Produced by Al Haines









[Frontispiece: Charles Beresford, Admiral]




  THE MEMOIRS OF
  ADMIRAL
  LORD BERESFORD



  WITH TWENTY-THREE ILLUSTRATIONS



  FOURTH EDITION IN ONE VOLUME



  METHUEN & CO. LTD.
  36 ESSEX STREET W.C.
  LONDON




  First Published (2 vols.) . . . . October 6th, 1914
  Second Edition . . . . November, 1914
  Third Edition . . . . December, 1914
  Fourth Edition (1 vol.) . . . . September, 1916




  TO
  MY BROTHER OFFICERS
  OF THE
  ROYAL NAVY




{vii}

PREFACE

This work is a record of my life from the year 1859, when I entered the
Royal Navy, to the year 1909, when I hauled down my flag and came on
shore.

For the Introduction and the Notes, which have been written in order to
amplify the personal narrative and to connect it with the historical
events of the period, Mr. L. Cope Cornford is responsible.

I have dedicated the book to my brother officers of the Royal Navy.

As luck would have it, my career has been of a singularly varied
character.  And my hope is that, in reading its story, boys and girls,
as well as their elders, may find pleasure.

CHARLES BERESFORD
    _Admiral_

1 GREAT CUMBERLAND PLACE, W.
    _June_ 1914




[Illustration: CURRAGHMORE]




{ix}

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

CHAP.

I. I SEE THE FLEET

II. THE BEGINNING OF SERVICE

III. THE SHIP OF HAPPIEST MEMORY

IV. THE SHIP OF UNHAPPY MEMORY

V. THE MIDSHIPMAN OF 1864

VI. STRICT SERVICE

VII. THE CRUISE OF H.M.S. _GALATEA_--
    I. TO THE ANTIPODES

VIII. THE CRUISE OF H.M.S. _GALATEA_ (_continued_)--
    II. MY TWO FAITHFUL SERVANTS

IX. THE CRUISE OF H.M.S. _GALATEA_ (_continued_)--
    III. TAHITI AND THE SANDWICH ISLANDS

X. THE CRUISE OF H.M.S. _GALATEA_ (_continued_)--
    IV. OLD JAPAN.  NOTE

XI. THE CRUISE OF H.M.S. _GALATEA_ (_continued_)--
    V. WITH THE DUKE IN JAPAN

XII. THE CRUISE OF H.M.S. _GALATEA_ (_continued_)--
    VI. THE HOMEWARD VOYAGE

XIII. FLAG-LIEUTENANT AT PLYMOUTH

XIV. POLITICAL EVENTS OF 1873-80 AND POSTSCRIPT.  NOTE

{x}

XV. AN IRISH ELECTION AND IRISH POLITICS

XVI. MEMBER FOR WATERFORD, AND COMMANDER, ROYAL NAVY

XVII. WITH THE PRINCE IN INDIA

XVIII. THE EGYPTIAN WAR--
    I. THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLE.  NOTE

XIX. THE EGYPTIAN WAR (_continued_)--
    II. THE BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA

XX. THE EGYPTIAN WAR (_continued_)--
    III. CHIEF OF POLICE

XXI. THE EGYPTIAN WAR (_continued_)--
    IV. GARRISON WORK

XXII. PASSING THROUGH EGYPT

XXIII. THE SOUDAN WAR OF 1884-5--
    I. SUMMARY OF EVENTS.  NOTE

XXIV. THE SOUDAN WAR (_continued_)--
    II. HOW WE BROUGHT THE BOATS THROUGH THE GREAT GATE

XXV. THE SOUDAN WAR (_continued_)--
    III. UP THE CATARACTS AND ACROSS THE DESERT

XXVI. THE SOUDAN WAR (_continued_)--
    IV. THE FIRST MARCH OF THE DESERT COLUMN.  NOTE

XXVII. THE SOUDAN WAR (_continued_)--
    V. THE DESERT MARCH OF THE FORLORN HOPE

XXVIII. THE SOUDAN WAR (_continued_)--
    VI. THE FIGHT AT ABU KLEA

XXIX. THE SOUDAN WAR (_continued_)--
    VII. THE FIGHT TO REACH THE RIVER

{xi}

XXX. THE SOUDAN WAR (_continued_)--
    VIII. DISASTER

XXXI. THE SOUDAN WAR (_continued_)--
    IX. THE RESCUE

XXXII. THE SOUDAN WAR (_continued_)--
    X. THE EFFECT OF THE ACTION OF WAD HABESHI

XXXIII. THE SOUDAN WAR (_continued_)--
    XI. THE RETREAT

XXXIV. THE SOUDAN WAR (_continued_)--
    XII. SEQUEL AND CONCLUSION

XXXV. ORGANISATION FOR WAR

XXXVI. THE TWENTY-ONE MILLION

XXXVII. H.M.S. UNDAUNTED--
    I. WITH THE MEDITERRANEAN FLEET

XXXVIII. H.M.S. UNDAUNTED (_continued_)--
    II. THE SALVING OF THE _SEIGNELAY_

XXXIX. THE SECOND SHIPBUILDING PROGRAMME

XL. STEAM RESERVE

XLI. VIEWS AND REVIEWS

XLII. COVETED CHINA.  NOTE

XLIII. THE INTROMISSION OF THE ADMIRALS

XLIV. TRAFFICS AND DISCOVERIES--
    I. CHINA

XLV. TRAFFICS AND DISCOVERIES (_continued_)--
    II. JAPAN

XLVI. TRAFFICS AND DISCOVERIES (_continued_)--
    III. THE UNITED STATES


{xii}

XLVII. H.M.S. _RAMILLIES_

XLVIII. HER MAJESTY'S MIDSHIPMEN

XLIX. THE PARLIAMENTARY ANVIL

L. THE CHANNEL FLEET

LI. BOAT RACING

LII. THE MEDITERRANEAN STATION

LIII. SPORTING MEMORIES--
    I. RIDING AND DRIVING

LIV. SPORTING MEMORIES (continued)--
    I. SHOOTING

LV. SPORTING MEMORIES (continued)--
    III. FISHING

LVI. HOME WATERS: THE LAST COMMAND

POSTSCRIPT. THE MAKING OF AN ADMIRAL

INDEX

(The "Notes" are by L. COPE CORNFORD)




{xiii}

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

THE AUTHOR . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _Frontispiece_
    From a photograph by Heath

CURRAGHMORE
    From a photograph by G. D. Croker

SIR JOHN DE LA POER BERESFORD, 4TH MARQUESS OF WATERFORD

CHRISTINA, MARCHIONESS OF WATERFORD
    From paintings at Curraghmore

THE AUTHOR AS NAVAL CADET
    From a photograph

H.M.S. _MARLBOROUGH_, 1861
    From a painting in the possession of the Author

THE OFFICERS OF H.M.S. _SUTLEJ_, 1865.
    From a photograph

H.R.H. THE DUKE OF EDINBURGH
    From a photograph by J. Russell & Sons

PIETER BOTH MOUNTAIN, MAURITIUS
    From a photograph

THE AUTHOR AS LIEUTENANT
    From a photograph

{xiv}

THE AUTHOR ÆT. 27
    From a photograph

LADY CHARLES BERESFORD
    From a photograph

THE BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA, 11TH JULY 1882
    From a chart drawn by the Author at the time

ON BOARD H.M.S. CONDOR, 11TH JULY 1882
    From a drawing by Frederic Villiers

PROVOST-MARSHAL AND CHIEF OF POLICE, ALEXANDRIA, JULY 1882
    From a drawing by Frederic Villiers

THE AUTHOR'S METHOD OF HAULING BOATS THROUGH THE BAB-EL-KEBIR
    After a drawing made on the spot by the Author

THE NILE FROM WADY HALFA TO KHARTOUM

THE AUTHOR
    From a photograph by Hallen, New York

"RUNNING THE GAUNTLET"--THE ACTION OF THE _SAFIEH_
  AT WAD HABESHI, 4TH FEBRUARY 1885
    From a painting in the possession of the Author

FIELD-MARSHAL THE RIGHT HON. VISCOUNT WOLSELEY
    From a photograph by Elliott & Fry

THE AUTHOR SPEAKING IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ON
  HIS TWENTY-ONE MILLION SHIPBUILDING PROGRAMME,
  13TH DECEMBER 1888
    From the drawing by J. Walter Wilson in the possession
      of the Author

{xv}

THE AUTHOR, 1898
    From a drawing by Phil May in the possession of the Author

H.M.S. _KING EDWARD VII_ ENGAGED IN BATTLE PRACTICE, 1907
    From a photograph

(_Design of Cover by HAROLD WYLLIE_)




{xvii}

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

THE HOUSE OF BERESFORD

Lord Charles William de la Poer Beresford, born in 1846, was the second
of five brothers, sons of Sir John de la Poer Beresford, fourth
Marquess of Waterford.  Lord Charles's elder brother, Sir John Henry de
la Poer Beresford (to give him his full title), Earl and Viscount of
Tyrone, Baron de la Poer of Curraghmore in the county of Waterford, and
Baron Beresford of Beresford in the county of Cavan, in the Peerage of
Ireland, and Baron Tyrone of Haverfordwest in the county of Pembroke,
in the Peerage of Great Britain, Knight of the Most Illustrious Order
of St. Patrick, succeeded to these titles in 1866.  Sir John joined the
1st Life Guards.  He died in 1895, and was succeeded by his son (nephew
to Lord Charles), as presently to be noted.

Of the other three brothers, Lord William de la Poer joined the 9th
Lancers and became Military Secretary to five successive Viceroys of
India, was a patron of the Turf, and died in 1900; Lord Marcus de la
Poer joined the 7th Hussars, took charge of the King's racehorses, an
office which he still fulfils, and was appointed Extra Equerry to King
George; Lord Delaval James de la Poer (sixteen years younger than Lord
Charles) ranched in North America and was killed in a railway accident
in 1906.

The five brothers were keen sportsmen, hard riders, men of their hands,
high-couraged, adventurous, talented in affairs, winning friendship and
affection wherever they went.  {xviii} Lord John-Henry, fifth Marquess,
the eldest brother, inherited the family tradition of good
landlordship.  There was never any oppression of tenants on the
Waterford estate.  In the House of Lords and in the country, Lord
Waterford took a strenuous part in the troubled and complex issues of
Irish politics; although during the last years of his life he was
crippled and helpless, the result of an accident which befell him in
the hunting field.  Lord William won the V.C. by an act of cool and
audacious gallantry in the Zulu war of 1879; renowned for reckless
hardihood, there was hardly a bone in his body which he had not broken;
and it is probable that his injuries, diminishing his powers of
resistance, caused him to succumb to his last illness.  Lord Charles
has broken his chest-bone,--a piece of which was cut out in his
boyhood, leaving a cavity,--pelvis, right leg, right hand, foot, five
ribs, one collar-bone three times, the other once, his nose three
times; but owing to his extraordinary physique and strict regimen, he
is younger and stronger at the time of writing than most men of half
his age.

The family home of the five brothers was Curraghmore, a noble estate
lying some twelve miles west of Waterford.  The great house stands in a
cup of the hills, whose slopes are clothed with woods of oak, the
primæval forest of Ireland.  The oak woods adjoining the house were
planted with the design of supplying timber to the Royal Navy.  Built
foursquare, like most houses in Ireland, the mansion faces upon a vast
gravelled quadrangle, closed in on left and right by the long ranges of
stables.  Beyond the lawns of the terraced garden, beyond the hanging
woods, the bony shoulders of the mountains of Comeragh hunch upon the
changing sky; nearer hand, darkens the lone hill of Croughaun; and day
and night the noise of running waters, the voice of the Clodagh River,
flowing through tawny shallow and sombre pool, breaking white-maned
upon rock and fall, rises upon the quiet air.  Looking westward from
the bare summit of the hill above the deer-park, you shall {xix} view
the rich valley parcelled into garden and farm and paddock, which are
set among deep groves; in the midst, flanked by a gleam of water, the
house darkens upon the westering sunlight; and beyond, the sparkling
landscape fades into the profound and aerial blue of the mountain wall.
Eastward, the rounded bosses of the forest clothe the hills; and in the
valley's gentle opening, the river Suir, like a scimitar laid on cloth
of tapestry, glimmers dark and bright upon the plain, which, studded
with woods and dotted with white specks of villages, stretches to where
the dim sea-line merges in the sky.

Over yonder, cloven through the heart of the ancient woods, a green
drive rises to the skyline, bordered on either side by rhododendrons,
like huge ropes of jewels, three miles long.  In the forest there is
silence.  Few birds or none nest in that deep labyrinth of
silver-barked and shaggy trees, rooted for centuries in the mould of
their own perennial decay.  The martin-cat is lord of that hoary
solitude.  As a boy, Lord Charles trapped the martin-cats, and
presented his mother with a muff made from their skins.

High on the hill rising to the north of the house of Curraghmore, set
in a grove of beeches and enclosed within a wall, the last
resting-place of the Beresfords opens upon a great and shining prospect
of wood and mountain.  Here is a wide and broad stone platform, like an
ancient altar, the hue of rusty iron, compact of the granite slabs
whereon the names of the dead are graven.  On three sides it is walled
with the tall silver stems of beeches, whose branches high overhead
interlace in a green canopy.

Hard by stands the private chapel, once the parish church of Clonegam,
a bleak and an unfeatured edifice.  Within, there reclines the bronze
effigy of the third Marquess, he of the aquiline profile and the full
beard, who broke his neck out hunting in 1859.  Opposite to him lies
the white marble figure, urbane and majestic, of Lord John, his
successor, father of Lord Charles Beresford.  In the south wall of the
chancel, in an arched recess cut out of the {xx} thickness of the wall,
the white light falls from an unseen opening above upon the sculptured
figure of a lady, sleeping recumbent, and beside her nestles the tiny
form of her child.  She was the first wife of the fifth Marquess, and
she died in childbirth.  Near by the private chapel, high uplifted on
the bare shoulder of the hill, stands a round tower, a mark for
leagues, the monument set up to the memory of the little boy, Marcus,
Lord le Poer, heir to Lord Tyrone, afterwards first Marquess.  He died
from the effects of a fall from his pony, the accident occurring when
he was jumping hurdles just outside the great courtyard of the house.
His portrait, painted by Gainsborough, hangs in the drawing-room.  It
is a noble head, done with Gainsborough's inimitable delicacy.  The
lad's blue eyes gaze frankly out of the picture; his fair hair curls
upon his shoulders; his coat is scarlet, with the open falling collar
of the time; the face is of a singular beauty.

Near by, in the centre of the wall, hangs Sir Joshua Reynolds's
portrait of Sir Francis Delaval, K.B.  A tremendous figure, Sir
Francis, posed in a commanding attitude upon a hillside, right arm
extended, grasping a musket with fixed bayonet, and clad in a rich suit
of claret colour and cocked hat.  He was the uncle of the wife of the
second Marquess of Waterford.  By reason of that alliance, many of the
Delaval family pictures came to Curraghmore.

Here is Lord Delaval himself, who died in 1808, a nobleman of a
somewhat rugged and domineering countenance.  Here is the first
Marquess of Waterford, with a long hooked nose; he is thin-lipped,
narrow-eyed (it seems that he had a squint), wearing the ribbon and
star of a Knight of St. Patrick.  Henry, second Marquess, was painted
by Sir Thomas Lawrence; a handsome head, crowned with a mass of fine
light hair.  In the hall hangs the portrait of the third Marquess; he
whose bronze effigy lies in the chapel.  He is reading.  With his pale
and finely cast features, his thick brown hair and beard, he might have
been (but was not) an ascetic student.  He married the Hon. Louisa
{xxi} Stuart, second daughter and co-heiress of Charles, Lord Stuart dc
Rothesay.  The Marchioness was a lady of taste, and was considered the
most talented amateur painter of her day.  She laid out anew the
gardens, where heretofore the horses used to graze close to the house,
took great interest in the improvement of the mansion itself, designed
the Cawnpore Memorial, designed Ford village, formerly the property of
the Delavals in Northumberland, and achieved a series of cartoons
representing religious subjects, which adorn the walls of the school at
Ford.

These and many other ancestral portraits gaze from the walls of gallery
and hall and chamber, in the great house of Curraghmore.  Each
generation as it grew up has traced in them its own lineaments
fore-ordained, and has marked the miracle of heredity repeated again
and again, from Sir Tristram Beresford, darkling in full armour,
through the masterful Katherine le Poer and the beautiful Susanna
Carpenter, whose mother was a Delaval, to the penultimate head of the
house of De la Poer Beresford.

The entrance hall of the mansion of Curraghmore is the ancient keep,
which was built by the De la Poers in the late twelfth or early
thirteenth century, foursquare, the walls ten feet thick.  The rest of
the house is eighteenth century.  The original edifice is briefly
described in _The Antient and Present State of the County and City of
Waterford_, by Charles Smith, published in Dublin in 1740, and in _The
History, Topography and Antiquities of the County and City of
Waterford_, by the Rev. R. H. Ryland, published by Murray in 1824.  Sir
Marcus, first Earl of Tyrone, and his son, afterwards first Marquess of
Waterford, made considerable additions, which, according to the date
inscribed upon the lead work, were completed in 1771.  From the old
keep, transformed into an eighteenth-century entrance hall, a flight of
steps leads to the inner hall, whence a wide staircase rises, following
the walls, and out of which open the reception rooms.  These face upon
lawn and fountain and terrace.  Over the entrance door are carved the
family coat; {xxii} and the crest of the De la Poers, a stag couchant
bearing a cross upon his forehead, crowns the parapet.  Upon the garden
front are sculptured the Beresford shield and their crest, "a dragon's
head erased, the neck pierced with a tilting spear, and holding the
point broken off in the mouth."  Motto, _Nil nisi cruce_.

Such was the home of the five brothers, when their father, Lord John dc
la Poer Beresford, in holy orders, succeeded his brother in 1859.  Lord
Charles Beresford, who had been for some years at school in England,
joined the Navy in that year.  He came to Curraghmore in his brief and
widely spaced intervals of leave, while his brothers came home more
frequently during their vacations.  In those days, the stables were
filled with horses, the house was populous with guests; and the great
courtyard in front of the house, now silent, resounded with the cheery
bustle of a jovial company coming and going.  All winter the house was
thronged; there was hunting six days in the week; and more than a
hundred horses were stabled at Curraghmore.  Lord Charles Beresford has
told how that many a time, when, as a midshipman, he was humping beef
into the blood-boats for the Fleet, did he think not without envy upon
his brothers, each with his two or three hunters, riding to hounds at
Curraghmore.

The house of Beresford derives from the "very old and eminent English
family of Beresford of Beresford, in the county of Stafford," and from
the De la Poers, an ancient Breton family, and their quarterings
include the noble houses of Hamilton, Monck, Carpenter, Plantagenet,
Lastile and Leon, Mortimer, De Burgh, Holland, Wake, Wevill, Beauchamp,
Delaval, Blake.  The Beresfords represented the English plantation in
the North of Ireland, until the marriage was made which united them
with De la Poers, who were of the first English plantation in the South.

[Illustration: SIR JOHN DE LA POER BERESFORD, FOURTH MARQUESS OF
WATERFORD, FATHER OF LORD CHARLES BERESFORD.  CHRISTINA, WIFE OF THE
FOURTH MARQUESS OF WATERFORD, MOTHER OF LORD CHARLES BERESFORD]

Tristram Beresford came into Ireland in the reign of James I., as
manager of the corporation of Londoners, known as "The Society of the
New Plantation in Ulster." {xxiii} The first Tristram settled at
Coleraine, in county Londonderry.  His son, Sir Tristram, first
Baronet, in common with the first created Baronets of Ulster, bore on
his shield the open red hand of Ulster, hitherto borne by the forfeited
O'Neils.  Sir Randal, second Baronet, sat in the first Parliament held
after the Restoration.

Sir Tristram, his son, commanded a regiment of foot against King James
II., and was attainted.  He it was who married the Hon. Nicola Sophia
Hamilton, concerning whom a legend of the supernatural is current.
Briefly, it is that the friend of her early years, the Earl of Tyrone,
visited her after his death, according to agreement, and, to prove the
reality of his appearance, touched her wrist, shrivelling nerve and
sinew, so that ever afterwards she wore a bracelet of black velvet.  A
picture, supposed to represent this lady, hangs in Curraghmore.  It
must be said that the evidence of it extant is so highly dubious, that
the story is not worth telling in detail.

Sir Tristram was succeeded by his son, Sir Marcus, fourth Baronet, who
married the Lady Katherine de la Poer, who was Baroness in her own
right.  Thus the two houses were conjoined.  Lady Katherine was the
only daughter and heiress of James, third and last Earl of Tyrone.  She
was allowed the Barony of La Poer in fee by resolution of the Irish
House of Lords, on 16th November 1767.  Sir Marcus her husband was
created Earl of Tyrone in 1746.  The son of Sir Marcus and Lady
Katherine, George De la Poer, was created Marquess of Waterford in
1789, and Knight of St. Patrick at the Institution of the Order in
1783.  First Marquess, he was the first De la Poer Beresford.

The De la Poer, Power, or Poher, family traces its descent from Comorre
I., Count of le Poher, who married the widow of Jonas, King of
Domnonée, and who died A.D. 554.  Le Poher was one of the five
independent states of Brittany, of which the others were La Domnonée,
La Cornouailles, Le Vannes, and Le Leon.  The genealogy of the Le Poers
is {xxiv} interesting, if only by reason of its romantic names.  From
Comorre I., Count of le Poher, descended the Counts Comorre, Erispoë,
Rivallon, Nominoë.  Nominoë married one Argantal, defeated Charles the
Bald, drove the Franks out of Brittany, and was proclaimed King of that
country in 841.  He was succeeded by his son Erispoë, who married
Mormohec.  From the aforesaid Rivallon descended Salomon, who (having
achieved a little murderous intrigue) succeeded King Erispoë, and
married Wembrit.  From the brother of Salomon, Mathuedoi, descended
Alain, Count of Vannes and Duke of Brittany, who fought against the
Normans, and who was driven by them to take refuge in England.  His son
Alain (called Barbe-torte) returned to Brittany, drove out the Normans
in his turn, and united Le Poer to the Duchy.

From the Pohers, in the female line, descended Arthur, Duke of
Brittany, who was done to death by John, King of England, A.D. 1203.
There is this other link between John of England and the De la Poers,
that in the demesne of Curraghmore an ancient bridge of stone, over
which the English King is said to have passed, spans the river and is
called John's Bridge to this day.  From the Duchess Constance, the
mother of Arthur of Brittany, descended the Duchess Anne, who married
King Louis XII. of France.  Brittany was thus incorporated in France.

The Pohers seem to have come to England with Duke William of Normandy,
called the Conqueror.  In 1066 they are found in Devonshire; and later,
in Leicestershire, Northamptonshire, Shropshire, Warwickshire,
Gloucestershire, Wiltshire, Herefordshire; a fructuous and an
acquisitive clan.  They came to Ireland in the reign of the second
Henry: then came Sir Robert, Sir Roger, William and Simon.  Sir Roger
helped in the invasion of Ulster.  But the founder of the De la Poers
of Curraghmore was Sir Robert, who, in the year 1172, accompanied King
Henry II. as Knight Marshal, and to whom was given by the King, the
town of Waterford and a great parcel of county Waterford.

{xxv}

Towards the end of the sixteenth century, Sir Henry Sidney, in the
course of his account of the province of Munster, communicated to the
Lords of the Council, describes his visit to John, Lord le Poer, who
was born in 1527.  "27th Feb., 1575.  The day I departed from Waterford
I lodged that night at Curraghmore, the house that Lord Power is baron
of, where I was so used, and with such plenty and good order
entertained (as adding to it the quiet of all the country adjoining, by
the people called Power country, for that surname has been since the
beginning of the Englishman's planting inhabitants there), it may be
well compared with the best ordered country in the English Pale.  And
the Lord of the country, though he be of scope of ground a far less
territory than his neighbour is, yet he lives in show far more
honourably and plentifully than he or any other, whatsoever he be, of
his calling that lives in his province."

The "Peerage of Ireland" of 1768 urbanely observes: "It is very
remarkable, that in so long a succession in this family, and in a
country continually disturbed and torn by rebellion and civil wars,
that not one of this family was ever engaged in any rebellion against
the crown of England, nor was there ever a forfeiture in the family
during the space of six hundred years that they have been planted in
Ireland; and they at this day enjoy the family lands, and reside at the
same place they were originally settled in, in the county of Waterford.
In a grant of letters patent from King Charles II. to this Richard,
Lord la Poer, bearing date the 9th May, the twenty-third year of his
reign, there is this recital.  That the ancestors of the said Richard,
Lord la Poer, from their first planting in Ireland, for above four
hundred years, had entirely preserved their faith and loyalty to the
crown of England, in consideration therefore," etc.

Sir Tristram Beresford, up in the North, fought against King James
Second; but the De la Poers harboured that monarch; who in the course
of his retreat from Ireland, {xxvi} slept a night at Curraghmore, and
departing thence took ship at Waterford, and was no more seen in Erin.

Sir Marcus, the son of Sir Tristram, as above recited, united the two
houses by marrying the Lady Katherine le Poer; and their descendants,
as in 1768, "at this day enjoy the family lands and reside at the same
place they were originally settled in."  The earldom of Tyrone, which
was extinguished by the death of Lady Katherine's father, the third
Earl, was revived in Sir Marcus Beresford.  Tracing back the direct
line of the De la Poers of Curraghmore, we find that Nicholas de la
Poer was summoned to Parliament in 1375, in 1378, and in 1383, by the
most ancient writs contained in the Rolls Office in Ireland.  This Sir
Nicholas of Curraghmore traced his descent from Brian Boru, King of
Erin, who died in 1014.  The line of Irish Kings (as recorded in
_Whitaker's Almanack_) goes back to A.D. 4; and some say much further.

A collateral branch of the De Pohers, or Powers, was the Barons of
Donoyle, or Dunhill, the ruins of whose castle remain to this day.  It
was stoutly defended against Cromwell by the Baroness; and, according
to tradition, was betrayed into the hands of the enemy by the
lieutenant of her garrison.  These Powers were then transplanted to
Connaught, and their estates were forfeited.  Another collateral branch
was the Powers of Knockbrit, county Tipperary.  In the year 1789, to
Edmund Power and his wife, who was a daughter of "Buck" Sheehy, was
born Marguerite, who became Lady Blessington.  It seems that her
father, "Buck" Power, dissipated his fortune, as the mode was in those
days; that he compelled his daughter to marry one Captain Farmer, who
ill-treated her; that Mrs. Farmer left her husband, came to London with
her brother, was painted by Sir Thomas Lawrence, and, after Farmer's
death, married Lord Blessington.  Here is a link with my Lord Byron.

The relation of the De la Poer Beresfords with the Delavals of
Seaton-Delaval in Northumberland, consists in the marriage of Sir Henry
de la Poer, second Marquess {xxvii} (1772-1826), with Lady Susanna
Carpenter, who was the granddaughter of Lord Delaval.  Her mother,
daughter of Lord Delaval, married George, second Earl of Tyrconnel.
The Lady Tyrconnel was famed for her beauty.  The portrait of her
daughter, Lady Susanna, now at Curraghmore, represents a singularly
beautiful, fair-haired creature, delicately featured, blue-eyed.  The
Delavals would seem to have been a high-spirited, reckless, and
spendthrift race.  Extravagant entertainments were devised at their
house of Seaton-Delaval, which was built by Sir John Vanbrugh,
playwright and architect.  The actor Foote was a friend of the family;
they were devoted to amateur theatricals; and Garrick once lent Drury
Lane Theatre to them.  The Delavals were singularly addicted to
practical jokes; a tendency to the same diversion has reappeared in
later generations.  Lord Delaval's only son died young, and the title
expired.  There is a picture of the sturdy, brown-haired lad at
Curraghmore.  It is worth noting that an ancestor of Lady Susanna, and,
therefore, of Lord Charles Beresford, was a naval officer of some
distinction.  George Delaval, vice-admiral of the Red, was present at
the action fought off Cape Barfleur in May 1692.

The generation of the second Marquess, he who married the Lady Susanna,
produced an Archbishop: even the Right Honourable and Most Reverend
Lord John George de la Poer Beresford, Archbishop of Armagh and Primate
of all Ireland.  He was born in 1773, and died in 1862.  Possessing
great wealth, he was known for his immense benefactions.  He gave
largely to Dublin University, and to the College of Saint Columba;
restored the Cathedral at Armagh at a cost of £30,000; and augmented
the salaries of his clergy.  The bust of this magnificent prelate
stands in the private chapel at Curraghmore.  His body is interred in
Armagh Cathedral.  The Archbishop bequeathed his Property in county
Cavan to Lord Charles Beresford; the townlands on the estate bearing
such euphonious names as Ballyheady, Corraleehan Beg, Crockawaddy,
{xxviii} Kiltynaskeelan, Derrynacrieve, Gubnagree, Scrabby,
Tullynamoultra.

The third Marquess, Sir Henry de la Poer, having met his death in the
hunting-field, was succeeded in 1859 by his brother, Sir John, who was
Dean and Prebendary of Mullaghbrack, in the Arch-diocese of Armagh.  He
married, in 1843, Christina Leslie, daughter of Charles Powell-Leslie.
She was born in 1820, and lived until 1905.  The Marchioness learned to
ride when she was between forty and fifty years of age, and speedily
became a noted rider to hounds.  Their sons, as before recited, were
Sir John-Henry de la Poer, fifth Marquess of Waterford; Lord Charles,
Lord William, Lord Marcus, and Lord Delaval; of whom Lord Charles and
Lord Marcus survive at the time of writing.  Lord Charles was born on
10th February 1846 at Philipstown Glebe, Louth.  It was the year of the
great famine; and at Curraghmore, half a regiment was then quartered in
the house.

The fifth Marquess, elder brother of Lord Charles, was succeeded in
1895 by his son, nephew to Lord Charles.  The sixth Marquess lost his
life by a sad accident in 1911.  The present heir is a minor.

In this chronicle, brief as it is, three notable figures cannot be
omitted: Mr. Commissioner John Beresford, Admiral Sir John Poo
Beresford, and the Marshal.  (For information concerning these
worthies, I have drawn upon the _Dictionary of National Biography_.)

John Beresford, whose name is even yet occasionally reproached by the
descendants of his political opponents, was born in 1738, and died in
1805.  He was the second son of Marcus, Earl of Tyrone (brother of the
first Marquess) and Lady Katherine, Baroness de la Poer.  Appointed
First Commissioner of Revenue in 1780, John Beresford became in fact
ruler of Ireland.  He was entrusted by Pitt with the management of all
Irish affairs.  Viceroys came and viceroys went, but Beresford
continued to hold a position "greater than that of the Lord Lieutenant
{xxix} himself"; much to the indignation of Lord Fitzwilliam, who, when
he was appointed Lord Lieutenant, permitted himself to address the
First Commissioner in terms so indigestible that Beresford promptly
challenged him.  The duel, however, was prevented.  John Beresford took
a great part in the preparation and passing of the Act of Union; was
M.P. for Waterford and a Privy Councillor; and did much to improve the
city of Dublin, the fine Custom-house being built under his auspices.
He married Barbara Montgomery, who was one of the "Three Graces" in the
painting done by Sir Joshua Reynolds, now in the National Gallery.  The
other two Graces were her sister, Lady Mountjoy, and the Marchioness of
Townshend.

Admiral Sir John Poo Beresford (1768 (?)-1884) was a natural son of the
first Marquess of Waterford.  He entered the Royal Navy in 1782; fought
a smart action in the capture of the French store-ships in Hampton
Roads on 17th May 1795; and performed distinguished service in the West
Indies.  He took part in the famous eight months' blockade off Ferrol
in 1808, and in the blockade of Lorient, commanding one of those
"weather-beaten ships upon which the Grand Army never looked."  In 1810
he was co-operating off Lisbon with Wellington's army, with which his
younger brother the Marshal, in command of the Portuguese Army, was
also co-operating.  He represented in Parliament, in succession,
Coleraine, Berwick, Northallerton, and Chatham.  In 1835 he was Junior
Lord of the Admiralty.  His career, a combination of fighting seaman,
member of Parliament, and Junior Lord, presents a singular resemblance
to the career of his relative, Lord Charles Beresford.

Marshal Beresford, or, more precisely, General Viscount William Carr
Beresford, was born in 1768 and died, full of years and honours, in
1854.  Son of the first Marquess, he also, like the Admiral, bore the
bar sinister on his escutcheon.  As captain of the 69th Regiment, he
was with Lord Hood at Toulon in 1793, and commanded the storming party
at the tower of Martello.  He was present at the {xxx} captures of
Bastia, Calvi, and San Fiorenzo.  After service in India, Beresford's
brigade led the march across the desert in the Egyptian campaign of
1801.  Eighty-four years later, his relative, Captain Lord Charles
Beresford, took his Naval Brigade across the desert with Sir Herbert
Stewart's forlorn hope.

Beresford was present at the capture of Cape Colony under Baird in
1805.  Then he went up to Buenos Ayres, and with 1200 men took that
place from the Spanish.  After three days' hard fighting, Beresford was
driven out of Buenos Ayres by an overwhelming force.  Then he went with
Sir Arthur Wellesley to Portugal; where he commanded two brigades under
Sir John Moore.  In the terrible winter retreat to Corunna, Beresford's
brigade, told off to assist the rescue, was constantly engaged with the
French vanguard.  At Corunna, Beresford fought on the English left,
achieving the greatest distinction.

In 1809, at the request of the Portuguese Government, Beresford was
appointed to reorganise the Portuguese Army.  Gifted with that
marvellous capacity for handling men and for organisation, which
Irishmen of English descent sometimes combine with a reckless
gallantry, Beresford speedily transformed an ill-found, insubordinate
mob into an efficient, well-fed, fighting force.  He knew how to
establish obedience to discipline, together with the confidence that
good conduct would be rewarded; or, in Lord Charles Beresford's phrase,
he coupled "commendation with condemnation."  The Portuguese Government
made him marshal in the Portuguese Army while he was lieutenant-general
in the British Army; nor did the annoyance discovered by British
officers at the double rank, which gave Wellington trouble, perturb the
Marshal in the least.  His Portuguese fought well alongside the English
at Busaco, an action which earned Beresford the K.C.B. and other
decorations.

He won the battle of Albuera, defeating Soult, though not without heavy
losses.  The victory was said to be due {xxxi} to the action of one of
his Staff, rather than to Beresford's tactics; a good deal of
controversy was waged on the subject, in which the Marshal, after his
retirement, took a vigorous part; but the fact remains that Albuera was
won.

Beresford was present at the tremendous siege of Badajoz and at the
battle of Salamanca, at which he was severely wounded.  He speedily
recovered, and fought at Vittoria in 1813, in the battles of the
Pyrenees, and in the battles of Nivelle, Nive, and Arthez.  He then
returned to Portugal to command the Portuguese Army; so that he was not
present at Waterloo.  At the conclusion of the war he was created
Baron.  He left Portugal in 1822, and took his seat in the House of
Lords, where he was a sturdy supporter of the policy of the Duke of
Wellington.  In 1828 he was appointed Master-General of Ordnance.  In
1830 he retired.

Wellington wrote of the Marshal in 1812: "All that I can tell you is
that the ablest man I have yet seen with the army, and that one having
the largest views, is Beresford ... he is the only person capable of
conducting a large concern."  And upon another occasion, Wellington
affirmed that if he were removed by death or illness, he would
recommend Beresford to succeed him, not because he was a great general,
but because he alone could "feed an army."

General Lord Beresford married the Hon. Louisa Hope, his first cousin,
daughter of the Most Rev. William Beresford, Archbishop of Tuam and
Lord Decies, and widow of Thomas Hope, author of _Anastatius_.  His
stepson was A. T. Beresford-Hope, sometime member for Cambridge
University.

In 1824 the Marshal purchased the ancestral estate of the Beresfords in
Staffordshire.  His portrait, which bears a singular resemblance to
Lord Charles, hangs in Curraghmore.  It depicts a burly, martial
figure, gorgeous in full uniform, with a broad, jovial, open
countenance, and a bold blue eye, head thrown back, and a vast spread
of chest and {xxxii} shoulder.  Endowed with extraordinary physical
strength, he was a born fighter, a great administrator, a big,
warm-hearted, quick-tempered, irrepressible Beresford.

The formal list of his titles is: Viscount and Baron in the peerage of
England, Duke of Elvas in the peerage of Spain, Conde de Trancoso in
the peerage of Portugal, K.C.B., etc., colonel-in-chief 60th Rifles,
colonel 16th Regiment, general in the English Army, marshal in the
Portuguese Army.


The generations pass: the House remains.  The House of de la Poer
Beresford derives, from among other sources innumerable, from the
Counts of Brittany, in the sixth century; from Brian Boru, King of
Ireland, in the eleventh; from the Beresfords, that "very old and
eminent English family," Norman in origin; from the Delavals of
Northumberland, whose forefathers fought in the Crusades.  This is the
virtue of ancient lineage: that from generation to generation, an
honourable tradition of service, of peculiar obligation, gathers
reinforcement.  Every scion of the House is judged by the stern company
of his forefathers; who, together with his dower of body and of mind
and heritage of land or wealth, bequeath him warning or example.  No
traffic in titles can purchase that unique inheritance, nor can any
forfeiture of material possessions diminish its essential value.

L.C.C.




{1}

  THE MEMOIRS OF ADMIRAL
  LORD CHARLES BERESFORD


CHAPTER I

I SEE THE FLEET

I saw the Navy for the first time in the year 1858, when I was twelve
years old.  The Channel Squadron came into the Downs; the admiral, who
was a friend of my father, invited me to visit his flagship.  The
admiral put off from Deal in a six-oared galley, and I was taken into a
second boat.  Both crews began to pull with all their might.  I
remember being intensely excited, beating with my hand on the gunwale
and urging the men to row faster.  We were overhauling the admiral,
when the boat in which I was slackened her pace.

"Row!" I shouted.  "Why don't you go on rowing?"

"We can't pass the admiral, sir," said the coxswain.  And that was my
first lesson in naval etiquette.

As we drew near to the ships, there arose a great tumult of shouting,
and I could see the men running to and fro and racing aloft, and
presently they stood in rows along the yards, manning yards in honour
of the arrival of the admiral.

The neatness and order of the stately ships, the taut rigging, the
snowy sails, the ropes coiled down neatly on deck: these things left an
abiding impression upon my youthful mind.

{2}

It was in the winter of the same year, 1858-9, that a certain young
soldier, who had fought throughout the Indian Mutiny with great
gallantry and conspicuous ability, came to his home in County Waterford
on his first furlough.  He was Lieutenant Roberts, V.C.; now
Field-Marshal Earl Roberts of Kandahar.

"During the winter months," he writes, "I hunted with the Curraghmore
hounds, and was out with them the day before Lord Waterford was killed.
We had no run, and at the end of the day, when wishing us good-bye, he
said 'I hope, gentlemen, we shall have better luck next time.' 'Next
time' there was 'better luck' as regarded the hunting, but the worst of
all possible luck for Lord Waterford's numerous friends; in returning
home after a good run, and having killed two foxes, his horse stumbled
over quite a small ditch, throwing his rider on his head; the spinal
cord was snapped, and the fine sportsman breathed his last in a few
moments."  (_Forty-one years in India_.  By Field-Marshal Lord Roberts
of Kandahar.  Bentley.  2 vols.  London, 1897, p. 451, vol. 1.)

My father, the Rev. Lord John Beresford, succeeded to the marquisate.
In the same year, 1859, I joined the Naval Service.  I remember, some
years afterwards, thinking with some degree of envy of my two younger
brothers, each of whom had three hunters, while I was only the
"blood-boat" (the jolly-boat bringing beef to the ship) midshipman of a
man-of-war.

At that time the Navy consisted of both sailing ships and steamships.
Steam was used as seldom as possible in those ships which were fitted
with masts and yards.  The flagships of the Cape of Good Hope, East
Indies and China, South-east Coast of America, Pacific and North
America and West Indies stations were all sailing ships.  The Navy List
of 1859 gives the names of no less than 548 "effective" ships, together
with a list of 185 "steam gunboats" and a list of 121 vessels employed
in Harbour Service.

That there was so large a number of "steam gunboats" {3} was the result
of the Crimean war, during which very many were built for service in
the Baltic.  There is a story that an admiral returning from foreign
service noticed eight gunboats aground on the Spit.  Upon his inquiry,
he was informed by one of his crew that they were "commanded by these
old Baltic War mates and second masters, the sort what knows nothing
and fears nothing."  But of the sailing master there will be more to
say.

The line-of-battle sailing ships which were flagships on naval stations
abroad were:--the _Boscawen_, 70 guns, Rear-Admiral Hon. Sir Frederick
W. Grey, Cape of Good Hope; _Calcutta_, 84, Rear-Admiral Sir Michael
Seymour, East Indies and China; _Cumberland_, 70, Rear-Admiral Sir
Stephen Lushington, S.E. Coast of America; _Ganges_, 84, Rear-Admiral
R. L. Baynes, Pacific; _Hibernia_, 104, Rear-Admiral H. J. Codrington,
Malta; _Indus_, 78, Vice-Admiral Sir Houston Stewart, North America and
West Indies.

The number of ships distributed among the various stations in 1859 was
no less than 130.  "Trade follows the flag."

  East Indies and China . . . . . . .  36
  Pacific . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  12
  W. Coast of Africa  . . . . . . . .  17
  N. America and W. Indies  . . . . .  14
  S.E. Coast of America . . . . . . .  13
  Mediterranean . . . . . . . . . . .  22
  Cape of Good Hope . . . . . . . . .   5
  Australia . . . . . . . . . . . . .   4
  River Gambia  . . . . . . . . . . .   1
  Channel . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   6
                                      ---
                             Total    130
                                      ===

The presence of so large a force in Chinese waters was due to the
affair of "the lorcha _Arrow_," which occurred on 8th October, 1856, in
the Canton River.  The _Arrow_, a small vessel flying the British flag,
was captured by the Chinese authorities and the crew were arrested on a
charge of piracy.  In the result, Admiral Sir Michael Seymour bombarded
{4} Canton.  Operations were suspended during the Indian Mutiny, to be
resumed in 1858, with the assistance of France.  Canton was captured,
and the treaty of Tien-Tsin was concluded with China.  It was not,
however, ratified, and in June, 1859--six months before I entered the
Navy--hostilities were resumed, to terminate in the burning of the
Summer Palace at Pekin, and the subsequent signing of a convention.




{5}

CHAPTER II

THE BEGINNING OF SERVICE

I was sent to sea for the somewhat vague reasons which so often
determine a boy's future.  There was a belief that I was of a delicate
constitution, and an impression--perhaps justified--that I needed
discipline.  I was sent to Bayford School in England when I was very
young, together with two of my three brothers.  We were known as the
three "wild Irish."  Among my schoolfellows were the present Lord
Rosebery, James Lowther, Lord Newport, Lord Claud Hamilton and Lord
George Hamilton, Lord Worcester, and Lord Methuen.  From Bayford I went
to the educational establishment of the Rev. David Bruce Payne
(afterwards Canon) at Deal, where I first saw the ships of the Royal
Navy, as already related.  Canon Payne was a splendid type of the best
British clergyman, and I had a great respect and affection for him.  I
was afterwards a pupil of the Rev. Mr. Foster, of Stubbington, Fareham.

I received my nomination from Captain Charles Eden, C.B., and qualified
as a naval cadet on 12th December, 1859.  The qualifying certificate
must be signed by the candidate; a regulation which, simple as it
seems, was nearly my undoing.

"Do you always sign your Christian name William with one 'l'?" asked
the examiner.

It was a critical moment.  Irish resource supplied the answer.

I said, "Only sometimes, sir."

The examiner smiled grimly.  But he passed me.  It was my first narrow
escape in the Navy.

{6}

I have the faded blue paper before me as I write.  The signature,
laboriously written in a round hand, is "Charles Wiliam Delapoer
Beresford."

The qualifying examination was not very formidable in those easy days.
The knowledge required consisted of a little "English," less French or
Latin (with the "aid of a dictionary"), a "satisfactory knowledge of
the leading facts of Scripture and English History," a certain amount
of geography, and an elementary knowledge of arithmetic, algebra and
Euclid.  The preliminary course of education afforded to "Volunteers,"
as the naval cadets used to be called, at the Royal Naval College,
Portsmouth, had been abolished in 1837, and for the next twenty years
cadets were sent straight to sea.  In 1857, cadets were entered for
training in the _Illustrious_, Captain Robert Harris.  The number of
cadets exceeding the accommodation in the ship, the _Britannia_ was
commissioned on 1st January, 1859, by Captain Harris.  But not for many
years did the entrance examination become the competitive ordeal for
which cramming is the only preparation, known to the present
generation.  But I remember Admiral William Bowles, commander-in-chief
of Portsmouth, taking me kindly by the shoulder and saying, "Well, my
little man, you are very small for your age.  Why are you being sent to
sea?"

I said that I wanted to go to sea.

"Are you good at your books?" asked the admiral.  "Bless me, I know
many an admiral who could not pass the examination you have passed.
Good Heavens, what they expect boys to do nowadays!"

The _Britannia_ was then moored at the entrance to Haslar Creek in
Portsmouth Harbour, where the depot ships of the submarines are moored
to-day.  Alongside her, in the following year, lay the training frigate
_Eurydice_, which was afterwards capsized off the Isle of Wight on 24th
March, 1878, when 318 lives were lost out of a complement of 320.  I
learned to heave the lead from the chains of the _Eurydice_.

[Illustration: THE AUTHOR AS NAVAL CADET]

{7}

In addition to the ordinary school curriculum on board the _Britannia_,
the cadets were taught seamanship, gunnery and navigation.  Book-work
did not interest me, but I took great pains to become proficient in
seamanship, in which I always secured a high place.

A cadet entering the _Britannia_ under 14 years of age, would be
rejected from the Service if he failed to pass the fourth quarterly
examination after his entrance.  Having entered the _Britannia_ in
December, 1859, I was sent to sea in March, 1861.  I was very happy
during my time in the _Britannia_.  Out of school time, we did a great
deal of boat-pulling.  My boat was called the _Gazelle_.  I remember
that one day, when I borrowed a private boat to put off to the
_Gazelle_, my comrades pushed me out into the stream, and I drifted out
to Spithead, without oars.  There was nothing in the boat but a
painter, which I considered it to be my duty neatly to coil down.  Then
I sat still and waited until a boat came to fetch me.

Seamanship was taught by the use of models, and sail-drill was taught
upon the mizen-mast.  I remember being haunted by a doubt lest the
handling of small models, and going aloft in a stationary ship, might
not enable me to practise the knowledge thus acquired when I came to
deal with the real full-size objects and to go aloft in a ship at sea.
My prevision was largely justified; and when I came to command a ship,
I made the youngsters learn their business by handling real things and
not the models of them.  For if anything goes wrong while teaching a
youngster, for instance, to lay out a 6-ton anchor upon a model, he
puts it right with his finger and thumb and thinks he can do the same
with the real anchor.

The captain of the _Britannia_ was Robert Harris, to whom the Service
owes the inestimable benefit of cadet training ships.  The first
lieutenant was George S. Nares (now Vice-Admiral Sir George S. Nares,
K.C.B.).  He commanded the _Challenger_ in her voyage of scientific
discovery of 1872, during which he was recalled to proceed {8} upon his
celebrated voyage of Arctic exploration.  Another lieutenant was
William H. Heaton, whose long whiskers afforded the cadets much
innocent amusement.  On a windy day his whiskers used to stream
backwards over his shoulders.  Lieutenant Heaton chose to wear his
stripes running longitudinally up his arm, a peculiarity which
exemplifies the prevailing latitude with regard to uniform.  There was
no rule prescribing the pattern of cap or great-coat worn in the
Service.  Officers might wear the mohair band and badge on any kind of
cap that took their fancy.  Some of them used to transfer plain clothes
buttons to a uniform coat or greatcoat, if they were going ashore, for
the sake of economy; for we were nearly all poor in those days.  The
chaplain and naval instructor was the Rev. Robert M. Inskip.

My chest on board the _Britannia_ stood between the chests of poor
"Andy" Wauchope and Henry John Thoroton Hildyard.  Both subsequently
left the Navy for the Army.  The late Major-General Andrew Gilbert
Wauchope, D.S.O., was fatally wounded at Magersfontein during the South
African war.  General Sir Henry J. T. Hildyard, G.C.B., K.C.B., retired
in 1911, after long and distinguished service.  I was strongly inclined
to follow the example of my comrades and to join the Army; and I have
since occasionally regretted that I remained in the Navy, in which
Service there is less opportunity for attaining the highest rank.

I was raised to the rank of "captain" in the _Britannia_; but I regret
to say that my enjoyment of that dignity was singularly brief, for I
was disrated upon the same day, even before I had time to put on the
stripe.  For my delight at my promotion so exhilarated me, that I
forgot to resist the temptation to empty a bread-barge upon the head of
the old master-at-arms as he was coming up the hatchway, and the
spectacle was so amusing that I stayed to laugh at it.

