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Transcriber's note:

      Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).

      Text enclosed by plus signs is in bold face (+bold+).

      Small capitals have been replaced by full capitals.

      The signature of a 1534 letter from Henry VIII. to Anne
      Boleyn includes a monogram combining A and B. This has
      been transcribed as '(AB)'.

      The superscript 'li', meaning 'pound sterling', has been
      transcribed as '-li'. The superscript 'dd', meaning unclear,
      has been transcribed as '-dd'.





BELL'S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS

General Editors: S. E. WINBOLT, M.A., and KENNETH BELL, M.A.


THE REFORMATION AND THE RENAISSANCE (1485-1547)

Compiled by

FRED. W. BEWSHER, B.A.

St. Paul's School







[Illustration]


SECOND EDITION


London
G. Bell and Sons, Ltd.
1916




INTRODUCTION


This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with
any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively
shown that such apparatus is a valuable--nay, an indispensable--adjunct
to the history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by
way of lively illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of
inference-drawing, before the textbook is read, at the beginning of
the lesson. The kind of problems and exercises that may be based on
the documents are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a _History
of England for Schools_, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381.
However, we have no wish to prescribe for the teacher the manner in
which he shall exercise his craft, but simply to provide him and his
pupils with materials hitherto not readily accessible for school
purposes. The very moderate price of the books in this series should
bring them within the reach of every secondary school. Source books
enable the pupil to take a more active part than hitherto in the
history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we
leave to teacher and taught.

Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of
historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys in
secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What
differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not
so much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can
read into or extract from it.

In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the
natural demand for certain "stock" documents of vital importance, we
hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention
that the majority of the extracts should be lively in style--that is,
personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly
partisan--and should not so much profess to give the truth as supply
data for inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay
under contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries,
debates, and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and
social life generally, and local history, are represented in these
pages.

The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being
numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is
modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties
in reading.

We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us
suggestions for improvement.

 S. E. WINBOLT.
 KENNETH BELL.


NOTE TO THIS VOLUME.

The purpose of this volume is to supply several of those documents
which are of great historical importance, and which, at present, find
no place in the series of documents published by the Oxford University
Press. Further, while most of the more important historical events are
dealt with, an attempt has been made to introduce the student to the
Tudor Atmosphere, and to reproduce as much as possible, both the
mental and bodily energy, the prosperity, and the general virility of
the period.

 F. W. B.

 ST. PAUL'S SCHOOL,
 _September 1912_.




TABLE OF CONTENTS


                                                                    PAGE

       INTRODUCTION                                                    v

 1485. DEVICE FOR THE CORONATION OF
         HENRY VII.                       _Rutland Papers_             1

 1486. INTRODUCTION OF THE YEOMEN OF THE
         GUARD. THE SWEATING SICKNESS     _Holinshed_                  3

 1486. INSURRECTION OF LAMBERT SIMNEL         "                        4

 1490. THE LEVYING OF BENEVOLENCES            "                        9

 1496. THE REBELLION OF THE CORNISHMEN        "                       10

 1499. PERKIN WARBECK'S CONFESSION            "                       14

 1500. RECEPTION OF PRINCESS CATHARINE    _Paston Letters_            16

 1504. CARDINAL MORTON'S FORK             _Holinshed_                 17

 1506. THE MEETING OF HENRY VII. AND
         THE KING OF CASTILE              _Paston Letters_            18

 1509. SUPERSTITION                       _Erasmus_                   20

 1516. THE MAKING OF BEGGARS AND THIEVES  _More_                      22

 1520. ENCLOSURES                         _Holinshed_                 26

 1522. VISIT OF CHAS. V. TO ENGLAND       _Rutland Papers_            28

 1522. CARDINAL WOLSEY                    _John Skelton_              31

 1524. WOLSEY AND THE POPEDOM             _Burnet's "Collection
                                            of Records"_              34

 1528. WOLSEY AND THE KING'S MARRIAGE     _Burnet's "Collection
                                            of Records"_              36

 1528. ON THE TRANSLATION OF
         THE SCRIPTURES                   _William Tyndale_           39

 1529. ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS OF
         THE BIBLE BURNT                  _Hall_                      41

 1529. TWO LETTERS WRITTEN BY KING HENRY  _Burnet's "Collection
         TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD        of Records"_              43

 1529. CARDINAL CAMPEGGIO'S JUDGMENT ON
         THE DIVORCE OF QUEEN KATHARINE   _Hall_                      45

 1529. ANNE BOLEYN'S HATRED OF WOLSEY     _Cavendish_                 47

 1529. WOLSEY'S FALL                          "                       48

 1530. A LETTER WRITTEN BY WOLSEY TO
         DR. STEPHEN GARDNER              _Cavendish_                 49

 1532. THE KING'S LAST LETTER             _Burnet's "Collection
         TO THE POPE                        of Records"_              51

 1534. SUBMISSION OF THE CLERGY AND
         RESTRAINT OF APPEALS             _Statutes of the Realm_     56

 1534. THE ECCLESIASTICAL APPOINTMENTS
         ACT. THE ABSOLUTE RESTRAINT OF
         ANNATES                              "            "          57

 1534. ACT FORBIDDING PAPAL
         DISPENSATIONS AND THE PAYMENT
         OF PETER'S PENCE                     "            "          58

 1534. FIRST ACT OF SUCCESSION                "            "          58

 1534. THE SUPREMACY ACT                      "            "          60

 1534. LETTERS OF HENRY VIII.
         TO ANNE BOLEYN                   _Lettres à Anne Boleyn_     61

 1534. THE SWEATING SICKNESS                  "            "          62

 1536. QUEEN ANN BOLEYN TO KING HENRY,    _Burnet's "History of
         FROM THE TOWER                     the Reformation"_         62

 1536. ACT FOR DISSOLUTION OF
         THE LESSER MONASTERIES           _Statutes of the Realm_     64

 1536. SUPPRESSION OF THE                 _Burnet's "Collection
         MONASTERY OF TEWKESBURY            of Records"_              66

 1537. THE INSURRECTION IN
         LINCOLNSHIRE                     _Hall_                      70

 1538. INJUNCTIONS TO THE CLERGY          _Burnet's "Collection
         MADE BY CROMWELL                   of Records"_              75

 1539. ACT FOR THE DISSOLUTION OF
         THE GREATER MONASTERIES          _Statutes of the Realm_     79

 1539. THE SIX ARTICLES ACT                   "            "          80

 1539. HENRY VIII. AND SPORT              _Hall and Holinshed_        82

 1540. THE ATTAINDER OF THOMAS            _Burnet's "Collection
         CROMWELL                           of Records"_              87

 1544. HERTFORD'S ORDERS FOR THE
         NAVY AND ARMY                    _Hamilton Papers_           91

 1544. HERTFORD AND OTHERS
         TO HENRY VIII.                       "        "              94

 1545. ATTEMPTED INVASION OF
         ENGLAND BY THE FRENCH            _Holinshed_                102

 1545. THE CAPTURE OF THE BARQUE AGER     _Hall_                     105

 1546. SPEECH MADE BY KING HENRY VIII.
         AT THE OPENING OF PARLIAMENT     _Hall_                     106

 1549. SERMON ON "THE PLOUGHERS"          _Latimer_                  110

       THE RULES OF JUSTING               _Lord Tiptolfe_            114

       PREFACE TO COLET'S "LATIN
         GRAMMAR"                         _Knight's "Life of Colet"_ 117




 THE REFORMATION AND
 THE RENAISSANCE
 (1485-1547)




DEVICE FOR THE CORONATION OF KING HENRY VII. (1485).

+Source.+--_Rutland Papers_, p. 12. Published by the Camden Society,
1842.


This done, the Cardinal, as Archbishop of Canterbury, shewing the King
to the people at the iiij parties of the said pulpit, shall say in
this wise; "Sirs, I here present Henry, true and rightful, and
undoubted inheritor of the laws of God and man, to the crown and royal
dignity of England, with all things thereunto annexed and
appertaining, elect, chosen, and required by all three estates of the
same land, to take upon him the said crown, and royal dignity,
whereupon ye shall understand that this day is prefixed and appointed
by all the peers of this land for the consecration, enunciation, and
coronation." Whereunto the people shall say, with a great voice, "Yea.
Yea. Yea. So be it King Henry! King Henry!"

Soon upon the said Cardinal, as Archbishop of Canterbury, being
reuysshed[1] as appertaineth for celebration of mass and also the
foresaid Bishops of Exeter and Ely on both sides as above, with other
Bishops, and with the Abbot of Westminster, who oweth always to be
near the King for his information in such things as concerneth the
solemnity of the coronation, the King shall be brought honourably from
his said seat unto the high altar, where the Chancellor of England
shall set down the chalice, and likewise the Bishop of Chichester his
patten.

The Queen following the King thither, going afore her the lords as
above bearing her crown, sceptre, and rod, and the abovesaid Bishops
sustaining her, for her shall be ordained, on the left side of the
high altar, a folding stool wherein she shall sit while the King shall
be required of the keeping of the customs and laws of England, and
that done, whilst "Veni Creator Spiritus" is a singing, and all the
while the King is anointed, she shall kneel praying for the King and
her self.

At the which altar the King ought to offer a pall, and a pound of
gold, xxiiij-li[2] in coin, which shall be delivered unto him by the
Chamberlain; and, forthwith, the pavement afore the high altar
worshipfully arrayed with carpets and cushions, the King shall then
lie down grovelling, whilst the said Cardinal as Archbishop, say upon
him, "Deus humilium," which done, the said Cardinal may, at his
pleasure, command some short sermon to be said, during the which the
said Cardinal shall sit before the altar, his back towards the same,
as is the custom, and the King shall sit opposite him, face to face,
in a chair prepared as to his high estate accordeth.

The sermon ended, if any such be, the Cardinal and the King that is to
be crowned so sitting as is above said, the same Cardinal with an open
and distinct voice shall ask the King under this form: "Will ye grant
and keep, to the people of England, the laws and customs to them as of
old rightful and devout kings granted, and the same ratify and confirm
by your oath and especially the laws, customs, and liberties to be
granted to the clergy and people by your noble predecessor and
glorious King Saint Edward?" The King shall answer, "I grant and
promise." And when the King, before all the people, hath promised
truly to grant and keep all the promises, then shall the said Cardinal
open unto him the special articles whereunto the King shall be sworn,
the same Cardinal saying as followeth: "Ye shall keep, after your
strength and power, to the Church of God, to the clergie, and the
people, whole peace, and goodly concord." The King shall answer, "I
shall keep."

"Ye shall make to be done after your strength and power, equal and
rightful justice in all your dooms and judgements, and discretion with
mercy and truth." The King shall answer, "I shall do." "Do ye grant
the rightful laws and customs to be holden, and promise ye, after your
strength and power, such laws as to the worship of God shall be chosen
by your people by you to be strengthened and defended?" The King shall
answer, "I grant and promise."

[Footnote 1: = revested.]

[Footnote 2: = £24 in coin.]




YEOMEN OF THE GUARD FIRST BROUGHT IN. THE SWEATING SICKNESS (1486).

+Source.+--Holinshed's _Chronicle_, Vol. III., p. 482. (London, 1808.)


Shortly after for the better preservation of his royal person, he
constituted and ordained a certain number as well of archers, as of
divers other persons, hardy, strong, and active to give daily
attendance on his person, whom he named yeomen of his guard, which
precedent men thought that he learned of the French king when he was
in France. For it is not remembered that any king of England before
that day used any such furniture of daily soldiers. In this same year
a kind of sickness invaded suddenly the people of this land, passing
through the same from the one end to the other. It began about the one
and twentieth of September, and continued until the latter end of
October, being so sharp and deadly that the like was never heard of to
any man's remembrance before that time.

For suddenly a deadly burning sweat so assailed their bodies and
distempered their blood with a most ardent heat, that scarce one
amongst an hundred that sickened did escape with life; for all in
manner as soon as the sweat took them, or within a short time after,
yielded the ghost. Beside the great number which deceased within the
city of London, two mayors successively died within eight days and six
aldermen. At length, by the diligent observation of those that escaped
(which marking what things had done them good, and holpen to their
deliverance, used the like again), when they fell into the same
disease the second or third time as to divers it chanced, a remedy was
found for that mortal malady which was this. If a man on the day time
were taken with the sweat, then should he straight lie down with all
his clothes and garments and continue in the sweat four and twenty
hours after so moderate a sort as might be. If in night he chanced to
be taken, then should he not rise out of his bed for the space of four
and twenty hours, so casting the clothes that he might in no wise
provoke the sweat, but lie so temperately that the water might distil
out softly of its own accord. And to abstain from all meat if he might
so long suffer hunger and to take no more drink neither hot nor cold
than would moderately quench and assuage his thirsty appetite. Thus
with lukewarm drink, temperate heat and measurable clothes many
escaped: few which used this order (after it was found out) died of
that sweat. Marry! one point diligently above all other in this cure
is to be observed, that he never did put his hand or feet out of the
bed to refresh or cool himself, which to do is no less jeopardy than
short and present death. Thus this disease coming in the first year of
King Henry's reign, was judged (of some) to be a token and sign of a
troublesome reign of the same king, as the proof partly afterwards
shewed itself.




LAMBERT SIMNEL (1486).

+Source.+--Holinshed's _Chronicle_, Vol. III., p. 484. (London, 1808.)


Amongst other such monsters and limbs of the devil, there was one Sir
Richard Simond, priest, a man of base birth and yet well learned, even
from his youth. He had a scholar called Lambert Simnel, one of a
gentle nature and pregnant wit, to be the organ and chief instrument
by the which he might convey and bring to pass his mischievous
attempt. The devil, chief master of such practices, put in the
venomous brain of this disloyal and traitorous priest to devise how he
might make his scholar the aforesaid Lambert to be reputed as right
inheritor to the crown of this realm. Namely for that the fame went
that King Edward's children were not dead, but fled secretly into some
strange place, and there to be living: and that Edward, Earl of
Warwick, son and heir to the Duke of Clarence, either was, or shortly
should be put to death.

These rumours though they seemed not to be grounded of any likehood to
the wise sort of men, yet encouraged this peevish priest to think the
time come that his scholar Lambert might take upon him the person and
name of one of King Edward's children. And thereupon at Oxford, where
their abiding was, the said priest instructed his pupil both with
princely behaviour, civil manners and good literature, declaring to
him of what lineage he should affirm himself to be descended, and
omitted nothing that might serve for his purpose. Soon after, the
rumour was blown abroad, that the Earl of Warwick was broken out of
prison. And when the priest, Sir Richard Simond heard of this, he
straight intended now by that occasion to bring his invented purpose
to pass, and changing the child's name of baptism, called him Edward,
after the name of the young Earl of Warwick, the which were both of
like years and of like stature.

Then he with his scholar sailed into Ireland, where he so set forth
the matter unto the nobility of that country, that not only the Lord
Thomas Gerardine, Chancellor of that land, deceived through his crafty
tale, received the counterfeit earl into his castle with all honour
and reverence, but also many other noble men determined to aid him
(with all their powers) as one descended of the blood royal and
lineage come of the house of York, which the Irish people evermore
highly favoured, honoured and loved above all other. By this mean
every man throughout all Ireland was willing and ready to take his
part and submit themselves to him; already reputing and calling him of
all hands king. So that now they of this sect (by the advice of the
priest) sent into England certain privy messengers to get friends here.

Also they sent into Flanders to the Lady Margaret, sister to King
Edward and late wife to Charles, Duke of Burgoyne, to purchase, aid
and help at her hands. This Lady Margaret bore no small rule in the
low countries, and in very deed sore grudged in her heart that the
King Henry (being descended of the house of Lancaster) should reign
and govern of the realm of England, and therefore though she well
understood that this was but a coloured matter, yet to work her
malicious intention against King Henry, she was glad to have so fit an
occasion, and therefore promised the messengers all the aid that she
should be able to make in furtherance of the quarrel, and also to
procure all the friends she could in other places to be aiders and
partakers of the same conspiracy.

King Henry, advertised of all these doings, was greatly vexed
therewith, and therefore to have good advice in the matter he called
together his council at the Charterhouse beside his manor of Richmond,
and there consulted with them, by which means lest this begun
conspiracy might be appeased and disappointed without more
disturbance. It was therefore determined that a general pardon should
be published to all offenders that were content to receive the same.
This pardon was so freely granted that no offence was excepted, no not
so much as high treason committed against the King's royal person. It
was further agreed in the same council for the time then present that
the Earl of Warwick should personally be shewed abroad in the city and
other public places; whereby the untrue report falsely spread abroad
that he should be in Ireland, might be among the community proved and
known for a vain imagined lie.

When all things in this counsel were sagely concluded and agreed to
the King's mind, he returned to London, giving in commandment that the
next Sunday ensuing, Edward, the young Earl of Warwick, should be
brought from the Tower through the most public streets in all London,
to the cathedral church of St. Paul. Where he went openly in
procession, that every man might see him, having communication with
many noble men and with them especially that were suspected to be
partakers of the late begun conspiracy, that they might perceive how
the Irishmen upon a vain shadow moved war against the King and his
realm. But this medicine little availed evil disposed persons. For the
Earl of Lincoln, son to John de la Poole, Duke of Suffolk, and
Elizabeth, sister to King Edward the Fourth thought it not meet to
neglect and omit so ready an occasion of new trouble.

Wherefore they determined to uphold the enterprise of the Irishmen, so
that consulting with Sir Thomas Broughton, and certain other of his
most trusty friends, he proposed to sail into Flanders to his aunt,
the Lady Margaret, Duchess of Burgoyne, trusting by her help to make a
puissant army and to join with the companions of the new raised
sedition. Therefore after the dissolution of the parliament which was
then holden, he fled secretly into Flanders unto the said Lady
Margaret, where Francis, Lord Lovell, landed certain days before.
Here, after long consultation as how to proceed in their business, it
was agreed, that the Earl of Lincoln and the Lord Lovell should go
into Ireland, and there attend upon the Duchess her counterfeit
nephew, and to honour him as a king with the power of the Irishmen to
bring him into England.

Now they concluded, that if their doings had success, then the
aforesaid Lambert (misnamed the Earl of Warwick) should by consent of
the council be deposed, and Edward the true Earl of Warwick delivered
out of prison and anointed king. King Henry supposing that no man
would have been so mad as to have attempted any further enterprise in
the name of the new found and counterfeit earl, he only studied how to
subdue the seditious conspiracy of the Irishmen. But learning that the
Earl of Lincoln was fled into Flanders, he was somewhat moved
therewith, and caused soldiers to be put in readiness out of every
part of his realm, and to bring them into one place assigned, that
when his adversaries should appear, he might suddenly set upon them,
vanquish and overcome them.

Thus disposing things for his surety, he went towards St. Edmund's
Bury, and being certified that the Marquis of Dorset was coming
towards his majesty to excuse himself of things he was suspected to
have done when he was in France, he sent the Earl of Oxford to arrest
the said Marquis by the way, and to convey him to the Tower of London
there to remain till his truth might be tried. From thence the King
went forth to Norwich and tarrying there Christmas Day, he departed
after to Walsingham, where he offered to the image of Our Lady, and
then by Cambridge he shortly returned to London. In which mean time,
the Earl of Lincoln had gotten together by the aid of the Lady
Margaret about two thousand Almains, with one Martin Sward, a valiant
and noble captain to lead them.

With this power the Earl of Lincoln sailed into Ireland and at the
city of Dublin caused young Lambert to be proclaimed and named King of
England, after the most solemn fashion, as though he were the very
heir of the blood royal lineally born and descended. And so with a
great multitude of beggarly Irishmen almost all naked and unarmed,
saving skins and mantles, of whom the Lord Thomas Gerardine was
captain and conductor, they sailed into England with this new found
king and landed for a purpose at the pile of Fowdreie, within a little
of Lancaster, trusting there to find aid by the means of Sir Thomas
Broughton, one of the chief companions of the conspiracy. The King had
knowledge of the enemies' intent before their arrival, and therefore
having assembled a great army (over which the Duke of Bedford and the
Earl of Oxenford were chief captains), he went to Coventry where he
was advertised that the Earl of Lincoln was landed at Lancaster with
his new king. Here he took advice of his counsellors what was best to
be done, whether to set on the enemies without further delay or to
protract time a little. But at length it was thought best to delay no
time but to give them battle before they should increase their power,
and thereupon he removed to Nottingham, and there by a little wood
called Bowres he pitched his field.

Shortly after this came to him the Lord George Talbot, Earl of
Shrewsbury, the Lord Strange, Sir John Cheyne, right valiant captains,
with many other noble and expert men of war, namely of the counties
near adjoining, so that the King's army was wonderfully increased. In
this space the Earl of Lincoln being entered into Yorkshire passed
softly on his journey without spoiling or hurting any man, trusting
thereby to have some company of people resort unto him. But after he
perceived few or none to follow him, and that it was too late now to
return back, he determined to try the matter by dint of sword, and
thereupon direct his way from York to Newark-upon-Trent.




BENEVOLENCES (1490).

+Source.+--Holinshed, Vol. III., p. 496.


King Henry, sorely troubled in his mind therewith, determining no more
with peaceable message, but with open war to determine all
controversies betwixt him and the French King, called his high court
of Parliament and there declared the cause why he was justly provoked
to make war against the Frenchmen, and thereupon desired them of their
benevolent aid of men and money towards the maintenance thereof. The
cause was so just that every man allowed it and to the setting forth
of the war taken in hand for so necessary an occasion, every man
promised his helping hand. The king commended them for their true and
faithful hearts. And to the intent that he might spare the poorer sort
of the commons (whom he ever desired to keep in favour) he thought
good first to exact money of the richest sort by way of a benevolence.

Which kind of levying money was first devised by King Edward the
Fourth, as it appeareth before in his history. King Henry, following
the like example, published abroad that by their open gifts he would
measure and search their benevolent hearts and good minds towards him,
and he that gave little to be esteemed according to his gift. By this
it appeareth that whatsoever is practised for the prince's profit and
brought to a precedent by matter of record, may be turned to the great
prejudice of the people, if rulers in authority will so adjudge and
determine it. But by this means King Henry got innumerable great sums
of money, with some grudge of the people, for the extremity shewed by
the commissioners in divers places.




THE REBELLION OF THE CORNISHMEN (1496).

+Source.+--Holinshed, Vol. III, p. 514.


These unruly people, the Cornishmen, inhabiting in a barren country
and unfruitful, at the first sore repined that they should be so
grievously taxed and burdened by the king's council as the only cause
of such polling and pilling, and so being in their rage, menaced the
chief authors with death and present destruction. And thus being in a
rave, two persons of the affinity, the one called Thomas Flammock, a
gentleman, learned in the laws of the realm, and the other Michael
Joseph, a smith, men of stout stomachs and high courage, took upon
them to be captains of this seditious company. They laid the fault and
cause of this exaction unto John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury, and
to Sir Reginald Bray, because they were chief of the King's council.
Such reward have they commonly that be in great authority with kings
and princes. The captains Flammock and Joseph exhorted the common
people to put on harness and not be afeared to follow them in that
quarrel, promising not to hurt any creature, but only to see them
punished that procured such exactions to be laid on the people,
without any reasonable cause, as under the colour of a little trouble
with the Scots, which (since they were withdrawn home) they took to be
well quieted and appeased. So these captains, bent on mischief (were
their outward pretence never so finely coloured), yet persuaded a
great number of people to assemble together and condescend to do as
their captains would agree and appoint. Then these captains praising
much the hardiness of the people, when all things were ready for their
important journey, set forth with their army and came to Taunton,
where they slew the Provost of Perin, which was one of the
commissioners of the subsidy, and from thence came to Wells, so
intending to go to London, where the King then sojourned.

When the King was advertised of these doings, he was somewhat
astonished, and not without cause, being thus troubled with the war
against the Scots and this civil commotion of his subjects at one
instant. But first meaning to subdue his rebellious subjects and after
to proceed against the Scots, as occasion should serve, he revoked the
Lord Daubeney which (as you have heard) was going against the Scots,
and increased his army with many chosen and picked warriors. Also
mistrusting that the Scots might now (having such opportunity) invade
the realm again, he appointed the Lord Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey
(which after the death of the Lord Dinham was made high treasurer of
England) to gather a band of men in the county Palatine of Durham,
that they, with the aid of the inhabitants adjoining and the
borderers, might keep back the Scots if they chanced to make any
invasion. The nobles of the realm, hearing of the rebellion of the
Cornishmen, came to London every man with as many men of war as they
could put in a readiness to aid the King if need should be. In the
which number were the Earl of Essex and the Lord Montjoy, with divers
other.

