, as General
Mahy says, for want of great coats; but in fact, because they want pay,
clothing, means of subsistence, transport, discipline, and every thing
which can keep a body of men together in an operation. In Castille
nothing has been done, excepting that the guerrillas have been more
daring and successful in their robberies.

The relief of Andalusia would, I fear, make no difference in the
situation of affairs there. I do not think it quite certain that the
enemy would be obliged to raise the siege of Cadiz, although it is
probable that he would. But if the siege of Cadiz were not raised, the
general cause would derive no advantage from the relief of Andalusia;
and even if the raising the siege of Cadiz were the consequence of the
relief of Andalusia, I doubt that there are means at Cadiz of putting
into the field the troops now composing the garrison of that place, so
as to render them a disposable force for the cause of their allies, or
that any benefit would be derived from that event, excepting that it
would place at the disposal of the allies the means which the enemy have
collected for the siege of Cadiz, and retard, and probably prevent, the
operation.

Your Lordship will probably deem this a melancholy picture of prospect,
in the Peninsula, but you may rely upon its truth. This state of affairs
in Spain is the result of some defects in the national character,
aggravated by the false principles on which all the affairs of the
country have been conducted since it attempted to shake off the yoke of
France. The Spaniards have consequently no army; no means of raising
one; no authority to discipline an army if they could raise one; no
means to arm, equip, clothe, or feed anything which could be collected
under that name. The war in the Peninsula, therefore, as far as the
Spaniards are concerned in it, cannot take a regular shape. It must be
confined to the operations of the guerrillas, upon which the
calculations are very different from those which would be made in
respect to the operations of a more regular force.

If all this be true, our business is not to fight the French army, which
we certainly cannot beat out of the Peninsula, but to give occupation to
as large a portion of it as we can manage, and to leave the war in Spain
to the guerrillas. As long as the French do not interfere with our
supplies, or the resources of the Portuguese Government, or any point of
our security, I think it very immaterial whether they are in Spain or
Portugal. Indeed, adverting to the greater difficulties they have in
subsisting in the latter country and in keeping up their communications,
I believe it is more advantageous that they should be where they are.
Their numbers are certainly diminishing daily, while they do us no
mischief; on the contrary, we are nearer to our resources than ever we
were, and they leave the whole of the north of Spain open to the
operations of the guerrillas.

But if the army now in Portugal is to be assisted by other corps,
operating north of the Douro and south of the Tagus, before I can have
secured the supplies of provisions I require, I must then seek to
dislodge them by more determined means than I have tried hitherto. These
means, God knows, may fail; or I may be prevented from trying them by
the weather, or by other circumstances over which I can have no control.
In all these cases it would be terrible not to have transports at hand,
and I cannot advise they should be sent away.

It is certainly astonishing that the enemy have been able to remain in
this country so long; and it is an extraordinary instance of what a
French army can do. It is positively a fact that they brought no
provisions with them, and they have not received even a letter since
they entered Portugal. With all our money, and having in our favour the
good inclinations of the country, I assure you that I could not
maintain one division in the district in which they have maintained not
less than 60,000 men and 20,000 animals for more than 2 months. This
time last year I was obliged to move the British cavalry only from the
district which they now occupy with their whole army, because it could
not be subsisted. But they take everything, and leave the unfortunate
inhabitants to starve.




THE REGENCY (1811).

=Source.=--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 316.


[_Feb._] _5th_.--Perceval showed me the following letter which he had
just received from the Prince of Wales:

CARLTON HOUSE,
_Feb. 4th, 1811_.

The Prince of Wales[12] considers the moment to be arrived which calls
for his decision with respect to the persons to be employed by him in
the administration of the executive government of the country, according
to the powers vested in him by the Bill passed by the two Houses of
Parliament, and now on the point of receiving the sanction of the Great
Seal.

The Prince feels it incumbent upon him at this precise juncture to
communicate to Mr. Perceval his intention not to remove from their
situations those whom he finds there as His Majesty’s official servants.
At the same time the Prince owes it to the truth and sincerity of
character, which, he trusts, will appear in every action of his life, in
whatever situation he may be placed, explicitly to declare that the
irresistible impulse of filial duty and affection to his beloved and
afflicted father, leads him to dread that any act of the Regent might,
in the smallest degree, have the effect of interfering with the progress
of his sovereign’s recovery.

This consideration alone dictates the decision now communicated to Mr.
Perceval.

Having thus performed an act of indispensable duty, from a just sense of
what is due to his own consistency and honour, the Prince has only to
add that, among the many blessings to be derived from His Majesty’s
restoration to health, and to the personal exercise of his royal
functions, it will not, in the Prince’s estimation, be the least, that
that most fortunate event will at once rescue him from a situation of
unexampled embarrassment, and put an end to a state of affairs, ill
calculated, he fears, to sustain the interests of the United Kingdom in
this awful and perilous crisis; and most difficult to be reconciled to
the general principles of the British Constitution.


MR. PERCEVAL’S ANSWER.

DOWNING STREET,
_Feb. 5th, 1811_.

Mr. Perceval presents his humble duty to Your Royal Highness, and has
the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Royal Highness’s letter of
last night, which reached him this morning.

Mr. Perceval feels it his duty to express his humble thanks to Your
Royal Highness for the frankness with which Your Royal Highness has
condescended explicitly to communicate the motives which have induced
Your Royal Highness to honour his colleagues and him with your commands
for the continuance of their services in the stations entrusted to them
by the King. And Mr. Perceval begs leave to assure Your Royal Highness
that in the expression of Your Royal Highness’s sentiments of filial and
loyal attachment to the King, and of anxiety for the restoration of His
Majesty’s health, Mr. Perceval can see nothing but additional motives
for their most anxious exertions to give satisfaction to Your Royal
Highness, in the only manner in which it can be given, by endeavouring
to promote Your Royal Highness’s views for the security and happiness of
the country.

Mr. Perceval has never failed to regret the impression of Your Royal
Highness with regard to the provisions of the Regency Bill which His
Majesty’s servants felt it to be their duty to recommend to Parliament.
But he ventures to submit to Your Royal Highness that, whatever
difficulties the present awful crisis of the country and the world may
create in the administration of the executive government, Your Royal
Highness will not find them in any degree increased by the temporary
suspension of the exercise of those branches of the Royal prerogative
which has been introduced by Parliament, in conformity to what was
intended on a former similar occasion. And that whatever Ministers Your
Royal Highness might think proper to employ, would find in that full
support and countenance which, as long as they were honoured with Your
Royal Highness’s commands, they would feel confident that they would
continue to enjoy, ample and sufficient means to enable Your Royal
Highness effectually to maintain the great and important interests of
the United Kingdom.

And Mr. Perceval humbly trusts that, whatever doubts Your Royal Highness
may entertain with respect to the constitutional propriety of the
measures which have been adopted, Your Royal Highness will feel assured
that they could not have been recommended by His Majesty’s servants, nor
sanctioned by Parliament, but upon the sincere, though possibly
erroneous conviction, that they in no degree trenched upon the true
principles and spirit of the Constitution.

Mr. Perceval feels it his duty to add that he holds himself in readiness
at any moment to wait upon Your Royal Highness, and to receive any
commands with which Your Royal Highness may be graciously pleased to
honour him.




FÊTE AT CARLTON HOUSE (1811).

=Source.=--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 336.


[_June_] _19th_.--Went to the fête at Carlton House. By previous inquiry
I managed both going and coming without the smallest difficulty; I drove
up Warwick Street to within a few paces of the small gate at which the
chairs come _out_, and by walking that length I was in the house in a
few moments. I went in at ten minutes past nine, and came away by the
same road at about twenty minutes past four in the morning.

At the top of the hall steps I found Colonel Palmer and other
aides-de-camp, waiting to receive the company. They took my ticket, and
Lord Moira, who was close by, told me in which way I could best see the
apartments before the company filled them; and he would have gone with
me, but was in waiting at the head of the first steps to receive the
royal family of France.

The great rooms lie all on the right side of the building; the smaller
apartments on the left; and in them the Prince waited to receive the
King of France, etc.

About ten they arrived; and the Prince, after seating the King of France
in one of the small rooms, hung with _fleur de lys_ furniture; and
paying his compliments to him _as King_, released his French Majesty
from all further ceremony, and conducted him as a private person with
the rest of the French court, through the different apartments. Having
done this once he left them to themselves, and for the rest of the
evening walked about alone, in every direction, and into every room.

He passed me several times; and I think once made a slight
acknowledgment of me by look. At other periods during the evening I had
long and marked conversations with the Duke of York and Duke of
Cumberland; also with the Duke of Clarence and Duke of Gloucester.

The Duchess of York and Princess Sophia of Gloucester also recognized
and talked to me.

Lord Yarmouth, upon finding that I had no ticket for supping at the
Regent’s table, gave me one, as a person who ought to be of that party
(viz. one of that 200), from which, however, many of the highest rank
were excluded.

At a quarter to two the card marked that we were to assemble in the gilt
room; and so did 500 other persons who had nothing to do with the
Regent’s party. This was the only thing ill managed, for with this
enormous crowd, and waiting there one hour before the doors were opened
to go down to supper, everybody was heartily tired; and the King of
France, who (as Lord St. Helens says all kings do) must have been
heartily tired of _swinging from one foot to the other_.

At length the doors opened, four aides-de-camp stood inside, and as soon
as the Prince had handed down the Duchess d’Angoulême, and the King of
France handed the Duchess of York, Monsieur with Princess Sophia of
Gloucester, &c., all other persons were stopped at the door who did not
present their tickets.

Luckily for me, during the hour of waiting, I found myself close to Lord
Chichester; and upon communication we found ourselves ticketed, and
without any lady attached to either, so we agreed to make common cause.
Lady Chichester not being in a state of bustle, had by the Prince’s
gracious permission, seen all the preparations in the morning.

Upon descending into the conservatory, Perceval, Lord Chichester, and
myself, after some difficulty of finding places, separated, and it ended
in my going with Lord Chichester to the vacant end of the Prince’s long
table, which could not be less than 200 feet long. My children would
have been amused with the river of water and the little gudgeons
swimming about in the whole length of this table; and all the _grown_
children were equally delighted.

Tierney said to me in the course of the evening that he had previously
seen and admired the whole spectacle, except that Sadler’s Wells
business of the rivulet and the swimming fishes.

Nevertheless it was oriental and fanciful, towards the Prince’s end
particularly; for in that part the table widened, and the water also,
and fell by a succession of cascades into a circular lake surrounded
with architectural decorations, and small vases, burning perfumes, which
stood under the arches of the colonnade round the lake.

Behind the Prince’s end of the table there was a magnificent sideboard
of gilt plate three stories high.

A band in the garden, not seen by the company, played the whole time.

After the supper was well ended, and before the company rose to go
upstairs, there was a grand crowd from the supper room beyond the brass
railing, of fine ladies and gentlemen, who came to lean against and look
over the railing at our superior lot, and to endeavour at descrying the
gudgeons in our river. “There, I see them;” “Look, look;” “Don’t you?”
&c., by all the Misses and company, old and young, not to mention Lady
Mansfield, Lady Buckingham’s niece, old Mr. Hastings, and many other
souls old and young, whose eager and ridiculous curiosity was very
entertaining.