When I entered the Service, the system of training {9} young seamen, as
well as cadets, was in operation.  To Sir James Graham, First Lord of
the Admiralty, is due the credit of introducing the training of seamen.
In 1854, he caused the _Illustrious_, two-decker, to be commissioned
for that purpose, under the command of Captain Robert Harris.  The fact
was that as sails gave place to steam and as the science of gunnery
progressed, it became necessary to enter seamen as boys and to train
them for continuous service.  For some time the short service and long
service systems were concurrent.  When I went to sea, captains still
entered men direct from the merchant service, and very good seamen they
were.  They were engaged for a commission, at the end of which they
could re-engage or not as they pleased.  But in the meantime, under the
admirable administration of Captain Harris, "Jimmy Graham's novices,"
as they were called, earned an excellent reputation in the Fleet; and
continuous service gradually replaced intermittent service.  In the
continuous service system resided our chief superiority over foreign
Navies.  The objection to it on the part of the Government was (and is)
the increasing permanent charge of pensions.  But in the interests of
the Service and of the country, it cannot be too clearly understood
that the system is well worth the cost, and that the revival of the
short service system is profoundly to be regretted.


NOTE

H.M.S. _Britannia_.--She was the seventh ship of her name.  She was
launched at Plymouth in 1820, was pierced for 120 guns, and her
complement was 900 men.  Her length, beam and draught were 205 feet, 53
feet and 18 feet respectively.  In the Crimean war, she landed 200 men
as part of the naval brigade which assisted the Army at the siege of
Sevastopol, and took part in the bombardment of that town.  She was
commissioned on 1st January, 1859, by Captain Robert Harris, as a
training ship for cadets.  {10} The _Britannia_ was stationed first in
Portsmouth Harbour, then at Dartmouth.  She was broken up in 1869.  The
memory of Captain Robert Harris deserves to be held in high honour.
Vice-Admiral Sir William Fanshawe Martin, who himself achieved great
reforms in the discipline of the Fleet, while in command of the
Mediterranean Fleet, wrote to Captain Harris under date 18th January,
1861, "There is no man in England whose opportunity of doing good to
our country for ages to come is greater than yours; and assuredly the
Navy is greatly your debtor."  (_The Story of the Britannia_, by
Commander E. P. Statham, R.N.  Cassell.)

The successor of the _Britannia_ in which Lord Charles Beresford
received his training, the eighth of her name, known and remembered
with affection by all naval officers save the new generation, lay at
Dartmouth for more than forty years, when her functions were
transferred to the colleges on shore.  (_The King's Ships_, by H. S.
Lecky, Lieut. R. N. Muirhead.  Vol. 1.)




{11}

CHAPTER III

THE SHIP OF HAPPIEST MEMORY

On the 25th of March, 1861, I was appointed naval cadet in the
_Marlborough_.  As I climbed up her side by the hand-rungs, while my
chest was being hoisted in over all, I perceived two huge men looking
down upon me, and I heard one say to the other:--

"That white-faced little beggar ain't long for this world, Dick."

The speaker was John Glanville (called Clamfy Glanville), boatswain's
mate (of whom more anon), and he addressed this lugubrious remark to
Dicky Horne, the quartermaster, a very fat man.  It was a far from
encouraging welcome to the sea; but the fact was that I had been ill,
and was feeling very cold as I climbed up the side of the ship.  At
first, I was much disappointed at having been sent to a large ship, for
we youngsters had a notion that there were more freedom and
independence in a small ship; and besides, I wanted to go to China.
But I went to China all in good time.

The _Marlborough_ was the flagship of the Mediterranean station.  She
was a wooden line of battleship, three-decker, launched in 1835, 4000
tons burthen old measure, 6390 displacement new measure, fitted with
single screw horizontal Maudslay engines.  The length of her gundeck
was 245 feet 6 inches, her extreme beam was 61 feet, her maximum
draught was 26 feet.  Her complement was 950, and she always carried
100 or more supernumeraries.  She was pierced for 131 guns and she
carried 121 guns.  She was {12} one of the first ships to be fitted
with wire lower rigging.  In the _Marlborough_ the old 24-inch hemp
cable was used for laying out anchor at drill.  It was the same class
of cable as that which was used in Nelson's time; it was superseded by
the chain cable.

The vice-admiral in command of the Mediterranean station was Sir
William Fanshawe Martin (called "Fly" Martin); the captain, William H.
Stewart; the commander, Thomas Brandreth: three of the finest officers
that ever lived.  The captain of the Fleet was Rear-Admiral Sydney C.
Dacres, C.B.  His duties were those of what we should now call a chief
of staff.  The office was subsequently abolished; and it was always my
desire to see it restored.

Ships in those days were manned according to the number of guns they
carried.  The theory was that if the boats' crews were absent from the
ship, there should always be sufficient men on board to work the sails
and the guns.  The watch-bills were made out upon this principle, the
men being distributed among what were called the "parts of the ship."
In the case of a newly commissioned ship, the making out of the
watch-bills and assigning his place to each man, was the first thing to
be done.  It was no small task, especially as no printed forms were
supplied for the purpose.  The watch-bills were ruled and entered by
the officers on paper supplied by themselves, and were arranged upon
the tradition handed down for centuries.  Even the signalmen supplied
their own pencils and paper.  Each ship made its own arrangement.  It
was not until 1860 that uniform watch-bills, quarter-bills and
station-bills were instituted.

[Illustration: H.M.S. "MARLBOROUGH," 1861]

The men were classed in the following categories, each "part of the
ship" being divided into port watch and starboard watch.

  The Forecastlemen
  The Foretopmen
  The Maintopmen
  The Mizentopmen
  The Gunners
{13}
  The Afterguard
  The Royal Marines
  The Idlers


The Forecastlemen were most experienced seamen.  They wore their caps a
little differently from the others.  They manned the foreyard, and
worked the foresail, staysail, jib, flying jib, jibboom, flying jibboom
and lower studdingsails.

The Foretopmen worked the foretopsail, foretopgallant and foreroyal
yards, foretopgallantmast, foretopmast and topgallant studding-sails.

The Maintopmen worked the maintopsail, maintopgallant and main-royal
yards and maintopgallantmast, maintopmast and topgallant studding-sails.

The Mizentopmen worked the mizentopsail, mizentopgallant and
mizen-royal yards, and mizentopgallantmast, mizentopmast and
mizencourse (if there was one), also the driver.

The upper-yard men were the smartest in the ship, whose character
largely depended upon them.

The Gunners, assisted by the Afterguard, worked the mainsail and
mainyard.  These were generally old and steady men, who were not very
quick aloft.  The gunners were also responsible for the care and
maintenance of the gun gear, side tackles, train tackles and the
ammunition.  The senior warrant officer was the gunner.

There were only three warrant officers:--gunner, boatswain and
carpenter.

The Royal Marines were divided between fore and aft, working on
forecastle and quarterdeck.  I remember seeing a detachment of Marines,
upon coming aboard, fallen in while the blacksmith, lifting up each
man's foot behind him, wrenched off and dropped into a bucket the metal
on the heel of his boot, lest it should mark the deck.

The Afterguard worked on the quarterdeck and helped with the mainyard.
They were the less efficient men and were therefore employed under the
eye of the commander.

{14}

The Idlers were not idlers.  They were so called because
(theoretically) they had their nights in, although actually they turned
out at four o'clock a.m.  They were artificers, such as carpenters,
caulkers, plumbers, blacksmiths, etc.  They worked all day at their
several trades until their supper-time.  They were nearly all old petty
officers, steady and respectable.  It was part of their duty to man the
pumps every morning for washing decks.  I made up my mind that, if ever
I was in a position to do so, I would relieve them of an irksome and an
inappropriate duty.

In action, the carpenters worked below decks, stopping holes with
shot-plugs, while many of the other Idlers worked in the magazines.
Among the Idlers was the ship's musician--unless the ship carried a
band--who was a fiddler.  He used to play to the men on the forecastle
after working hours and when they manned the capstan.  Personally I
always considered the name of Idlers to be anomalous.  They are now
called Daymen.

Among the ship's company were several negroes.  At that time, it was
often the case that the captain of the hold and the cooper were
coloured men.

An instance of the rapidity and efficiency of the organisation of the
_Marlborough_ occurred upon the night before she sailed for the
Mediterranean.  She was newly commissioned, and she carried a large
number of supernumeraries on passage.  We took out 1500 all told.  A
fire broke out on the orlop deck; the drum beat to quarters; every man
instantly went to his station, to which he had previously been told
off; and the fire was speedily extinguished.  The event was my first
experience of discipline in a big ship.

The nature of the discipline which was then in force, I learned on the
way out to the Mediterranean.  In the modern sense of the word,
discipline was exemplified by the Royal Marines alone.  I cannot better
convey an idea of the old system than by means of an illustration.
Supposing that a Marine and a bluejacket had each committed an offence.
The Marine was brought up on the quarter-deck before the {15}
commander, and the charge was read to him.  The commander asked him
what he had to say.  The prisoner, standing rigidly to attention,
embarked upon a long rambling explanation.  If his defence were
invalid, the commander cut him short, and the sergeant gave his order.
"Right turn.  Quick march."  The Marine, although continuing to
protest, obeyed automatically, and away he went.  He continued to talk
until he was out of hearing, but he went.  Not so the bluejacket.  He
did not stand to attention, not he.  He shifted from one foot to the
other, he hitched his breeches, fiddled with his cap, scratched his
head.

"Well, sir," said he, "it was like this here, sir," ... and he began to
spin an interminable yarn.

"That'll do, my man," quoth the commander.  But, not at all.  "No, sir,
look here, sir, what I wants to say is this"--and so on, until the
commander had to order a file of Marines to march him below.

But both Marine and bluejacket had this in common: each would ask the
commander to settle the matter rather than let it go before the
captain; and the captain, to sentence him rather than hold a
court-martial.

The explanation of the difference between the old system of discipline
and the new is that in the sailing days it was of the first importance
that the seaman should be capable of instant independent action.  The
soldier's uniformity and military precision were wholly unsuited to the
sailor, who, at any moment, might have to tackle an emergency on his
own initiative.  If a seaman of the old days noticed anything wrong
aloft, up he would run to put it right, without waiting for orders.
Life and death often hung upon his promptitude of resource.

In the old days, we would often overhear such a conversation as the
following:--

Officer: "Why the blank dash didn't you blank well do so-and-so when I
told you?"

Man: "Why didn't I?  Because if I had I should have been blank well
killed and so would you."

{16}

Officer: "Damn you, sir, don't you answer me!  I shall put you in the
report."

Man: "Put me in the ruddy report, then."

And the next day the commander, having heard both sides, would say to
the officer,

"Why, the man was quite right."  And to the man, "You had no right to
argue with the officer.  Don't do it again.  Now get away with you to
hell."

And everyone would part the best of friends.

The change came with the improvement and progress in gunnery, which
involved, first, the better drilling of the small-arm companies.  In my
early days, the small-arm companies used to drill with bare feet.
Indeed, boots were never worn on board.  It was of course impossible to
wear boots going aloft for a sailor going aloft in boots would injure
the heads and hands of his topmates.  Occasionally the midshipmen went
aloft barefooted like the men.  So indurated did the feet of the
sailors become, that they were unable to wear boots without discomfort,
and often carried them when they were ashore.

A sailor's offences were hardly ever crimes against honour.  They
rather arose from the character induced by his calling.  Its conditions
were hard, dangerous and often intensely exciting.  The sailor's view
was devil-may-care.  He was free with his language, handy with his
fists and afraid of nothing.  A smart man might receive four dozen for
some violence, and be rated petty officer six months afterwards.
Condemnation was then the rule.  Personally, I endeavoured to
substitute for it, commendation.  For if there are two men, one of whom
takes a pride in (say) keeping his rifle clean, and the other neglects
it, to ignore the efficiency of the one is both to discourage him and
to encourage the other.

Before the system of silence was introduced by the _Marlborough_ the
tumult on deck during an evolution or exercise was tremendous.  The
shouting in the ships in Malta Harbour could be heard all over Valetta.
The _Marlborough_ introduced the "Still" bugle-call.  At the {17}
bugle-call "Still" every man stood motionless and looked at the
officer.  For in order to have an order understood, the men must be
looking at the officer who gives it.  During the Soudan war, I used the
"Still" at several critical moments.  Silence and attention are the
first necessities for discipline.  About this time the bugle superseded
the drum in many ships for routine orders.

There were few punishments, the chief punishment being the cat.  The
first time I saw the cat applied, I fainted.  But men were constantly
being flogged.  I have seen six men flogged in one morning.  Even upon
these painful occasions, the crew were not fallen in.  They were merely
summoned aft "for punishment"--"clear lower deck lay aft for
punishment" was piped--and grouped themselves as they would, sitting in
the boats and standing about, nor did they even keep silence while the
flogging was being inflicted.  The officers stood within three sides of
a square formed by the Marines.  Another punishment was "putting the
admiral in his barge and the general in his helmet," when one man was
stood in a bucket and the other had a bucket on his head.

Very great credit is due to Admiral Sir William Martin, who reformed
the discipline of the Fleet.  The Naval Discipline Act was passed in
1861; the New Naval Discipline Act in 1866.  In 1871 a circular was
issued restricting the infliction of corporal punishment in peace time.
Flogging was virtually abolished in 1879.  (Laird Clowes' _The Royal
Navy_, vol. 7.) Now we have proper discipline and no cat.  In former
days, we had the cat but no proper discipline.

The men were granted very little leave.  They were often on board for
months together.  When they went ashore, there they remained until they
had spent their last penny; and when they came on board they were
either drunk or shamming drunk.  For drunkenness was the fashion then,
just as sobriety is, happily, the fashion now.  In order to be in the
mode, a man would actually feign drunkenness on coming aboard.  In many
a night-watch after leave had been {18} given have I superintended the
hoisting in of drunken men, who were handed over to the care of their
messmates.  To-day, an intoxicated man is not welcomed by his mess, his
comrades preferring that he should be put out of the way in cells.  It
was impossible to keep liquor out of the ship.  Men would bring it
aboard in little bladders concealed in their neckties.  Excess was the
rule in many ships.  On Christmas Day, for instance, it was not
advisable for an officer to go on the lower deck, which was given up to
license.  I remember one man who ate and drank himself to death on
Christmas Day.  There he lay, beside a gun, dead.  Other cases of the
same kind occurred in other ships.

The rations were so meagre that hunger induced the men constantly to
chew tobacco.  For the same reason I chewed tobacco myself as a boy.
Nor have I ever been able to understand how on such insufficient and
plain diet the men were so extraordinarily hardy.  They used to go
aloft and remain aloft for hours, reefing sails, when a gale was
blowing with snow and sleet, clad only in flannel (vest) serge frock
and cloth or serge trousers, their heads, arms and lower part of their
legs bare.  Then they would go below to find the decks awash in a foot
of water, the galley fire extinguished, nothing to eat until next meal
time but a biscuit, and nothing to drink but water.

Seamen often curse and swear when they are aloft furling or reefing
sails in a gale of wind; but I have never heard a sailor blaspheme on
these occasions.  Their language aloft is merely a mode of speaking.
Although in the old days I have heard men blaspheme on deck, blasphemy
was never heard aloft in a gale.  To be aloft in a whole gale or in a
hurricane impresses the mind with a sense of the almighty power of the
Deity, and the insignificance of man, that puny atom, compared with the
vast forces of the elements.

In later life, I once said to a young man whom I heard using
blasphemous language in a club:

"If you were up with me on the weather yard-arm of a topsail yard
reefing topsails in a whole gale, you would be {19} afraid to say what
you are saying now.  You would see what a little puny devil a man is,
and although you might swear, you would be too great a coward to
blaspheme."

And I went on to ram the lesson home with some forcible expressions, a
method of reproof which amused the audience, but which effectually
silenced the blasphemer.

The fact is, there is a deep sense of religion in those who go down to
the sea in ships and do their business in the great waters.  Every
minister of God, irrespective of the denomination to which he belongs,
is treated with respect.  And a good chaplain, exercising tact and
knowing how to give advice, does invaluable service in a ship, and is a
great help in maintaining sound discipline, inasmuch as by virtue of
his position he can discover and remove little misunderstandings which
cause discontent and irritation.

The discomforts of the Old Navy are unknown to the new.  The sanitary
appliances, for instance, were placed right forward in the bows, in the
open air.  If the sea were rough they could not be used.  On these
occasions, the state of the lower deck may with more discretion be
imagined than described.  As the ship rolled, the water leaked in
through the rebated joints of the gun-ports, and as long as a gale
lasted the mess-decks were no better than cesspools.  It is a curious
fact that in spite of all these things, the spirits of both officers
and men rose whenever it came on to blow; and the harder it blew, the
more cheery everyone became.  The men sang most under stress of
weather; just as they will to-day under the same conditions or while
coaling ship.  After a gale of wind, the whole ship's company turned-to
to clean the ship.

In those days the men used to dress in cloth trousers and tunic with
buttons.  The men used to embroider their collars and their fronts with
most elaborate and beautiful designs.  They had two hats, a black hat
and a white hat, which they made themselves.  The black hats were made
of straw covered with duck and painted.  Many a man has lost his life
aloft in trying to save his heavy black hat from being blown away.

{20}

The fashion of wearing hair on the face was to cultivate luxuriant
whiskers, and to "leave a gangway," which meant shaving upper lip, chin
and neck.  Later, Mr. Childers introduced a new order: a man might
shave clean, or cultivate all growth, or leave a gangway as before, but
he might not wear a moustache only.  The order, which applied to
officers and men (except the Royal Marines) is still in force.

Steam was never used except under dire necessity, or when entering
harbour, or when exercising steam tactics as a Fleet.  The order to
raise steam cast a gloom over the entire ship.  The chief engineer
laboured under considerable difficulties.  He was constantly summoned
on deck to be forcibly condemned for "making too much smoke."

We were very particular about our gunnery in the _Marlborough_;
although at the same time gunnery was regarded as quite a secondary
art.  It was considered that anyone could fire a gun, and that the
whole credit of successful gunnery depended upon the seamanship of the
sailors who brought the ship into the requisite position.  The greater
number of the guns in the _Marlborough_ were the same as those used in
the time of Nelson, with their wooden trucks, handspikes, sponges,
rammers, worms and all gear complete.  The _Marlborough_ was fitted
with a cupola for heating round-shot, which were carried red-hot to the
gun in an iron bucket.  I know of no other ship which was thus equipped.

The gunnery lieutenant of the _Marlborough_, Charles Inglis, was gifted
with so great and splendid a voice, that, when he gave his orders from
the middle deck, they were heard at every gun in the ship.  We used to
practise firing at a cliff in Malta Harbour, at a range of a hundred
yards or so.  I used to be sent on shore to collect the round-shot and
bring them on board for future use.  I remember that when, in the
course of a lecture delivered to my men on board the _Bulwark_ more
than forty years afterwards, I related the incident, I could see by
their faces that my audience did not believe me; though I showed to
them the shot-holes in the face of the cliff, which remain to this day.
{21} On gunnery days, all fires were extinguished, in case a spark
should ignite the loose powder spilt by the boys who brought the
cartridges to the guns, making a trail to the magazines.  At "night
quarters," we were turned out of our hammocks, which were lashed up.
The mess-tables were triced up overhead.  The lower-deck ports being
closed, there was no room to wield the wooden rammer; so that the
charges for the muzzle-loading guns were rammed home with rope rammers.
Before the order to fire was given, the ports were triced up.  Upon one
occasion, so anxious was a bluejacket to be first in loading and
firing, that he cherished a charge hidden in his hammock since the last
night quarters, a period of nearly three months, and, firing before the
port was triced up, blew it into the next ship.

In those days, the master was responsible for the navigation of the
ship.  He was an old, wily, experienced seaman, who had entered the
Service as master's mate.  (When I was midshipman in the _Defence_, the
master's assistant was Richard W. Middleton, afterwards Captain
Middleton, chief organiser of the Conservative Central Office.) The
master laid the course and kept the reckoning.  As steam replaced
sails, the office of master was transferred to the navigating officer,
a lieutenant who specialised in navigation.  The transformation was
effected by the Order in Council of 26th June, 1867.

The sail-drill in the _Marlborough_ was a miracle of smartness and
speed.  The spirit of emulation in the Fleet was furious.  The fact
that a certain number of men used to be killed, seemed to quicken the
rivalry.  Poor Inman, a midshipman in the _Marlborough_, a great friend
of mine, his foot slipping as he was running down from aloft, lost his
life.  His death was a great shock to me.

The men would run aloft so quickly that their bare feet were nearly
indistinguishable.  Topmasts and lower yard were sent down and sent up
at a pace which to-day is inconceivable.

I once saw the captain of the maintop hurl himself bodily down from the
cap upon a hand in the top who was slow in {22} obeying orders.  That
reckless topman was Martin Schultz, a magnificent seaman, who was
entered by the captain direct from the Norwegian merchant service, in
which he had been a mate.

Mr. George Lewis, an old topmate of mine, who was one of the smartest
seamen on board H.M.S. _Marlborough_, has kindly sent to me the
following interesting details with regard to the times of sail-drill
and the risks incidental to the evolutions.

                                   Time allowed       Time in
                                    by Admiral.    _Marlborough_.
                                      Min.  Sec.      Min.  Sec.

  Cross topgallant and royal yards      1     0        0     30
  Down topgallant yards with royal
      yards across                      2     0        1     13
  Up topgallant mast, cross upper
      yards and loose sails             2    30        1     27
  Shift topgallant masts from royal
      yards across                      7     0        5     40
  Up topgallant mast and make all
      plain sail                        4     0        2     40
  Up topgallant mast and make all
      possible sail                     6     0        3      0
  Shift topsails from plainsail         6     0        4     50
  In all boom boats from away aloft     7     0        6      0
  Out all boom boats                    7     0        5     40
  Away lifeboat's crew                  0    30        0     20


What Mr. Lewis means by "admiral's time," let him explain in his own
words.  "When our admiral" (Sir William Martin) "was captain of the
_Prince Regent_, which was considered the smartest ship in the Navy, he
brought all her times of all her drills to the grand old _Marlborough_
along with him; and you know, my lord, that he allowed us six months to
get our good old ship in trim before we drilled along with the Fleet;
but we started to drill along with the Fleet after three months, and
were able to beat them all."

"Now, my lord," continues Mr. Lewis, "I come to one of the smartest
bits of our drill.  When we were sailing in the Bay of Naples under all
possible sail, our captain wanted to let the world see what a smart
ship he had and what a smart lot of men was under him.  From the order
'Shift topsails and courses make all possible sail again'"--which
really means that the masts were stripped of sails and again {23} all
sails were hoisted--"Admiral's time 13 minutes, our time 9 minutes 30
seconds.  All went without a hitch, within 400 yards of our anchorage."

Mr. Lewis proceeds to recount a very daring act of his own.  "We were
sending down upper yards and topgallant mast one evening, and it was my
duty to make fast the lizard.  But I could only make fast one hitch, so
I slid down the mast rope and it turned me right over, but I managed to
catch the lizard and hold on to it, and so saved the mast from falling
on the hundred men that were in the gangway.  No doubt if it had fallen
on them it would have killed a good many...."

What happened was that Lewis, in the tearing speed of the evolution,
not having time properly to secure the head of the mast as it was
coming down, held the fastening in place while clinging to the mast
rope and so came hurtling down with the mast.  He adds that he "felt
very proud"--and well he might--when the captain "told the admiral on
Sunday that I was the smartest man aloft that he had ever seen during
his time in the Service."  He had an even narrower escape.  "I was at
the yard-arm when we had just crossed" (hoisted into place).  "I was
pulling down the royal sheet and someone had let it go on deck, and I
fell backwards off the yard head-foremost.  I had my arm through the
strop of the jewel block, and it held me, and dropped me in the topmast
rigging, and some of my topmates caught me."

Mr. Lewis himself was one of the smartest and quickest men aloft I have
ever seen during the whole of my career.  The men of other ships used
to watch him going aloft.  "My best time," he writes--and I can confirm
his statement "from ''way aloft' to the topgallant yard-arm was 13
seconds, which was never beaten."  It was equalled, however, by Ninepin
Jones on the foretopgallant yard.  The topgallant and royal yard men
started from the maintop, inside of the topmast rigging, at the order
'"way aloft."  The height to be run from the top, inside of the topmast
rigging, {24} to the topgallant yard-arm was 64 feet.  From the deck to
the maintop was 67 feet.  At one time, the upper-yard men used to start
from the deck at the word "away aloft"; but the strain of going aloft
so high and at so great a speed injured their hearts and lungs, so that
they ascended first to the top, and there awaited the order "away
aloft."

The orders were therefore altered.  They were: first, "midshipmen
aloft," when the midshipmen went aloft to the tops; second, "upper-yard
men aloft," when the upper-yard men went aloft to the tops, and one
midshipman went from the top to the masthead.

At the evening or morning evolution of sending down or up topgallant
masts and topgallant and royal yards, only the upper-yard men received
the order, "upper-yard men in the tops."  The next order was "away
aloft," the upper-yard men going to the masthead.

At general drill, requiring lower- and topsail-yard men aloft, as well
as upper-yard men, the orders were: first, "midshipmen aloft"; then
"upper-yard men in the tops"; then, "away aloft," when the lower- and
topsail-yard men went aloft to the topsail and lower yards, and the
upper-yard men went aloft to the masthead.

These arrangements applied of course only to drill.  In the event of a
squall or an emergency, the men went straight from deck to the
topgallant and royal yards.

Mr. Lewis's performance was a marvel.  Writing to me fifty years
afterwards, he says:--"I think, my lord, it would take me a little
longer than 13 seconds now to get to the maintopgallant yard-arm and
run in again without holding on to anything, which I have done many
hundreds of times."

The men would constantly run thus along the yards--upon which the
jackstay is secured, to which again the sail is bent, so that the
footing is uneven--while the ship was rolling.  Sometimes they would
fall, catching the yard, and so save themselves.

{25}

The foretopgallant-yard man, Jones, was as smart as Lewis, though he
never beat Lewis's record time.  These two men were always six to ten
ratlines ahead of the other yard men, smart men as these were.  One day
Jones lost a toe aloft.  It was cut clean off by the fid of the
foretopgallant mast.  But Jones continued his work as though nothing
had happened, until the drill was ended, when he hopped down to the
sick bay.  He was as quick as ever after the accident; and the sailors
called him Ninepin Jack.

Another old topmate, Mr. S. D. Sharp, writing to me in 1909, when I
hauled down my flag, says:--"I was proud of the old _Marlborough_ and
her successor up the Straits, the _Victoria_.  They were a noble sight
in full sail with a stiff breeze.  No doubt the present fleet far
excels the old wooden walls, but the old wooden walls made sailors.
But sailors to-day have to stand aside for engine-men.  Going round
Portsmouth dockyard some few years since, I was very sad to see the
noble old Marlborough a hulk" (she is now part of H.M.S. _Vernon_
Torpedo School), "laid aside, as I expect we all shall be in time" (Mr.
Sharp is only between seventy and eighty years of age).  "I am doubtful
if there are many men in the Navy to-day who would stand bolt upright
upon the royal truck of a line-of-battle ship.  I was one of those who
did so.  Perhaps a foolish practice.  But in those days fear never came
our way."

There speaks the Old Navy.

When a ship was paid off out of Malta Harbour, it was the custom that
there should be a man standing erect on each of the trucks, main, mizen
and fore.  Many a time have I seen these men balanced more than 200
feet in the air, strip off their shirts and wave them.  And once I saw
a man holding to the vane-spindle set in the truck, and I saw the
spindle break in his hand, and the man fall....

In the course of my experience, I have seen a man fall off the
main-royal yard, be caught in the belly of the mainsail slip down the
sail, catch the second reef-line with his {26} legs, and hold on until
a topmate ran aloft with a bowline and saved him.

I have seen a man fall off the maintopsail yard, and be caught in the
bight of the mainsheet in the main rigging, and run aloft again.  And
this was at sea.

And several times I have seen a man fall from aloft to be dashed to
pieces upon the deck.

One of the closest escapes I have ever had occurred aloft in the
_Marlborough_.  Being midshipman of the mizenroyal, I was furling the
sail, leaning forward upon the yard, gathering in the canvas, my feet
braced backward upon the footrope, when another midshipman, leaping
upon the footrope, accidentally knocked it from under my feet.  For two
or three seconds I hung by the tips of my fingers, which were pressed
against the jackstay of the mizen-royal yard (the rope running taut
along the top of the yard to which the sail is bent) under which I
could not push my fingers, and then, at the last moment, I found the
footrope again.  I have never forgotten my feelings, when I saw certain
death approaching while my feet were clawing about for the footrope.

When the hands were turned out to bathe, John Glanville, chief
boatswain's mate, would go up to the main-yard, stand with one foot on
the yard and the other on the preventive braceblock, and thence take a
header.  The height was between 50 and 60 feet.  Once he struck the sea
sideways, and was injured, so that he was never quite the same man
afterwards.  But any other man would have been killed.

On another occasion, when the ship was hove-to for the hands to bathe,
the captain of the forecastle hauled the jib sheet aft, and the ship
began to glide away from the officers and men, myself among them, in
the water.  Luckily all got on board again.

In the spirit of emulation, I fell into deserved disgrace at
sail-drill.  In order to be first in the evolution, I secretly unbent
the foretopgallant sheet before the men arrived at the masthead.
Another midshipman did likewise at the {27} main.  He was Arthur
Gresley, one of the smartest midshipmen aloft, and one of the best oars
in the Service, a splendid, cheery, chivalrous, noble-minded lad.  We
were discovered; and, before all the men, we were ordered down on deck,
and were severely reprimanded for having endeavoured to gain an unfair
advantage, thereby staining the character of a ship justly noted for
her scrupulous fair play.  I was taken out of my top, deprived of the
command of my boat, and disrated to cadet; and I had serious thoughts
of ending a ruined career by jumping overboard.  I have never been so
genuinely unhappy before or since.  But upon the following day I was
rated up again, and replaced in my top and my boat.

At first in the _Marlborough_ I was midshipman of the mizentop, and in
charge of the jolly-boat.  The midshipman in charge of a boat learned
how to handle men.  As he was away from the ship with them for long
periods, he was forced to understand them and to discover how to treat
them, thus learning the essential elements of administration.  As all
my delight was in seamanship, I contrived to miss a good deal of
school.  It was not difficult, when the naval instructor desired my
presence, to find a good reason for duty with my boat.  I was
afterwards midshipman of the foretop, and when I was promoted from the
jolly-boat to the second pinnace, and to the command of the first
subdivision of the three-pounder division of field-guns for landing,
being placed in charge of one three-pounder gun, I thought I was an
emperor.

We used to land with the guns for field-battery exercises, setting
Marine sentries all round to prevent the men getting away to drink.
Returning on board, we used to race down the Calcara Hill at Malta to
the harbour.  On one occasion, we were going so fast that we couldn't
turn the gun round the corner, and gun and all toppled over the wharf
into the water.....

I fell into another scrape in excess of zeal for marksmanship.  We used
to practise aiming with rifles and {28} muzzle-loading Enfields, the
Service rifle of that day.  We fired percussion caps without charges,
at little bull's-eyes painted on a strip of canvas, which was stretched
along the bulwarks below the hammock-nettings.  The marksman stood on
the opposite side of the deck.  Another midshipman and myself contrived
to fire a couple of caps as projectiles, which of course entered the
woodwork behind the targets, making dreadful holes.  This appalling
desecration, involving the fitting in of new planking, was discovered
by the commander, Brandreth.  His rage was justifiable.  We were stood
on the bitts, and also mastheaded.

Captain Houston Stewart used to fish from the stern gallery when the
ship was at anchor.  He tied his line to the rail, and went back into
his cabin, returning every few minutes to see if he had a fish.
Beneath the stern gallery opened the ports of the gunroom.  With a
hooked stick I drew in his line, attached a red herring to the hook,
dropped it in again, and when the captain came to feel his line I
jerked it.  He hauled it up in a hurry.  Instantly after, he sent for
all the midshipmen; and, for some reason or other, he picked me out at
once.

"_You_ did that, Beresford," he said.  "Most impertinent!  Your leave
will be stopped."

Next day, however, he let me off.

Among the most delightful incidents were the boat-races.  It was before
the time when fleet regattas were instituted.  What happened was that a
boat would row round from their ship, to the ship they wished to race,
and toss oars under her bows in sign of a challenge.  Then the boat's
crew of the challenged ship would practise with intense assiduity until
they felt they were fit to meet the enemy.  The bitterest feeling was
aroused.  Even the crews of "chummy ships" could not meet without
fighting.  Hundreds of pounds were wagered on the event.  In the
_Marlborough_ we had the cutter, _Black Bess_, specially built for
racing.  Her stroke was John Glanville, the gigantic boatswain's mate,
who, when I joined the ship, told Dicky {29} Horne, the quartermaster,
that I was not likely to live long.  He was the son of Ann Glanville,
the redoubtable West country woman who pulled stroke in the crew of
Saltash women that raced and beat a crew of Frenchmen at Cherbourg,
under the eyes of the Queen, the Prince Consort, the Emperor Napoleon
III., and the British and French navies.  That notable victory was won
in 1858, when Queen Victoria, accompanied by the Prince Consort,
visited Napoleon III.  The Queen and the Prince sailed in H.M.S.
_Victoria and Albert_, escorted by a squadron of men-of-war.  They were
received by the French Navy.  After the race, the Queen invited the
Saltash women on board the Royal yacht.  Later in life, it was my
privilege to remove anxiety concerning her livelihood from fine old
Mrs. Glanville.

I steered the _Black Bess_, and we beat the two best boats in the
Fleet; and then we were challenged by the _St. George_.  The _St.
George_ had taken the upper strake off her boat to make her row easier.
Now the stroke of the _St. George_ was George Glanville, brother to
John, and of the same formidable weight and size.  The race was rowed
in Malta Harbour, over a 3½-mile course, and we were beaten.  We could
not understand it; but beaten we were.  That night George Glanville
came aboard the _Marlborough_ with a bag containing some £300 the money
put up to cover the stakes.  George came to receive the stakes, and
according to custom he brought the cover-money to show that all was
above-board.  To him came John his brother; and scarce a word was said
ere the two big men were fighting furiously, the bag of gold on the
deck beside them.  They were torn apart with difficulty.  Nor could the
respective crews be landed together for a long time afterwards.  Next
year we beat the _St. George_.

When we lay in Corfu Harbour, the _Marlborough_ was challenged by a
crew of artillerymen.  It was I think on this occasion that John
Glanville headed a deputation to me, asking me to be the coxswain.

{30}

"Well, sir," he said, "it's like this here, sir, if you'll pardon me.
Yew be young-like, and what we was thinking was whether you have the
power of language that du be required."

I said I would do my best.  I did.  I astonished myself.  As for the
artillerymen, they rowed themselves right under.  There was a little
seaway, and they rowed the boat under and there they were struggling in
the water.

"What!  Yew bain't never going to pick 'em up?" cried John Glanville,
in the heat of his excitement.

I also rowed bow-oar in the officers' boat, the second cutter.  I was
young and small, but I had great staying power.  I could go on rowing
for ever.

When my leave was stopped--which did occur occasionally--I had a system
by means of which I went ashore at night.  I lashed a hammock-lashing
round the port stern-ring, crawled out of the stern port, lowered
myself to the water, and swam to a shore boat, waiting for me by
arrangement.  Maltese boats are partly covered in, and I dressed in a
spare suit of clothes.  On one occasion, upon landing, I nearly--but
not quite--ran into the arms of the commander.

One night I went ashore, taking a painter and two men.  We lowered the
painter over the edge of the cliff, and he inscribed on the cliff in
immense letters, "'Marlborough,' Star of the Mediterranean."  Next
morning the whole Fleet, not without emotion, beheld the legend.
Another brilliant wit went ashore on the following night and altered
the word "Star" into "Turtle."  My reply was the addition "Until the
'Queen' comes out."  After this exploit I was sent ashore to clean the
cliff.

There were numerous horses in Malta, and the midshipmen and bluejackets
used to hire them for half-a-crown a day.  When the horses had had
enough of their riders, they used to gallop down to the Florian Gate,
kick them off, and return to their stable.  I heard one sailor remark
to another, {31} who, sticking to his horse, was bounding up and down
in his saddle:

"Get off that there 'orse, Jack, 'e's a beast!"

"He aint no beast at all," retorted Jack.  '"E's the cleverest 'orse I
ever see.  He chucks me up and he catches me, he chucks me up and he
catches me--why, 'e's only missed me three times in a hour!"

There used to be very bad feeling between English and Maltese.  Both
sailors and soldiers frequently lost their lives on shore.  The seamen
used to be stabbed, and the soldiers were sometimes thrown over the
fortifications at night.  I have seen a dead soldier lying on the rocks
where he was thrown.  A party of _Marlborough_ officers drove out in
"go-carts" (two-wheeled vehicles in which passengers lay on cushions)
to Civita Vecchia, to hear the celebrated Mass on New Year's Eve.  The
Cathedral was the richest church in Europe until Napoleon confiscated
its treasure.  Somehow or other, there was a row, and we were fighting
fiercely with a crowd of Maltese.  A clerk of our party, a very stout
person, was stabbed in the belly, so that his entrails protruded.  We
got him away, laid him in a go-cart, drove back to Malta, a two-hours'
drive, and put him on board, and he recovered.

At nine o'clock p.m. the seniors in the gunroom stuck a fork in the
beam overhead, the signal for the youngsters to leave their elders in
peace--too often to drink.  Sobriety--to put it delicately--was not
reckoned a virtue.  I remember visiting a ship at Bermuda (never mind
her name) to find every member of the mess intoxicated.  Two were
suffering from delirium tremens; and one of them was picking the bodies
of imaginary rats from the floor with a stick,  His case was worse than
that of the eminent member of a certain club in London, who, when a
real rat ran across the carpet, looked solemnly round upon the
expectant faces of his friends, and said, "Aha!  You thought I saw a
rat.  _But I didn't!_"

There was no rank of sub-lieutenant, the corresponding {32} grade being
a "mate."  Many of the mates were men of thirty or more, who had never
gained promotion and who never would gain it.  I remember an old mate
who used to earn his living by rowing a wherry in Portsmouth Harbour.
He was then (1862) on half-pay, with seniority of 1820.  His name was
Peter B. Stagg, as you may see in the Navy Lists of the period.  In the
Navy List of 1862, Stagg is rated sub-lieutenant, the rank of mate
having been abolished in the previous year.

Wisdom spoken by babes was not approved in the _Marlborough_.  I
ventured to remark a thing I had observed, which was that the masts of
men-of-war were out of proportion tall as compared with the sails they
carried; or, in technical language, that the masts were very taunt,
whereas the sails were not proportionately square.  I said that the
masts ought to be lower and the sails squarer, thus increasing the
sailing power.

"D--n it!  Listen to this youngster laying down the law as if he knew
better than Nelson!" cried an old mate.  I was instantly sentenced to
be cobbed; and received twelve strokes with a dirk scabbard.

It was true that the rig had been inherited from the men of Nelson's
day; but it was not true that I had pretended to know better than the
late admiral; for, since his death, the ships had become longer; so
that, whereas in Nelson's time the masts, being closer together, were
made taller, with relatively narrow sails, in order that in going about
the yards should not lock, in my time the reason for the disproportion
had ceased to exist.  Very shortly after I had been beaten for the
impiety of thinking for myself, the merchant clippers adopted the very
plan I had in mind, lowering masts and increasing the size of sails and
thereby gaining a speed which was unrivalled.

I visited Corfu during my time in the _Marlborough_ when that island,
together with the rest of the Ionian Islands--Cephalonia, Zante,
Ithaca, Santa Maura, Cerigo and Paxo--was an independent State under
the protection of Great {33} Britain.  In the following year, 1864, the
Islands were annexed to Greece.  When the Great Powers agreed that a
sovereign should be nominated to reign over Greece, it was suggested
that, as the integrity of his kingdom could not be guaranteed, he
should be provided with a place of refuge in case of trouble.  So at
least ran the talk at the time.  In any case, Great Britain was induced
to relinquish these magnificent Islands, which she had won from the
French in 1809.  Their loss was greatly deplored by the Navy at the
time; for Corfu has one of the finest harbours in the world; a harbour
in which a whole fleet can be manoeuvred.  The Islands, moreover, had
magnificent roads, and were furnished with barracks, and in all
respects formed an invaluable naval base.  Prince William of
Schleswig-Holstein was proclaimed King George I of Greece on 30th
March, 1863.  The late King was a most admirable sovereign, whose
personal friendship I was privileged to enjoy.  When I was in Corfu
there was a story current to the effect that when Mr. Gladstone came to
the Islands on his mission of inquiry in 1858, he delivered a superb
oration in the Greek tongue.  He was, of course, an excellent scholar
in ancient Greek; but modern Greek differs in pronunciation and other
respects.  When he had finished, the official in attendance, while
complimenting him upon his eloquence, observed what a pity it was that
Mr. Gladstone delivered his speech in the English language.

As I am writing, it is the fiftieth anniversary of the marriage of the
late King Edward with Queen Alexandra, who is still spared to us.  I
remember that on the 10th March, 1863, the _Marlborough_ was
illuminated with a dainty splendour I have never seen surpassed, even
in these days of electricity.  Every port-hole was framed in sixteen
little Maltese glass lamps; the rails and yards were set with them; so
that, ports being triced up, and the ship being lit within, she was as
though wrought in a glow of mellow fire.

Early in the year 1863 I was ordered home, to my great grief.  I was
discharged to the _Hibernia_ stationed in Malta {34} Harbour, to await
the homeward bound P. and O. mail steamer.  Many years afterwards, when
commanding the _Undaunted_, I was tried by court-martial in the old
_Hibernia_ for running my ship ashore and was acquitted of all blame.
While waiting in the _Hibernia_ for a passage, I learned that the
_Marlborough_ had gone to the rescue of a Turkish liner, carrying
troops, which had run aground on the Filfola rocks, twelve or fifteen
miles by sea from Malta Harbour.  I was so eager to see my old ship
again, that I hired a duck-punt and pulled all by myself to the Filfola
rocks.  Fortunately the sea was calm, or I must have been drowned.  I
found a party from the _Marlborough_ rolling the Turkish vessel to get
her off.  Each British sailor took a Turkish sailor by the scruff of
his neck, and ran with him from side to side of the ship, until she
rolled herself into deep water.  I had a delightful dinner on board the
_Marlborough_ and then I pulled all the way back in the dark to the
_Hibernia_.  I was sad indeed that my time in the _Marlborough_ was
ended; for, in the words of George Lewis, my old topmate, "the dear old
_Marlborough_ was the smartest and happiest ship that ever floated."

I took passage home in the mail steamer, and was appointed midshipman
to the _Defence_ by Rear-Admiral Charles Eden, C.B., my "sea-daddy."
He very kindly said he wished me to gain experience of one of the new
iron ships.



NOTE

_The Old Navy_.--The _Marlborough_ was a survival of the Old Navy, in
whose traditions Lord Charles Beresford and his contemporaries were
nurtured.  It was a hard-fisted, free-living, implacable, tragic,
jovial, splendid Service; it was England at her valorous best.

The present generation hardly realises that the naval cadets, who, like
Lord Charles Beresford, entered the Service in the mid-nineteenth
century, were taught their business by the men who had served with
Nelson.  The admirals and old seamen of fifty years' service who are
alive to-day, therefore represent the direct link between Nelson's time
and our {35} own.  When they entered the Navy, many of the admirals and
the elder seamen had actually fought under Nelson, and the Service was
in all essentials what it was at Trafalgar.  Admiral of the Fleet Sir
Edward Seymour relates (in _My Naval Career_) that as a cadet he often
talked with Master-Commander G. Allen, who saw Nelson embark from the
sally-port at Portsmouth for Trafalgar.

The change from sails to steam was just beginning.  Never again will
the Royal Navy be administered by men who were brought up in that stern
school, which produced a type of men unique in history.

The time-honoured divisions of the Fleet into Red, White and Blue were
still in use while Lord Charles Beresford was a midshipman.  They were
abolished by an Order in Council of 9th July, 1864.

In the year 1858-9 there was only one admiral of the Fleet, Sir John
West, K.C.B.  He entered the Navy in 1788, as a "first-class
Volunteer," as a naval cadet was then called.  West served on the coast
of Guinea, in the West Indies, Newfoundland and the Channel in the
_Pomona_.  He was midshipman in the _Salisbury_, 50, and the _London_,
98, and was in the _Hebe_, Captain Alexander Hood.  He was lieutenant
in the _Royal George_, Captain Domett.  He was present at the action of
Île de Groix of the 23rd June, 1795, under Lord Bridport.  He was
promoted to captain in 1796.  In 1807, commanding the _Excellent_, 74,
he was engaged off Catalonia, helping the Spaniards to defend the
citadel of Rosas, which was besieged by 5000 French.  He was promoted
to rear-admiral in 1819, and to admiral of the White in 1841.

Here was an instance of an officer becoming a captain at the age of 22,
after no more than eight years' service; remaining a captain for 23
years; and a rear-admiral for 22 years; and in 1859 he was still alive
as an admiral of the Fleet, being then 85 years of age.

The Board of Admiralty in 1858-9 consisted of: the Right Hon. Sir John
Somerset Pakington, Bart., M.P.; Vice-Admiral William Fanshawe Martin,
who entered the {36} Navy in 1814; Vice-Admiral the Hon. Sir Richard
Saunders Dundas, K.C.B., who entered the Royal Naval College in 1814;
Rear-Admiral Sir Alexander Milne, K.C.B., who entered the Royal Naval
College in 1817; and the Right Hon. Lord Loraine, M.P.

A very brief survey of the services of the admirals of the Red, White
and Blue shows that they derived directly from the French wars and the
time of Nelson.

Admiral of the Red Sir William Hall Gage, G.C.H., had been
acting-lieutenant of the _Minerva_, when she bore the broad pennant of
Commodore Nelson; had fought in the battle of St. Vincent under Sir
John Jervis; and commanded the _Indus_ under Sir Edward Pellew in the
action off Toulon of 13th February, 1814.

Admiral of the Red Sir Edward Durnford King, K.G.H., in command of the
_Endymion_, watched 26 sail of the line and nine frigates put into
Cadiz on 16th April, 1805, and carried the information to Vice-Admiral
Collingwood, who was cruising off Gibraltar with four ships.  He had
the ill-luck to be detailed for special service at Gibraltar on
Trafalgar Day.

Admiral Sir George Mundy, K.C.B., fought in the battles of St. Vincent
and of the Nile, and had a deal of other distinguished fighting service
in his record.

Then there was Admiral of the Red the Right Hon. Thomas, Earl of
Dundonald, G.C.B., whose skill in privateering amounted to genius.  As
Lord Cochrane, commanding in 1800 the _Speedy_ sloop, 14 guns and 54
men, he captured in one year and two months 33 vessels containing 128
guns and 533 men.  Among other spirited exploits, he boarded and
carried the Spaniard _El Gamo_, 32 guns, 319 men.  Falling under the
displeasure of the politicians, his rank and his seat in Parliament
were forfeited.  In 1818, he accepted the chief command of the Chilian
Navy, then of the Brazilian Navy, and then entered the Greek naval
service.  King William the Fourth upon his succession reinstated
Dundonald in his rank in the Royal Navy.

Admiral of the Red Sir William Parker, Bart, G.C.B., {37} went with
Nelson in pursuit of the French Fleet to the West Indies and back in
1805.

Admiral of the White Sir Lucius Curtis, Bart, C.B., served in the
Mediterranean in 1804 and 1805.

Admiral of the White Sir John Louis, Bart., served in the Mediterranean
in 1804.

Admiral of the White John Ayscough was flag-lieutenant in the _Queen
Charlotte_, Lord Rowe's flagship, in the Channel in 1797; he afterwards
served with distinction in Holland, Quiberon, Cadiz, Egypt, the West
Indies; and, with two frigates and some sloops, protected Sicily
against the invasion of Joachim Murat.

Admiral of the Blue Sir Edward Chetham Strode, K.C.B., K.C.H., served
under Lord Hood in the _Victory_ in the Mediterranean, taking part in
the evacuation of Toulon, in the sieges of St. Fiorenza, Bastia and
Calvi, in Corsica.  In August, 1794, he was lieutenant in the
_Agamemnon_, commanded by Nelson.  He performed much distinguished
service until, in 1841, he attained flag rank and went on half-pay.

Admiral of the Blue William Bowles, C.B., entered the Navy in 1796, was
employed in the Channel and off Cadiz, in the North Sea, West Indies,
and North American station.  In command of the _Zebra_ bomb, he went
with Lord Gambier to Copenhagen.  In 1813, and again in 1816, he
performed excellent service in protecting British trade in Rio la Plata
and the neighbouring coasts.

Admiral of the Blue James Whitley Deans Dundas, C.B., entered the Navy
in 1799, took part in the blockade of Alexandria in 1800, and served
with distinction in the North Sea, Baltic and Mediterranean.

Admiral of the Blue Henry Hope, C.B., took part in the blockade of
Alexandria in 1800, and served in the Mediterranean.

Admiral of the Blue the Hon. Sir Fleetwood Broughton Reynolds Pellew
performed long and gallant fighting services in the Dutch East Indies.