In the meantime, James Twitchet, Lord Audely being confederate with
the rebels of Cornwall, joined with them, being come to Wells, and
took upon him as their chief captain to lead them against the natural
lord and king. From Wells they went to Salisbury, and from thence to
Winchester, and so to Kent where they hoped to have had great aid, but
they were deceived in that their expectation. For the Earl of Kent,
George, Lord of Abergavenny, John Brook, Lord Cobham, Sir Edward
Poinings, Sir Richard Gilford, Sir Thomas Bourchier, John Peche,
William Scot, and a great number of people, were not only prest and
ready to defend the country to keep the people in due obedience, but
bent to fight with such as would lift up sword or other weapon against
their sovereign lord, insomuch that the Kentishmen would not once come
near the Cornishmen to aid or assist them in any manner or wise. Which
thing marvellously dismayed the hearts of the Cornishmen when they saw
themselves thus deceived of the succours which they most trusted upon,
so that many of them (fearing the evil chance that might happen) fled
in the night from their company and left them, in hope so to save
themselves. The captains of the rebels, perceiving they could have no
help of the Kentishmen, putting their only hope in their own
puissance, brought their people to Blackheath, a four miles distant
from London, and there in a plain on the top of an hill they ordered
their battles either ready to fight with the King if he would assail
them, or else assault the city of London; for they thought the King
durst not have encountered with them in battle. But they were
deceived, for the King, although he had power enough about to have
fought with them before their coming so near to the city, yet he
thought it best to suffer them to come forward, till he had them far
off from their native country, and then to set upon them being
destitute of aid of some place of advantage.

The city was in a great fear at the first knowledge given how the
rebels were so near encamped to the city, every man getting himself to
harness and placing themselves some at the gates some on the walls, so
that no part was undefended. But the King delivered the city of that
fear; for after that he perceived how the Cornishmen were all day
ready to fight and that on the hill, he sent straight to John, Earl of
Oxenford, Henry Bourchier, Earl of Essex, Edmund de la Poole, Earl of
Suffolk, Sir Rise ap Thomas, and Sir Humphrey Stanley, noble warriors
with a great company of archers and horsemen, to environ the hill on
the right side, and on the left, to the intent that all byways being
stopped and foreclosed, all hope of flight should be taken from them.
And incontinently he himself, being as well encouraged with manly
stomachs as furnished with a populous army and plenty of artillery,
set forward out of the city, and encamped himself in Saint George's
field, where he on the Friday at night then lodged.

On the Saturday in the morning, he sent the Lord Daubeney with a great
company to set on them early in the morning, which first got the
bridge at Dertford Strand, which was manfully defended by certain
archers of the rebels, whose arrows (as is reported) were in length a
full cloth yard. While the earls set on them on every side, the Lord
Daubeney came into the field with his company, and without long
fighting the Cornishmen were overcome; and first they took the Lord
Daubeney prisoner, but whether it were for fear or for hope of favour,
they let him go at liberty without hurt or detriment. There were slain
of the rebels which fought and resisted, above two thousand men (as
Edward Hall noteth), and taken prisoners an infinite number, and
amongst them the blacksmith and other the chief captains, which were
shortly after put to death. When this battle was ended, the King
wanted of all his numbers but three hundred which were slain at that
conflict.

Some affirm, that the King appointed to have fought with them not till
the Monday and preventing the time set on them on the Saturday before,
taking them unprovided and in no array of battle, and so by that
policy obtained the field and victory. The prisoners as well as
captains and others were pardoned, saving the chief captains and first
beginners, to whom he shewed no mercy at all. The Lord Audley was
drawn from Newgate to Tower Hill in a coat of his own arms painted
upon paper reversed and all torn, and there was beheaded the four and
twentieth of June. Thomas Flammock and Michael Joseph were hanged,
drawn and quartered after the manner of traitors, and their heads and
quarters were pitched upon stakes and set up in London and in other
places, although at the first the King meant to have sent them into
Cornwall to have been set up there for a terror to all others. But
hearing that the Cornishmen at home were ready to begin a new
conspiracy, lest he should the more irritate and provoke them by that
displeasant sight, he changed his purpose, for doubt to wrap himself
in more trouble than needed.




PERKIN WARBECK'S CONFESSION (1499).

+Source.+--Holinshed, Vol. III., p. 522.


The confession of Perkin as it was written with his own hand, which he
read openly upon a scaffold by the Standard in Cheape.

"It is first to be known that I was born in the town of Turney in
Flanders, and my father's name is John Osbeck, which said John Osbeck
was controller of the said town of Turney, and my mother's name is
Katherine de Faro. And one of my grandsires upon my father's side was
named Diricke Osbecke, which died. After whose death my grandmother
was married unto Peter Flamin, that was receiver of the forenamed town
of Turney and dean of the boatmen that row upon the water or river
called the Schelt. And my grandsire upon my mother's side was Peter de
Faro, which had in his keeping the keys of the gate of St. John's
within the same town of Turney. Also I had an uncle called Master John
Stalin, dwelling in the parish of St. Pias within the same town which
had married my father's sister whose name was Johne Jane with whom I
dwelt a certain season. And after, I was led by my mother to Antwerp
for to learne Flemish in a house of a cousin of mine, an officer of
the said town called John Stienbeck, with whom I was the space of half
a year. And after that I returned again to Turney by reason of wars
that were in Flanders. And within a year following I was sent with a
merchant of the said town of Turney named Berlo, to the mart of
Antwerp where I fell sick, which sickness continued upon me five
months. And then the said Berlo sent me to board in a skinner's house
that dwelled beside the house of the English nation. And by him I was
from thence carried to Barrow mart and I lodged at the 'Sign of the
Old Man' where I abode for the space of two months.

"After this the said Berlo sent me with a merchant of Middlesborough
to service for to learn the language, whose name was John Strew, with
whom I dwelt from Christmas to Easter, and then I went into Portugal
in company of Sir Edward Brampton's wife in a ship which was called
the queen's ship. And when I was come thither, then was I put in
service to a knight that dwelled in Lushborne, which was called Peter
Vacz de Cogna, with whom I dwelt an whole year, which said knight had
but one eye. And because I desired to see other countries I took
licence of him and then I put myself in service with a Breton called
Pregent Meno, who brought me with him into Ireland. Now when we were
there arrived in the town of Cork, they of the town (because I was
arrayed with some cloths of silk of my said master's) came unto me and
threatened upon me that I should be the Duke of Clarence's son that
was before time at Dublin.

"But forasmuch as I denied it, there was brought unto me the holy
evangelists and the cross, by the mayor of the town which was called
John Llellewyn, and there in the presence of him and others I took
mine oath (as the truth was) that I was not the foresaid duke's son,
nor none of his blood. And after this came unto me an English man
whose name was Stephen Poitron and one John Water, and said to me, in
swearing great oaths, that they knew well that I was King Richard's
bastard son, to whom I answered with like oaths that I was not. Then
they advised me not to be afeared but that I should take it upon me
boldly, and if I would do so they would aid and assist me with all
their power against the King of England, and not only they, but they
were well assured that the Earl of Desmond and Kildare should do the
same.

"For they forced not[3] what they took, so that they might be revenged
on the King of England, and so against my will made me learn English
and taught me what I should do and say. And after this they called me
the Duke of York, second son to King Edward the fourth, because King
Richard's bastard son was in the hands of the King of England. And
upon this the said Water, Stephen Poitron, John Tiler, Hughbert Burgh
with many others, as the aforesaid earls, entered into this false
quarrel, and within short time others. The French King sent an
ambassador into Ireland whose name was Loit Lucas and master Stephen
Friham to advertise me to come into France. And thence I went into
France and from thence into Flanders, and from Flanders into Ireland,
and from Ireland into Scotland, and so into England."

[Footnote 3: = cared not.]




RECEPTION OF PRINCESS CATHARINE (1500).

+Source.+--_Paston Letters_, Vol. III., Letter 943. March 20th, 1500 A.D.


 HENRY VII. TO SIR JOHN PASTON.
 _To our trusty and well beloved knight Sir John Paston._
 BY THE KING.

"Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well, letting you know that our
dearest cousins, the King and Queen of Spain, have signified unto us
by their sundry letters that the right excellent Princesse the Lady
Catharine, their daughter, shall be transported from the parties of
Spain aforesaid to this our Realm, about the month of May next coming,
for the solemnization of matrimony between our dearest son the Prince
and the said Princess. Wherefore we, considering that it is right
fitting and necessary, as well for the honour of us as for the honour
and praise of our said Realm, to have the said Princess honourably
received at her arrival, have appointed you to be one among others to
give attendance for the receiving of the said Princess; willing and
desiring you to prepare yourself for that intent, and so to continue
in readiness upon an hour's warning, till that by our other letters we
shall advertise you of the day and time of her arrival, and where ye
shall give your said attendance; and not to fail therein as ye tender
our pleasure, the honour of yourself and this our foresaid Realm.

"Given under our signet at our Manor of Richmond, the xxth day of
March."




CARDINAL MORTON'S FORK (1504).

+Source.+--Holinshed, p. 532.


The clergy was of two sorts, the one shewing themselves as they were
wealthy, seemly and comely; the other pretending that which was not,
poverty, bareness and scarcity, but both were of one mind, and devised
all the ways they could to save their purses. The first being called
alledged that they were daily at great charges and expenses in keeping
of hospitalities, in maintaining themselves, their house and families,
besides extraordinaries which daily did grow and increase upon them,
and by that means they were but bare and poor, and prayed that they be
borne with all and pardoned for that time. The other sort alledged
that their livings were but small and slender and scarce able to
maintain themselves with all which compelled them to go bare and to
live a hard and poor life, and therefore (they having nothing) prayed
that they might be excused. The bishop when he heard them at full and
well considered thereof, very wittily and with a pretty dilemma
answered them both, saying to the first: "It is true you are at great
charges, are well beseen in your apparell, well mounted upon your fair
palfreys and have your men waiting upon you in good order; your
hospitality is good and your daily expenses are large, and you are for
the same well reported amongst your neighbours; all which are plain
demonstrations of your wealth and ability, otherwise you would not be
at such voluntary charges. Now having store to spend in such order,
there is no reason but that to your prince you should much more be
well willing and ready to yield yourselves contributory and dutiful,
and therefore you must pay." To the other sort he said: "Albeit your
livings be not of the best, yet good, sufficient, and able to maintain
you in better estate than you do employ it, but it appeareth that you
are frugual and thrifty men, and what others do voluntarily spend in
apparell, house and family, you warily do keep and have it lie by you;
and therefore it is good reason that of your store you should spare
with a good will and contribute to your prince, wherefore be
contented, for you shall pay." And so by this pretty dilemma he
reduced them to yield a good payment to the King.




THE MEETING OF HENRY VII. AND THE KING OF CASTILE (1506).

WILLIAM MAKEFYN TO DARCY AND ALINGTON.

+Source.+--_Paston Letters_, Vol. III., Letter 953. Jan. 17th, 1506.


 _To the right worshipful Master Roger Darcy and Master Giles
 Alington, being in the George in Lombard street, be this delivered in
 haste._

Right worshipful masters, I recommend me unto you, certifying you that
the King's Grace and the King of Castile met this day at three of the
Clock, upon Cleworth Green, 2 miles out of Windsor, and that the King
received him in the goodliest manner that ever I saw, and each of them
embraced the other in arms.

To shew you the King's apparell of England, thus it was: his horse of
bay, trapped with neddlework; a gown of purple velvet, a chain with a
George[4] of diamonds, and a hood of purple velvet, which he put not
off at the meeting of the said King of Castile; his hat and his bonnet
he doffed and the King of Castile likewise. And the King of Castile
rode upon a sorrel hoby,[5] which the King gave unto him; his apparell
was all black, a gown of black velvet, a black hood, a black hat, and
his horse harness of black velvet....

These be the Spears: Master Saint John upon a black horse, with
harness of Cloth of Gold, with tassels of plunkett[6] and white, a
coat of plunkett and white, the body of goldsmiths' work, the sleves
full of spangles.

John Carr and William Parr with coats alike, the horses gray, of Parr
trapped with crimson velvet with tassells of gold and gilt bells.
Carr's horse bay with an Almayn harness of silver, an inch broad of
beaten silver, both the coats of goldsmiths' work on the bodies, the
sleeves one stripe of silver, the other of gold.

Edward Neville upon a gray horse trapped with black velvet full of
small bells, his coat the one half of green velvet, the other of white
cloth of gold; these to the rutters of the spurs, with other divers
well appointed.

Of the King of Castile's party, the Lord Chamberlain the chief, I
cannot tell his name as yet; his apparell was sad, and so was all the
residue of his company with cloaks of sad tawny black, guarded, some
with velvet, some with sarsenet, not passing a dozen in number. It is
said there is many behind which comes with the Queen of Castile, which
shall come upon Tuesday.

When the King rode forth to Windsor Castle, the King rode upon the
right hand of the King of Castile, howbeit the King's Grace offered to
take him upon the right hand, the which he refused. And at the
lighting the King of Castile was off his horse a good space or our
King was alight; and then the King's grace offered to take him by the
arm, the which he would not, but took the King by the arm, and so went
to the King of Castile's chamber, which is the richestly hanged that
ever I saw: 7 chambers together hanged with cloth of Arras, wrought
with gold as thick as could be; and as for three beds of estate, no
king christened can shew such three.

This is so far as I can shew you of this day, and when I can know
more, ye shall have knowledge.

From Windsor this Saturday, at five of the Clock,

 By your,
 WILLIAM MAKEFYN.

[Footnote 4: = figure of St. George, _i.e._ part of the insignia of
the Garter.]

[Footnote 5: = horse.]

[Footnote 6: = lead green.]




SUPERSTITION (1509).

+Source.+--Erasmus, _The Praise of Folly_, p. 90. 1887. Hamilton
Adams, Glasgow.


The next to be placed among the regiment of fools are such as make a
trade of telling or inquiring after incredible stories of miracles and
prodigies. Never doubting that a lie will choke them, they will muster
up a thousand several strange relations of spirits, ghosts,
apparitions, raising of the devil, and such like bugbears of
superstition, which the farther they are from being probably true, the
more greedily they are swallowed, and the more devoutly believed. And
those diversities do not only bring an empty pleasure, and cheap
divertisement, but they are a good trade, and procure a comfortable
income to such priests and friars as by this craft get their gain.

To these again are related such others as attribute strange virtues to
the shrines and images of saints and martyrs, and so would make their
credulous proselytes believe, that if they pay their devotion to St.
Christopher in the morning, they shall be guarded and secured the day
following from all dangers and misfortunes. If soldiers when they
first take arms, shall come and mumble over such a set prayer before
the picture of St. Barbara, they shall return safe from all
engagements. Or if any pray to Erasmus on such particular holidays,
with the ceremony of wax candles, and other poperies, he shall in a
short time be rewarded with a plentiful increase of wealth and riches.
The Christians have now their gigantic St. George, as well as the
Pagans have their Hercules: they paint the saint on horseback, and
drawing the horse in splendid trappings, very gloriously accoutred,
they scarce refrain in a literal sense from worshipping the very beast.

What shall I say of such as cry up and maintain the cheat of pardons
and indulgences? That by these compute the time of each soul's
residence in purgatory, and assign them a longer and shorter
continuance, according as they purchase more or fewer of these paltry
pardons and saleable exemptions? Or what can be said bad enough of
others, who pretend that by the force of such magical charms, or by
the fumbling over their beads in the rehearsal of such and such
petitions, which some religious impostors invented, either for
diversion or what is more likely for advantage; they shall procure
riches, honour, pleasure, health, long life, and lusty old age, nay,
after death a sitting at the right hand of our Saviour in His kingdom.

Though as to this last part of their happiness, they care not how long
it be deferred, having scarce any appetite towards a tasting the joys
of heaven; till they are surfeited, glutted with, and can no longer
relish their enjoyments on earth. By this easy way of purchasing
pardons, any notorious highwayman, any plundering soldier, or any
bribe-taking judge, shall disburse some part of their unjust gains,
and so think all their grossest impieties sufficiently atoned for. So
many perjuries, lusts, drunkeness, quarrels, bloodsheds, cheats,
treacheries, and all sorts of debaucheries, shall all be as it were,
struck a bargain for, and such a contract made, as if they had paid
off all arrears and might now begin upon a new score.

And what can be more ridiculous, than for some others to be confident
of going to heaven by repeating daily those seven verses out of the
Psalms which the devil taught St. Bernard, thinking thereby to have
put a trick on him, but that he was overreached in his cunning.

And of all the prayers and intercessions that are made to these
respective saints the substance of them is no more than downright
folly. Among all the trophies that for tokens of gratitude are hung
upon the walls and ceilings of churches, you shall find no relics
presented as a memorandum of any that were ever cured of folly or had
been made one dram the wiser.

Almost all Christians being wretchedly enslaved to blindness and
ignorance, which the priests are so far from preventing or removing,
that they blacken the darkness, and promote delusion. Wisely forseeing
that the people, like cows, which never give down their milk so well
as when they are gently stroked, would part with less if they knew
more, their bounty only proceeding from a mistake of Charity.

Now if any wise man should stand up, and unseasonably speak the truth,
telling everyone that a pious life is the only way of securing a happy
death; that the best title to a pardon of our sins is purchased by a
hearty abhorrence of our guilt, and sincere resolutions of amendment;
that the best devotion that can be paid to any saints is to imitate
them in their exemplary life. If he should proceed thus to inform them
of their several mistakes, there would be quite another estimate put
upon tears, watchings, masses, fastings, and other severities, which
before were so much prized, as persons will now be vexed to lose that
satisfaction formerly they found in them.




THE MAKING OF BEGGARS AND THIEVES (1516).

+Source.+--Sir Thomas More, _The First Booke of Utopia_, 1516.
Cambridge Press, p. 29, l. 18.


But let us consider those things that chance daily before our eyes.
First, there is a great number of gentlemen, which cannot be content
to live idle by themselves, like drones, of that which others have
laboured for; their tenants I mean, whom they poll and shave to the
quick, by raising their rents (for this only point of frugality do
they use, men else through their lavish and prodigal spending likely
to bring them to very beggary). These gentlemen, I say, do not only
live in idleness themselves, but also carry about with them at their
tails a great flock or train of idle and loitering serving men, which
never learned any craft whereby to get their livings. These men as
soon as their master is dead, or be sick themselves, be incontinent
thrust out of doors. For gentlemen had rather keep idle persons, than
sick men, and many times the dead man's heir is not able to maintain
so great a house, and keep so many serving men as his father did. Then
in the mean season they that be thus destitute of service, either
starve for hunger, or manfully play the thieves. For what would you
have them to do? When they have wandered abroad so long, until they
have worn threadbare their apparell, and also appaired their health,
these gentlemen, because of their pale and sickly faces, and patched
coats, will not take them into service. And husbandmen dare not set
them a work, knowing well enough that he is nothing meet to do true
and faithful service to a poor man with a spade and a mattock for
small wages and hard fare, which being daintily and tenderly pampered
up in idleness and pleasure, was wont with a sword and buckler by his
side to strut through the street with a bragging look, and to think
himself too good to be any man's mate. Nay, by Saint Mary, Sir (quod
the lawyer), not so. For this kind of men must we make most of. For in
them as men of stouter stomachs, bolder spirits, and manlier courages
than handycraftsmen and plowmen be, doth consist the whole power,
strength, and puisance of our army, when we must fight in battle.
Forsooth, Sir, as well you might say (quod I) that for war's sake you
must cherish thieves. For surely you shall never lack thieves, while
you have them. No, nor thieves be not the most false and faint-hearted
soldiers, nor soldiers be not the cowardliest thieves: so well these
two crafts agree together. But this fault, though it be much used
among you, yet is it not peculiar to you only, but common also to most
nations. Yet France, besides this, is troubled and infected with a
much sorer plague. The whole realm is filled and besieged with hired
soldiers in peace time (if that be peace) which be brought in under
the same colour and pretence, that hath persuaded you to keep these
idle serving men. For these wise fools and very archdolts thought the
wealth of the whole country herein to consist, if there were ever in a
readiness a strong and sure garrison, specially of old practised
soldiers, for they put no trust at all in men unexercised. And
therefore they must be forced to seek for war, to the end they may
ever have practised soldiers and cunning manslayers, lest that (as it
is prettily said of Sallust) their hands through idleness or lack of
exercise should wax dull; but how pernicious and pestilent a thing it
is to maintain such beasts, the Frenchmen by their own harms have
learnt. For not only the kingdom but also their fields and cities by
divers occasions have been overrunned and destroyed by their own
armies beforehand had in a readiness. Now how unnecessary a thing this
is, hereby it may appear that the French soldiers, which from their
youth have been practised and inured in feates of arms, do not crack
nor advance themselves to have very often got the upper hand and
mastery of your new made and unpractised soldiers. But in this point I
will not use many words, lest perchance I may seem to flatter you.

Yet this is not only the necessary cause of stealing. There is
another, which, as I suppose, is proper and peculiar to you Englishmen
alone. Your sheep that were wont to be so meek and tame, and so small
eaters, now, as I hear say, be become so great devourers and so wild,
that they eat up, and swallow down the very men themselves. They
consume, destroy, and devour whole fields, houses and cities. For look
in what parts of the realm doth grow the finest and therefore dearest
wool, these noblemen and gentlemen, yea, and certain abbots, holy men
no doubt, not contenting themselves with the yearly revenues and
profits, that were wont to grow to their forefathers and predecessors
of their lands, nor being content that they live in rest and pleasure
nothing profiting, yea, much annoying the weal public, leave no ground
for tillage, they enclose all into pastures; they throw down houses;
they pluck down towns, and leave nothing standing, but only the church
to be made a sheep house. And as though you lost no small quantity of
ground by forests, chases, lands and parks, those good holy men turn
all dwelling places and all glebeland into desolation and wilderness.
Therefore that one covetous and insatiable cormorant may compass about
and enclose many thousand acres of ground together within one pale or
hedge, the husbandmen be thrust out of their own, or else either by
coveyn[7] and fraud or by violent oppression they be put besides it,
or by wrongs and injuries they be so wearied, that they be compelled
to sell all; by one means therefore or by other, either by hooke or
crooke they must needs depart away, poor, silly, wretched souls, men,
women, husbands, wives, fatherless children, widows, woful mothers,
with their young babes, and their whole household small in substance
and much in number, as husbandry requireth many hands. Away they
trudge, I say, out of their known and accustomed houses, finding no
place to rest in. All their household stuff, which is very little
worth, though it might well abide the sale; yet being suddenly thrust
out, they be constrained to sell it for a thing of nought. And when
they have wandered abroad till that be spent, what can they else do
but steal, and then justly pardy[8]! be hanged, or else go about a
begging. And yet then also they be cast in prison as vagabonds,
because they go about and work not: whom no man will set at work,
though they never so willingly profer themselves thereto. For one
shepherd or herdman is enough to eat up that ground with cattle, to
the occupying whereof about husbandry many hands were requisite. And
this is also the cause why victuals be now in many places dearer. Yea,
besides this the price of wool is so risen, that poor folks, which
were wont to work it and make cloth thereof, be now able to buy none
at all. And by this means very many be forced to forsake work, and to
give themselves to idleness. For after that so much ground was
inclosed for pasture, an infinite number of sheep died from the rot,
such vengeance God took of their inordinate, unsatiable covetousness,
sending among the sheep that pestiferous murrain, which much more
justly should have fallen on the sheep masters own heads. And though
the number of sheep increase never so fast, yet the price falleth not
one mite, for there be so few sellers. For they be almost all come
into a few rich mens hands, whom no need forceth to sell before they
lust, they lust not before they may sell as dear as they lust. Now the
same cause bringeth in like dearth of the other kinds of cattle, yea
and that so much the more, because that after farms plucked down and
husbandry decayed, there is no man that passeth for the breeding of
young store. For these men bring not up the young of great cattle as
they do lambs. But first they buy them abroad very cheap, and
afterward, when they be fatted in their pastures, they sell them again
exceeding dear. And therefore, I suppose, the whole incommodity hereof
is not yet felt. For yet they make dearth only in those places where
they sell. But when they shall fetch them away from thence where they
be bred faster than they can be brought up; then shall there also be
felt great dearth, store beginning then to fail, when the ware is
bought. Thus the unreasonable covetousness of a few hath turned that
thing to the utter undoing of your land, in the which thing the chief
felicity of your realm did consist. For this great dearth of victuals
causes men to keep as little houses and as small hospitality as they
possible may, and to put away their servants: whither, I pray you, but
a begging: or else (which these gentle bloods and stout stomachs will
sooner set their minds unto) a stealing?

[Footnote 7: = conspiracy.]

[Footnote 8: = pardieu.]




ENCLOSURES (1520)

+Source.+--Holinshed, p. 659.


About this time the King having regard to the common wealth of his
realm, considered how for the space of fifty years past and more, the
nobles and gentlemen of England had been given to grazing of cattle,
and keeping of sheep, and inventing a means how to increase their
yearly revenues, to the great decaying and undoing of husbandmen of
the land. For the said nobles and gentlemen, after the manner of the
Numidians, more studying how to increase their pastures, than to
maintain tillage, began to decay husband tacks[9] and tenements, and
to convert arable land into pasture, furnishing the same with beasts
and sheep, and also deer, so inclosing the field with hedges, ditches,
and pales, which they held in their own hands, ingrossing[10] wools,
and selling the same, and also sheep and beasts at their own prices,
and as might stand most with their own private commodity.