At length the royals all rose and went upstairs; Lord Chichester had
undertaken to pilot me all round the rest of the supper apartments; Lady
Chatham and a young lady of her family were tacked on to us, and so we
proceeded.

A few minutes so completely filled the conservatory in which the
Prince’s table was placed, that before we got fairly round, the crowd
and pressing was beyond anything I ever saw or felt; until, not without
an intolerable cram and jam, we made our way with one tide which bore
down another tide, and thus we saw the other six rooms all in
continuation of the same line as the conservatory. The furthest room was
seven or eight steps higher than the rest, and commanded a long but
indistinct view of tables and tables not less than 500 feet in distance.

Besides these rooms there was supper under tents in the gardens.
Certainly, the supply, waiting, and arrangements seemed to be admirable.
No delays in arrivals, no difficulties, no accidents.




WEAVING MACHINES (1812).

=Source.=--Byron’s _Works_, 1898. Letters and Journals. Vol. ii., p. 424.


_Debate on the Framework Bill, in the House of Lords, February 27,
1812._

The order of the day for the second reading of this Bill being read,

Lord Byron rose, and (for the first time) addressed their Lordships as
follows:--

     My Lords,--The subject now submitted to your Lordships for the
     first time, though new to the House, is by no means new to the
     country. I believe it had occupied the serious thoughts of all
     descriptions of persons, long before its introduction to the notice
     of that legislature, whose interference alone could be of real
     service. As a person in some degree connected with the suffering
     county, though a stranger not only to this House in general, but to
     almost every individual whose attention I presume to solicit, I
     must claim some portion of your Lordships’ indulgence, whilst I
     offer a few observations on a question in which I confess myself
     deeply interested.

     To enter into any detail of the riots would be superfluous: the
     House is already aware that every outrage short of actual bloodshed
     has been perpetrated, and that the proprietors of the frames
     obnoxious to the rioters, and all persons supposed to be connected
     with them, have been liable to insult and violence. During the
     short time I recently passed in Nottinghamshire, not twelve hours
     elapsed without some fresh act of violence; and on the day I left
     the county I was informed that forty frames had been broken the
     preceding evening, as usual, without resistance and without
     detection.

     Such was then the state of that county, and such I have reason to
     believe it to be at this moment. But whilst these outrages must be
     admitted to exist to an alarming extent, it cannot be denied that
     they have arisen from circumstances of the most unparalleled
     distress: the perseverance of these miserable men in their
     proceedings tends to prove that nothing but absolute want could
     have driven a large, and once honest and industrious, body of the
     people, into the commission of excesses, so hazardous to
     themselves, their families, and the community. At the time to which
     I allude, the town and county were burdened with large detachments
     of the military; the police were in motion, the magistrates
     assembled; yet all the movements, civil and military, had led
     to--nothing. Not a single instance had occurred of the apprehension
     of any real delinquent actually taken in the fact, against whom
     there existed legal evidence sufficient for conviction. But the
     police, however useless, were by no means idle: several notorious
     delinquents had been detected,--men, liable to conviction, on the
     clearest evidence, of the capital crime of poverty; men, who had
     been nefariously guilty of lawfully begetting several children,
     whom, thanks to the times! they are unable to maintain.
     Considerable injury has been done to the proprietors of the
     improved frames. These machines were to them an advantage, inasmuch
     as they superseded the necessity of employing a number of workmen,
     who were left in consequence to starve. By the adoption of one
     species of frame in particular, one man performed the work of many,
     and the superfluous labourers were thrown out of employment. Yet it
     is to be observed, that the work thus executed was inferior in
     quality; not marketable at home, and merely hurried over with a
     view of exportation. It was called, in the cant of the trade, by
     the name of “Spider-work.” The rejected workmen, in the blindness
     of their ignorance, instead of rejoicing at these improvements in
     arts so beneficial to mankind, conceived themselves to be
     sacrificed to improvements in mechanism. In the foolishness of
     their hearts they imagined that the maintenance and well-doing of
     the industrious poor were objects of greater consequence than the
     enrichment of a few individuals by any improvement, in the
     implements of trade, which threw the workmen out of employment, and
     rendered the labourer unworthy of his hire. And it must be
     confessed that although the adoption of the enlarged machinery in
     that state of our commerce which the country once boasted might
     have been beneficial to the master without being detrimental to the
     servant; yet, in the present situation of our manufactures, rotting
     in warehouses, without a prospect of exportation, with the demand
     for work and workmen equally diminished, frames of this description
     tend materially to aggravate the distress and discontent of the
     disappointed sufferers. But the real cause of these distresses and
     consequent disturbances lies deeper. When we are told that these
     men are leagued together not only for the destruction of their own
     comfort, but of their very means of subsistence, can we forget that
     it is the bitter policy, the destructive warfare of the last
     eighteen years, which has destroyed their comfort, your comfort,
     all men’s comfort? that policy, which, originating with “great
     statesmen now no more,” has survived the dead to become a curse on
     the living, unto the third and fourth generation! These men never
     destroyed their looms till they were become useless, worse than
     useless; till they were become actual impediments to their
     exertions in obtaining their daily bread. Can you, then, wonder
     that in times like these, when bankruptcy, convicted fraud, and
     imputed felony are found in a station not far beneath that of your
     Lordships, the lowest, though once most useful portion of the
     people, should forget their duty in their distresses, and become
     only less guilty than one of their representatives? But while the
     exalted offender can find means to baffle the law, new capital
     punishments must be devised, new snares of death must be spread for
     the wretched mechanic, who is famished into guilt. These men were
     willing to dig, but the spade was in other hands: they were not
     ashamed to beg, but there was none to relieve them: their own means
     of subsistence were cut off, all other employments preoccupied; and
     their excesses, however to be deplored and condemned, can hardly be
     subject of surprise.




BADAJOZ (1812).

=Source.=--_Selections from the Wellington Despatches._ Gurwood. P. 581.


_To the Earl of Liverpool._

BADAJOZ,
_7th April, 1812_.

My dispatch of the 3rd instant will have apprised your Lordship of the
state of the operations against Badajoz to that date; which were brought
to a close on the night of the 6th, by the capture of the place by
storm.

The fire continued during the 4th and 5th against the face of the
bastion of La Trinidad, and the flank of the bastion of Sta Maria;
and on the 4th, in the morning, we opened another battery of 6 guns in
the second parallel against the shoulder of the ravelin of San Roque,
and the wall in its gorge.

Practicable breaches were effected in the bastions above mentioned on
the evening of the 5th; but as I had observed that the enemy had
entrenched the bastion of La Trinidad, and the most formidable
preparations were making for the defence, as well of the breach in that
bastion as of that in the bastion of Sta Maria, I determined to delay
the attack for another day, and to turn all the guns in the batteries in
the second parallel on the curtain of La Trinidad; in hopes that by
effecting a third breach, the troops would be enabled to turn the
enemy’s works for the defence of the other two; the attack of which
would besides be connected by the troops destined to attack the breach
in the curtain. This breach was effected in the evening of the 6th, and
the fire of the face of the bastion of Sta Maria and of the flank of
the bastion of La Trinidad being overcome, I determined to attack the
place that night.

I had kept in reserve in the neighbourhood of this camp, the 5th
division under Lieut.-General Leith, which had left Castille only in the
middle of March, and had but lately arrived in this part of the country;
and I brought them up on that evening. The plan for the attack was that
Lieut.-General Picton should attack the castle of Badajoz by escalade
with the 3rd division; and a detachment from the guard in the trenches
furnished that evening by the 4th division, under Major Wilson of the
48th regt., should attack the ravelin of San Roque upon his left, while
the 4th division under Major-General the Hon. C. Colville, and the Light
division under Lieut.-Colonel Barnard, should attack the breaches in the
bastions of La Trinidad and Sta Maria, and in the curtain by which
they are connected. The 5th division were to occupy the ground which the
4th and Light divisions had occupied during the siege; and
Lieut.-General Leith was to make a false attack upon the outwork called
the Pardaleras; and another on the works of the fort towards the
Guadiana, with the left brigade of the division under Major-General
Walker, which he was to turn into a real attack, if circumstances should
prove favourable; and Brig.-General Power, who invested the place with
his Portuguese brigade on the right of the Guadiana, was directed to
make false attacks on the _tête-de-pont_, the Fort San Christoval, and
the new redoubt called Mon Cœur.

The attack was accordingly made at 10 at night; Lieut.-General Picton
preceding by a few minutes the attack by the remainder of the troops.
Major-General Kempt led this attack, which went out from the right of
the first parallel. He was unfortunately wounded in crossing the river
Rivillas below the inundation; but notwithstanding this circumstance,
and the obstinate resistance of the enemy, the castle was carried by
escalade, and the 3rd division established in it at about half-past 11.
While this was going on, Major Wilson of the 48th carried the ravelin of
San Roque by the gorge, with a detachment of 200 men of the guard in the
trenches; and with the assistance of Major Squire, of the engineers,
established himself within that work.

The 4th and Light divisions moved to the attack from the camp along the
left of the river Rivillas, and of the inundation. They were not
perceived by the enemy, till they reached the covered-way; and the
advanced guards of the 2 divisions descended without difficulty into the
ditch, protected by the fire of the parties stationed on the glacis for
that purpose; and they advanced to the assault of the breaches led by
their gallant officers, with the utmost intrepidity. But such was the
nature of the obstacles prepared by the enemy at the top and behind the
breaches, and so determined their resistance, that our troops could not
establish themselves within the place. Many brave officers and soldiers
were killed or wounded by explosions at the top of the breaches; others
who succeeded to them were obliged to give way, having found it
impossible to penetrate the obstacles which the enemy had prepared to
impede their progress. These attempts were repeated till after 12 at
night; when, finding that success was not to be attained, and that
Lieut.-General Picton was established in the castle, I ordered that the
4th and Light divisions might retire to the ground on which they had
been first assembled for the attack.

In the mean time, Lieut.-General Leith had pushed forward Major-General
Walker’s brigade on the left, supported by the 38th regt. under
Lieut.-Colonel Nugent, and the 15th Portuguese regt. under Colonel Do
Rego, and he had made a false attack upon the Pardaleras with the 8th
caçadores under Major Hill. Major-General Walker forced the barrier on
the road of Olivença, and entered the covered way on the left of the
bastion of San Vicente, close to the Guadiana. He there descended into
the ditch, and escaladed the face of the bastion of San Vicente.
Lieutenant-General Leith supported this attack by the 38th regt. and
15th Portuguese regt.; and our troops being thus established in the
castle, which commands all the works of the town, and in the town; and
the 4th and Light divisions being formed again for the attack of the
breaches, all resistance ceased; and at daylight in the morning, the
Governor, General Philippon, who had retired to Fort San Christoval,
surrendered, together with General Vieland, and all the Staff, and the
whole garrison. I have not got accurate returns of the strength of the
garrison, or of the number of prisoners. But General Philippon has
informed me that it consisted of 5,000 men at the commencement of the
siege, of which 1,200 were killed or wounded during the operations;
besides those lost in the assault of the place. There were 5 French
battalions, besides 2 of the regiment of Hesse Darmstadt, and the
artillery, engineers, &c.; and I understand there are 4,000 prisoners.
It is impossible that any expressions of mine can convey to your
Lordship the sense which I entertain of the gallantry of the officers
and troops upon this occasion. The list of killed and wounded will show
that the General officers, the Staff attached to them, the commanding
and other officers of the regiments, put themselves at the heads of the
attacks which they severally directed, and set the example of gallantry
which was so well followed by their men.