Admiral of the Blue Sir Charles Napier, K.C.B., etc. etc., {38} had a
most distinguished fighting record in the West Indies and on the coast
of Syria.  In 1841 he represented Marylebone in Parliament, in which
respect, as in others, his career resembled that of Lord Charles
Beresford.

In 1854, Sir Charles Napier was appointed to the command of the great
fleet which sailed for the Baltic in the spring of that year.  Admiral
Penrose Fitzgerald, who received his nomination to the Navy from Sir
Charles Napier, and who served in the second Baltic expedition of the
following year, makes some instructive observations in respect of the
treatment of Sir Charles Napier by the authorities.

"... The issue was really decided in the Black Sea, and both Baltic
expeditions were, practically speaking, failures.  The admirals were
told by the Government that they were not to attack stone forts with
their wooden ships, and were then censured by the same Government for
doing nothing, when there was really nothing else to do.  Sir Charles
Napier, who commanded the British Baltic fleet in the summer of 1854,
was shamefully treated by the politicians, and, being a hot tempered
old gentleman, he couldn't stand it.  He got into Parliament as member
for Southwark and gave them back as good as they gave....  It was the
old story--the politicians shunting the blame on to the soldiers or the
sailors when they fail to achieve such success as is expected of them,
but quite ready to take credit to themselves for their magnificent
strategy and foresight when it turns out the other way....  When Sir
Charles was peremptorily ordered to haul down his flag, as a punishment
for not disobeying orders, he was superseded in command by Admiral
Dundas, who had been a Lord of the Admiralty in 1854...."

Sir Charles Napier requested the Prime Minister, Lord Palmerston, to
grant an inquiry into his case.  He then addressed the following letter
to Lord Palmerston:--"I sent your Lordship my case, which I requested
you to lay before the Cabinet, but you have not favoured me with a
reply.  I am aware of the various occupations of your Lordship, but
{39} still there ought to be some consideration for an old officer who
has served his country faithfully, and who has held an important
command.  Had my papers been examined by your Cabinet, and justice
done, instead of dismissing me, and appointing one of the Lords of the
Admiralty my successor, you would have dismissed Sir James Graham and
his Admiralty, for treachery to me."  (_Life of Sir Charles Napier_, by
General Elers Napier.  Quoted by Admiral Penrose Fitzgerald, in
_Memories of the Sea_.)

Sir Charles Napier, remarks Admiral Fitzgerald, "thus gave his wary
enemies a chance of accusing him of disrespect towards those in
authority."

Admiral of the Blue Phipps Hornby, C.B., was promoted acting-lieutenant
from the _Victory_, flagship of Lord Nelson, to the _Excellent_, 74.
As captain of the _Volage_, 22, he received a gold medal from the
Admiralty for gallant conduct in the action off Lissa of March, 1811,
when a British squadron of 156 guns and 859 men defeated after six
hours' action a Franco-Venetian force of 284 guns and 2655 men.

Such is the tale of the admirals of the Red, White and Blue in the year
1858-9.  Several of them had actually served in Nelson's ships; the
most of them had served under Nelson's command, when Lord Charles
Beresford joined the Navy.

In the same year, the number of officers receiving pensions for wounds
on service was 104.

  Admirals . . . . . . . . . . . . .   2
  Vice-admirals  . . . . . . . . . .  10
  Rear-admirals  . . . . . . . . . .   4
  Captains . . . . . . . . . . . . .  27
  Commanders . . . . . . . . . . . .  22
  Lieutenants  . . . . . . . . . . .  24
  Masters  . . . . . . . . . . . . .   5
  Surgeons . . . . . . . . . . . . .   2
  Mates  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   2
  Second masters . . . . . . . . . .   1
  Paymasters . . . . . . . . . . . .   5
                                     ---
                                     104
                                     ===

{40}

The total number of men in the Royal Navy in 1858-9 was 53,700: 38,700
seamen, 15,000 Marines.  In 1912-13, the total number was 137,500:
118,700 seamen, 15,800 Marines.  In 1810, the number of seamen and
Marines was 145,000: 113,600 seamen, 31,400 Marines.




{41}

CHAPTER IV

THE SHIP OF UNHAPPY MEMORY

I did not like the _Defence_.  I thought her a dreadful ship.  After
the immaculate decks, the glittering perfection, the spirit and fire
and pride of the _Marlborough_, the "flagship of the world," I was
condemned to a slovenly, unhandy, tin kettle which could not sail
without steam; which had not even any royal-masts; and which took
minutes instead of seconds to cross topgallant yards, a disgusting
spectacle to a midshipman of the _Marlborough_.  Instead of the
splendid sun and blue waters of the Mediterranean, there were the cold
skies and the dirty seas of the Channel.  I wrote to my father asking
him to remove me from the Navy.

The _Defence_ was one of the iron-built, or iron-cased, armoured,
heavily rigged, steam-driven, broadside-fire vessels launched from 1860
to 1866.  They represented the transition from the Old Navy to the New,
inasmuch as they retained large sailing powers and broadside fire,
combining with these traditional elements, iron construction and steam
propulsion.  They were the _Warrior_, _Black Prince_, _Defence_,
_Resistance_, _Hector_, _Valiant_, _Achilles_, _Minotaur_, _Agincourt_,
and _Northumberland_.  The _Defence_, launched in 1861, was (in modern
terms) of 6270 tons displacement, 2540 h.p., 11.6 knots speed, carried
22 guns, and had a complement of 450 men.  She was commanded by Captain
Augustus Phillimore, and was one of the Channel Squadron, which, in the
year 1863, was commanded by Rear-Admiral Robert Smart, K.H.

{42}

    CHANNEL SQUADRON
  (NAVY LIST, 1863, DESCRIPTION)

    Rate      H.P.      Name        Guns  Tons   Com. Officer   Complement

  2nd       S.  800   Revenge (Flag) 73   3322   Capt. Charles     800
                                                    Fellowes
  Iron-cased
    ship    S. 1250   Warrior        70   6109   Capt. Hon. A.     704
                                                  A. Cochrane,
                                                  C.B.
      "     S. 1250   Black Prince   40   6109   Capt. J. F. A.    704
                                                  Wainwright
      "     S.  600   Defence        16   3720   Capt. Augustus    457
                                                  Phillimore
      "     S.  600   Resistance     16   3710   Capt. W. C.       457
                                                  Chamberlain
  Gunboat   S.   60   Trinculo        2    ---   Tender to          24
                                                  Revenge

The Channel Squadron at that time was employed in cruising round the
coasts of the British Isles, in order to familiarise people on shore
with the Fleet.  In later life it fell to me, as commander-in-chief, to
conduct similar cruises, of whose object I thoroughly approve.

The _Warrior_ and _Black Prince_, in particular, were stately and noble
vessels whose beauty was a delight to behold.  Their great spread of
sail, their long hulls and yacht bows, the vast expanse of flush wooden
decks, their solidity and grace, set them among the finest ships ever
built.

I was somewhat consoled in the _Defence_ by being placed in charge of
the cutter; in which I succeeded, by a small feat of seamanship, in
earning the rare commendation of the first lieutenant.  I was about to
sail off to the Fleet from Devonport, when I discovered that the yard
of the dipping lug was sprung.  This was serious, as it was blowing
fairly hard.  Fortunately, I had one of those knives so dear to
boyhood, containing a small saw and other implements; and with this
weapon I shaped a batten and fitted it to the yard, woolded it with
spun-yarn and wedged it tight.  I did not expect it to hold; but,
double-reefing the sail, I put off.  All {43} the way to the ship I had
an eye on the yard, and it held.  Of course I was late on board; and
the first lieutenant declined to believe my explanation of the delay
until he had had the yard hoisted on deck.  Then he was kind enough to
say, "Well, my boy, if you can do a thing like that, there's hope for
you yet."  Every little ray of hope is worth having.

But by reason of my love for the cutter, I fell into trouble.  In the
dockyard at Devonport, there stood a mast newly fitted with beautiful
new white signal halliards, the very thing for the cutter.  I should
explain that, as we were kept very short of stores, stealing in the
Service from the Service for the Service, used to be a virtue.  There
was once an admiral who stole a whole ship's propeller in order to melt
the brass from it; and it was another admiral who boasted to me of his
brother officer's achievement.  Of course, no one ever steals anything
nowadays; nothing is ever missing out of store; and no midshipman would
dream of attempting to convey signal halliards from the dockyard into
his boat.

But I did.  I brought an end of the halliard into an adjacent shed,
concealed in which I revolved swiftly upon my axis, winding the rope
about me.  Then I put on an overcoat, borrowed for the purpose.  But my
figure presented an appearance so unnaturally rotund that a policeman
experienced in diagnosing these sudden metamorphoses, compelled me to
divest and to revolve, unwinding, in the public eye.  He also reported
me for stealing Government stores.  "Zeal, all zeal, Mr. Easy!"

It was during my time in the _Defence_ that I was so fortunate as to be
enabled to save two lives.  On one occasion, the ship was lying in the
Mersey, and visitors were on board.  A party of these was leaving the
ship, when their boat was slewed round by the strong tide, and one of
them, a big, heavy man, fell into the water.  I dived after him.
Luckily there was a boat-keeper in the galley secured astern of the
ship.  He held out a boat-hook, {44} which I caught with one hand,
holding up my man with the other.

I received the gold medal of the Liverpool Shipwreck Humane Society,
and the bronze medal of the Royal Humane Society.  The name of the man
who fell overboard was Richardson.  More than forty years afterwards,
the son of Mr. Richardson sent me a kind letter, enclosing a photograph
of his father, who had died in 1882, nineteen years after his rescue.

"My mother," wrote Mr. J. Richardson, "was in very great terror, as my
father could not swim a stroke.  He was a very fine man, and this made
your task you so quickly undertook not any the easier....  The clothes
he wore on that memorable occasion were, after their thorough wetting,
too small for him to wear again, so they were cut down for my elder
brothers, and were called by them their 'Channel Fleet' clothes, and
jolly proud they were to wear them too."

The boys' sentiment is pleasing, whether it arose from the exciting
fact that Mr. Richardson had fallen overboard in them--a thing which
might happen to any gentleman--or from his having in them been picked
out by an officer (however junior) of the Channel Fleet.

The second occasion when I was successful in saving a man from drowning
was in Plymouth Sound.  A string of boats from the Fleet carrying
liberty men was pulling ashore, when a shore-boat crossed their bows
and was run down by the leading boat.  I jumped in and held up one of
the passengers; and was again awarded the bronze medal of the Royal
Humane Society.

In the _Defence_, as in my other ships, my Service transgressions were
few and venial, as in the case of the signal halliards.  My troubles
arose from my intervals of relaxation on shore.  It is now so long ago
that perhaps I may without imprudence relate a sad episode in which I
fell under the condemnation of the law, with all that attendant
publicity which--as one journalist rather unctuously remarked at the
time--is so often worse than the penalty.

{45}

"_Defence_, PLYMOUTH

"MY DEAREST FATHER,--I am writing to you at once to tell you what a sad
scrape I have just come out of.  On Friday night I was with some other
wild fellows on the outside of a cab, pea-shooting, myself the worst,
when unfortunately I hit a lady who was leaning on a gentleman's arm in
the face.  The man chased us and with a good deal of difficulty, caught
us; we were then taken to the station-house, and given into custody.
The hotel-keeper we always go to, very kindly bailed us for the night.
In the morning we went to the station-house according to promise; and
were tried; the result was my paying £2, 10s. and costs, or one month's
imprisonment, and another £1, or 7 days.  The other two got off, no
peas being found upon them.  You will see all about it in the papers I
am sending you.  I am writing to you in such a hurry, as I am afraid
you might believe the papers if you saw them before my letter.  I most
_solemnly swear_ to you on my honour that I was _quite_ sober the whole
of the day that this took place.  And as for behaving unbecoming a
gentleman in the Court, I certainly did laugh, but the judge made me,
and all did so, as he was chaffing all the time.  The reason I did not
apologise to the man was because he swore on his oath that I was drunk;
which was a lie.  I had been dining with Hutchinson (see in the paper),
who was giving a dinner as he was leaving the ship.  All I drank was
two glasses of Moselle.  The papers I sent you are Radical so of course
they run me down....  All that remains to be said is, I hope you will
look upon it as a boyish lark and not as a disgraceful action ... and
will you send me 5 pounds as I have but 3 shillings left; and I must
have some money to pay mess, wine, etc. etc.  So now write soon to your
prodigal son,

"CHARLIE BERESFORD"


I received in reply a severe but affectionate reproof from my father.

The gentlemen of the Press took upon themselves to {46} improve the
occasion, having first taken care, of course, to describe the affair as
a great deal worse than it was.  "Let this lesson be taken," says one
kind journalist, "it may be a guide and a warning for the future.  The
days are gone--gone for ever--when the pranks of a Waterford would be
tolerated; but while we would hope his follies are lost, we would
likewise hope that his manly, frank, chivalrous nature is still
inherited by his kinsmen."

Another reporter did me the justice to record that, on being called on
for my defence, I said: "I certainly do apologise if I did strike the
lady, because it was not my intention to do so; but I certainly don't
apologise for striking Mr. Yates."  I trust he bears me no malice.

Yet another guardian of public morals observed that "his Worship, in
announcing the penalties, called attention to the inequalities of the
law, which exacted fines for the same offence alike from the man with
whom sovereigns were plentiful as hours and the man whose night's spree
must cost him a week's fasting."  Had his Worship taken the trouble to
refer to the scale of pay granted by a generous country to midshipmen,
comparing it with the scale of rations and the price we paid for them,
and had he (in addition) enjoyed the privilege of perusing the
financial clauses of the letter addressed to me more in sorrow than in
anger by my father, he might perhaps have modified his exordium.

As an illustration of the strict supervision exercised by the senior
officers, I may record that I received--in addition to my other
penalties and visitations--a severe reproof from Captain Stewart, my
old captain in the _Marlborough_.

The Channel Fleet visited Teneriffe.  It was the first iron fleet ever
seen in the West Indies.

In the cutting-out action off Teneriffe, Nelson lost his arm, and
several ensigns of the British boats were captured by the French.  Ever
since, it has been a tradition in the Navy that the flags ought to be
recaptured.  A party of bluejackets did once succeed in taking them
from the {47} cathedral and carrying them on board; but the admiral
ordered their restoration.  They were then placed high up on the wall,
out of reach, where I saw them.  We held a meeting in the gun-room of
the _Defence_ to consider the best method of taking the flags.  But the
admiral, who was of course aware that all junior officers cherished the
hope of recovering the relics, issued orders that no such attempt was
to be made.

I was invited by an old friend of my father, a religious old gentleman
living in Cornwall, to a couple of days' rabbit-shooting.  I was
overjoyed at the opportunity, and was the object of the envy of my
brother midshipmen.  Arriving after lunch, I was brought into the great
room where the old gentleman was sitting in an arm-chair, with his
feet, which were swathed in masses of cotton-wool, resting on
gout-rests.  Near him was a turn-table laden with books.

"Don't come near me, my boy," he shouted, as I entered.  "I am very
glad to see you, but don't come near me.  I have a terribly painful
attack of gout, the worst I ever had in my life.  Go and sit down on
that chair over there."

With the breadth of the polished floor between us, we chatted for a
while; and then the old gentleman, pointing to the table of books,
asked me to give him a particular volume.

"Now be very careful," said he.

Full of ardour, delighted to think that I should now escape to the
keeper and the rabbits, I jumped up, ran to the table, my foot slipped
on the parquet, and I fell face forward with my whole weight upon the
poor old man's feet, smashing both foot-rests.  The agonising pain shot
him into the air and he fell on my back.  I have never heard such
language before or since.  As he rolled off me, he shouted:

"Ring the bell, you ---- ----!"

In came the butler.

"Take that ---- ---- out of my house!  Send him back to his ---- ship!
Never let me see his ---- face again!" screamed my host.

{48}

So I departed in the dog-cart.  It was many a long day ere I heard the
last of my rabbit-shooting from my messmates.

A few months afterwards, when I had been less than a year in the
_Defence_, Rear-Admiral Charles Eden appointed me to the _Clio_ as
senior midshipman.  He said he wanted me to learn responsibility.



NOTE

_The New Ships_.--The predecessors of the _Defence_ and her class were
wooden vessels plated with iron armour.  The first iron-built,
armoured, sea-going British vessel was the _Warrior_, launched in 1860.
She was laid down in the previous year, in which Lord Charles Beresford
entered the Navy.  Several wooden ships (_Royal Oak_, _Caledonia_,
_Prince Consort_, _Ocean_, _Royal Alfred_, _Repulse_, _Favorite_,
_Research_) were converted into armoured ships during their
construction.  These were launched from 1862 to 1864.  For some years
the Admiralty built wooden armoured ships and iron armoured ships
simultaneously.  From 1860 to 1866, ten iron-built, armoured, sail and
steam ships were launched: _Warrior_, _Black Prince_, _Defence_,
_Resistance_, _Hector_, _Achilles_, _Valiant_, _Minotaur_, _Agincourt_,
_Northumberland_.  In 1864 and 1865, five wooden-built, armoured ships
were launched: _Lord Clyde_, _Lord Warden_, _Zealous_, _Pallas_,
_Enterprise_.  The _Royal Sovereign_, launched in 1857 as a wooden
line-of-battle ship, was converted in 1862 to an armoured vessel and
was equipped with four turrets.  She was thus the first turret-ship in
the British Navy.  The next step was to group the guns in a central
armoured battery, and to belt the ship with armour along the
water-line.  At the same time, more turret-ships were constructed.
Earnest controversy was waged among naval authorities as to what were
the most important qualities of the fighting ship, to which other
qualities must be partially sacrificed; for, broadly speaking, all
warships represent a compromise {49} among speed, defence and
offence--or engines, armour and guns.  The controversy still continues.
The disaster which befell the _Captain_ decided, at least, the
low-freeboard question in so far as heavily rigged sailing steam
vessels were concerned, for the Captain, a rigged low-freeboard
turret-ship, capsized on 6th September, 1870.  (_The Royal Navy_, vol.
i., Laird Clowes.)

Lord Charles Beresford, entering the Navy at the beginning of the
changes from sails to steam, from wood to iron, and from iron to steel,
learned, like his contemporaries, the whole art of the sailing ship
sailor, added to it the skill of the sailor of the transition period,
and again added to that the whole body of knowledge of the seaman of
the New Navy.  He saw the days when the sailing officers hated steam
and ignored it so far as possible; as in the case of the admiral who,
entering harbour under steam and sail, gave his sailing orders but
neglected the engineer, and so fouled the wharf, and said, "Bless me, I
forgot I was in a steamship!"

Admiral Penrose Fitzgerald, who entered the Navy five years before Lord
Charles Beresford, describes the transitional period in his _Memories
of the Sea_.  Speaking of the _Hercules_, one of the new
central-battery, armoured-waterline ironclads, to which he was
appointed first lieutenant when she was first commissioned in 1868,
Admiral Fitzgerald writes:--"The _Hercules_ was the most powerful
ironclad afloat, in this or any other country.  She carried 18-ton
guns--muzzle-loaders--and nine inches of armour, though this was only
in patches; but she had a good deal of six-inch armour, and her
water-line and battery were well protected, as against ordnance of that
date.  She was full-rigged, with the spars and sails of a
line-of-battle ship, and she could steam fourteen knots--on a pinch,
and could sail a _little_.  In fact she was the masterpiece of Sir
Edward Reed's genius.

"Up to the advent of the _Hercules_ the three great five-masted ships
of 10,000 tons, the _Minotaur_, _Agincourt_ and {50} _Northumberland_,
had been considered the most powerful ships in the British Navy, and
probably in the world, and Sir Edward Reed's triumph was, that he built
a ship of about 8500 tons which carried a more powerful armament,
thicker armour, fifty feet shorter and thus much handier, steamed the
same speed, and I was going to say--sailed better; but I had better
say--did not sail quite so badly; and it must ever be borne in mind
that at this transition stage in the development of the Navy, our
rulers at Whitehall insisted that our ships of all classes should have
sail power suitable to their tonnage.  'For,' said they, 'the engines
might break down, and then where would you be?'" (_Memories of the
Sea_, Admiral Penrose Fitzgerald, chap. xiv.)




{51}

CHAPTER V

THE MIDSHIPMAN OF 1864

I wish I could convey to my readers something of the pride and delight
which a sailor feels in his ship.  But who that has never had the luck
to be a deep-water sailor, can understand his joy in the noble vessel,
or the uplifting sense of his control over her matchless and splendid
power, born of a knowledge of her every rope and sail and timber, and
of an understanding of her behaviour and ability.  For every ship has
her own spirit, her own personality.  You may build two ships or twenty
upon the same design, line for line the same, and each will develop her
own character.  As there are no two people alike, so there are no two
ships the same.

What can be more glorious than a ship getting under way?  She quivers
like a sentient thing amid the whole moving tumultuous lusty life.  Men
are racing aloft; other men, their feet pounding upon the white decks,
are running away with the ropes; the ringing commands and the shouting
fill the air; the wind strikes with a salt and hearty sting; and the
proud and beautiful creature rises to the lift of the sea.  Doctor,
paymaster, idlers and all used to run up on deck to witness that
magnificent spectacle, a full-rigged ship getting under sail.  As for
me, I blessed my luck when I returned from the _Defence_ to a sailing
ship.

The _Clio_ was a corvette pierced for 22 guns, of 1472 tons burthen,
and 400 h.p.  The screw was hoisted when she was under sail, which was
nearly all the time.  She was an excellent sailer, doing fourteen to
sixteen knots.

{52}

The midshipmen's mess was so small, that there was no room for chairs.
We sat on lockers, and in order to reach the farther side, we must walk
across the table.  One of our amusements in this tiny cabin was racing
cockroaches, which were numerous.  We used to drop a bit of melted
tallow from a purser's dip upon their backs, plant in it a piece of
spun-yarn, light the spun-yarn, and away they would go from one end of
the table to the other.  There was once a cockroach--but not in the
_Clio_--which escaped, its light still burning, and set the ship on
fire.

I began in the _Clio_ by immediately assuming that responsibility of
senior midshipman desired by Rear-Admiral Charles Eden.  I purchased
the stores for the gunroom mess, expending £67, accounting for every
penny, with the most sedulous precision.  We paid a shilling a day for
messing, and the stores were to supplement our miserable rations.  They
were so bad that I wonder we kept our health; indeed, only the fittest
survived.

We sailed from Portsmouth in August, 1864.  It was my first long
voyage.  It is curious that the first week of a long voyage goes very
slowly, and the rest of the time very fast.  I used to keep the first
dog watch and to relieve the officer in the morning watch.  In the keen
pleasure of handling the ship--loosing sails, sheeting them home,
reefing, furling, and all the rest of the work of a sailor--I regained
all my old delight in the sea which I had lost in the _Defence_.
Keeping watch under sail required unremitting vigilance, perpetual
activity, and constant readiness.  The officer of the watch must be
everywhere, with an eye to everything, forward and aft; while the
helmsman handling the wheel under the break of the poop, keeps the
weather leach just lifting.

The memory of the continuous hard work of the daily routine, makes the
sober and pleasant background to the more lively recollection of
events, which were after all but the natural reaction from the long
monotony of sea life.

It was my duty to preserve order in the gun-room; and a lively lot I
had in charge.  One of the midshipmen, a {53} big fellow, was something
of a bully.  He used to persecute a youngster smaller than himself, and
one day the boy came to me and asked what he could do to end the
tyranny.  I thought that this particular bully was also a coward--by no
means an inevitable combination--and I advised his victim, next time he
was bullied, to hit the bully on the point of the nose as hard as he
could, and I promised that I would support him in whatever came
afterwards.  He did as he was told; whereupon the bully came to me with
a complaint that a junior midshipman had struck him.  I formed a ring
and put the two to settle the matter with their fists.  The little boy
was a plucky youngster, and clever with his fists.  He knocked out his
enemy, and had peace thereafter.

I crossed the Line for the first time.  In going through the usual
ceremonies, being ducked and held under in the big tank, I was as
nearly drowned as ever in my life, being hauled out insensible.  We
towed out the _Turtle_, a Government vessel, bound for Ascension with
stores.  While towing, it is necessary to wear instead of tacking, for
fear of coming on top of the tow.  But the first lieutenant thought he
would tack; so he tried to go about.  There was a gale of wind; the
ship missed stays, and came right on top of the unfortunate _Turtle_,
dismasting and nearly sinking her.  I was sent on board her to give
assistance; and I made excellent use of the opportunity to collect from
the _Turtle's_ stores many useful little ship's fittings of which the
_Clio_ was in need.  We took the _Turtle_ into Ascension, where the
midshipmen landed, collected the eggs of the "wideawake" gulls, and
bottled them for future consumption.

We put in at the Falkland Islands in November.  The population
consisted of ex-Royal Marines and their families.  It was considered
necessary to populate the Islands; and we always send for the Royal
Marines in any difficulty.  There were also South American guachos and
ranchers.  The governor came on board to ask for the captain's help.
The governor wanted a man to be hanged, and his {54} trouble was that
he was afraid to hang him.  The prisoner was a guacho, who had murdered
a rancher, whom he had cast into the river and then shot to death.  The
governor was afraid that if he executed the murderer, the other guachos
would rise in rebellion.  So he wanted the captain to bring the
murderer on board and hang him to the yard-arm.  The captain refused
this request; but he offered to hang him on shore, a proposal to which
the governor agreed.  The boatswain's mate piped: "Volunteers for a
hangman--fall in."  To my surprise, half the ship's company fell in.
The sergeant of Marines was chosen to be executioner.  He took a party
on shore, and they constructed a curious kind of box, like a wardrobe,
having a trap-door in the top, above which projected the beam.  The man
dropped through the trap door into the box and was no more seen, until
the body was taken out under cover of night and buried.

The shooting on that island was naturally an intense delight to a boy
of my age.  We midshipmen used to go away shooting the upland geese.  I
managed to bring aboard more than the others, because I cut off the
wings, heads and necks, cleaned the birds, and secured them by toggling
the legs together, so that I was able to sling four birds over each
shoulder.  The whole island being clothed in high pampas grass, it was
impossible to see one's way.  Officers used to be lost in the
Falklands.  The body of a paymaster who was thus lost was not
discovered for eight years.  The cold induced sleep, and a sleeping man
might freeze to death.

Admiral Penrose Fitzgerald, in his _Memories of the Sea_, relating his
experience as a midshipman in the Falkland Islands, says, "Everybody
has heard of the Falkland Island geese, and they may be seen to-day in
St. James's Park.  The upland geese--as they are generally called--are
excellent eating; but there are also immense numbers and different
varieties of other geese and these are known as 'kelp geese.'  Alas!
our ornithological education had been so {55} sadly neglected that we
did not know the difference with the feathers on, though we soon found
it out, when we came to cook and eat them.  All the birds we shot were
kelp geese, about as fishy as cormorants; but they were not wasted, for
we gave them to our Marine servants, who ate them all and declared them
to be excellent.  'Some flavour about them,' as they said."

While we lay at the Falkland Islands a merchant ship came in whose
whole company was down with scurvy.  When I joined the Navy,
lime-juice, the prophylactic, was served out under the regulation; but
in the mercantile marine scurvy was still prevalent.  It is a most
repulsive disease.  The sufferer rots into putrid decay while he is yet
alive.  If you pressed a finger upon his flesh the dent would remain.
He is so sunk in lethargy that if he were told the ship was sinking he
would decline to move.  His teeth drop out and his hair falls off.  It
is worthy of remembrance that the use of lime-juice as a prophylactic
was discovered, or at least largely introduced, by Captain James Cook
the navigator; whose statue, erected at Whitby, I had the privilege of
unveiling in 1912.  Historically, I believe that Captain Lancaster,
commanding the _Dragon_, in the service of the Honourable East India
Company in the time of James I, was the first to cure scurvy by
administering three spoonfuls of lemon to each patient, with his
breakfast.

From the Falkland Islands we proceeded to the Straits of Magellan,
where the natives of Terra del Fuego came off to us in boats.  They
were totally naked, and were smeared all over with grease.  It was
snowing, and they had made a fire in the boats; and when the sea
splashed upon the fire and put it out, they beat the sea in anger with
their paddles.

At the convict settlement there used to be a box to hold mails fixed on
the top of a pole.  The letters were taken on board the next ship
passing homeward bound.  I posted a letter addressed to my mother, who
received it in due time.

{56}

We dropped anchor off Port Mercy.  It came on to blow a hurricane.  We
had two anchors down ahead, struck lower yards and topmast, and kept
the screw moving to ease the cables.  Without the aid of steam, we
should have been blown away.  Even so, the captain became anxious and
decided to put out to sea.  We battened down and went out under
trysails and forestaysail.  Instantly we were plunged into a
mountainous sea, and the wind whipped the canvas out of us.  We set
close-reefed foretopsail.  A tremendous squall struck us, we shipped
water and were blown upon our beam ends.  So strong was the wind that
each successive blast listed the ship right over.  The captain then
determined to run back to Port Mercy.  The master set the course, as he
thought, to clear the headland; and we steamed at full speed.  I was
standing half-way up the bridge ladder holding on to the man-rope in a
violent squall of hail and snow, the hail cutting my cheeks open, when
I saw land right ahead.  The fact was that the master had mistaken his
course, and the ship was driving straight on shore, where every man
would have perished.  I reported my observation to the first
lieutenant, who merely remarked that it was probable that the master
knew better than I did.  But presently he too saw the high rocks
looming ahead through the smother of snow and spray, and the course was
altered just in time.  The wind was on the port beam; we edged into it
out to sea; and so were able to clear the headland and get under the
lee of the land.  The first lieutenant afterwards handsomely admitted
that it was a good job I was standing where I was "with my eyes open"
at the critical moment.  It was in the height of this emergency, that I
first heard the pipe go "Save ship."

We proceeded to Valparaiso, where the ship put in to refit.  At
Valparaiso, we were able to get horses, and we organised paper-chases.

It was about this time that the incident of the Impresario occurred.
He was conducting the orchestra from the stage itself, being seated in
a hole cut in the stage, so that his legs {57} rested upon a little
platform below.  The refreshment room was underneath the stage, and the
Impresario's legs projected downwards from the ceiling into the room,
where were two or three midshipmen and myself.  The temptation was
irresistible.  We grasped the legs; hauled on them; and down came the
Impresario.  Overhead, the music faltered and died away.

From Valparaiso we proceeded to the Sandwich Islands, whence we were
ordered to take Queen Emma to Panama, on her way to England to see
Queen Victoria.  Queen Emma was born Miss Emma Booker.  She married
Kamehameha IV in 1856.  We took the Queen on board with one native lady
as her attendant.  The natives were devoted to their queen, and they
insisted on loading the ship with presents for her.  They brought pigs,
masses of yams, sweet potatoes, water-melons and other fruit.  The pigs
were housed forward on the main deck, and the other offerings were
piled on the rigging and hammock nettings and about the davit guys, so
that the ship looked like an agricultural show when we sailed for
Panama.

We sighted a schooner flying signals of distress.  The life-boat was
called away to go to her assistance.  I was in charge of the life-boat.
When a boat is called away at sea, the crew of course take their places
in her before she is lowered.  The whole operation, from the sound of
the pipe to the moment the boat touches the water, occupies no more
than a few seconds in a smart ship.  There was a little sea-way on, and
the movement of the boat caused a jerk to the falls, unhooking the
safety catch, and dislodging an enormous water-melon, which fell
through about eighteen feet upon the top of my head.  I was knocked
nearly senseless.  It was the melon that split upon the impact,
deluging me with red pulp; but I thought that it was my skull which had
cracked, and that they were my brains which were spoiling my uniform,
and I remember wondering that my brains should be so queerly and
vividly coloured.

But I recovered from the shock in a few minutes.  {58} Boarding the
schooner, I found she was short of water.  But the remarkable thing
about that schooner was that although she carried a cargo of six
thousand pounds in Mexican dollars, they had only four men on board,
all told--an easy prize for a pirate.

After touching at Acapulco, which was all heat and flies, we landed the
Queen of the Sandwich Islands at Panama.

Some years afterwards, I went to call upon her Majesty.  In all my
voyages, I carried with me a set of tandem harness; and on this
occasion, I hired a light cart and a couple of ponies, and drove them
tandem.  Approaching the royal residence, I took a corner too sharply,
the cart capsized, I was flung out, and found myself sitting on the
ground in the Queen's presence.

But before we quitted the Sandwich Islands, an event occurred (of which
I was the humble and unwitting instrument) which nearly brought about
what are called international complications.  I should explain that
feeling ran pretty high between the English and the Americans in the
Sandwich Islands with regard to the American Civil War, which was then
waging.  It was none of our business, but we of the _Clio_ chose to
sympathise with the South.  Now that these unhappy differences have
been so long composed, there can be no harm in referring to them.  But
it was not resentment against the North which inspired my indiscretion.
It was the natural desire to win a bet.  A certain lady--her name does
not matter--bet me that I would not ride down a steep pass in the
hills, down which no horse had yet been ridden.  I took the bet and I
won it.  Then the same fair lady bet me--it was at a ball--that I would
not pull down the American flag.  That emblem was painted on wood upon
an escutcheon fixed over the entrance to the garden of the Consulate.
I took that bet, too, and won it.

Having induced two other midshipmen to come with me, we went under
cover of night to the Consulate.  I climbed upon the backs of my
accomplices, leaped up, caught hold of the escutcheon, and brought the
whole thing down upon {59} us.  Then we carried the trophy on board in
a shore-boat.  Unfortunately the boatman recognised what it was, and
basely told the American consul, who was naturally indignant, and who
insisted that the flag should be nailed up again in its place.  I had
no intention of inflicting annoyance, and had never considered how
serious might be the consequences of a boyish impulse.  My captain very
justly said that as I had pulled down the flag I must put it up again,
and sent me with a couple of carpenters on shore.  We replaced the
insulted emblem of national honour, to the deep delight of an admiring
crowd.  The _Clio_ put to sea.  We heard afterwards that the American
Government dispatched a couple of ships of war to capture me, but I do
not think the report was true.

Having landed the Queen of the Sandwich Islands at Panama, as I have
said, about the middle of June, 1865, we left the Bay early in July,
and proceeded to Vancouver, arriving there in the middle of August.
There we remained until early in December.

I was placed in charge of a working party from the _Clio_, to cut a
trail through the virgin forest of magnificent timber with which the
island was then covered.  I was pleased enough to receive an extra
shilling a day check-money.  Where the flourishing town of Victoria now
stands, there were a few log huts, closed in by gigantic woods.  When I
revisited the country recently, I found a tramway running along what
was once my trail, and I met several persons who remembered my having
helped to cut it, nearly fifty years before.

I believe that Canada will eventually become the centre of the British
Empire; for the Canadians are a splendid nation, gifted with pluck,
enterprise and energy.

The free forest life was bliss to a boy of my age.  To tell the truth,
we were allowed to do pretty well what we liked in the _Clio_, which
was so easy-going a ship that she was nicknamed "the Privateer."  We
used to go out fishing for salmon with the Indians, in their canoes,
using the {60} Indian hook made of shell.  To this day the Indians fish
for salmon in canoes, using shell hooks.  I made a trot, a night-line
with a hundred hooks, and hauled up a goodly quantity of fish every
morning.  I remember that a party of midshipmen (of whom I was not one)
from another ship were playing cricket on the island, when a bear
suddenly walked out of the forest.  The boys instantly ran for a gun
and found one in an adjacent cabin, but there were no bullets or caps.
So they filled up the weapon with stones from the beach.  In the
meantime the bear had climbed a tree.  The midshipmen levelled the gun
at him and fired it with a lucifer match.

We used to go away into the forest deer-shooting, and on one occasion
we were lost for a day and a night.  It was at this time that I made
the acquaintance of the celebrated Mr. Dunsmuir, who became a mayor and
a millionaire, simply because he slept one night in the forest--for the
sake of coolness.  When he awoke in the morning, he found that he had
pillowed his head upon a lump of coal.  He subsequently obtained an
enormous concession of land from the Government and amassed a huge
fortune in coal.  Two of our lieutenants put money in the scheme.  I
wrote at the time to my father, asking him to let me have a thousand
pounds to invest in the coal business.  But he replied affectionately
but firmly that, until I ceased to exceed my allowance, he did not
think it right that I should embark in a gambling project.  The two
lucky lieutenants were eventually bought out by Mr. Dunsmuir for a very
large sum of money.

I was very happy in the _Clio_; but, for reasons, it was considered
expedient that I should be transferred to the _Tribune_.  Accordingly,
I turned over to the _Tribune_ early in December, by the orders of my
constant friend, Admiral Charles Eden.  He said it would do me good to
serve under Captain Lord Gillford.  He was right.  It did.




{61}

CHAPTER VI

STRICT SERVICE

Captain Lord Gillford, afterwards Lord Clamwilliam, was one of the
finest seamen, and his ship was one of the smartest ships, in the
Service.  The _Tribune_ was what we used to call a jackass frigate.
She was pierced for 31 guns, was of 1570 tons burthen, and 300
h.p.--not that anything could ever induce the captain to use steam.

Before I joined the _Tribune_, she had sprung her foremast so she went
up the Fraser River to cut a new spar out of he forest.  Such things
were done in those days.  But on the way up she grounded on the bar.
Everything--guns, coal, stores--was taken out of her; anchors were got
out; and every effort was made to warp her off.  Still she would not
move.  In this desperate pass, when every man in the ship, except one,
was hauling on the purchases, it is on record that when the chaplain
put his weight on the rope, away she came.  The power of the man of God
is remembered even unto this day.  Then the _Tribune_ sailed up the
river, and they cut a new spar, set it up and rigged it, and she came
home with it.

Captain Lord Gillford prided himself on the speed of his ship under
sail.  He had fitted her with all sorts of extra gear, such as they had
in the famous tea-clippers.  His tacks and sheets were much thicker
than was usual; strengthening pieces were fitted to the sails; there
were gaffs for topgallant backstays, and extra braces.  His order book
was a curiosity, Day after day it bore the same entry: "The course.
Carry sail."  Sailing from Vancouver to Valparaiso, the _Tribune_ {62}
beat the _Sutlej_, another fine sailing ship commanded by another
first-class seaman, by two days.

Captain Lord Gillford's orders were that sail should never be shortened
without his permission.  One night when it was blowing hard I went down
to the captain's cabin to ask him if we might take in the topmast
studding-sail.  The ship was then heeling over.  The captain stuck one
leg out of his cot and put his foot against the side of the ship.  "I
don't feel any water here yet," says he, and sent me on deck again.
The next moment the sail blew away.

I can never be too grateful for the seamanship I learned on board the
_Tribune_.  The captain lost no opportunity of teaching us.  On one
occasion, for instance, we carried away the starboard foremast swifter,
in the fore rigging--the _Tribune_ had rope lower rigging.  Captain
Lord Gillford, instead of splicing the shroud to the masthead pennants,
chose, in order to educate us, to strip the whole foremast to a
gantline.  We got the whole of the lower rigging over the masthead
again.  I was in the sailmaker's crew; and another midshipman and
myself, together with the forecastle men, fitted in the new shroud,
turned it in, wormed, parcelled, and served it; put it over the
masthead, and got the fore rigging all a-taunto again.  I also helped
to make a new foresail and jib out of number one canvas, roped them,
put the clews in, and completed the job.  Lord Gillford's object was to
teach those under him to carry out the work in the proper shipshape
manner.  The sailmaker's crew, among whom was another midshipman, named
Morrison, and myself, numbered 15 or 20 men, including able seamen, and
we were all as happy as possible.  We were taught by one of the best
sailmakers in the Service, who was named Flood.  We always worked in a
sailmaker's canvas jumper and trousers made by ourselves.  I could cut
out and make a seaman's canvas working suit, jumper and trousers, in 30
minutes, using the sailmaker's stitch of four stitches to the inch.

I had a complete sailmaker's bag with every sailmaker's tool
necessary--serving and roping mallets, jiggers, seaming {63} and roping
palms, all-sized marling-spikes, fids, seam-rubbers, sail-hooks,
grease-pot, seaming and roping twine, etc. etc.

Morrison and I worked together at everything.  We turned in new boats'
falls, replaced lanyards in wash-deck buckets, as well as taking our
turn at all tricks sailmaker's crew.  We put in new clews to a topsail
and course.  We roped a jib and other fore-and-aft sails.  Both of
these jobs require great care and practice, and both of them we had to
do two or three times before we got them right.  A sailmaker knows how
difficult it is to keep the lay of the rope right in roping a sail.  We
used also to go aloft and repair sick seams in the sails to avoid
unbending.

Captain Lord Gillford himself could cut out a sail, whether
fore-and-aft or square.  I have heard him argue with Flood as to the
amount of goring to be allowed, and Lord Gillford was always right.  It
was he who put it into my head to try to teach myself all that I could,
by saying, "If a man is a lubber over a job, you ought to be able to
_show_ him how to do it, not _tell_ him how to do it."

We were never so proud as when Lord Gillford sent for us and told us
that we had made a good job of roping the new jib.  Among other things,
I learned from the "snob," as the shoemaker was called, to welt and
repair boots.  In after years, I made a portmanteau, which lasted for a
long time, for my old friend, Chief Engineer Roffey; and I made many
shooting and fishing bags for my brother officers.

Merely for the sake of knowing how to do and how not to do a thing, in
later years I have chipped a boiler (a devil of a job), filled
coal-sacks, trimmed bunkers, stoked fires and driven engines.

We used up all our spare canvas in the _Tribune_; and I remember that
on one occasion we were obliged to patch the main-royal with a
mail-bag, so that the main-royal bore the legend "Letters for England"
on it thereafter.

While in the _Tribune_, two misfortunes occurred to me on the same day.
As we all know, misfortunes never come singly.  The sailmaker had
reported me for skylarking; and it {64} occurred to me that if he was
going to put me in the report, he might as well have a better reason
for that extreme action.  I therefore rove a line attached to a
sailmaker's needle through the holes of the bench upon which he sat.
When he seated himself to begin his work, I jerked the line, and he
leaped into the air with a loud cry.  That was my first misfortune.
The second was entirely due to the rude and thoughtless conduct of
another midshipman, who, in passing me as I sat at my sailmaker's
bench, industriously working, tilted me over.  I took up the first
thing which was handy, which happened to be a carpenter's chisel, and
hurled it at his retreating figure.  It stuck and quivered in a portion
of his anatomy which is (or was) considered by schoolmasters as
designed to receive punishment.  I had, of course, no intention of
hurting him.  But I was reported for the second time that day.  I was
put on watch and watch for a week, a penance which involved being four
hours on and four hours off, my duties having to be done as usual
during the watch off in the daytime.

We sailed from Vancouver early in December, 1865.  On 2nd January I was
promoted to be acting sub-lieutenant.  I find that Captain Lord
Gillford endorsed my certificate with the statement that Lord Charles
Beresford had conducted himself "with sobriety, diligence, attention,
and was always obedient to command; and I have been much pleased with
the zealous manner in which he has performed his duties."

We arrived at Valparaiso towards the end of January.  I continued to
discharge my duties in the _Tribune_ until the middle of February, when
I was transferred to the _Sutlej_.

I was as happy on board the _Tribune_ as I had been in the
_Marlborough_ and the _Clio_, and for the same reason: the splendid
seamanship and constant sailorising.

[Illustration: THE OFFICERS OF H.M.S. "SUTLEJ," 1865.  (THE AUTHOR IS
THE SECOND FIGURE ON THE LEFT OF THE CAPSTAN)]

The _Sutlej_ was a steam frigate pierced for guns, of 3066 tons and 500
h.p., flagship of the Pacific station.  Before I joined her, the
commander-in-chief of the station was Admiral Kingcome, who had (as we
say) come in through {65} the hawse-pipe.  It was the delight of this
queer old admiral to beat the drum for night-quarters himself.  He used
to steal the drum, and trot away with it, rub-a-dub all along the lower
deck, bending double beneath the hammocks of the sleeping seamen.  On
one of these occasions--so runs the yarn--a burly able seaman thrust
his bare legs over the edge of his hammock, clipped the admiral under
the shoulders, swung him to and fro, and, with an appropriate but
unquotable objurgation, dispatched him forward with a kick.

Such (in a word) was the condition of the flagship to which
Rear-Admiral the Honourable Joseph Denman succeeded, after the
enjoyment of twenty-five years' profound peace in the command of the
Queen's yacht.

The captain, Trevenen P. Coode, was tall and thin, hooked-nosed and
elderly, much bent about the shoulders, with a habit of crossing his
arms and folding his hands inside his sleeves.  He was a taut hand and
a fine seaman.  He nearly broke my heart, old martinet that he was; for
I was mate of the upper deck and the hull, and took an immense pride in
keeping them immaculately clean; but they were never clean enough for
Captain Trevenen P. Coode.  In those days we had little bright-work,
but plenty of whitewash and blacking.  The test of a smart ship was
that the lines of white or black should meet with absolute accuracy;
and a fraction of error would be visited with the captain's severe
displeasure.  For he employed condemnation instead of commendation.

There was an old yarn about a mate of the main deck, who boasted that
he had got to windward of his captain.  We used to take live stock,
poultry and sheep to sea in those days.  The captain found fault with
the mate because the fowls and coops were dirty.  The mate whitewashed
the chickens and blacked their legs and beaks.  Now the poultry in
question belonged to the captain.  Thereafter the fowls died.

It was the custom for the admiral to take a cow or two {66} to sea, and
the officers took sheep and fowls.  There is a tradition in the Navy
that the cow used to be milked in the middle watch for the benefit of
the officer on watch; and that, in order that the admiral should get
his allowance of milk, the cow was filled up with water and made to
leap backwards and forwards across the hatchways.  Another tradition
ordains that when the forage for the sheep ran short, the innocent
animals were fitted with green spectacles, and thus equipped, they were
fed on shavings.

When we put into Valparaiso the Spanish fleet was threatening to
bombard the town.  Rather more than a year previously, in 1864, Spain
had quarrelled with Chile, alleging that Chile had violated neutrality,
and had committed other offences.  In March, 1864, Spain began the
diplomatic correspondence with Chile in which she demanded reparation,
which was refused.  Chile sent artillery and troops to Valparaiso.  The
Spanish admiral, Pareja, then proclaimed a blockade of the Chilian
ports, and Chile declared war.

The European residents in Valparaiso, who owned an immense amount of
valuable property stored in the custom-houses, were terrified at the
prospect of a bombardment, and petitioned Admiral Denman to prevent it.
An American fleet of warships was also lying in the Bay.  Among them
was the _Miantonomoh_, the second screw ironclad that ever came through
the Straits of Magellan, the first being the Spanish ironclad
_Numancia_.

When the _Miantonomoh_ crossed the Atlantic in 1866, _The Times_ kindly
remarked that the existing British Navy was henceforth useless, and
that most of its vessels "were only fit to be laid up and 'painted that
dirty yellow which is universally adopted to mark treachery, failure,
and crime.'"

The British and American admirals consulted together as to the
advisability of preventing the bombardment.  The prospect of a fight
cheered us all; and we entered into elaborate calculations of the
relative strength of the Spanish fleet and the British-American force.
As a matter of fact, they were about equal.  The Spanish admiral,
Nunez, who {67} had succeeded Pareja, visited the _Sutlej_ and
conversed with Admiral Denman.  It was reported by the midshipman who
was A.D.C. to the admiral that, upon his departure, the Spaniard had
said: "Very well, Admiral Denman, you know your duty and I know mine."
The information raised our hopes; but at the critical moment a telegram
forbidding the British admiral to take action was received from the
British Minister at Santiago.

So the British and American fleets steamed out to sea while the
Spaniards fired upon Valparaiso from eight in the morning until four in
the afternoon, setting the place on fire, and then retired to their
anchorage outside.  The British and American fleets then returned to
the Bay, and I accompanied a landing-party to help to extinguish the
conflagration.

Five of us were standing on the top of the high wall of a building
whose roof had fallen in, so that the whole interior was a mass of
burning wreckage, upon which we were directing the hose, when the men
below shouted that the wall was falling.  We slid down the ladder, and
no sooner had we touched the ground than the whole wall tottered and
fell inwards.

We put the fires out, but the inhabitants were so angry with us because
we had not prevented the bombardment, that they requested that the
landing-party should be sent back to their ships.  Then the flames
broke out afresh.  For years the resentment of the Valparaisians
remained so hot that it was inadvisable to land in the town men from
British ships.

The meeting of the British and American seamen gave rise to much
discussion concerning the respective merits of the British and American
theories of gunnery.  The Americans advocated the use of round shot to
deliver a "racking blow"; the British preferred firing a pointed
projectile which would penetrate the target instead of merely striking
it.  When an American bluejacket asked his British friend to explain
the new English system of {68} shell-fire, the British bluejacket said:
"We casts our shot for the new gun so many fathoms long, and then, d'ye
see, we cuts off a length at a time, regulatin' the length required
according to the ship we uses it against.  For your ship, I reckon we
should cut off about three and a half inches."

The Spanish fleet was afflicted with scurvy; and we used to pull over
to the Spanish ships in the evenings, bringing the officers presents of
chicken, fresh meat and fruit.