Hereof a threefold evil chanced to the commonwealth, as Polydore
noteth. One, for that thereby the number of husbandmen was sore
diminished, the which the prince useth chiefly in his service for the
wars: another for that many towns and villages were left desolate and
became ruinous: the third, for that both wool and cloth made thereof,
and the flesh of all manner of beasts used to be eaten, was sold at
far higher prices than was accustomed. These enormities at the first
beginning being not redressed, grew in short space to such force and
vigour by evil custom, that afterwards they gathered to such an united
force, that hardly they could be remedied. Much like a disease, which
in the beginning with little pain to the patient, and less labour to
the surgeon may be cured; whereas the same by delay and negligence
being suffered to putrify, becometh a desperate sore, and then are
medicines nothing available, and not to be applied. The King therefore
causing such good statutes as had been devised and established for
reformation in this behalf to be reviewed and called upon, took order
by directing forth his commissions unto the justices of peace, and
other such magistrates, that presentment should be had and made of all
such inclosures, and decay of husbandry, as had chanced within the
space of fifty years before that present time. The justices and other
magistrates, according to their commission, executed the same. And so
commandment was given, that the decayed houses should be built up
again, that the husbandmen should be placed eftsoones in the same, and
that inclosed grounds should be laid open, and sore punishment
appointed against them that disobeyed.

These so good and wholesome ordinances shortly after were defeated by
means of bribes given unto the cardinal: for when the nobles and
gentlemen which had for their pleasures imparted the common fields,
were loath to have the same again disparked, they redeemed their
vexation with good sums of money; and so had licence to keep their
parks and grounds inclosed as before.

Thus the great expectation which men had conceived of a general
redress, proved void: howbeit, some profit the husbandmen in some
parts of the realm got by the moving of this matter, where inclosures
were already laid open, ere Mistress Money could prevent them; and so
they enjoyed their commons, which before had been taken from them.

[Footnote 9: = rented farms.]

[Footnote 10: = "cornering."]




VISIT OF CHARLES V. TO ENGLAND (1522).

+Source.+--_Rutland Papers_ (Camden Society), p. 79.


_Remembrances as touching the Emperor's coming._

First, the certainty to be known how many messes[11] of meat shall be
ordered for the Emperor and his nobles at the King's charge; viii
messes, x messes more or less?

Item, how many of these messes shall be served as noblemen, and how
many otherwise.

Item, how many messes of meat shall be served for my Lord Cardinal and
his chamber at the King's charge; v or vi more or less? Or whether his
grace will be contented with a certainty of money by the day to his
diet, and cause his own officers to make provision for the same, and
to serve it.

Item, whether the emperor and his nobles shall be served with his own
diaper,[12] or else with the king's? THE EMPEROR AND HIS COURT WITH
THE KING'S.[13]

Item, whether the Emperor shall be served with his own silver vessels,
or else with the king's? AT DOVER WITH THE KING'S.[13]

Item, how many of the emperors carriages shall be at the king's
charge, and whether any parcell of the King's carriage shall be at the
King's charge or us?

Item, whether any of the great officers, as my lord Steward, Master
Treasurer, or Master Comptroller, shall give attendance upon the
Emperor at Dover or not?

Item, whether there shall be any banquetting, and in what places?
AT[14] GREENWICH, LONDON, RICHMOND, AND WINDSOR.

Item, placards to be had for the purveyors of the poultry and others.

Item, letters to be directed to the Lords both spiritual and temporal,
for fishing of their ponds for dainties.

Item, a warrant to be had and directed to Master Micklow for ready
money.

Item, to know whether the King's grace will have any of his sergeant
officers to attend upon the emperor, or yeomen for his mouth daily or
not?

Wines laid in divers places for the King and the Emperor between Dover
and London.

 Dover ii days.          {Gascon Wine.   iii dolia[15]
                         {Rhenish Wine.  i vat[16] of ii alnes.[17]

 Canterbury iiii days.   {Gascon Wine.   iii dolia.
                         {Rhenish Wine.  ii vats of v alnes.

 Sittingbourne i day.    {Gascon Wine.   i dolium.
                         {Rhenish Wine.  demy vat.

 Rochester ii meals.     {Gascon Wine.   i dolium.
                         {Rhenish Wine.  demy vat.

 Gravesend and upon      {Gascon Wine.   i dolium.
   Thames ii meals.      {Rhenish Wine.  demy vat.

 Greenwich iiii meals.   {Gascon Wine. } Plenty.
                         {Rhenish Wine.}

 To Blackfriars in       {Gascon Wine.   viii dolium.
   London viii meals.    {Rhenish Wine.  iii vats of vi alnes.

 Richmond x meals.       {Gascon Wine. } Plenty.
                         {Rhenish Wine.}

 Hampton Court.          {Gascon Wine.
                         {Rhenish Wine.

 Windsor.                {Gascon Wine. } Plenty.
                         {Rhenish Wine.}


_Remembrances for my Lord Mayor of London._

First, to assign iiii bakers within the city of London to serve the
noblemen belonging to the Emperor that be lodged in the Canons' houses
of Paules and their abbots and other places within the City.

Item, to assign the King's wax chandler to serve them of torches.

Item, to assign a tallow chandler for white lights.

Item, to assign iiii butchers for serving of oxen, sheep, calves,
hogges of gresse,[18] flitches of bacon, marrow bones, and such other
as shall be called for.

Item, to assign ii fishmongers for provision of lynges to be ready
watered, pikes, tenches, breams, caller salmon, and such other
dainties of the fresh water.

Item, to appoint ii fishmongers for provision of sea-fish.

Item, to appoint iiii poulterers to serve for the said persons of all
manner poultry.

Item, to provide into every lodging wood, coal, rushes, straw, and
such other necessaries.

Item, it is requested that there may be always two carpenters in
readiness to furnish every place with such things as shall be thought
good, as cupboards, forms, boards, trestles, bedsteads, with other
necessaries, where lack shall be.

Item, to see every lodging furnished with pewter dishes, and saucers
as shall be thought sufficient.

Item, to furnish every house with all manner kitchen stuff, if there
be any lack of such like within any of the said houses, as broches[19]
of diverse sorts, pots and pans, ladles, skimmers, gridirons, with
such other stuff as shall be named by the officers of the said
noblemen.

Item, appoint ii men to serve all manner of sauces for every lodging.

Item, to appoint ii tallow chandlers to serve for all manner of
sauces.

Item, to warn every owner of the house to put all their stuff of
household in every office against their coming to be in a readiness.

Item, the King's grocers to be appointed to serve in all manner of
spices.

Bill of fare for the ordinary dieting of the Emperor's attendants per
diem.

ccviii noblemen and gentlemen, by estimation every of them to have a
mess full furnished of this fare as followeth.

_ccviii messes._

  _The first course for dinner._        _The first course supper._
  Potage.                               Potage.
  Boiled Capon. xxxiiii-dd viii.        Chickens boiled. lxix-dd.
  Young Veal. xxxii.                    Legges of Mutton. xxi.
  Grene[20] Gese. lxix-dd iiii.         Capons. xxxiiii-dd vi.
  Kid or lamb. ciiii.                   Kid or lamb. ciiii.
  Custards. ccviii.                     Dowcettes.[22]
  Fruttour.[21] ccviii messes.

  _The second course._                  _The second course._
  Jussell.[23]                          Jelly Ipocras.[24]
  Chickens. cxxxviii-dd viiii.          Peacocks. cxxxviii-dd viii.
  Peacocks. cxxxviii-dd viii            Chickens. cxxxviii-dd viii.
  Rabbits. cxxxviii-dd viii.            Rabbits. cxxxviii-dd viii.
  Tarts. cc.                            Tarts. ccviii.

[Footnote 11: A sufficient quantity of provisions for four persons.]

[Footnote 12: Linen.]

[Footnote 13: = the answer to the question in the original written in
the margin.]

[Footnote 14: = the answer to the question in the original written in
the margin.]

[Footnote 15: = cask.]

[Footnote 16: vat = about 20 gallons.]

[Footnote 17: alne = ell: _i.e._ 45 inches. This refers to the
dimensions of the barrel.]

[Footnote 18: = fat hogs.]

[Footnote 19: = spits.]

[Footnote 20: = Goslings.]

[Footnote 21: A compôte of fruit.]

[Footnote 22: = Pasties.]

[Footnote 23: The recipe for Jussell was "grated bread, eggs, sage,
saffron and good broth."]

[Footnote 24: A kind of sweet wine.]




CARDINAL WOLSEY (1522).

"WHY COME YE NOT TO COURTE."

+Source.+--John Skelton, _Chalmers' Works of the English Poets_.
London, 1810. Vol. II., p. 274.


Once yet again
Of you I would frayne,[25]
Why come ye not to court?
To which court?
To the King's court?
Or to Hampton Court:
The king's court
Should have the excellence;
But Hampton Court
Hath the preeminence,
And Yorkes Place,[26]
With my lord's grace,
To whose magnificence
Is all the confluence,
Suits and supplications,
Embassies of all nations.
Be it sour or be it sweet
His wisdom is so discreet,
That in a fume or an heat--
"Warden of the fleet,
Set him fast by the feet!"
And of his royal power
When him list to lower,
Then, "Have him in the tower,
[27]'Saunz aulter' remedy!
Have him for the by and by
[28]To the Marshalsea,
Or to the King's bench!"
He diggeth so in the trench
Of the court royal,
That he ruleth them all.
So he doth undermine
And such sleights doth find,
That the king's mind
By him is subverted,
And so straightly cöarted[29]
In credensynge his tales,
That all is but nutshells
That any other saith;
He hath in him such faith.
And, yet all this might be,
Suffered and taken in gre[30]
If that that he wrought
To any good end were brought:
But all he bringeth to nought,
By God, that me dear bought!
He beareth the king on hand,
That he must pull his land,
To make his coffers rich.
But he layeth all in the ditch
And useth such abusion
That in the conclusion
He cometh to confusion,
Perceive the cause why,
To tell the truth plainly
He is so ambitious
And so superstitious
And so much oblivious
From whence that he came,
That he falleth into a "caeciam"[31]
Which, truly to express,
Is a forgetfulness
Or wilful blindness.
"A caecitate cordis,"
In the Latin sing we,
"Libera nos, Domine!"
But this mad Amalecke
Like to a Mamelek,
He regardeth lordes,
No more than potsherdes,[32]
He is in such elation
Of his exaltation,
And the supportation
Of our sovereign lord,
That, God to record,
He ruleth all at will
Without reason or skill,
How be it the primordial
Of his wretched original,
And his base progeny,
And his greasy genealogy,
He came of the sank[33] royal,
That was cast out of a butcher's stall.
But however he was borne,
They would have the less scorn,
If he could consider
His birth and room together,
And call to his mind
How noble and how kind
To him he hath found,
Our sovereign lord, chief ground
Of all this prelacy
And set him nobly
In great authority,
Out from a low degree
Which he cannot see.
For he was, parde![34]
Nor doctor of divinity,
Nor doctor of the law,
Nor of none other saw;[35]
But a poore master of arte,
God wot, had little parte
Of the quatrivials,[36]
Nor yet of trivials,[37]
Nor of philosophy,
Nor of philology,
Nor of good policy,
Nor of astronomy,
Nor acquainted worth a fly
With honourable Italy,
Nor with royal Ptholomy,
Nor with Albumasar
To treate of any star
Fixed or else mobile;
His Latin tongue doth hobble,
He doth but clout and cobble
In Tully's faculty
Called humanity;
Yet proudly he dare pretend
How no man can him amend
But have ye not heard this,
How an one-eyed man is
Well sighted when
He is among blind men?
[38]Than our process for to stable,
This man was full unable
To reach to such degree,
Had not our prince be
Royal Henry the eight,
Take him in such conceit,
That to set him on sight
In exemplifying
Great Alexander the King
In writing as we find;
Which of his royal mind,
And of his noble pleasure,
Transcending out of measure
Thought to do a thing
That pertaineth to a king,
To make up one of nought,
And made to him be brought
A wretched poore man
Which his living won
With planting of lekes
By the days and by the wekes,
And of this pore vassall
He made a king royal,
And gave him a realm to rule,
That occupied a shovel,
A mattock and a spade,
Before that he was made
A king, as I have told,
And ruled as he would.
Such is a king's power,
To make within an hour,
And work such a miracle,
That shall be a spectacle,
Of renown and worldly fame:
In likewise now the same
Cardinal is promoted,
Yet with lewd conditions coted,
Presumption and vain glory,
Envy, wrath, and lechery,
Covetousness and gluttony,
Slothful to do good,
Now frantick, now starke wode.[39]

[Footnote 25: Pray.]

[Footnote 26: Wolsey's Palace as Archb. of York: after his fall it
became the Royal Palace of Whitehall.]

[Footnote 27: Sans autre.]

[Footnote 28: The name of a prison.]

[Footnote 29: Restrained.]

[Footnote 30: Good will.]

[Footnote 31: Caecitatem = blindness.]

[Footnote 32: Potsherdes = broken pieces of earthenware.]

[Footnote 33: Sang (Fr.), blood.]

[Footnote 34: Pardieu.]

[Footnote 35: Sort.]

[Footnote 36: Quatrivials = astrology, geometry, arithmetic, music.]

[Footnote 37: The trivials = grammar, rhetoric, and logic.]

[Footnote 38: To make good our story.]

[Footnote 39: Mad.]




WOLSEY AND THE POPEDOM (1524).

_Cardinal Wolsey to King Henry._

FROM THE ORIGINALS LENT ME BY SIR WILLIAM COOK.


LETTER I.

+Source.+--Burnet's _History of the Reformation_, Part III.; _Collection
of Records_, Book I., No. 7.

 SIR,

It may like your highness to understand I have this hour received
letters from your Orators Resident in the court of Rome, mentioning
how the xivth day of this instant month, it pleased Almighty God to
call the Pope's Holiness to His mercy, whose soul our Lord pardon. And
in what train the matters then were at that time for election of the
future Pope, your Highness shall perceive by the letters of your said
Orators, which I send unto the same at this time, whereby appeareth
that mine absence from thence shall be the only obstacle (if any be)
in the election of me to that dignity; albeit there is no great
semblance that the college of Cardinals shall consent upon any being
there present, because of the sundry factions that be among
themselves, for which cause, though afore God, I repute myself right
unmeet and unable to so high and great dignity, desiring much rather
to demure, continue and end my life with your Grace, for doing of such
service as may be to your Honour and Wealth of this your realm, than
to be x Popes, yet nevertheless, remembering what mind and opinion
your grace was of, at the last vacation, to have me preferred
thereunto, thinking that it should be to the honour, benefit, etc.
advancement of your affairs in time coming; and supposing that your
Highness persisteth in the same mind and intent, I shall devise such
instructions, commissions and other writings, as the last time was
delivered to Mr. Pace for that purpose: And the same I shall send to
your grace by the next post, whom it may like to do farther therein as
will stand with your gracious pleasure, whereunto I shall always
conform myself accordingly. And to the intent it may appear farther to
your grace what mind and determination they be of, towards mine
advancement, which as your Orators wrote, have now at this present
time the principal authority and chief stroke in the election of the
Pope, making in manner _Triumviratum_, I send unto your Highness their
several letters to me addressed in that behalf, beseeching Our Lord
that such one may be chosen as may be to the Honour of God, the weal
of Christ's Church, and the benefit of all Christendom. And thus Jesu
preserve your most Noble and Royal Estate: At the More the last Day of
September, by

 Your most humble chaplain,
 T. CARLIS. EBOR.


LETTER II.

+Source.+--Burnet's _History of the Reformation_, Vol. III.; _Collection
of Records_, Part I., No. 8.

 SIR,

It may like your Grace to understand that ensuing the tenor of my
letter sent unto your Highness yesterday, I have devised such
Commissions and Letters to be sent unto your counsellors the Bishop of
Bath, Mr. Richard Pace, and Mr. Thomas Hanibal, jointly and severally,
as at the last time of vacation of the Papal Dignity were delivered
unto the said Mr. Richard Pace; for the Preferment either of me, or
that failing of the Cardinal de Medici unto the same, which letters
and commissions if it stand with your gracious pleasure to have that
matter set forth, it may like your Highness of your benign Grace and
Goodness to sign, so to be sent to the Court of Rome in such diligence
as the importance of the same, with the brevity of the time doth
necessarily require. And to the intent also that the Emperor may the
more effectually and speedily concur with your Highness for the
furtherance hereof, albeit, I suppose verily that ensuing the
Conference and Communications which he hath had with your Grace in
that behalf, he hath not praetermitted before this time to advance the
same, yet nevertheless for the more acceleration of this furtherance
to be given thereunto, I have also devised a familiar letter in the
name of your grace to be directed unto his Majesty, which if it may
please your Highness to take the pain for to write with your own hand,
putting thereunto your secret sign and mark, being between your Grace
and the said Emperor, shall undoubtedly do singular benefit and
furtherance to your gracious Intent and virtuous purpose in that
behalf. Beseeching Almighty God that such effect may ensue thereof, as
may be in his pleasure, the contentation of your highness, the weal
and exaltation of your most Royal estate, realm, and affairs, and
howsoever the matter shall chance, I shall no less knowledge myself
obliged and bounden far above any my deserts unto your Highness, than
if I had attained the same, whereunto I would never in thought aspire,
but to do honour good and service unto your Noble Person and this your
Realm. And thus Jesu preserve your most Noble and Royal Estate, at the
More the first day of October, by

 Your most humble chaplain,
 T. CARLIS. EBOR.




WOLSEY AND THE KING'S MARRIAGE (1527).

_A Part of Cardinal Wolsey's Letter to the King._

+Source.+--Burnet's _History of the Reformation_, Part III., Book I.;
_Collection of Records_, Number 12.


We daily and hourly musing and thinking on your Grace's great and
secret affair, and how the same may come to good effect and desired
end, as well for the deliverance of your Grace out of the thrauld,[40]
pensive, and dolorous life that the same is in, as for the continuance
of your health and the surety of your realm and succession,
considering also that the Pope's consent, or his Holiness detained in
captivity, the authority of the cardinals now to be convoked into
France equivalent thereunto, must concur for approbation of such
process as I shall make in that behalf; and that if the Queen shall
fortune, which it is to be supposed she will do, either appeal or
utterly decline from my Jurisdiction (one of the said authorities is
also necessarily requisite). I have none other thought nor study but
how in available manner the same may be attained. And after long
discussion and debating with myself, I finally am reduced and resolved
to two points; the one is that the Pope's consent cannot be obtained
and had in this case, unless his deliverance out of captivity be first
procured; the other is that the Cardinals can nothing do in this
behalf, unless there be by them consultation and order taken, what
shall be done _in Administratione rerum Ecclesiasticarum durante dicta
captivitate summi Pontificis_.

As touching the restitution of the Pope to liberty, the state of the
present affairs considered the most prompt sure and ready way is, by
conclusion of the peace betwixt the Emperor and the French King: for
the advancement and setting forward whereof I shall put myself in
extreme devour, and by all possible means induce and persuade the said
French King to strain himself and condescend to as much of the
Emperor's demands as may stand with reason and surety of his and your
Grace's affairs; moving him further, that forasmuch as the Emperor
taketh your Highness as a Mediator making fair demonstration in words,
that he will at your contemplation and arbitre, not only declare the
bottom of his mind concerning his demand, but also remit and relent in
the same, he will be contented that your Grace forbearing the
intimation of hostility may in the managing of the said Peace and
inducing the Emperor to reasonable conditions, be so taken and reputed
of him, without any outward declaration to the contrary until such
time as the conducing of the said peace shall be clearly desperate.
Whereby if the said French King can be induced thereunto, may in the
mean season use the benefit of their intercourse in the Emperor's
Low-Countries: not omitting nevertheless for the time of soliciting
the said peace, the diligent zeal and effectual execution of the sword
by Monsieur de Lautrek in the parties of Italy: whereby your Grace's
said mediation shall be the more set by and regarded.

And in case the said peace cannot be by these means brought to effect,
whereupon might ensue the Pope's deliverance, by whose authority and
consent your Grace's affair should take most sure honourable effectual
and substantial end, and who I doubt not considering your Grace's
gratitude, would facilely be induced to do all things therein that
might be to your Grace's good satisfaction and purpose, then and in
that case there is none other remedy but the Convocation of the said
Cardinals; who as I am informed will not nor can conveniently converse
in any other place but at Avignon, where the Administration of the
Ecclesiastical jurisdiction hath been in semblable cases heretofore
exercised. To the which place if the said Cardinals can be induced to
come, your Highness being so contented, I purpose also to repair, not
sparing any labour, travail or pain in my body, charges or expense, to
do service unto your Grace in that behalf; according to that most
bounden duty and hearty desire, there to consult and devise with them
for the governance and administration of the authority of the Church
during the said captivity: which shall be a good ground and fundament
for the effectual execution of your Grace's secret affair.

And forasmuch as thus repairing to Avignon I shall be near to the
Emperor's confines, and within an hundred miles of Perpinian, which is
a commodious and convenient place to commune and treat with the
Emperor's person, I think in my poor opinion that the conducing of
peace by your Grace's mediation not being desperate, nor intimation of
hostility made on your behalf, it should much confer as well for the
deliverance of the Pope, as for concluding of the Peace between the
French King and the Emperor, if his Majesty can be so contented that a
meeting might be between him, my Lady the French king's mother, and me
at the said Perpinian; to the which....

(_The rest of this letter has been lost._)

[Footnote 40: Enslaved.]




WILLIAM TYNDALE ON THE TRANSLATION OF THE SCRIPTURES (1528).

+Source.+--Tyndale's _Obedience of a Christian Man and how Christian
Rulers ought to Govern_, 1528, p. 12.


That thou mayest perceive how that the Scripture ought to be in the
mother tongue, and that the reasons which our spirits make for the
contrary are but sophistry and false wiles to fear thee from the
light, that thou mightest follow them blindfold and be their captive
to honour their ceremonies and to offer to their belly.

First God gave the children of Israel a law by the hand of Moses in
their mother tongue, and all the prophets wrote in their mother
tongue, and all the psalms were in the mother tongue. And there was
Christ but figured and described in ceremonies, in riddles, in
parables and in dark prophecies. What is the cause that we may not
have the Old Testament with the New also, which is the light of the
old, and wherein is openly declared before the eyes that there was
darkly prophesied? I can imagine no cause verily, except it be that we
should not see the work of Antichrist and juggling of hypocrites. What
should be the cause that we which walk in the broad day should not see
as well as they that walked in the night, or that we should not see as
well at noon as they did in the twilight? Came Christ to make the
world more blind? By this means, Christ is the darkness of the world,
and not the light as he saith himself, John viii.

Moreover, Moses saith, Deutero. vi, "Hear, Israel, let these words
which I command thee this day stick fast in thine heart, and whet them
on thy children, and talk of them as thou sittest in thine house and
as thou walkest by the way and when thou liest down and when thou
risest up, and bind them for a token of thine hand, and let them be a
remembrance between thine eyes, and write them on the posts and gates
of thine house." This was commanded generally unto all men. How cometh
it that God's word pertaineth less unto us than unto them? Yea, how
cometh it that our Moseses forbid us and command us the contrary, and
threat us if we do, and will not that we once speak of God's word? How
can we whet God's word (that is put in practise, use and exercise)
upon our children and household, when we are violently kept from it
and know it not? How can we (as Peter commandeth) give a reason for
our hope, when we wot not what it is that God hath promised or what to
hope? Moses also commandeth in the said chapter: if the son ask what
the testimonies, laws and observances of the Lord mean, that the
father teach him. If our children ask what our ceremonies (which are
no more than the Jewses were) mean, no father can tell his son. And in
the xi chapter he repeateth all again, for fear of forgetting.

They will say haply "the Scripture requireth a pure mind and a quiet
mind. And therefore the lay-man, because he is altogether cumbered
with worldly business, cannot understand them." If that be the cause,
then it is a plain case that our prelates understand not the
Scriptures themselves. For no lay-man is so tangled with worldly
business as they are. The great things of the world are ministered by
them. Neither do the lay people any great thing but at their
assignment.

"If the Scripture were in the mother tongue," they will say, "then
would the lay people understand it every man after his own ways."
Wherefore serveth the curate but to teach them the right way?
Wherefore were the holidays made but that the people should come and
learn? Are ye not abominable schoolmasters in that ye take so great
wages, if ye will not teach? If ye would teach, how could ye do it so
well and with so great profit as when the lay people have the
Scripture before them in their mother tongue? For then should they
see, by the order of the text, whether thou juggledest or not. And
then would they believe it because it is the Scripture of God, though
thy living be never so abominable. Where now, because your living and
your preaching are so contrary and because they grope out in every
sermon your open and manifest lies and smell your unsatiable
covetousness, they believe you not when you preach truth. But alas,
the curates themselves (for the most part) wot no more what the New or
Old Testament meaneth than do the Turks. Neither know they of any more
than that they read at masse, matins, and evensong, which yet they
understand not. Neither care they but even to mumble up so much every
day (as the pie and popinjay speak they wot not what) to fill their
bellies with all. If they will not let the lay-man have the word of
God in his mother tongue, yet let the priests have it, which, for a
great part of them, do understand no Latin at all; but sing and say
and patter all day with the lips only that which the heart
understandeth not.




ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS OF THE BIBLE BURNT (1529).