Marshal Sir W. Beresford assisted me in conducting the details of this
siege; and I am much indebted to him for the cordial assistance which I
received from him, as well during the progress, as in the last operation
which brought it to a termination. The duties in the trenches were
conducted successively by Major-General the Hon. C. Colville,
Major-General Bowes, and Major-General Kempt, under the superintendence
of Lieut.-General Picton. I have had occasion to mention all these
officers during the course of the operations; and they all distinguished
themselves, and were all wounded in the assault. I am particularly
obliged to Lieut.-General Picton for the manner in which he arranged the
attack of the castle; for that in which he supported the attack, and
established his troops in that important post.

Lieut.-General Leith’s arrangements for the false attack upon the
Pardaleras, and that under Major-General Walker, were likewise most
judicious; and he availed himself of the circumstances of the moment, to
push forward and support the attack under Major-General Walker, in a
manner highly creditable to him. The gallantry and conduct of
Major-General Walker, who was also wounded, and that of the officers and
troops under his command, were conspicuous.

The arrangements made by Major-General the Hon. C. Colville for the
attack by the 4th division were very judicious; and he led them to the
attack in the most gallant manner. In consequence of the absence, on
account of sickness, of Major-General Vandeleur, and of Colonel
Beckwith, Lieut.-Colonel Barnard commanded the Light division in the
assault, and distinguished himself not less by the manner in which he
made the arrangements for that operation, than by his personal gallantry
in its execution.

I have also to mention Brig.-General Harvey of the Portuguese service,
commanding a brigade in the 4th division, and Brig.-General Champelmond,
commanding the Portuguese brigade in the 3rd division, as highly
distinguished. Brig.-General Harvey was wounded in the storm.




MURDER OF PERCEVAL (1812).

=Source.=--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 379.


[_May_] _11th_.--The House of Commons being in Committee hearing
evidence on the Orders in Council, at a few minutes after five, I was
called down from my room into the House by a message that

Mr. Perceval was shot in the lobby.

As soon as I had taken the chair, the assassin, a bankrupt Liverpool
merchant, John Bellingham, was forcibly brought to the bar. I detained
him till a Magistrate was brought, who came almost instantly; and then
the assassin was conducted to the prison room belonging to the
Serjeant-at-Arms, where he was examined before Mr. White, a Westminster
Justice; and Mr. Alderman Combe and Mr. Taylor, two Members who were
also Justices, and thereupon committed to Newgate for murder.

Mr. Perceval’s body (for he fell lifeless after he had staggered a few
paces into the lobby) was brought into my house, and remained in the
first picture room till the family removed it (for privacy) at one
o’clock in the morning to Downing Street.

_12th._--I wrote to invite Ponsonby, Whitbread, Lord Castlereagh, Ryder,
Canning, Master of the Rolls, Wilberforce, &c. &c., to meet here at
three o’clock, and consult upon the proper course of recommending
Perceval’s family to the protection of the Crown. There came also
Elliott, Adair, Wellesley Pole, &c. &c.: and Lord Castlereagh stated the
Regent’s intention to send a message on the subject; in answer to which
Ponsonby, Whitbread, Canning, and Bankes fully and at length declared
their unqualified assent. Finding Tierney not present, I wrote to him
before I went into the House to excuse the omission, on the score of
believing that through Ponsonby or Whitbread I should have seen him; and
that the scenes and thoughts which for the preceding eighteen hours had
surrounded me and occupied me must be my apology for this and, I feared,
many other omissions.

I found afterwards that he had taken the omission heinously ill; but on
Wednesday when he came into the House he appeared to be quite appeased
by my letter.

In the House of Commons, by common consent, no other business was done.
Lord Castlereagh presented the Message, and moved the Address. In most
faces there was an agony of tears; and neither Lord Castlereagh,
Ponsonby, Whitbread, nor Canning could give a dry utterance to their
sentiments.

The House resolved by common acclamation to present the Address “as a
House,” and not by Privy Councillors.

All other business was put off for distant or nominal days.

_13th._--House of Commons. Unanimous votes in Committee upon the
Regent’s Message, to grant 50,000_l._ among the children, and 2,000_l._
a year to Mrs. Perceval for her life. A debate and division by which a
further resolution was carried for 2,000_l._ a year to Mr. Perceval’s
eldest son; but great ill-will towards this third proposition, which was
moved by Mr. Sumner, and at first resisted by Ministers.




SHERIDAN’S LAST UTTERANCES IN THE HOUSE (1812).

=Source.=--Moore’s _Life of Sheridan_, 1825. P. 677.


My objection to the present Ministry is, that they are avowedly arrayed
and embodied against a principle,--that of concession to the Catholics
of Ireland,--which I think, and must always think, essential to the
safety of this empire. I will never give my vote to any administration
that opposes the question of Catholic Emancipation. I will not consent
to receive a furlough upon that particular question, even though a
Ministry were carrying every other that I wished. In fine, I think the
situation of Ireland a paramount consideration. If they were to be the
last words I should ever utter in this House, I should say, “Be just to
Ireland, as you value your own honour;--be just to Ireland, as you value
your own peace.”

His very last words in Parliament, on his own motion relative to the
Overtures of Peace from France, were as follows:

     “Yet, after the general subjugation and ruin of Europe, should
     there ever exist an independent historian to record the awful
     events that produced this universal calamity, let that historian
     have to say,--‘Great Britain fell, and with her fell all the best
     securities for the charities of human life, for the power and
     honour, the fame, the glory, and the liberties, not only of
     herself, but of the whole civilized world.’”




SIR STAPLETON COTTON’S MILITARY SERVICES (1813).

=Source.=--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 440.


[_March_] _9th_.--Sir Stapleton Cotton,[13] having on the 5th announced
to me his arrival in London, I delivered to him the thanks of the House,
in the following speech:

Lieutenant-General Sir Stapleton Cotton, in this interval between the
active seasons of war, your proper sphere of duty is within these walls;
and we hail with pride and pleasure your return among us, bringing with
you fresh marks of royal[14] favour, the just reward of fresh services
and triumphs.

Descended from a long line of ancestors, whose names are recorded in the
earliest ages of our history, and characterized with those qualities of
prudence, generosity, and valour, which have laid the foundations of
English greatness, your race has exhibited many a model of that splendid
worth which dignifies the gentlemen of England; always prompt to
discharge the laborious duties of civil life, and never slow to take up
arms at the call of their country. Such, in an eminent degree, was that
venerated person from whom you have immediately derived your own
hereditary honours, endeared by his active virtues to the public men of
his own time, not unknown to some who still sit among us, and ever
remembered by myself with the sincerest sentiments of respect and
affection.

But, Sir, when the path of early life lay open to your choice, the then
warlike state of the world called forth a congenial spirit, and your
military ardour led you to encounter the toils and dangers of war in
distant climes. Trained in the same camps, and animated by the same love
of glory as the great captain who now commands our armies, and fills the
world with his renown, you have bravely followed his brilliant career,
and shared in his unexampled triumphs. Renouncing the charms of ease,
and the seat of your ancestors, you have gallantly gone forth to the
tented fields of Portugal and Spain, and, having reaped the harvest of
our thanks for your achievements in the battle of Talavera, you now
stand before us crowned with the never-fading laurels of Salamanca; your
squadrons upon that memorable day, overthrowing the enemy’s embattled
ranks, laid open the road to victory; and the work which your gallantry
had commenced, your triumphant perseverance completed.

These heroic exploits have again entitled you to the public gratitude;
and I do now, in the name and by the command of the Commons of Great
Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled, deliver to you their
unanimous thanks for your distinguished exertions in the battle of
Salamanca, on the 22nd of July last, which terminated in a glorious and
decisive victory over the enemy’s army.[15]




VITTORIA (1813).

=Source.=--_Selections from the Wellington Despatches._ Gurwood. P. 700.


_To Earl Bathurst._

SALVATIERRA,
_22nd June, 1813_.

The enemy, commanded by King Joseph, having Marshal Jourdan as the
Major-General of the army, took up a position, on the night of the 19th
inst., in front of Vitoria; the left of which rested upon the heights
which end at La Puebla de Arganzon, and extended from thence across the
valley of the Zadorra, in front of the village of Ariñez. They occupied
with the right of the centre a height which commanded the valley to the
Zadorra. The right of their army was stationed near Vitoria, and was
destined to defend the passages of the river Zadorra, in the
neighbourhood of that city. They had a reserve in rear of their left, at
the village of Gomecha. The nature of the country through which the army
had passed since it had reached the Ebro had necessarily extended our
columns, and we halted on the 20th, in order to close them up, and moved
the left to Murguia, where it was most likely it would be required. I
reconnoitred the enemy’s position on that day, with a view to the attack
to be made on the following morning, if they should still remain in it.
We accordingly attacked the enemy yesterday, and I am happy to inform
your Lordship, that the Allied army under my command gained a complete
victory, having driven them from all their positions; having taken from
them 151 pieces of cannon, waggons of ammunition, all their baggage,
provisions, cattle, treasure, &c., and a considerable number of
prisoners.

The operations of the day commenced by Lieut.-General Sir R. Hill
obtaining possession of the heights of La Puebla, on which the enemy’s
left rested, which heights they had not occupied in great strength. He
detached for this service one brigade of the Spanish division under
General Morillo; the other brigade being employed in keeping the
communication between his main body on the high road from Miranda to
Vitoria, and the troops detached to the heights. The enemy, however,
soon discovered the importance of these heights, and reinforced their
troops there to such an extent, that Lieut.-General Sir R. Hill was
obliged to detach, first, the 71st regt. and the light infantry
battalion of General Walker’s brigade, under the command of
Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. H. Cadogan, and successively other troops to the
same point; and the Allies not only gained, but maintained possession of
these important heights throughout their operations, notwithstanding
all the efforts of the enemy to retake them.

The contest here was, however, very severe, and the loss sustained
considerable. General Morillo was wounded, but remained in the field;
and I am concerned to have to report that Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. H.
Cadogan has died of a wound which he received. In him His Majesty has
lost an officer of great merit and tried gallantry, who had already
acquired the respect and regard of the whole profession, and of whom it
might have been expected that, if he had lived, he would have rendered
the most important services to his country. Under cover of the
possession of these heights, Sir R. Hill successively passed the
Zadorra, at La Puebla, and the defile formed by the heights and the
river Zadorra, and attacked and gained possession of the village of
Subijana de Alava, in front of the enemy’s line, which the enemy made
repeated attempts to regain.

The difficult nature of the country prevented the communication between
our different columns moving to the attack from their stations on the
river Bayas at as early an hour as I had expected; and it was late
before I knew that the column, composed of the 3rd and 7th divisions,
under the command of the Earl of Dalhousie, had arrived at the station
appointed for them. The 4th and Light divisions, however, passed the
Zadorra immediately after Sir R. Hill had possession of Subijana de
Alava; the former at the bridge of Manclares, and the latter at the
bridge of Tres-puentes; and almost as soon as these had crossed, the
column under the Earl of Dalhousie arrived at Mendoza; and the 3rd
division, under Lieut.-General Sir T. Picton, crossed at the bridge
higher up, followed by the 7th division, under the Earl of Dalhousie.
These 4 divisions, forming the centre of the army, were destined to
attack the height on which the right of the enemy’s centre was placed,
while Lieut.-General Sir R. Hill should move forward from Subijana de
Alava to attack the left. The enemy, however, having weakened his line
to strengthen his detachment on the hills, abandoned his position in the
valley as soon as he saw our disposition to attack it, and commenced
his retreat in good order towards Vitoria.