Having done with Valparaiso, the Spaniards went to Callao; but there
they had a more difficult job; for Callao was fortified, and the
Spaniards were considerably damaged by the gun-fire from the forts.

During the progress of hostilities between the Chilians and the
Spaniards, the Chilians constructed one of the first submarines.  It
was an American invention worked by hand and ballasted with water.  The
Chilians intended, or hoped, to sink the Spanish fleet with it.  The
submarine started from the beach on this enterprise; but it was never
seen again.  It simply plunged into the sea, and in the sea it remains
to this day.

We left Valparaiso about the middle of April, 1866, and proceeded to
Vancouver.  On the way, the _Sutlej_ ran into a French barque, taking
her foremast and bowsprit out of her.  Captain Coode stood by the rail,
his arms crossed, his hands folded in his sleeves, looking down upon
the wreck with a sardonic grin, while the French captain, gesticulating
below, shouted, "O you goddam Englishman for you it is all-a-right, but
for it it is not so nice!"

But we repaired all damages so that at the latter end he was better off
than when he started.

We arrived at Vancouver early in June, and left a few days later, to
encounter a terrific hurricane.  It blew from the 18th June to the 22nd
June; and the track of the ship on the chart during those four days
looks like a diagram of cat's-cradle.  The ship was much battered, and
her boats were lost.  On this occasion, I heard the pipe go "Save ship"
for the second time in my life.

{69}

We put into San Francisco to refit.  Here many of our men deserted.  In
those days, it was impossible to prevent desertions on these coasts,
although the sentries on board had their rifles loaded with ball
cartridge.  Once the men had landed we could not touch them.  I used to
meet the deserters on shore, and they used to chaff me.  As we had lost
our boats, the American dockyard supplied us with some.  One day the
officer of the watch noticed fourteen men getting into the cutter,
which was lying at the boom.  He hailed them from the deck.  The men,
returning no answer, promptly pushed off for the shore.  The officer of
the watch instantly called away the whaler, the only other boat
available, intending to send a party in pursuit.  But the deserters had
foreseen that contingency, and had cut the falls just inside the
lowering cleat, so that the whaler could not be lowered.

While I was at San Francisco, I had my first experience of the American
practical view of a situation.  Bound upon a shooting excursion, I had
taken the train to Benicia, and alighted with a small bag, gun and
cartridges.  I asked a railway man to carry my bag for me to a hack
(cab).  He looked at me, and said,

"Say, is it heavy?"

"No," I said, "it is quite light."

"Waal then," said he, "I guess you can carry it yourself."  I had to,
so I did.

Benicia is celebrated as the birthplace of John Heenan, the "Benicia
Boy," the famous American boxer.  The great fight between Heenan and
Tom Sayers was fought at Farnborough on the 17th April, 1860.  Heenan
was a huge man, six feet and an inch in height; Sayers, Champion of
England, five feet eight inches.  The fight was interrupted.  Both men
received a silver belt.  I remember well the event of the fight, though
I was not present at it.  More than three years afterwards, in
December, 1863, Tom King beat Heenan.

From San Francisco we proceeded to Cape Horn, {70} homeward bound.  On
these long sailing passages we used to amuse ourselves by spearing
fish.  Sitting on the dolphin-striker (the spar below the bowsprit) we
harpooned albacore and bonito and dolphin, which is not the dolphin
proper but the coryphee.

We rounded the Horn, buffeted by the huge seas of that tempestuous
promontory.  On that occasion, I actually saw the Horn, which is an
inconspicuous island beaten upon by the great waves, standing amid a
colony of little black islands.  And off Buenos Aires we were caught in
a pampero, the hurricane of South American waters.  It blew from the
land; and although we were three or four hundred miles out at sea, the
master smelt it coming.  Indeed, the whole air was odorous with the
fragrance of new-mown hay; and then, down came the wind.

We were bound for Portsmouth.  And when we rounded the Isle of Wight,
and came into view of Spithead, lo! the anchorage was filled with great
ships all stationed in review order.  They were assembled for a review
to be held for the Sultan of Turkey.

We took in the signal containing our instructions, and fired a salute;
and then, standing in under all plain sail and starboard studdingsails,
we sailed right through the Fleet, and all the men of the Fleet crowded
rails and yards to look at us, and cheered us down the lines.  For the
days of sails were passing even then; we had come home from the ends of
the world; and the splendid apparition of a full-rigged man-of-war
standing into the anchorage moved every sailor's heart; so that many
officers and men have since told me that the _Sutlej_ sailing into
Spithead through the lines of the Fleet was the finest sight it was
ever their fortune to behold.

In the _Tribune_ and in the _Sutlej_ it was my luck to serve under two
of the strictest and best captains in the Service, Captain Lord
Gillford and Captain Trevenen P. Coode.  I may be forgiven for
recalling that both these officers added a special commendation to my
certificates; an exceedingly {71} rare action on their part, and in the
case of Captain Coode, I think the first instance on record.

Part of the test for passing for sub-lieutenant was bends and hitches.
Captain Lord Gillford was highly pleased with a white line which I had
spliced an eye in and grafted myself.  Knowing that I was a good
sailmaker, he once made me fetch palm and canvas and sew an exhibition
seam in public.

From the _Sutlej_ I passed into the H.M.S. _Excellent_, in order to
prepare for the examinations in gunnery.  In those days, the
_Excellent_ was a gunnery school ship of 2311 tons, moored in the upper
part of Portsmouth Harbour.  The _Excellent_ gunnery school is now
Whale Island.

While in the _Excellent_ I had the misfortune, in dismounting a gun, to
break a bone in my foot; and although the injury seemed to heal very
quickly under the application of arnica, I have felt its effects ever
since.

In 1867 I was appointed to the _Research_, which was stationed at
Holyhead, and in which I served for a few months.  There was a good
deal of alarm felt with regard to the Fenians, who were active at the
time, and the _Research_ was ordered to look out for them.  With my
messmates, Cæsar Hawkins, Lascelles, and Forbes, I hunted a good deal
from Holyhead with Mr. Panton's hounds.  I also hunted with the Ward
Union in Ireland.  I used to cross from Holyhead at night, hunt during
the day, and return that night.

Among other memories of those old days, I remember that my brother and
myself, being delayed at Limerick Junction, occupied the time in
performing a work of charity upon the porter, whose hair was of an
immoderate luxuriance.  He was--so far as we could discover--neither
poet nor musician, and was therefore without excuse.  Nevertheless, he
refused the proffered kindness.  Perceiving that he was thus blinded to
his own interest, we gently bound him hand and foot and lashed him to a
railway truck.  I possessed a knife, but we found it an unsuitable
weapon: my brother searched the station and found a pair of snuffers,
used for trimming the station lamps.  With this rude but practicable
{72} instrument we shore the locks of the porter, and his hair blew all
about the empty station like the wool of a sheep at shearing-time.
When it was done we made him suitable compensation.

"Sure," said the porter, "I'll grow my hair again as quick as I can the
way you'll be giving me another tip."

We had an old Irish keeper at home, whose rule in life was to agree
with everything that was said to him.  Upon a day when it was blowing a
full gale of wind, I said to myself that I would get to windward of him
to-day anyhow.

"Well, Harney," said I.  "It is a fine calm day to-day."

"You may say that, Lord Char-less, but what little wind there is, is
terrible strong," says Harney.

A lady once said to him, "How old are you, Harney?"

"Och, shure, it's very ould and jaded I am, it's not long I'll be for
this worrld," said he.

"Oh," said she, "but I'm old, too.  How old do you think I am?"

"Sure, how would I know that?  But whatever age ye are, ye don't look
it, Milady."




{73}

CHAPTER VII

THE CRUISE OF H.M.S. _GALATEA_

I. TO THE ANTIPODES

After a brief spell in the royal yacht, I was promoted out of her to
lieutenant, and was appointed to the _Galatea_, Captain H.R.H. Alfred
Ernest Albert, Duke of Edinburgh, K.G., K.T.

H.M.S. _Galatea_ had four months previously returned from the long
cruise of seventeen months, 24th January, 1867, to 26th June, 1868,
during which the Duke visited South Africa and Australasia.  While he
was in Australia, an attempt had been made to assassinate his Royal
Highness, who had a very narrow escape.  The pistol was fired at the
range of a few feet, and the bullet, entering the Duke's back, struck a
rib and ran round the bone, inflicting a superficial wound.  A full
account of the voyage is contained in _The Cruise of H.M.S. Galatea_,
by the Rev. John Milner and Oswald W. Brierley (London, 1869; W. H.
Allen).  The _Galatea_ frigate was built at Woolwich and launched in
1859.  She was of 3227 tons burthen, 800 h.p.; she was pierced for 26
guns; maindeck, 18 guns, 10-inch, 86 cwt., and 4 guns, 10-inch, 6½
tons; on the quarterdeck, 2 guns, rifled, 64-pounders; in the
forecastle, 2 guns, rifled, 64-pounders.  The 6½-ton guns threw a shot
of 115 lb., and a large double-shell weighing 156 lb.  She stowed 700
tons of coal and 72 tons of water.  Previously the _Galatea_, commanded
by Captain Rochfort Maguire, had been employed from 1862 to 1866 in the
Baltic, and on the Mediterranean and West Indian stations.  She {74}
took part in the suppression of the insurrection at Jamaica, and, after
the loss of H.M.S. _Bulldog_, destroyed the batteries on Cape Haitien.
Her sister ship was the _Ariadne_, and Admiral Penrose Fitzgerald, who
served in the _Ariadne_, in 1861, writes: "It would not be too much to
say that she and her sister ship, the _Galatea_, were the two finest
wooden frigates ever built in this or any other country" (_Memories of
the Sea_).  Personally, I am inclined to consider, that fine sailor as
the _Galatea_ was, the _Sutlej_ was finer still.

The Duke of Edinburgh was an admirable seaman.  He had a great natural
ability for handling a fleet, and he would have made a first-class
fighting admiral.  The Duke's urbanity and kindness won the affection
of all who knew him.  I am indebted to him for many acts of kindness,
and I was quite devoted to him.

The voyage of the _Galatea_ lasted for two years and a half.  We
visited Cape Town, Australia, New Zealand, Tahiti, the Sandwich
Islands, Japan, China, India, and the Falkland Islands.  It is not my
purpose to describe that long cruise in detail; but rather to record
those incidents which emerge from the capricious haze of memory.  In
many respects, the second long voyage of the _Galatea_ was a repetition
of her first voyage, so elaborately chronicled by the Rev. John Milner
and Mr. Brierley.  In every part of the Queen's dominions visited by
her son, the Duke was invariably received with the greatest loyalty and
enthusiasm.  It should be understood throughout that, when his ship was
not in company, or was in company with a ship commanded by an officer
junior to his Royal Highness, he was received as the Queen's son; but
when a senior officer was present, the Duke ranked in the order of his
seniority in the Service.

[Illustration: H.R.H. ALFRED ERNEST ALBERT, DUKE OF EDINBURGH, K.G.,
K.T.]

We left Plymouth early in November, 1868, and once more I was afloat in
a crack sailing ship, smart and well found in every detail, and once
more I entered into the charm of the life in which above all I
delighted.  We touched at Madeira, where I grieve to say some of the
junior officers captured a goat and some other matters during {75} a
night on shore; touched at St. Vincent; and arrived at Cape Town on
Christmas Day.

At Cape Town, my set of tandem harness came again into requisition.
From the Cape we proceeded to Perth.  The fact that an attempt upon his
life had been made in Australia, was one of the reasons why the Duke
chose to pay the Colony another visit.

Upon a part of our voyage to Australia we were accompanied by my old
ship, the _Clio_, and so admirably handled was she, that she sometimes
beat the _Galatea_ in sailing.  In every place to which we went in
Australia and New Zealand, we received the most unbounded hospitality,
of which I shall always retain the most pleasant recollections.  We
were asked everywhere; livery stables were put at the disposal of the
officers; we went to shooting parties, and to every kind of festivity.

At Perth I visited the convict settlement; and there I found a relative
or connection of the Beresford family, who had been so unfortunate as
to be transported for forgery.  He appeared to be a most respectable
old gentleman, and (with the permission of the governor) I presented
him with a small cheque.  Alas! incredible as it may seem, the sight of
my signature awoke the ruling passion; and my gentleman promptly forged
a bill of exchange for £50, and (as I found when I came home) got it
cashed.

It was in Perth, too, that I visited a prisoner, a fellow-Irishman, who
had been convicted of murder.  He had been a soldier, and had slain his
corporal and his sergeant.  This man inspired me with some ideas with
regard to criminals which later in life I tried to put into practice;
and also aroused in me an interest in prisons and prison discipline
which I have always retained.  He was a gigantic person, of immense
physical strength, with receding forehead and a huge projecting jaw.
He was considered to be dangerous; five or six warders accompanied me
into his cell; and they spoke to him as though he were a dog.  I looked
at the man's eyes; and I was convinced then, as I am convinced {76}
now, that his intellect was impaired.  Criminal psychology then hardly
existed; and although it is now recognised as a science, it must be
said that existing penal conditions are still in many respects awaiting
reform.  Subsequent experience has proved to me that I was right in
believing that many crimes of violence are due to a lesion of the
brain, and cannot therefore be treated as moral offences.  I heard some
time subsequently that the Irishman had been shot for the attempted
murder of a warder.  Perth and New South Wales were the only places in
the British Dominions in which there was a death penalty for attempted
murder.

I may here mention that in after years I was appointed, together with
the (late) Duke of Fife, as civil inspector of prisons; an office which
I held for a year or two.  I was able to institute a reform in the
system then in force of mulcting prisoners of good conduct marks.
These were deducted in advance, before the man had earned them, if he
gave trouble.  A prisoner sentenced to a long term--who usually gives
trouble during his first two years--found, when he began to run
straight, that good marks he earned had been deducted in advance.  I
was able to change the system, so that no marks should be deducted
before they were earned.

It was after I had been placed in command of the police at Alexandria,
in 1882, that I was offered the post of chief commissioner of police in
the Metropolis; and I was honoured by a gracious message from a very
distinguished personage, expressing a hope that I would accept the
appointment; but, as I wished to remain in the Navy, I declined it.

We returned to Australia on our homeward voyage, but for the sake of
convenience I may here deal with the two visits as one.  At Sydney, I
purchased a pair of horses.  They were reputed to be runaways, and I
bought them for £9 a pair, and I drove them tandem with ring snaffle
bits.  They never ran away with me--except once.  When they came into
my possession, I found that their mouths were {77} sore, and I did what
I could to cure them.  Many a drive I had, and all went well.  Then one
day we all drove to a picnic.  The Duke, who was very fond of coaching,
drove a coach.  I drove my tandem, taking with me the commander,
Adeane.  On the way home, the road was down a steep hill.  We were
beginning to descend, when one of the Duke's mounted orderlies mixed
himself up with the traces between the leader and the wheeler.  The
leader, taking fright, bolted, and the sudden tightening of the traces
jerked the orderly head over heels into the bush.  Away we went down
the hill as hard as the horses could gallop.  The next thing I saw was
a train of carts laden with mineral waters coming up the hill and
blocking the whole road.  The only way to avoid disaster was to steer
between a telegraph pole and the wall.  It was a near thing, but we did
it.  I gave the reins of one horse to the commander and held on to the
reins of the other.

Then I was aware, in that furious rush, of a melancholy voice, speaking
close beside me.  It was the voice of the commander, speaking, unknown
to himself, the thoughts of his heart, reckoning the chances of mishap
and how long they would take to repair.  It said: "an arm, an arm, an
arm--a month.  A leg, a leg, a leg--six weeks.  A neck, a neck a
neck--O! my God!"  And so on, over and over, saying the same words.
Thus did Jerry Adeane, the commander, think aloud according to his
habit.  He continued his refrain until we pulled up on the next rise.

"Thank God, that's over," said Jerry Adeane.

Before leaving Australia, I sold my pair of horses for more than I gave
for them.

When the _Galatea_ was in New Zealand, Sir George Grey, who owned an
island called the Kanwah, gave me permission to shoot there.  He had
stocked it for years with every sort of wild bird and beast.
Indigenous to the island were wild boar and wild cattle, which were
supposed to have been turned down there by the buccaneers.  I landed
early one morning to stalk the wild cattle, with my servant, a pulpy,
{78} bulbous sort of rotten fellow who hated walking.  He carried my
second rifle.  We climbed to the top of a hill with the wind against
us, to get a spy round.  When I came near the top, I perceived the
unmistakable smell of cattle; and, on reaching the top, there, within
thirty yards of me, were a great black bull and two cows.

The bull saw me.  He shook his head savagely, bellowed, pawed the
ground, put his head about, and charged straight for me.  I was
standing in a thick sort of tea scrub which was level with my
shoulders, so that I could see only the beast's back as he charged.  I
thought it was of no use to fire at his back; and, remembering that the
scrub was thin, having only stems underneath, I dropped on my knee,
hoping to see his head.  Fortunately, I was able to see it plainly.  I
fired, and he dropped within about five yards of me.

I said to my man:

"Well, that was lucky; he might have got us."

As there was no reply, I turned round, and saw my trusty second gun
half-way down the hill, running like a hare.  I was so angry that I
felt inclined to give him my second barrel.  On returning on board I
dispensed with his services, and engaged a good old trusty Marine to
look after me.

I killed six of these wild cattle altogether, and a landing party
bringing them off to the ship, there was beef enough for the whole
ship's company.

There was a number of sheep on the island, under the care of a shepherd
named Raynes, who was a sort of keeper in Sir George's service.  He
said to me, "You have not killed a boar yet.  Come with me to-morrow,
and I will take you where we can find one."  I said, "All right, I will
come at four o'clock to-morrow and bring my rifle."  "No," said he,
"don't bring a rifle, bring a knife.  I always kill them with a knife."

I thought he was chaffing, but I said, "All right, I will bring a
knife, but I shall bring my rifle as well."

{79}

In the morning he met me at the landing-stage with three dogs, one a
small collie, and two heavy dogs like half-bred mastiffs, held in a
leash.  We walked about three miles to a thick swampy place, with
rushes and tussocks.  He chased the collie into the bush, and in about
twenty minutes we heard the collie barking furiously.  Raynes told me
to follow him close, and not on any account to get in front of him.
The heavy dogs fairly pulled him through the bush.  We soon came up to
the collie, and found him with an immense boar in a small open space.

Raynes slipped the heavy dogs, who went straight for the boar, and
seized him, one by the ear and the other by the throat.  The boar cut
both the dogs, one badly.  When they had a firm hold, Raynes ran in
from behind, seized one of the boar's hind legs, and passing it in
front of the other hind leg, gave a violent pull, and the boar fell on
its side.  Raynes immediately killed it with his knife, by stabbing it
behind the shoulder.  I never saw a quicker or a more skilful
performance.

I suggested to Raynes that I should like to try it.

"Well," he said, "we will try and find a light sow to-morrow.  A boar
would cut you if you were not quick."

On the following day, we got a sow, but I made an awful mess of it, and
if it had not been for the heavy dogs, she would have cut me badly; as
it was, she bowled me over in the mud before I killed her.

In New Zealand, we went up to the White Springs and we all bathed with
the Maories.  You stand in the water warm as milk, close beside springs
of boiling water, and occasionally a jet of steam makes you jump.  The
person of one of the guests, a very portly gentleman, suggested a
practical joke to the Maori boys and girls, who dived in and swam up to
him under water, pinched him and swam away with yells of laughter.  The
old boy, determined to preserve harmony, endured the torment with an
agonised pretence of enjoyment.  "Very playful, very playful!" he kept
miserably {80} repeating.  "Oh, very playful indeed.  _Tanaqui_ (how do
you do), _Tanaqui_."

We had an excellent lunch, of pig, fowls, and yams, all boiled on the
spot in the hot springs.  I saw a live pig chased by some Maori
children into a hot spring, and it was boiled in a moment.

In this region I rode over soil which was exactly like dust-shot; the
whole ground apparently consisting of ore.  We visited the White
Terraces, where, if you wrote your name in pencil upon the cliffs, the
silicate would preserve the legend as if it were raised or embroidered.
Some of the signatures had been there for years.  I have since heard
that the place was destroyed by volcanic eruption.

We witnessed the weird and magnificent war dances of the Maoris.  Never
have I seen finer specimens of humanity than these men.  When, after
leaping simultaneously into the air, they all came to the ground
together, the impact sounded like the report of a gun.  A party of the
Chiefs came to pay a ceremonial visit to the Duke.  It struck me that
they looked hungry, and I said so.  They want cheering up, I said.  I
went to forage for them.  I took a huge silver bowl, and filled it with
chicken, whisky, lobster, beef, champagne, biscuits and everything else
I could find, and presented it to them.  You never saw warriors more
delighted.  They ate the whole, using their fingers, and were greatly
cheered.

It was in New Zealand that I had an interesting conversation with a
cannibal--or rather, an ex-cannibal.  I asked him if he ever craved for
human flesh, and he said no, not now--unless he happened to see a plump
woman.  In that case, he said he lusted for the flesh of the ball of
the thumb, which (he gave me to understand) was the prime delicacy.

Some of the half-caste women were of great beauty.  Their savage blood
endowed them with something of the untamed, implacable aspect of their
ancestry.  I heard of one such woman, who, outwardly attuned to every
tenet of white civilisation, and received everywhere in white society,
{81} suddenly reverted.  A native rebellion breaking out, she rejoined
her tribe and slew a missionary with her _meri_--the native chief's
badge of office.  She cut off the top of the missionary's skull, and
used it thereafter as a drinking-vessel.  Poor lady, she was (I heard)
eventually captured and was executed.




{82}

CHAPTER VIII

THE CRUISE OF H.M.S. _GALATEA_ (_Continued_)

II. MY TWO FAITHFUL SERVANTS

They came to me first in the _Galatea_, so that their story may fitly
be related in this place.  Tom Fat the China boy came to me at Kowloon.
He was brought to me by his uncle, who desired to dispose of his
nephew, for a consideration.  The consideration was £5.  Lest I should
be accused of Chinese slavery--and anything is possible in these
days--I should explain that the fiver was not the price of Tom Fat, but
was in the nature of a delicate compliment paid to his uncle.  Tom was
a free boy; he was entered in the ship's books as my servant, at so
much wages per month.  Not that he valued his wages particularly; he
had wider views.  He was an invaluable servant, clever, orderly,
indefatigable and devoted.  I attired him in gorgeous silks, and he
bore my crest with perfect unassuming dignity.  He kept my purse, and
expended my money with prudence, even with generosity.  When I wanted
money, Tom Fat had plenty of ready cash.  I sometimes wondered how it
was that he always seemed to be provided with a margin, for I was not
conscious of practising economy.  The fact was, I was careless in those
days, and kept no accounts.  It was not until he had been in my service
for some years, that I discovered the secret of his wealth.  It was
simple enough.  He was in the habit of forging cheques.  Altogether, he
forged cheques for nearly twelve hundred pounds.  How much of that
amount he kept for himself I {83} never knew; but it is certain that a
great deal of it he spent upon me.  Nor do I know why he did not ask
for a cheque instead of forging it.  Apparently it was a point of
honour with Tom not to ask for money.  When I asked him if he wanted a
cheque to defray expenses, he usually replied cheerfully that he had no
need of it.  Certainly he acquired a reputation for economy by these
means.

His methods were subtle.  He was well aware that I kept no private
account book of my own, and that my bankers did not enter the names of
payees in my pass-book, but only the numbers of the cheques cashed, and
also that the bank returned cashed cheques from time to time.  On these
occasions, Tom, finding pass-book and cashed cheques among my papers,
would abstract both the counterfoils and the cheques which he had
forged, knowing that as I should not take the trouble to compare the
numbers of the cheques with the numbers in the pass-book, I should not
notice that some cheques were missing.  He was always careful to
arrange that the last counterfoil filled up--at which one naturally
looks--should be that of my cheque and not that of his; and he never
drew large sums, varying his amounts between £5 and £20, except on one
occasion, when he forged a cheque for £50.  The Oriental mind is
inscrutable; but whether or no Tom considered that he was robbing me;
whether, if he considered that he was robbing me, he believed he was
justified in so doing; he took the most sedulous care that no one else
should enjoy that privilege.

Tom was universally popular.  I took him everywhere with me.  In his
way, he was a sportsman.  One day, hunting with the Duke of Beaufort's
hounds, I mounted him on a skewbald pony.  We came to a nasty slippery
place, a bad take-off, a wall to jump, and the road beyond.  Tom's pony
took it safely.  A big, hard-riding guardsman who was coming up behind
us, not liking the look of the place, shouted to me, "Is it all right?"

"That hideous Chinaman has just done it!" I shouted back.  Not to be
outdone by a Chinaman, the guardsman {84} rode at the fence, his horse
went down, and he got a dreadful toss.  When he got up, he was
furiously angry with me.

When Tom had been with me for some years, he came to me and said,
"Master, you never give me leave!  You give others leave but not me
leave.  I want leave."

The request was reasonable enough, and I sent Tom to my house in town,
there to amuse himself for a week.  At the end of the week he did not
return.  He was reported missing.  I advertised for him, offering a
reward.  The next day he was arrested at the Criterion Restaurant,
being one of a party of thirteen (of whom twelve were ladies) to whom
Tom was about to play the host.

It turned out that during his week in town, my faithful servant had
spent £70.  He had also raised money at one of my clubs.

"Lord Charles want twenty-five pounds," he said to the porter, who took
him to the cashier.

"His lordship must give me his I.O.U.," says the cashier.

"What thing that?" says Tom.

The cashier explained.

"All-light," says the man of resource, and promptly forged my I.O.U.
for thirty-five pounds.

"You said twenty-five," remarked the cashier.

"I tink Lord Charles like little more," Tom replied.

Of course, the cashier sent me the document.  When I investigated Tom's
transactions, I found a few of his forged cheques in the bank, and I
could hardly tell the difference between my signature and his
forgeries.  The cheque-books were compared with the pass-book, and
counterfoils were found to be missing.  I took legal action against
him, and he was sentenced to five years.  Shortly afterwards, when I
was in Scotland, I received a letter from the hapless Tom, saying he
was dying, and asking me to come and see him.  I went at once.  I found
him in the infirmary, a dying man indeed, with his face to the wall.  A
Chinaman dies at will.  He simply lies down and dies; but by the same
{85} token, he can continue to live.  So I determined to rouse him.  I
hailed him in a loud and cheerful voice.

"Tom!  Cheer up, Tom!  What's the matter?  You're not ill.  Rouse up."

"Me die, master," said Tom.

"Not you," I said.  "Come!  Cheer up, and I'll try to get you out of
this."

And sure enough, he turned back, became quite well, and I secured his
release after he had served a short term.  I found him a place in
China, sent him East, and never saw him again.  When I went to China
subsequently, I failed to find him.  After his interval of Western
service, China took him and swallowed him up.  And that was the end of
Tom Fat.

He was in my service when, upon the return voyage to Australia of the
_Galatea_, we touched at Mauritius.  In that strange island I came
across a youthful negro savage.  I learned his history from his master,
an amiable French gentleman.  Punch, as I named him, had been brought
to Mauritius by a British cruiser.  The warship had chased a slaver,
whose crew jettisoned the slaves.  They were fettered in chains and
hove over the side.  When the British seamen boarded the vessel they
found her holds empty, except for the odour.  In a dark corner was
stowed a bundle of rags, into which a bluejacket thrust his cutlass.
The rags sprang to life with a yell, and there was Punch with a wound
in his thigh, of which he carried the scar to his end.

It occurred to me that Punch would serve me for a groom, and I said so
to his master.

"_Tiens!_" said that gentleman pleasantly.  "You shall have him for
five shilling."

"Done!" said I, and paid him the money.  He did not think I was
serious; but he made no bones about ridding himself of his garden-boy.

Punch was the most hideous savage I have ever viewed.  He was black as
a boot; even his lips were black; his face was seamed with the
cicatrices which were the totem marks {86} of his tribe, whatever that
may have been; and his countenance was exactly like the countenance of
a bull-dog.  The scars wrinkled his cheeks, like a bull-dog's jowl.  He
was densely stupid, and wild of temper.  He attacked one of the men on
board with his teeth.  But he was utterly fearless, and although he
knew nothing about horses, he was never afraid of them.  He was
apparently constructed of india-rubber.  Nothing hurt him.  When I
drove a tandem, it was his duty as tiger to spring up behind as we
started.  But as my horses started at speed, Punch had not always time
to run from their heads to the back of the vehicle.  I have known him
catch a spoke of the wheel and be whirled into the air, and the wheel
to pass over him, without harming him in the least.

At a race meeting in Australia, Punch begged for a mount, and I
borrowed a horse, which galloped away down the course, Punch clinging
to him with arms and legs exactly like a monkey.  He took two big
fences like a bird; but at the third, the horse breasted it, fell
backwards and rolled over upon his rider.  I thought he was killed, but
he wasn't.  He was not even damaged.

When I went on half-pay, I placed Punch in the stables.  The women
servants took a fancy to him; but Punch, whatever he may have thought
of the women, had no love for the head groom, in whose arm he made his
teeth meet.  So I found him a billet in a hairdresser's shop, which
bore the legend, "Hairbrushing by machinery."  Punch was the machinery.
I saw him at it, turning a wheel in the window.  I never saw him again,
and know not what became of him.




{87}

CHAPTER IX

THE CRUISE OF H.M.S. _GALATEA_ (_Continued_)

III. TAHITI AND THE SANDWICH ISLANDS

We arrived at Tahiti in June, 1869.  Here is the most lovely climate in
the world.  The inhabitants never seemed to do any work, with the
single exception of carrying bananas.  In this exercise they were
extraordinarily expert, bearing enormous weights upon the shoulders,
the skin of which becomes hard like leather.  I considered myself to be
fairly strong; but when I tried to carry one of the masses of bananas
under which the natives march swiftly all day long, up hill and down, I
found that I was able to carry it only for a short distance, and with
difficulty, on level ground.  The people were perfectly delightful.  We
went ashore and lived among them; and it was then that I understood how
it was that the men of the _Bounty_ mutinied.  The fact was that those
discontented mariners could not bear to leave islands so delectable.  I
do not of course, desire to justify their very reprehensible conduct.
All I say is that I can understand the strength of its motive.  It was
simply the desire to remain in an earthly paradise which inspired the
men of the _Bounty_ when they left Otaheite in April, 1789, to set
Captain Bligh adrift in an open boat, with the nineteen men who stayed
by him, and a small stock of provisions.  The captain and his men made
an astonishing voyage of nearly 4000 miles, and fetched up at the
island of Timor, south of the Malaccas, in the following June.  Some of
the mutineers were subsequently {88} brought to justice in the year
1792.  Six of them were condemned and three were executed.  In 1814 it
was discovered that ten among the mutineers had colonised Pitcairn
Island.

We in the _Galatea_ stayed at Tahiti as long as we possibly could, and
enjoyed every moment of the time.  One of our amusements was to float
down a narrow and swift stream and shoot the waterfall.  At a point
some little distance from the coast, the stream ran deep and rapid
between banks which were about three feet apart.  The natives, boys and
girls, used to drop into the stream and let themselves be carried down
feet foremost to a waterfall, which descended some 40 or 50 feet in a
wide pool; and it occurred to me that what they could do, I could
accomplish.  I watched these intrepid children very carefully, and I
observed that they always came to the surface some distance away from
the fall.  In spite of some dissuasion, I determined to attempt the
enterprise.  I floated down the stream feet foremost, shot the fall,
and the moment I reached the foot of it I struck out under water.  I
was amazed to find that the water was just like air, or an enormous
cauldron of soda water, buoying one up, and I came to the surface
without the slightest difficulty.  Afterwards I went down head first.
The only thing to remember was not to come up under the fall itself.
Shooting the waterfall became a popular amusement.

Another of our diversions was surf-playing.  This enchanting exercise
is performed with the aid of a long board shaped like a wedge.  The
swimmer takes his board, pushes it before him over the breakers, while
he dives through them, then turns, and, leaning on the board, rides
back on the crest of the surf.  The speed, whatever it may be, feels
like sixty miles an hour.  It is one of the most exhilarating pastimes
in the world.

I remember that we all went to church on Sunday.  During the service,
the Queen of Tahiti suddenly clapped her hands, whereupon the clergyman
desisted from his {89} ministrations, while her Majesty distributed
tobacco among the congregation.  When it was well alight the Queen
again clapped her hands, and the clergyman went on with the service.

We left Tahiti with profound regret, receiving and giving many presents
on parting.  From Tahiti we proceeded to the Sandwich Islands, where I
met many old friends, made during my sojourn four years previously.
The American population had quite forgiven and forgotten my boyish
freak, which had so agitated them at the time.  Our old friend Queen
Emma, whom we had taken to Panama on her way to England to see the
Queen, had returned.  I went to call upon her, driving tandem, as
already related.  Turning in at the gate, I took the corner too
sharply, the wheels locked, and the buggy capsized.  In the meantime
the Queen, having heard the jingling of the Canadian sleigh bells
attached to the harness, came out to find her visitor sitting on the
grass at her feet.  The horses galloped on and wrecked the vehicle and
also themselves.  Altogether it was a very expensive drive.




{90}

CHAPTER X

THE CRUISE OF H.M.S. _GALATEA_

IV. OLD JAPAN

NOTE

When Lord Charles Beresford visited Nippon (from the Chinese Jih Pun,
the place or rising of the sun, changed by English pronunciation to
Japan), it was the old Japan that he saw; the Japan of centuries of
isolation, inviolate save for the intrusion of the Jesuit missionaries
in the sixteenth century, and the little wedge of Dutch traders.  It
had been the Japan of the Mikado, who was as a god; of the Tycoon, his
temporal representative, who, like a man walking the tight-rope above a
wood of transfixing swords, maintained a delicate equipoise of power
among the feudal seigneuralty, the great Daimios, each lord of his
domain and master of life and death over thousands of retainers.  It
was the Japan of the Samurai, the two-sworded rufflers; of the Ronins,
the masterless men, the outlaws, who roved the country in bands,
patriotic, ferocious and pitiless.  It was still the Japan in which the
common people, men and women and maidens, walked naked and unashamed;
in which the warriors went to battle clad in armour wrought of
tortoise-shell and silk, girt with swords and carrying bows and arrows;
in which the life of a barbarian foreigner was never safe from hour to
hour, so that he must be guarded by the two-sworded Yaconins, the
Government officers, who, knowing the hatred of the Government towards
their charges, seldom drew sword in {91} their defence until it was
just one blood-stained second too late; in which a fault in honour was
instantly expiated by hara-kiri, the fatal cross-cut upon the belly,
performed in the public eye, which was justly offended if the incision
were so clumsily executed that the entrails protruded.  Such, at least,
is the ceremonial theory.  In practice, the dagger is driven in below
the ribs, drawn horizontally across the belly, and up the other side;
an operation requiring inconceivable courage.

It is the land of tea-houses and temples, of running footmen and
palanquins; where houses and string and handkerchiefs are made of
paper; where the people wash themselves every day and their clothes
never; where the oldest profession in the world is counted honourable
service, and the pictures of courtesans adorn the temples in which the
bonzes intone prayers in the midst of games and dances: where the
writing is done from top to bottom, from right to left, and keys are
turned from left to right, and carpenters draw their planes towards
them, and the houses are built from the roof downwards, and horses are
mounted on the off-side, and ladies black their teeth.  It was a land
of immense processional pageants: the processions of the high Daimios,
who once a year quitted their ancestral homes with a great train to
dwell in Yedo, the capital of the Tycoon, for six months; and returned
again, leaving as hostages for their loyalty their wives and children
for another six months.  The two-sworded Samurai march in front, crying
"Shitanirio!" and all the spectators drop upon their knees and hide
behind their legs while the long procession ambles by, spearmen and
banners and baggage-carriers and palanquins; the norimons, which are
the palanquins of the notable, and the cangos, which are the palanquins
of the humble.

When the foreigner rode abroad in state, he was attended by the
Ward-guards, who marched in front, striking the earth at every step
with their long staves whereon loose iron rings were strung, so that
their jingling warned the populace to make way.

{92}

At night, festivals were celebrated by immense processions filling the
streets, in which everyone carried a lighted lantern swaying upon the
end of a flexible bamboo, and the lanterns were painted with bats and
dragons, and the people wore horrible masks, distended with the
monstrous rictus of the devil-gods.  In the Yoshiwara, where the women,
painted and gilded, sashed and bedecked, sit in a double row, each with
her price placarded upon her knee, there were the great priapic
processions, concerning which the English works upon Japan preserve a
shocked reticence.

In old Japan, the common ideal of the ruling classes was that their
country should maintain for ever intact its immemorial laws, traditions
and customs; an ideal whose attainment the entrance of the foreigner
would render impossible.  As for the common people, they had no
aspirations beyond the day's work.  Japan, in her own view, was
complete, self-sufficient and wholly satisfied with a civilisation
compared with which the politics of the Occident were of yesterday.
The Islands of Nippon were ensphered in holy crystal, whose flawless
preservation was the highest duty of a patriot.

Into that rare atmosphere, surcharged with perilous elements, sailed
Commodore Perry of the United States Navy in the year 1853.  Some fifty
years later, Pierre Loti entered Japanese waters in a French warship.
"Et nous entrions maintenant dans une espèce de couloir ombreux, entre
deux rangées de très hautes montagnes, qui se succédaient avec une
bizarrerie symétrique--comme les 'portants' d'un décor tout en
profondeur, extrêmement beau, mais pas assez naturel--on eut dit que ce
Japon s'ouvrait devant nous, en une déchirure enchantée, pour nous
laisser pénétrer dans son cceur même" (_Madame Chrysanthème_).

It was Commodore Perry who rent open the heart of Old Japan, and her
blood flowed.  The gallant commodore, anchoring off Cape Idzu on 8th
July, 1853, with two steam frigates and two sloops of war, demanded no
more than a treaty securing help and proper treatment to sailors
shipwrecked {93} on the coasts of Japan.  The Japanese Government said
neither yes nor no; whereupon Perry gave them a year to consider the
matter, promising to return at the end of it with a "larger fleet."
And on 12th February, 1854, there was Commodore Perry in the Bay of
Yedo with three steam frigates and four sloops of war.  After long
negotiations, a treaty of amity was signed, including a promise to
succour ships in distress, and (above all) opening two new ports.  From
that moment the isolation of Japan was ended.  The door opened but a
crack; but into that crack the wedge of commerce, driven by the lust of
gain, was thrust by America (1854), Russia (1857), England and France
(1858).

In 1859, Mr. (afterwards Sir) Rutherford Alcock, British representative
of H.B.M. Government in China was appointed her Majesty's Envoy
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary in Japan.  His book, _The
Capital of the Tycoon_ (London, 1863.  Longman, 2 vols.), gives one of
the first authoritative accounts of Old Japan presented to the British
public.  During his three years in that country he was constantly in
peril of assassination.  In August, 1859, an officer and a sailor from
one of the Russian ships lying in the harbour were cut down and slashed
to pieces in the streets of Yedo, and a steward was severely wounded.

In the following year the Japanese linguist attached the British
Legation was stabbed to death, and two Dutch ship-captains were cut to
pieces in Yokohama.  The next demonstration of the hatred of foreigners
was the murder of the Gotairo, the Regent, Iko-mono-no-kami.  His
escort was suddenly attacked as it was leaving his castle by some
twenty swordsmen, wielding the terrible Japanese two-handed weapon.
The hands of the bearers of his norimon were severed on the pole and
the Regent himself decapitated, his head being carried away as a trophy.

In 1861, Mr. Heuskin, attached to the American Legation, was murdered.
Soon afterwards, one of the Governors (or Under-Secretaries) of Foreign
Affairs, {94} Oribeno-no-Kami, who had been especially friendly in his
intercourse with the Legations, "died," in the Japanese phrase,
"without the effects of medicine."  To be more precise, he had
committed hara-kiri.

In July, 1861, the British Legation at Yedo was attacked at night by a
band of swordsmen, who passed the guards and rushed the building.  Mr.
Oliphant, who had recently been appointed Secretary to the Legation,
was severely wounded.  One of the guards, a porter, and a groom, and
two of the assailants, were killed outright.  One of the assailants was
severely wounded, to six of the Legation party who were severely
wounded and eleven slightly wounded.

Such were the beginnings of Western influence in Japan.  Sir Rutherford
Alcock's voluminous account of his three years' ministry reveals a
gallant, honest, kindly gentleman sorely perplexed by the ethical
problems involved in the forcible interference of one powerful nation
in the affairs of a weaker nation, whose sole ambition was to be let
alone.  Hampered, on the one hand, by the greed and discourtesy of the
European traders, and on the other, by the immitigable duplicity and
the furtive and implacable enmity of the Japanese, yet singly
determined to do his duty to his Queen and country, Sir Rutherford
Alcock honourably fulfilled a task of extreme danger and incredible
difficulty.

Thenceforward, until the year 1869, the duel between East and West
continued with increasing ardour.  The whole polity of old Japan was
shaken as by the earthquakes which agitate and rend its soil.  There
were frequent assassinations of the foreign barbarians; the governing
classes, which consisted wholly of the military caste, employed every
invidious method to restrict trade with Europeans; while the Western
nations, on their side, brought their armed strength to bear in the
enforcement of treaty rights, which by the same means had originally
been wrung from the Tycoon's government.  And here it falls to
distinguish between the divine prestige of the Mikado, {95} descendant
of the sun-goddess, and the temporal administration of the Tycoon, or
Shogun.  In that dual administration resided a main factor of the
extraordinary difficulty of the situation.  Both the spiritual and
temporal rulers, the Imperial Court and the Bakufu, or Tycoon's
Government, were equally inspired by hatred of the foreigner.  But
whereas the Mikado, dwelling majestically apart, could avoid all
contact with the barbarians, the Tycoon was compelled by superior force
to negotiate with them.  He was thus placed between two fires; on the
one side, the Mikado ordered him to expel the foreigner; on the other,
the foreigner threatened him with war unless the treaties were carried
into execution.

For long the Tycoon, or his advisers, maintained his position with
singular address.  But no man born of woman could have solved its
complications.  For the great Daimios, the feudal nobility, held
allegiance primarily to the Mikado.  The Tycoon could and did detach
some of the clans to his side; but the great body of the western clans
defied him.  The influence of the Tycoon began swiftly to decline.  At
the same time the Imperial party began to perceive that the expulsion
of foreigners had become impossible.  The immediate result was the
revolt of some of their adherents.  Inspired as it was by hatred of the
foreigner, it was directed equally against Mikado and Tycoon, and
accompanied by expressions of loyalty to both parties.

In 1864 the troops of the Choshiu clan attempted to capture Kioto and
to obtain possession of the person of the Mikado.  They were defeated
after heavy fighting.  In June of the previous year, the Choshiu men
had fired upon the American ship _Pembroke_ while she was passing
through the Inland Sea, and also upon the Dutch corvette _Medusa_.  The
French commander-in-chief of the station, Admiral Jaurès proceeded to
Shimoseki and destroyed the batteries.  In August a British naval force
under the command of Vice-Admiral Kuper proceeded to Kagoshima in order
to enforce {96} the payment of the indemnity due for the murder of Mr.
Richardson, bombarded the town and destroyed the batteries.  It was
these two actions which for the first time really convinced the ruling
classes in Japan that it was hopeless any longer to endeavour to
prevent the intrusion of foreign influence.

In 1866 the Tycoon Iyemochi died.  In the same year a new and enlarged
Convention was concluded with Great Britain, France, America and
Holland.  In the following year Keiki, very unwillingly, became Tycoon,
an office which by this time had become exceedingly insecure.  In the
same year the Mikado, Komei, died and was succeeded by his son
Mutsuhito, a minor.  In the following year the Mikado assumed the whole
administrative power hitherto vested in the Tycoon, and a new system of
Government was promulgated.  Followed, civil war and the defeat of the
Tycoon, who retired into seclusion.  In the meantime the Mikado had
invited the Representatives of Foreign Powers to visit him at Kioto.

"That the Mikado of Japan, who claims to be descended from the
sun-goddess, and in whose person a peculiar odour of sanctity was
considered to exist, should voluntarily invite to his palace at Kioto
the Envoys of nations who had hitherto been looked upon as outer
barbarians, and intercourse with whom was a profane thing, was indeed a
great step in advance.  No foreigner had ever yet crossed the Imperial
threshold, or looked upon the face of the sacred Emperor of Japan.  It
was a proof that a new order of things was inaugurated, and gave good
hopes for the future" (Adams, _History of Japan_.  Lond., 1875).

But although the Imperial Government perceived the wisdom of accepting
the inevitable, the hatred of the foreigner, bred in the blood of the
military caste, could neither be dissembled nor controlled; and the
attack made upon the British Envoy, Sir Harry Parkes, while actually on
his way to the Imperial Palace on 23rd March, 1868, illustrates the
condition of affairs.  On the road to Kioto {97} and in the sacred city
itself, the Europeans had been regarded by the people with a polite and
respectful curiosity, nor was there any sign of hostility.

Sir Harry Parkes left the temple of Chi-on-in, where he lodged, to
proceed to the audience, with a mounted escort of twelve
ex-Metropolitan mounted police, under the command of Inspector Peacock,
with whom rode a Japanese officer, Nakai Kozo.  Behind these massive
veterans rode Sir Harry himself, accompanied by Goto Shojiro, of the
Japanese Foreign Department, and followed by Mr. Mitford, Mr. Satow,
Dr. Willis, and other members of the Legation.  Then came a guard of
forty men of H.M.'s 9th Regiment under the command of Lieutenant
Bradshaw and Lieutenant Bruce.  A native guard preceded the train, and
another guard followed it.  Just as the policemen were turning the
corner of a narrow street, Sir Harry observed signs of confusion, and
the next moment a Japanese, his great sword flashing and hewing, dashed
round the corner, closely pursued by two policemen.  Sir Harry cried
out to the soldiers behind him to stop the Samurai.  Turning his head,
he saw his companion, Goto Shojiro, on foot, sword in hand rushing
forward to attack a second Samurai, who was already fighting hand to
hand with Nakai Kozo, the Japanese officer who had been riding
alongside Inspector Peacock at the head of the policemen.  Behind Sir
Harry, shots rang out as the soldiers fired at the first assassin.  Sir
Harry Parkes was suddenly aware of the wild figure of a Japanese
warrior, advancing towards him through the press.  His face was a mask
of blood; in one hand shone a long sword, dripping red from hilt to
point; in the other, the victor lifted the bloody head, shorn clean
from the shoulders, of his countryman.  It was Nakai Kozo.  Nakai gave
the following ingenuous account of his deed of arms to Mr. Adams,
secretary of the Legation, who quotes it in his _History_, as follows:--

"I saw a man running down the line cutting at one man after another.  I
jumped off my horse, drew my sword, and {98} rushed after him; he
turned and we engaged; he cut me on the head.  Then Goto came up and
dealt him a blow which felled him to the ground.  Unfortunately Goto's
sword-hilt, which was of lacquer, slipped from his hands, and I had to
cope with the fellow alone.  I could only see out of one eye, the other
being covered with blood, but I kept chopping at him, and after about
ten blows I managed to cut his head off.  I then took the head and
showed it to Sir H. Parkes."

The soldiers bayoneted the first Samurai, who was still alive when he
was finally secured by Mr. Mitford.  He was afterwards beheaded by the
Imperial Government.  But those two desperate enemies of the foreigner
wounded thirteen men and five horses ere they were cut down.  One of
the wounded was a soldier, another a native groom; the remaining nine,
of whom two were so seriously hurt that they were invalided home, were
ex-Metropolitan policeman to whom the methods of the Samurai must have
been startling.  These trained fighters wield their two-handed swords,
heavy, perfectly balanced, razor-sharp weapons, with an appalling
swiftness and dexterity.  At a single blow they can cleave a man to the
chin, or cut off his head, or lop off a limb.

In May, 1868 Sir Harry Parkes presented his credentials, which had
hitherto been addressed to the Tycoon, to the Emperor.  On the 23rd was
celebrated the Queen's birthday, when many Japanese of high rank, some
of whom had never before made acquaintance with a foreigner, were
entertained by Vice-Admiral Sir Henry Keppel, commander-in-chief of the
China Station, on board H.M.S. _Rodney_.  It was not until November
that the civil war was ended by the submission of the rebels.  The
Emperor then took up his residence for a time in Yedo--now called
Tokio--which had been the capital of the Tycoon, and which was
henceforth to be the eastern metropolis of the Emperor, as Kioto was
the western capital.  In the following year, after another insurrection
had been suppressed, the great Daimios made their memorable sacrifice,
offering their lands and servants to the Emperor; thereby deliberately
exchanging their {99} almost independent state for a condition of
subservience to the central Government.

Such, in brief, was the beginning of the New Japan; and it was at this
stage in its development that, for the first time in history, a foreign
prince, in the person of H.R.H. the Duke of Edinburgh, visited the
Mikado.




{100}

CHAPTER XI

THE CRUISE OF H.M.S. _GALATEA_ (_Continued_)

V. WITH THE DUKE IN JAPAN

The _Galatea_ arrived at Yokohama on the 29th August 1869.  The Duke
with his suite, including myself, went up to Tokio (the old Yedo) and
took up his quarters at Hama-go-ten, which had been the summer
residence of the Tycoon.  The estate marched with a piece of water
opening into the bay; here were many summer-houses; and a commodious
building equipped for the Duke by the orders of the Mikado.  The name
was changed to Yen-Rio-Kan, signifying a place set apart for
distinguished foreigners.