+Source.+--Edward Hall's _Henry VIII_. Grafton's Edition, 1548.[41]


Here is to be remembered, that at this present time, William Tindale
had newly translated and imprinted the New Testament in English, and
the Bishop of London, not pleased with the translation thereof,
debated with himself, how he might compass and devise to destroy that
false and erroneous translation, (as he said). And so it happened that
one Augustine Packington, a Mercer and Merchant of London, and of
great honesty, the same time was in Antwerp, where the Bishop then
was, and this Packington was a man that highly favoured William
Tindale, but to the bishop utterly showed himself to the contrary. The
bishop desirous to have his purpose brought to pass, communed of the
New Testament, and how gladly he would buy them. Packington then
hearing that he wished for, said unto the bishop, my Lord, if it be
your pleasure, I can in this matter do more, I dare say, than most of
the Merchants of England that are here, for I know the Dutchmen and
strangers, that have bought them of Tyndale, and have them here to
sell, so that if it be your lordship's pleasure, to pay for them (for
otherwise I cannot come by them, but I must disburse money for them) I
will then assure you, to have every book of them, that is imprinted
and is here unsold. The Bishop thinking that he had God by the toe,
when indeed he had (as after he thought) the Devil by the fist, said,
gentle Master Packington, do your diligence and get them, and with all
my heart I will pay for them, whatsoever they cost you, for the books
are erroneous and naughty, and I intend surely to destroy them all,
and to burn them at Paul's Cross. Augustine Packington came to William
Tyndale and said, William I know thou art a poor man, and hast a heap
of new Testaments and books by thee for the which thou hast both
endangered thy friends, and beggared thyself, and I have now gotten
thee a Merchant, which with ready money shall dispatch thee of all
that thou hast, if you think it so profitable for yourself. Who is the
merchant, said Tyndale. The bishop of London, said Packington. O that
is because he will burn them, said Tyndale. Yea Mary, quod Packington.
I am the gladder, said Tyndale, for these two benefits shall come
thereof, I shall get money of him for these books, to bring myself out
of debt, and the whole world shall cry out upon the burning of God's
word. And the overplus of the money that shall remain to me, shall
make me more studious, to correct the said New Testament, and so newly
to imprint the same once again, and I trust the second will much
better like you, than ever did the first: And so forward went the
bargain, the bishop had the books, Packington the thanks, and Tyndale
had the money. Afterwards, when more new Testaments were imprinted,
they came thick and threefold into England. The bishop of London
hearing that still there were so many New Testaments abroad, sent for
Augustine Packington and said unto him: Sir, how cometh this that
there are so many New Testaments abroad, and you promised and assured
me that you had bought all? Then said Packington, I promise you I
bought all that there was to be had: but I perceive they have made
more since, and it will never be better, as long as they have the
letters and stamps; therefore it were best for your lordship, to buy
the stamps too, and then are you sure: the bishop smiled at him and
said, Well Packington, well. And so ended this matter.

[Footnote 41: No reference has been given to the paging, as it is
improbable that readers will have access to the Grafton Edition.
Should there be need for further reference to Hall's Life, no
difficulty will be found, as in all editions each year has a separate
chapter.]




TWO LETTERS WRITTEN BY KING HENRY TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, FOR
THEIR OPINION IN THE CAUSE OF HIS MARRIAGE (1529).


LETTER I. BY THE KING.

+Source.+--Burnet's _History of the Reformation_, Book III.;
_Collection of Records_, Book II. No 17.

Trusty and well beloved subjects, we greet you well. And whereas we
have, for an high and weighty cause of ours, not only consulted many
and substantial well learned men within our Realm and without, for
certain considerations our conscience moving, we think it also very
convenient to feel the minds of you amongst you in our University of
Oxenford, which be erudite in the faculty of Divinity, to the intent
we may perceive of what conformity ye be with the others, which
marvellously both wisely and substantially have declared to us their
intent and mind: not doubting but that ye for the allegiance and
fidelity that ye are bound unto us in, will as sincerely and truly
without any abuse declare your minds and conscience in this behalf, as
any of the other have done. Wherefore we will and command you, that ye
not leaning to wilful and sinister opinions of your own several minds,
not giving credence to misreports and sinister opinions or
persuasions, considering we be your sovereign Liege Lord, totally
giving your true mind and affection to the true overture of Divine
learning in this behalf, do shew and declare your true and just
learning in the said cause, like as ye will abide by; wherein ye shall
not only please Almighty God, but also us your Liege Lord. And we for
your so doing shall be to you and our University there so good and
gracious a Sovereign Lord for the same, as ye shall perceive it well
employed to your well fortune to come; in case you do not uprightly
according to Divine Learning hand yourselves herein, ye may be
assured, that we, not without great cause, shall so quickly and
sharply look to your unnatural misdemeanour herein, that it shall not
be to your quietness and ease hereafter. Wherefore we heartily pray
you, that according both to Duty to God and your Prince, you set apart
all untrue and sinister informations, and accommodate yourselves to
mere truth as it becometh true subjects to do; assuring you that those
that do, shall be esteemed and set forth, and the contrary neglected
and little set by: trusting that now you know our mind and pleasure,
we shall see such conformity among you, that we shall hereof take
great consolation and comfort, to the great allegement of our
conscience; willing and commanding you among you to give perfect
credence to my Lord of Lincoln our Confessor in this behalf and
matter: and in all things which he shall declare unto you or cause to
be declared in our behalf, to make unto us either by him or the
authentic letters full answer and resolution, which, your duties
well-remembered, we doubt not but that it shall be our high contention
and pleasure.

 Given under, etc.


LETTER II. BY THE KING.

Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. And of late being
informed, to our no little marvel and discontentation, that a great
part of the youth of that our University with contentious factions and
manner, daily combining together, neither regarding their duty to us
their Sovereign Lord, nor yet conforming themselves to the opinions
and orders of the virtuous, wise, sage, and profound learned men of
that University, wilfully to stick upon the opinion to have a great
number of regents and non-regents to be associate unto the doctors,
proctors, and Bachelors of Divinity, for the determination of our
question; which we believe hath not been often seen, that such a
number of right small learning in regard to the other, should be
joined with so famous a sort, or in a manner stay their seniors in so
weighty a cause: which as we think should be no small dishonour to our
University there, but most especially to you the seniors and rulers of
the same, assuring you that this their unnatural and unkind demeanour
is not only right much to our displeasure, but much to be marvelled
of, upon what ground and occasion they being our mere subjects, should
show themselves more unkind and wilful in this matter, than all other
universities both in this and in all other regions do. Finally, we
trusting in the dexterity and wisdom of you and other the said
discreet and substantial learned men of that University, be in perfect
hope, that ye will condemn and frame the said young persons unto good
order and conformity, as it becometh you to do. Wherefore we be
desirous to hear with incontinent diligence, and doubt you not we
shall regard the demeanour of everyone of the University, according to
their merits and deserts. And if the youth of the University will play
masteries, as they begin to do, we doubt not but that they shall well
perceive that _non est bonum irritare crabrones_.

 Given under, etc.




CARDINAL CAMPEGGIO'S JUDGMENT ON THE DIVORCE OF QUEEN KATHARINE (1529).

+Source.+--Cavendish's _Life of Wolsey_, p. 229.


"I will give no judgement herein until I have made relation unto the
Pope of all our proceedings, whose counsel and commandment in this
high case I will observe. The case is too high and notable known
throughout the world, for us to give any hasty judgement, considering
the highness of the persons and the doubtful allegations; and also
whose commissioners we be, and under whose authority we sit here. It
was therefore reason, that we should make our chief head of counsel in
the same, before we proceed to judgement definitive. I come not so far
to please any man, for fear, meed, or favour, be he king or any other
potentate. I have no such respect to the persons that I will offend my
conscience. I will not for favour or displeasure of any high estate or
mighty prince do that thing that should be against the law of God. I
am an old man, both sick and impotent, looking daily for death. What
should it then avail me to put my soul in the danger of God's
displeasure, to my utter damnation, for the favour of any prince or
high estate in this world? My coming and being here is only to see
justice ministered according to my conscience, as I thought thereby
the matter either good or bad. And for as much as I do understand, and
having perceivance by the allegations and negations in this matter
laid for both the parties, that the truth in this case is very
doubtful to be known, and also that the party defendant will make no
answer thereunto, but doth rather appeal from us, supposing that we be
not indifferent, considering the king's high dignity and authority
within his own realm which he hath over his own subjects; and we being
his subjects, and having our livings and dignities in the same, she
thinketh that we cannot minister true and indifferent justice for fear
of his displeasure. Therefore to avoid all these ambiguities and
obscure doubts, I intend not to damn my soul for no prince nor
potentate alive. I will therefore, God willing, wade no farther in
this matter, unless I have the just opinion and judgement, with the
assent of the pope, and such other of his counsel as hath more
experience and learning in such doubtful laws than I have. Wherefore I
will adjourn this court for this time, according to the order of the
court in Rome, from whence this court and jurisdiction is derived. And
if we should go further than our commission doth warrant us, it were
folly and vain, and much to our slander and blame; and we might be
accounted the same breakers of this order of the higher court from
whence we have (as I said) our original authorities."




ANNE BOLEYN'S HATRED OF WOLSEY (1529).

+Source.+--Cavendish's _Life of Wolsey_ (published by Harding and
Lepard, 1827), p. 241.


And as I[42] heard it reported by them that waited upon the king at
dinner, that Mistress Anne Boleyn was much offended with the King, as
far as she durst, that he so gently entertained my lord, saying, as
she sat with the King at dinner, in communication of him, "Sir," quoth
she, "is it not a marvellous thing to consider what debt and danger
the cardinal hath brought you in with all your subjects?" "How so,
sweetheart?" quoth the King. "Forsooth," quoth she, "there is not a
man in all your realm, worth five pounds, but he hath indebted you
unto him," (meaning by a loan that the king had but late of his
subjects). "Well, well," quoth the King, "as for that there is in him
no blame; for I know that matter better than you, or any other." "Nay,
Sir," quoth she, "besides all that, what things hath he wrought within
this realm to your great slander and dishonour? There is never a
nobleman within this realm that if he had done but half so much as he
hath done, but he were well worthy to lose his head. If my Lord of
Norfolk, my Lord of Suffolk, my lord my father, or any other noble
person within your realm, had done much less than he, but they should
have lost their heads ere this." "Why, then, I perceive," quoth the
king, "ye are not the Cardinal's friend?" "Forsooth, Sir," then quoth
she, "I have no cause, nor any other that loveth your grace, no more
have your grace if ye consider well his doings."

[Footnote 42: "I" refers to Cavendish, who was Wolsey's Gentleman Usher.]




WOLSEY'S FALL (1529).

+Source.+--Cavendish's _Life of Wolsey_, p. 246.


After Cardinal Campeggio was thus departed and gone, Michaelmas Term
drew near, against the which my lord returned unto his house at
Westminster; and when the Term began, he went to the Hall in such like
sort and gesture as he was wont most commonly to do, and sat in the
Chancery, being Chancellor. After which day he never sat there more.
The next day he tarried at home, expecting the coming of the Dukes of
Suffolk and Norfolk, who came not that day: but the next day they came
thither unto him: to whom they declared how the king's pleasure was
that he should surrender and deliver up the great seal into their
hands, and to depart simply unto Asher, (Esher) a house situate nigh
Hampton Court, belonging to the Bishoprick of Winchester. My lord,
understanding their message, demanded of them what commission they had
to give him any such commandment, who answered him again, that they
were sufficient commissioners in that behalf, having the King's
commandment by his mouth so to do. "Yet," quoth he, "that is not
sufficient for me, without further commandment of the King's pleasure;
for the great seal of England was delivered me by the King's own
person, to enjoy during my life, with the ministration of the office
and high room of Chancellorship of England: for my surety whereof, I
have the King's letters patent to show." Which matter was greatly
debated between the Dukes and him, with many stout words between them;
whose words and checks he took in patience for the time; in so much
that the dukes were fain to depart again, without their purpose at
that present: and returned again unto Windsor to the King: and what
report they made I cannot tell; howbeit the next day they came again
from the King, bringing with them the King's letters. After the
receipt and reading of the same by my lord, which was done with much
reverence, he delivered unto them, the great seal, contented to obey
the King's high commandment: and seeing that the King's pleasure was
to take his house, with the contents, was well pleased simply to
depart to Asher, taking nothing but only some provision for his house.




A LETTER WRITTEN BY CARDINAL WOLSEY TO
DR. STEPHEN GARDNER (1530).

+Source.+--Cavendish's _Life of Wolsey_ (published by Harding and
Lepard, 1827), p. 474.


 MY OWN GOOD MASTER SECRETARY,

After my most hearty commendations I pray you at the reverence of God
to help, that expedition be used in my pursuits, the delay whereof so
replenisheth my heart with heaviness, that I can take no rest; not for
any vain fear, but only for the miserable condition that I am
presently in, and likelihood to continue in the same, unless that you,
in whom is my assured trust do help and relieve me therein; For first,
continuing here in this moist and corrupt air, being entered into the
passion of the dropsy, _Cum prostatione appetitus et continuo
insomnio_. I cannot live: Wherefore of necessity I must be removed to
some other dryer air and place, where I may have commodity of
physicians. Secondly, having but Yorke, which is now decayed, by £800
by the year, I cannot tell how to live, and keep the poor number of
folks which I now have, my houses there be in decay, and of everything
meet for household unprovided and furnished. I have no apparel for my
houses there, nor money to bring me thither, nor to live with till the
propice time of the year shall come to remove thither. These things
considered, Mr. Secretary, must needs make me in agony and heaviness,
mine age therewith and sickness considered, alas Mr. Secretary, ye
with other my lords showed me, that I should otherwise be furnished
and seen unto, ye know in your learning and conscience, whether I
should forfeit my spiritualities of Winchester or no. Alas! the
qualities of mine offences considered, with the great punishment and
loss of goods that I have sustained, ought to move pitiful hearts; and
the most noble king, to whom if it would please you of your charitable
goodness to show the premises after your accustomed wisdom and
dexterity, it is not to be doubted, but his highness would have
consideration and compassion, augmenting my living, and appointing
such thing as should be convenient for my furniture, which to do shall
be to the king's high honour, merit, and discharge of conscience, and
to you great praise for the bringing of the same to pass for your old
bringer up and loving friend. This kindness exhibited from the king's
highness shall prolong my life for some little while, though it shall
not be long, by the means whereof his grace shall take profit, and by
my death not. What is it to his Highness to give some convenient
portion out of Winchester, and St. Albans, his Grace taking with my
hearty good will the residue. Remember, good Mr. Secretary, my poor
degree, and what service I have done, and how now approaching to
death, I must begin the world again. I beseech you therefore, moved
with pity and compassion, succour me in this my calamity, and to your
power which I know is great, relieve me; and I with all mine shall not
only ascribe this my relief unto you, but also pray to God for the
increase of your honour, and as my poor shall increase, so I shall not
fail to requite your kindness. Written hastily at Asher,[43] with the
rude and shaking hand of

 Your daily bedesman
 and assured friend,
 T. CARLIS EBOR.

 To the right honourable
 and my assured friend, Master Secretary.

[Footnote 43: Esher.]




THE KING'S LAST LETTER TO THE POPE (1532).

+Source.+--Burnet's _History of the Reformation_, Part I.; _Collection
of Records_, Book II. xlii.


"After most humble commendations, and most devout kissing of your
blessed feet. Albeit that we have hitherto deferred to make answer to
those letters dated at Bonony, the 7th day of October; which letters
of late were delivered unto us by Paul of Casali. Yet when they appear
to be written for this cause, that we deeply considering the contents
of the same, should provide for the tranquillity of our own
conscience, and should purge such scruples and doubts conceived of our
cause of Matrimony. We could neither neglect those letters sent for
such a purpose, nor after that we had diligently examined and
perpended the effects of the same, which we did very diligently,
noting, conferring and revolving every thing in them contained, with
deep study of mind, pretermit nor leave to answer unto them. For since
that your Holiness seemeth to go about that thing chiefly, which is to
vanquish those doubts, and to take away inquietations which daily do
prick our conscience: and insomuch as it doth appear at the first
sight to be done of zeal, love and piety, we therefore do thank you of
your good will. Howbeit since it is not performed in deed, that you
pretend, we have thought it expedient to require your Holiness to
provide us other remedies: wherefore forasmuch as your Holiness would
vouchsafe to write unto us concerning this matter, we heartily thank
you greatly lamenting also both the chance of your Holiness and also
ours, unto whom both twain it hath chanced in so high a matter of so
great moment to be frustrated and deceived: that is to say, that your
Holiness not being instructed, nor having knowledge of the matter, of
your self should be compelled to hang upon the judgement of others,
and so put forth and make answers, gathered of other men, being
variable and repugnant among themselves. And that we being so long
sick and exagitate with this same sore, should so long time in vain
look for remedy: which when we have augmented our aegritude and
distress, by delay and protracting of time, you do so cruciate the
patient and afflicted as who seeth it should much avail to protract
the cause, and thorough vain hope of the end of our desire to lead us
whither you will. But to speak plainly to your Holiness; forasmuch as
we have suffered many injuries, which with great difficulty we do
sustain and digest; albeit that among all things passed by your
Holiness, some cannot be laid, alleged, nor objected against your
Holiness, yet in many of them some default appeareth to be in you,
which I would to God we could so diminish as it might appear no
default; but it cannot be hid, which is so manifest and though we
could say nothing, the thing itself speaketh. But as to that that is
affirmed in your letters, both of God's law, and man's, otherwise than
is necessary and truth, let that be ascribed to the temerity and
ignorance of your Counsellors, and your Holiness to be without all
default save only for that you do not admit more discreet and learned
men to be your Counsellors, and stop the mouths of them which
liberally would speak the truth. This truly is your default, and
verily a great fault, worthy to be alienated and abhorred of Christ's
Vicar, in that you have dealt so variably, yea, rather so inconstantly
and deceivably. Be ye not angry with my words and let it be lawful for
me to speak the truth without displeasure; if your Holiness shall be
displeased with that we do rehearse, impute no default in us, but in
your own deeds, which deeds have so molested and troubled us
wrongfully that we speak now unwillingly, and as enforced thereunto.
Never was there any prince so handled by a Pope, as your Holiness hath
intreated us. First when our cause was proponed to your Holiness, when
it was explicated and declared afore the same; when certain doubts in
it were resolved by your Counsellors, and all things discussed, it was
required that answer might be made thereunto by the order of the Law.
There was offered a commission, with a promise also that the same
commission should not be revoked; and whatsoever sentence should be
given, should straight without delay be confirmed. The judges were
sent unto us, the promise was delivered to us, subscribed with your
Holiness' hand; which avouched to confirm the sentence and not to
revoke the Commission, nor grant anything else that might let the
same; and finally to bring us in a greater hope, a certain Commission
Decretal, defining the cause, was delivered to the Judges' hands. If
your Holiness did grant us all these things justly, you did injustly
revoke them; and if by good and truth the same was granted, they were
not made frustrate or annihilate without fraud; so as if there were no
deceit nor fraud in the revocation, then how wrongfully and subtly
have been done those things that have been done! Whether will your
Holiness say, that you might do those things that you have done, or
that you might not do them? If you will say that you might do them,
where then is the faith which becometh a friend, yea, and much more a
Pope to have those things not being performed, which lawfully were
promised? And if you will say that you might not do them, have we not
then very just cause to mistrust those medicines and remedies with
which in your letters you go about to heal our conscience, especially
in that we may perceive and see those remedies to be prepared for us,
not to relieve the sickness and disease of our mind, but for other
means, pleasures and worldly respects? And as it should seem
profitable that we should ever continue in hope or despair, so always
the remedy is attempted; so that we being always a-healing, and never
healed, should be sick still. And this truly was the chief cause why
we did consult and take the advice of every learned man, being free
without all affection, that the truth (which now with our labour and
study we seem partly to have attained) by their judgements more
manifestly divulged, we might more at large perceive; whose judgements
and opinions it is easy to see how much they differ from that, that
those few men of yours do shew unto you, and by those your letters is
signified. Those few men of yours do affirm the prohibition of our
marriage to be inducted only by the law positive, as your Holiness has
also written in your letters; but all others say the prohibition to be
inducted, both by the law of God and Nature. Those men of yours do
suggest, that it may be dispensed for avoiding all slanders. The
others utterly do contend, that by no means it is lawful to dispense
with that, that God and Nature have forbidden. We do separate from our
cause the authority of the See Apostolic, which we do perceive to be
destitute of that learning whereby it should be directed; and because
your Holiness doth ever profess your ignorance and is wont to speak of
other men's mouths, we do confer the sayings of those, with the
sayings of them that be of the contrary opinion; for to confer the
reasons it were too long. But now the Universities of Cambridge,
Oxford in our realms; Paris, Orleans, Biturisen,[44] Andegavon[45] in
France; and Bonony[46] in Italy, by one consent; and also divers other
of the most famous and learned men, being freed from all affection,
and only moved in respect of verity, partly in Italy, and partly in
France, do affirm the Marriage of the brother with the brother's wife
to be contrary both to the Law of God and Nature, and also do
pronounce that no dispensation can be lawful or available to any
Christian man in that behalf. But others think the contrary by whose
counsels your Holiness hath done that, that since you have confessed
you could not do, in promising to us as we have above rehearsed, and
giving that Commission to the Cardinal Campeggio to be shewed unto us;
and after, if it so should seem profitable to burn it, as afterwards
it was done indeed as we have perceived. Furthermore, those which so
do moderate the power of your Holiness, that they do affirm that the
same cannot take away the Appellation which is used by man's law and
yet is available to Divine matters everywhere without distinction. No
princes heretofore have more highly esteemed, nor honoured the See
Apostolic than we have, wherefore we be the more sorry to be provoked
to this contention which to our usage and nature is most alienate and
abhorred. Those things so cruel we write very heavily, and more glad
would have been to have been silent if we might, and would have left
your authority untouched with a good will and constrained to seek the
verity, we fell, against our will into this contention, but the
sincerity of the truth prohibited us to keep silence and what should
we do in so great and many perplexities! For truly if we should obey
the letters of your Holiness in that they do affirm that we know to be
otherwise, we should offend God and our conscience and we should be a
great slander to them that do the contrary, which be a great number,
as we have before rehearsed. Also, if we should dissent from those
things which your Holiness doth pronounce we would account it not
lawful, if there were not a cause to defend the fact as we now do,
being compelled by necessity, lest we should seem to contemn the
Authority of the See Apostolic. Therefore, your Holiness ought to take
it in good part though we do somewhat at large and more liberally
speak in this cause which does so oppress us, especially forasmuch as
we pretend none atrocity, nor use no rhetoric in the exaggerating and
increasing the indignity of the matter; but if I speak of anything
that toucheth the quick, it proceedeth of the mere verity, which we
cannot nor ought not to hide in this cause, for it toucheth not
worldly things but divine, not frail but eternal; in which things no
feigned, false nor painted reasons, but only the truth shall obtain
and take place; and God is the truth to whom we are bound to obey
rather than to men; and nevertheless we cannot but obey unto men also,
as we were wont to do, unless there be an express cause why we should
not, which by those our letters we now do to your Holiness, and we do
it with charity, not intending to spread it abroad nor yet further to
impugn your authority, unless you do compel us; albeit also, that that
we do, doth not impugn your authority, but confirmeth the same, which
we revocate to its first foundations; and better it is in the middle
way to return than always to run forth headlong and do ill. Wherefore
if your Holiness do regard or esteem the tranquillity of our mind, let
the same be established with verity which hath been brought to light
by the consent of so many learned men; so shall your Holiness reduce
and bring us to a certainty and quietness, and shall deliver us from
all anxiety, and shall provide both for us and our realm and finally
shall do your office and duty. The residue of our affairs we have
committed to our Ambassadors to be propounded unto you, to whom we
beseech your Holiness to give credence, etc."

[Footnote 44: Bourges.]

[Footnote 45: Anjou.]

[Footnote 46: Bologna.]




THE SUBMISSION OF THE CLERGY AND RESTRAINT OF APPEALS (1534).

+Source.+--25 H. VIII. cap. 19. (_Statutes of the Realm_, III 469.)


... And be it further enacted by authority aforesaid, that from the
Feast of Easter, which shall be in the year of our Lord God, 1534, no
manner of appeals shall be had, provoked, or made out of this realm,
or out of any of the King's Dominions, to the Bishop of Rome, nor to
the See of Rome, in any causes or matters happening to be in
contention, and having their commencement or beginning in any of the
courts within this realm, or within any of the King's dominions, of
what nature, condition, or quality soever they be of; but that all
manner of appeals, of what nature or condition soever they be of, or
what cause or matter soever they concern, shall be made and had by the
parties agreed, or having cause of appeal, after such manner, form and
condition, as is limited for appeals to be had and prosecuted within
this realm in causes of matrimony, tithes, oblations and observations,
by a statute made and established since the beginning of this present
Parliament, and according to the form and effect of the said statute:
any usage, custom, prescription or any thing or things to the contrary
hereof notwithstanding.