Our troops continued to advance in admirable order, notwithstanding the
difficulty of the ground. In the mean time, Lieut.-General Sir T.
Graham, who commanded the left of the army, consisting of the 1st and
5th divisions, and General Pack’s and Bradford’s brigades of infantry,
and General Bock’s and Anson’s of cavalry, and who had been moved on the
20th to Murguia, moved forward from thence on Vitoria, by the high road
from that town to Bilbao. He had, besides, with him the Spanish division
under Colonel Longa;[16] and General Giron, who had been detached to the
left, under a different view of the state of affairs, and had afterwards
been recalled, and had arrived on the 20th at Orduña, marched that
morning from thence, so as to be in the field in readiness to support
Lieut.-General Sir T. Graham, if his support had been required.

The enemy had a division of infantry with some cavalry advanced on the
great road from Vitoria to Bilbao, resting their right on some strong
heights covering the village of Gamarra Mayor. Both Gamarra and Abechuco
were strongly occupied as _têtes-de-pont_ and the bridges over the
Zadorra at these places. Brig.-General Pack with his Portuguese brigade,
and Colonel Longa with his Spanish division, were directed to turn and
gain the heights, supported by Major-General Anson’s brigade of light
dragoons, and the 5th division of infantry under the command of
Major-General Oswald, who was desired to take the command of all these
troops.

Lieut.-General Sir T. Graham reports, that in the execution of this
service the Portuguese and Spanish troops behaved admirably. The 4th
battalion of caçadores, and the 8th caçadores, particularly
distinguished themselves. Colonel Longa being on the left, took
possession of Gamarra Mayor.

As soon as the heights were in our possession, the village of Gamarra
Mayor was most gallantly stormed and carried by Major-General Robinson’s
brigade of the 5th division, which advanced in columns of battalions,
under a very heavy fire of artillery and musketry, without firing a
shot, assisted by 2 guns of Major Lawson’s brigade of artillery. The
enemy suffered severely, and lost 3 pieces of cannon.

The Lieut.-General then proceeded to attack the village of Abechuco with
the 1st division, by forming a strong battery against it, consisting of
Captain Dubourdieu’s brigade, and Captain Ramsay’s troop of horse
artillery; and under cover of this fire, Colonel Halkett’s brigade
advanced to the attack of the village, which was carried; the light
battalions having charged and taken 3 guns and a howitzer on the bridge.
This attack was supported by General Bradford’s brigade of Portuguese
infantry. During the operation at Abechuco, the enemy made the greatest
efforts to repossess themselves of the village of Gamarra Mayor, which
were gallantly repulsed by the 5th division, under the command of
Major-General Oswald. The enemy had, however, on the heights on the left
of the Zadorra, 2 divisions of infantry in reserve; and it was
impossible to cross by the bridge till the troops which had moved upon
the enemy’s centre and left had driven them through Vitoria. The whole
then co-operated in the pursuit, which was continued by all till after
it was dark.

The movement of the troops under Lieut.-General Sir T. Graham, and their
possession of Gamarra and Abechuco, intercepted the enemy’s retreat by
the high road to France. They were then obliged to turn to the road
towards Pamplona; but they were unable to hold any position for a
sufficient length of time to allow their baggage and artillery to be
drawn off. The whole, therefore, of the latter, which had not already
been taken by the troops in their attack of the successive positions
taken up by the enemy in their retreat from their first position at
Ariñez and on the Zadorra, and all their ammunition and baggage, and
everything they had, were taken close to Vitoria. I have reason to
believe that the enemy carried off with them one gun and one howitzer
only.

The army under King Joseph consisted of the whole of the armies of the
South, and of the Centre, and of 4 divisions and all the cavalry of the
army of Portugal, and some troops of the army of the North. General
Foy’s division of the army of Portugal was in the neighbourhood of
Bilbao; and General Clausel, who commanded the army of the North, was
near Logroño with one division of the army of Portugal commanded by
General Taupin, and General Van-der-Maessen’s division of the army of
the North. The 6th division of the allied army under Major-General the
Hon. E. Pakenham was likewise absent, having been detained at Medina de
Pomar for 3 days, to cover the march of our magazines and stores.

I cannot extol too highly the good conduct of all the General Officers,
officers, and soldiers of the army in this action. Lieut.-General Sir R.
Hill speaks highly of the conduct of General Morillo and the Spanish
troops under his command, and that of Lieut.-General the Hon. W.
Stewart, and the Conde de Amarante, who commanded divisions of infantry
under his directions. He likewise mentions the conduct of Colonel the
Hon. R. W. O’Callaghan, who maintained the village of Subijana de Alava
against all the efforts of the enemy to regain possession of it, and
that of Lieut.-Colonel Rooke of the Adjutant-General’s department, and
Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. A. Abercrombie of the Quartermaster-General’s
department. It was impossible for the movements of any troops to be
conducted with more spirit and regularity than those of their respective
divisions, by Lieut.-Generals the Earl of Dalhousie, Sir T. Picton, Sir
L. Cole, and Major-General Baron C. Alten. The troops advanced in
échelons of regiments in two, and occasionally three lines; and the
Portuguese troops in the 3rd and 4th divisions, under the command of
Brig.-General Power and Colonel Stubbs, led the march with steadiness
and gallantry never surpassed on any occasion.

Major-General the Hon. C. Colville’s brigade of the 3rd division was
seriously attacked in its advance by a very superior force well formed,
which it drove in, supported by General Inglis’ brigade of the 7th
division, commanded by Colonel Grant of the 82nd. These officers and the
troops under their command distinguished themselves.

Major-General Vandeleur’s brigade of the Light division was, during the
advance upon Vitoria, detached to the support of the 7th division; and
Lieut.-General the Earl of Dalhousie has reported most favourably of its
conduct. Lieut.-General Sir T. Graham particularly reports his sense of
the assistance he received from Colonel De Lancy, the Deputy
Quartermaster-General, and from Lieut.-Colonel Gouverie, of the
Adjutant-General’s department, and from the officers of his personal
staff; and from Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. A. Upton, A.Q.M.G., and Major
Hope, A.A.G., with the 1st division; and Major-General Oswald reports
the same of Lieut.-Colonel Berkeley of the Adjutant-General’s
department, and Lieut.-Colonel Gomm of the Quartermaster-General’s
department.

I am particularly indebted to Lieut.-General Sir T. Graham, and to
Lieut.-General Sir R. Hill, for the manner in which they have
respectively conducted the service entrusted to them, since the
commencement of the operations which have ended in the battle of the
21st; and for their conduct in that battle; as likewise to Marshal Sir
W. Beresford, for the friendly advice and assistance which I have
received from him upon all occasions during the late operations.

I must not omit to mention likewise the conduct of General Giron, who
commands the Galician army, who made a forced march from Orduña, and was
actually on the ground in readiness to support Lieut.-General Sir T.
Graham.

I have frequently been indebted, and have had occasion to call the
attention of your Lordship to the conduct of the Quartermaster-General,
Sir G. Murray, who in the late operations, and in the battle of the 21st
June, has again given the greatest assistance. I am likewise much
indebted to Lord Aylmer, the Deputy Adjutant-General, and to the
officers of the departments of the Adjutant and Quartermaster-General
respectively; and also to Lord FitzRoy Somerset, and Lieut.-Colonel
Campbell, and those of my personal staff; and to Lieut.-Colonel Sir R.
Fletcher, and the officers of the Royal Engineers.

Colonel H.S.H. the Hereditary Prince of Orange was in the field as my
aide-de-camp, and conducted himself with his usual gallantry and
intelligence.

Mariscal de Campo, Don L. Wimpffen, and the Inspector-General, Don T.
O’Donoju, and the officers of the staff of the Spanish army, have
invariably rendered me every assistance in their power in the course of
these operations; and I avail myself of this opportunity of expressing
my satisfaction with their conduct; as likewise with that of Mariscal de
Campo, Don M. de Alava; and of the Brig.-General Don J. O’Lawlor, who
have been so long and usefully employed with me.

The artillery was most judiciously placed by Lieut.-Colonel Dickson, and
was well served; and the army is particularly indebted to that corps.
The nature of the ground did not allow of the cavalry being generally
engaged; but the General Officers, commanding the several brigades, kept
the troops under their command respectively close to the infantry to
support them, and they were most active in the pursuit of the enemy
after they had been driven through Vitoria.

I send this dispatch by my aide-de-camp, Captain Fremantle, whom I beg
leave to recommend to your Lordship’s protection. He will have the
honour of laying at the feet of His Royal Highness the colours of the
4th batt. 100th regt., and Marshal Jourdan’s bâton of a Marshal of
France, taken by the 87th regt.

I enclose a return of the killed and wounded in the late operations, and
a return of the ordnance, carriages, and ammunition taken from the enemy
in the action of the 21st inst.




DEPOSITION OF NAPOLEON (1814).


I.--APRIL 8.

=Source.=--Byron’s _Works_, 1898. Letters and Journals. Vol. ii., p. 408.

_April 8_, [1814].

Out of town six days. On my return, found my poor little pagod,
Napoleon, pushed off his pedestal;--the thieves are in Paris. It is his
own fault. Like Milo, he would rend the oak; but it closed again, wedged
his hands, and now the beasts--lion, bear, down to the dirtiest
jackal--may all tear him. That Muscovite winter _wedged_ his arms;--ever
since, he has fought with his feet and teeth. The last may still leave
their marks; and “I guess now” (as the Yankees say) that he will yet
play them a pass. He is in their rear--between them and their homes.
Query--will they ever reach them?


II.--APRIL 9.

_Saturday, April 9, 1814._

I mark this day!

Napoleon Buonaparte has abdicated the throne of the world. “Excellent
well.” Methinks Sylla did better; for he revenged and resigned in the
height of his sway, red with the slaughter of his foes--the finest
instance of glorious contempt of the rascals upon record. Dioclesian did
well too--Amurath not amiss, had he become aught except a
dervise--Charles the Fifth but so so--but Napoleon, worst of all. What!
wait till they were in his capital, and then talk of his readiness to
give up what is already gone!! “What whining monk art thou--what holy
cheat?” ’Sdeath!--Dionysius at Corinth was yet a king to this. The “Isle
of Elba” to retire to!--Well--if it had been Caprea, I should have
marvelled less. “I see men’s minds are but a parcel of their fortunes.”
I am utterly bewildered and confounded.

I don’t know--but I think _I_, even _I_ (an insect compared with this
creature), have set my life on casts not a millionth part of this man’s.
But, after all, a crown may be not worth dying for. Yet, to outlive
_Lodi_ for this!!! Oh that Juvenal or Johnson could rise from the dead!
_Expende--quot libras in duce summo invenies?_ I knew they were light in
the balance of mortality; but I thought their living dust weighed more
_carats_. Alas! this imperial diamond hath a flaw in it, and is now
hardly fit to stick in a glazier’s pencil:--the pen of the historian
won’t rate it worth a ducat.