We were entertained with the most delicate and sumptuous hospitality by
this charming people whose courtesy greatly impressed us.  Conjurers,
acrobats and wrestlers performed for the entertainment of his Royal
Highness; whenever we went abroad, thirty two-sworded Yaconins attended
us.

The Duke went in state to visit the Mikado in his palace.  All along
the route the upper windows of the houses were sealed with paper, so
that none should look down upon he royal visitor; a precaution only
taken in the case of the highest nobility.  The Duke, attended only by
Sir Harry Parkes, Admiral Sir Harry Keppel and Mr. Mitford (afterwards
Lord Reedsdale and author of the delightful _Tales of Old Japan_), had
a private audience of the Emperor, who was presented by his Royal
Highness with a diamond snuff-box.  {101} Six of us were afterwards
admitted to the presence.  I remember the dim figure of a young man
seated behind a screen at the end of the audience chamber.  Many years
afterwards, when I again visited Japan, the Mikado, who remembered my
former visit, graciously invited me to lunch, and entertained me with
the royal sport of catching ducks in a hand-net.  The ducks are
preserved in the royal gardens, which are charmingly diversified with
lawns and running water, and flowering shrubs.  As you enter, the ducks
rise suddenly, and the sport was to net them as they rose.

As we remained no longer than a week in Tokio, my recollections are
few.  I was tattooed by the native artificers, to the astonishment of
the Japanese officials and nobles; for in Japan none save the common
people is tattooed.  The Japanese artist designs in white upon dark,
working upon the skin round the chief ornament in his scheme; whereas
the English tattooer designs dark upon white, using the natural skin as
a background.  Both methods are beautifully illustrated upon my person.

I witnessed the decapitation of six criminals.  The victims stand in a
row, their hands bound behind them: each in turn is tapped on the
shoulder, when he kneels down, and bows his head.  With a single
half-arm stroke, the executioner slices through the neck.  I also saw a
crucifixion.  The man's hands and feet are extended and tied to
cross-bars, so that he makes a figure like an hour-glass.  Then he is
transfixed with a spear.

On the 8th September, the Duke returned to Yokohama by sea, taking with
him as his guest in the _Galatea_, Hiobukio-no-Miya, Prince of the
Blood, Minister of War, and other high dignitaries, who attended a ball
given at the British Legation.  On the 16th, the _Galatea_ sailed for
China.




{102}

CHAPTER XII

THE CRUISE OF H.M.S. _GALATEA_ (_Continued_)

VI. THE HOMEWARD VOYAGE

From Japan we proceeded to China, touching at Chefoo, Shanghai and
Hongkong.  Nothing could exceed the princely hospitality of the great
British mercantile firms in China.  It was then that I learned, what
subsequent experience confirmed, the remarkable integrity of the
business dealings of the Chinese.  The head of the Chinese Bank told me
that he never had a bad account with a Chinaman.  The Chinese keeps
agreements to the letter, quite irrespective of documentary contracts.

From China we proceeded to Manila, then a Spanish possession.  My
principal recollection of Manila is the extraordinary prevalence of
cock-fighting.  There was a cockpit in every street; and the sole
occupation of the inhabitants appeared to consist of betting upon their
birds.  One used constantly to meet men walking in the street with
their birds under their arms.  The cocks were armed with steel spurs
shaped like a scythe, and sharpened to a razor edge.  I have seen a
bird spring up and slice the head of its adversary clean off, and I
have seen the chest of a bird slashed open, almost cutting its body in
two.  The use of the artificial spurs affected the betting, making the
fight very much more uncertain and therefore more exciting.  For,
whereas if a cock uses its natural spurs, the best bird probably wins,
an inferior bird armed artificially might gain the victory.

{103}

From Manila we proceeded to Calcutta.  Upon landing, I met my brother,
Lord Marcus, and with him I rode up, together with the staff, to
Government House.  It is a singular coincidence that when I landed at
Calcutta, six years afterwards, on the corresponding date, when I was a
member of the staff of the Prince of Wales (afterwards King Edward
VII), I met my other brother, Lord William, and rode up with him to
Government House.

The _Galatea_ lay alongside the wharf.  It was necessary to take the
most stringent precautions against cholera.  Only one boy in the ship's
company was taken ill during our stay.  He died inside an hour.  But in
the merchant ships lying in the port there were many deaths.  Men were
employed in working parties to push off with long bamboos the corpses
that were continually floating down from the Hooghli, lest they should
foul the moorings.  The bodies used to come floating down with the
birds perching and feeding upon them.

We went up country, and enjoyed a great deal of excellent sport.  We
went out pig-sticking, which is the finest sport in the world; we went
out tiger-shooting upon elephants; and riding upon elephants, we shot
partridges--a form of sport by no means easy.  I remember an irascible
old colonel of artillery, who became very hot, and who missed a good
many partridges, saying indignantly to the Duke:

"This is all d----d rot.  I could shoot more partridges on Woolwich
Common."

It was the same peppery soldier who, when one of the members of the
staff had fallen ill, went with me upon a visitation to the sick.  We
found the invalid in a state of extreme agitation, and surrounded with
books of a religious nature.

"I think--I hope--" he kept saying, "that I shall be forgiven.  I think
I shall--I hope so."

"What's he saying?  What's he saying?" cried the colonel, who, as often
happens to people in hot weather, had become rather deaf.

{104}

"He thinks he's dying," I shouted.

Whereupon the colonel, turning angrily to the invalid, shouted,

"You d----d fool, you have only over-eaten yourself!"

The sick man was so infuriated that he hurled his books of religion at
the colonel, and sprang out of bed.  Next day he was quite well.

Another member of the staff was mounted one day upon a red horse (they
paint their horses in India), a wild, half-broken Arab steed, which was
giving its rider a deal of trouble.  I advised my friend to dismount,
and left him.  Presently I rode back to find him on foot and alone.  I
asked him, where was his horse?

"Gone," said he.  "Whenever that d----d horse saw a mosquito, it sat
down and cried like a child.  So I kicked it in the belly and it ran
away into the jungle."

We visited Trincomalee, where the elephants built the dockyard.  They
carried the timber and they carried the stones, and they lifted the
stones into position and adjusted them with their feet.  The remarkable
thing about the climate of Ceylon is its intermittent showers of
tropical violence, followed by bursts of sunshine.  In the result, you
actually see the foliage growing.  I remember the extraordinary beauty
of the native decorations, which are fabricated of palms and leaves and
flowers.

From Colombo we went to Mauritius, arriving there in May, 1870.  Here I
climbed the famous mountain called Pieter Botte, or, more correctly,
Pieter Both.

[Illustration: PIETER BOTH MOUNTAIN, MAURITIUS]

The mountain is so named after Pieter Both, Governor-General of the
Dutch East Indies in the early part of the seventeenth century, and the
founder of Dutch power in that region.  On his homeward voyage he was
wrecked in the bay overlooked by the mountain, which thereafter bore
his name.  Previous ascents are recorded in the archives at Mauritius,
from which it appears that mine was the fourteenth.  Admiral Sir
William Kennedy ascended Pieter Botte in 1861; he gives an account of
his climb in his {105} interesting book, _Hurrah for the Life of a
Sailor_ (London, Nash).  Kennedy started with a party of fourteen
persons, of whom five reached the summit.

At nine o'clock in the morning I started, together with the captain of
the maintop, Edward Hele.  We took with us ropes, a rope ladder,
cod-line, and a small lead.  These were all our appliances.  We drove
to the foot of the mountain and began the ascent at 11.5 a.m.  Now the
mountain of Pieter Botte is shaped like a church with a steep roof,
from one end of which rises a spire.  This pinnacle of rock is crowned
with a huge, rounded, overhanging boulder.

Part of the ridge was so sharp that we were forced to sit on it and to
proceed astride.  Then we came to the pinnacle.  The ascent was so
sharp and difficult that we were obliged to take off both shoes and
socks.  At one point, I lost my balance, and was only saved from
falling backwards by Hele's ready hand.  Climbing the pinnacle was far
more difficult than scaling the overhanging boulder at the top.  At the
top of the pinnacle there was just room to stand beneath the
overhanging boulder.  The only possible method of climbing the boulder
was to get the rope ladder over the top of it.  Accordingly, one end of
the rope ladder was attached to the lead-line.  In order to swing the
lead, one of us was roped with a round turn round his body, while the
other, lying on his back, held the rope while the leadsman, leaning
right backwards and outwards over the sheer precipice of some 3000 feet
fall, swung the lead.  We took it in turns to swing the lead; as we
leaned outwards, the rock spread over our heads like an umbrella; and
it was an hour and a half before we succeeded in casting it over the
boulder.  Then we hauled the rope ladder over and made all fast.  It
was too short, and the last few yards we hauled ourselves up hand over
hand.  So we climbed to the top, which is a platform of about 20 feet
square.  It was then 1.59 p.m.  We took off our shirts, and waved them
to the warships lying far below in the bay, from which we were {106}
plainly to be distinguished with the aid of a telescope.  The ships
each saluted us with one gun.  We planted on the summit a flag upon
whose staff were carved our names and the names of our ships.  When we
returned, my brother officers gave us a dinner to celebrate the event.

Hele was eventually promoted to warrant officer.  When Hele died, I was
able to help his son to gain his education, and he did very well.  It
was in Mauritius that we went out shooting with the native population;
one of the most dangerous amusements in which I have ever taken part,
for the bullets used to whistle in the air all round us.

From Mauritius we proceeded to Cape Town.  Here, on the 12th July,
1870, the Duke inaugurated the new harbour, breakwater and docks.  I
kept a team on shore, and used to drive up from Simon's Bay to Cape
Town.  Every now and then we stuck in a quicksand.  On one such
occasion I had a brother officer with me; and as he was afflicted with
a cold, I took him on my back to save him from wet feet.  But I fell
with him, and we were both soaked to the skin.  Upon another day, when
we stuck, I put two of my messmates on the leaders, and they pulled the
coach right through.  If you want horses to pull a weight out of a
tight place, put weight on their backs.

The Colonial Secretary at Cape Town was Mr. Southey.  He was a most
delightful and sagacious person, and became a great friend of mine.  He
prophesied in a most wonderful way what would be the future of South
Africa.

"If," said he, "we could only get a big man, a master-mind, to come out
here, all that I foresee would come true."

The right man presently arrived in the person of the late Cecil John
Rhodes, and my friend's prophecies have been most singularly fulfilled.

While at the Cape, we went up country, shooting.  Both Dutch and
English families were most kind and hospitable to us.  Upon one of
these expeditions, a member of the staff went out by himself very early
in the morning to shoot.  Observing some ostriches in the distance, he
stalked {107} them with immense labour and patience, and presently
succeeded in shooting a couple of birds.  When he returned, he
complained that it had been very difficult to get his sights on, owing
to some high rails which were between himself and the birds.  It had
not occurred to him that he had been stalking tame ostriches on a farm.

I once rode from Cape Town to Simon's Town and back, between lunch and
dinner, galloping the whole distance, with four changes of horses.  The
distance between the two places is about 35 miles as the crow flies.
My errand was merely to postpone the arrival of a visitor who was to
come to the _Galatea_.

The ride, however, showed that I was in good condition.  I have always
tried to keep myself fit, holding that condition of body regulates
condition of mind.  Cheery people deserve small credit, because their
frame of mind is due to their being right inside.  Quarrelsome people
are wrong inside.

On our way to England we touched at the Falkland Islands where I
visited a relative of mine who kept a ranch.  He used bull-dogs to
catch his bulls, when he required them for branding.  The dogs seized
the bulls by the nose and held them while they were lassoed by the
guachos.

When we touched at Montevideo, I remember conversing with various
persons, who foretold the immense profit which must eventually accrue
if the land there was purchased at that time.  Their opinion has since
proved true.  But I had no money to invest; so that the opportunity was
only another instance of what might have been.

The _Galatea_ was badly strained in a gale of wind, her deck seams
opening so that the water streamed into the cabins beneath.  One
lieutenant used to say to another:

"How did you sleep last night?  It was pretty rough.

"Woke at one o'clock and saw them reefing tops'ls"--meaning that, lying
in bed, he could see clear through the seams.

I used my sail-making ability to make a canvas awning {108} for my bed;
fitted it with a ridge rope, laced it down and hauled it taut, led a
trough from it to take the water into the slop-pail; and slept dry
under it.

It was during the visit of the _Galatea_ to Australia that I was made a
Freemason; and I have always regretted that I have never been able to
devote as much time to Masonry as I should have liked to give to the
Craft.  The Australian Lodge into which I was admitted was under the
impression that I was the most timid neophyte who had ever joined it.

When the ceremony was ended, one of the members of the Lodge said to me:

"You are safely through it.  But do you know that of all the men we
have had through this lodge, we never had one so paralysed with fear as
yourself.  You were shivering like an aspen!"

The fact was that during the initiatory ceremonies something
unaccountably struck me as extraordinarily funny.  The effort to subdue
my emotions caused me to tremble all over.

One of our diversions in the _Galatea_ when she was at sea, was to
listen to the conversations which used repeatedly to occur between a
certain worthy member of the Duke's suite and the old quartermaster.
The member of the staff in question had endeared himself to us by his
high seriousness.  He dealt with the most trifling incidents of life in
a spirit of preternatural and wholly sincere solemnity.  Supposing that
you told him that a common friend had fallen off his horse and bruised
his leg, our member of staff would instantly ship a countenance of
intense concern.

"Bruised his leg?  You don't say so!  Good God!  Has he indeed?"

"Yes--he's bruised his leg!"

{109}

"Has he now?  Well, well.  Bruised his leg!  I hope it's not serious.
I do hope it's not serious.  Tut-tut!  Bruised his leg, you say?"

"It's not serious.  But he's bruised his leg."

"I'm delighted to hear it's not serious.  But--bruised his leg.  I am
really distressed."

And so on.

Among other matters, our friend took his family very seriously.  One of
his ancestors had been an admiral; and it was this distinguished
officer who made the link between the member of staff and the
quartermaster.  The member of staff used to stroll on the quarterdeck
in the evening, and fall into talk with the seamen.

"Well, Jones.  Good evening, Jones.  I suppose, now, you've heard of my
uncle, the admiral?"

"Heard of 'im, sir?  I should think I 'ad heard of 'im.  Ah, he was a
_man_, he was.  He could handle a ship, he could--ah, and handle the
men, too!"

"Why, where did you serve with him, Jones?"

"Where, sir?  Where not?  All over the world, sir.  Ah, he was a man!"

"I'm delighted to meet anyone who knew a member of my family so well,
Jones--delighted, I assure you."

"Knew 'im?  Why, sir, to know 'im was to admire 'im, as the saying is.
Many a time I've seen the men turn out _for_ to admire 'im, sir.

"Have you indeed, Jones--have you indeed!  Dear me.  Most interesting,
I am sure.  I daresay a glass of grog would not come amiss to you,
Jones?"

"Wery kind of you, I'm sure, sir.  It 'ud be a pleasure to drink your
health, and the admiral's too, sir.  Ah, he was a man!"

Mr Jones, afterwards, forward on the lower deck, to envious friends:

"Pretty sweet conversation that, mates.  I wonder 'oo the b----y h--l
'is uncle might 'a been!"

There was another member of the suite who surely deserves record--the
elephant.  He was really a member of the ship's company, for he could
do, and did, the work of twenty men.  He joined the ship in India, when
he was quite small, and he grew enormously on board.  He lived in {110}
a house built aft, and fed upon branches of trees and bran and biscuits
and anything he could get.  I trained him myself.  I taught him to obey
the words of command, and he would do anything for me.  He would hoist
me upon his shoulders with a fore foot, or upon his back with a hind
foot.  In the dinner hour, when most of the men were below, he used to
take his share in working the ship.  We slung the rope in a bowline
round his neck, and he would clew up the mainsail by walking on till he
was told to stop.  He was never seasick.  He used to balance himself,
swaying to and fro as the ship rolled.  One night when the midshipmen
and I, having supper on deck aft, were called forward to trim sails,
the elephant finished the meal for us.  He ate everything on the table,
put his foot on the plates and smashed them, and squashed the big
coffee-tin quite flat.  Then he looked at us like a naughty child.

I was the only person who could persuade him to leave the ship or to
come on board again when he had been ashore.  When we reached home, he
was put in a railway truck and directed to the Zoological Gardens.  His
keeper, a marine artilleryman, went with him in the truck.  Elephants
have a habit of rolling on their feet and squirming their vast bulk.
When the marine was trying to pass the elephant, the great beast
unconsciously pinned his keeper against the side of the truck, and
against a projecting bolt, which broke the man's rib, forcing it into
his heart.  He was taken out dead.




{111}

CHAPTER XIII

FLAG-LIEUTENANT AT PLYMOUTH

In 1871, I was appointed flag-lieutenant to Admiral (afterwards Admiral
of the Fleet) the Hon. Sir Henry Keppel, commander-in-chief at
Plymouth.  His flag was flown in the _Royal Adelaide_.  Sir Harry, as
already recorded, had been commander-in-chief upon the China station
when the Duke of Edinburgh visited Japan, and had accompanied his Royal
Highness upon his visit to the Mikado.  It was at Plymouth that I first
had the honour of serving under Sir Harry Keppel: a splendid seaman, a
most distinguished officer, a fine sportsman, one of the best and
kindest of men.

Admiral the Hon. Victor Montagu, who served as a midshipman under Sir
Harry, relates in his _Reminiscences_ some interesting actions of his
old captain, which I may be permitted to quote.  Commodore Keppel
distinguished himself by his personal gallantry and skilful leadership
in the battle of Fatshan Creek, 1st June, 1857; of which a full account
is given in Laird Clowes' _The Royal Navy_; and Admiral Montagu records
his own recollections of the affair:

"During the many years in which I knew him I never once Sir Harry lose
his temper, except when the Chinese war-junks beat us back on the first
attack we had made on them....  John Chinaman, seeing us retire, took
the hint, and began making off himself, which so infuriated Harry
Keppel that he jumped up on our paddle-box, shook his fist at the
war-junks, some 500 or 600 yards away, and shouted out: 'You d----d
rascals!  I'll pay you out for this!  Man the boats, boys--man the
boats at once!  The beggars are {112} trying to escape!'  I never saw
such a rush.  At no regatta could men have rowed faster."

Commodore Keppel commissioned the _Raleigh_ frigate, 50 guns, for the
China station.  Admiral Montagu states that she was "the last
man-of-war that ever sailed out of Portsmouth Harbour."  Keppel would
have none of your steam-tugs.  "We ran out with a fair wind with
studding-sails set on both sides."  Alas! the _Raleigh_ never came back
any more.  On 14th April, 1857, she struck a sunken rock in the China
Seas, near Macao.  Keppel's indomitable conduct turned a disaster into
an achievement.

"Shortly afterwards," writes Admiral Montagu, who was a midshipman on
board at the time, "we descried a French squadron lying at anchor in
Macao Roads, with an admiral's flag flying, and, though we were firing
minute guns of distress as the water gained on our pumps, Keppel,
nothing daunted, called out: 'Up with the French flag.  Give him his
salute.  Sinking or not, let the Frenchmen hear us.'"

A French frigate coming to the assistance of the _Raleigh_, her captain
asked permission "to go below to see how high the water had risen in
the ship.  'Oh,' said Keppel, 'don't go below; look down the hatchway.'
'Ah! mon Dieu!' exclaimed the captain." ...

Keppel kept the pumps going, crowded sail on the ship, and finally
beached her off Macao, just in time.  He landed the ship's company, but
himself stayed aboard the vessel, sleeping on the bridge.  The stores
and guns were saved.  Keppel was deeply distressed at the loss of his
fine ship, "which," he wrote, "brings my career as a captain to an
end."  Fortunately he was mistaken.  In after years, when I told him
that the Admiralty were about to build a second _Raleigh_, Keppel
replied, "Very glad to hear it, my dear boy.  I had the honour of
losing the first one."

Admiral Montagu records that Keppel, while in command of the _Raleigh_,
challenged an American clipper ship to race from Penang to Singapore.
"We were constantly going at a speed of thirteen knots, during heavy
squalls, close-hauled, {113} and trailing the muzzles of our main-deck
guns through the water on the lee side, and I sometimes used to turn
into my hammock in abject terror, fearing that at any moment we might
capsize."

Sir Harry Keppel was famous throughout the Service when I was appointed
his flag-lieutenant.  One of my first recollections of that office
concerned an old-fashioned "Eighteen-hundred-and-war-time," peppery,
strict-service captain, who, having just come home from the West Coast
of Africa, asked to see the commander-in-chief.  It happened that Sir
Harry and myself were on the point of going out hunting when the old
captain called, and the admiral was attired in hunting kit.

"Tell him I'll see him to-morrow," said Sir Harry.

But that wouldn't do at all, nor would any other excuse serve.

"I insist on seeing the admiral," said the captain.  "I have just come
home and it is my duty to see him at once."

"Bring him in, then," said Sir Harry impatiently, "Now, sir," said he,
"my flag-lieutenant informed you that I was engaged.  Why couldn't you
see the secretary?"

"The secretary, sir?  The secretary!" says the old captain wrathfully
staring at Sir Harry's informal attire.  "Indeed I am told, sir, that
the secretary _is_ the Commander-in-chief here.  That's what they say,
sir--that's what they say!"

"Do they?" returned Sir Harry placidly.  "And a d----d good
commander-in-chief too!" says he.

When, in later years, I became commander-in-chief, I made it a rule
that all admirals and captains should have direct access to myself, no
matter how trifling the occasion.

In those days, there was a turnpike-gate outside the town.  I was
driving a brother officer home late one night, after dining at a house
some distance away and when we came to the toll-gate, the keeper was in
bed, and all my knocking and shouting failed to wake him up.  So I
{114} proceeded to heave a large stone through his window.  That
fetched him; and down he came, grumbling and swearing.  I thrust a
sovereign--the only coin I had--into his hand to pay for his broken
window and the toll.  It was bad tactics, for he promptly retreated
into his house (with my sovereign) leaving us still on the wrong side
of the gate.  There was nothing for it but to break the rest of his
windows, but still he wouldn't come out.  Evidently a surly fellow,
unfit to take charge of turnpike gates, an office demanding tact and
courtesy; and we thought it well to remove his temptation.  So my
companion and I wrenched the gate from its hinges and lashed it to the
cart, vertically, so that it projected over our heads like a kind of
ornamental roof, its weight nearly lifting the mare between the shafts
off her legs and making her kick like blazes.  Then we drove into
Plymouth, gate and all.  The gate was reduced to firewood before
sunrise.  Next day, the town was placarded with vain offers of reward
for information concerning "some evil-disposed person or persons
unknown who," etc.

At that time, I used to ride steeple-chases whenever I had an
opportunity, and kept myself in regular training by hard exercise; a
habit which on one occasion involved the commander-in-chief in an
alarming rumour.  It arose from the trifling circumstance that I had
borrowed his overcoat.  The Fleet was at Holyhead, to celebrate the
opening of the new breakwater by the Prince of Wales; I was just going
for a training run up and down that breakwater, when, finding I had no
coat, I took Sir Harry Keppel's uniform overcoat.  I took it, without
thinking, merely because I wanted it.  The next thing that happened was
that the signalmen in the Fleet reported that the Admiral must have
gone mad on the breakwater, seeing that he was racing up and down it
clad in a shooting-cap, grey trousers, muffler and uniform overcoat.
As my face was almost hidden by cap and muffler, the signalmen were
deceived by the gold lace, took me for the admiral, and thought that
poor Sir Harry was smitten with insanity.

[Illustration: THE AUTHOR AS LIEUTENANT]

{115}

We used to hunt a good deal with the Dartmoor hounds; and upon a day
when there was no run, and everyone was bored, one of the ladies
present begged me to provide some kind of sport, kindly suggesting that
I should personate the fox, a part I declined.

"You _must_ do something to amuse us," she said.

"Very well, I will," said I.

Among the officers there were an elderly admiral and an elderly
general, and I pointed them out to the lady.

"I will get up a race between the two of them," said I.

She bet me I would not, and I took it.  I began with the soldier.

Ambling alongside the general, I asked him casually if he had ridden
much in his life.

"Of course I have," says he irritably.  "What do you mean, sir?"

"Nothing at all," says I.  "I thought I would ask.  The admiral----"

"What about the admiral?" cries the general, staring suspiciously at
the distant and unconscious officer.

"He was saying he didn't think you knew very much about a horse."

The general lost his temper.  He swore.  He said he would show the
admiral what he knew about a horse.

"You can easily prove it," said I; and before he understood what was
happening, he had agreed to ride a race.  Then I went over to the
admiral.

"Do you know what the general says?  He says you look like a monkey on
a horse," said I; and it was the admiral's turn to swear.

"D----d impertinence!" says he.  "I'll race him, and beat him any day
in the week."  And he continued to use forcible language.

"You can do that," I said, for the admiral was riding one of my best
horses.

"If you really want a race, I'll arrange the whole thing," said I.  And
I brought the two wrathful old gentlemen {116} together, rode with them
to the starting-point, gave the word, and off they went as hard as they
could pelt.  I followed, cheering them on.  The general began to draw
ahead, when his horse baulked at a soft place.  The admiral's horse did
the same, throwing his rider upon his neck.

"Get back into the saddle and he'll go through," I shouted, for I knew
the horse.  The admiral hove himself into his seat, and won the race.
He wouldn't have won, if his adversary hadn't baulked.

The members of the Board of Admiralty came down to Plymouth to witness
the autumn military manoeuvres.  I offered to drive them all in my
coach; and they were settled in their places--Mr. Goschen the First
Lord, Admiral Sir Alexander Milne, the Earl of Camperdown and Mr.
Shaw-Lefevre--when out of the house came Rear-Admiral Beauchamp Seymour.

"Get down!" he shouted.  "Gentlemen, you must get down."

They asked him why.

"You don't know that boy," said Seymour.  "He's not safe.  He'll upset
you on purpose, just to say he's upset the whole Board of Admiralty!"

And he actually ordered my guests off my coach, so that they had to go
in barouches.

Sir Harry Keppel often came sailing with me in my little yacht.  We
were out together, when I said to him,

"I cannot weather that ironclad, sir."

"Then run into her, my dear boy," said Keppel placidly.

"All right, sir--obey orders."

I held on, and we cleared the jib-boom of the ironclad by an inch.

Sir Harry had an old friend of his to stay with him, Captain Clifton, a
most remarkable and interesting man.  In the old days, the passage for
the opium trade existing between China and India was taken only once a
year--the opium ships running up to China with one monsoon and down to
India with the other.  Clifton went to the Government {117} of India
and undertook, if the Government would permit him to build vessels to
his own design, to build clippers to thrash up against the monsoon as
well as run before it, and so double the income accruing from the opium
trade.  The Government consenting, Clifton designed the _Blue Jacket_
and the _Red Jacket_ and vessels of that class, which were the famous
opium clippers of the "roaring forties" and fifties.

The Indian Government gave Captain Clifton a lakh of rupees.  On his
way home, Clifton, touching at what is now the city of Melbourne in
Australia, but which was then a small assemblage of wooden shanties,
noticed the possibilities of the magnificent harbour.  He told me that
he could have bought the whole site of Melbourne for a lakh; but on
consideration, he decided against the project.

One of my great friends, Sir Allan Young, a brilliant seaman of the old
school, commanded, at the age of twenty-four, one of Clifton's opium
clippers.

Upon the occasion of the Prince of Wales's opening the new breakwater
at Holyhead, in 1873, his Royal Highness was entertained together with
a large party at a country house in the neighbourhood.  The Prince
called to me, and said:

"This is very slow.  You really must do something to enliven the
proceedings."

"Well, sir," said I, "I will run a hundred yards race with Lord ----.
As he is Irish, he is sure to take me up if I challenge him."

Sure enough, Lord ---- accepted the challenge, but on conditions.
These were: that I should race in full uniform, excepting my sword,
while himself should "take his wardrobe from off himself."  Lord ----
then proceeded to divest himself there and then of his Patrick ribbon,
coat, waistcoat, and boots, which he confided to the care of the wife
of a certain distinguished Liberal statesman.  He dropped his Patrick
ribbon into her lap, saying:

"Madam, will ye have a care now of me Jewel, for glory {118} be to God
there's no saying what twist this mad one might give me!"

Entirely at ease, with the seat of his breeches patched with stuff of
another colour from the rest, and his toes sticking from his stockings,
he was wholly unperturbed by the laughter of the assemblage.

Although attired in cocked hat, frock coat, and epaulettes, I had the
speed of him, and waited on him.  Then the devil entered into me; and
when Lord ---- drew abreast of a big plant of pampas grass, I cannoned
into him, pitching him head first into the grass, not, of course,
intending to harm him.  But to my consternation and sorrow, Lord ----'s
leg was broken below the knee.  I put the poor lord into his coach--he
had a coach and four-in-hand--and drove him back to his hotel.  That
excellent and magnanimous sportsman was perfectly unconcerned.

"You hit me a bad skelp, and I am destroyed," said he.  "Never mind,
they all laughed, anny way."

It was about this period of my life, when, returning from a ball in
London in the early morning, I came upon a person selling whelks.  He
invited me to sup--or breakfast--upon a plate of these delicacies.

"How much do you charge for a plateful?"

"Threepence," said he.

"I'll give you sixpence for every plateful you eat yourself."

"Done," said he.

He finished two platefuls, and had begun a third, when he was overtaken
by rebellion from within, swiftly followed by catastrophe.

"That's not fair," I said.  "You can't count those two platefuls."

"O my Gawd," he said.  "'Ave I got to begin again?"

To this time, too, belong my memories of a certain famous naval
captain, who was extraordinarily particular both as to his own dress
and the wearing of proper uniform by others.  His regard for
appearances, however, {119} did not prevent his diving overboard in
full and immaculate uniform, including white gloves, to save a seaman.
Exceedingly precise in his speech, he owned the singular trait of
becoming deprived of utterance when he was angry; and few things made
him more angry than faulty attire in the Service.

He was driving with me in a cab towards Plymouth, when we met an old
warrant officer, who was wearing a purple woollen waistcoat and green
gloves.  My friend, stopping the cab so suddenly that the horse
slithered along on its haunches, leaped from the vehicle.  The old
warrant officer, his attention arrested, had halted and turned round.
My friend went up to him.  Then I perceived that he was stricken
speechless with wrath; for, continuing to swallow nothing, as his habit
was in these crises of emotion, he tapped the warrant officer's
waistcoat and gloves.  Glaring at him and still silently swallowing, he
turned about and got into the cab.  The old warrant officer stood
staring with dropped jaw, like a man petrified.

It was my friend who, being asked at a court-martial what he would have
done in certain difficult circumstances, replied deliberately:

"If I was where I was not I might have done something I did not do."

In after years, when he was commander-in-chief at the Nore, he was
walking along the road to Sheerness, dressed in plain clothes, when a
bluejacket, who was slightly intoxicated, lurched against him.

"Man, man," said my friend, with his picked elocution, "do you know
what you are doing?  Man, you are colliding with the
commander-in-chief."

"Ho," returned the seaman, totally unimpressed.  "Har you, indeed?
Then all I've got to say, is to say you've got a ruddy good billet--an'
wha's more, you take care you don't lose it by getting drunk."

Despite of my diversions, I did a good deal of hard work.  As
flag-lieutenant I was in charge of the signalling, a {120} science
which, as it was understood in those days, I mastered completely.

My first independent command was the _Goshawk_ gunboat, to which I was
appointed as lieutenant-commander for the manoeuvres and for review in
1873, while I was still flag-lieutenant to Sir Harry Keppel.  I had a
narrow escape from disaster at the very beginning.  Fortunately I
noticed that the navigator was going the wrong side of the buoy off
Drake's Island, and I was just in time to point out his mistake.  I
remember my feeling of horror at the prospect of running on a rock in
Plymouth Sound in my first command.

The first thing I did in the _Goshawk_ was to get from the flagship a
big working party of a hundred men to work at holystoning our decks
until they were as clean as a hound's tooth.  From that day onwards I
set myself steadily against bright-work and spit-and-polish.  My
objection to bright-work is that you have first to dirty it with brick
and oil in order to clean it afterwards.  There are certain things in a
ship which must be kept bright, and these I would burnish; but
everything that could be painted I would paint, and then scrub the
paint with soap and water.  I remember the shock it was to the
commander when I told him to cover the brass rails with canvas and
paint it.  Under the spit-and-polish system no doubt the men take a
pride in keeping the ship bright, but such a process involves perpetual
extra bother and worry and black-list, which are quite unnecessary.
Cleaning bright-work makes the men's hands filthy at divisions; and
after ten minutes of bad weather, the copper turns blue and the brass
green, and the whole of the work must be done over again.

At one time the bright-work system was carried to absurd extremes.  I
have known a ship actually to have a bright cable.  I have known
another ship with bright hammock hooks.  The hatchways of some vessels
were polished and decorated with inlay and all kinds of ocean ornament
until the ship looked like a lady's boudoir or a transatlantic liner.
{121} The custom came in as the old sailing ships gave place to steam
ships, when the time hitherto devoted to making a vessel all a-taunto,
ropes taut, sail furling and mending and so forth, was given instead to
polishing, burnishing and making bright-work shine, until the present
system of gunnery and gymnastic training was introduced.  Captains and
officers used to spend on their ships large sums out of their private
income, which very often they could ill afford.  "Promotion by paint"
was not unknown.  A ship ought to be scrupulously clean, but she should
have paint wherever possible, and soap and water should replace
spit-and-polish.




{122}

CHAPTER XIV

POLITICAL EVENTS OF 1873-80 AND POSTSCRIPT

NOTE

The following brief summary of political and international affairs is
introduced for convenience of reference.  It may be skipped by the
reader, should he disdain politics.

The Government of Mr. Gladstone, returned to power in 1868, began to
disintegrate in 1873.  The proximate cause was the Irish University
Education Bill, announced in the Speech from the Throne at the opening
of the session on 6th February, 1873.  Irish affairs have always been
the curse of the Liberal Party.  But a popular Government would have
survived even the Irish University Education Bill, which, designed to
please all parties, failed of course to please any.  The truth is that,
as people soon or late weary of all administrations, so they turned
from the Liberal Government.  Mr. Disraeli summarised the history of
the Government in a piece of invective which has become classic: "You
have had four years of it.  You have despoiled churches.  You have
threatened every corporation and every endowment in the country.  You
have examined into everybody's affairs.  You have criticised every
profession and vexed every trade.  No one is certain of his property,
and no one knows what duties he may have to perform to-morrow.  I
believe that the people of this country have had enough of the policy
of confiscation."

{123}

The Government were beaten on the Irish University Education Bill; Mr.
Gladstone resigned; but Mr. Disraeli declined to take office.  Mr.
Gladstone was therefore compelled to carry on the Government.  Early in
1874 he suddenly appealed to the electorate; which, however, chose to
give his opponents a majority.  Mr. Gladstone resigned, or partly
resigned, his leadership, and plunged into the esoteric joys of a
controversy dealing with the doctrine of Papal infallibility.  It would
seem that a great ecclesiastic was sacrificed, when the young Gladstone
chose to give to politics talents which would have won him the
Archbishopric of Canterbury.

In Mr. Disraeli's Cabinet Lord Cairns was Lord Chancellor; Lord Derby,
Foreign Secretary; Lord Salisbury, Secretary of State for India; Lord
Carnarvon, Colonial Secretary; Mr. Cross, Home Secretary; Mr. Gathorne
Hardy, Secretary of State for War; Mr. Ward Hunt, First Lord of the
Admiralty; Sir Stafford Northcote, Chancellor of the Exchequer.  The
Duke of Richmond, as Lord President of the Council, led the
Conservative party in the House of Lords.  The Liberal leader, walking
in the Gladstonian shadow, was Lord Hartington.

In 1874 the Bill for the Regulation of Public Worship was passed.  In
the following year Mr. Plimsoll, by the exercise of that dogged
determination and gallant defiance of Parliamentary conventions, by
means of which Parliament can sometimes be goaded into acts of justice,
forced the Government to pass the Merchant Shipping Bill.  Mr. Cross,
the Home Secretary, introduced the useful Artisans' Dwellings Bill,
which was passed.  Upon 25th November, 1875, the Government, at the
suggestion of Mr. Frederic Greenwood, purchased from the Khedive of
Egypt, 176,000 Suez Canal shares for the sum of £4,000,000.

In the same year, the Prince of Wales, afterwards King Edward VII, went
to India, whither he was accompanied by Commander Lord Charles
Beresford, M.P., as A.D.C.  (Lord Charles was promoted to the rank of
commander on 2nd {124} November, 1875.)  The Prince received a telegram
informing him of the purchase of the Suez Canal shares when his ship
was passing through the Canal on the way to India.  Lord Lytton was
appointed Viceroy of India.  In 1876 it was announced that the Queen
was to assume the additional title of "Empress of India."

In July, 1875, there was trouble in the Near East, which, nearly two
years later, in April, 1877, resulted in the declaration by Russia of
war against Turkey.  The Mediterranean Fleet was ordered to pass the
Dardanelles.  In March, 1878, Lord Derby resigned, and Lord Salisbury
succeeded him at the Foreign Office.  Mr. Gathorne Hardy went to the
India Office, Colonel Stanley to the War Office, and Mr. James Lowther
became Chief Secretary for Ireland.  Sir Michael Hicks-Beach had
already succeeded Lord Carnarvon at the Colonial Office.

In the Parliament of 1875-80, young Mr. Parnell began his career.
Indomitable, subtle, cold and inscrutable, he speedily became a power.
A Protestant in faith, he had his foot on the necks of the Irish Roman
Catholic Nationalist members; half an Englishman by birth, he was an
implacable enemy of England.  Utilising the tactics of obstruction, he
succeeded in bringing discredit upon a Government which was powerless
to control him and his led captains.  He forced the Government to pass
a Bill for University Education in Ireland; and as the measure was no
better, if no worse, than the Gladstonian scheme which had been
rejected, so the result upon the Conservative administration was
equally injurious.

Mr. Gladstone emerged from his studies in Papal infallibility to
denounce Bulgarian atrocities and the like.  But the country declined
to become excited on the subject.  In the meantime the Russian army was
approaching Constantinople.  The British Government took public
measures of military and naval precaution clearly implying that Russia
would not be permitted to occupy Constantinople.  Prince Bismarck
thereupon intervened, and invited the nations concerned to discuss
matters at Berlin.  Lord Beaconsfield (he {125} had received his
peerage in 1876) and Prince Bismarck were the two most powerful men in
Europe.  Beaconsfield chose himself to represent Great Britain at the
Congress, which opened at Berlin on 13th June, 1878.  Lord Beaconsfield
returned in triumph, bearing with him "Peace with Honour."

The advance of Russian influence in Afghanistan induced the British
Government, in 1878, to dispatch an expedition to Cabul, which was
occupied by British troops, and from which the Amir, Shere Ali, fled.
Followed, the signature of the treaty of Gandamak by Yakoob Khan, son
and successor of Shere Ali; the treacherous murder of Sir Louis
Cavagnan, British Envoy, and the greater number of his staff; and the
recapture of Cabul by British troops.  The true history of the whole
affair, much distorted at the time (and since) by political malice, is
lucidly set forth in Lord Roberts's _Forty-one Years in India_, by the
great soldier who took so distinguished a part in it.

Another frontier war broke out in 1879.  In South Africa, Sir
Theophilus Shepstone had annexed the Transvaal; Sir Bartle Frere, Lord
High Commissioner, announcing to the Zulu king Cetewayo, that Cetewayo
was entitled to a strip of territory claimed both by Cetewayo and the
Transvaal Republic, ordered him to disband his army.  The advance of
British troops was checked by their total defeat by the Zulus on 22nd
January, 1879, at Isandhlwana.  Lord Chelmsford the commander-in-chief,
prosecuted the campaign, defeated Cetewayo and took him prisoner.
During the war the young Prince Louis Napoleon, son of the Empress
Eugenie, lost his life.

In the meantime, the trade of the country had been profoundly
depressed, with the natural result that there was much discontent.  On
24th March, 1880, Parliament was dissolved; and the Liberal party were
returned with a majority of some hundred and twenty.  The Queen sent
for Lord Hartington; sent for Lord Granville; and finally, for Mr.
Gladstone.

{126}

The Russo-Turkish war of 1877 had brought Russia into opposition to
Austria-Hungary, thus destroying the alliance of the three Emperors;
and although Bismarck made peace between the two Powers at the Congress
of Berlin, Russia became estranged from Germany.  In order to restore
her security, Germany concluded an alliance with Austria-Hungary and
shortly afterwards with Italy, which had quarrelled with France
concerning her occupation of Tunis.  Thus was formed the Triple
Alliance.  Its counterpoise was the drawing together of France and
Russia, in view of whose possibilities Prince Bismarck in 1887
increased the German Army.  In 1900 Germany passed the Navy Law, which
ordained that the German Fleet should be so strong that any attack upon
it would be dangerous to the attacking party.

Nothing but the strength of the British Fleet, which had been largely
increased by the action of Lord Charles Beresford in 1888, and again by
the naval programme of 1893, and whose organisation had been brought to
a high state of efficiency by Admiral Sir Frederick Richards
(afterwards admiral of the Fleet), prevented the outbreak of war
between England and France at the time of the Fashoda incident in 1897.

The affair caused both nations to reconsider the situation; with the
result that they settled all outstanding difficulties; and the Triple
Entente of Great Britain, France and Russia balanced the Triple
Alliance.  Germany, in 1912, added some 70,000 men to her army, while
Austria and Italy increased their fleets.  By the time the Allied
nations of the Near East had declared war upon the Turkish Empire, in
1912, Russia had recovered from the disastrous results of her war with
Japan, so that the Triple Entente once more balanced the Triple
Alliance.  But the war in the Near East, with the heavy losses it
inflicted upon Turkey, had opened anew the whole Eastern question.  The
settlement concluded {127} at the Berlin Conference thirty-four years
previously was abolished in a moment.

It has been thought worth while to trace the main developments of
European politics from 1873 to the present time; as it happened to Lord
Charles Beresford to be a member of that Parliament which saw the
triumph of the Beaconsfield policy in foreign affairs, and to be a
member of subsequent Parliaments confronted with the emergence of new
and sinister international conditions.




{128}

CHAPTER XV

AN IRISH ELECTION AND IRISH POLITICS

The political situation in Ireland at the time when I entered politics
was characteristically exemplified in the Kerry election of 1872, in
which I took part.  It was fought entirely on the Home Rule issue,
which had been revived by Isaac Butt when, in 1870, he formed his Home
Government Association.

In the Kerry election of 1872, the Roman Catholic hierarchy was opposed
to Home Rule.  The anti-Home Rule candidate, Mr. Deas, was a Roman
Catholic, a local landlord and extremely popular.  His opponent, Mr.
Blennerhasset, was a Protestant and a stranger to the locality.  But
because he was a Home Ruler, he was elected in spite of the priests and
of the personal claims of Mr. Deas, winning by 839 votes.  I may add
that he won in spite also of my exertions, which were considerable.  I
started at two o'clock in the morning with Mr. Harry Herbert of
Muckross, and led a band of 350 tenants to the poll.  (The Ballot Act
was not passed until 18th July of the same year, 1872.)

Having polled the tenants, I was strolling in the street, when I was
stopped by one of my grand fellow-countrymen, a huge man of about six
feet five.

"Are ye for Home Rule?" says he.

"To hell with your Home Rule!" said I.  Whereupon he hit me on the
point of the nose, knocking me over backwards, and effectually
silencing my arguments for the space of an hour and a half.

{129}

The nature of the problem of the land in Ireland may be exemplified
from my own experience as a landlord.  I came into my property in 1866,
and when I returned from the sea two years later, being in need of
money, I wrote to my agent, telling him that I intended to inspect the
estate.  He replied asking me to come as soon as I could, and adding
that I should be able to raise the rents all round.  I told him to do
nothing until my arrival.  When I went over, I drove to one of my farms
upon which it was proposed to raise the rent.  The farm was about 48
acres in extent, situated in the middle of a bog.  Here I was
entertained by one of the finest old Irishmen I have ever seen, and his
three sons.  Said I to him:

"I want to talk to you about the rent.  I hear that you are paying me
only 2s. 6d. an acre, whereas I can get 18s. an acre in the market."

I shall never forget how the poor old man's face fell as he said:

"For the love of God, do not turn me out, Lord Charles, I will give you
12s. an acre sooner than you should turn me out."

And then he told me that he had occupied the farm during 48 years; and
in that time he and his sons had raised the original value to 18s. an
acre.  Of course I told him to stay where he was at the old rent.  But
by the law of the land I could have turned him out and put in a new
tenant who would have paid me 18s. an acre, the increased value being
solely due to the exertions of the old man and his sons.  Had I been an
absentee landlord, it would have been an ordinary matter of business to
have instructed my agent to turn the man out and to raise the rent; and
that very course was taken in thousands of cases.  There was no
compensation for tenants' improvements before 1870; and a farmer who
did his best for the land, and to whose exertions alone increased value
was due, must pay the increased rent or go.

The monstrous land system in Ireland naturally caused {130} the tenants
to feel distrust and enmity towards the landlords; for, although not
many landlords abused their powers, the knowledge that they _could_
abuse them was alone sufficient to create suspicion and hostility.
Again, the great companies which bought land on speculation, exacted
rents at the outside market value.  A company cannot be expected to
make allowances.  Nor did the companies know the tenants or care for
them.  But under the Irish custom they were the tenants who had
themselves by their improvements raised the value of the land.

In fairness to the landlords, it should be understood that the tenants
objected to the improvement of property by the landlord.  "If you, the
landlord," the tenant argued, "improve the land, you will be raising
the rent on me.  I would rather make my own improvements."

The terms of tenure in Ireland were quite different from the terms of
tenancy in England, except in the north of Ireland, where was the
custom of tenant-right.  In the south and west, the majority of tenants
had a yearly tenancy, and were liable to six months' notice, known as
"the hanging gale."  When a landlord desired to get rid of a tenant, he
"called in the hanging gale."  And a tenant habitually owed six months'
rent.

I stood for Waterford at the request of my brother Lord Waterford.
That I was elected was due to his great personal popularity as a
landlord and as a sportsman and also to the powerful influence of a
certain prominent supporter of Home Rule, which he exercised on my
behalf because, although I was opposed to Home Rule, I supported
denominational education.  I believed then, as I believe now, that a
man's religion is his own affair, and whatever it may be, it should be
respected by those who own another form of faith.  I have always held
(in a word) that the particular form of a man's religion is necessarily
due to his early education and surroundings.

[Illustration: THE AUTHOR. ÆT. 27]

But when in the House of Commons I publicly declared that conviction, I
received about four hundred letters of a {131} most violent character,
most of which were written by clergymen of my own persuasion.  I have
never asked a man for his vote in my life.  When I stood for
Marylebone, in 1885, there was a controversy concerning the Sunday
opening of museums and picture galleries.  I was in favour of opening
them, upon the ground that people who were hard at work all the week
might have opportunities for recreation, which I would have extended
beyond museums and galleries.  But I was waited upon by a solemn
deputation of clerical gentlemen of various denominations, who desired
to make their support of me conditional upon my acceptance of their
views.

"Gentlemen," I said, "has it ever occurred to you that I have never
asked you for your vote?  Let me tell you that if you disapprove of my
opinions, your only honest course is to vote for my opponent."

They were so astonished that they withdrew in shocked silence.

When I was in Parliament, Isaac Butt, who was failing in his endeavour
to promote an agitation, begun in 1870, in favour of Home Government,
or Home Rule, did his best to persuade me to join the Irish party, and
to obtain for it Lord Waterford's influence, because, he said, Lord
Waterford was so universally popular and so just.  Although I was
unable to join the Irish party, I was much impressed with Butt's
arguments in so far as the land question was concerned; and I discussed
the whole matter with Lord Waterford.  I suggested to him that he
should form a league of landlords pledged not to rack-rent their
tenants; pointing out that if the Irish landlords failed to take the
initiative in reform, it was certain that the people would eventually
prevail against them, and that the reforms which would be enforced by
law would bear hardly upon the good landlords.

Lord Waterford sympathised with my view of the matter; but after long
consideration he came to the conclusion that the course I proposed
might do more harm than {132} good.  The question was inextricably
complicated by the fact that many of the landlords who had raised their
rents, had been compelled to raise them by force of circumstances; as,
for instance, when they had been obliged to pay very high charges upon
succeeding to their estates.  In his position, Lord Waterford shrank
from associating himself with a scheme which must inflict hardship upon
landlords poorer than himself.  Events took their course, with the
result I had foreseen.  My proposal was inspired by that sympathy with
the demands of the Irish people, and that recognition of their justice,
which had been accorded by both great political parties in turn, and
which ultimately found expression in the Wyndham Land Purchase Act.

Not long ago I asked one of my tenants, who had bought his holding
under the Wyndham Act, and who was a strong Home Ruler:

"Now you own the farm, are you still for Home Rule?"