And for lack of justice at or in any the courts of the Archbishops of
this realm, or in any the king's dominions, it shall be lawful to the
parties grieved to appeal to the King's Majesty in the King's Court of
Chancery; and that upon every such appeal, a commission shall be
directed under the great seal to such persons as shall be named under
the King's Highness, his heirs or successors, like as in case of
appeal from the Admiral's Court, to hear and definitely determine such
appeals and the causes concerning the same. Which commissioners, or
appointed, shall have full power and authority to hear and so by the
King's Highness, his heirs or successors, to be named definitively
determine every such appeal, with the causes and all circumstances
concerning the same; and that such judgement and sentence as the said
commissioners shall make and decree, in and upon any such appeal,
shall be good and effectual, and also definitive; and no further
appeals to be had or made from the said commissioners for the same.




THE ECCLESIASTICAL APPOINTMENTS ACT. THE ABSOLUTE RESTRAINT OF
ANNATES, ELECTION OF BISHOPS AND LETTERS MISSIVE ACT (1534).

+Source.+--25 H. VIII. cap. 21. (_Statutes of the Realm_, III. 462.)


And for as much as in the said Act it is not only plainly and
certainly expressed in what manner and fashion archbishops and bishops
shall be elected, presented, invested, and consecrated within this
realm and in all other the King's Dominions; be it now therefore
enacted by the King our sovereign Lord, by the assent of the Lords
spiritual and temporal, and the Commons, in this Present Parliament
assembled, and by the authority of the same, that the said Act, and
everything herein contained shall be and stand in strength, virtue,
and effect; except only, that no person or persons hereafter shall be
presented, nominated, or commended to the said Bishop of Rome,
otherwise called the Pope, or to the See of Rome, to or for the
dignity or office of any archbishop or bishop within this realm, or in
any other the King's Dominions, nor shall send nor procure there for
any manner of bulls, briefs, palls or other things requisite for an
archbishop or bishop, nor shall pay any sums of money for Annates,
first-fruits or otherwise, for expedition of any such bulls, briefs or
palls; but that by the authority of this act, such presenting,
nominating, or commending to the said Bishop of Rome, or to the See of
Rome, and such bulls, briefs, palls, annates, first-fruits, and every
other sums of money heretofore limited, accustomed, or used to be paid
at the said See of Rome, for procuration or expedition of any such
bulls, briefs or palls, or other thing concerning the same, shall
utterly cease and no longer be used within this realm or within any of
the King's Dominions: anything contained in the said Act
aforementioned, or any use, custom, or prescription to the contrary
thereof notwithstanding.




ACT FORBIDDING PAPAL DISPENSATIONS AND THE PAYMENT OF PETER'S PENCE
(1534).

+Source.+--25 H. VIII. cap. 21. (_Statutes of the Realm_, III. 464.)


For where this your Grace's realm recognizing no superior under God,
but only your Grace, has been and is free from subjection to any man's
laws, but only to such as have been devised, made, and ordained within
this realm, for the wealth of the same, or to such other as, by
sufferance of your Grace and your progenitors, the people of this your
realm have taken at their free liberty, by their own consent, to be
used amongst them, and have bound themselves by long use and custom to
the observance of the same, not as to the observance of the laws of
any foreign prince, potentate, or prelate, but to the accustomed and
ancient laws of this realm, originally established as laws of the
same, by the said sufferance, consents, and custom, none otherwise.




FIRST ACT OF SUCCESSION (1534).

+Source.+--25 H. VIII. cap. 22. (_Statutes of the Realm_, III. 471.)


... In consideration whereof, your said most humble and obedient
subjects, the nobles and Commons of this realm, calling further to
their remembrance that the good unity, peace and wealth of this realm,
and the succession of the subjects of the same, most especially and
principally above all worldly things consists and rests in the
certainty and surety of the procreation and posterity of your
Highness, in whose most royal person, at this present time, is no
manner of doubt nor question; do therefore most humbly beseech your
Highness, that it may please your Majesty, that it may be enacted by
your Highness, with the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal,
and the Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the
authority of the same, that the marriage heretofore solemnized between
your Highness and the Lady Katherine, being before lawful wife to
Prince Arthur, your elder brother, shall be, by authority of this
Present Parliament, definitively, clearly and absolutely declared,
deemed, and adjudged to be against the laws of Almighty God, and also
accepted, reputed, and taken of no value nor effect, but utterly void
and annulled, and the separation, thereof, made by the said
Archbishop, shall be good and effectual to all intents and purposes;
any licence, dispensation, or any other act or acts going afore, or
ensuing the same, or to the contrary thereof, in anywise
notwithstanding; and that every such licence, dispensation, act or
acts, thing or things heretofore had, made and done or to be done, to
the contrary thereof, shall be void and of none effect; and that the
said Lady Katherine shall be henceforth called and reputed only
dowager to Prince Arthur, and not Queen of this realm, and that the
lawful matrimony had and solemnized between your highness and your
most dear and entirely beloved wife Queen Anne, shall be established,
and taken for undoubtful, true, sincere, and perfect ever hereafter,
according to the just judgement of the said Thomas, Archbishop of
Canterbury, metropolitan and primate of all this realm, whose grounds
of judgement have been confirmed, as well by the whole clergy of this
realm in both the Convocations, and by both the universities thereof,
as by the Universities of Bologna, Padua, Paris, Orleans, Toulouse,
Anjou, and divers others, and also by the private writings of many
right excellent well-learned men; which grounds so confirmed, and
judgement of the said Archbishop ensuring the same, together with your
marriage solemnized between your Highness and your said lawful wife
Queen Anne, we your said subjects, both spiritual and temporal, do
purely, plainly, constantly, and firmly accept, approve and ratify for
good and consonant to the laws of Almighty God, without end or
default, most humbly beseeching your Majesty, that it may be so
established for ever by your most gracious and royal assent.




THE SUPREMACY ACT (1534).

+Source.+--25 H. VIII. cap. I. (_Statutes of the Realm_, III. 492.)


Albeit the King's Majesty justly and rightfully is and ought to be the
supreme head of the Church of England, and so is recognized by the
clergy of this realm in their Convocations, yet nevertheless for
corroboration and confirmation thereof, and for increase of virtue in
Christ's religion within this realm of England, and to repress and
extirpate errors, heresies, and other enormities and abuses heretofore
used in the same; be it enacted by the authority of this present
parliament, that the king our sovereign lord, his heir and successors,
kings of this realm, shall be taken, accepted and reputed the only
supreme head in earth of the Church of England, called Anglicana
Ecclesia: and shall have and enjoy, annexed and united to the imperial
crown of this realm, as well the title and style thereof, as all
honours, dignities, pre-eminences, jurisdictions, privileges,
authorities, immunities, profits and commodities to the said dignity
of supreme head of the same Church belonging and appertaining. And
that our said sovereign lord, his heirs and successors, kings of this
realm, shall have full power and authority from time to time to visit,
repress, redress, reform, order, correct, restrain, and amend all such
errors, heresies, abuses, offences, contempts, and enormities,
whatsoever they be, which by any manner, spiritual authority or
jurisdiction ought or may lawfully be reformed, repressed, ordered,
redressed, corrected, restrained, or amended, most to the pleasure of
Almighty God, the increase of virtue in Christ's religion, and for the
conservation of the peace, unity, and tranquillity of this realm; any
usage, custom, foreign law, foreign authority, prescription or any
other thing or things to the contrary hereof notwithstanding.




LETTERS OF HENRY VIII. TO ANNE BOLEYN.

CIRC. 1534.

+Source.+--_Henry VIII. Lettres à Anne Boleyn._ Crapelet, Paris.


Letter XII.

There came to me in the night the most afflicting news possible. For I
have reason to grieve upon three accounts. First, because I heard of
the sickness of my mistress, whom I esteem more than all the world,
whose health I desire as much as my own, and the half of whose
sickness I would willingly bear to have her cured. Secondly, because I
fear I shall suffer yet longer that tedious absence, which has
hitherto given me all possible uneasiness, and, as far as I can judge,
is like to give me more. I pray God he would deliver me from so
troublesome a tormentor. The third reason is, because the Physician,
in whom I trust most, is absent at present, when he could do me the
greatest pleasure. For I should hope by him and his means, to obtain
one of my principal joys in this world, that is my mistress cured;
however, in default of him, I send you the second, and the only one
left, praying God that he may soon make you well, and then I shall
love Him more than ever. I beseech you to be governed by his advices
with relation to your illness; by your doing which, I hope shortly to
see you again, which will be to me a greater cordial than all precious
stones in the world. Written by the Secretary who is, and always will
be,

 H. (AB) Rex.




THE SWEATING SICKNESS.

+Source.+--_Henry VIII. Lettres à Anne Boleyn._ Crapelet, Paris.


Letter XIII.

Since your last letters, mine own darling, Walter Welsh, Master Brown,
John Case, John Cork the pothecary be fallen of the sweat in this
house, and, thanked be God, all well recovered, so that as yet the
plague is not fully ceased here; but I trust shortly it shall. By the
mercy of God the rest of us yet be well, and I trust shall pass it,
either not to have it, or at the least as easily as the rest have
done.... As touching your abode at Herne, do therein as best shall
like you; for you know best what air does best with you; but I would
it were come thereto (if it pleased God), that neither of us need care
for that; for I ensure you I think it long. Suche is fallen sick of
the sweat; and therefore I send you this bearer, because I think you
long to hear tidings from us, as we do likewise from you. Written with
the hand _de votre seul_.

 H. Rex.




QUEEN ANN BOLEYN TO KING HENRY, FROM THE TOWER, MAY 6 (1536).

+Source.+--From Appendix to Burnet's _History of the Reformation_,
Vol. I., p. 154.


 SIR,

Your Grace's displeasure, and my imprisonment, are things so strange
unto me, as what to write, or what to excuse I am altogether ignorant.
Whereas you send unto me (willing me to confess in truth, and so to
obtain your favour), by such a one whom you know to be my ancient
professed enemy; I no sooner receive this message, than I rightly
conceive your meaning: and, if as you say, confessing a truth indeed
may procure my safety, I shall with all willingness and duty perform
your command. But let not your Grace ever imgaine that your poor wife
will ever be brought to acknowledge a fault, when not so much as a
thought ever proceeded: and to speak a truth, never Prince had wife
more loyal in all duty, and in all true affection, than you have ever
found in Anne Bullen; with which name and place I could willingly have
contented myself, if God and your Grace's pleasure had so been
pleased. Neither did I at any time forget myself in my Exaltation, or
received queenship, but that I always looked for such an alteration as
now I find, the ground of my preferment being on no surer foundation
than your Grace's fancy, the least alteration whereof, I knew, was fit
and sufficient to draw that fancy to some other subject.

You have chosen me from a low estate to be your Queen and Companion,
far beyond my desert or my desire: if then you find me worthy of such
Honour, Good your Grace, let not any light fancy, or bad counsel of my
enemies, withdraw your princely favour from me; neither let that
stain, that unworthy stain of a disloyal heart towards your Good
Grace, ere cast so foul a blot on your most dutiful wife, and the
infant princess your daughter. Try me, good king, but let me have a
lawful trial; and let not my sworn enemies sit as my accusers and
judge, yea, let me receive an open trial, for my truths shall fear no
open shames; then shall you see, either my innocency cleared, your
suspicion and conscience satisfied, the ignominy and slander of the
world stopped, or my guilt openly declared: so that whatsoever God or
you may determine of me, your Grace is at liberty, both before God and
Man, not only to execute worthy punishment on me as an unfaithful
wife, but to follow your affection, already settled on that party for
whose sake I now am as I am, whose name I could some while since have
pointed to, your grace not being ignorant of my suspicion therein. But
if you have already determined of me, and that not only my death, but
an infamous slander must bring you the enjoying of a desired
Happiness: then I desire of God, that he will pardon your great sin
herein, and likewise my enemies, the instruments thereof; and that he
will not call you to a strict account for your unprincely and cruel
usage of me, at his general judgement-seat, where both you and myself
must shortly appear, and in whose just judgement, I doubt not,
whatsoever the world may think of me, my innocency shall be openly
known, and sufficiently cleared.

My last and only request shall be, that myself may bear the burden of
your Grace's displeasure and it may not touch the innocent souls of
those poor Gentlemen, who, as I understand, are in strait imprisonment
for my sake. If ever I have found favour in your sight, if ever the
name of Ann Bullen hath been pleasing in your ears, let me obtain this
last request, I will so leave to trouble your Grace any further, with
my earnest prayers to the Trinity, to have your Grace in his good
keeping, and to direct you in all your actions.

 Your most loyal and faithful wife,
 ANN BULLEN.

 From my doleful prison in the Tower,
 The sixth of May, 1536.




ACT FOR THE DISSOLUTION OF THE LESSER MONASTERIES (1536).

+Source.+--27 Henry VII. cap. 28. (_Statutes of the Realm_, III. 575.)


Forasmuch as manifest sin, vicious, carnal and abominable living is
daily used and committed among the little and small abbeys, priories,
and other religious houses of monks, canons, and nuns, where the
congregation of such religious persons is under the number of twelve
persons, whereby the governors of such religious houses, and their
convent, spoil, destroy, consume, and utterly waste, as well their
churches, monasteries, priories, principal houses, farms, granges,
lands, tenements, and hereditaments, as the ornaments of their
churches, and their goods and chattels, to the high displeasure of
Almighty God, slander of good religion, and to the great infamy of the
King's highness and the realm, if redress should not be had thereof.
And albeit that many continual visitations hath been heretofore had,
by the space of two hundred years and more, for an honest and
charitable reformation of such unthrifty carnal and abominable living,
yet nevertheless little or none amendment hath been hitherto had, but
their vicious living shamelessly increases and augments, and by a
cursed custom so rooted and infested, that a great multitude of the
religious persons in such small houses do rather choose to rove abroad
in apostasy, than to conform themselves to the observation of good
religion, so that without such small houses be utterly suppressed, and
the religious persons therein committed to great and honourable
monasteries of religion in this realm, where they may be compelled to
live religiously for reformation of their lives, there cannot else be
no reformation in this behalf:

In consideration whereof the king's most royal majesty, being supreme
head on earth, under God, of the Church of England, daily finding and
devising the increase, advancement and exaltation of true doctrine and
virtue in the said Church, to the glory and honour of God, and the
total extirping and destruction of vice and sin, having knowledge that
the premises be true, as well by the accounts of his late visitations,
as by sundry credible informations, considering also that divers and
great solemn monasteries of this realm, wherein (thanks be to God)
religion is right well kept and observed, be destitute of such full
numbers of religious persons, as they ought and may keep--has thought
good that a plain declaration should be made of the premises, as well
to the Lords spiritual and temporal, as to other his loving subjects,
the Commons, in this present Parliament assembled: whereupon the said
Lords and Commons, by a great deliberation, finally be resolved, that
it is, and shall be much more to the pleasure of Almighty God, and for
the honour of this his realm, that the possessions of such small
religious houses; now being spent, spoiled and wasted for increase and
maintenance of sin, should be used and converted to better uses, and
the unthrifty religious persons, so spending the same, to be compelled
to reform their lives: and thereupon most humbly desire the king's
highness, that it may be enacted by authority of this present
Parliament, that his majesty shall have and enjoy to him and his heirs
for ever, all and singular such monasteries, priories, and other
religious houses of monks, canons and nuns, of what kinds of
diversities of habits, rules, or orders soever they be called or
named, which have not in lands, tenements, rents, tithes, portions,
and other hereditaments above the clear yearly value of two hundred
pounds.




SUPPRESSION OF THE MONASTERY OF TEWKESBURY (1536).

+Source.+--Burnet's _History of the Reformation_. 1st Part;
_Collection of Records_, Book III. 3, Sec. V. "Copied from a book that
is in the Augmentation Office," 1536.


COUNTY: GLOUCESTER.

            {Surrender to the use of the King's Majesty and of
            {his Heirs and Successors for ever made bearing date
 Tewkesbury {under the Covent-Seal[47] of the same late monastery,
    late    {the 9th day of January, in the 31st year of the reign
 Monastery. {of our most dread victorious Sovereign Lord, King Henry
            {the Eighth: and the said day and year clearly dissolved
            {and suppressed.

 The clear yearly  {As well Spiritual as Temporal, over and
 value of all the  {besides £136 8s. 1d. in Fees, Annuities and
 said possessions  {Custodies, granted to divers persons by Letters
 belonging to the  {Patents under the Covent-Seal of the said late
    Monastery      {Monastery for term of their lives  £1595 15 6

                 {                                          £ s. d.
                 {John Wich, late Abbot there             266 13 04
                 {John Beley, late Prior there             16 00 00
    Pensions     {J. Bromsegrove, late Prior of Delehurst  13 06 08
 assigned to the {Robert Circester, Prior of St. James     13 06 08
 late Religious  {Will Didcote, Prior of Cranborne         10 00 00
   dispatched:   {Robert Cheltenham, B.D.                  10 00 00
 that is to say, {Two Monks, £8 a piece                    16 00 00
        to       {One Monk                                 07 00 00
                 {27 Monks £6 13s. 6d. each               180 00 00
                 {                                          £ s. d.
                 {  And so remains clear                 1044 08 10

                 {             {Remain in the Treasury there under
     Records     {Belonging to {the custody of John Whittington,
       and       {the late     {Kt. the keys thereof being delivered
    Evidences    {Monastery    {to Richard Pauler, Receiver.

                 {The Lodging called the Newark,       }
                 {leading from the Gate to the late    }
                 {Abbots lodging, with Buttery,        }
                 {Pantry, Cellar, Kitchen, Larder      }
                 {and Pastry thereto adjoining. The    }
                 {late Abbots Lodging, the Hostery,[48]}
   Houses and    {the Great Gate entering into the     }   Committed
    Buildings    {Court, with the lodging over the     } to the custody
   assigned to   {same; the Abbots Stable, Bakehouse,  }    of John
     remain      {Brewhouse and Slaughterhouse,        }  Whittington,
   undefaced.    {the Almry, Barn, Dairyhouse,         }     Knight.
                 {the great barn next the              }
                 {Avon, the Maltinghouse, with the     }
                 {garners in the same, the Oxhouse     }
                 {in the Barton,[49] the Barton Gate,  }
                 {and the lodging over the same.       }

                 {The Church, with Chappels, Cloisters,}
                 {Chapterhouse, Misericord, the        }
                 {two Dormitories, Infirmary with      }
                 {Chappels and Lodgings within the     }
                 {same; the workhouse, with another    }
      Deemed     {House adjoining to the same,         }  Committed
      to be      {the Convent Kitchen, the Library,    }     as
   superfluous.  {the old Hostery, the chamberer's     }  abovesaid.
                 {Lodging, the new Hall, the old       }
                 {Parlour adjoining to the Abbots      }
                 {lodging; the Cellarers Lodging, the  }
                 {Poultry-House, the Garden, the       }
                 {Almary, and all other Houses and     }
                 {lodgings not above reserved.         }

                 {The Quire, Aisles, and Chapels       }
     Leads[52]   {annext the Cloister Chapterhouse,    }
    remaining    {Frater,[50] St. Michaels Chappel,    } 180 Foder.[51]
      upon       {Halls, Fermory, and Gate-house,      }
                 {esteemed to                          }

      Bells      {In the steeple there are eight poize,}   14600
    remaining    {by estimation                        }   weight.

      Jewels     {                                     }
    reserved to  {Mitres garnished with gilt, rugged   }
    the use of   {Pearls, and counterfeit stones.      }
    the King's   {                                     }
     Majesty.    {                                     }

 Plate of silver {Silver gilt               329 ounces.}
   reserved to   {Silver parcel gilt        605 ounces.}    1431.
  the same use.  {Silver white              497 ounces.}

                 {One cope of Silver Tissue, with one  }
    Ornaments    {Chasuble, and one Tunicle of the     }
   reserved to   {same; one cope of gold Tissue,       }
  the said use.  {with one Cope and two Tunicles of    }
                 {the same.                            }

 Sum of all the  {                                     }
   Ornaments,    {Sold by the said Commissioners, as   }
   Goods, and    {in a Particular Book of Sales        }         £ s. d.
    Chattels     {thereof made ready to be shewed,     }       194 08 0
  belonging to   {as more at large may appear.         }
    the said     {                                     }
   Monastery.    {                                     }

                         {To 38 late Religious Persons }
                         {of the said late Monastery   }         £ s. d.
          { to the late  {of the King's mat. (Majesty) }        80 13 4
 Payments {Religious and {reward                       }
          {   Servants   {                             }
          { despatched.  {To an 144 late Servants of   }         £ s. d.
                         {the said late Monastery, for }        75 10 0
                         {their wages and liveries.    }

                         {To divers Persons for        }
                         {Victuals and Necessaries of  }
                         {them had to the use of the   }
                         {said Monastery, with £10 paid}
          {  For debts   {to the late Abbot there, for }
 Payments { owing by the {and in full payment of       }         £ s. d.
          {  said late   {£124 5s. 4d. by him to be    }        18 12 0
          {  Monastery.  {paid to certain Creditors of }
                         {the said late Monastery, by  }
                         {Covenants made with the      }
                         {aforesaid Commissioners.     }

And so remains clear                                           £19 12 08

Then follows a list of some small Debts owing to and by the
said Monastery.

Then follows a list of the Livings in their Gift.

 County of Glouc.          Four Parsonages and 10 vicarages.

 County of Worcest.        Two Parsonages and 2 vicarages.

 County of War.            Two Parsonages.

 County of Will. (_sic_),} Five Parsonages and 1 vicarage.
   Bristol.              }

 County of Wilts.          00    2 vicarages.

 County of Oxon.           One Parsonage and 2 vicarages.

 County of Dorset.         Four Parsonages and 2 vicarages.

 County of Sommers.        Three Parsonages.

 County of Devon.          00    1 vicarage.

 County of Cornwall.       00    2 vicarages.

 County of Glamorgan     } 00    5 vicarages.
   and Morgan.       }

In all, 21 Parsonages and 27 vicarages.

[Footnote 47: Covent = convent; cf. Covent Garden.]

[Footnote 48: = Hostelry, _i.e._ the Guest House.]

[Footnote 49: = Farmyard.]

[Footnote 50: = The Refectory.]

[Footnote 51: = A measure of lead, etc., about one ton.]

[Footnote 52: _i.e._ the lead with which the roofing was covered.]




THE INSURRECTION IN LINCOLNSHIRE (1537).

+Source.+--Edward Hall's _Life of Henry VIII_. (1547).


In the time of this Parliament, the bishops and all the clergy of the
realm held a solemn convocation at Paules Church in London, where
after much disputation and debating of matters they published a book
of religion entitled, "Articles devised by the King's Highness, etc."
In this book is specially mentioned but three sacraments, with the
which the Lincolnshiremen (I mean their ignorant priests) were
offended, and of that occasion deproved the king's doings. And this
was the first beginning, as after ye shall plainly hear.

After this book, which passed by the king's authority with the consent
of the Clergy, was published, the which contained certain articles of
religion necessary to be taught unto the people, and among other it
specially treated of no more than three sacraments, and beside this
book, certain injunction were that time given whereby a number of
their holidays were abrogated and especially such as fell in the
harvest time, the keeping of which was much to the hindrance of the
gathering in of corn, hay, fruit, and other such like necessary and
profitable commodities.

These articles thus ordained and to the people delivered. The
inhabitants of the north parts being at that time very ignorant and
rude, knowing not what true religion meant, but altogether noseled in
superstition and popery, and also by the means of certain abbotts and
ignorant priests, not a little stirred and provoked for the
suppression of certain monasteries, and for the extirpation and
abolishment of the bishop of Rome, now taking an occasion at this
book, saying "See, friends, now is taken from us four of the vii
Sacraments and shortly ye shall lose the other three also, and thus
the faith of the Holy Church shall utterly be suppressed and
abolished": and therefore they suddenly spread abroad and raised great
and shameful slanders only to move the people to sedition and
rebellion, and to kindle in the people hateful and malicious minds
against the King's Majesty and the Magistrates of the realm, saying,
Let no folly bind ourselves to the maintenance of religion, and rather
than to suffer it thus to decay, even to die in the field. And amongst
them also were too many even of the nobility, that did not a little to
provoke and stir up the ignorant and rude people the more stiffly to
rebel and stand therein, faithfully promising them, both aid and
succour against the King and their own native country (like foolish
and wicked men) thinking by their so doing to have done God high
pleasure and service. There were also certain other malicious and busy
persons who added oil (as the adage says) to the furnace. These made
open clamours in every place where opportunity served, that Christian
religion should be utterly violate, despised and set aside, and that
rather than so it behoved and was the parts of every true and
Christian man to defend it even to the death, and not to admit and
suffer by any means the faith (in which their forefathers so long and
so many thousand years have lived and continued) now to be subverted
and destroyed. Among these were many priests which deceived also the
people with many false fables and venomous lies and imaginations
(which could never enter nor take place in the heart of any good man,
nor faithful subject), saying that all manner of prayer and fasting
and all God's service should utterly be destroyed and taken away, that
no man should marry a wife or be partaker of the Sacraments, or at
length should eat a piece of roast meat, but he should for the same
first pay unto the king a certain sum of money, and that they should
be brought in more bondage and in a more wicked manner of life, than
the Saracens be under the great Turk.... And at the last they in
writing made certain petitions to the King's Majesty, professing that
they never intended hurt toward his royal person. The King's Majesty
received those petitions and made answer to them as followeth:

First, we begin and make answer to the four and six articles, because
upon them dependeth much of the rest. Concerning choosing of
councillors, I never have read, heard, or known, that princes'
councillors and prelates should be appointed by rude and ignorant
common people, nor that they were persons meet, nor of liability to
discern and choose meet and sufficient councillors for a prince: how
presumptuous then are ye the rude commons of one shire, and that one
of the most brute and beastly of the whole realm, and of the least
experience, to find fault with your Prince for the electing of his
councillors and prelates, and to take upon you contrary to God's law
and man's law to rule your prince, whom ye are bound by all laws to
obey and serve with both your lives, lands, and all goods, and for no
worldly cause to withstand the contrary whereof you like traitors and
rebels have attempted, and not like true subjects as ye name
yourselves.