Psha! “something too much of this.” But I won’t give him up even now;
though all his admirers have, like the thanes, “fallen from him.”




TOULOUSE TAKEN BY WELLINGTON (1814).

=Source.=--_Selections from the Wellington Despatches._ Gurwood. P. 809.


_To Earl Bathurst._

TOULOUSE,
_12th April, 1814_.

I have the pleasure to inform your Lordship that I entered this town
this morning, which the enemy evacuated during the night, retiring by
the road of Carcassone.

The continued fall of rain and the state of the river prevented me from
laying the bridge till the morning of the 8th, when the Spanish corps
and the Portuguese artillery, under the immediate orders of
Lieut.-General Don M. Freyre, and the headquarters, crossed the Garonne.

We immediately moved forward to the neighbourhood of the town; and the
18th hussars, under the immediate command of Colonel Vivian, had an
opportunity of making a most gallant attack upon a superior body of the
enemy’s cavalry, which they drove through the village of Croix d’Orade,
and took about 100 prisoners, and gave us possession of an important
bridge over the river Ers, by which it was necessary to pass, in order
to attack the enemy’s position. Colonel Vivian was unfortunately
wounded upon this occasion; and I am afraid that I shall lose the
benefit of his assistance for some time.

The town of Toulouse is surrounded on three sides by the canal of
Languedoc and the Garonne. On the left of that river, the suburb, which
the enemy had fortified with strong field works in front of the ancient
wall, formed a good _tête de pont_. They had likewise formed a _tête de
pont_ at each bridge of the canal, which was besides defended by the
fire in some places of musketry, and in all of artillery from the
ancient wall of the town. Beyond the canal to the eastward, and between
that and the river Ers, is a height which extends as far as Montaudran,
and over which pass all the approaches to the canal and town to the
eastward, which it defends; and the enemy, in addition to the _têtes de
pont_ on the bridges of the canal, had fortified this height with 5
redoubts, connected by lines of entrenchments, and had, with
extraordinary diligence, made every preparation for defence. They had
likewise broken all the bridges over the Ers within our reach, by which
the right of their position could be approached. The roads, however,
from the Arriège to Toulouse being impracticable for cavalry or
artillery, and nearly so for infantry, as reported in my dispatch to
your Lordship of the 1st instant, I had no alternative, excepting to
attack the enemy in this formidable position.

It was necessary to move the pontoon bridge higher up the Garonne, in
order to shorten the communication with Lieut.-General Sir R. Hill’s
corps, as soon as the Spanish corps had passed; and this operation was
not effected till so late an hour on the 9th as to induce me to defer
the attack till the following morning.

The plan, according to which I determined to attack the enemy, was for
Marshal Sir W. Beresford, who was on the right of the Ers with the 4th
and 6th divisions, to cross that river at the bridge of Croix d’Orade,
to gain possession of Montblanc, and to march up the left of the Ers to
turn the enemy’s right, while Lieut.-General Don M. Freyre, with the
Spanish corps under his command, supported by the British cavalry,
should attack the front. Lieut.-General Sir S. Cotton was to follow the
Marshal’s movement with Major-General Lord E. Somerset’s brigade of
hussars; and Colonel Vivian’s brigade, under the command of Colonel
Arentschildt, was to observe the movements of the enemy’s cavalry on
both banks of the Ers beyond our left. The 3rd and Light divisions,
under the command of Lieut.-General Sir T. Picton and Major-General C.
Baron Alten, and the brigade of German cavalry, were to observe the
enemy on the lower part of the canal, and to draw their attention to
that quarter by threatening the _têtes de pont_, while Lieut.-General
Sir R. Hill was to do the same on the suburb on the left of the Garonne.

Marshal Sir W. Beresford crossed the Ers, and formed his corps in 3
columns of lines in the village of Croix d’Orade, the 4th division
leading, with which he immediately carried Montblanc. He then moved up
the Ers in the same order, over most difficult ground, in a direction
parallel to the enemy’s fortified position; and as soon as he reached
the point at which he turned it, he formed his lines and moved to the
attack. During these operations, Lieut.-General Don M. Freyre moved
along the left of the Ers to the front of Croix d’Orade, where he formed
his corps in 2 lines with a reserve on a height in front of the left of
the enemy’s position, on which height the Portuguese artillery was
placed; and Major-General Ponsonby’s brigade of cavalry in reserve in
the rear.

As soon as formed, and that it was seen that Marshal Sir W. Beresford
was ready, Lieut.-General Don M. Freyre moved forward to the attack. The
troops marched in good order, under a very heavy fire of musketry and
artillery, and showed great spirit, the General and all his Staff being
at their head; and the 2 lines were soon lodged under some banks
immediately under the enemy’s entrenchments; the reserve and Portuguese
artillery, and British cavalry, continuing on the height on which the
troops had first formed. The enemy, however, repulsed the movement of
the right of General Freyre’s line round their left flank; and having
followed up their success, and turned our right by both sides of the
high road leading from Toulouse to Croix d’Orade, they soon compelled
the whole corps to retire. It gave me great satisfaction to see that,
although they suffered considerably in retiring, the troops rallied
again as soon as the Light division, which was immediately on their
right, moved up; and I cannot sufficiently applaud the exertions of
Lieut.-General Don M. Freyre, the officers of the Staff of the 4th
Spanish army, and of the officers of the General Staff, to rally and
form them again.

Lieut.-General Mendizabal, who was in the field as a volunteer, General
Ezpeleta, and several officers and chiefs of corps, were wounded upon
this occasion; but General Mendizabal continued in the field. The
regiment _de Tiradores de Cantabria_, under the command of Colonel Leon
de Sicilia, kept its position, under the enemy’s entrenchments, until I
ordered it to retire.

In the meantime, Marshal Sir W. Beresford, with the 4th division, under
the command of Lieut.-General Sir L. Cole, and the 6th division, under
the command of Lieut.-General Sir H. Clinton, attacked and carried the
heights on the enemy’s right, and the redoubt which covered and
protected that flank; and he lodged those troops on the same height with
the enemy; who were, however, still in possession of 4 redoubts, and of
the entrenchments and fortified houses.

The badness of the roads had induced the Marshal to leave his artillery
in the village of Montblanc; and some time elapsed before it could be
brought to him, and before Lieut.-General Don M. Freyre’s corps could be
re-formed and brought back to the attack. As soon as this was effected,
the Marshal continued his movement along the ridge, and carried, with
General Pack’s brigade of the 6th division, the two principal redoubts
and fortified houses in the enemy’s centre. The enemy made a desperate
effort from the canal to regain these redoubts, but they were repulsed
with considerable loss; and the 6th division continuing its movements
along the ridge of the height, and the Spanish troops continuing a
corresponding movement upon the front, the enemy were driven from the
two redoubts and entrenchments on the left; and the whole range of
heights were in our possession. We did not gain this advantage, however,
without severe loss; particularly in the brave 6th division.
Lieut.-Colonel Coghlan of the 61st, an officer of great merit and
promise, was unfortunately killed in the attack of the heights.
Major-General Pack was wounded, but was enabled to remain in the field;
and Colonel Douglas, of the 8th Portuguese regt., lost his leg; and I am
afraid that I shall be deprived for a considerable time of his
assistance.

The 36th, 42nd, 79th, and 61st, lost considerable numbers, and were
highly distinguished throughout the day.

I cannot sufficiently applaud the ability and conduct of Marshal Sir W.
Beresford throughout the operations of the day; nor that of
Lieut.-Generals Sir L. Cole, Sir H. Clinton, Major-Generals Pack and
Lambert, and the troops under their command. Marshal Sir W. Beresford
particularly reports the good conduct of Brig.-General d’Urban, the
Quartermaster-General, and General Brito Mozinho, the Adjutant-General
to the Portuguese army.

The 4th division, although exposed on their march along the enemy’s
front to a galling fire, were not so much engaged as the 6th, and did
not suffer so much; but they conducted themselves with their usual
gallantry.

I had also every reason to be satisfied with the conduct of
Lieut.-General Don M. Freyre, Lieut.-General Don G. Mendizabal, Marisco
de Campo, Don P. Barcenas, Brig. Don J. de Ezpeleta, Mariscal de Campo
Don A. Garcas de Marcilla, and the Chief of the Staff, Don E. S.
Salvador, and the officers of the Staff of the 4th army. The officers
and troops conducted themselves well in all the attacks which they made
subsequent to their being re-formed.

The ground not having admitted of the operations of the cavalry, they
had no opportunity of charging.

While the operations above detailed were going on, on the left of the
army, Lieut.-General Sir R. Hill drove the enemy from their exterior
works in the suburb, on the left of the Garonne, within the ancient
wall. Lieut.-General Sir T. Picton likewise, with the 3rd division,
drove the enemy within the _tête de pont_ on the bridge of the canal
nearest to the Garonne; but the troops having made an effort to carry it
they were repulsed, and some loss was sustained. Major-General Brisbane
was wounded; but I hope not so as to deprive me for any length of time
of his assistance; and Lieut.-Colonel Forbes, of the 45th, an officer of
great merit, was killed.

The army being thus established on 3 sides of Toulouse, I immediately
detached our light cavalry to cut off the communication by the only road
practicable for carriages which remained to the enemy, till I should be
enabled to make arrangements to establish the troops between the canal
and the Garonne.

The enemy, however, retired last night, leaving in our hands General
Harispe, General Baurot, General St. Hilaire and 1,600 prisoners. One
piece of cannon was taken on the field of battle; and others, and large
quantities of stores of all descriptions, in the town.

Since I sent my last report, I have received an account from
Rear-Admiral Penrose of the successes in the Gironde of the boats of the
squadron under his command.

Lieut.-General the Earl of Dalhousie crossed the Garonne nearly about
the time that Admiral Penrose entered the river, and pushed the enemy’s
parties under General Lhuillier beyond the Dordogne. He then crossed the
Dordogne on the 4th, near St. André de Cubzac, with a detachment of the
troops under his command, with a view to the attack of the fort of
Blaye. His Lordship found General Lhuillier and General Desbareaux
posted near Etauliers, and made his disposition to attack them, when
they retired, leaving about 300 prisoners in his hands. I enclose the
Earl of Dalhousie’s report of this affair.

In the operations which I have now reported, I have had every reason to
be satisfied with the assistance I received from the Quartermaster and
Adjutant-General, and the officers of those departments respectively;
from Mariscal de Campo Don L. Wimpffen and the officers of the Spanish
Staff, and from Mariscal de Campo Don M. de Alava; from Colonel Dickson,
commanding the allied artillery; and from Lieut.-Colonel Lord FitzRoy
Somerset and the officers of my personal Staff.




DUKE OF WELLINGTON’S THANKS (1814).

=Source.=--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 505.