"Faith, Lord Char-less," said he, "now I have the land behind me, shure
if it was a choice I could be given between Home Rule and a bullock,
I'd take the bullock."

In recording the beginning of my Parliamentary career, I may say at
once that I have always disliked politics, as such.  I entered
Parliament with the desire to promote the interests of the Service; and
in so far as I have been successful, I have not regretted the
sacrifices involved.

But in 1874 my approval of denominational education--in other words, my
support of the right of every parent to have his child educated in his
own religion--outweighed my opposition to Home Rule.  One of my
principal supporters, himself a Home Ruler, suggested as an ingenious
compromise that I should so print my election address that the words
Home Rule should appear large and prominent, and the qualification "an
inquiry into," very small: a proposal I declined.

My opponents were Mr. J. Esmonde and Mr. Longbottom, who was celebrated
for his achievements in finance.  He stood for Home Rule.  Concerning
Mr. Longbottom, a {133} certain parish priest, who was also a Home
Ruler, addressed his congregation one Sunday morning as follows:--

"Now, boys," says he, "a few words about th' Election that's pending.
First of all, if ye have a vote ye'd give ut to a genuine Home Ruler,
if ye had one standing.  Ye have not.  Secondly, ye'd give it to a good
Conservative, if ye had one standing.  Well, ye have one in Lord
Char-less Beresford, the gr-reat say-captain.  And thirdly, ye'd vote
for the Divil, but ye'd never vote for a Whig.  But as for this Mr.
Long-what's-'is-name, I wudn't be dhirtying me mouth by mentioning the
latter end of him."

One of my opponent's supporters retorted by urging the boys to "Kape
th' bloody Beresford out, for the Beresfords were never known to shmile
except when they saw their victims writhin' on th' gibbet": an amiable
reference to John Beresford, First Commissioner of Revenue at the
period of the passing of the Act of Union, and _de facto_ ruler of
Ireland.

Other incidents of that cheery time occur to my recollection.  There
was the farmer who, ploughing his field, cried to me as I rode by,
"Hurroo for Lord Char-less."

I went up to him and asked him whether he really meant anything, and if
so, what.

"Will you _do_ anything?" said I.

Said he, "Lord Char-less, if 'tis votes you want me to collect, begob
I'll quit th' plough an' travel for a fortnight."

There was the car-boys' race I arranged on Waterford quay.  Ten of them
started, and I won, because I had taken the precaution to stuff some
hay under the pad, which I lit with a match.  The horse was stimulated
but quite uninjured.

Then there was the affair of the bill-poster.  I had been driving round
the country all day in a side-car, seeing the boys, and late at night
we stopped at a small inn.  I was standing in the doorway smoking a
pipe, and feeling cold and rather jaded, when I noticed a bill-poster
hard at {134} work, pasting placards upon the wall of an adjacent
building.  I could see that they were the green placards of my
opponent, my own colours being blue and white.

I strolled across, and sure enough, there was my bill-poster sticking
up "Vote for Longbottom, the Friend of the People."

"And what are ye doing, my fine peacock?" said I.

"Sure I'm posting the bills of Misther Longbottom, the Friend of the
People," said he.

"'Tis a grand occupation," said I.  "Vote for Longbottom, the Friend of
the People, and to hell with Lord Char-less," said I.

"To hell with Lord Char-less," says he.

"Come," says I, "let me show ye the way to paste bills, ye omadhaun."

"And what do ye know about pasting bills?"

"Haven't I been a billposter all me life, then?" says I.  "Here, let me
get at it, and I'll shew ye the right way to paste the bills of
Longbottom, the Friend of the People."

He handed me his long hairy brush, and a pailful of a horrible stinking
compound, and I pasted up a bill the way I was born to it.

"Sure," says he, "ye can paste bills with anny man that God ever put
two legs under.  'Tis clear ye're a grand bill-poster," says he.

"Didn't I tell ye?" says I.

And with that I caught him a lick with the full brush across the face,
so that the hairs flicked all round his head, and with a loud cry he
turned and fled away.  Armed with the pail and the brush, away I
started after him, but my foot caught in the lap of the long coat I had
on, and down I came, and knocked my nose on the ground, so that it bled
all over me, and I had to go back to the inn.  I took the rest of the
placards, and the pail and the brush, and drove home, arriving very
late.  My brother Bill was in bed and sound asleep.  Without waking
him, I pasted the whole of his room with bills, "Vote for Longbottom,
{135} the Friend of the People."  I pasted them on the walls, and on
the door, and on his bed, and on his towels, and on his trousers, and
on the floor.  Then I went to bed.

In the morning he awakened me, wearing a pale and solemn countenance.

"Charlie," said he, "there's some bold men among the enemy."

"What do you mean?" said I.

"They are great boys," says he.  "Why, one of them got into my room
last night."

"Impossible," said I.

"Come and see," said he.  "When I woke this morning I thought I had
gone mad."

Upon the eve of the election, a man whom I knew to be a Fenian, came up
to me and said, "I shall vote for ye, Lord Char-less.  I don't agree
with your politics, but I shall vote for ye."

"And why would you?" I said.  "You that's a Fenian, you should be
voting for Mr. Longbottom, the Friend of the People, like an honest
man."

"Not at all," says he.  "When ye go to the market to buy a horse, or a
cow, or a pig, what is it ye look for in 'um?  Blood," says he.  "An'
it's the same in an iliction.  Ye are well-bred, annyway," says he,
"but as for this Mr. Longwhat's-'is-name, he's cross-bred."

When I was holding a meeting, one of the audience kept interrupting me;
so I invited him to come up on the platform and have it out.

"Now what is it, ye old blackguard," I said.  "Speak out."

"Lord Char-less," says he, "ye're no man."

"We'll see about that," says I.  "Why do you say so?"

"Lord Char-less," he said solemnly, "I remimber the time one of your
family stood for th' county of Waterford, I was up to the knees in
blood and whisky for a month, and at this iliction, begob, devil a drop
of eyther have I seen."

The old man referred to the election of 1826, in which {136} Lord
George Beresford was beaten by Lord Stewart de Decies, an event which
was partially instrumental in bringing about the emancipation of the
Roman Catholics in 1829.

I have always preferred a hostile political meeting to a peaceable
assembly; nor have I ever failed to hold a hostile audience except upon
one occasion, during the York election.  I had sent a speaker to occupy
the attention of an audience, largely composed of my own countrymen,
till I came, and by the time I arrived he had succeeded in irritating
them beyond the power of pacification.

But one can hardly save oneself from one's friends.  During the
Waterford election I came one evening to Youghal and went to the hotel.
I was peacefully smoking outside the inn, when a party of the boys came
along, hooting me, and presently they began to throw stones.  When I
advanced upon them they ran away and were lost in the darkness.  As I
turned to go back to the hotel, a large missile caught me behind the
ear, knocking me over.

Next morning I related the incident to one of my most enthusiastic
supporters in the place.

"'Tis a disgrace," said I, "throwing stones in the dark.  And as for
that boy who made a good shot, if I could get hold of him I would
scatter his features."

"Ye would not," said he.

"And why wouldn't I?" said I.

"Because," says he, "it was myself that threw that brick.  An' didn't I
get ye grand!" says he.  "But ye're not hurted.  Sure ye're not hurted,
or I wudn't have told ye annything about it."

It wasn't disloyalty on his part.  It was simply that he couldn't
resist what he considered a joke.

The result of the polling was: Beresford, 1767; Esmonde, 1390;
Longbottom, 446.

A salient characteristic of the Irish race is that they will not endure
condescension towards them.  They admire resolution and determination,
and will submit to the sternest discipline if it is enforced upon them
by a man who understands {137} them and whom they respect.  Conversely,
they will yield nothing to weakness, and will return any assumption of
superiority with hatred and contempt.  Hence it is that the English
have so often failed in their dealings with the Irish.  In spite of the
violence the Irish often exhibit in politics, their pride of race and
pride in one another remain their notable characteristics.

I recently overheard a remark which illustrates the Irish master
sentiment.  During the debates upon the Home Rule Bill which took place
in the House of Commons in 1912, one of his Majesty's Ministers, having
made a long and an eloquent speech in support of that measure,
punctuated by enthusiastic cheers by the Nationalist members, had it
knocked to smithereens by Sir Edward Carson.  Afterwards, I heard one
Nationalist member say to another, "Wasn't that grand, now, to see the
Irishman knocking spots out of the Saxon!"  Yet it was the Saxon who
was fighting for the Nationalist cause, which the Irishman, Sir Edward
Carson, was strenuously opposing.




{138}

CHAPTER XVI

MEMBER FOR WATERFORD, AND COMMANDER, ROYAL NAVY

I shall never forget my first impressions, when, in 1874, I entered
Parliament.  There was a discussion upon a matter of Local Government.
I listened to the speeches made on both sides of the House, each
speaker taking a different point of view, and I became more and more
doubtful concerning the solution of the problem in hand.  At last a
Radical member, whose name I forget, drew all the yarns into one rope,
making what appeared to me to be a clear, concise and reasonable
proposal.

Sitting among my friends, several of whom had been at school with me, I
said:

"That is the only man who has solved the difficulty, and if he divides
I shall vote with him."

My innocent remark was received with a volley of expostulations.  I was
told that I had only just joined political life, and that I did not
understand it; that the Radical speaker's plan was excellent, but that
the other side could not be allowed to take the credit of producing a
good scheme, because it would do our side harm in the country; that the
scheme would be thrown out for the time, in order that our side might
be able later on to bring in the same scheme and reap the credit of it,
and so forth.

"Well," I said, "if this kind of tactics is required in politics, it is
no place for me.  I had better go back to sea."

Whereupon I was told that I should shake down to political methods when
I had been a year or two in the {139} House.  But I have spent years in
politics and I have never shaken down to political methods.  A thing is
either right or wrong.  I have never scrupled to vote against my own
party when I thought they were in the wrong.

Upon one occasion, someone told Disraeli that I was intending to vote
against the party.  He put his arm on my shoulder, and said in his
orotund, deliberate enunciation:

"My boy, don't you know that it's your first duty to vote with your
party?  If everyone voted according to his convictions, there would be
no party system.  And without a party system the Government could not
be carried on, as you will discover in time."

I have also discovered that when politicians think only of issues as
affecting themselves and not as affecting the State, party politics
fall to a very low level, and those who believe in great national and
Imperial ideas are regarded as freaks and faddists.

Disraeli was very friendly both to my brother Waterford and myself.
Upon the first occasion of a division in which I took part, he walked
through the lobby with his arm on my shoulder, rather to the surprise
of the old members.

"Who the devil is that young man to whom Dizzy is talking?" I heard
them murmur.

I sat immediately behind Disraeli; and one night, Lord Barrington, a
great friend of his, hurried into the House, and squeezing himself in
between me and the next man, leaned over and said to Disraeli in a
whisper:

"Poor Whyte-Melville has been killed!"

Disraeli turned slowly round, fitting his glass into his eye.

"Dear, dear," said he deliberately; "and pray, how did _that_ happen?"

"Killed in the hunting-field!"

"How very dramatic!" said Disraeli solemnly.

We stayed at Sandringham, and went for long walks together, during
which Disraeli talked and laughed with the greatest enjoyment.  But I
remember how, in the pauses of {140} the conversation, he would stand
still, and, glass in eye, dreamily surveying the landscape, would make
some such observation as "The air is balmy ... and serene!" or "The
foliage is stunted ... but productive!" with the most weighty and
measured emphasis, as though these were prophetic utterances.  I was
quite bewildered; for I did not then know whether he were serious, or
were indulging a recondite wit.  He was a visionary, dwelling much in a
world of his own; and I know now that he was perfectly natural and
serious on these occasions.

He and his wife were devotedly attached to each other.  Having taken
Lady Beaconsfield in to dinner one evening, I noticed some red marks
upon her arm and her napkin.  She was wearing red roses, and at first I
thought some petals had fallen from them.  Then I saw that she was
wearing a bandage on her arm, and that blood was oozing from under it.
I told her that her arm was bleeding.

"Please don't say a word, Lord Charles," she said hastily, "it would
distress Dizzy so much."  And she furtively twisted her napkin about
her arm.  Lord Beaconsfield, who was sitting opposite to us, stuck his
glass in his eye and stared across the table--I was afraid for a moment
that he had overheard what his wife had said.  Poor lady, she died
shortly afterwards.

When I entered Parliament in 1874 it was still the day of the great
orators: of Disraeli, Gladstone, Bright, David Plunkett, O'Connor
Power; whose like, perhaps, we shall not see again.  There was a
tradition of eloquence in the House of Commons of that time; members
declined to listen to a bore; and debate was conducted almost entirely
by the two Front Benches.  It was in my first Parliament that Disraeli
touched the zenith of his extraordinary and splendid career; during
which he formulated the principles of a national policy, a part of
which himself carried into execution, but whose complete fulfilment
remains to be achieved.  Disraeli established a tradition; and like all
those who have a great ideal--whether right or wrong is {141} not here
the question--he still lives in the minds of men, and his name still
carries inspiration.  His great rival, who wore him down at last,
bequeathed no such national inheritance.

It was in this my first Parliament that Mr. Parnell emerged as the
leader of the Irish party.  He was a cold, unapproachable person; he
kept his party under the most rigid control, with a tight hold upon the
purse.  He had great ability.  I have often seen him stalk into the
House in the middle of a debate, receive a sheaf of notes from his
secretary, Mr. O'Brien, with whom he would hold a whispered
consultation, then rise and deliver a masterly speech.  He sat with me
on the committee of the Army Discipline Bill; speaking seldom, but
always to the point.

Lord Randolph Churchill entered Parliament at the same time as myself;
and he was always a great personal friend of mine.

Although we were opposed in politics, the other four Waterford members
were on excellent terms with the only anti-Home Ruler in the five.
There were Dick Power, F. H. O'Donnell, J. Delahunty, and Purcell
O'Gorman, who weighed twenty-eight stone or so; and they all came to my
wedding.  Another Waterford man was Mr. Sexton.  As a boy, he
manifested so brilliant a talent for oratory, that he was sent into
Parliament, where, as everyone knows, he speedily made his mark.  I
remember, too, The O'Gorman Mahon, who, if I am not mistaken, fought
the last formal duel in this country.

When I entered Parliament the automobile torpedo was a comparatively
recent invention.  Mr Whitehead had begun his experiments in 1864;
after four years' work and at the cost of £40,000, he produced the
formidable engine of war known as the Whitehead torpedo, the type from
which all subsequent improvements have been evolved.  I have heard it
stated that the British Government could have bought the invention
right out for £60,000.  Whitehead invented the device of using
hydrostatic pressure to regulate the depth of the immersion of the
torpedo, and employed compressed air {142} as its motive power.  The
new weapon was adopted by the British Navy and by other naval powers.
In the year 1876 the type in use was the 14-in., length 14 ft. 6 in.,
weight 525 lbs.

In my view, the capabilities of the new weapon had not been fully
appreciated; that opinion may or may not have been justified; but I
considered it to be my duty publicly to insist upon the importance of
the torpedo in naval warfare.  I spoke on the subject both inside the
House of Commons and on the platform, and was so fortunate as to win
the approval of _The Times_.

The Admiralty, however, were deeply affronted.  The First Lord, Mr.
George Ward Hunt, informed me that the Board took great exception to my
speaking in the House upon naval subjects, and desired me to understand
that I must choose between the career of a sailor and that of a
politician.  My reply was that I considered the request to be a breach
of privilege.  Mr. Ward Hunt admitted the point; but argued that the
employment in the House of Commons of my knowledge of the Service was
prejudicial to discipline.  He was of course right in so far as the
conditions did undoubtedly afford opportunities for prejudicing
discipline; but as there was no regulation forbidding a naval officer
to sit in Parliament, a dual position which had been frequently held by
members of the Board of Admiralty, the responsibility rested upon the
individual.

However, it was not a case for argument; and I appealed directly to Mr.
Disraeli, telling him that I regarded the request of the Admiralty as a
breach of privilege; that I had no intention of relinquishing my naval
career; and that I had entered Parliament solely in the interests of
the Service.  Disraeli listened with his customary sardonic gravity.

"What," he asked, "do you intend to do?"

I said that if the matter were pressed to a conclusion, I should resign
my seat, in which event Waterford would very probably be captured by a
hot Home Ruler.

"My dear boy," said Disraeli, in his deliberate way, "I {143} am quite
sure that you will do nothing heroic.  I," he added,--"I will see the
Secretariat."

And that was the last I heard of the affair.

Among other Service matters in which I did what I could in the House of
Commons to obtain reforms, were the training of the personnel, the more
rapid promotion of officers, promotion from the lower deck to officers'
rank, and the necessity for building fast cruisers to protect the trade
routes.  I advocated more time being spent by the men upon gunnery
training, and less upon polishing bright-work; and brought forward a
motion to stop the men of the Fleet "doing 'orses" (as they called
hauling carts laden with stores about the dockyard), instead of being
trained in their proper work.  These subjects no longer possess any
interest save in so far as the circumstances resemble those of the
present day.  But I find recurring to-day many of the difficulties of
thirty or forty years ago.

At that time the Admiralty had abolished the short service system under
which highly efficient seamen were recruited direct from the mercantile
marine, and the Board had become responsible for the whole supply and
training of men for the Fleet.  But the Admiralty had neglected to
constitute an efficient system of training.  A very large proportion of
men were employed at sea upon duties which precluded them from
receiving war training of any kind; another large contingent was kept
idle in hulks and receiving ships while waiting to be drafted into
sea-going vessels.  The suggestion was that barracks should be erected
for their accommodation and provided with attached vessels; and that a
complete system of training should be organised; so that every man upon
going to sea in a ship of war should be acquainted with his duties.
Commander Noel (now Admiral of the Fleet Sir Gerard H. U. Noel, K.C.B.,
K.C.M.G.) kindly sent to me a most valuable memorandum upon the
subject, in which he presented an admirable scheme of organisation, the
principles of which were afterwards carried into execution.  Of late
years those principles have been {144} infringed; but the exigencies of
the Service will compel the authorities to return to the essential
conditions laid down by Sir Gerard Noel, whose authority is entitled to
the greatest respect.  I also received a sagacious letter on the same
subject from Commodore John Wilson, under whom I afterwards served as
commander in the _Thunderer_, indicating the necessity of framing a
scheme of organisation to come into force as soon as the barracks were
completed.

With regard to the promotion of officers and men, the state of things
nearly forty years ago finds a parallel to-day.  Then, as now, a very
large proportion of officers, from the rank of commander downwards,
cannot hope to be promoted.  It was then suggested that the retiring
allowance should be increased.  It is true that in 1873 Mr. Goschen, by
granting an increased retiring allowance for a limited period, had done
his best to effect a temporary relief.  But the permanent reform, which
is more necessary now than ever before, still awaits achievement.  In
the meantime the discontent to which I drew attention in 1875, is by no
means less detrimental than it was.  The whole difficulty, as usual, is
financial.  Government after Government, of what political complexion
soever, refuse to pay the Services properly.  The condition of affairs
is a national disgrace.

At that time, too, the Fleet was highly deficient in cruisers; and, in
consequence, the sea-borne trade of the country was exposed to great
danger in the event of war, as I explained to the House of Commons.  In
later years the requisite ships were provided; only, in a moment of
retrograde impulse, to be abolished.  After a period of insecurity and
uneasiness, the cruiser force is once more being slowly increased.

In later years my political opponents found great solace at elections
in saying that I had objected to the abolition of flogging in the Navy.
The question arose in my first Parliament.  What I actually did--as a
reference to Hansard will confirm--was to point out that in many cases
they were the best men, the men who had the pluck to get {145} into a
row.  High-tempered, full of exuberance, they were flogged for offences
against discipline, and whereas a flogging was soon over and done with,
the alternative proposed would break a man's heart in prison and
deprive the Navy of valuable services.  Which, then, was the more
humane course?  To-day, the circumstances and conditions have changed.
Discipline is better, and flogging, thank goodness, is abolished.

But when the matter was under discussion, a certain ex-naval officer
assembled a public meeting, at which he attacked me with great
vehemence and impassioned eloquence.  He was interrupted by an old
fellow at the back of the hall, who, refusing to be silenced, was asked
to speak from the platform.  He did.  He gave the meeting a dose of
lower-deck phraseology, hot and strong; and told the audience they were
not to believe a word they had heard concerning myself; that he had
been shipmates both with the speaker of the evening and with myself.
He devoted some complimentary remarks to me, "but," says he, "as for
the other, he flogged every man in the ship three or four times."
Whereupon the audience rose in its wrath and drove my opponent from the
platform.

Mr. Disraeli asked me to survey the three battleships building for
Turkey and the one battleship building for Chile, and to give him my
opinion as to whether or not they were worth buying.  Disraeli said he
preferred to ask me rather than the Admiralty, as I could, if
necessary, speak on the matter in Parliament.  "And," said Disraeli, in
his pontifical way, "I like young brains."  I advised the purchase of
the ships; and purchased they were, being added to the British Navy
under the names of _Superb_, _Belleisle_, _Orion_ and _Neptune_.

In those days I owned a bull-dog of marked personality.  He never
fought unless he were attacked; but his favourite recreation was to
rush at full speed, head down, at every dog bigger than himself.  The
instant he caught sight of a big dog, he shot away like a projectile
discharged from a gun; nothing stopped or turned him; and the
unsuspecting object {146} of the manifestation would go down like a
ninepin.  Then, unless he were detained by reprisals, Butcher would
return to his master with the air of a dog who knew his duty and who
had done it.  At that time the streets of London were haunted by
Italian image-venders, who carried the Twelve Apostles and other sacred
statuettes neatly arranged upon a board, which the merchant balanced on
his head.  One of those pious venders was walking directly in the
headlong path of Butcher, who flashed between his legs.  Down came the
Apostles, who were dashed to fragments, for which I had to pay about
£12 to the pedlar of saints.

When my dog thought I wanted a hansom, he used to scramble into it,
jump upon the seat, and sit there panting with his tongue hanging out.
He performed this feat one day when an old gentleman, without noticing
him, had hailed a hansom.  The old gentleman, climbing slowly into the
cab, suddenly saw the dog on the seat, and was so startled that he
tumbled backwards and knocked his head on the pavement.

In 1876, having passed in torpedo work in the _Vernon_, I applied for
the appointment of second in command in a big snip, holding then, as I
hold now, that every officer who hopes to obtain flag rank should gain
experience in detailed routine work and in handling and organising men,
which can only be acquired as first lieutenant or commander.  The
second in command of a man-of-war gains invaluable experience.  He must
always look ahead in order to _prevent_ things occurring which would
cause confusion or discomfort.  He has literally not one minute to
himself in the day; thinking ahead, waylaying the wishes of his
captain, and providing not only for what _will_ occur but for what
_may_ occur, and being ready to encounter the constant unforeseen
emergencies inseparable from life at sea in a man-of-war.

I was accordingly appointed to the _Thunderer_ as commander.  Her
captain was John Crawford Wilson (afterwards Rear-Admiral).  The Navy
lost one of the best officers that ever sailed the seas when he died in
1885.  He {147} was mentioned in the Admiral's dispatch for gallant
conduct in the affair of the Peiho Forts in 1859, served on the Pacific
Station, and was commodore of the Australian station.  He was commander
of the _Bombay_ screw wooden first-rate, when she was burned off
Montevideo on the 14th December, 1864, and when 97 officers and men
perished.  Many of those who were lost had climbed out on the bowsprit,
and when they were forced overboard by the heat, the melting lead of
the gammoning (the lead covering to the chain gammoning securing the
bowsprit) dropped on them and killed them.  It was largely due to the
splendid discipline maintained by Wilson that the loss was not far
greater.  The men held their posts although the flames were licking up
through the skids, so that the falls of the last boat, lowered from the
yard-arm, were actually burned through.  It should be added that in
this disaster the Royal Marines enhanced their unrivalled reputation,
34 out of 97 lost belonging to the corps, the sentries dying at their
posts.

The _Thunderer_ was of 9190 (4407) tons, 6270 (800) h.p., and belonged
to the Channel Squadron.  She was an improved central battery
twin-screw ironclad, designed, with the vessels of a similar type,
_Devastation_ and _Dreadnought_, by Mr. E. T. Reed, C.B.  In these
ships there was no propulsion by mast and sail power.  They also
embodied the idea of limiting the armament to heavy guns, the secondary
armament of lighter guns being omitted.  This arrangement, after having
been wisely abandoned for many years, was repeated in the _Dreadnought_
of the year 1906, only to be once more recognised as a mistake.  One of
many reasons why a secondary armament was essential, particularly with
muzzle-loading guns, was that, lacking it, the men might have been
exposed to the enemy's fire for some time before they could reply, a
most demoralising position.  These considerations were constantly
represented by Captain Wilson to the Admiralty.  While the science of
gunnery progressed, the element of time has remained a {148} factor in
the problem, though under different circumstances.  The _Thunderer_
carried two pairs of muzzle-loading guns in two turrets; the foremost
pair being 38-ton guns, hydraulic loading, the after pair 35-ton guns,
hand-loading.  She was belted with 14-inch armour along the water line;
and the armour projecting squarely from the hull, its edge struck the
water so hard when the ship rolled, that she was shaken throughout her
structure.  To remedy this defect, wedge-shaped pieces were fitted
along the lower edge of the armour.  Before I joined the ship she had
burst a boiler, the escaping steam causing great loss of life.  Captain
Wilson, who was in the engine-room at the time, was saved by his
stature; although he was scalded, his face was above the level of the
steam, being between the deck-beams where there was an air cushion.

That the boiler exploded was due to the remarkable coincidence of two
factors.  The box safety-valve jammed, owing to the two different
metals of which it was constructed expanding in different degrees.  And
the pressure-gauge tell-tale, which was fitted in a cogged circle, had
the needle forced right round the circle twice or more, so that it
showed a normal pressure.  The actual pressure must have been terrific.

And after I left the ship one of her guns burst.  This accident
contributed another instance in favour of breech-loading as opposed to
muzzle-loading guns.

The accident occurred during practice at quarters in the Gulf of Ismid,
on 2nd January, 1879, in the fore-turret.  Captain Alfred John
Chatfield had succeeded Captain Wilson in command.  Two officers and
nine men were killed, and thirty-five persons injured.  The muzzle was
blown off from about two feet in front of the trunnions.  There was
much discussion then and subsequently concerning the cause of the
accident.  The probability is that the bursting of the gun was due to
its having been double-loaded, after a previous miss-fire, which, in
the simultaneous discharge of the rest of the guns, had not been
noticed.  The committee {149} which reported on the matter on 1st
March, 1879, adopted this hypothesis, in preference to the theory that
there had been a flaw in the material.

Captain Edward Seymour (afterwards Admiral of the Fleet the Right Hon.
Sir E. H. Seymour), who was then in command of the troopship _Orontes_,
in his book, _My Naval Career and Travels_, thus refers to the
incident:--

"From Malta I brought home the main part of the ship's company of
H.M.S. _Thunderer_, on board which ship the terrible explosion of the
38-ton muzzle-loading gun had lately occurred in her foremost turret.
Both turret guns were being fired simultaneously, but evidently one did
not go off.  It may seem hard to believe such a thing could happen and
not be noticed, but from my own experience I understand it.  The men in
the turret often stopped their ears, and perhaps shut their eyes, at
the moment of firing, and then instantly worked the run-in levers, and
did not notice how much the guns had recoiled.  This no doubt occurred.
Both guns were then at once reloaded, and the rammer's indicator,
working by machinery, set fast and failed to show how far home the new
charge had gone.  This, too, may seem unlikely, but no doubt it
happened; and the gun on being then fired burst, killing two officers
and several men, and wrecking the turret.  Experiments made with a
similar gun double-loaded, burst it in exactly the same way."

I agree.  I have frequently been in the turret during practice, and I
have myself fired several rounds and I can testify that the concussion
was so tremendous that it was impossible to hear whether one gun was
fired or both guns were fired.  Without insisting upon details, it was
also the fact that the men in the turret could not tell by the position
of the hydraulic rammer whether or not the gun had already been
charged, as the rammer was three-jointed and telescopic: the indicator
which was designed to show the position of the rammer was totally
unreliable; while the actual loading of the gun was done upon the
battery deck below the turret.  {150} Hence the loading crew must also
have been unaware that there had been a misfire.  The system in use in
the _Thunderer_ was experimental, and after the accident its defects
were remedied.  I then wrote to _The Times_ explaining what the system
had been and how it had been improved, in order both to remove any
misapprehension there might have been with regard to the efficiency of
the officers and men who perished in the disaster, and with regard to
the future safety of guns' crews.  I was reprimanded by the Admiralty
for having published the letter while on full pay in the command of the
_Osborne_; but the reprimand was (like the Bishop's apron) a mere form,
for I also received a private letter of thanks.

After the bursting of the boiler, but before the gun accident, the
Prince of Wales at my suggestion very kindly came on board, in order
that the men's belief that the _Thunderer_ was an unlucky ship should
be removed.  The Prince fired the fore turret guns at a target from the
captain of the guns' firing position, and made a rattling good shot.

The _Thunderer_ was employed in experimental work, such as measuring
her turning-circle (the diameter of which is the smallest distance the
ship can set between the point at which she begins to describe a
semi-circle and the point at which she ends it), and noting her
behaviour under various circumstances and stresses of weather.  I
gained much valuable experience in her, and I shall always remember
Captain Wilson as one of those officers from whose skill and experience
I learned the most.

While I was in the _Thunderer_ (1876-7) I made one of the first working
models of the telephone used in this country, and had the honour of
presenting it to H.R.H. the Princess of Wales.  The invention was first
exhibited before the British Association by Mr. W. H. Preece on 23rd
August, 1877; and it was shown to Queen Victoria at Osborne on 15th
January, 1878.  The Telephone Company was established during the same
year.

[Illustration: LADY CHARLES BERESFORD]

The _Thunderer_ was sent to blow up a vessel which had {151} capsized
and which was floating in the Channel, a danger to mariners.
Explosives attached to her side tore pieces out of her, but the wreck
continued to float.  In these cases it is necessary to disintegrate the
vessel, whether sunk or floating, into fragments.  I suggested that the
hull should be girdled with an iron hoop to which explosives were
attached at intervals, and the device was successful.  The explosion
cut her into holes like the perforations of a sheet of postage stamps
and she broke up.

The _Thunderer_ was lying off Queenstown, and I was watching a cutter
which was running out of the harbour.  On the deck was a group of Irish
farmers.  The cutter suddenly gybed, the boom knocking down the
farmers.  Getting up, they instantly fell upon one another with sticks;
and they were hard at it when over came the boom again, and again
felled them all to the deck.  It could be they had had a drop of liquor
taken, which confused their intellects.

In the year 1878 I married Miss Jeromina Gardner, daughter of the late
Richard Gardner, M.P. for Leicester, and of Lucy Countess Mandelsloh,
whose father, Count Mandelsloh, was for some years Minister in London,
representing Würtemberg.

Shortly afterwards I was appointed to command the royal yacht
_Osborne_.  The _Osborne_ was used by the Prince of Wales (afterwards
King Edward VII).  In those days she was not kept in commission for
more than a few months in each year.

Several cruises were made to Denmark, and there were many shooting
expeditions.  On one such occasion I was the only person present who
was not either a king actual or a king prospective.  There were the
King of Denmark, the King of Norway and Sweden, and the King of Greece,
the Prince of Wales, the Cesarewitch, the Crown Princes of Denmark, of
Norway and Sweden, and of Greece.  We shot foxes, hares, deer, and
anything that came along; and I was laughed at when my instincts
forbade me to shoot a fox.

{152}

Upon a return voyage, when all the Royal children were on board, a gale
sprang up just off the Skaw.  The starboard paddle-wheel was smashed
upon some wreckage; and the next thing I saw was a small craft being
driven on a lee shore.  The _Osborne_ dropped anchor, in order both
that the paddle-wheel should be repaired and that the crew of the
driving vessel might be assisted.  The only way to rescue them was to
veer a boat astern with a hawser.  Just as the arrangement was ready,
to my delight I perceived the crew--there were four--embarking in their
own boats.  They reached the shore in safety, but their ship was
wrecked.

It was then the system in the royal yachts to retain the officers in
her for long periods.  One officer had been in the _Osborne_ for
fourteen years.  I ventured to suggest to the Prince of Wales that
under these conditions his acquaintance with the officers of the Fleet
was necessarily limited, and that by means of restricting the time of
service in the _Osborne_ to two years, he might become acquainted with
a succession of officers.  With his habitual courtesy and address, the
Prince adopted the suggestion.

Queen Victoria was, however, a little perturbed by the change.  Her
Majesty said to me that she hoped I should not endeavour to change the
officers in the royal yacht.

"No, ma'am," I replied.  "I have no such power.  I only made a
suggestion to the Prince."

"You may be right," said the Queen, "but I am an old woman now, and I
like to see faces I know about me, and not have to begin again with new
faces."

We had some excellent boat-racing in the _Osborne_.  One famous race
was rowed at Cowes between the officers of the royal yachts _Victoria
and Albert_ and _Osborne_, in six-oared galleys.  Her Majesty Queen
Victoria came down to the jetty to witness the contest.  The stroke of
the _Victoria and Albert_ was my old comrade in the _Marlborough_ and
_Bellerophon_, Swinton Holland.  I was stroke of the _Osborne's_ crew.
At first the _Osborne_ drew ahead--rather, I think, to {153} the
Queen's dismay--but eventually the _Victoria and Albert_ won the race,
to the delight of Her Majesty.

Another great race was rowed between the _Osborne_ six-oared galley and
the Dockyard boat.  It took place off Southsea, the whole of the
foreshore being lined with people.  The _Osborne_ won.  Her boat was
manned by Irish bluejackets whom I had trained myself.

While I was commanding the _Osborne_ one of the crew met with a
singular accident.  We were shooting the seine off Calshot, and, as it
fouled, I sent a man down to clear it.  When he came up, he said that
he had been stabbed through the hand "by some beast."  I examined the
wound and found that his hand had been pierced right through, and I
thought that he must have come upon a nail or a splinter in a piece of
wreckage.  But when we hauled up the seine, there was a huge sting-ray.
I cut out the sting and gave it to the Princess.  There is no doubt
that the fish had transfixed the man's hand.  The sailor is still
alive, and is well known in Portsmouth for his political enthusiasms.
It was in the same haul that we caught a red mullet weighing about six
pounds, the biggest I have ever seen.

I ought here to record the very great interest taken by the Royal
Family in all matters connected with the Navy.  While I was in command
of the _Osborne_, the Prince of Wales graciously consented to attend
one of the gatherings of members of Parliament who came at my
invitation to see something of the Navy.  On this occasion they visited
Portsmouth Dockyard, where they were shown everything of interest.

One of the experiments performed for the entertainment and the
instruction of the party was firing at a floating cask with bombs
thrown by hand, a method of warfare since discontinued owing to the
danger it involves to the person bombarding.  When the cask exploded, a
stave flew between the Prince and the general commanding at Portsmouth,
Sir Hastings Doyle.  Had it struck either of them he must have been
killed.

{154}

The general's brother, Percy Doyle, a dear old gentleman well known in
society, had very bad sight.  I once saw him trying to eat a red mullet
done up in paper.  After a good deal of harpooning, he got it out, but
put the paper in his mouth.  We always told him he had swallowed the
births, deaths, and marriages column of _The Times_.

On Sunday the 24th of March, 1878 (the date of my engagement to Miss
Gardner), the _Eurydice_, training frigate, capsized off the Isle of
Wight in a sudden squall and sank.  The total loss of life was about
300, only two being saved.  She was on her way home from the West
Indies.  Coming under the Isle of Wight, she hauled her wind for
Spithead, thus closing the land, so that it was impossible for the
watch to see a squall coming up from windward.  The captain, the Hon.
Marcus A. S. Hare, was anxious to reach the harbour as soon as possible
in order to give the men Sunday leisure.  It was about four o'clock in
the afternoon when a sudden squall struck the ship, and she heeled
over; the lee main-deck ports being open, according to custom, she took
in a good deal of water, depressing her bows; so that instead of
capsizing, she simply sailed straight to the bottom, her fore-foot
being broken off with the force of the impact, and her topgallant masts
remaining above the surface.  There was no time to shorten sail.  When
she was raised it was found that only one rope, the mainroyal sheet,
had carried away.

Rear-Admiral Foley, admiral-superintendent of Portsmouth Dockyard,
kindly invited me to be his guest to take part in the salvage
operations arranged for the raising of the _Eurydice_.  That occasion
was, I think, the first upon which the newly invented wire hawsers were
actually tested in practical work.  When they were introduced it was
thought that they would not be flexible enough for their purpose.  They
were, however, used with great success in raising the _Eurydice_.  The
hawsers were passed under the hull of the sunken ship and secured to
lighters moored on either side of her.  As the tide went down, the
hawsers were hove taut, and water was {155} let into the lighters so
that they should be brought as low in the water as possible.  The water
was then pumped out of the lighters, thus putting the utmost strain
upon the hawsers.  Then, as the rising of the tide exerted a powerful
lift upon lighters and hawsers, the lighters were towed towards the
shore, in order to drag the wreck upon the beach.  As soon as she
grounded, the hawsers were fleeted and the whole process gone through
again until at low tide she was nearly high and dry.

My old ship, the _Thunderer_, which took a hawser to her after capstan
to tow the _Eurydice_, had the solid iron spindle of the capstan pulled
right out of her, as a long nail is bent and dragged out of a piece of
timber.  I well remember the intense excitement when the wreck first
shifted from her bed.  Eventually we hauled her up the beach.  I was
just then taking a bearing for Admiral Foley, and could not have given
a better holloa if I had viewed a fox.

Before the water was pumped out of her, and as she lay on her side on
the beach, I climbed in at a porthole, and sat there waiting till I
could enter.  As the water fell, I saw emerge the sentry's clock on the
main-deck.  The hands had stopped at 4.5.  The bodies lay in heaps,
tangled amid ropes; some had lost a head and some a limb.  Black mud
had filtered in everywhere, even (as Sir Edward Seymour remarks) into
the closed drawers of the chests in the cabins.

When, as a cadet, I was learning to heave the lead from the chains of
the _Eurydice_, which, as I have already related, was then moored off
Haslar Creek in Portsmouth Harbour, I little thought I should one day
help to raise her from the bottom of the sea.

Dr. Boyd Carpenter (late Bishop of Ripon), in his charming volume of
recollections, _Some Pages of my Life_, narrates a remarkable story
concerning the _Eurydice_, as it was told to him.  Sir John MacNeill
was the Bishop's cousin and, like other members of his family, had the
gift of second sight.

{156}

"Sir John MacNeill," writes the Bishop, "was looking out of the window
in Sir John Cowell's room at Windsor, when suddenly he exclaimed: 'Good
Heavens!  Why don't they close the portholes and reef the topsails!'
Sir John Cowell looked up and asked him what he meant.  He said, in
reply, that he hardly knew; but that he had seen a ship coming up
Channel in full sail, with open portholes, while a heavy squall was
descending upon her.  At the very time this conversation was taking
place the fatal storm fell upon the _Eurydice_, and she foundered as
she was coming in sight of home."

In 1880, while I was still in command of the _Osborne_, I lost my seat
at Waterford.  In the following year, desiring to hold another
independent command before my promotion to captain, I applied to go to
sea again, and was appointed to command H.M.S. _Condor_.




{157}

CHAPTER XVII

WITH THE PRINCE IN INDIA

In September, 1875, I was appointed A.D.C. to the Prince of Wales (our
late King) to accompany his Royal Highness upon his visit to India.
The complete list of the suite was as follows: The Duke of Sutherland,
K.G.; Sir Bartle Frere; Lord Suffield, Head of the Prince's Household;
Major-General Lord Alfred Paget, Clerk-Marshal to H.M. the Queen; Lord
Aylesford; Major-General Probyn, V.C., Equerry to the Prince, in charge
of the transport and sporting arrangements; Colonel Arthur Ellis,
Grenadier Guards, Equerry to the Prince; Mr. Francis Knollys
(afterwards Lord Knollys), the Prince's private secretary;
Surgeon-General Fayrer, Physician to the Prince; Captain H. Carr Glyn,
Royal Navy, A.D.C. to H.M. the Queen commanding H.M.S. _Serapis_;
Colonel Owen Williams; Lieutenant Lord Charles Beresford, Royal Navy,
A.D.C. to the Prince; Lord Carington, A.D.C. to the Prince; the Rev.
Canon Duckworth, Chaplain; Lieutenant (afterwards Colonel) Augustus
FitzGeorge, Rifle Brigade extra A.D.C. to the Prince; Commander
Durrant, Royal Navy, commanding royal yacht _Osborne_; Dr. W. H.
Russell, hon. private secretary to the Prince, chronicler of the
voyage; Mr. Albert Grey (afterwards Lord Grey), private secretary to
Sir Bartle Frere; Mr. Sydney Hall, artist.

The Indian officers, who joined the suite at Bombay, and whose energy
and ability were beyond all praise, were Major-General Sam Browne,
V.C., in charge of transport; Major Williams, in charge of horses and
grooms; Major {158} Bradford, head of the police and responsible for
the safety of the person of the Prince; Major Sartorius, V.C., in
charge of tents and servants; and Major Henderson, linguist.

The first announcement of the intention of the Prince to visit the
Indian Empire was made by Lord Salisbury to the Council of India on
16th March, 1875.  The matter was subsequently discussed at length both
in Parliament and in the Press.  The condition of affairs in India,
where the mass of the ruling princes and chieftains had still to
realise that the rule of the Honourable East India Company had given
place to a greater governance, rendered the visit of the future
Sovereign of paramount importance; and the Prince's sagacity was seldom
more admirably exemplified than in his determination to visit India as
the Heir-Apparent of the Crown.  That the scheme was entirely and
supremely successful in achieving the object for which it was designed,
was due to the Prince's zeal, ability, tact and indomitable vigour.  He
gave his whole mind to the enterprise; thought of everything in
advance; and set aside his personal comfort and convenience from first
to last.  Only one regret was present in the minds of all: the regret
for the unavoidable absence of the Princess.

The whole history of the episode has been so excellently well told by
the late Dr. William Howard Russell, the famous war correspondent, who
was a member of the suite, in his _The Prince of Wales's Tour_ (London,
1877; Sampson Low) that any detailed account of it on my part would be
superfluous.

The Prince left England on 11th October, 1875, and embarked in H.M.S.
_Serapis_ at Brindisi on the 16th.  In the Suez Canal we heard of the
purchase of Suez Canal shares by the British Government.  The _Serapis_
arrived at Bombay on 8th November.

Thenceforward the Prince's tour was an unresting progress of Durbars,
receptions, dinners, visits, processions, ceremonies, speeches,
addresses, fireworks, entertainments, investitures, reviews, varied
only by intervals of sport.  From Bombay, {159} the Prince went to Goa,
and thence to Ceylon, visiting Colombo, Kandy, where he viewed the
sacred tooth of Gotama Buddha, and Ruanwalla, where there was an
elephant hunt.  Then he went to Tuticorin, Madura, Trichinopoly,
Madras, Calcutta, Bankipoor, Benares, Lucknow, Cawnpore, Delhi, Lahore,
Cashmir, Umritsar, Agra, Gwalior, and Jeypoor.  From Jeypoor he went
into camp in the Terai and enjoyed excellent sport.  Then, in Nepal,
under the auspices of Sir Jung Bahadur, there was the great elephant
hunt.  From Nepal the Prince went to Allahabad, then to Bombay, whence
he sailed on 11th March, 1876, having been in India seventeen weeks
exactly.  "The Prince," wrote Dr. Russell on that date, "has travelled
nearly 7600 miles by land and 2300 by sea, knows more Chiefs than all
the Viceroys and Governors together, and seen more of the country in
the time than any other living man."

On the outward voyage his Royal Highness visited the King of Greece.
When the King and Queen were leaving the _Serapis_ after dining on
board, we showed them compliment and honour by setting them alight.
The blue lights burning at the main-yard being exactly above the boat
in which their Majesties were going ashore, dropped flakes of fire upon
them.  The Prince also visited the Khedive.  On the return voyage, the
Prince met at Suez Lord Lytton, who was on his way to India to succeed
Lord Northbrook as Viceroy; was again entertained by the Khedive;
visited Malta; called at Gibraltar; and visited the King of Spain and
the King of Portugal.  The _Serapis_ was accompanied by the royal yacht
_Osborne_, Commander Durrant, and H.M.S. _Raleigh_, Captain Tryon.  The
Prince landed in England on 11th May, 1876.

It is worth noting that Lord Lytton went out in the _Orontes_, one of
the Imperial Service troopships, as they were called.  The troopship
service was then at times conducted by the Royal Navy, a practice since
discontinued.  The _Orontes_ was commanded by Captain E. H. Seymour
(afterwards Admiral of the Fleet the Right Hon. Sir Edward {160}
Seymour, G.C.B., O.M., G.C.V.O., LL.D.)  In his very interesting book,
_My Naval Career and Travels_, Sir Edward Seymour writes: "At Suez, by
arrangement, we met H.R.H. the Prince of Wales (our late King) on his
way home in the _Serapis_.  At Aden Lord Lytton landed in state, it
being the first point reached of his new dominions."  The point
illustrates the working in detail of the great scheme of Imperial
organisation which was conceived by the master-mind of Disraeli, and
which he continued to carry into execution so long as he was in power.

Upon landing at Bombay, I rode up to Government House with my brother,
Lord William, precisely as I had ridden up with another brother, Lord
Marcus, exactly six years previously, on the same day of the year.
Lord William was then extra A.D.C. to the Viceroy, Lord Northbrook,
having been appointed to that post as a subaltern in the 9th Lancers.
He was subsequently appointed A.D.C. to Lord Lytton, in which capacity
he attended the Viceroy at the Durbar at which Queen Victoria was
proclaimed Empress of India.  He was afterwards military secretary to
three successive viceroys, Lords Ripon, Dufferin and Lansdowne;
altogether he served on the personal staff of five viceroys.  From 1877
to 1879, while nominally in attendance upon the Viceroy, Lord William
fought in the Jowaki expedition of 1877-78, the Afghan war, during
which he was present at the capture of Ali Musjid, and the Zulu war of
1879.  "In the latter," wrote a military correspondent of _The Times_
(31st December, 1900), "he served as a staff officer during the
reconnaissance across the White Umvolusi River and at the battle of
Ulundi.  It was in Zululand, in July, 1879, that Beresford won the V.C.
for halting, when closely pursued by the enemy, to take a wounded
non-commissioned officer on his horse.  When the soldier at first
declined to risk the officer's life by giving the latter's horse a
double burden, Beresford is understood to have hotly declared that
unless the man immediately got up on the saddle he would himself
dismount and 'punch his head.'"

{161}

For his services in the Burmese expedition of 1886, he received a
brevet-colonelcy; and in 1891 he was promoted full colonel; in 1894 he
received the K.C.S.I.; and thereafter remained on the active list of
the Army, but unemployed.  Of his exploits on the turf it is not here
the place to speak; but I may be pardoned if I have placed on record in
this place some account of Lord William's Indian service which extended
over nearly twenty years.  Few men have earned so universal an
affection as that which Lord William inspired, alike in European and
native.  His ability in matters of administration was remarkable, and
he acquired an extraordinary influence over the natives of India.  The
correspondent of _The Times_, already quoted, observes that Lord
William might have had a distinguished career in any profession; that
he might have been a great soldier, a great diplomat, a great political
officer, had not his passion for the turf diverted a part of his
energies.  It may be so; but perhaps one may be allowed to say that one
liked him for what he was and not for what he might have been; and also
that he did not do so badly.  The warmest affection existed between my
brother and myself; and his death, which occurred in 1900, was a great
grief to me.  But that was in the far future when I landed from the
_Serapis_ and we rode up to Government House together.

Of the other members of the Prince's suite I retain the most pleasant
recollections.  Among them I especially recall Major-General Probyn
(afterwards General the Right Hon. Sir Dighton Macnaghten Probyn, V.C.,
etc. etc.); Major-General Sam Browne, V.C. (afterwards General Sir
Samuel James Browne, V.C., K.C.S.I., etc.); Major Bradford (afterwards
Sir Edward Ridley Colborne Bradford, Bart., K.C.S.I., G.C.V.O.);
Surgeon-General Fayrer (afterwards Sir Joseph Fayrer, Bart.); and Dr.
Russell (afterwards Sir William Howard Russell, C.V.O., LL.D.).

Major-General Probyn, of magnificent presence, black-bearded,
hawk-eyed, a hero of the Mutiny, was universally respected and beloved
by the native population, over {162} whom he owned a great influence.
He was one of the finest soldiers and most delightful companions it has
been my fortune to know.  In 1876, he already had twenty-five years'
service, including the Trans-Indus frontier affair of 1852-57, the
Mutiny (in which his name was a terror), in China in 1860, in the
Umbeyla campaign of 1863.  He was Colonel of Probyn's Horse, 11th King
Edward's Own Lancers; afterwards Keeper of the Privy Purse, Comptroller
and Treasurer of the Household of the present King when he was Prince
of Wales; and since 1901, extra Equerry to the King.

Probyn and I assisted at a surgical operation.  A mahout had his hand
smashed; and we held him while the surgeon amputated his finger and
thumb.