As to the suppression of religious houses, monasteries, we will that
ye and all our subjects should well know that this is granted us by
all the nobles spiritual and temporal of this our Realm, and by all
the Commons in the same by Act of Parliament, and not set forth by any
councillor or councillors upon their mere will and phantasy, as ye
full falsely would persuade our realm to believe.

And when ye allege that the service of God is much diminished, the
truth thereof is contrary, for there be no houses suppressed where God
was well served, but where most vice, mischief, and abomination of
living was used, and that doth well appear by their own confessions
subscribed with their own hands in the time of their visitations, and
yet we suffered a great many of them (more than we needed by the Act)
to stand, wherein if they amend not their living, or fear, we have
more to answer for than for the suppression of all the rest. And as
for the hospitality for the relief of the poor, we wonder that ye be
not ashamed to affirm that they have been a great relief of poor
people, when a great many or the most part hath not past four or five
religious persons in them, and divers but one which spent the
substance of the goods of their houses in nourishing of vice and
abominable living. Now what unkindness and unnaturality may be impute
to you and all our subjects that be of that mind, that had liefer such
an unthrifty sort of vicious persons, should enjoy such possessions,
profits and enrolments, as grow of the said houses, to the maintenance
of their unthrifty life, than he your natural prince, Sovereign lord
and king, which doth and hath spent more in your defences of your own,
than six times they be worth. As touching the act of uses, we marvel
what madness is in your brain, or upon what ground ye would take
authority upon you to cause us to break those laws and statutes by
which all the noble knights and gentlemen of this realm (whom the same
chiefly toucheth) hath been granted and assented to: seeing in no
manner it toucheth you the base commons of our realm.

As touching the sixteenth,[53] which ye demand of us to be released,
think ye that we be so faint hearted, that perforce ye of one shire
(were ye a great many more) could compel us with your insurrections
and such rebellious demeanour to remit the same? or think ye that any
man will or may take you to be true subjects, that first make and shew
a loving grant and then perforce would compel your sovereign lord and
king to release the same? the time of payment whereof is not yet come,
yea and seeing the same will not countrevayl[54] the tenth penny of
the charges, which we do and daily sustain for your tuition and
safeguard: make you sure, by your occasions of these your
ingratitudes, unnaturalness and unkindness to us now administered, ye
give no cause, which hath always been as much dedicate to your wealth
as ever was king, not so much to set or study for the setting forward
of the same, seeing how unkindly and untruly, ye deal now with us,
without any cause or occasion: and doubt ye not, though you have no
grace nor naturalness in you to consider your duty of allegiance to
your king, and sovereign lord, the rest of our realm we doubt not
hath: and we and they shall so look on this cause, that we trust it
shall be to your confusion, if according to your former letters you
submit not yourselves.

Wherefore we charge you eftsoons upon the foresaid bonds and pains,
that ye withdraw yourselves to your own houses, every man, and no more
to assemble contrary to our laws, and your allegiances, and to cause
the provokers of you to this mischief, to be delivered to our
lieutenants' hands, or ours, and you yourselves to submit you to such
condign punishment as we and our nobles shall think you worthy: for
doubt you not else that we and our nobles can nor will suffer this
injury at your hands unavenged, if ye give not place to us of
sovreignty, and shew yourselves as bounden and obedient subjects and
no more to intermeddle yourselves from henceforth with the weighty
affairs of the realm, the direction whereof only appertaineth to us
your king and such noblemen and councillors, as we lyst to elect and
choose to have the ordering of the same: and thus we pray unto
Almighty God, to give you grace to do your duties, to use yourselves
towards us like true and faithful subjects, so that we may have cause
to order you thereafter, and rather obediently to consent amongst you
to deliver into the hands of our lieutenant a hundred persons, to be
ordered according to their demerits, at our will and pleasure, than by
your obstinacy and wilfulness, to put yourselves, your wives,
children, lands, goods and cattles, beside the indignation of God, in
the utter adventure of total destruction, and utter ruin, by force and
violence of the sword.

After the Lincolnshire men had received this the King's answer
aforesaid, made to their petitions, each mistrusting the other who
should be noted to be the greatest meddler, even very suddenly they
began to shrink and out of hand they were all divided, and every man
at home in his own house in peace: but the captains of these rebels
escaped not all clear, but were after apprehended, and had as they
deserved: he that took upon him as captain of this rout, named himself
Captain Cobles, but it was a monk called Doctor Macherel, with divers
other which afterward were taken and apprehended.

 NOTE.--Within six days a new insurrection broke out in the north,
 known as the Pilgrimage of Grace. The objects of these insurgents
 were as follows: "the maintenance and defence of the faith of Christ,
 and deliverance of Holy Church sore decayed and oppressed, and also
 for the furtherance as well of private as public matters in the realm
 touching the wealth of all the king's poor subjects" (Hall ii., 275).

 An army was sent to restore order, but they were prevented from
 reaching the rebels by a river, which suddenly overflowed its banks
 and was considered by the people to be a miracle. On the following
 day the King granted a pardon to all concerned, and the rebellion
 came to an end.

[Footnote 53: = a tax of 1/16th of the assessed value of property.]

[Footnote 54: = balance.]




INJUNCTIONS TO THE CLERGY MADE BY CROMWELL (1538).

+Source.+--Burnet's _History of the Reformation_; _Collection of Records_,
Part I., Book III. xi.


First: That ye shall truly observe and keep all and singular the
King's Highness' Injunctions, given unto you heretofore in my name, by
his Grace's Authority; not only upon the pains therein expressed, but
also in your default after this second monition continued, upon
further punishment to be straitly extended towards you by the King's
Highness' Arbitriment, or his Vice-Gerent aforesaid.

Item: That ye shall provide on this side the Feast of [words omitted]
next coming, one Book of the whole Bible of the largest volume in
English, and the same set up in some convenient place within the said
Church that ye have use of, whereas your Parishoners may most
commodiously resort to the same and read it; the charge of which Book
shall be ratably born between you, the Parson, and the Parishoners
aforesaid, that is to say the one half by you, and the other half by
them.

Item: That ye shall discourage no man privily or apertly from the
reading or hearing of the said Bible, but shall expressly provoke,
stir, and exhort every person to read the same, as that which is the
very lively word of God, that every Christian man is bound to embrace,
believe, and follow, if he look to be saved: admonishing them
nevertheless to avoid all contention, altercation therein, and to use
an honest sobriety in the inquisition of the true sense of the same,
and refer the explication of the obscure places to men of higher
judgement in Scripture.

Item: That ye shall every Sunday and Holy Day through the year openly
and plainly recite to your Parishoners, twice or thrice together or
oftener, if need require, one particle or sentence of the Pater
Noster, or creed in English, to the intent that they may learn the
same by heart. And so from day to day, to give them one little lesson
or sentence of the same, till they have learned the whole Pater Noster
and creed in English by rote. And as they be taught every sentence of
the same by rote, ye shall expound and declare the understanding of
the same unto them, exhorting all parents and householders to teach
their children and servants the same, as they are bound in conscience
to do. And that done, ye shall declare unto them the Ten Commandments,
one by one, every Sunday and Holy-day, till they be likewise perfect
in the same.

Item: That ye shall in Confessions every Lent examine every Person
that cometh to Confession unto you, whether they can recite the
Articles of our Faith, and the Pater Noster in English, and hear them
say the same particularly; wherein if they be not perfect, ye shall
declare to the same, that every Christian person ought to know the
same before They should receive the blessed Sacrament of the Altar;
and monish them to learn the same more perfectly by the next year
following, or else, like as they ought not to presume to come to God's
Board without perfect knowledge of the same, and if they do, it is to
the great peril of their souls; so ye shall declare unto them, that ye
look for other injunctions from the King's Highness by that time, to
stay and repel all such from God's Board as shall be found ignorant in
the Premisses; whereof ye do thus admonish them, to the intent they
should both eschew the peril of their Souls, and also the worldly
rebuke that they might incur after by the same.

Item: That ye shall make, or cause to be made, in the said Church, and
any other Cure ye have, one sermon every quarter of the year at least,
wherein ye shall purely and sincerely declare the very Gospel of
Christ, and in the same exhort your hearers to the Works of Charity,
Mercy, and Faith, especially prescribed and commanded in Scripture,
and not to repose their trust or affiance in any other works devised
by men's fantasies besides Scripture; as in wandering to Pilgrimages,
offering of Money, Candles, or Tapers, to Images, or Reliques; or
kissing or licking the same over, saying over a number of Beads, not
understanded or minded on, or in such like superstition: for the doing
whereof, ye not only have no promise or reward in Scripture, but
contrariwise great threats and maledictions of God, as things tending
to idolatry and superstition, which of all other offences God Almighty
doth most detest and abhor, for that same diminisheth most of his
honour and glory.

Item: That such feigned Images as ye know in any of Cures to be so
abused with Pilgrimages or offerings of anything made thereunto, ye
shall, for avoiding the most detestable offence of idolatry, forthwith
take down, and without delay; and shall suffer from henceforth no
Candles, Tapers, or Images of wax to be set afore any Image or
Picture, but only the Light that commonly goeth across the church by
the Rood-Loft, the Light before the Sacrament of the Altar, and the
Light about the Sepulchre; which for the adorning of the Church and
Divine Service ye shall suffer to remain: still admonishing your
Parishoners, that images serve for none other purpose, but as to be
books of unlearned men, that ken no letters, whereby they might be
otherwised admonished of the lives and conversation of them that the
said images do represent: which images if they abuse, for any other
intent than for such remembrances, they commit idolatry in the same,
to the great danger of their souls: And therefore the King's Highness
graciously tendering the weal of his Subjects' Souls, hath in part
already, and more will hereafter, travail for the abolishing of such
images as might be an occasion of so great an offence to God, and so
great a danger to the Souls of his loving subjects.

Item: That you, and every Parson, Vicar or Curate within this Diocese,
shall for every Church keep one Book or Register, wherein he shall
write the day and year of every Wedding, Christening, and Burying,
made within your parish for your time, and so every man succeeding you
likewise; and also there insert every persons name that shall be so
wedded, christened, and buried; and for the safe keeping of the same
book the Parish shall be bound to provide, of their Common Charges,
one sure Coffer with two Locks and Keys, whereof the one to remain
with you, and the other with the Wardens of every such Parish wherein
the said Book shall be laid up: which book ye shall every Sunday take
forth, and in the presence of the said Wardens or one of them write a
record in the same, all the Weddings, Christenings, and Buryings made
the whole week afore; and that done to lay up the book in the said
Coffer as afore. And for every time that the same be omitted, the
party that shall be in the fault thereof, shall forfeit to the said
Church 3s. 4d. to be employed on the reparation of the said Church.

Item: That no person shall from henceforth alter or change the order
and manner of any Fasting-day that is commanded and indicted by the
Church, nor of any Prayer or of Divine Service, otherwise than is
specified in the said Injunctions, until such time as the same shall
be so ordered and transported by the King's Highness' Authority. The
Eves of such saints whose Holy-days be abrogated be only excepted,
which shall be declared henceforth to be no Fasting-days; excepted
also the Commemoration of Thomas Becket, sometime Archbishop of
Canterbury, which shall be clean omitted, and in the stead thereof the
Ferial[55] Service used.

Item: Where in times past men have used in divers places in their
Processions, to sing _Ora pro nobis_ to so many saints, that they had
no time to sing the good Suffrages following, as _Pace nobis Domine_
and _Libera nos Domine_, it must be taught and preached, that better
it were to omit _Ora pro nobis_, and to sing the other Suffrages.

All which and singular Injunctions I minister unto you and your
Successors, by the King's Highness' Authority to be committed in this
part, which I charge and command you by the same Authority to observe
and keep upon pain of Deprivation, Sequestration of your Fruits or
such other coercion as to the King's Highness, or his Vice-Gerent for
the time being shall seem convenient.

[Footnote 55: = festival.]




ACT FOR THE DISSOLUTION OF THE GREATER MONASTERIES (1539).

+Source.+--31 H. VIII. cap. 13. (_Statutes of the Realm_, III. 733.)


Where divers and sundry abbots, priors, abbesses, prioresses, and
other ecclesiastical governors and governesses of divers monasteries,
abbacies, priories, nunneries, colleges, hospitals, houses of friars,
and other ecclesiastical and religious houses and places within this
our sovereign lord the king's realm of England and Wales, of their own
free and voluntary minds, good wills and assents, without constraint,
coercion or compulsion of any manner of person or persons, since the
fourth day of February, the twenty-seventh year of the reign of our
now most dread sovereign lord, by the due order and course of the
common laws of this realm of England, and by their sufficient writings
of record, under their convent and common seals, have severally given,
granted and by the same their writings severally confirmed all their
said monasteries, abbacies, priories, nunneries, colleges, hospitals,
houses of friars, and other religious and ecclesiastical houses and
places and all their sites, circuits and precincts of the same, and
all and singular their manors, lordships, granges, manses ...
appertaining or in any wise belonging to any such monastery, abbacy,
priory, etc. ... by whatsoever name or corporation they or any of them
be called, and of what order, habit, religion, or other kind or
quality soever they or any of them then were reputed, known or taken;
to have and to hold all the said monasteries, abbacies, priories ...
etc. to our said sovereign lord, his heirs and successors for ever and
the same said monasteries ... etc. voluntarily, as is aforesaid, have
renounced, left, and forsaken, and every of them has renounced, left,
and forsaken.




THE SIX ARTICLES ACT (1539).

+Source.+--31 Henry VIII. cap. 14. (_Statutes of the Realm_, III. 739.)


... And forasmuch as in the said Parliament, synod, and Convocation,
there were certain Articles, matters, and questions proposed and set
for the teaching Christian religion, that is to say:

First, whether in the most blessed Sacrament of the Altar remaineth,
after the consecration, the substance of bread and wine, or no.

Secondly, whether it be necessary by God's law that all men should
communicate with both kinds or no.

Thirdly, whether priests, that is to say, men dedicate to God by
priesthood, may, by the law of God, marry after or no.

Fourthly, whether vow of chastity or widowhood, made to God advisedly
by man or woman, be, by the law of God, to be observed, or no.

Fifthly, whether private masses stand with the law of God, and be to
be used and continued in the Church and congregation of England, as
things whereby good Christian people may and do receive both godly
consolation and wholesome benefits or no.

Sixthly, whether auricular confession is necessary to be retained,
continued, used and frequented in the Church or no.

The King's most royal Majesty, most prudently providing and
considering, that by occasion of variable sundry opinions and
judgements of the said Articles, great discord and variance has
arisen, as well amongst the clergy of this his realm, as amongst a
great number of vulgar people, his loving subjects of the same, and
bring in a full hope and trust, that a full and perfect resolution of
the said Articles, should make a perfect concord and unity generally
amongst all his loving and obedient subjects, of his most excellent
goodness, not only commanded that the said articles should be
deliberately and advisedly, by his said archbishops, bishops, and
other learned men of his clergy, be debated, argued, and reasoned, and
their opinions therein to be understood, declared, and known, but also
most graciously vouchsafed, in his own princely person, to descend and
come into his said High Court of Parliament and council, and there,
like a prince of most high prudence and no less learning, opened and
declared, many things of high learning and great knowledge, touching
the said Articles, matters, and questions, for a unity to be had in
the same; whereupon after a great and long, deliberate, and advised
disputation and consultation, had and made concerning the said
Articles, as well by the consent of the king's highness, as by the
assent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and other learned men of
the clergy in their Convocation, and by the consent of the Commons in
this present Parliament assembled, it was and is finally resolved,
accorded, and agreed in manner and form following, that is to say:

First, that in the most blessed Sacrament of the Altar, by the
strength and efficacy of Christ's mighty word (it being spoken by the
priest), is present really, under the form of bread and wine, the
natural body and blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ, conceived of the
Virgin Mary; and that after the consecration there remaineth no
substance of bread or wine, nor any other substances, but the
substance of Christ, God and man.

Secondly, that Communion in both kinds is not necessary _ad salutem_,
by the law of God, to all persons; and that it is to be believed, and
not doubted of, but that in the flesh, under the form of bread, is the
very blood; and with the blood, under the form of wine, is the very
flesh; as well apart, as though they were both together.

Thirdly, that priests after the order of priesthood received, as
afore, may not marry, by the law of God.

Fourthly, that vows of chastity or widowhood, by man or woman made to
God advisedly, ought to be observed by the law of God; and that it
exempts them from the liberties of Christian people, ordering
themselves accordingly, to receive both godly and goodly consolations
and benefits; and it is agreable also to God's law.

       *       *       *       *       *       *       *

Sixthly, that auricular confession is expedient and necessary to be
retained and continued, used and frequented in the Church of God.




HENRY VIII. AND SPORT (1539).

+Source.+--Holinshed, 556, 557; Edward Hall, _Henry VIII_.


This year the plague was great and reigned in divers parts of this
realm. The king kept his Christmas at Richmond. The twelfth of January
divers gentlemen prepared to just, and the king and one of his privy
chamber called William Compton secretly armed themselves in the little
park of Richmond and so came into the justs, unknown to all persons.
The king never ran openly before and did exceeding well. Master
Compton chanced to be so sore hurt by Edward Nevill Esquire, brother
to the Lord of Abergavenny, so that he was like to have died. One
person there was that knew the king and cried: "God Save the King" and
with that all the people were astonished, and then the king discovered
himself to the great comfort of the people. The king soon after came
to Westminster and there kept his Shrovetide with great banquetings,
dancings and other jolly pastimes.

In this year also came ambassadors, not only from the King of Aragon
and Castile, but also from the Kings of France, Denmark, Scotland and
other places, which were highly welcomed and nobly entertained. It
happened on a day that there were certain noble men made a wager to
run at the ring and parties were taken, and which party attained or
took away the ring oftenest with certain courses, should win the
wager. Whereof the King's Grace hearing, offered to be on the one
party with six companions. The ambassadors hearing thereof, were much
desirous to see this wager tried, and specially the ambassadors of
Spain, who had never seen the king in harness. At the day appointed
the king was mounted on a goodly courser, trapped in a purple velvet
coat, the inner side thereof was wrought with flat gold of damask in
the stool, and the velvet on the other side cut in letters, so that
the gold appeared as though it had been embroidered with certain
reasons[56] or posies. And on the velvet between the letters were
fastened castles and sheafs of arrows of ducat gold with a garment,
the sleeves compassed over his harness and his bases of the same work
with a great plume of feathers on his head-piece that came down to the
arson of his saddle and a great company of fresh gentlemen came in
with his grace, richly armed and decked with many other right
gorgeously apparelled, the trumpet before them goodly to behold,
whereof many strangers (but specially the Spaniards) much rejoiced,
for they had never seen the king before that time armed.

Now at his returning, many hearing of his going on Maying were
desirous to see him shoot, for at that time his Grace shot as strong
and as great a length as any of his guard. There came to his Grace a
certain man with bow and arrows, and desired his Grace to take the
muster of him and to see him shoot, for at that time his Grace was
contented. The man put the one foot in his bosom, and so did shoot and
shot a very good shot and well towards his mark, whereof, not only his
Grace, but all other greatly marvelled. So the king gave him a reward
for his so doing, which person afterwards, of the people and of them
in court, was called Foot in Bosom. The same year in the feast of
Pentecost, holden at Greenwich, that is to say the Thursday in the
same week, his Grace with two other with him, challenged all comers to
fight with them at the barriers with target and casting the spear of
eight foot long; and that done, his Grace with the two said aids to
fight every of them twelve strokes with two handed swords with and
against all comers, none excepted being a gentleman; where the K.
behaved himself so well and delivered himself so valiantly by his
hardy prowess and great strength, that the praise and laud was given
to his Grace and his aids, notwithstanding that divers and strong
persons had assailed him and his aids.

Now when the said progress was finished, his Grace, and the queen,
with all their whole train, in the month of October following, removed
to Greenwich. The king not minded to see young gentlemen unexpert in
martial feats, caused a place to be prepared within the park of
Greenwich, for the queen and the ladies to stand and see the fight
with battle axes that should be done there, where the king himself
armed, fought one Grot a gentleman of Almaine, a tall man and a good
man of arms. And then after they had done, they marched always two and
two together, and so did their feats and enterprises every man very
well. Albeit, it happened the said Grot to fight with Sir Edward
Howard, which Grot was by him stricken to the ground. The morrow after
this enterprise done, the king with the queen came to the Tower of
London. And to the intent that there should be no displeasure nor
malice be born by any of those gentlemen, who fought with the axe
against other, the king gave unto them a certain sum of gold valued at
two hundred marks, to make a bank[57] among themselves withall. The
which bank was made at Fishmongers Hall in Thames Street, where they
all met to the number of four and twenty, all apparelled in one suit
or livery, after Almaine fashion, that is to say, their outer garments
all of yellow satin, yellow hose, yellow shoes, girdles and scabbards,
and bonnets with yellow feathers; their garments and hose all cut and
lined with white satin and their scabbards wound about with satin.
After their bank ended they went by torchlight to the Tower and
presented themselves before the king who took pleasure to behold them.

_P._ 561. The king about this season was much given to play at tennis
and at the dice, which appetite certain crafty persons about him
perceiving, brought in Frenchmen and Lombards to make wagers with him
and so lost much money, but when he perceived their craft, he eschewed
their company and let them go.

_P._ 562. ... Then began the trumpets to sound, and the horses to run,
that many a spear was burst, and many a great stripe given, and for a
truth the king exceedeth in number of staves all other every day of
the three days.


Edward Hall, _H. VIII_.

The x day of March the king having a new harness made of his own
device and fashion, such as no armour before that time had seen,
thought to essay the same at the tilt, and appointed a Justes to serve
him. On foot were appointed the Lord Marquis Dorset and the Earl of
Surrey, the king came to the one end of the tilt, and the Duke of
Suffolk to the other: then a gentleman said to the Duke, "Sir, the
king is come to the tilt's end." "I see him not," said the Duke, "on
my faith, for my head piece taketh away from me my sight": with these
words God knoweth by what chance, the king had his spear delivered him
by the Lord Marquis, the visor of his head piece being up and not down
or fastened, so that his head was clean naked. Then the gentleman said
to the duke, "Sir, the king cometh," then the duke set forward and
charged his spear, and the king likewise unadvisedly set toward the
duke: the people perceiving the king's face bare, cried, "Hold, hold,"
the duke neither saw nor heard, and whether the king remembered that
his visor was up or no, few can tell. Alas what sorrow was it to the
people when they saw the splinters of the duke's spear strike on the
king's head piece. For of a surety the duke struck the king on the
brow right under the defence of the head-piece on the very coif scull
or bassenet-piece[58] where unto the barbet[59] for power and defence
is charneld, to which coif or bassenet never armourer taketh heed, for
it is evermore covered with the visor, barbet and volant piece,[60]
and so that piece is so defended that it forceth of no charge: But
when the spear on that place lighted, it was great jeopardy of death,
insomuch that the face was bare, for the duke's spear broke all to
shivers, and bare the king's visor or barbet so far back by the
counter buff that all the king's head-piece was full of splinters. The
Armourers for this matter were much blamed, and so was the lord
Marquis for the delivering of the spear when his face was open, but
the king said that none was to blame but himself, for he intended to
have saved himself and his sight. The duke incontinently unarmed him,
and came to the king, shewing him the closeness of his sight, and
swore that he would never run against the king more: But if the king
had been a little hurt, the king's servants would have put the Duke in
jeopardy. Then the king called his Armourers and put all his pieces
together and then took a spear and ran six courses very well, by the
which all men might perceive that he had no hurt, which was great joy
and comfort to all his subjects there present.

[Footnote 56: = mottoes.]

[Footnote 57: = banquet.]

[Footnote 58: = a close-fitting helmet.]

[Footnote 59: = the lower part of the visor.]

[Footnote 60: = a removable part of the helmet, which covered the throat.]




THE ATTAINDER OF THOMAS CROMWELL (1540).

+Source.+--Burnet's _History of the Reformation_, Part I., Book III.;
_Collection of Records_, No. 16; from the _Parliament Rolls_, Act 60,
32 H. VIII.