_Friday, July 1st._--At three the House of Commons went up with the
Address upon the Treaty, and returned by half-past four. Upon my return
Lord Castlereagh acquainted the House that the Duke of Wellington was
attending, according to his request of being permitted to thank the
House in person. The House was crowded in all parts. The Duke was
admitted, took his seat within the bar, in a chair placed for him, as
usual, on the left hand of the entrance. After sitting down covered, he
rose and thanked the House. When he had finished his speech, I rose, and
taking off my hat, addressed him in reply. He then withdrew; the
acclamation in the House and in the lobby and passages was loud, long,
and reiterated till his departure. He was dressed in his Field-Marshal’s
uniform, with the blue ribbon of the Garter, and another over his
shoulder, and the Golden Fleece in magnificent diamonds hanging from his
neck upon the blue ribbon. I kept on my full dress, and the Sergeant
also his collar, after we returned from Carlton House and until the
ceremony was over.


SPEECH OF THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

MR. SPEAKER,--I was anxious to be permitted to attend this House in
order to return my thanks in person for the honour they have done me in
deputing a Committee of Members of this House to congratulate me on my
return to this country, and this after the House had animated my
exertions by their applause upon every occasion which appeared to merit
their approbation, and after they had filled up the measure of their
favours, by conferring upon me, at the recommendation of the Prince
Regent, the noblest gift that any subject had ever received.

I hope it will not be deemed presumptuous in me to take this opportunity
of expressing my admiration of the great efforts made by this House and
the Country, at a moment of unexampled pressure and difficulty, in order
to support the great scale of operations by which the contest was
brought to so fortunate a termination.

By the wise policy of Parliament the Government were enabled to give the
necessary support to the operations which were carried on under my
direction. And I was encouraged by the confidence reposed in me by His
Majesty’s Ministers, and by the Commander-in-Chief, by the gracious
favour of H.R.H. the Prince Regent, and by the reliance which I had on
the support of my gallant friends, the General Officers of the army, and
on the bravery of the officers and troops, to carry on the operations in
such a manner as to acquire for me those marks of approbation of this
House for which I have now the honour to make my humble acknowledgments.

Sir,--It is impossible for me to express the gratitude which I feel. I
can only assure the House that I shall always be ready to serve His
Majesty in any capacity in which my services can be deemed useful, with
the same zeal for my Country which has already acquired for me the
approbation of this House.


THE SPEAKER’S REPLY.

MY LORD,--Since last I had the honour of addressing you from this place,
a series of eventful years has elapsed, but none without some mark and
note of your rising glory. The military triumph which your valour has
achieved upon the banks of the Douro and the Tagus, of the Ebro and the
Garonne, have called forth the spontaneous shouts of admiring nations.
Those triumphs it is needless on this day to recount; their names have
been written by your conquering sword in the annals of Europe, and we
shall hand them down with exultation to our children’s children.

It is not, however, the grandeur of military success which has alone
fixed our admiration, or commanded our applause. It has been that
generous and lofty spirit which inspired your troops with unbounded
confidence, and taught them to know that the day of battle was always a
day of victory; that moral courage and enduring fortitude which in
perilous times, when gloom and doubt had beset ordinary minds, stood
nevertheless unshaken, and that ascendancy of character, which, uniting
the energies of jealous and rival nations, enabled you to wield at will
the fate and fortunes of mighty empires.

For the repeated thanks and grants bestowed upon you by this House in
gratitude for your many and eminent services, you have thought fit this
day to offer us your acknowledgments. But this Nation well knows that it
is still largely your debtor. It owes to you the proud satisfaction that
amidst the constellation of great and illustrious warriors who have
recently visited our country, we could present to them a Leader of our
own, to whom all, by common acclamation, conceded the pre-eminence, and
when the will of Heaven, and the common destinies of our nature, shall
have swept away the present generation, You will have left your great
name and example as an unperishable monument exciting others to like
deeds of glory, and serving at once to adorn, defend, and perpetuate the
existence of this country among the ruling nations of the earth.

It now remains only that we congratulate your Grace upon the high and
important mission on which you are about to proceed; and We doubt not
that the same splendid talents, so conspicuous in war, will maintain
with equal authority, firmness, and temper our national honour and
interests in peace.




ODE WRITTEN DURING THE NEGOTIATIONS WITH BUONAPARTE (1814).

=Source.=--Robert Southey: _Poems_.


    1.  Who counsels peace at this momentous hour,
        When God hath given deliverance to the oppress’d,
                And to the injured power?
        Who counsels peace, when Vengeance like a flood
        Rolls on, no longer now to be repressed;
                When innocent blood
        From the four corners of the world cries out
        For justice upon one accurséd head;
        When Freedom hath her holy banner spread
        Over all nations, now in one just cause
        United; when with one sublime accord
        Europe throws off the yoke abhorr’d,
        And Loyalty and Faith and Ancient Laws
                Follow the avenging sword?

    2.  Woe, woe to England! woe and endless shame,
                If this heroic land,
        False to her feelings and unspotted fame,
        Hold out the olive to the Tyrant’s hand!
        Woe to the world, if Buonaparte’s throne
                Be suffer’d still to stand!
        For by what names shall Right and Wrong be known?
        What new and courtly phrases must we feign
        For Falsehood, Murder, and all monstrous crimes,
        If that perfidious Corsican maintain
                Still his detested reign,
        And France, who yearns even now to break her chain,
        Beneath his iron rule be left to groan?
        No! by the innumerable dead
        Whose blood hath for his lust of power been shed,
        Death only can for his foul deeds atone;
        That peace which Death and Judgment can bestow,
        That peace be Buonaparte’s, and that alone!

    3.  For sooner shall the Ethiop change his skin,
        Or from the Leopard shall her spots depart,
        Than this man change his old flagitious heart.
        Have ye not seen him in the balance weighed,
        And there found wanting?--On the stage of blood
        Foremost the resolute adventurer stood;
        And when, by many a battle won,
        He placed upon his brow the crown,
        Curbing delirious France beneath his sway,
        Then, like Octavius in old time,
        Fair name might he have handed down,
        Effacing many a stain of former crime.
        Fool! should he cast away that bright renown!
        Fool! the redemption proffer’d should he lose!
        When Heaven such grace vouchsafed him that the way
                To Good and Evil lay
                Before him, which to choose.

    4.  But Evil was his Good,
        For all too long in blood had he been nursed,
        And ne’er was earth with verier tyrant cursed.
                Bold man and bad,
        Remorseless, godless, full of fraud and lies,
        And black with murders and with perjuries,
        Himself in Hell’s whole panoply he clad;
        No law but his own headstrong will he knew,
        No counsellor but his own wicked heart.
        From evil thus portentous strength he drew,
        And trampled under foot all human ties,
        All holy laws, all natural charities.

    5.  O France! beneath this fierce Barbarian’s sway
        Disgraced thou art to all succeeding times;
        Rapine, and blood, and fire have marked thy way,
        All loathsome, all unutterable crimes.
        A curse is on thee, France! From far and wide
        It hath gone up to Heaven; all lands have cried
        For vengeance upon thy detested head;
        All nations curse thee, France! for wheresoe’er
        In peace or war thy banner hath been spread,
        All forms of human woe have followed there:
                The Living and the Dead
        Cry out alike against thee! They who bear,
        Crouching beneath its weight, thine iron yoke,
        Join in the bitterness of secret prayer
        The voice of that innumerable throng
        Whose slaughtered spirits day and night invoke
        The everlasting Judge of right and wrong,
        How long, O Lord! Holy and Just, how long!

    6.  A merciless oppressor hast thou been,
        Thyself remorselessly oppressed meantime;
        Greedy of war, when all that thou couldst gain
        Was but to dye thy soul with deeper crime,
        And rivet faster round thyself the chain.
        O blind to honour, and to int’rest blind,
        When thus in abject servitude resigned
        To this barbarian upstart, thou couldst brave
        God’s justice, and the heart of humankind!
        Madly thou thoughtest to enslave the world,
        Thyself the while a miserable slave;
        Behold the flag of vengeance is unfurl’d!
        The dreadful armies of the North advance;
        While England, Portugal, and Spain combined
        Give their triumphant banners to the wind,
        And stand victorious in the fields of France.

    7.  One man hath been for ten long wretched years
        The cause of all this blood and all these tears;
        One man in this most awful point of time
        Draws on thy danger, as he caused thy crime.
        Wait not too long the event,
        For now whole Europe comes against thee bent;
        His wiles and their own strength the nations know;
        Wise from past wrongs, on future peace intent,
        The People and the Princes, with one mind,
        From all parts move against the general foe:
        One act of justice, one atoning blow,
        One execrable head laid low,
        Even yet, O France! averts thy punishment:
        Open thine eyes! too long hast thou been blind;
        Take vengeance for thyself, and for mankind!

    8.  France! if thou lov’st thine ancient fame,
        Revenge thy sufferings and thy shame!
        By the bones that bleach on Jaffa’s beach;
        By the blood which on Domingo’s shore
        Hath clogg’d the carrion-birds with gore;
        By the flesh that gorged the wolves of Spain,
        Or stiffened on the snowy plain
                Of frozen Muscovy;
        By the bodies that lie all open to the sky,
        Tracking from Elbe to Rhine the Tyrant’s flight;
        By the widow’s and the orphan’s cry,
        By the childless parent’s misery,
        By the lives which he hath shed,
        By the ruin he hath spread,
        By the prayers that rise for curses on his head,
        Redeem, O France! thine ancient fame,
        Revenge thy sufferings and thy shame;
        Open thine eyes! Too long hast thou been blind;
        Take vengeance for thyself, and for mankind!

    9.  By those horrors which the night
        Witnessed, when the torches’ light
        To the assembled murderers showed
        Where the blood of Condé flowed;
        By thy murdered Pichegru’s fame;
        By murdered Wright (an English name);
        By murdered Palm’s atrocious doom;
        By murdered Hofer’s martyrdom;
        Oh! by the virtuous blood thus vilely spilt,
        The Villain’s own peculiar private guilt,
        Open thine eyes! too long hast thou been blind!
        Take vengeance for thyself and for mankind!




MAJOR VIVIAN’S INTERVIEW WITH NAPOLEON IN ELBA (JANUARY, 1815).

=Source.=--J. H. Rose: _Pitt and Napoleon_. G. Bell and Sons, 1912. Pp.
170-172, and 173, 174.