Major-General Sam Browne, V.C., had served in the second Sikh war with
distinction, and during the Mutiny led the surprise attack upon the
rebels at Sirpura, at dawn upon 31st August, 1858.  Almost
single-handed, he charged the guns, receiving the wound resulting in
the loss of his arm.  For this service, he was awarded the V.C.  During
the Prince's tour he represented the Indian Army; nor could a finer or
more efficient representative have been selected.

Major Bradford had performed gallant and distinguished service in the
Mutiny.  He had lost an arm, under circumstances which may be worth
repetition.  Together with a brother officer, Captain Curtis, and a
trooper, Bradford was tiger-shooting.  Seated in a mechan
(tree-shelter), he wounded a tiger, breaking its back; his second
barrel missed fire; and Bradford fell from the mechan on the top of the
tiger, which seized him.  Bradford thrust his fist down the beast's
throat; and while Curtis was trying to get another shot, the tiger
mangled Bradford's arm up to the shoulder.  Curtis eventually killed
the animal.  The party had a long and painful distance to traverse
before they reached help.  Bradford's arm was amputated without
chloroform.  In 1890, Bradford was appointed commissioner of police in
the Metropolis, at a time when there was a good deal of {163}
discontent in the Force, and speedily proved the worth of his
unrivalled experience and ability.

Surgeon-General Fayrer, I remember, had a remarkable way with snakes.
He kept a selection of the most deadly reptiles in a wheelbarrow,
nestled in straw.  With his naked hands he would uncover them, and,
deftly catching them by the neck, force them to exhibit their fangs.

Someone composed a set of irreverent verses dedicated to the
surgeon-general:

    "Little Joe Fayrer
    Sent for his bearer
  And asked for his Christmas pie.
    e put in his thumb,
    And pulled out a plum,
  And found it a K.C.S.I."


Dr. W. H. Russell, the famous war correspondent, who in his letters to
_The Times_ during the Crimean war did so much good service, was a most
delightful companion.  He is remembered by all who knew him, both for
his talents and for his sympathetic and affectionate disposition and
his unfailing sense of humour.  He was one of my greatest friends.
During the voyage, he occupied the cabin next to mine.

The Prince having requested him to provide himself with a uniform, Dr.
Russell designed a kind of Ambassadorial dress of great splendour, with
so generous a gold stripe to his kersey breeches, that we told him he
had gold trousers with a white stripe inside.  These effulgent garments
unfortunately carried away when the doctor was climbing upon an
elephant, on his way to a Durbar.  I executed temporary repairs upon
his person with safety pins; and implored him not to stoop.  But when
it came to his turn to bow, bow he must; the jury rig parted, and a
festoon of white linen, of extraordinary length, waved behind him.
Fortunately, the assembled Indian Princes thought it was part of his
uniform.

At Mian Mir, during the ceremony of a great review of troops, Dr.
Russell, who was riding among the suite mounted on a half-broken Arab,
was suddenly heard to shout, "Whoa, you villainous brute!"  At the same
moment, several of the {164} suite were knocked endways.  The Arab then
got the bit in his teeth, and tore away past the Prince down the whole
line.  Dr. Russell's helmet was jerked to the back of his head, his
puggaree unfurled in a long train floating behind him, he vanished into
the distance and we did not see him again until dinner-time.  He passed
so close to the Prince, that had the doctor another thickness of gold
on his gold trousers, there would have been an accident to his Royal
Highness.

The Duke of Sutherland, during the Prince's journeys overland in India,
took an intense delight in driving the engine, from which it was hard
to tear him away.  We had halted at a station where the customary
ceremonial had been arranged, and had changed into uniform, all save
the Duke, who was nowhere to be seen.

"Where can he be?" said the Prince.

I submitted that he might be on the engine, and went to see.  Sure
enough, the Duke was sitting on the rail, his red shirt flung open, his
sun-helmet on the back of his head.  In either black fist he grasped a
handful of cotton waste, with which he was mopping up the perspiration
of honest toil.  He hurried to his carriage to change into uniform; and
presently appeared, buttoning his tunic with one hand.  In the other he
still grasped a skein of cotton waste.  The Prince looked at him.

"Can nothing be done?" said the Prince sadly.

The great elephant hunt in Nepal took place on the 25th February, 1876,
under the auspices of Sir Jung Bahadur (afterwards the Maharaja Sir
Jung Bahadur, G.C.B., G.C.S.I.).  A herd of wild elephants, captained
by a male of gigantic size and valour, who had already vanquished Sir
Jung's most formidable righting elephants, had been tracked down in the
forest.  Sir Jung determined that, come what would, he should be
captured.  Sir Jung led the Prince and several of his suite, all well
mounted on horses, into the forest, to the rendezvous, to which the
wild herd was to be driven.  But in the meantime, the big elephant had
given the hunters the slip.

I was of the hunting party, and I had the stiffest run of {165} my
life, and at the end of it there were left besides myself only my
companion--I think he was Mr. Greenwood--and six Indian notables.
Mounted on swift pad elephants, we pursued that tremendous beast at top
speed from four o'clock in the morning till six in the evening,
bursting through the jungle, splashing through rivers, climbing the
rocky steeps of hills upon which there appeared to be no foothold
except for monkeys, and down which the elephants slid upon their
bellies.  So we rode hour after hour, hanging on the ropes secured to
the _guddee_, lying flat upon the steed's back to avoid being scraped
off his back by branches, until the quarry, escaping us ran straight
into Sir Jung Bahadur's party of horsemen.

There, in an open space set with sword-like reeds, stood the elephant,
his flanks heaving, his head and trunk moving from side to side.  He
had one huge tusk and the stump of the other.

It was the business of the horsemen in front to keep him employed in
the open while the champion fighting elephants, Jung Pershaud and Bijli
Pershaud, were being brought up.  Again and again he charged, the
riders eluding his rushes, the Prince among them.  A stumble or a
fall--and nothing could have saved the rider.  Presently the elephant,
wearying of these profitless tactics, wheeled and took refuge in a
swamp, where the reeds and rushes hid him.  But there was nothing to do
but await the arrival of the fighting elephants.  The fugitive employed
his respite in cooling himself by pouring water over his heated person.
In the meantime, Jung Pershaud, the terrible rogue elephant, somewhat
fatigued like his quarry, was drawing near.  Jung Pershaud, in order to
give warning of his very dangerous presence, was hung about the neck
with a large bell, like a railway-station bell.  When he was not in
action he was secured with ropes.

Presently, from out the jungle, there sounded the uneven, minatory
clangour of the bell.  Everyone shouted that Jung Pershaud was coming.
The hunted elephant paused in his ablutions, turned about, and, pushing
the foliage aside with {166} his trunk, gazed in the direction of the
warning note.  Then emerged into view the vast head of Jung Pershaud,
painted scarlet.  He moved steadily and directly upon his quarry, who
lowered his head, presenting his long sharp tusk.  The tusks of Jung
Pershaud were four to five feet long and ringed with brass.

Jung swung his trunk and dealt the hunted elephant a blow on the head,
then charged him in the flank with a resounding impact, drew back and
charged the reeling beast from behind.  The hunted elephant took to
flight, pursued by Jung Pershaud, heading straight for the place where
I was watching the combat among the pads and smaller fighting
elephants.  These turned and fled in terror.

The hunted elephant plunged into the wood, ploughing his way through
the undergrowth, leaving Jung Pershaud behind him.  Sir Jung Bahadur,
following with the Prince and the rest of the party, adjured us to keep
out of the way of the fleeing beast while keeping him in sight.  The
quarry checked at an opening in the forest and remained in the shelter
of the trees, while the Prince, with Sir Jung Bahadur and Dr. Russell,
rode across a stream into the open space.  Sir Jung Bahadur sat on his
horse and cursed the elephant; who, after hearkening attentively for a
few minutes, suddenly charged the horsemen.

At the same instant, the second fighting elephant, Bijli Pershaud,
burst out of the jungle, and the two animals met forehead to forehead
with a crash.  Bijli Pershaud drew off and charged again, striking the
hunted elephant on the shoulder, and running beside him, charged him
heavily again and again, until the poor driven beast dropped his trunk
and uttered a pitiable cry.  He was beaten at last.

As we came up, it was discovered that the elephant was blind of one
eye; everyone commiserated the defeated gladiator; and Sir Jung Bahadur
offered to let him go free should the Prince so desire.

The Prince having accepted the suggestion, the elephant was led captive
away and was secured with thick ropes to a {167} tree.  He bent his
vast strength to a last effort to escape, so that the tree creaked and
shook under the strain.  He cried aloud in despair, and then stood
silent, refusing all food.

They set him free upon the following day, having sawn off his great
tusk; which was presented by Sir Jung Bahadur to the Prince.

A few days before the great hunt took place in Nepal, Sir Jung
Bahadur's regiment of elephants paraded before the Prince.  They
numbered more than 700, and were drilled to manoeuvre in companies to
the sound of the bugle.  After the hunt, the Prince reviewed Sir Jung's
army: a corps which, as the message from the Queen delivered by the
Prince recalled in gracious terms, had tendered valuable help to the
British arms upon an important occasion.  The total strength of the
army was 114,000 infantry and 420 guns.  The infantry, in addition to
rifle and bayonet, carried the _kukri_, or curved knife, the national
weapon.  We witnessed an exhibition of its use by the soldiers, who
vied with one another in cutting, with a single action, slices of soft
wood from a baulk, the cut making a diagonal section.  More by good
luck than by merit, I succeeded in cutting the widest section; and
perceiving it to be extremely improbable that I could repeat the
performance, I refused the invitation to try again.  Sir Jung Bahadur
presented me with the _kukri_ I had used.  I have the weapon now.

With this weapon, I slew a boa-constrictor.  Riding an elephant after
tiger, on which occasion shooting at any other game was forbidden, I
saw a boa-constrictor, and dismounted.  The great snake was lying
asleep, coiled in a hole in the ground and half hidden in foliage.
Selecting a narrowing coil, I cut nearly through it.  The snake darted
at me, and I finished it with a stick.  Although it was dead, its body
continued to writhe until sunset.  For a long time I kept the skin, but
unfortunately it decomposed.

My brother Lord William and I were out pig-sticking, and were riding
after a boar.  I got first spear, when the {168} boar knocked both me
and my horse clean over.  The boar went on, then turned, and as I was
in the act of getting up, came right at me.  Remembering what an old
pig-sticker, Archie Hill, had told me a man should do if he were bowled
over and a boar attacked him, I rolled over on my face, presenting my
least vital aspect to the enemy.  But my brother, cleverly turning his
horse, killed the boar within a few feet of me.  The beast's head is
preserved at Curraghmore.

During the whole time of the Prince's stay in India, one of his suite,
the members of which took it in turns to discharge the duty, remained
on guard over his person at night.  I have in my possession the pair of
pistols with which the gentleman on watch was armed.

On 10th January, 1876, the Prince visited the Cawnpore Memorial.
"There was deep silence," writes Dr. Russell, "as the Prince read in a
low voice the touching words, 'To the memory of a great company of
Christian people, principally women and children, who were cruelly
slaughtered here'--the name of the great criminal and the date of the
massacre are cut round the base of the statue.  No two persons agree as
to the expression of Marochetti's Angel which stands over the Well.  Is
it pain?--pity?--resignation?--vengeance?--or triumph?"  Perhaps my
aunt, Lady Waterford, could have enlightened the learned doctor; for
she it was who designed the monument, which was carried into execution
by Marochetti.

A certain officer in high command was extremely agitated concerning the
exact degree of precedence due to him--or rather, to the Service to
which he belonged; a matter not easy to settle amid the throng of
British dignitaries and Indian potentates.  The officer chafed sorely
at the delay; nor was he soothed by the injurious remarks of a junior
member of the suite, who dealt with his dignity in a spirit of
deplorable frivolity.  At last, however, the junior member approached
him with the aspect of sympathetic gravity proper to the occasion.

{169}

"I congratulate you, sir.  That matter of your order of precedence has
been settled at last."

"I am glad to hear it--very glad to hear it," said the officer.  "The
delay has been simply scandalous.  What is to be my position?"

The junior member appeared to reflect.

"Oh, of course," he said, at length.  "Now I remember.  Your place,
sir, is between the Ram of (something) and the Jam of (something else)!"

The distinguished officer: "...!!!"

On 30th November, 1875, while the _Serapis_ was on her way from Bombay
to Colombo, the Prince kindly presided at a dinner given in honour of
my promotion to the rank of commander.  In a letter written to me by
his Royal Highness some years afterwards, he recalls that festivity,
with a note of regret that those jolly days were gone.  Three years
afterwards, upon the occasion of my marriage, the suite presented me
with a most beautiful silver bowl, which remains one of my most highly
prized possessions.

There were many Babu poems composed to celebrate the Prince's prowess
as a hunter.  Among them, I remember the following:--

  "Beautifully he will shoot
    Many a royal tiger brute;
  Laying on their backs they die,
    Shot in the apple of the eye."


Seven years afterwards, I visited India again.  It seemed to me that in
the interval the relations between the Indian and the Englishman had
changed for the better; in that the natives were less afraid of the
white man, and that a better feeling had grown up between East and
West.  The principle upon which India is governed is the principle of
establishing justice and humanity.  India is governed by the sword; but
the sword is sheathed.




{170}

CHAPTER XVIII

THE EGYPTIAN WAR

I. THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLE

NOTE

The story of the Egyptian war may conveniently begin with an account of
the affair of the 9th September, 1881, when Tewfik, Khedive of Egypt,
met Arabi Pasha face to face in the Square of Abdin at Cairo, and
failed to take advantage of the greatest opportunity of his life.  Had
he acted there and then upon the counsel of Mr. (afterwards Sir)
Auckland Colvin, British Controller, it is possible that the Egyptian
war might have been avoided.

The beginning of the trouble was the jealousy existing between the
native Egyptian and the Turkish, or Circassian, elements of the army.
Rightly or wrongly, the Egyptian, or fellah, officers believed
themselves to be slighted.  The Turkish, or Circassian, officers, being
of the same race as the ruling family, regarded themselves as the
dominant caste.  In the time of Ismail Pasha, the predecessor of
Tewfik, the Minister of War, Osman Pasha Rifki, a Circassian, perceived
that his dignity was compromised by his being obliged to receive orders
from the Khedive through Ali Fehmi, captain of the Guards at the
Palace, a fellah.  In the East, such a situation does not continue.
Ali Fehmi mysteriously fell into disgrace.  Naturally, he had a
grievance; and he joined himself to two other officers of his race, who
also had {171} grievances.  These were Abdel-el-Al and Ahmed Arabi, who
was to become better known as Arabi Pasha.  They were called the "Three
Colonels," and to them came Mahmoud Sami Pasha, an exceedingly astute
politician.

Arabi's particular injury was that he had been punished by Ismail for
creating a disturbance under the Palace windows, when he was one of the
officers of the guard.  Ismail had bluntly remarked that Arabi was more
noisy but less useful than the big drum.  Arabi joined a secret society
of discontented officers, and shortly afterwards again fell into
trouble under a charge of corruption while he was in command of
transports during the war between Egypt and Abyssinia.  Subsequently,
Ismail allowed Arabi to join a regiment, whereupon he became chief of
the secret society.  One of its members divulged the secret to the
Khedive, who adopted the Oriental method of buying the allegiance of
the disaffected officers by promoting in one day seventy of them to be
lieutenant-colonels.  He also presented one of his slaves to Arabi to
wife.

So much for Ismail Pasha.  When, by order of the Sultan, he was
superseded by Tewfik, Arabi made haste to do obeisance to the new
Khedive, who made him a full colonel.  But when Tewfik reduced the
army, the Three Colonels presented a petition to the Khedive,
demanding, among other matters, that an Egyptian should be made
Minister of War in place of Osman Rifki.  The Three Colonels were
thereupon arrested.  Mahmoud Sami Pasha, a member of the Cabinet,
secretly arranged that when they were brought before the Court-martial,
the soldiers should rescue them.  On the 1st February, 1881,
accordingly, the soldiers burst into the court, turned it inside out,
and carried the Three Colonels to the Palace.  The Khedive, confronted
with physical force to which he had nothing to oppose, consented to
supersede his War Minister in favour of the crafty Mahmoud Sami, to
increase the army by 18,000 men, and to abolish favouritism.

The Khedive very soon discovered that Mahmoud Sami {172} was by no
means a desirable Minister of War, and also that the Three Colonels and
their friends continued to stir up trouble.  He therefore dismissed
Mahmoud Sami and appointed in his stead the Khedive's brother-in-law,
Daoud Pasha, a Circassian, and ordered the disaffected regiments to
leave Cairo.  At the same time it was rumoured that the Khedive had
obtained a secret decree from the Sultan condemning Arabi and his
friends to death.  When the order to remove his regiment from Cairo was
received by Arabi, that leader of revolt informed the Minister of War
on 9th September, 1881, that the troops in Cairo would proceed the same
afternoon to the Palace of Abdin, there to demand of the Khedive the
dismissal of the Ministry, the convocation of the National Assembly,
and the increase of the army.  Then came Tewfik's opportunity, which,
as already observed, he let slip.

When the Khedive entered the Square, accompanied by Mr. Colvin, British
Controller, and a few native and European officers, he was confronted
with some 4000 soldiers and thirty guns.  The following account of the
critical moment is given by the Hon. Charles Royle, in his excellent
history of _The Egyptian Campaigns_ (London, 1900).

"The Khedive advanced firmly towards a little group of officers and men
(some of whom were mounted) in the centre.  Colvin said to him, 'When
Arabi presents himself, tell him to give up his sword and follow you.
Then go the round of the regiments, address each separately, and give
them the "order to disperse."'  The soldiers all this time were
standing in easy attitudes, chatting, laughing, rolling up cigarettes,
and eating pistachio nuts, looking, in fact, as little like desperate
mutineers as could well be imagined.  They apparently were there in
obedience only to orders, and, without being either loyal or disloyal,
might almost be regarded as disinterested spectators.

"Arabi approached on horseback: the Khedive called out to him to
dismount.  He did so, and came forward on foot with several others, and
a guard with fixed bayonets, {173} and saluted.  As he advanced, Colvin
said to the Khedive, 'Now is the moment, give the word.'  He replied,
'We are between four fires.  We shall be killed.'  Colvin said, 'Have
courage.'  Tewfik again wavered, he turned for counsel to a native
officer at his side, and repeated, 'What can I do?  We are between four
fires.'  He then told Arabi to sheathe his sword.  Arabi did so at
once, his hand trembling so with nervousness that he could scarcely get
the weapon back into its scabbard.  The moment was lost.  Instead of
following Colvin's advice, and arresting Arabi on the spot, a step
which would have at once put an end to the whole disturbance, the
Khedive walked towards him and commenced to parley."

The Khedive subsequently agreed to dismiss the Ministry at Arabi's
request; and Arabi thus advanced another step towards obtaining
military control of the country.  For a time he prevented Cherif Pasha
from forming a Ministry, and summoned to Cairo the Chamber of Notables.
The members of the Chamber, however, whose office was purely advisory,
supported Cherif Pasha.  By means of a skilful intrigue, Mahmoud Sami
contrived to obtain the appointment of Minister of War.  Arabi then
effected a temporary retreat with his regiment to El Ouady, in the
Delta, and waited upon events.  It was then October.  The Khedive had
convoked an assembly of the Chamber of Notables at the end of December,
and in the meantime the elections were proceeding.

It should here be observed that Arabi did not merely represent
discontent in the army.  He had behind him a genuine and largely just
popular agitation, the result of many evils suffered by the natives.
"Ismail's merciless exactions, and the pressure of foreign
moneylenders, had given rise to a desire to limit the power of the
Khedive, and, above all, to abolish the Anglo-French control, which was
considered as ruling the country simply for the benefit of the foreign
bondholders.  The control was further hated by the large landholders,
because the law of liquidation (with {174} which the Controllers in the
minds of the people were associated) had in a measure sacrificed their
claims for compensation in respect of the cancelling of a forced loan
known as the 'Moukabaleh,' and it was still more detested by the Pashas
and native officials, because it interfered with the reckless
squandering of public money, and the many opportunities for corruption
by which they had so long been benefited.  In addition to this, there
was a great deal of irritation at the increasing number of highly paid
European officials which the reformed administration inaugurated in the
latter days of Ismail involved.  The people began to suspect that what
was occurring was only part of a plan for handing the country over to
Europeans.  The examples lately set by England with regard to Cyprus,
and by France in Tunis, were, it must be owned, but little calculated
to inspire confidence in the political morality of either of these two
Powers" (Royle, _The Egyptian Campaigns_).

In these things consisted the reserve strength of Arabi; and while he
was ostensibly in retirement at El Ouady (probably spending a good deal
of time in Cairo with his fellow-conspirators), the native press
continued to excite irritation against the Europeans; and when the new
Chamber of Notables assembled on 25th December, 1881, they at once
presented demands which brought the whole situation in Egypt to the
notice of Europe.  The Chamber demanded control of the revenues outside
those assigned to the Public Debt, together with other new powers
directly infringing the prerogatives of the Sultan and of the Khedive.
It seems that Mahmoud Sami inspired these manifestations, not with any
hope or desire that the demands of the Chamber would be granted, but
because, as they were inadmissible, the Ministry of Cherif Pasha would
be wrecked, and Mahmoud Sami thereby advantaged.

The British and French Governments declared that the demands of the
Chamber were unacceptable.  At the same time they learned that the
coast fortifications were being strengthened and that the army was to
be increased.  On {175} behalf of the two Powers, a Joint Note was
presented to the Khedive in Cairo, on 8th January, 1882, stating that
England and France were united in opposing "the dangers to which the
Government of the Khedive might be exposed."

The presentation of the Joint Note marks the beginning of that European
intervention which might have prevented, but which did not prevent, the
massacre in Alexandria of the 11th June, 1882, and which eventually
resulted in the bombardment of that city on 11th July, 1882.  The
jealousy existing between France and England at that time in respect of
intervention in Egypt, nullified the effective action of either party.
Had M. Gambetta continued in power, he would probably have forced Lord
Granville to adopt a decisive policy.  But M. de Freycinet, who
succeeded Gambetta while the question was still under discussion, was
as much afraid of responsibility as Lord Granville was.  Diplomacy thus
returned to its customary routine of addressing Circular Notes to the
European Powers, and generally avoiding definition as long as possible.
Arabi seized his opportunity and announced that intervention on the
part of England and France was inadmissible.  The Chamber of Notables
also saw their chance, and demanded the dismissal of the Ministry.  The
Khedive, apparently deserted by England and France, and much afraid of
offending the Sultan, had no choice but to dismiss Cherif Pasha and to
appoint in his stead Mahmoud Sami, who thus attained his object.
Mahmoud Sami immediately appointed Arabi Pasha Minister of War.  Arabi
thus achieved a military dictatorship.  It will be observed that his
success was directly due to the vacillation of the English and French
Governments.  Mahmoud Sami at once forced the Khedive to assent to the
demands of the Chamber, and the English and French Controllers
resigned, upon the ground that "the Khedive's power no longer exists."

The dictators, Mahmoud Sami and Arabi (now Arabi Pasha), strengthened
the coast fortifications, ordered ninety {176} guns of Herr Krupp, and
rapidly increased the army.  Then the dictators, considering that the
hour of their vengeance had arrived, arrested fifty of the hated
Circassian officers, (it is said) tortured them, and sentenced forty of
them to perpetual exile.  The Khedive refused to sign the Decree;
whereupon Mahmoud Sami threatened that his refusal would be followed by
a general massacre of foreigners.  A month later, on 11th June, such a
massacre occurred.  In the meantime, the open quarrel between the
Khedive on the one side, and his Ministers, backed by the army, on the
other, created general alarm.  Mahmoud Sami convoked the Chamber; only
to discover that the Notables were afraid to support him.  Under these
circumstances, Mahmoud Sami and Arabi Pasha informed the Khedive that,
on condition that he would guarantee the maintenance of public order,
they would resign.  The Khedive replied in effect that it was not he
but Arabi that troubled Israel.  On the next day, 15th May, 1882, the
English and French Consuls-General warned Arabi that in the event of
disturbance, England, France and Turkey would deal with him.  Arabi
retorted that if a Fleet arrived, he could not be responsible for the
safety of the public.  Upon the same day the Consul-General informed
the Khedive that an Anglo-French Fleet was on its way to Alexandria,
whereupon Mahmoud Sami and the rest of the Ministry made a formal
submission to the Khedive.

Such was the first influence, exerted from afar, of naval power.  But
when, upon the 19th and 20th May, the ships arrived at Alexandria, the
effect was considerably lessened; for the force consisted of no more
than one British line-of-battle ship, H.M.S. _Invincible_, with two
gunboats, and one French line-of-battle ship, _La Gallisonière_, with
two gunboats.  The object of the Granville-Freycinet diplomacy, to do
something and yet not to do it, had thus been triumphantly achieved.

The instructions given to the British and French admirals respectively
are worth noting.

{177}

The British admiral was told to:

"Communicate with the British Consul-General on arrival at Alexandria,
and in concert with him propose to co-operate with naval forces of
France to support the Khedive and protect British subjects and
Europeans, landing a force, if required, for latter object, such force
not to leave protection of ships' guns without instructions from home."

It will be observed that Admiral Sir Frederick Beauchamp Seymour was
not given enough men to form an efficient landing party; so that the
futile clause concerning "the protection of the ships' guns" is hardly
worth considering.

The French instructions were at least logical.  The French admiral was
plainly told to do nothing except in an emergency.

"On arrival at Alexandria communicate with the Consul-General, who
will, if necessary, indicate to you what you will have to do to give a
moral support to the Khedive.  You will abstain, until you have
contrary instructions, from any material act of war, unless you are
attacked or have to protect the safety of Europeans."

Acting on the advice of the Consuls-General, the Khedive endeavoured to
induce Mahmoud Sami and Arabi to resign.  The dictators refused.  The
Consuls-General thereupon presented them with an ultimatum, and the
Ministry resigned; but the Khedive was subsequently compelled by the
threats of the army and the prayers of the terrified notables to
reinstate Arabi Pasha.  That leader at once published a proclamation
stating that he guaranteed the public safety, which failed, however, to
allay the public fears.  On 29th May the European population of
Alexandria drew up a memorial, which was telegraphed to the Foreign
Office, stating that they were placed in extreme peril, against which
the force at the disposal of the British admiral was totally inadequate.

Upon the same day, Admiral Seymour reported that earthworks were being
raised on shore, and asked for {178} reinforcements.  On 30th May
another line-of-battle ship arrived, with two gunboats, and three
French warships.  The rest of the British squadron in the Mediterranean
were directed to cruise within touch of the admiral.

On the 7th June an Imperial Commissioner, Dervish Pasha, dispatched by
the Sultan, arrived at Cairo.  He was instructed to play a double part,
the object of his mission being to counteract European influence.  It
was a complicated intrigue; but it is not worth unravelling, because
Dervish Pasha presently discovered that the ruler of Egypt was Arabi
Pasha.

Such is a summary of events up to the eve of the riots in Alexandria.
At that moment, Arabi Pasha was military dictator; backed by the army
and supported by popular sentiment: the Khedive, still nominally ruler,
was deprived of power and went in peril of his life; the Sultan, his
overlord, whose dominant motive was the desire to avoid foreign
intervention in Egypt, wrapped himself in diplomatic ambiguity; England
and France, the only interested foreign Powers, each afraid of the
other and both afraid of incurring responsibility, were in a state of
miserable vacillation, for which (as usual) many helpless and innocent
persons paid with their lives and property.  In these circumstances,
the advantage lay with the man who knew his own mind.  That man was
Arabi Pasha.

It seemed that nothing could better serve his ends than an organised
massacre of Europeans by the populace, during which the police and the
army should remain passive; for nothing could more effectually
demonstrate the power of the dictator, bring the Khedive into contempt,
flout the foreign Powers which had exhibited so contemptible a
weakness, and delight the populace.

Accordingly, on Sunday, 11th June, 1882, a devastating riot broke out
in Alexandria.  The natives had been armed beforehand with _naboots_,
or long sticks; the _mustaphazin_, or military police, joined in the
attack; the soldiers remained immobile until Arabi telegraphed his
orders from Cairo, {179} when they at once stopped the disturbance.
During the day, men, women and children, European and native, were
shot, beaten, and murdered, and the town was looted.  The loss of life
was estimated at 150 persons.

In the evening the troops restored order, and subsequently maintained
it up to the day of the bombardment.  During that period, large numbers
of persons left the city.  Refugees of all nations were embarked in the
harbour.

Lord Salisbury, who was then in Opposition, trenchantly exposed the
true character of a policy whose direct result was that British
subjects were "butchered under the very guns of the Fleet, which had
never budged an inch to save them."  The Government had not given the
admiral an adequate force.  It was the old story of the naval officer
being forced to subserve the ends of the politicians.

In England, public indignation forced the Government to take action.
The Channel Squadron was dispatched to Malta, there to remain at
Admiral Seymour's disposal.  Two battalions were sent to Cyprus.

Arabi Pasha brought more troops to Alexandria and continued to fortify
the coast defences.  In the meantime the Navy was helping to embark the
refugees.

From this point, the general course of events may conveniently be
related in the form of a diary, thus supplementing, for the purposes of
reference, the detailed narrative of Lord Charles Beresford.

On 11th July the British Fleet bombarded the coast forts.  The warships
of other nations took no part in the action.  The British force
consisted of fifteen vessels and 5728 men; eight ironclads, five
gunboats, a torpedo vessel and dispatch vessel.  The forts were
silenced and the gunners were driven from their batteries.

On 12th July the city was set on fire by the Egyptian troops.  These,
accompanied by civilians, looted the city and so departed.

On 13th July the British admiral landed 800 men.  It will be observed
that had Admiral Seymour been permitted {180} to land a force upon the
preceding day, he could have disarmed the Egyptian troops and prevented
the conflagration.  The Khedive had taken refuge in his Palace at
Ramleh, and the _Condor_, Commander Lord Charles Beresford, was sent to
lie off the Palace to protect him.  Captain John Fisher, H.M.S.
_Inflexible_, was ordered to take command of the landing party.  Upon
occupying the outer lines, Captain Fisher, finding chaos in the town,
in rear of his position, applied for an officer to exercise the duties
of provost-marshal and chief of police, and suggested that Lord Charles
Beresford should be appointed.

On 14th July the British force was occupying all important positions.

On 15th July Admiral Dowell, commanding the Channel Squadron, arrived
in the _Monarch_.  Lord Charles Beresford was appointed provost-marshal
and chief of police to restore order.

Mr. John Ross, the British merchant in Alexandria who gave unsparing
and generous assistance to the British forces,--services for which he
has never received recognition--writes to me as follows:--

"Lord Charles Beresford saved millions' worth of property, causing the
indemnity paid by the European Government to be much less than it would
otherwise have been.  I can assure you that there was a chance of the
whole of Alexandria being burnt to the ground, had it not been for the
wonderfully prompt, energetic, and scientific arrangements made by Lord
Charles Beresford...  I do not think England can ever be made to know
properly and understand and appreciate enough with regard to what Lord
Charles Beresford did for his country as well as for Egypt in 1882."

On 17th July 1000 Marines and 1700 soldiers arrived.  General Sir
Archibald Alison took command of the whole of the land forces, now
numbering in all, 3686.

On the 20th July the British Government decided to dispatch an
expedition to Egypt.

On the 21st July the water supply of Alexandria began {181} to fail,
Arabi having dammed the flow from the Nile into the Mahmoudieh Canal,
and let salt water into it from Lake Mareotis.  Hitherto the supply had
been maintained by the gallant exertions of Mr. T. E. Cornish, manager
of the waterworks.  Sir Archibald Alison began his attacking movements.

On the 22nd July the Khedive dismissed Arabi Pasha from his post of
Minister of War.  Arabi Pasha was now at Kafr Dowar with 5000 to 30,000
men.  A battalion of British troops sailed from Bombay.

On the 24th July Mr. Gladstone informed Parliament that the country was
"not at war."  On the same day the British troops occupied Ramleh, a
suburb of Alexandria.

At this time Captain Fisher fitted out the armoured train.

On the 30th July the Scots Guards sailed for Alexandria.  From the
beginning to end of the war, there were dispatched, or under orders,
from Great Britain and Mediterranean stations, 1290 officers and 32,000
men.  Add the Indian contingent, 170 officers, 7100 men, consisting of
1st Seaforths, 1st Manchester, 1 Bombay and 2 Bengal battalions Native
Infantry, 3 regiments Bengal Cavalry, 1 field battery, 1 mountain
battery, and a section of Madras Sappers and Miners.  Add to these,
3500 followers, 1700 horses, 840 ponies, 5000 mules.

On the 1st August Lord Charles Beresford, having in the space of a
fortnight saved the town of Alexandria from destruction and restored
complete order, was relieved by Major Gordon.

On the 2nd August Admiral Sir William Hewett, with six vessels of war,
occupied Suez.

On 3rd August the National Council declared its support of Arabi Pasha.

On 5th August General Alison attacked and defeated the enemy on the
Mahmoudieh Canal.

On the 7th August the Khedive issued a proclamation directed against
Arabi Pasha and rebellion.

{182}

On the 10th August Sir John Adye, chief of staff, with the Duke of
Connaught, arrived at Alexandria.

On the 12th August the Brigade of Guards, the Duke of Connaught at
their head, marched through Alexandria to Ramleh, greatly impressing
the populace.

On the 15th, General Commanding-in-Chief Sir Garnet Wolseley and
Major-General Sir Evelyn Wood arrived at Alexandria.

On the 18th August the greater part of the troops embarked for Port
Said, the transports being escorted by five ironclads.

On the night of the 19th-20th August the Navy took entire possession of
the Suez Canal.  The _Monarch_ and _Iris_ took Port Said.  The _Orion_,
_Northumberland_, _Carysfort_ and _Coquette_ took Ismailia.  Admiral
Hewett had already seized Suez.

On the 20th of August the troops and warships from Alexandria arrived
at Port Said, together with Admiral Sir Beauchamp Seymour in the
_Helicon_.  M. Ferdinand de Lesseps had done his utmost to prevent the
seizure of the Canal, which, he insisted, was neutral.  It is said that
when the troops began to disembark at Ismailia, M. de Lesseps, erect
upon the landing-place, announced that "no one should land except over
his dead body"; to which defiance a bluejacket, gently urging aside the
heroic engineer, replied, "We don't want any dead bodies about here,
sir; all you've got to do is to step back a bit" (Royle, _Egyptian
Campaigns_).

On the 21st August Sir Garnet Wolseley arrived at Ismailia in the
_Salamis_, and, by orders of the Khedive, issued a proclamation
announcing that the sole object of Her Majesty's Government was "to
re-establish the authority of the Khedive."

The advance into the Delta was begun.

On the 24th August Wolseley captured the dam on the Fresh Water Canal.

On the 25th August the enemy were driven back upon {183} Tel-el-Kebir.
Mahmoud Fehmi Pasha, one of the original "Three Colonels," now Arabi's
chief of staff, was captured at Mahsameh railway station.

On the 28th August occurred the action at Kassassin, in which the
Egyptians were defeated.  Kassassin was occupied.  During the next few
days men and stores were assembled there.

On the 9th September Arabi attacked Kassassin in force and was driven
back to Tel-el-Kebir.  Sir Garnet Wolseley made Kassassin his
headquarters.

On the 12th September the army was concentrated at Kassassin.  On that
night the troops advanced towards Tel-el-Kebir.

On the 13th September an attack at dawn was made in three places upon
the Egyptian entrenchments.  The British carried them under a heavy
fire at the point of the bayonet.  The action was decisive.  Arabi's
power was broken.  Arabi fled to Cairo.

The 6th Bengal Cavalry captured Zag-a-Zig the same evening; and the
Cavalry division occupied Belbeis.

On 14th August the Cavalry Division rode from Belbeis to Cairo,
starting at dawn and arriving at Abbassieh at 4.45 p.m.  The same
night, Captain Watson, R.E., disarmed the troops in the Citadel and
occupied Cairo.

On the 15th August Sir Garnet Wolseley and the Guards arrived at Cairo,
a day before scheduled time.

During the next week, Kafr Dowar, a place of equal importance with
Tel-el-Kebir, Aboukir, Rosetta and Damietta, surrendered.

From the bombardment of Alexandria to the capture of Cairo was
sixty-six days, of which the campaign occupied twenty-five days.

On the 25th September the Khedive returned to Cairo, where the greater
number of the British troops assembled.  Subsequently, Admiral Sir
Beauchamp Seymour and Sir Garnet Wolseley were created Peers of the
United Kingdom.

{184}

Arabi Pasha was tried by court-martial on a charge of rebellion against
the Khedive, and was condemned to death, the sentence being commuted to
exile for life.  In December, Arabi and six of his friends who had been
sentenced sailed for Ceylon.




{185}

CHAPTER XIX

THE EGYPTIAN WAR (_Continued_)

II. THE BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA

My appointment to H.M.S. _Condor_ was dated 31st December, 1881.  The
_Condor_ was a single-screw composite sloop gun-vessel of 780 tons and
770 h.p., carrying one 4½-ton gun amidships, one 64-pr. forward and one
64-pr. aft, all muzzle-loading guns.  In June, 1882, the _Condor_
formed part of the squadron lying off Alexandria under the command of
Admiral Sir Beauchamp Seymour.

On Sunday, 11th June, calling upon Captain Blomfield, the
harbour-master, I found him in great distress.  He had heard that there
was trouble in the city, into which his wife had gone, and he was
extremely anxious about her safety.  We took a light carriage harnessed
to a pair of Arab horses and drove into the town.  Presently a great
crowd came running down the street towards us.  They were mostly
Greeks, many of whom were wounded and bleeding.  The next moment we
were surrounded by a raging mob, armed with _naboots_, or long sticks,
with which they attacked us.  The street was blocked from end to end;
and to have attempted to drive through the mob would have been certain
death.  I seized the reins, swung the horses round, cleared the crowd,
and drove back to the harbour-master's house.  In the meantime his wife
had taken refuge in an hotel, whence she safely returned later in the
day.

The officers and men of the Fleet were ordered back to {186} their
ships.  I went on board the flagship and reported to the admiral the
condition of the town.  With the trifling force at his disposal, it was
impossible that he should send a landing-party ashore.  Had he done so,
in contravention of his orders, the handful of British seamen and
Marines would have had no chance against the thousands of Egyptian
soldiers who, under Arabi's instructions, were waiting in their
barracks under arms, ready to turn out at the first attempt at
intervention on the part of the Fleet.

During the ensuing month there poured out of Alexandria an immense
number of refugees of all nations and every class of society.  These
were placed on board various vessels and were dispatched to the ports
of their several countries.  I was placed in charge of these
operations; which included the chartering of ships, their preparation
for passengers, and the embarkation of the refugees.  In the course of
the work there fell to me a task rarely included even among the
infinite variety of the duties of a naval officer.  My working-party
was stowing native refugees in the hold of a collier, when a coloured
lady was taken ill.  She said: "Baby he come, sare, directly, sare,
myself, sare."  And so it was.  We rigged up a screen, and my coxswain
and I performed the office of midwives thus thrust upon us, and all
went well.

On the 10th July all merchant vessels and all foreign men-of-war left
the harbour, and the British Fleet prepared for action.  Admiral
Seymour's squadron consisted of fifteen vessels: the ironclads
_Alexandra_ (flagship), Captain C. F. Hotham; _Superb_, Captain T. Le
Hunte Ward; _Sultan_, Captain W. J. Hunt-Grubbe; _Téméraire_, Captain
H. F. Nicholson; _Inflexible_, Captain J. A. Fisher; _Monarch_, Captain
H. Fairfax, C.B.; _Invincible_, Captain R. H. M. Molyneux; _Penelope_,
Captain S. J. C. D'Arcy-Irvine: the torpedo-vessel _Hecla_, Captain A.
K. Wilson; gunboats _Condor_, Commander Lord C. Beresford; _Bittern_,
Commander Hon. T. S. Brand; _Beacon_, Commander G. W. Hand; _Cygnet_,
Lieutenant H. C. D. Ryder; _Decoy_, Lieutenant A. H. Boldero; and
dispatch vessel {187} _Helicon_, Lieutenant W. L. Morrison.  The coast
fortifications extended over a front of rather more than nine miles,
from Fort Marabout on the south-west to Fort Silsileh on the
north-east.  Midway between the two, projects the forked spit of land
whose northern arm encircles the new Port, and whose southern arm,
extending in a breakwater, encloses the old Port.  The twelve forts or
batteries mounted in all 261 guns and mortars.

[Illustration: THE BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA, 11TH JULY, 1882.  FROM
CHART DRAW BY AUTHOR AT THE TIME]

The bombardment of Alexandria has been so thoroughly described in
standard works that repetition must be unnecessary; and such interest
as the present narrative may contain, must reside in the record of
personal experience.  I may say at once that any notoriety attached to
the part borne by the _Condor_ in the action was due to accidental
circumstance.  She happened to fight apart from the rest of the Fleet
and in full view of the foreign warships and merchant vessels; and, in
obedience to the orders of the admiral, she had on board the
correspondent of _The Times_, the late Mr. Moberly Bell.  The _Condor_
was actually under way when I received instructions to embark Mr. Bell.
Mr. Frederic Villiers, the artist war-correspondent, by permission of
the admiral, had been my guest on board for several days.

The following account of the action is taken from a private letter
written at the time:--

"The night before the action, I turned up all hands and made them a
speech.  I said that the admiral's orders were to keep out of range
until an opportunity occurred.  So I said to the men, 'Now, my lads, if
you will rely upon me to find the opportunity, I will rely upon you to
make the most of it when it occurs.' ... The Marabout Fort was the
second largest fort, but a long way off from the places to be attacked
by the ironclads.  So the admiral had decided not to attack it at all,
as he could not spare one heavy ship, and of course he would not order
the small ships down there, as it was thought that they would be sunk.
The orders given to the small ships were to keep out of fire, and to
watch for an opportunity to occur, after the forts were silenced, to
assist.  {188} _Helicon_ and _Condor_ were repeating ships for signals.
I took station just between the two attacking fleets.

"Just as the action began the _Téméraire_ parted her cable and got
ashore.  I ran down to her and towed her off and while doing so, saw
Fort Marabout giving pepper to _Monarch_, _Invincible_ and _Penelope_.
Not one of these ships could be spared, as they were getting it hot and
could not spare a gun for Marabout from the forts they were engaging.
Seeing the difficulty, directly I had got the _Téméraire_ afloat I
steamed down at full speed and engaged Fort Marabout, on the principle
that according to orders 'an opportunity' had occurred....  I thought
we should have a real rough time of it, as I knew of the heavy guns,
and I knew that one shot fairly placed must sink us.  But I hoped to be
able to dodge the shoals, of which there were many, and get close in,
when I was quite sure they would fire over us.  That is exactly what
occurred.  I got in close and manoeuvred the ship on the angle of the
fort, so that the heavy guns could hardly bear on me, if I was very
careful.  The smooth-bores rained on us, but only two shots hit, the
rest went short or over.  One heavy shot struck the water about six
feet from the ship, wetting everyone on the upper deck with spray, and
bounded over us in a ricochet.

"I did not fire on the smooth-bores at all until I had silenced the
heavy guns which were annoying _Invincible_, _Monarch_, and _Penelope_.
The men fired splendidly.  I put all down to the lectures I have given
them at target practice, telling them never to throw a shot away, but
always to wait until they got the sights on.

[Illustration: ON BOARD H.M.S. "CONDOR," 11TH JULY, 1882.  FROM A
DRAWING BY FREDERIC VILLIERS]

"Hedworth Lambton told me afterwards that the admiral had just sent on
the signal for the _Monarch_ to go to Fort Marabout as soon as she
could be spared, when he heard a cheer from his own men.  He asked,
'What's that?' and they told him they were cheering the _Condor_.  Just
then our three guns were fired, and each shot hit in the middle of the
heavy battery, and the _Invincible's_ men burst into a cheer.  The
admiral said, 'Good God, she'll be sunk!' when off {189} went our guns
again, cheers rang out again from the flagship and the admiral, instead
of making 'Recall _Condor_; made 'Well done, _Condor_' ... at the
suggestion of Hedworth Lambton, the flag-lieutenant.

"We then remained there two and a half hours, and had silenced the fort
all except one gun, when the signal was made to all the other small
craft to assist _Condor_, and down they came and pegged away.  I was
not sorry, as the men were getting a bit beat.  We were then recalled
to the flagship, 'Captain repair on board,' and the admiral's ship's
company gave us three cheers, and he himself on the quarterdeck shook
me warmly by the hand, and told me he was extremely pleased....  I
never saw such pluck as the Egyptians showed.  We shelled them and shot
them, but still they kept on till only one gun was left in action.  It
was splendid....  Nothing could have been more clever than the way the
admiral placed his ships....  The wounded are all doing well.  One man
had his foot shot off, and he picked it up in his hand and hopped down
to the doctor with it....  The troops hoisted a flag of truce the day
after the action; and while we waited I sent to find out why it was
they were marched away, having set fire to the town in many places.  It
has been burning ever since." ...

The day after the bombardment, Captain Wilson (now Admiral of the Fleet
Sir A. K. Wilson, V.C., G.C.B., O.M., G.C.V.O) hauled down the flag of
the Marabout Fort and presented it to me.  It is now in the Museum of
the Royal Naval College, Greenwich.  The commandant of Fort Marabout
was so excellent an officer that when I was appointed provost-marshal
and governor of the town by the admiral, I placed him on my staff to
assist me in restoring order.




{190}

CHAPTER XX

THE EGYPTIAN WAR (_Continued_)

III. CHIEF OF POLICE

The bombardment took place on the 11th July.  On the 12th, as I have
narrated, the Egyptian soldiery fired the city, looted it, and
evacuated the defences.  On the same day the Khedive was surrounded in
his Palace at Ramleh by some 400 of Arabi's cavalry and infantry, a
force subsequently reduced to about 250 men.  That evening Admiral
Seymour was informed that the Khedive was in danger.  The admiral
dispatched the _Condor_ to lie off Ramleh; and there we lay all that
night, rolling heavily, with a spring on the cable to enable the guns
to be trained upon the sandy lane down which the soldiers must advance
if they intended to take the Palace.

It was arranged that, if the Palace were attacked, the Khedive should
hang a white sheet from a window, and I would at once take measures to
secure his safety.  The night went by without alarm; and next day
Tewfik, escorted by a guard of native cavalry, went to the Ras-el-Tin
Palace, where he was received by Admiral Seymour and a guard of
Marines.  Commander Hammill (who afterwards performed excellent service
on the Nile), with a landing-party of 250 bluejackets and 150 Marines,
had already taken possession of the Ras-el-Tin Peninsula.

Upon the same day Captain John Fisher, H.M.S. _Inflexible_ (afterwards
Admiral of the Fleet Lord Fisher of Kilverstone, O.M.), was ordered to
take command of the {191} landing-party whose business was to secure
the outer defences of the city.  Captain Fisher, having occupied the
lines, had a zone of anarchy, incendiarism and chaos, comprising the
whole city, in the rear of his position.  He at once made application
for an officer to be appointed provost-marshal and chief of police,
suggesting my name for the post; and the admiral gave me orders to
assume this office.  As a narrative written at the time owns a certain
intrinsic interest, I make no apology for transcribing further passages
from private letters.


"CHIEF OF POLICE OFFICE
    HEADQUARTERS, ALEXANDRIA
        THE ARSENAL, 25_th July_, 1882

"... I landed on the 14th July, armed myself, got a horse and a guide
and an escort of about thirty Egyptian cavalry, and started to overhaul
the town, and see how I could best carry out my orders to 'restore law
and order as soon as possible, put out fires, bury the dead, and clear
the streets.'  I never saw anything so awful as the town on that
Friday; streets, square, and blocks of buildings all on fire, roaring
and crackling and tumbling about like a hell, let loose Arabs murdering
each other for loot under my nose, wretches running about with
fire-balls and torches to light up new places, all the main
thoroughfares impassable from burning fallen houses, streets with many
corpses in them, mostly murdered by the Arab soldiers for loot--these
corpses were Arabs murdered by each other--in fact, a pandemonium of
hell and its devils.

"I took a chart with me and arranged the different parts of the town
where I should make depots and police stations.  The admiral could only
spare me 60 bluejackets and 70 Marines from the British Fleet; but he
obtained a proportionate number from the foreign warships.  By sunset I
had 620 men in the different depots, mostly foreigners....  I had only
140 men to patrol the town, to stop the looting, to stop the 'fresh
burning' of houses, to bury the corpses, and to protect the lives of
those who had come on shore.  By {192} quickly sending the men about in
parties in different parts of the town, and by employing Arabs to
inform me when and where certain houses might be burnt, I often managed
to get a patrol there just in time to stop it, and the people thought
there were 600 police in the town instead of 140.  For the foreign
bluejackets were ordered to occupy their respective Legations and not
to take any part in restoring order.  This was of course in the first
seventy-two hours, during which time neither myself nor my men slept
one wink, as at 12 o'clock on two occasions an alarm was sounded that
Arabi was attacking the lines, and all of us had to peg away to the
front, where we had to remain until daylight, expecting attack every
moment.  These alarms lost many houses, as the mob set them alight
while we were at the front; however, it was unavoidable.