Thomas Cromwell, now Earl of Essex, whom your Majesty took and
received into your trusty service, the same Thomas then being a man of
very base and low degree, and for singular Favour, Trust and
Confidences which your Majesty bare and had in him, did not only erect
and advance the same Thomas unto the state of an Earl, and enriched
him with manifold gifts, as well of Goods, as of Lands and Offices,
but also him, the said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, did erect and
make one of your most trusty Counsellors, as well concerning your
Graces most supreme jurisdictions Ecclesiastical, as your most high
secret affairs temporal. Nevertheless, your Majesty now of late hath
found, and tried, by a large number of witnesses, being your faithful
subjects and personages of great honour, worship and discretion, the
said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex contrary to the singular trust and
confidence your Majesty had in him, to be the most false, and corrupt
Traitor, Deceiver, and Circumventor against your most Royal Person,
and the Imperial Crown of this your realm, that hath been known, seen
or heard of in all the time of your most noble reign: Insomuch that it
is manifestly proved and declared, by the depositions of the witnesses
aforesaid that the same Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, usurping upon
your Kingly Estate, Power, Authority, and Office: without your grace's
command or assent hath taken upon him to set at liberty divers
persons, being convicted and attained of Misprision of High Treason;
and divers other being apprehended, and in Prison, for Suspection of
High Treason, and over that, divers and many times, at sundry places
in this your Realm, for manifold sums of money to him given, most
traitorously hath taken upon him by several writings to give and
grant, as well unto aliens, as to your subjects, a great number of
licences for conveying and carrying of Money, Corn, Grain, Beans,
Beer, Leather, Tallow, Bells, Metals, Horses, and other commodities of
this your Realm, contrary to your Highness' most Godly and Gracious
Proclamations made for the Commonwealth of your people of this your
realm in that behalf, and in derogation of your Crown and Dignity. And
the same Thomas Cromwell, elated, and full of pride, contrary to his
most bounden Duty, of his own authority and Power, not regarding your
Majesty Royal; and further taking upon him your power, Sovereign Lord,
in that behalf, divers and many times most traitorously hath
constituted, deputed, and assigned, many singular persons of your
subjects to be Commissioners in many your great, urgent, and weighty
causes and affairs, executed and done in this your realm, without the
assent, knowledge, or consent of your highness. And further also,
being a person of as poor and low degree, as few be within this your
realm; pretending to have so great a stroke about you, our, and his
natural Sovereign Liege Lord, that he let not to say publickly, and
declare that he was sure of you, which is detestable, and to be
abhorred amongst all good subjects in any Christian realm, that any
subject should enterprise or take upon him so to speak of his
Sovereign Liege Lord and King. And also of his own Authority and
Power, without your Highness' consent, hath made and granted, as well
to strangers as to your own subjects, divers and many pass-ports, to
pass over the seas, with horses, and great sums of money, without any
search. Most Gracious Sovereign Lord, the same Thomas Cromwell, Earl
of Essex, hath allured and drawn unto him by retainours, many of your
subjects sunderly inhabiting in every of your said shires and
territories, as well as erroneously persuading and declaring to them
the contents of false erroneous books, to be good, true, and best
standing with the most Holy Word and Pleasure of God; as other his
false and heretical opinions and errors; whereby, and by his
confederacies therein, he hath caused many of your faithful subjects
to be greatly infected with heresies, and other errors, contrary to
the right laws and pleasure of Almighty God. And the same Thomas
Cromwell, Earl of Essex, by the false and traitorous means
above-written, supposing himself to be fully able, by force and
strength, to maintain and defend his said abominable treasons,
heresies, and errors, not regarding his most bounden duty to Almighty
God, and his laws, nor the natural duty of Allegiance to your Majesty,
in the last day of March in the 30th year of your most gracious reign,
in the parish of St. Peter the Poor, within your City of London, upon
demonstration and declaration then and there made unto him, that there
were certain new preachers, as Robert Barnes, clerk, and others,
whereof part were committed to the Tower of London, for preaching and
teaching of lewd learning against your Highness' Proclamations; the
same Thomas affirming the same preacher to be good, most detestably,
arrogantly, erroneously, wilfully, maliciously, and traitorously,
expressly against your Laws and Statutes, then and there did not let
to declare, and say, these most traitorous and detestable words
ensuing, amongst other words of like matter and effect; that is to
say, That _if the King would turn from it yet I would not turn; and if
the King did turn, and all his people, I would fight in the field in
mine own person, with my sword in my hand, against him and all
others_; and then and there, most traitorously pulled out his dagger,
and held it on high, saying these words: _Or else this dagger thrust
me to the heart, if I would not die in the quarrel against them all;
and I trust, if I live one year or two, it shall not lie in the King's
power to resist or let it if he would_. And further, then and there
swearing by a great oath, traitorously affirmed the same his
traitorous saying and pronunciation of words saying, _I will do so
indeed_, extending up his arm, as though he had had a sword in his
hand; to the most perilous, grievous, and wicked Example of all other
your loving, faithful and obedient Subjects in this your Realm, and to
the peril of your most Royal Person. And moreover, our most gracious
Sovereign Lord, the said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, hath acquired
and obtained into his possession, by Oppression, Bribery, Extort,
Power, and false promises made by him, to your Subjects of your Realm,
innumerable Sums of Money and Treasure; and being so enriched, hath
had your nobles of your realm in great disdain, derision, and
detestation, as by express words by him most opprobriously spoken hath
appeared. And being put in remembrance of others, of his estate, which
your Highness hath called him unto, offending in like treasons, the
last day of January, in the 31 year of your most noble reign, at the
Parish of St. Martin's in the Field, in the County of Middlesex, most
arrogantly, willingly, maliciously, and traitorously, said, published,
and declared, that _if the Lord would handle him so, that he would
give them such a breakfast as never was made in England, and that the
proudest of them should know_; to the great peril and danger, as well
of your Majesty, as of your Heirs and Successors. For the which his
most detestable and abominable heresies and treasons, and many other
his like offences and treasons over-long here to be rehearsed and
declared: Be it enacted, ordained, and established by your Majesty,
with the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons
in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the
same, that the said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, for his abominable
and detestable heresies and treasons, by him most abominably,
heretically, and traitorously practised, committed, and done, as well
against Almighty God, and against your Majesty, and this your said
Realm, shall be, and stand, by authority of this present Parliament,
convicted and attainted of Heresie and High Treason, and be adjudged
an abominable and detestable Heretick and Traitor; and shall have and
suffer such pains of Death, losses and forfeitures of Goods, Debts and
Chattels, as in cases of heresy and high treason, or as in cases of
either of them, at the pleasure of your most Royal Majesty.




HERTFORD'S ORDERS FOR THE NAVY AND ARMY.

(APRIL 28TH, 1544.)

+Source.+--_Hamilton Papers_, No. 227, Vol. II., H.M. General Register
House, Edinburgh.


51. Wafters[61] appointed for the vawarde:

The "Pauncye," the "Minion," the "Swallow," the "Gabian" of Ipswich,
the "John Evangeliste," the "Gallye Subtile," Harwoddes "Barke of
Calais" to attend upon the "Pauncye."

Wafters appointed for the battell:

The "Swepestake," the "Swanne" of Hamburghe, the "Mary Grace," the
"Elizabeth" of Lynne, Cumberfordes Shippe.

Wafters appointed for the rerewarde:

The "Great Galley," the "Gillian" of Dartmouth, the "Peter" of Fowery,
the "Anthony Fulford," the "Bark Riveley."


Orders taken at the Shelys within Tynemouth haven, the xxviiith day of
April in the xxxvith year of the reign of our sovereign lord King
Henry the Eighth, by the Earl of Hertford, great Chamberlain of
England, his highness' lieutenant in the north parties, and
captain-general of His Majesty's army by sea and land at this present
against the Scots.

1. First, his lordship in the King's Majesty's name, straightly
chargeth and commandeth, that all captains, with their soldiers and
mariners, shall be in readiness on shipboard in such ships as they be
appointed unto by the said lord lieutenant, according to such
proclamations as have been made in his lordship's name for that
purpose, to the intent that every such ship may weigh anchor with the
first prosperous wind that God shall send to depart.

2. Item, the lord admiral, with certain wafters with him, shall be
foremost of the fleet, bearing in his fore top-mast a flag of St.
George's Cross, and in the night ii lights of a good height in his
ship. And all those ships (whose captains with their soldiers be
appointed to the vaward, whereof the said lord admiral is chieftain)
shall as near as they can follow the said lord admiral. And at such
time as the said lord admiral shall come to an anchor, all the ships
of the vaward shall likewise come to an anchor, as near unto his ship
as they may conveniently.

3. Item, the said lord lieutenant hath appointed his own ship, and the
ship which the King's treasure is in, to make sail next unto the fleet
of the vaward, and all such ships (whose captains with their soldiers,
are appointed to be about his person in the battell) shall follow his
lordship as near as they can, and shall come to an anchor as near as
they can about him. And his lordship hath ordained to have upon his
main top-mast a flag of Saint George's Cross, and every night two
lights on high in his shrouds, and one above his main top, to the
intent that every man may know his lordship's ship from all other, as
well by night as by day.

4. Item, next unto the said fleet of battell, the Earl of Shrewsbury
(whom the said lord lieutenant hath appointed to be chieftain of the
rearwarde) shall make sail, bearing upon his mizzen top mast one flag
of St. George's Cross, and every night in the prow of his ship, one
cressitt[62] burning, to the intent all the fleet appointed to the
rereward may know the said Earl of Shrewsbury his ship from all
others.

5. Item, when the said lord lieutenant would have the lord admiral to
come on board his ship, his lordship hath appointed to put out a flag
above his forecastle. And when his lordship would have the captain of
the rearward to come on board his ship, his pleasure is to set out a
flag on the poop of his ship. And when his lordship would have all the
captains of the middle ward to come on board his ship, he hath
appointed to set out a banner of counsel against the midst of his
mainmast. And forbecause, that every captain of the vaward shall have
better knowledge of the tokens afforerehersed, his lordship straightly
chargeth and commandeth, that no ship shall spread any flag in any
place above the hatches, nor bear any lights in the night above the
decks, other than the said lord lieutenant's own ship, the lord
admiral's ship, and the captain of the rereward his ship as aforesaid.

6. Item, that if any ship or crayer chance by tempest of weather or
other cause to be put from the fleet, the same ships or crayers shall
resort to the Firth, as they will answer for the contrary at their
perils.

7. Item, that every captain, as well of the vaward, rereward and
battell, shall cause their boats to be in readiness for the landing of
their men, when they shall be commanded by the said lord lieutenant or
the said chieftaines. And that every captain (whose ship hath any
baseis or double verseis)[63] shall cause a trestle to be made in the
fore part of his boat with ii halys[64] to carye ii baseis or verseis,
for the more annoyance of their enemies at landing.


Officers to be appointed.

My lord admiral--The Chieftain of the vawarde.

The Earl of Shrewsbury--The Chieftain of the rearewarde.

Sir Rafe Sadler--Treasurer of the Wars.

Sir Rise Mansfield--The Knight Marshall.[65]

Constable--The Provost Marshall.[65]

Sir Christopher Morris--The Master of these Ordinances.

Le [words omitted]--Captain of the Pioneers.

Sir Anthony Hungerford--The Captain of the Scout.


Item, vii captains to have the rule of the watch,--every night one of
them to watch, and the Scouts from time to time to send him
advertisements.

Nevell. Item, one principal man to have the rule and charge of the
victuals, that the soldiers may have it for their money.

Gower and Everard. Item, one to be appointed, as well to see the
bringing of the victuals to the market, as also to order such others
as shall come to the market by any other means.


To land 12,000 men as followeth:

Harquebusiers, 500; Archers, 1000; Pikes, 1000; bills, 1500. 4000.

And these to be supported with the rest as they may land.


Ordenance to be landed before we march.

Fawcons,[66] 4; Fawconetes,[67] 6; Close waggons, 12. 22.


The vawarde.

Harquebusiers, 150; Archers, 1000; pikes, 500; bills, 2000. 3650.


The battell.

Harquebusiers, 200; archers, 1000; pikes, 1000; bills, 2500. 4700.


The rearewarde.

Harquebusiers, 100; archers, 1000; pikes, 550; bills, 2000. 3650.

To land 12,000 men at two places at one instant, as near as they can
together and at either place, these numbers following:

Harquebusiers, 250; archers, 1500; pikes, 1000; bills, 1500. 4250.

[Footnote 61: = transport boats.]

[Footnote 62: = An iron basket containing inflammable material, often
a coil of tarred rope.]

[Footnote 63: _i.e._ "base and verse" = small light cannons.]

[Footnote 64: = ropes?]

[Footnote 65: These officials were responsible for the discipline; the
former for the officers, and the latter for the men.]

[Footnote 66: = a ten pounder.]

[Footnote 67: = a five pounder.]




HERTFORD AND OTHERS TO HENRY VIII.

A. (MAY 9TH, 1544.)

+Source.+--_Hamilton Papers_, No. 233.


Please it your highness to understand that I the Earl of Hertford with
Your Majesty's army here, marched out of this toun on Wednesday last,
towards Edinburgh, and being set forwards, came to me an herald and
trumpet from the provost and council of the toun, declaring on their
behalf that they would set open the gates and deliver the keys unto me
to do with the toun and them what I would, upon trust that I would be
good lord unto them and save their lives and goods without burning or
spoil of the toun, which should make no resistance unto me.

I told him forasmuch as they had before refused so to do, and had made
me resolute answer that unless I would capitulate with them in what
sort I would use them and their toun, they would not yield the same,
but make resistances, which I took for a final resolution, I would
therefore remain now at my liberty to do as I thought good when I came
there; and therewith I asked, whether they would also undertake and
promise for to deliver the castle? Whereunto he answered that it was
out of his power to deliver the castle, but for the toun which was in
their hands, it should be at my commandment. Whereupon I willed them
to return, and to say unto the said provost and council that if they
would render all to my will, they should forthwith avoid the toun of
man, woman and childe, and at mine entry into the toun, if they did
meet me and submit themselves, I would then do as I saw cause.

Whereupon he departed, and soon after when I came near to the toun,
the provost and others of the toun with him, came to me and required
me to be good lord unto them and their toun, which should be committed
unto me without resistance, trusting that I would save their lives and
goods, and not burn nor spoil their toun.

I made them in effect like answer as before I made to the herald, but
being much pressed by them for the safetie of them and their toun with
their goods as aforesaid, I willed them to return, saying that at mine
entry within the toun, upon their submission and delivery of the keys
as they offered, I would then use them with the more favour, as at my
coming to the gates of the toun I would further declare. They returned
with this answer, and I supposed verily that they would in this sort
have delivered and yielded the toun; but immediately after, as soon as
we were marched hard to the toun, the inhabitants of the suburbs
raised a fire and a great smoke in one or two of their own houses
betwixt us and the toun, and forthwith after, I had intelligence that
they would defend and withstand us to their power. Whereupon I the
said Earl caused me the Lord Admiral with the forward to march into
the toun, who passed through the suburbs to the principal port of the
toun, being an iron gate and well fortified with men and ordinance,
which they shot so fast that some of our men being killed in the
streets with the same, the rest began to shrink and retire, but that
the gentlemen and others of the foreward, your majesty's servants,
gave the onset and made so sharp assault and approach hard to the
gate, that they recovered one piece of their artillery, and by
violence drew it from them through the loops, where the same did lie
in the gate. Nevertheless the Scots shot out of their windows and
holes of their houses so fast with hand-guns, that our men being so
astonied therewith, shot again at adventure, and did more hurt to
their own fellows than to the enemys, whereby it chanced that one hit
my Lord William with an arrow above the cheek, but the stroke was so
faint and weakly shot that, thanked be God, it did him little or no
hurt at all. In fine the said lord Admiral having caused Sir
Christopher Morris to lay ordinance to the said gate, after three or
iiii shots of a culverin, the gate flew open and our men entered the
toun with such good courage, as all the enemies fled away, and many of
them were slain, we think about vi or vii score at the least. And
being thus entered within the toun, and our enemies discomfited,
although I the said Earl had before taken order, that after the
winning of the toun and the entry into the same, they should proceed
no farther, nor make assault to the castle, till upon a future advice,
yet when the said gate was thus won and opened with the ordinance, the
gunners of their own courage, without advice or commandment of me the
said Earl, and without the knowledge of one the Lord Admiral, made
forthwith an approach with their battery pieces to the Castle of
Edinburgh, and shot of a little while to the same; but the castle
being so strong and the approach so dangerous on all sides, that it is
not possible for men to stand to their pieces without utter
destruction, the Scots with their shot both of cannon and other pieces
out of the castle, slew our men and dismounted one of our pieces. So
that I the said Earl perceiving the same, caused Mr. Lee and the
Surveyor of Calais to view the approach, who said that the same was so
dangerous, as the castle seemed to be impregnable without a long
demour and tarrying upon it; for there could be, as they said, no case
devised for the approach, but that the same must needs be so open upon
the shot of the castle, as without the great loss of men it could not
be entered, the ground being of hard rock, so that there was no earth
to fill mounds with, nor yet to trench on, and notwithstanding all the
shot that Sir Christopher Morris made, which endured almost two hours,
the walls of the castle seemed so strong as they were little or
nothing battered or impaired with the same. Whereupon I the said Earl
caused him to retire and withdraw all his pieces of artillery saving
that which was dismounted, which could not be lead away, the place
being so dangerous, as men could not stand to mount the same again,
and therefore I caused him to break it with over charge. And as soon
as the ordinance was thus withdrawn and set forwards, I commanded the
captains and soldiers to set fire in the toun, which being so raised
in sundry parts, the soldiers fell into such a sudden rage and fear,
that what by reason of the shot out of the castle, which beateth full
upon the toun, and killed sundry of our soldiers, and again with such
exclamations and cryings out upon no ground or cause, they began to
flee so fast out of the toun, as by reason of the straight passage at
the gate, the throng and press was so great, that one of them was like
to destroy another; whereof was like to have grown some mischief and
confusion. And if the smoke had not been such in the toun as blinded
the Scots so that the same could not see the confusion and throng of
our soldiers, undoubted with their shot they might have slain a great
number of your people. But God be thanked, at last it was well
appeased with much ado, and having made a jolly fire and smoke upon
the toun, I the said Earl with Your Highness' army returned to our
camp in this toun. And in this enterprise we lost not in all past xx
men, but by reason of the said confusion amongst the soldiers the time
passed and night came so fast on, that we could not tarry so long upon
the burning of the toun throughout, as we would have done, though it
be metely well smoked, and therefore we left it for that time. But
yesterday arrived here the warden of the East and Middle marches, with
the horsemen to the number of four thousand at the least, and this day
I the said Earl have eftsoons visited the said toun of Edinburgh,
which had chosen them a new provost, and intending to make a new
resistance, had repaired the said chief port of the toun with stone
and earth and stood somewhat stoutly to their defence. Nevertheless
they were so well assaulted and quickly handled that the gate was soon
set upon with our artillery and the toun won once again. In which
assault were slain iiii or v hundred Scots, and but vii of our men
lacking, thanks be to God. So that we trust Your Majesty's Commission
given to me the said Earl for the burning of the said toun, is now
well executed, for the toun and also the Abbey of Holyrood house is in
manner wholly brent and desolate; which considering the dangerous
entry into the same town by reason of the shot of the castle, we found
to be a far more difficult and dangerous enterprise than before hath
been supposed.

And whiles the toun was thus brenning, and we standing upon the hill
without the toun to view the same, we might well hear the women and
poor miserable creatures of the toun make exclamation and cryings out
upon the cardinal in these words: "Wa worthe the Cardinal."[68] And
also your horsemen since their arrival here have ridden abroad in the
country and brent round about within v miles compass hereabouts and
have gotten good booties, both of cattle and also ready money and
plate to a good value and substance....

And finally, having made such devastation of the country hereabouts as
your majesty hath commanded, I shall then proceed to the execution of
the rest of my charge in our return home by land, which I trust shall
be accomplished to your highness' honour and contentment. Thus
Almighty God preserve your majesty in your royal estate most
felicitously to endure. At Leith the ixth of May. Your Majesty's
humble subjects and most bounden servants, E. Hertford, John Lisle,
Rafe Sadleyr.


B. (MAY 18.)

+Source.+--_Hamilton Papers_, No. 240, Vol. II.

Please it Your Highness to understand that like as we wrote in our
last letters to Your Majesty our determination to depart from Leith
homewards by land with your army upon Thursday last, and so to
devastate the country by the way in our return as we might
conveniently, so have we now accomplished the same. And first before
our departure from Leith having brent Edinburgh and sundry other towns
and villages in those parties as we wrote in our said last
letters,--we did likewise burn the town of Leith, the same morning
that we departed thence, and such ships and boats as we found in the
haven, meet to be brought away, we have conveyed thence by sea, and
the rest are brent; and have also destroyed and brent the pier and
haven. Which damages we think they shall not be able to recover in our
time. And in our way homewards we have brent the town of
Musselborough, Preston, Seton, with Lord Seton's principal house,
himself being pricking aloof from us with a certain number of
horsemen, so that he will see his own house and his own toun on fire,
and also we have brent the touns of Haddington and Dunbar, which we
dare assure Your Majesty be well burnt, with as many other piles,
gentlemen's and others houses and villages as we might conveniently
reach, within the limits or compass of our way homewards. And always
had such respect towards the keeping of good order and array in our
marching, as notwithstanding the Scots would daily prick about us, and
make as many proud shows and braggs, they could take us at none
advantage. And yesterday the Lords Hume and Seton, and also as we were
informed, the Earl of Bothwell, had assembled together the number of
two thousand horsemen and vi thousand footmen, and were once
determined to have stopped us at the Pease, which is a very straight
and ill passage for an army, assuring your majesty that three thousand
men, being men of heart, and having captains of any policy or
experience of the wars, might keep and defend the said passage against
a greater power than we had. Nevertheless being the said Scots
assembled and determined as is aforesaid, to keep that passage, when
they saw your majesty's army and power marching towards them in an
honest order and in such sort as they might well perceive were fully
bent and determined to assault them, they did immediately disperse and
scale themselves in our sight, and gave us the passage without
resistance. And so this journey is accomplished to Your Majesty's
honour.

Touching the castle of Temptallen, like as we wrote to Your Highness
what we have done to Sir George Douglas in the same, so have I the
Earl of Hertford since that time received letters from the Earl of
Angus and the said Sir George, which I send herewith to Your Majesty;
and what shall be Your Majesty's further pleasure to have done in that
behalf, I shall accomplish accordingly; and would right gladly have
returned by Temptallen, and made some countenance of assault to the
same, but that partly I forbare and tarried for the said answer, and
chiefly I was constrained to leave it for lack of carriages for great
pieces of artillery and also for lack of powder; and besides that we
were so disfurnished by carriages for our victuals, that we were not
able to carry so much with us, as might serve us for any longer time
than that we might march home. And yet having made as Good Shift and
Provision for the same as we could for our lives, the soldiers, ere we
came half-way home, were fain to drink water the residue of the way
which they did with as good will as ever did men, and as well content
to endure labour and pain, without grudging at the same. These
respects and lacks enforced us to leave both Temptallen and Hume
Castles much against our wills, and to make the haste we could
homewards for avoiding of more inconvenience. So that this night we
arrived here at Berwick with our whole army, and shall forthwith
dissolve the same, to the intent Your Highness may the sooner be
exonerated of your great charges sustained in that behalf.

Finally, we have received letters since our arrival here from the
lords of your majesty's council, by the which it appeareth that Your
Highness' pleasure to have 3900 soldiers chosen out of this army
to be transported hence to Calais to serve Your Highness in
France,--whereupon I the said Earl have called sundry of the captains
afore me, and appointed such as I thought most meet with their numbers
for that purpose. Assuring Your Majesty that though the gentlemen are
most willing to serve, yet they declare their necessity to be such,
which indeed is most evident,--as we see not how it is possible to
furnish the said number presently from these parts, to be transported
to Calais, unless the gentlemen and their men might have time to go
home and prepare and furnish themselves in such sort as they might be
able to serve Your Majesty to your honour and their honesties. For
having in this journey spent all their money, they say that of force
they must go home to make shift for more, and they have neither tents
nor pavilions here; for because this enterprise into Scotland was by
sea, all gentlemen had special commandment to bring no carriages with
them, so that few or none brought any pavilion hither. And as for the
soldiers having lain nightly in their clothes, since they came from
home being now the space of two months, and for this fortnight, every
night in the fields without covering, they have the most part of them,
what with cold and great travail and scant victualling have caught
such diseases both in their bodies and swelling in their legs, and be
so wearied with labour and pain that few or none of them be meet to go
to the seas, nor yet able to serve Your Majesty when they come to land
to your honor. And besides that they be so far out of apparrell both
in shirts, doublets, coats, and all other things, having also no money
to furnish the same, that their captains cannot with honesty bring
them to the field in such plight. So that except they might have time
to refresh themselves, both to get health and such necessary furniture
as they now want, undoubtedly we see not how it is possible to pick
out the said number of 3900 of such men as may be sent with honesty to
serve Your Highness purpose,--as I the said lord Admiral shall declare
unto Your Majesty at my coming. In the mean season, we have appointed
here 500 Harquebusiers, which be as forward and apt men to serve in
strait feat as ever we saw, and also 200 of the Lord Cobham's men, 200
pioneers under the conduct of Mr. Lee and 50 of Sir Christopher Mone's
men, besides 500 of those that come by sea, over and above 2000
reserved to keep the sea, so that the whole number that can be had
here is 1450 men, which shall forthwith be embarked and transported to
Calais, according to Your Majesty's pleasure. And this is as much as
can be done here in that behalf, without a longer respect as is
aforesaid. Thus Almighty God preserve Your Majesty in your royal
estate most felicitously to endure.