His next subject was politics;--he asked me how Congress went on. I told
him that there were plenty of fêtes, but that little progress was said
to be made in business; and I mentioned to him the _bon mot_ of the
Prince de Ligne, who said--“_Le Congrès danse, mais ne marche pas_,” at
which he smiled. I added, that Poland was understood to be a
stumbling-block; that it was said the Emperor of Russia wanted to form a
kingdom of it, but that the other Powers, it was supposed, feared
Russia’s becoming too formidable. He remarked that it was a power that
went on increasing; a very rising power. He then said that the treaty of
peace between himself and the Allies should have been signed at
Frankfort; separating Germany entirely from France, and taking Holland,
Italy, and Spain from him; but that he never could have consented to
leave France less in territory, than it was when he ascended the throne.
I asked him why he did not make peace at Dresden, when those terms were
offered to him: He said that the Allies were not sincere, and that
besides _les choses_ at that time were different; that had peace been
then made, England would have been saved some thousands of men and much
money; that he considered it very bad policy of England to appropriate
Belgium to herself;[17] that it would probably draw her into a war; for
that any other Continental Power would be sure of France as an ally, by
offering Belgium as a bribe. “Supposing,” said he, “for instance, Russia
were to say to France, ‘Do you take Belgium, and let me have
Poland.’--In short,” added he, “England cannot maintain herself as a
Power of the first rank on the Continent; Belgium must be lost on the
first _coup de canon_. The English Government should have covered and
fortified Belgium, but Antwerp is the object; for a battle fought and
lost before Brussels, which is close to the gates of Paris, would open
the road to Holland. England, with her immense colonies, instead of
being obliged to keep up a large army to cover Belgium, should withdraw
within her Island, and act when and where she chose.” He spoke of the
Dutch troops, and appeared to have but a poor opinion of them;--their
marine, he said, was much reduced. He expressed himself with much
contempt of the Austrian soldiers, who “would not fight without a belly
full.”--Referring to the campaign in France, he said that he should have
beaten the Allies, had he not been betrayed; for that the peasants were
taking arms in their rear. I asked him by whom he had been betrayed;
whether by Talleyrand, whom I had heard accused.--He answered so as to
give me to understand he had been a party; but he principally blamed
Marmont and Augereau.[18] The latter, he told me, had a fine army,
superior to the Austrians, and was to have joined him (Bonaparte) in his
last movement; but that he had made his terms with the Allies a
fortnight before, and that he had narrowly escaped being massacred by
his soldiers for his conduct.--I observed to him, that when I had passed
through Paris, I had heard there was an opinion amongst the lower orders
that he and Paris had been sold--“_que l’Empereur et Paris étoient
vendus_.” Blücher, he said, was a brave man, but not a great general;
and added, that he had lost two armies.[19] The Prussians had fought
well.--Of Schwartzenberg, as an officer, he expressed himself
favourably.--Upon my asking him if he did not consider the Duke of
Wellington a good general, he replied, “_Oui_.”--I was not satisfied
with this, but repeated the question in stronger terms, asking if he was
not a very good--an excellent general. He answered, “_Oui, oui!_” with
emphasis, but not another word.--Touching on the Corunna campaign, he
said Moore was a good general, and had saved that army. The Spaniards,
as soldiers, he held very cheap. In the mountains they had done
something, their character was obstinacy (_opiniâtreté_)--they wanted
valour. I mentioned the gallant defence they had made at Saragossa.
This, he said, was _opiniâtreté_;--they were 50,000 men within the
walls, attacked by 15,000. I observed that, at least, the Portuguese had
proved themselves very good troops. This he admitted. “But then,” added
he, “they were officered by British, and of this the national pride
[_fierté_] of the Spaniards would not admit;--besides, the Spaniards are
bigots in religion, and you know that you are heretics” (_vous savez que
vous êtes des hérétiques_), said he, laughing. The French soldiers, he
asserted, were _peu constans_; that he (Bonaparte) knew it well, and had
acted upon it in the campaign in France; that the soldiers could not
bear such a check (_secousse_). He inquired if the English soldiers,
when drunk, were not ungovernable, observing that the French, at such
times, were loving (_doux et tendres_).

... Speaking of the Americans, he said, they wanted a ten years’ war to
make them a nation; that at present they had no noblesse, which they
would acquire by a war; that they were now a nation of merchants (_une
nation de marchands_), as was shown in the case of the sale of
Jefferson’s library to the highest bidder; that had we (the English)
made peace with them before, we should have gone to Congress with more
weight; that America had carried on the war with spirit after France had
fallen (_après que la France eut succombée_) and that the war, after
all, was about nothing--a few feet more or less of lake. He then said
something of a great project he had with respect to Mexico, of which I
could not catch the meaning; and observed, that we should one day or
other lose Canada; adding--“of what great consequence is it to England,
with her numerous colonies?” He said, that when America became more
powerful, she would probably rival us in our marine; that he had made
the attempt to do this, but had failed. With respect to the Right of
Search, which I called a droit, he said it was no droit, but a mere
_théorie_; that when we were very strong we should exercise it, but if,
on the contrary, we had Russia, Sweden, and Denmark against us, we
probably should not insist on it. He gave it as his opinion, that
England and France should be allied. On my signifying, by a shake of the
head, the improbability of such an event, he said, “Why not?--The world
is large enough--France does not want to meddle too much with commerce.
There was a man, Fox, who could have effected it, but unfortunately he
is dead.” (_Mais pourquoi pas? le monde est assez grand--la France n’a
pas besoin de se mêler trop du commerce. Il y avoit un homme, Fox, qui
auroit pu le faire, mais malheureusement il est mort._) He then asked
where we were going from Elba, and on my answering, “To Rome and
Naples,” he replied, “Ah! then you will see there a magnificent
Lazzarone,”[20] adding, “From Naples, I suppose, you return to England
by sea?” Upon my saying that it was my intention to return by Italy and
the Mont Cenis, as I had seen all the other Passes of the Alps, having
come from Vienna by the Tyrol, he observed, “No, there is still that
over the Julian Alps.” On saying this he made us a low bow, wished us a
_très bon voyage_, and retired.




WATERLOO DESCRIBED BY WELLINGTON (1815).

=Source.=--_Selections from the Wellington Despatches._ Gurwood. P. 857.


_To Earl Bathurst._

WATERLOO,
_19th June, 1815_.

Buonaparte, having collected the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 6th corps of
the French army, and the Imperial Guards, and nearly all the cavalry, on
the Sambre, and between that river and the Meuse, between the 10th and
14th of the month, advanced on the 15th and attacked the Prussian posts
at Thuin and Lobbes, on the Sambre, at daylight in the morning.

I did not hear of these events till in the evening of the 15th; and I
immediately ordered the troops to prepare to march, and afterwards to
march to their left, as soon as I had intelligence from other quarters
to prove that the enemy’s movement upon Charleroi was the real attack.

The enemy drove the Prussian posts from the Sambre on that day; and
General Ziethen, who commanded the corps which had been at Charleroi,
retired upon Fleurus; and Marshal Prince Blücher concentrated the
Prussian army upon Sombref, holding the villages in front of his
position of St. Armand and Ligny.

The enemy continued his march along the road from Charleroi towards
Bruxelles; and on the same evening, the 15th, attacked a brigade of the
army of the Netherlands, under the Prince de Weimar, posted at Frasne,
and forced it back to the farm house, on the same road, called Les
Quatre Bras. The Prince of Orange immediately reinforced this brigade
with another of the same division, under General Perponcher, and, in the
morning early, regained part of the ground which had been lost, so as to
have the command of the communication leading from Nivelles and
Bruxelles with Marshal Blücher’s position.

In the mean time, I had directed the whole army to march upon Les Quatre
Bras; and the 5th division, under Lieut.-General Sir T. Picton, arrived
at about half past 2 in the day, followed by the corps of troops under
the Duke of Brunswick, and afterwards by the contingent of Nassau.

At this time the enemy commenced an attack upon Prince Blücher with his
whole force, excepting the 1st and 2nd corps, and a corps of cavalry
under General Kellermann, with which he attacked our post at Les Quatre
Bras.

The Prussian army maintained their position with their usual gallantry
and perseverance against a great disparity of numbers, as the 4th corps
of their army, under General Bülow, had not joined; and I was not able
to assist them as I wished, as I was attacked myself, and the troops,
the cavalry in particular, which had a long distance to march, had not
arrived.

We maintained our position also, and completely defeated and repulsed
all the enemy’s attempts to get possession of it. The enemy repeatedly
attacked us with a large body of infantry and cavalry, supported by a
numerous and powerful artillery. He made several charges with the
cavalry upon our infantry, but all were repulsed in the steadiest
manner.

In this affair, H.R.H. the Prince of Orange, the Duke of Brunswick, and
Lieut.-General Sir T. Picton, and Major-Generals Sir J. Kempt and Sir
Denis Pack, who were engaged from the commencement of the enemy’s
attack, highly distinguished themselves, as well as Lieut.-General C.
Baron Alten, Major-General Sir C. Halketh, Lieut.-General Cooke, and
Major-Generals Maitland and Byng as they successively arrived. The
troops of the 5th division, and those of the Brunswick corps, were long
and severely engaged, and conducted themselves with the utmost
gallantry. I must particularly mention the 28th, 42nd, 79th, and 92nd
regts., and the battalion of Hanoverians.

Our loss was great, as your Lordship will perceive by the enclosed
return; and I have particularly to regret H.S.H. the Duke of Brunswick,
who fell fighting gallantly at the head of his troops.

Although Marshal Blücher had maintained his position at Sombref, he
still found himself much weakened by the severity of the contest in
which he had been engaged, and, as the 4th corps had not arrived, he
determined to fall back and to concentrate his army upon Wavre; and he
marched in the night, after the action was over.

This movement of the Marshal rendered necessary a corresponding one upon
my part; and I retired from the farm of Quatre Bras upon Genappe, and
thence upon Waterloo, the next morning, the 17th, at 10 o’clock.

The enemy made no effort to pursue Marshal Blücher. On the contrary a
patrol which I sent to Sombref in the morning found all quiet;[21] and
the enemy’s vedettes fell back as the patrol advanced. Neither did he
attempt to molest our march to the rear, although made in the middle of
the day, excepting by following, with a large body of cavalry brought
from his right, the cavalry under the Earl of Uxbridge.

This gave Lord Uxbridge an opportunity of charging them with the 1st
Life Guards, upon their _débouché_ from the village of Genappe, upon
which occasion his Lordship has declared himself to be well satisfied
with that regiment.

The position which I took up in front of Waterloo crossed the high roads
from Charleroi and Nivelles, and had its right thrown back to a ravine
near Merke Braine, which was occupied, and its left extended to a height
above the hamlet Ter la Haye, which was likewise occupied. In front of
the right centre, and near the Nivelles road, we occupied the house and
gardens of Hougoumont, which covered the return of that flank; and in
front of the left centre we occupied the farm of La Haye Sainte. By our
left we communicated with Marshal Prince Blücher at Wavre, through
Ohain; and the Marshal had promised me that, in case we should be
attacked, he would support me with one or more corps, as might be
necessary.

The enemy collected his army, with the exception of the 3rd corps, which
had been sent to observe Marshal Blücher, on a range of heights in our
front, in the course of the night of the 17th and yesterday morning, and
at about 10 o’clock he commenced a furious attack upon our post at
Hougoumont. I had occupied that post with a detachment from General
Byng’s brigade of Guards, which was in position in its rear; and it was
for some time under the command of Lieut.-Colonel Macdonell, and
afterwards of Colonel Home; and I am happy to add that it was maintained
throughout the day with the utmost gallantry by these brave troops,
notwithstanding the repeated efforts of large bodies of the enemy to
obtain possession of it. This attack upon the right of our centre was
accompanied by a very heavy cannonade upon our whole line, which was
destined to support the repeated attacks of cavalry and infantry,
occasionally mixed, but sometimes separate, which were made upon it. In
one of these the enemy carried the farm house of La Haye Sainte, as the
detachment of the light battalion of the German Legion, which occupied
it, had expended all its ammunition; and the enemy occupied the only
communication there was with them.

The enemy repeatedly charged our infantry with his cavalry, but these
attacks were uniformly unsuccessful; and they afforded opportunities to
our cavalry to charge, in one of which Lord E. Somerset’s brigade,
consisting of the Life Guards, the Royal Horse Guards, and 1st dragoon
guards, highly distinguished themselves, as did that of Major-General
Sir W. Ponsonby, having taken many prisoners and an eagle.