At Berwick the xviiith of May and ix o'clock within night. Your
Majesty's humble subjects and most bounden servants. (Signed) E.
Hertford, John Lisle, Rafe Sadleyr.

[Footnote 68: _i.e._ Cardinal Beaton, leader of the French Party in
Scotland.]




ATTEMPTED INVASION OF ENGLAND BY THE FRENCH (1545).

+Source.+--Holinshed, p. 847.


The same month also the Lord Lisle Admiral of England with the English
fleet entered the mouth of the Seine, and came before Newhaven, where
a great navy of the Frenchmen lay, to the number of a two hundred
ships, and six and twenty gallies, whereof the Pope (as was reported)
had sent twenty well furnished with men and money to the aid of the
French king.

The Englishmen being not past an hundred and threescore sail, and all
great ships, determined not to set upon the Frenchmen where they lay:
but yet approaching near unto them, shot off certain pieces of
ordinance at them, and thereby caused the gallies to come abroad,
which changed shot again with the Englishmen.

The gallies at the first had great advantage, by reason of the great
calm.

Thrice either part assaulted other with shot of their great artillery,
but suddenly the wind rose so high, that the gallies could not endure
the rage of the seas, and so the Englishmen for fear of flats were
compelled to enter the main seas and so sailed unto Portsmouth where
the King lay, for he had knowledge of his espials that the Frenchmen
intended to land in the Isle of Wight, wherefore he repaired to that
coast, to see his realm defended.

After this, the eighteenth of July the admiral of France Monseiur
Danebalte hoisted up sails, and with his whole navy came forth into
the seas, and arrived on the coast of Sussex before Bright
Hamsteed,[69] and set certain of his soldiers on land to burn and
spoil the country: but the beacons were fired and the inhabitants
thereabouts came down so thick that the Frenchmen were driven to fly
with loss of divers of their numbers; so that they did little hurt
there. Immediately thereupon they made to the point of the Isle of
Wight, called Saint Helen's point, and there in good order upon their
arrival they cast anchors, and sent daily sixteen of their gallies to
the very haven of Portsmouth. The English navy lying there in the same
haven, made them ready, and set out toward the enemies, and still the
one shot hotly at the other; but the wind was so calm, that the king's
ships could bear no sail, which greatly grieved the minds of the
Englishmen, and made the enemies more bold to approach with their
gallies, and to assail the ships with their shot even within the haven.

The twentieth of July, the whole navy of the Englishmen made out, and
purposed to set on the Frenchmen, but in setting forward, through too
much folly, one of the King's ships called the _Marie Rose_ was
drowned in the midst of the haven, by reason that she was overladen
with ordinance, and had the ports left open, which were very low, and
the great artillerie unbreeched so that when the ship should turn, the
water entered, and suddenly she sank. In her was Sir George Carew
knight and four hundred soldiers under his guiding. There escaped not
past forty persons of all the whole number. On the morrow after about
two thousand of the Frenchmen landed at the Isle of Wight, where one
of their chief captains named le Chevalier Daux, a Provençois, was
slain with many other, and the residue with loss and shame driven back
again to their gallies.

The King perceiving the great Armada of the Frenchmen to approach,
caused the beacons to be fired, and by letters sent into Hamptonshire,
Summersetshire, Wiltshire, and into divers other countries adjoining,
gave knowledge to such as were appointed to be ready for that purpose,
to come with all speed to encounter the enemies. Whereupon they
repaired to his presence in great numbers well furnished with armour,
weapon, vittels, and all other things necessary, so that the Isle was
garnished, and all the frontiers along the coasts fortified with
exceeding great multitudes of men. The French captains having
knowledge by certain fishermen, whom they took, that the King was
present, and so huge a power ready to resist them, they disanchored
and drew along the coast of Sussex, and a small number of them landed
again in Sussex, of whom few returned to their ships; for divers
gentlemen of the country, as Sir Nicholas Pelham, and others, with
such power as was raised, upon the sudden, took them up by the way and
quickly distressed them.

When they had searched everywhere by the coast, and saw men still
ready to receive them with battle, they turned stern, and so got them
home again without any act achieved worthy to be mentioned. The number
of the Frenchmen was great, so that divers of them that were taken
prisoners in the Isle of Wight and in Sussex did report that they were
three score thousand. The French king advertised the emperor most
untruly by letters, that his army had gotten the Isle of Wight with
the ports of Hamton, and Portsmouth, and divers other places.

[Footnote 69: _i.e._ Brighthelmstone = Brighton.]




THE CAPTURE OF THE BARQUE AGER (1545).

+Source.+--Hall's _Henry VIII_.


In this time, there was by the Frenchmen a voyage made towards the
Isle of Brazil, with a ship called the Barque Ager, which they had
taken from the Englishmen before. And in their way they fortuned to
meet suddenly with a little Craer, of whom was Master one Golding,
which Golding was a fierce and an hardy man. The barque perceiving
this small Craer to be an Englishman, shot at him and boughed him,
wherefore the Craer drew straight to the great ship, and six or seven
of the men leapt into the Barque: the Frenchmen looking over the board
at the sinking of the Craer, nothing mistrusting anything, that might
be done by the Englishmen. And so it fortuned that those Englishmen
which climbed into the ship, found in the end thereof a great number
of lime pots, which they with water quenched, or rather as the nature
thereof is, set them a fire, and threw them at the Frenchmen that were
aboard, and so blinded them, that those few Englishmen that entered
the ship, vanquished all that were therein, and drove them under
hatches, and brought the barque clearly away again into England.




SPEECH MADE BY KING HENRY VIII. AT THE OPENING OF PARLIAMENT (1546).

+Source.+--Edward Hall's _Henry VIII_.


Although my Chancellor for the time being, hath before this time used,
very eloquently and substantially, to make answer to such orations, as
hath been set forth in this high court of Parliament, yet is he not so
able to open and set forth my mind and meaning, and the secrets of my
heart, in so plain and ample manner, as I myself am and can do;
wherefor I taking upon me to answer your eloquent oration, Master
Speaker, say, that where you, in the name of our well-beloved Commons
hath both praised and extolled me, for the notable qualities that you
have conceived to be in me, I most heartily thank you all, that you
have put me in remembrance of my duty, which is to endeavour myself to
obtain and get such excellent qualities, and necessary virtues, as a
Prince or Governor, should or ought to have, of which gifts I
recognize myself both bare and barren; but of such small qualities as
God hath endued me withal, I render to his goodness my most humble
thanks, intending with all my wit and diligence, to get and acquire to
me such notable virtues and princely qualities as you have alleged to
be incorporate in my person. These thanks for your loving admonition
and good counsel first remembered, eftsoons thank you again, because
that you, considering our great charges (not for our pleasure, but for
your defences, not for our gain, but to our great cost), which we have
lately sustained, as well in defence of our and your enemies, as for
the conquest of that fortress, which was to this realm, most
displeasant and noisome, and shall be by God's grace hereafter, to our
nation most profitable and pleasant, have freely of your own mind,
granted to us a certain subsidy specified in a certain act, which
verily we take in good part, regarding more your kindness, than the
profit thereof, as he that setteth more by your loving hearts, than by
your substance. Besides this hearty kindness, I cannot a little
rejoice when I consider the perfect trust and sure confidence which
you have put in me, as men having undoubted hope and unfeigned belief
in my good doings and just proceedings for you, without my desire or
request, have committed to mine order and disposition, all Chantries,
Colleges, Hospitals, and other places specified in a certain act,
firmly trusting that I will order them to the glory of God, and the
profit of the commonwealth. Surely if I contrary to your expectation,
should suffer the ministers of the Church to decay, or learning (which
is so great a jewel) to be ministered, or poor and miserable people to
be unrelieved, you might say that I being put in so special a trust,
as I am in this case, were no trusty friend to you, nor charitable man
to mine even Christian,[70] neither a lover of the public wealth, nor
yet one that feared God, to whom account must be rendered of all our
doings. Doubt not I pray you, but your expectation shall be served,
more godly and goodly than you will wish or desire, as hereafter you
shall plainly perceive.

Now sithence I find such kindness on your part towards me, I can not
chose but love and favour you, affirming that no prince in the world
more favoureth his subjects, than I do you, nor no subjects or commons
more, love and obey, their sovereign lord, than I perceive you do me,
for whose defence my treasure shall not be hidden, nor yf necessity
require my person shall not be unadventured; yet although I with you,
and you with me, be in this perfect love and concord, this friendly
amity can not continue, except both you my lords temporal, and you my
lords spiritual, and you my loving subjects, study and take pain to
amend one thing, which surely is amiss, and far out of order, to the
which I most heartily require you, which is, that charity and concord
is not amongst you, but discord and dissention beareth rule in every
place. S. Paul saith to the Corinthians, in the xiii Chapter, Charity
is gentle, Charity is not envious, Charity is not proud, and so forth,
in the said Chapter: Behold then what love and Charity is amongst you,
when the one calleth the other Heretic and Anabaptist, and he calleth
him again Papist, Hypocrit and Pharisee. Be these tokens of charity
amongst you? Are these the signs of fraternal love between you? No,
no, I assure you, that this lack of charity among yourselves, will be
the hindrance and assuaging of the fervent love between us, as I said
before; except this wound be salved, and clearly made whole, I must
needs judge the fault and occasion of this discord to be partly by
negligence of you the fathers and preachers of the spirituality. If I
see a man boast and bragg himself, I cannot but deem him a proud man.
I see and hear daily that you of the clergy preach one against
another, teach one contrary to another, inveigh one against another
without charity or discretion. Some be too stiff in their old
Mumpsimus, others be too busy and curious in their new Sumpsimus. Thus
all men almost be in variety and discord, and few or none preach truly
and sincerely the word of God, according as they ought to do. Shall I
now judge you charitable persons doing this? No, no, I cannot so do:
alas, how can the poor souls live in concord when you preachers sow
amongst them in your sermons debate and discord? Or if they look for
light, and you bring them to darkness? Amend these crimes I exhort
you, and set forth God's word, both by true preaching, and good
example giving, or else I whom God hath appointed his Vicar, and high
minister here, will see these divisions extinct, and these enormities
corrected, according to my very duty, or else I am an unprofitable
servant, and untrue officer.

Although as I say, the spiritual men be in some fault, that charity is
not kept amongst you, yet you of the temporality be not clean and
unspotted of malice and envy, for you rail on Bishops, speak
slanderously of Priests, and rebuke and taunt Preachers, both contrary
to good order and Christian fraternity. If you know surely that a
bishop or preacher erreth or teacheth perverse doctrine, come and
declare it to some of our Council or to us, to whom is committed by
God the high authority to reform and order such causes and behaviours,
and be not judges yourselves, of your own phantastical opinions, and
vain exposicions, for in such high causes ye may lightly err. And all
though you be permitted to read holy scripture, and to have the word
of God in your mother tongue, you must understand that it is licensed
you so to do, only to inform your own conscience, and to instruct your
children and family, and not to dispute and make scripture a railing
and a taunting stock, against Priests and Preachers (as many light
persons do). I am very sorry to know and hear, how unreverently that
most precious jewel the word of God is disputed, rhymed, sung and
jangled in every Alehouse and Tavern, contrary to the true meaning and
doctrine of the same. And yet I am even as much sorry that the readers
of the same follow it in doing so faintly and coldly; for of this I am
sure, that Charity was never so faint amongst you, and vertuous and
Godly living was never less used, nor God himself amongst Christians
was never less reverenced, honoured or served. Therefore, as I said
before, be in Charity one with another, like brother and brother,
love, dread and serve God (to the which I as your supreme head, and
sovereign lord, exhort and require you) and then I doubt not but that
love and league that I spake of in the beginning shall never be
dissolved or broken between us. And the making of laws, which be now
made and concluded, I exhort, you the makers, to be as diligent in
putting them in execution, as you were in making and furthering the
same, or else your labour shall be in vain, and your commonwealth
nothing relieved. Now to your petition, concerning our royal assent to
be given to such acts as passed both the houses. They shall be read
openly, and ye may hear them.

[Footnote 70: = my fellow Christian.]





HUGH LATIMER'S SERMON ON "THE PLOUGHERS" (1549).

+Source.+--Latimer's _Remains and Sermons_, Corria Parker Society
(1844); "Sermon on the Ploughers."


... Now what shall we say of these rich artisans of London? What shall
I say of them? Shall I call them proud men of London, malicious men of
London, merciless men of London? No, no, I may not say so, they will
be offended with me then. Yet must I speak. For there is reigning in
London as much pride, as much covetousness, as much cruelty, as much
oppression, as much superstition, as was in Nebo?[71] Yes, I think and
much more too. Therefore I say, repent O London! repent, repent! Thou
hearest thy faults told thee; amend them, amend them. And you rulers
and officers, be wise and circumspect, look to your charge and see you
do your duties and rather be glad to amend your ill living than to be
angry when you are warned or told of your fault.... But London cannot
abide to be rebuked; such is the nature of man. If they be pricked,
they will kick. If they be rubbed on the gall, they will wince. But
yet they will not amend their faults, they will not be ill spoken of.
But how shall I speak well of them? If you could be content to receive
and follow the word of God and favour good preachers, if you could
bear to be told of your faults, if you could amend when you hear of
them: if you would be glad to reform that is amiss: if I might see any
such inclination in you, that leave to be merciless and begin to be
charitable, I would then hope well of you, I would then speak well of
you. But London was never so ill as it is now. In times past men were
full of pity and compassion, but now there is no pity; for in London
their brother shall die in the streets for cold, he shall lie sick at
their door between stock and stock, I cannot tell what to call it, and
perish there for hunger. In times past when any rich man died in
London, they were wont to help the poor scholars of the university
with exhibition. When any man died, they would bequeathe great sums of
money towards the relief of the poor. When I was a scholar at
Cambridge myself, I heard very good report of London and knew many
that had relief of the rich men of London; but now I can hear no such
good report and yet I enquire of it and hearken for it, but now
charity is waxed cold, none helpeth the scholar nor yet the poor. And
in those days what did they when they helped the scholars? Many they
maintained and gave them livings that were very papists and professed
the pope's doctrine; and now that the knowledge of God's word is
brought to light, and many earnestly study and labour to set it forth,
now almost no man helpeth to maintain them. Oh! London! London!
repent, repent, for I think God is more displeased with London than
ever he was with the city of Nebo. Amend therefore; and ye that be
prelates, look well to your office, for right prelating is busy
labouring and not lording. Therefore preach and teach and let your
plough be doing; ye lords, I say, that live like loiterers, look well
to your office; the plough is your office and charge. If you live idle
and loiter, you do not your duty, you follow not your vocation; let
your plough therefore be going and not cease, that true ground may
bring forth good fruit. But now, me thinketh I hear one say unto me,
wot you what you say? Is it a work? Is it a labour? How then hath it
happened that we have had so many hundred years so many unpreaching
prelates, lording loiterers, and idle ministers? Ye would have me here
to make answer and to shew the cause thereof. Nay, this land is not
for me to plough, it is too strong, too thorny, too hard for me to
plough. They have so many things that make for them, so many things to
lay for themselves, that it is not for my weak team to plough them.
They have to lay for themselves long customs and ceremonies and
authority, placing in parliament, and many things more. And I feare me
this land is not yet ripe to be ploughed. For, as the saying is, it
lacketh weathering; at least way it is not for me to plough. For what
shall I look for among thornes but pricking and scratching? What among
stones, but stumbling? What (I had almost said) among serpents, but
stinging? But this much I dare say, that since lording and loitering
hath come up, preaching hath come down, contrary to the Apostles'
times. For they preached and lorded not. And now they lord and preach
not.

But now for the fault of unpreaching prelates, me thinke, I could
guess, what might be said for excusing of them: They are so troubled
with lordly living, they be so placed in palaces, couched in courts,
ruffling in their rents, dancing in their dominions, and burdened with
ambassages, pampering of their paunches like a monk that maketh his
jubilee, munching in their mangers and moiling in their gay manors and
mansions, and so troubled with loitering in their Lordships: that they
cannot attend it. They are otherwise occupied, some in the king's
matters, some are ambassadors, some of the Privy Council, some to
furnish the court, some are Lords of Parliament, some are presidents
and some are comptrollers of mints. Is this their duty? Is this their
office? Should we have ministers of the Church to be comptrollers of
the mints? Is this a meet office for a prieste that hath the cure of
Souls? Is this his charge? I would here ask one question? I would fain
know who controlleth the devil at home at his parish while he
comptrolleth the mint? If the Apostles might not leave the office of
preaching to be deacons, shall one leave it for minting?

And now I would ask a strange question? Who is the most diligent
bishop and prelate in all England, that passeth all the rest in doing
his office? I can tell, for I know him, who it is; I know him well.
But now I think I see you listing and hearkening, that I should name
him. There is one that passeth all the other, and is the most diligent
prelate and preacher in all England. And will ye know who it is? I
will tell you. It is the Devil. He is the most diligent preacher of
all other, he is never out of his diocese, he is never from his cure,
ye shall never find him unoccupied, he is ever in his parish, he
keepeth residence at all times, ye shall never find him out of the
way; call for him when you will, he is ever at home, the diligentest
preacher in all the Realm; he is ever at his plough, no lording or
loitering can hinder him; he is ever applying his business, ye shall
never find him idle, I warrant you. And his office is, to hinder
religion, to maintain superstition, to set up idolatry, to teach all
kind of popery; he is ready as can be wished to set forth his plough,
to devise as many ways as can be, to deface and obscure God's glory.
Where the Devil is resident and hath his plough going: there away with
books, and up with candles, yea, at noon-days. Where the Devil is
resident, that he may prevail, up with all superstition and idolatry,
sensing, painting of images, candles, palms, ashes, holy water and new
service of men's inventing, as though man could invent a better way to
honour God with than God himself hath appointed. Down with Christ's
Crosse, up with Purgatory pick-purse, up with him, the popish
purgatory, I mean. Away with clothing the naked, the poor and
impotent, up with decking of images and gay garnishing of stocks and
stones, up with man's traditions and his laws, down with God's
tradition and his most holy word. Down with the old honour due to God,
and up with the new God's honour, let all things be done in Latin.
There must be nothing but Latin, not as much as "Memento, homo, quod
cinis es, et in cineres reverteris"--Remember, man, that thou arte
ashes and into ashes thou shalt return. Which be the words that the
minister speaketh, to the ignorant people, when he giveth them ashes
upon Ash Wednesday, but it must be spoken in Latin. God's word may in
no wise be translated into English. Oh, that our prelates would be as
diligent to sow the corn of good doctrine, as Satan is to sow cockel
and darnel! And this is the devilish ploughing, the which worketh to
have things in Latin and letteth the fruitful edification.

[Footnote 71: A Moabite town; see Jeremiah xlviii.]




THE ORDINANCES, STATUTES AND RULES MADE BY JOHN LORD TIPTOLFE, EARL OF
WORCESTER, CONSTABLE OF ENGLAND, BY THE KING'S COMMANDMENT, AT WINDSOR
ON THE 29TH OF MARCH (CIRCA 1590).

+Source.+--From Sir J. Harrington's _Nugae Antiquae_, Vol. III.,
p. 234, 1792.


Reserving always to the Queen and to the Lord President, the
attribution and gift of the prizes, after the manner and form
accustomed. For their demerits according to the articles ensuing:


_How many ways the prize is won._

First, whoso breaketh most spears, as they ought to be broken, shall
have the prize.

Item, whoso breaketh three times, in the sight of the helm, shall have
the prize.

Item, whoso meeteth two times, coronal[72] to coronal, shall have the
prize.

Item, whoso beareth a man doun with stroke of spear shall have the
prize.


_How many ways the prize shall be lost._

First, whoso striketh a horse shall have no prize.

Item, who striketh a man, his back turned, or disarmed of his spear,
shall have no prize.

Item, whoso hitteth the toile[73] three times shall have no prize.

Item, whoso unhelms himself two times shall have no prize, unless his
horse do fail him.


_How broken spears shall be allowed._

First, whoso breaketh a spear between the saddle and the coronal[74]
of the helm shall be allowed for one.

Item, whoso breaketh a spear from the coronal upwards shall be allowed
for two.

Item, whoso breaketh a spear, so that he striketh his adversary doun,
or put him out of his saddle, or disarms him in such wise as he may
not run the next course after, or breaketh his spear coronal to
coronal shall be allowed as three spears broken.


_How spears broken shall be disallowed._

First, whoso breaketh on the saddle shall be disallowed for
spear-breaking.

Item, whoso hitteth the toile once shall be disallowed for two.

Item, whoso hitteth the toil shall, for that blow the second time be
disallowed three.

Item, whoso breaketh a spear, within a foot to the coronal, shall be
adjudged as no spear broken, but a faint attaint.[75]


_For the Prize to be given and who shall be preferred._

First, whoso beareth a man doun out of the saddle, or putteth him to
the earth, horse and man, shall have the prize before him that
striketh coronal to coronal two times.

Item, he that strikes coronal to coronal two times, shall have the
prize before him that strikes the sight three times.

Item, he that strikes the sight three times shall have the prize
before him that breaketh more spears.

Item, if there be any man that furnisheth in this wise, which shall be
deemed to have bidden longest in the field helmed, and to have run the
fairest course, and to have given the greatest strokes, and to have
holpen himself best with his spear he shall have the prize.

 JOHN WORCESTER.


_At Tourney._

Two blows at the passage, and ten at the joining, more or less as they
make it. All gripings, shocks and foul play forbidden.


_How Prizes and Tourney and barrier are to be lost._

He that giveth a stroke with a pike from the girdle downwards, or
under the barrier, shall win no prize.

He that shall have a close gauntlet, or anything to fasten his sword
to his hand, shall have no prize.

He whose sword falleth out of his hand shall win no prize.

He that stayeth his hands in fight or the barrier shall win no prize.

He whosoever shall fight and doth not shew his sword to the judges
before, shall win no prize.

Yet it is to be understood that the Challengers may win all these
prizes against the Defendants.

The Maintainers may take aid or assistance of the noblemen, of such as
they shall like best.

[Footnote 72: Coronal = (_a_) The head of a tilting lance of iron,
furnished with two, three, or four blunt points, which give a good
hold on shield or helmet when striking but do not penetrate; (_b_) the
ornamentation on the helmet, to which the plume or crest was usually
attached.]

[Footnote 73: The barrier separating the two competitors.]

[Footnote 74: See note on previous page.]

[Footnote 75: Attaint was the technical term for a hit.]




A LITTLE PROHEME TO THE BOOK CALLED _GRAMMATICA RUDIMENTA_, BY DEAN
COLET (1527).

APPENDIX IX. NUM. XIII.

+Source.+--Knight's _Life of Colet_.


Albeit many have written, and have made certain introductions into
Latin Speech, called Donates and Accidence in Latin tongue and in
English, in such plenty that it should seem to suffice; yet
nevertheless for the love and zeal that I have to the new School of
Powles, and to the children of the same, somewhat I have also compiled
of the matter, and of the viii parts of grammar have made this little
book, not thinking that I could say anything that had been said better
before, but I took this business having great pleasure to shew the
testimony of my good mind unto that school.

In which little work if any new things be of me, it is alonely that I
have put these parts in a more clear order, and have made them a
little more easy to young wits, than (me thinketh) they were before.
Judging that nothing may be too soft, nor too familiar for little
children, especially learning a tongue unto them all strange. In which
little book I have left many things out of purposes, considering the
tenderness and small capacity of little minds. And that I have spoken
also I have affirmed it none otherwise, but as it happeneth most
commonly in the Latin Tongue. For many be the exceptions, and hard it
is anything generally to assure in a speech so various. I pray God all
may be to his honour, and to the erudition and profit of children, and
my countrymen Londoners especially, whom digesting this little work I
had alway before mine eyen, considering more, what was for them, than
to shew any great cunning, willing to speak the things often before
spoken, in such manner as gladly young beginners and tender wits might
take and conceive. Wherefore I pray you all little babes, all little
children learn gladly this little treatise, and commend it diligently
unto your memories, trusting of this beginning that ye shall proceed
and grow to perfect literature, and come at the last to be great
clerks. And lift up your little white hands for me, which prayeth for
you to God, to whom be all honour and imperial majesty and glory, AMEN.




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BELL'S SCOTTISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS.


+1637-1688. The Scottish Covenanters.+ Edited by J. PRINGLE THOMSON, M.A.

+1689-1746. The Jacobite Rebellions.+ Edited by J. PRINGLE THOMSON, M.A.




LONDON: G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.




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Transcriber's note:

Apparent typographical errors have been corrected. The use of hyphens
has been rationalised.

Notices of other books in the series have been moved to the end of the
text.