These attacks were repeated till about 7 in the evening, when the enemy
made a desperate effort with cavalry and infantry, supported by the fire
of artillery, to force our left centre, near the farm of La Haye Sainte,
which, after a severe contest, was defeated; and, having observed that
the troops retired from this attack in great confusion, and that the
march of General Bülow’s corps, by Frischermont, upon Planchenois and La
Belle Alliance had begun to take effect, and as I could perceive the
fire of his cannon, and as Marshal Prince Blücher had joined in person
with a corps of his army to the left of our line by Ohain, I determined
to attack the enemy, and immediately advanced the whole line of
infantry, supported by the cavalry and artillery. The attack succeeded
in every point: the enemy was forced from his position on the heights,
and fled in the utmost confusion, leaving behind him, as far as I could
judge, 150 pieces of cannon, with their ammunition, which fell into our
hands.

I continued the pursuit till long after dark, and then discontinued it
only on account of the fatigue of our troops, who had been engaged
during 12 hours, and because I found myself on the same road with
Marshal Blücher, who assured me of his intention to follow the enemy
throughout the night. He has sent me word this morning that he has taken
60 pieces of cannon, belonging to the Imperial Guard, and several
carriages, baggage, etc., belonging to Buonaparte, in Genappe.

I propose to move this morning upon Nivelles, and not to discontinue my
operations.

Your Lordship will observe that such a desperate action could not be
fought, and such advantages could not be gained, without great loss; and
I am sorry to add that ours has been immense. In Lieut.-General Sir T.
Picton, His Majesty has sustained the loss of an officer who has
frequently distinguished himself in his service; and he fell gloriously
leading his division to a charge with bayonets, by which one of the most
serious attacks made by the enemy on our position was repulsed. The Earl
of Uxbridge, after having successfully got through this arduous day,
received a wound by almost the last shot fired, which will, I am afraid,
deprive His Majesty for some time of his services.

H.R.H. the Prince of Orange distinguished himself by his gallantry and
conduct, till he received a wound from a musket ball through the
shoulder, which obliged him to quit the field.

It gives me the greatest satisfaction to assure your Lordship that the
army never, upon any occasion, conducted itself better. The division of
Guards, under Lieut.-General Cooke, who is severely wounded,
Major-General Maitland, and Major General Byng, set an example which was
followed by all; and there is no officer nor description of troops that
did not behave well. I must, however, particularly mention, for His
Royal Highness’s approbation, Lieut.-General Sir H. Clinton,
Major-General Adam, Lieut.-General C. Baron Alten (severely wounded),
Major-General Sir C. Halkett (severely wounded), Colonel Ompteda,
Colonel Mitchell (commanding a brigade of the 4th division),
Major-Generals Sir J. Kempt and Sir D. Pack, Major-General Lambert,
Major-General Lord E. Somerset, Major-General Sir W. Ponsonby,
Major-General Sir C. Grant, and Major-General Sir H. Vivian,
Major-General Sir J. O. Vandeleur, and Major-General Count Dornberg. I
am also particularly indebted to General Lord Hill for his assistance
and conduct upon this, as upon all former occasions. The artillery and
engineer departments were conducted much to my satisfaction by Colonel
Sir G. Wood and Colonel Smyth; and I had every reason to be satisfied
with the conduct of the Adjutant-General, Major-General Barnes, who was
wounded, and of the Quartermaster-General, Colonel De Lancey, who was
killed by a cannon shot in the middle of the action. This officer is a
serious loss to His Majesty’s service, and to me at this moment.

I was likewise much indebted to the assistance of Lieut.-Colonel Lord
FitzRoy Somerset, who was severely wounded, and of the officers
composing my personal Staff, who have suffered severely in this action.
Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. Sir A. Gordon, who has died of his wounds, was a
most promising officer, and is a serious loss to His Majesty’s service.

General Krüse, of the Nassau service, likewise conducted himself much to
my satisfaction; as did General Trip, commanding the heavy brigade of
cavalry, and General Vanhope, commanding a brigade of infantry in the
service of the King of the Netherlands.

General Pozzo di Borgo, General Baron Vincent, General Muffling, and
General Alava, were in the field during the action, and rendered me
every assistance in their power. Baron Vincent is wounded, but I hope
not severely; and General Pozzo di Borgo received a contusion.

I should not do justice to my own feelings, or to Marshal Blücher and
the Prussian army, if I did not attribute the successful result of this
arduous day to the cordial and timely assistance I received from them.
The operation of General Bülow upon the enemy’s flank was a most
decisive one; and even if I had not found myself in a situation to make
the attack which produced the final result, it would have forced the
enemy to retire if his attacks should have failed, and would have
prevented him from taking advantage of them if they should unfortunately
have succeeded.

Since writing the above, I have received a report that Major-General Sir
W. Ponsonby is killed; and, in announcing this intelligence to your
Lordship, I have to add the expression of my grief for the fate of an
officer who had already rendered very brilliant and important services,
and was an ornament to his profession.

I send with this despatch 3 eagles, taken by the troops in this action,
which Major Percy will have the honor of laying at the feet of His Royal
Highness. I beg leave to recommend him to your Lordship’s protection.


     RETURN OF THE KILLED, WOUNDED, AND MISSING OF THE BRITISH AND
     HANOVERIAN ARMY UNDER THE COMMAND OF FIELD-MARSHAL THE DUKE OF
     WELLINGTON, K.G., IN THE BATTLE FOUGHT AT QUATRE BRAS ON THE 16TH
     JUNE, 1815.

  +---------+---------+----------+-------+
  |         |         |          |       |
  |         |         |          | Rank  |
  |         |Officers.|Sergeants.|  and  |
  |         |         |          | File. |
  |         |         |          |       |
  +---------+---------+----------+-------+
  | Killed  |    29   |     19   |   302 |
  |         |         |          |       |
  | Wounded |   126   |    111   | 2,143 |
  |         |         |          |       |
  | Missing |     4   |      6   |   171 |
  +---------+---------+----------+-------+

  +---------+-----------------+--------+------------+-------+
  |         |  Total Loss of  |        |            |       |
  |         |    Officers,    |        |            |       |
  |         |Non-commissioned |British.|Hanoverians.|Horses.|
  |         |  Officers, and  |        |            |       |
  |         |  Rank and File. |        |            |       |
  +---------+-----------------+--------+------------+-------+
  | Killed  |        350      |   316  |      34    |   19  |
  |         |                 |        |            |       |
  | Wounded |      2,380      | 2,156  |     224    |   14  |
  |         |                 |        |            |       |
  | Missing |        181      |    32  |     149    |    1  |
  +---------+-----------------+--------+------------+-------+


ON THE RETREAT FROM QUATRE BRAS TO WATERLOO ON 17TH JUNE, 1815.

  +---------+---------+----------+-------+
  |         |         |          |       |
  |         |         |          | Rank  |
  |         |Officers.|Sergeants.|  and  |
  |         |         |          | File. |
  |         |         |          |       |
  +---------+---------+----------+-------+
  | Killed  |    1    |     1    |    33 |
  |         |         |          |       |
  | Wounded |    7    |    13    |   112 |
  |         |         |          |       |
  | Missing |    4    |     3    |    64 |
  +---------+---------+----------+-------+

  +---------+-----------------+--------+------------+-------+
  |         |  Total Loss of  |        |            |       |
  |         |    Officers,    |        |            |       |
  |         |  Non-missioned  |British.|Hanoverians.|Horses.|
  |         |  Officers, and  |        |            |       |
  |         |  Rank and File. |        |            |       |
  +---------+-----------------+--------+------------+-------+
  | Killed  |         35      |   26   |       9    |   45  |
  |         |                 |        |            |       |
  | Wounded |        132      |   52   |      80    |   20  |
  |         |                 |        |            |       |
  | Missing |         71      |   30   |      32    |   33  |
  +---------+-----------------+--------+------------+-------+



IN THE BATTLE FOUGHT AT WATERLOO ON THE 18TH JUNE, 1815.

  +---------+----------+-----------+-------+
  |         |          |           |       |
  |         |          |           | Rank  |
  |         |Officers. |Sergeants. |  and  |
  |         |          |           | File. |
  +---------+----------+-----------+-------+
  | Killed  |   116    |    109    | 1,822 |
  | Wounded |   504    |    364    | 6,148 |
  | Missing |    20    |     29    | 1,574 |
  +---------+----------+-----------+-------+

  +---------+------------------------+----------+--------------+---------+
  |         | Total Loss of Officers,|          |              |         |
  |         |   Non-commissioned     |          |              |         |
  |         |     Officers, and      | British. | Hanoverians. | Horses. |
  |         |     Rank and File.     |          |              |         |
  +---------+------------------------+----------+--------------+---------+
  | Killed  |         2,047          |  1,759   |      288     |  1,495  |
  | Wounded |         7,016          |  5,892   |    1,124     |    891  |
  | Missing |         1,623          |    807   |      816     |    773  |
  +---------+------------------------+----------+--------------+---------+

               Killed.    Wounded.    Missing.
      Total     2,432      9,528       1,875

The greater number of the men returned missing had gone to the rear with
wounded officers and soldiers, and joined afterwards. The officers are
supposed killed.


BILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDFORD


FOOTNOTES:

 [1] Blank in MS.

 [2] Lord Grenville.

 [3] Mr. Canning seems to allude especially to the course of Mr.
 Sheridan at the time of the Mutiny of the Nore.

 [4] There is no imputation meant against the character of this
 gentleman on the supposition of his being a dissenter of the Church of
 England; illiberal, indeed, would be remark of this kind to infer any
 kind of reproach; but when a panegyrick is derived from party, some
 partiality may very naturally be suspected.

 [5] Respecting the battle at Ulm.

 [6] Nelson’s funeral, on January 7, 1806, at St. Paul’s.

 [7] It is now generally near the quarter-deck hatchway.

 [8] The entire memorandum is in James, iv., 23-25 (ed. 1837).

 [9] This Administration went by the name of “All the Talents.”

 [10] Afterwards Bishop of Winchester.

 [11] This letter is so carelessly composed and worded, that it is
 probably from the rough copy that it is taken.

 [12] This letter was drawn up by Sheridan. See Moore’s _Life_, vol.
 ii., p. 20.

 [13] Now Lord Combermere. He had commanded the British cavalry in
 Spain during the years 1809, 1810, 1811, and 1812.

 [14] Sir Stapleton had been made K.B.

 [15] From MS. speeches (collected).

 [16] The advance of the column under Sir T. Graham was so effectually
 covered by Colonel Longa that the enemy was not aware of any British
 troops being in that direction.

 [17] By the Treaty of Vienna, Belgium went to the Kingdom of
 Holland.--J. H. R.

 [18] Augereau commanded the army operating near Lyons, but it was
 inferior to that of the Austrians.--J. H. R.

 [19] A gross exaggeration. Napoleon probably referred to Blücher’s
 surrender near Lübeck in November, 1806, and his defeat at Vauchamps
 in February, 1814.--J. H. R.

 [20] Alluding to Murat.

 [21] Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. A. Gordon was sent, escorted by a
 squadron of the 10th Hussars, to communicate with the Prussian
 headquarters, as to co-operation with the British army ordered to
 retire to the position in front of Waterloo.