[Illustration: PROVOST-MARSHAL AND CHIEF OF POLICE.  ALEXANDRIA.  JULY,
1882.  FROM A DRAWING BY FREDERICK VILLIERS]

"On Monday, 17th July, I was sent 400 more men (bluejackets) in answer
to my urgent appeal to the admiral, as so many fanatic Arabs were
coming into the town, ... but on Tuesday the 18th the bluejackets were
all ordered off to their ships and 600 picked Marines were sent in
their place....  After I had planned to get the town into order on the
Friday (14th) I went to the Arsenal and wrote a Proclamation....

"I went off to the admiral on the following (Saturday) morning, and
submitted that I should be allowed to post the Proclamation throughout
the town.  Sir A. Colvin and the Khedive were strongly opposed to the
Proclamation; but the admiral approved of the scheme.  Some of the
authorities suggested that if I shot anybody it would be well to shoot
him at night, or in the prisons, and then no one would know, and there
would be no row.  This I stoutly refused, demanding my own way for
restoring order, and saying that a fair honest Proclamation was the
proper line to take, as all persons would then know what would happen
to them if they committed certain specified acts.  I carried my point,
and the admiral supported me, and on Saturday night (15th) I had the
whole town proclaimed in Arabic, stating that persons {193} caught
firing houses would be shot, persons caught looting twice would be
shot; all persons to return to their homes, etc., with confidence, and
anyone wanting to get information or to lodge complaints to repair
instantly to the chief of police.

"By Wednesday (19th) I had perfect order in the town, and all firing of
houses had been stopped, life was comparatively safe, looting nearly
stopped.  By Friday the 21st, one week after taking charge, all the
fires were put out, all the corpses buried, and things were generally
ship-shape.  I could not have done this unless the admiral had trusted
entirely to me, and given me absolute power of life and death, or to
flog, or to blow down houses, or to do anything that I thought fit to
restore law and order and to put the fires out.  I only had to shoot
five men by drumhead court-martial sentence, besides flogging a certain
number, to effect what I have told you.

"I had a clear thoroughfare through every street in the town by Monday
(24th), and all _débris_ from fallen houses piled up each side and all
dangerous walls pulled down.  These things were done by organising
large working parties of from 100 to 200 hired Arabs.  At first I
collected them at the point of the bayonet and made them work, but I
paid them a good wage every evening, and the bayonets were unnecessary
after the first day, when they found that England would pay well.

"I also collected all the fire-engines I could find, bought some, and
requisitioned others, got some artificers from the Fleet and got the
engines in order, had a bluejacket fire-brigade, and also a working
party of Arabs on the same footing as the road brigade.  These worked
exclusively at the fires, and not at patrolling unless at urgent
necessity.  Besides these I had a sanitary committee, which buried any
bodies we might have missed, burned refuse and remains of loot about
the streets, and reburied any bodies which might not have been buried
deep enough, besides enforcing cleanliness directly the town began to
get a little bit shipshape.  There was a corps of native police to work
under {194} my patrols, and when I turned all the affairs over, I had
260 of these men.

"I disarmed all Europeans found in the streets with revolvers, and by
so doing saved many a row in the town, as the class I have mentioned
returned in thousands after the bombardment, and they treated the Arabs
as if they, the Europeans, had silenced the forts and policed the town.
I put many in irons for looting, and for shooting at inoffensive Arabs.

"The greatest triumph was the formation of an Egyptian court to try the
serious cases I had on hand for life and death and long terms of
imprisonment.  Not only did tret the court formed to try what cases I
chose to bring before it but after sentence of death I insisted on
Egyptian authorities making the Egyptian soldiers (the loyal ones)
themselves shooting the prisoners whom the court sentenced....

"I had four gallopers and four Marine orderly gallopers, in default of
whom I could not have done things so quickly in the many different
departments, nineteen horses, and a telephone to each station.  I paid
all the carts requisitioned in the town for carrying my men's
provisions, loot, etc. etc.  The officer using them signed a chit
stating the hour he had taken a cart and for what service, and then the
man came to my office to be paid, which he was instantly.  By this
means good feeling was established between the people and the military
police.  Each depot had two interpreters attached to it to avoid any
misunderstanding, and for explanations when trying prisoners and
interrogating witnesses....

"The Marine officer thoroughly investigated each case, examined all
witnesses, and then placed the evidence on a regular charge-sheet,
stating whether he believed the prisoner guilty or not guilty, and his
reason for that opinion.  If it was a serious case, I again tried it
myself and judged accordingly.  There were several cases of
blackmailing at first, but these were soon stopped....

"Besides the courts held at the Police Depots, courts were {195} held
at the Tribunal Zaptieh and the Caracol l'A'ban, at which Egyptian
officers acted as judges.  In each court were three shorthand-writers,
each placed behind a separate screen, and under the charge of a
sergeant of Marines, to prevent collusion, who submitted their reports
to me, in order that I should receive three independent accounts of the
proceedings, upon which I could intervene if necessary, in order to
prevent anyone being shot if there were not the clearest and most
uncompromising evidence of his guilt.  If there were any discrepancy in
the reports, I had the prisoner retried.  I did this in three cases.
Another case, in which the circumstantial evidence, though very strong,
was not conclusive, I reprieved."


The following troops assisted the British forces in restoring order:
125 Americans, about the American Consulate; 30 Germans, about the
German Consulate and Hospital; and 140 Greeks about the Greek Consulate
and Hospital.  On the 16th July, Captain Briscoe (a son of an old
Waterford man who hunted the Curraghmore hounds after the death of my
uncle, Henry Lord Waterford) of the P. and O. _Tanjore_ volunteered his
services, and with 20 Italians of his crew, did excellent work.  Other
volunteers who assisted me were Mr. Towrest, a member of the Customs,
and Mr. Wallace.  Major Hemel, R.M.L.I., and Captain Creaghi, R.M.L.I.,
were appointed magistrates.  These Marine officers performed invaluable
services.

I had special reason to be grateful to Mr. John Ross, a British
merchant of Alexandria, who gave me every assistance in his power.  He
knew every yard of the place.  He gave me invaluable advice with regard
to the organisation of the city, obtained interpreters, and helped to
supply the troops, placing his stores at my disposal.  He would have
dispensed with receipts for articles supplied, had I not insisted upon
his taking them.  Mr. Ross supplied the whole Fleet with coal, fresh
meat, and all necessaries; his help was quite inestimable, his energy
and patriotism beyond praise; {196} but although he must have suffered
considerable losses, he received no recognition of any kind from the
Governnment except the naval medal.

Mr. Ross gave me great assistance also in parcelling out Mehemet Ali
Square among the country purveyors of produce, each of whom received a
permit, written in English and in Arabic, to occupy a certain space,
duly pegged out, in which to put up their booths.  This measure
restored confidence.  One old lady, a stout person of Levantine origin,
thought that the permit entitled her to perpetual freehold; and she
subsequently attempted to sue the Egyptian Government for damages,
producing my permit as evidence.

Upon first going ashore to restore order, I found whole streets blocked
with smouldering ruins.  Putting my horse at one such obstacle, I
scrambled over it; and I had scarce reached the other side when a wall
fell bodily behind me, cutting off my escort, who had to fetch a
compass round the side streets to rejoin me.

Without taking the smallest notice of me or of my escort, men were
shooting at one another, quarrelling over loot, and staggering along,
laden with great bundles, like walking balloons.  The streets were
speedily cleared of these rioters by the use of machine guns.  The
method adopted was to fire the gun over their heads, and as they fled,
to run the gun round turnings and head them off again, so that they
received the impression that the town was full of guns.  On no occasion
did I fire the gun _at_ them.  The principles upon which order was
restored were to punish disobedience, to enlist labour and to pay for
it fairly.

The prisoners taken were organised in separate gangs set to work, and
paid less than the rest of the labourers!  The most critical part of
the business of extinguishing fires and preventing incendiarism
occurred at the Tribunal, which was stored with property worth many
thousands of pounds.  A fire-engine was purchased for its protection at
a cost of £160, 18s. 1d.  The total expenses of the restoration or
{197} order were, I think, under £2000.  During the fortnight I was on
shore, every station and port was visited at least once a day and twice
a night.

On one such inspection I gave my horse to an Arab lad to hold.  A few
minutes afterwards there was the crack of a pistol.  I ran out, and
there was the boy lying on the ground a bullet-wound in his chest.  To
satisfy his curiosity he had been fingering the 4-barrel Lancaster
pistol in the holster, and that was the end of _him_, poor lad.

Upon another occasion, when I was at work in one of my stations, a
sudden tumult arose in the street.  I went put, to perceive a huge
Irish Marine Artilleryman engaged in furious conflict with five or six
men of the patrol.  They had got handcuffs on him, and he was fighting
with manacled hands.  I asked the sergeant what was the matter.

"He's drunk, sir.  We are going to lock him up."

"Let him go," I said.

The men fell back; and the Irishman, seeing an iron railing, raised his
hands above his head and brought them down upon the iron, smashing the
handcuffs, and turned upon me like a wild beast at bay.  The man was in
a frenzy.  Standing directly in front of him, I spoke to him quietly.

"Now, my lad, listen to me.  You're an Irishman."  He looked down at
me.  "You're an Irishman, and you've had a little too much to drink,
like many of us at times.  But you are all right.  Think a moment.
Irishmen don't behave like this in the presence of the enemy.  Nor will
you.  Why, we may be in a tight place to-morrow, and who's going to
back me then?  You are.  You're worth fifty of the enemy.  You're the
man I want."

As I talked to him, the expression of his face changed from desperation
to a look of bewilderment, and from bewilderment to understanding; and
then he suddenly broke down.  He turned his head aside and cried.  I
told the sergeant to take him away and give him some tea.

Having heard from the Governor of Alexandria that a {198} quantity of
arms was concealed in a village lying a few miles outside the city, I
took thither a party of Egyptian military police and a guard of
Marines.  On the way we were joined by some 800 British soldiers, who
surrounded the village, while the police conducted a house-to-house
search.  A certain newspaper correspondent accompanied me.  The police
knocked at the door of a house, and received no reply; whereupon the
correspondent drew his revolver and incontinently blew in the lock.  I
told him that he had no right to do such a thing; that he might have
killed innocent persons; and that he must not do it again.

"Oh, but," says he, "you don't understand how to do these things."

I requested him to understand that I was provost-marshal, and that
unless he obeyed orders, he would be sent back to Alexandria.

"Oh, but," says he, "you can't do that.  You don't understand----"

"Sergeant!" said I, "a file of Marines."

"Oh, but," protested the correspondent, "you can't----"

"Sergeant, take this gentleman back to Alexandria."

It was a long walk and a hot walk home.

On the 17th July, General Sir Archibald Alison took command of the land
forces.  At the request of the general, the admiral ordered me to
remain in command of the police until 1st August, when I was relieved
by Major Gordon.  It was about this time that Captain Fisher devised
his armoured train, which, carrying armed bluejackets, made daily
sorties.  A bluejacket sitting on the rail was ordered to come down by
his officer.

"I can't see 'em from down below," he said.  The next moment he was hit
by a bullet.  "They've found the range, sir," said he, as he tumbled
over.

Admiral Sir Beauchamp Seymour was good enough to address to me a very
gratifying letter of commendation for my services.  Among the many kind
congratulations I {199} received, I valued especially the letters from
the captains under whom I had served in various ships, and many
admirals with whom I had served.  On 11th July I was promoted to the
rank of captain.  In the following September the Admiralty forwarded to
Admiral Sir Beauchamp Seymour (raised in November to a peerage as Baron
Alcester) the expression of their satisfaction at the services of
Captain Fisher and of myself.

I overheard a lady finding great fault with my old chief, Sir Beauchamp
Seymour.  I asked her what she had against Lord Alcester.

"Why," said she, "he is a Goth and a Vandal.  Did he not burn the
Alexandrian Library?"

A sequel to the work in Alexandria was my conversation with Mr.
Gladstone on the subject, which took place upon my return home some
weeks later.  Mr. Gladstone sent for me; and after most courteously
expressing his appreciation of my services, he discussed the question
of compensation to the inhabitants of Alexandria who had suffered loss
and damage.  The information he required I had carefully collected in
Alexandria by means of an organised intelligence corps, upon each of
whom was impressed the fact that if he gave false information he would
most certainly be punished.  My view was then, and is now, that the
whole of the claims might have been justly settled for a million
sterling, upon these conditions: that the question should be tackled at
once; that all palpably unwarranted claims should be repudiated from
the outset, because if they were recorded as claims there would
eventually be no way of rebutting them, and it would be found necessary
to pay them ultimately; that doubtful claims should be held over for
consideration; and that the proved claims should be paid immediately.
The important point was that in order to avoid difficulties in disputes
in the future, the matter should be dealt with at once.

I knew of a case (and of other similar cases) in which a jeweller who
had contrived to remove the whole of his stock {200} into safety after
the riot, put in a claim for the value of the whole of the said goods.

These considerations I laid before Mr. Gladstone, informing him also,
in the light of the special information which had come to my knowledge,
that if the matter were allowed to drift, the sum to be disbursed,
instead of being about a million, would probably amount to some four
millions.

In the event, the International Commission of Indemnities paid
£4,341,011.




{201}

CHAPTER XXI

THE EGYPTIAN WAR (_Continued_)

IV. GARRISON WORK

When I was relieved, on 1st August (1882), of the post of
provost-marshal and chief of police, the _Condor_ was ordered to keep
the Mex lines and citadel, which defended the south-western boundary of
Alexandria, forming a barrier across the long and narrow strip of land
which extends between the sea and Lake Mareotis, and upon which the
city is built.  The fortifications of the sea front were continued,
with a brief interval, at right angles to the sea face, extending no
more than some three-quarters of the distance across the strip of land,
so that between one end of the fortifications and the sea, and between
the other end and the shore of Lake Mareotis, there were undefended
spaces.  It was therefore necessary to frame a plan of defence with the
force and materials at command, sufficient to hold this left flank of
the city against the large bodies of rebel soldiery and Arabs hovering
in the vicinity.  Thirty men from the _Condor_ were brought on shore,
with the band, which, consisting of one drum and one fife, was few and
humble but convincing.

The two forts on the earthwork were manned; a 40-pounder smooth-bore
taken from one of the Mex Forts was mounted on the roof of the fort
nearest to Lake Mareotis, whence it was fired at regular intervals at
the enemy occupying the earthworks on the farther shore of the Lake.
After five days they were knocked out of the place.  {202} Charges were
made for the gun out of the miscellaneous ammunition found in the Mex
Forts.

The gun used to capsize almost every time it was fired.  It was served
by a Maltese gunner, who became so superstitiously devoted to his
commanding officer, that when I was relieved by Colonel Earle, my
Maltese never received an order without observing that "Lord Charles
Beresford not do that, sare"; until Earle lost patience, as well he
might.

"D--n Lord Charles Beresford!" said he.

Wire entanglements were fixed along the face of the earthworks.  In the
two open spaces at the ends of the line of fortifications, rockets were
buried, and a lanyard was led along from the firing tube to a peg in
the ground, so that anyone passing that way at night would trip over
the lanyard, thus firing the rocket, and causing a beautiful fountain
of fire to spring from the ground, lighting up the whole locality.  The
device soon stopped nocturnal intrusions.

The open space at the Mareotis end was also commanded by a Gatling gun
mounted on the roof of the fort.  In the forts and earthworks were
about twenty miscellaneous guns.  These were all kept loaded; the
powder being taken from the vast amount of loose powder stored in the
Mex lines.  The guns were connected with trigger lines to the forts, so
that the whole lot could be fired from one place.  The railway lines
leading from Mex Harbour through the fortification, and, on the other
side of the strip of land, from the causeway leading across Lake
Mareotis into the city, were repaired.  The railway bridge by Lake
Mareotis was repaired, and a torpedo was placed beneath it in case of
attack.  A picquet of Marines occupied a truck placed on the bridge.
The train was set running.  The two drawbridges leading to the forts
were repaired.  The men garrisoning the works were housed in tents made
out of the sails of the Arab dhows lying in Mex camber.  A tank was
obtained from Alexandria, and fresh water brought into it.  On the sea
{203} side of the position, the _Condor_ commanded the flank of the
approaches.

Having thus secured this flank of the city against attack, so that it
could be held against a large force, it was necessary to make
reconnaissances into the surrounding country.  The little landing-party
went ashore every evening at 5.30 (with the band, few and humble but
convincing) and occupied the lines.  Every morning at seven o'clock
they returned to the ship; and during the afternoon went out upon
reconnaissance, accompanied by a boat's gun mounted in a bullock cart,
and a rocket-tube mounted on another bullock cart.  Two horses were
harnessed to each cart, assisted, when required, by bluejackets hauling
on drag-ropes.  The men of the _Condor_ were reinforced from the Fleet
on these expeditions, so that the total force of bluejackets and
Marines was 150.  The cavalry being represented solely by the colonel
and the major of Marines, and myself, who were mounted, we had no
sufficient force wherewith to pursue the flying foe.

We used to play hide-and-seek with the soldiery and Bedouin among the
sandhills.  When they approached on one flank, we shelled them with the
little gun until they retired; and then, hauling the gun-cart and
rocket-cart over the roughest ground, we suddenly appeared and shelled
them on the other flank, to their great amazement.  All hands enjoyed
these expeditions amazingly.

In the course of these reconnaissances, large quantities of stores and
ammunition were found in the neighbouring villages.  About three miles
from the lines, an immense store of gun-cotton and Abel's detonators
was discovered in a quarry among the low hills, stored in a shed.  As
no hostile force appeared during the next two days, I determined to
destroy the gun-cotton.  Captain A. K. Wilson of the _Hecla_ sent 20
bluejackets and six Marines to assist me.  These were embarked and
landed within half a mile of the place.  Outposts were set, with orders
to signal should the enemy appear, and the rest of the party set to
work.

{204}

Although gun-cotton does not, strictly speaking, explode except by
detonation, it is extremely difficult to define where ignition ends and
detonation begins; and there had been instances of its explosion,
supposed to be due to the internal pressure of a large mass.  A
tremendous explosion of gun-cotton had occurred in 1866 at Stowmarket,
where its manufacture was being carried on under the patent of Sir
Frederick Abel, then chemist to the War Office.  On another occasion,
when Sir Frederick was conducting an experiment designed to prove that
ignition was harmless, he had his clothes blown off his body, and
narrowly escaped with his life.  Recollecting these things, I thought
it advisable to spread the stuff in a loose mass upon the hillside
sloping to the quarry.  The gun-cotton was packed in boxes.  These were
unpacked, and the contents were spread on the ground.  Next to the
pile, a bucket of loose powder was poured on the ground and over the
fuse, to make sure of ignition.  Into the powder was led one end of a
Bickford's fuse, which was then threaded through the discs of
gun-cotton.  The fuse was timed to burn for five minutes.

The work was highly exhausting to the men, and more than once I felt
inclined to call in the outposts to help; but I decided that it would
not be right to take the risk of a surprise attack; for we were working
in a trap, being closed in by the quarries on one side and by the low
hills on the other.  And sure enough, when the men had been working for
five hours, up went the outpost's signal, and the corporal of Marines
with his three men came running in to report that large numbers of the
enemy were in sight.

Hastening out, I saw about 50 scouts running up, an action so unusual
that it was evident they were strongly supported.  Presently, about 200
skirmishers appeared, and behind them a large body of cavalry, probably
about 700 in number.  The outposts were at once recalled.  The men were
ordered out of the quarry, divided into two companies {205} of twelve
men each, and retired by companies over the hill towards the shore, out
of sight of the enemy.  Mr. Attwood, the gunner of the _Hecla_, a
bluejacket and myself, remained to fire the fuse.  It was a five-minute
fuse.  The retreating men had been told to count as they ran, and at
the end of four minutes, or when they saw us lie down, to halt and lie
down.  I gave the order in case there should be an explosion.  When the
men were lying down, I fired the fuse.  Then the gunner, the bluejacket
and I ran about 300 yards, and flung ourselves down.

Then there came a noise as though a giant had expelled a huge breath;
the blast of the ignition burned our cheeks; in the midst of a vast
column of yellow smoke, boxes and pieces of paper were whirling high in
air, and a strong wind sucked back into the vacuum, almost dragging us
along the sand.  The enemy were so interested in the spectacle that
they gave us time to get back to the boats.

It is probable that information had been given to the hostile forces by
the inhabitants of the village past which we went to reach the quarry
where was the gun-cotton; for, in retreating to the boats, when I
looked back, instead of the 20 or 30 native women who were usually
sitting about the place, I saw about 200 men eagerly watching us from
the house-tops, evidently in the hope of enjoying the gratifying
spectacle of our destruction.

From the summit of the slope falling to the sea, I signalled to the
flagship, with a handkerchief tied to a pole, that I was surrounded:
one of the many occasions upon which a knowledge of signalling proved
invaluable.  There was a haze upon the water, and I could not clearly
discern the answering signal; but the signalman of the flagship had
seen my figure silhouetted on the sky-line.  Instantly after, Captain
John Fisher of the _Inflexible_ manned and armed boats, came ashore,
and the enemy immediately retreated.

Shortly afterwards, as I was now a captain, I was relieved of the
command of the _Condor_ by Commander {206} Jeffreys, and went on
half-pay.  I should naturally have much preferred to remain in my
little ship; but she was not a captain's command; and I left her (as I
see I wrote at the time) with a tear in each eye.  Commander Jeffreys
discovered the place where she had been hit during the bombardment, one
of her under-water plates having been started.  Until then, it was
thought that the only damage consisted of a hole through her awning and
the smashing of a boat.

At the conclusion of this period of my service, I was most gratified to
receive a gracious message of congratulation from Her Majesty the Queen.

H.H. the Khedive wrote to me, kindly expressing his sense of my
services, and at the same time offering me an appointment upon his
staff, in which capacity I was to go to the front.  Lord Granville and
the Admiralty having signified their permission that I should accept
the post, I left Alexandria for Ismailia, together with several members
of the Khedival staff.

We went by steamer, which towed a huge iron lighter carrying horses.  A
beam ran from stem to stern of the lighter, and to it the horses were
tethered with halters.  I remarked to the captain of the steamer that
it would be advisable, in order to avoid injuring the lighter, to take
every precaution to prevent the steamer from having to go astern.  But
in Ismailia Bay, which was crowded with shipping, a vessel crossed the
steamer's bows, the steamer was forced to go astern, and she cut a hole
in the lighter with her propeller.  One of the ship's officers
instantly descended the Jacob's ladder into the lighter with me, and we
cut the halters of the horses, just in time to free them before the
lighter sank, and there we were swimming about among the wild and
frightened stallions.  By splashing the water into their faces, we
turned one or two shorewards, when the rest followed and came safely to
land.

Upon discussing the matter of my appointment to the staff of the
Khedive with Sir Garnet Wolseley, to my {207} surprise he declined to
permit me to accept it.  Discipline is discipline, and there was
nothing for it but to acquiesce.

I was about packing up my things, when Mr. Cameron, the war
correspondent of _The Standard_, informed me that he was authorised to
appoint a correspondent to _The New York Herald_, and also that he had
permission to send the said correspondent to the front, where I
particularly desired to go.  The notion attracted me.  I applied to the
military authorities for permission to accept the offer.  Permission
was, however, refused.  So there was nothing to do but to go home.  But
before starting, I consoled myself by sending some provisions,
privately, to the unfortunate officers at the front, who, owing to the
substitution by the transport people of tents for food, were short of
necessaries.  I obtained from the Orient four large boxes filled with
potted lobster, salmon, sardines, beef, tins of cocoa, and so forth,
and sent one box each to the 1st Life Guards, the Blues, the Guards,
and the Royal Marines.  The orders were that no private supplies were
to go up.  These I ventured to disregard; got up bright and early at
three o'clock in the morning; and had the boxes stowed under the hay
which was being sent up in railway trucks, before officialdom was out
of bed.  Then I went home.

I consider that Sir Garnet Wolseley's conduct of the campaign, and his
brilliant victory at Tel-el-Kebir, were military achievements of a high
order.  The public, perhaps, incline to estimate the merit of an action
with reference to the loss of life incurred, rather than in relation to
the skill employed in attaining the object in view.  The attack at dawn
at Tel-el-Kebir was a daring conception brilliantly carried into
execution.  Many persons, both at the time and subsequently, have
explained how it ought to have been done.  But Sir Garnet Wolseley did
it.

The public seem to appreciate a big butcher's bill, although it may be
caused by stupidity or by lack of foresight on the part of the general.
But if he retrieves his mistakes, the public think more of him than of
the general {208} who, by the exercise of foresight and knowledge, wins
an action with little loss of life.

I carried home with me a 64 lb. shell fired from the _Condor_ at the
Mex magazine, intending to present it to the Prince of Wales.  I found
it in the sand.  It had passed right through the walls of the magazine,
and it had not exploded.  Having brought it on board the _Condor_, I
caused the gunner, Mr. Alexander Greening, to sound it with a copper
rod: and he came to the conclusion that it was empty of gunpowder.  I
therefore thought that it had never been filled.  I intended to have it
cut in two and a lamp for the Prince made of the pieces, and took it to
Nordenfelt's works for the purpose.  The foreman, desirous of taking
every precaution before cutting it, had it again filled with water and
sounded with a copper rod, when it suddenly exploded, blowing off the
foot of the workman who held it, and doing other serious damage.  The
explanation seems to be that the force of the impact when the shell was
fired had solidified the powder into a hard mass.  But explanation
would have little availed had the shell burst in the smoking-room at
Sandringham, where a fragment of it remains to this day.




{209}

CHAPTER XXII

PASSING THROUGH EGYPT

At the beginning of the year 1883 I was on my way out to India with
Lady Charles in the P. and O. s.s. _Malwa_.  Proceeding into Ismailia
Lake, the _Malwa_ was rammed by another vessel which tried to cross the
_Malwa's_ bows.  I was looking over the side of the _Malwa_ and I saw a
curious thing.  I saw the colliding vessel rebound from the _Malwa_ and
strike her again.  I ran up to the bridge, where the captain had
already given orders to stop the engines.  The ship was sinking; it was
no time to stand upon ceremony; and I ventured to suggest to the
captain that he should put his engines full steam ahead, when he might
hope to beach the vessel, whereas if she stayed where she was, she
would infallibly go down in deep water.  The captain, like a good
seaman, gave the order, and the chief engineer carried it into
execution with admirable promptitude.  I went down into the engine-room
and found the water already rising through the foot-plates.

As the ship steamed towards the shore, settling down as she went, I
stood with Lady Charles on the bridge, telling her that, if the vessel
sank, I should throw her overboard--although she could not swim--and
should jump in after her.  To which she merely replied, "That will be
very disagreeable!"

The ship was safely beached, though not before the water had risen to
my cabin.  She was afterwards salved by the help of the Navy.  H.M.S.
_Carysfort_, commanded by Captain H. F. Stephenson, C.B. (now Admiral
Sir Henry F. Stephenson, {210} G.C.V.O., K.C.B., Gentleman Usher of the
Black Rod), sent a carpenter and a working party; and they did
excellent service in the _Malwa_.

Our party went to Cairo, there to await the next steamer.

Hicks Pasha and his staff dined with us upon the night before they left
Cairo, upon their fatal expedition.  Colonel W. Hicks had been
appointed by the Khedive chief of the staff of the Army of the Soudan.
In the following August he was appointed commander-in-chief.  From
Cairo he went to Souakim, thence to Berber, and thence to Khartoum.  On
the 28th April, he fought a successful action on the White Nile, south
of Khartoum, in which his Egyptian troops did well.  In September,
Hicks left Duem with his staff and some 10,000 men and marched into the
desert, which swallowed them up.  The whole army was exterminated by
the Mahdi's dervishes.  Gordon said that the Mahdi built with the
skulls of the slain a pyramid.

I applied for permission to accompany Hicks Pasha, but my old friend
Lord Dufferin was determined that I should not go upon that hazardous
enterprise.  I believe he telegraphed to the Government on the subject.
At any rate, he had his way, and so saved my life.

In October, before the news of the disaster had reached Cairo, the
British Army of Occupation had been reduced from 6700 men to 3000.
Subsequently, the British Government proceeded with the policy of
abandoning the Soudan, in one phase of which I was to bear my part.

In the meantime, Lady Charles and I joined the Duke of Portland and his
party, among whom were Lord de Grey and Lord Wenlock; went to India;
enjoyed some excellent sport; and returned home.




{211}

CHAPTER XXIII

THE SOUDAN WAR OF 1884-5

I. SUMMARY OF EVENTS

NOTE

A year before the British forces restored order in Egypt, trouble was
beginning in the Soudan.  One Mahomet Ahmed, who was the son of a
boat-builder, and who had the peculiar conformation of the teeth which
betokened the fore-ordained of the Prophet, announced that he was the
Mahdi.  In July, 1881, the holy man dwelt upon the island of Abba, on
the White Nile, above Khartoum.  Thence he caused it to be made known
that he was the chosen instrument for the reformation of Islam, and
that all those who denied him would be abolished.  Reouf Pasha, who was
then Governor-General of the Soudan, summoned the Mahdi to Khartoum,
there to give an account of himself.  The Mahdi naturally refused; and
when Reouf sent soldiers to fetch him, the Mahdi slew most of them, and
departed into the hills, he and all his following.  The Governor of
Fashoda took an expedition to Gheddeer, and was also slain, together
with most of his men.  Then Giegler Pasha, a German, acting as
temporary Governor-General of the Soudan, succeeded in defeating the
forces of the Mahdi.  But Abdel Kader, who, succeeding Reouf, took over
the command from Giegler, was defeated in his turn.  On 7th June, 1882,
the Egyptian forces were cut to pieces near Fashoda.  In July, the
Mahdi was besieging Obeid and {212} Bara.  By October, 1882, both
places were in danger of falling, and Abdel Kader was demanding
reinforcements from Egypt.

The Soudan is a country as large as India; at that time it had no
railways, no canals, no roads, and, excepting the Nile during a part of
the year, no navigable rivers.  In November, 1882, the British
Government informed the Khedive that they declined to be responsible
for the condition of the Soudan.  Lord Granville's intimation to this
effect was the first step in the policy which progressed from blunder
to blunder to the desertion and death of General Gordon.

The Egyptian Government, left in the lurch, hastily enlisted some
10,000 men, the most part being brought in by force, and dispatched
them to Abdel Kader at Berber.  At Abdel Kader's request, Colonel
Stewart and two other British officers were sent to Khartoum to help
him to deal with the raw and mutinous levies.

In December, a number of British officers were appointed to the
Egyptian Army in Egypt, in accordance with the recommendations of Lord
Dufferin, and Sir Evelyn Wood was appointed Sirdar.  The British Army
of Occupation had now been reduced to 12,000 men, under the command of
General Sir Archibald Alison, who, in the following April (1883) was
succeeded by Lieutenant-General F. C. S. Stephenson.

In January, 1883, Colonel W. Hicks, afterwards Hicks Pasha, was
appointed by the Khedive chief of the staff of the Army of the Soudan.
Before he proceeded to the theatre of war, Abdel Kader had lost and won
various engagements, and had reoccupied the province of Sennar; while
the Mahdi had taken El Obeid and Bara and occupied the whole of
Kordofan.

In February, it was announced in the Queen's Speech that "the British
troops will be withdrawn as promptly as may be permitted by a prudent
examination of the country"; a declaration provoking intense alarm
among the European {213} inhabitants of Egypt.  Their protests,
however, were totally disregarded.  The Egyptians naturally concluded
that England owned no real interest in that reform of administration
which her influence alone could achieve.

On 7th February, 1883, Colonel Hicks left Cairo for Khartoum, with his
staff, consisting of Colonels Colborne and De Coetlogon, Majors
Farquhar and Martin, and Captains Warner, Massey and Forrestier-Walker.
Upon the night before their departure, Colonel Hicks and his staff
dined with Lord and Lady Charles Beresford in Cairo.  Lord Charles
Beresford, who was then on half-pay, had expressed a wish to accompany
Colonel Hicks, but Lord Dufferin disapproving of his suggestion, Lord
Charles Beresford withdrew it.

Hicks and his men disappeared into the desert, which presently
swallowed them up.

On the 28th April, Hicks defeated a large force of the Mahdi's army on
the White Nile.  The Egyptian Government then decided to reconquer the
province of Kordofan, and dispatched reinforcements to Khartoum.  On
the 9th September, Hicks Pasha, at the head of 10,000 men, marched for
Duem.  The last dispatch received from him was dated 3rd October, 1883.
Upon a day early in November, Hicks and his whole army were annihilated.

His defeat left Khartoum in great danger.  On 9th November, before the
news of the disaster reached England, the British Government stated
that all British troops were to be withdrawn from Egypt.  When the fact
was known, the decision of the Government was modified; but they still
declined to interfere in the Soudan; and advised the Egyptian
Government to evacuate at least a part of that territory.  The Egyptian
Government protesting, the British Government, on 4th January, 1884,
sent a peremptory message insisting that the policy of evacuation
should be carried into execution.  The inconsequence of Her Majesty's
Ministers is sufficiently apparent.

In the meantime, during August of the preceding year, {214} 1883,
trouble had arisen in the Eastern Soudan, where Osman Digna, a trader,
joined the Mahdi, and brought all the tribes of that country to his
standard.  At the beginning of November, 1883, just at the time when
Hicks Pasha and his army had come to their end, an Egyptian force under
Mahmoud Talma Pasha was defeated by Osman Digna in the attempt to
relieve Tokar, besieged by the rebels, Captain Moncrieff, Royal Navy,
British Consul at Souakim, being killed in the action.  A second
expeditionary force under Suleiman Pasha was cut to pieces on 2nd
December at Tamanieh.

The Egyptian Government then dispatched reinforcements under the
command of General Valentine Baker, among whose staff were Colonel
Sartorius, Lieutenant-Colonel Harrington, Lieutenant-Colonel Hay,
Majors Harvey, Giles, and Holroyd, Morice Bey and Dr. Leslie.  On the
4th February, 1884, Baker was defeated at El-Teb, with the loss of
nearly two-thirds of his force.  Morice Bey, Dr. Leslie, and nine other
European officers were killed.  Souakim being threatened, Admiral
Hewett, on 10th December, was given the command of the town, having
under him some 3800 troops.  Two days later came the news of the taking
of Sinkat by the rebels, and of the massacre of the garrison.  During
the period in which these successive disasters occurred, the British
Army of Occupation was kept idle in Cairo by the orders of the British
Government.

The current of events now divides, one leading to Khartoum, the other
still flowing in the Eastern Soudan.  The British Government,
hopelessly at fault, turned to General Charles Gordon, as the one man
in the world who could apparently perform miracles.  Ten years
previously, "Chinese" Gordon, as Governor-General of the Soudan, and
again in 1877, as Governor-General of the Soudan, Darfur and the
Equatorial Provinces, had freed the country from Turkish rule, broken
the slave trade, established peace, opened trade routes, and laid the
foundations of civilisation.  Since 1877 he had been engaged in setting
wrong things right in Egypt {215} in the Soudan again, in Abyssinia, in
China, in the Mauritius, at the Cape, in Palestine, and in the Congo.

On 18th January, 1884, Gordon was instructed by the British Government
to report upon the best method of evacuating the Soudan.  When he
arrived at Cairo, these instructions were radically altered by Sir
Evelyn Baring (afterwards Lord Cromer), who, on the 25th January,
informed Gordon that he was required actually to direct the evacuation
of Khartoum and of the whole Soudan, and afterwards to establish an
organised government in that country.  Gordon arrived at Khartoum on
the 18th February, where he was hailed as the father and saviour of the
people.

On the same day, Major-General Sir Gerald Graham left Suez to join at
Souakim the force which had been placed under his command.  That force
was chiefly drawn from the British Army of Occupation in Egypt.  The
object of the expedition was the relief of Tokar, or, if that place had
already fallen, the protection of Souakim, an alternative which
involved an attack upon Osman Digna's victorious army.  Tokar was in
fact taken by the enemy before the expedition started.

The British Government, whose original intention had been to refrain
from any action in the Soudan whatsoever; which had been compelled by
force of circumstances, including the most frightful bloodshed, to
change a wholly negative policy to a definite scheme of evacuation; now
perceived, of course too late, that if the European population was to
be brought away, at least some measure of military force must be
employed.  What Her Majesty's Ministers were unable to see, or what, if
they saw, they chose to ignore, was the plain fact that the same force
and the same measures and the same promptitude would be required for
the salvation of Europeans in face of the enemy, as for the reconquest
and reoccupation of the country.  In this delusion, or dereliction,
resides the explanation of an affair which has left an indelible stain
upon British honour.

{216}

On 28th February, 1884, Graham defeated the enemy, inflicting upon them
severe losses, at El-Teb, near the spot upon which Baker's disastrous
action had occurred some three weeks previously.  On 13th March, after
a hard and at times a dubious fight, Graham won another victory at
Tamaai, and the power of Osman Digna was broken.  Graham was then
ordered to return, and the expedition was over.

By withdrawing Graham's troops, the Government both threw away the
fruits of his success, and deliberately abandoned the control of the
Souakim-Berber route from Khartoum, by which alone Gordon could have
brought away the refugees.  Berber was the key to the Soudan.
Thenceforth, the Souakim-Berber route was impracticable; and it was for
this reason that Lord Wolseley was obliged to take the much longer Nile
route.

On the very day after Graham's victory at El-Teb, and before Graham had
left Souakim, Gordon had telegraphed from Khartoum as follows:--


"There is not much chance of the situation improving, and every chance
of it getting worse; for we have nothing to rely on to make it better.
You must, therefore, decide whether you will or will not make an
attempt to save the two-thirds of the population who are well affected
before these two-thirds retreat.  Should you wish to intervene, send
200 British troops to Wady Halfa, and adjutants to inspect Dongola, and
then open up Souakim-Berber road by Indian Moslem troops.  This will
cause an immediate collapse of the revolt."


On 2nd March he telegraphed again to the same effect; but Lord
Granville declined to accede to General Gordon's suggestions.  A few
days later, when the Eastern Soudan and the Souakim-Berber route had
been definitely abandoned, Sir Evelyn Baring strongly advised the
British Government to obtain command of the Souakim-Berber route.  But
the {217} advice was refused by Lord Granville, and the most urgent
appeals continued to be addressed to him in vain.

Deserted by the Government, Gordon tried, and failed, to raise money
privately for the purpose of engaging Turkish troops.  Early in April,
Khartoum was closely besieged.  At this time, Lord Wolseley urged upon
the Government the necessity of relieving Gordon.  In May, preparations
for war were begun.  A part of the British Army of Occupation in Egypt
was sent up the Nile; and Commander Hammill and other naval officers
were employed to report upon the navigation of the river.  These facts
did not prevent Lord Hartington from informing the House of Commons,
early in July, that the Government had no intention of sending an
expedition to relieve General Gordon, unless it were made clear that by
no other means could he be relieved, and adding that the Government had
"received no information making it desirable that we should depart from
that decision" (Royce, _The Egyptian Campaigns_).  On 24th July, Lord
Wolseley made a spirited protest against the procrastination of the
Government.  The pressure of public opinion could no longer be entirely
withstood.  On 30th July, Gordon sent a message in which he declared
his retreat to be impossible.

On 5th August, Mr. Gladstone asked and obtained a vote of credit.
Then, and not until then, were the preparations for war begun in
England.  Having decided, upon the advice of Lord Wolseley, to follow
the Nile route instead of the Souakim-Berber route, the Government
ordered 800 boats.  These were 30 feet long, having six feet six inches
beam, two feet six inches draught, fitted with 12 oars, two masts and
lug sails; each designed to carry two boatmen and 10 soldiers with
provisions, arms and ammunition.  Eight steam pinnaces and two
stern-wheel paddle-boats were also fitted out; the Nile steamers
belonging to the Egyptian Government were taken over; and 380
_voyageurs_ from Canada were engaged.  The total force of troops
selected numbered 7000.  Messrs. Thomas Cook & Son contracted to
transport the {218} whole expedition to above the Second Cataract.
Lord Wolseley was appointed commander-in-chief; General Sir Redvers
Buller was chief of staff; General Earle was given command of a
brigade; special service officers were: Colonels Sir Charles Wilson,
Brackenbury, Harrison, Henderson, Maurice, Lord Anson (Royce, _The
Egyptian Campaigns_).  Lord Charles Beresford was attached to Lord
Wolseley's staff.

Even now, the Government failed to recognise the plain facts of the
case.  Their instructions to Lord Wolseley were that the main object of
the expedition was to rescue General Gordon.  Her Majesty's Ministers
considered that it might be practicable to achieve his release without
going to Khartoum, and that in any case it was desirable to avoid any
fighting so far as possible.

When Lord Wolseley started from Cairo on 27th September, 1884, the
advance was already going rapidly forward.  Under the direction of Sir
Evelyn Wood and Commander Hammill, a number of the whaler boats had
been transported to Wady Halfa, which is nearly 900 miles from
Khartoum, the total length of the Nile route being 1650 miles.  Along
the river, up to Wady Halfa and a little beyond to Sarras, bases of
supply had been established; an advance guard was already at New
Dongola, about 100 miles above Wady Halfa, under the command of General
Sir Herbert Stewart, he who afterwards led the Desert Column.

Arriving at Wady Halfa on 5th October, Lord Wolseley received news that
Colonel J. S. Stewart, Mr. Power, British Consul at Khartoum and
correspondent of _The Times_, M. Herbin, French Consul, and a party of
Greek and Egyptian refugees, who had left Khartoum in the steamer
Abbas, had all been slain.  Stewart had with him Gordon's papers,
which, of course, were taken by the Mahdi's men.

On the 8th October a letter from M. Herbin was received at Cairo.  It
was dated from Khartoum, 29th July, 1884, and stated that there were
then provisions for two months in the {219} place.  The time had thus
expired--and M. Herbin had been murdered--ere the letter arrived.

A temporary base was formed at Wady Halfa; and bases of supplies were
established along the river up to New Dongola.  By means of
extraordinary exertions, boats and steamers were hauled up to Dongola
through the rapids.  Lord Wolseley formed a Camel Corps of 1500 men,
consisting of four regiments, Heavy Cavalry, Light Cavalry, Guards, and
Mounted Infantry, with a detachment of Royal Marines.  Early in
November, a general advance was made from Wady Halfa.  Wolseley arrived
at Dongola on 3rd November.  Two days previously, on 1st November, Sir
Evelyn Baring had received a message from Gordon, dated 13th July,
saying that he could hold out for four months.  The limit, therefore,
had nearly been reached by the time the expedition was leaving Wady
Halfa, 900 miles from Khartoum.

Lord Wolseley, early in November, considered that it would take to the
end of the year to concentrate his forces at Ambukol, just above Old
Dongola.  He returned to Wady Halfa to expedite progress; and by the
middle of December headquarters were established at Korti, and by
Christmas the greater part of the force was concentrated there.  During
the whole of this period, Wolseley's army must be figured as a river of
men flowing along the river Nile, the infantry struggling up in boats,
the mounted men toiling along the banks; the stream of men banking up
at headquarters, the military front, which is steadily pushed forward
from Wady Halfa to New Dongola, from New Dongola to Old Dongola 60 to
70 miles farther up, from Old Dongola to Korti.

On 17th November a letter was received from Gordon saying that he could
hold out for forty days from the date of the superscription, 4th
November, 1884, thus leaving Wolseley barely four weeks to accomplish a
task needing as many months.  On 28th November another letter from
Gordon, dated 9th September, gave the relief expedition four months,
thus leaving Wolseley five weeks from the {220} date upon which the
letter was received.  It was now clear that the expedition could not
reach Khartoum in time.

When Lord Wolseley, towards the end of December, had his forces
concentrated at Korti, he decided to divide them into two columns, the
Desert Column and the Nile Column.  The reasons for his scheme can only
be clearly apprehended by a reference to the map.  At Korti, the Nile
turns north-east, looping back again, and resuming its southward course
at Metemmeh.  A straight line drawn across the Bayuda Desert from Korti
to Metemmeh is the short cut.  This was the route given to the Desert
Column.  The Nile Column was to proceed up the loop of the river to
Hamdab, there to avenge the murder of Colonel Stewart and his party, to
proceed higher up to Berti, and thence to secure the bend of the river
and to open up the desert route back to Korosko, below Wady Halfa, and
from Korosko it was intended to attack Berber, and thence to join
forces with the Desert Column at Metemmeh.

The Nile Column, numbering about 3000 men, under the command of
Major-General Earle, Brigadier-General Brackenbury being second in
command, left Korti on 28th December, 1884.

The Desert Column was placed under the command of General Sir Herbert
Stewart.  With him was Colonel Sir Charles Wilson, who was instructed
to take a body of troops from Metemmeh to Khartoum.  The Column
consisted of sections of the Camel Corps, a company of the Royal
Engineers, a detachment of the 19th Hussars, detachments of the
Commissariat and Medical Corps, and the Naval Brigade, which was placed
under the command of Lord Charles Beresford.  The total force numbered
73 officers, 1032 non-commissioned officers and men, 2099 camels, and
40 horses.  The Desert Column left Korti on 30th December, 1884.  It
was, in fact, a forlorn hope.

(The writer desires to acknowledge the use he has made of the excellent
narrative of events contained in _The Egyptian Campaigns_, by the Hon.
Charles Royle.)




{221}

CHAPTER XXIV

THE SOUDAN WAR (_Continued_)

II. HOW WE BROUGHT THE BOATS THROUGH THE GREAT GATE

In January, 1884, General Gordon was entrusted by the British and
Egyptian Governments with the impossible task of evacuating the Soudan
and of organising its future internal administration, in the face of a
vast horde of armed fanatics.  In April, the investment of Khartoum, in
which Gordon was shut up, was complete.  In May, preparations for war
were begun in England and in Egypt.  It was not, however, until 8th
August that Lord Hartington informed General Stephenson, commanding the
British Army of Occupation in Egypt, that measures would be taken to
relieve Gordon.  During the same month the whale-boats for the Nile
route were ordered.  On 26th August General Stephenson was informed
that Lord Wolseley would command the expedition.

In August, while I was staying with the Duke of Fife at Mar Lodge, I
was appointed to Lord Wolseley's Staff.

I sailed with Lord Wolseley and the rest of his Staff.  We arrived at
Alexandria on 9th September, 1884, and went on to Cairo, where we
lodged in the Palace on the Shoobra Road.  Here were Lord Wolseley,
General Sir Redvers Buller, Colonel Swaine, Major Wardrop and Lord
Edward Fitzgerald, A.D.C. to Buller.  Sir Evelyn Wood and Commander
Hammill were already up the Nile {222} organising transport and supply.
General Sir Herbert Stewart and General Earle were at Wady Halfa.

It is not my intention to relate the history of the war, which has been
admirably recorded in the various works dealing with the subject; but
rather to narrate my personal experiences during the campaign.  And the
reader will also be left to his own consideration of the contemporary
affairs of the great world: the marrying and giving in marriage, losses
and gains, desires foiled and ambitions achieved, the shifts and
intrigues and gossip of domestic politics, the portentous manoeuvres
upon the clouded stage of international drama: all of which, to the
sailors and soldiers of the forlorn hope strung along the gigantic
reaches of the Nile, toiling and fighting in the desert, went by as
though it had never been.  It is an old story now; very many of my
gallant comrades have passed away; but the record of their courage and
endurance remains, and shall remain.

When we arrived in Cairo there were already 29 naval officers and 190
men, divided into several sections, at work along the Nile.  These were
sent by Admiral Lord John Hay, commander-in-chief in the Mediterranean.
In addition, the Admiralty had appointed two or three senior officers,
among whom was Captain Boardman (afterwards Admiral F. R. Boardman,
C.B.).  At Lord Wolseley's request, Boardman was placed in command of
the whole naval contingent, which had not hitherto been under either a
naval officer in chief command or the military authority.  My own
position with regard to the naval contingent was simply that of Lord
Wolseley's representative.

While we were in Cairo I purchased for £24 my famous racing camel
Bimbashi.  Buller also bought a camel, and we rode together daily.  He
used to laugh till he nearly fell out of his saddle, when my camel ran
away with me through and over foot-passengers, donkeys, carriages and
dogs.  I might haul Bimbashi's head round till it was under my knee,
and he was looking astern, and still he charged onwards.

{223}

The whale-boats designed to transport the expedition were then arriving
in large numbers.  The total number was 800.  They were similar to the
man-of-war 30-foot whaler, but fuller in the body to enable them to
carry more weight.  Each boat was 30 feet long, with six feet six
inches beam, and two feet six inches draught, fitted for 12 oars, and
two masts with lug sails, and capable of carrying 10 soldiers, two
boatmen (Canadian _voyageurs_), 1000 rations and ammunition.

There was a story current when the boats were struggling up the Nile,
that one of them, manned by a sergeant and eight soldiers, but without
a _voyageur_ on board, having run athwart a rock and upset, a soldier
observed to the sergeant that "the cove who sent nine men in a boat
with 1000 rations must have been this here journey before!"

There were also to be provided eight steam pinnaces, two stern-wheel
paddle boats, and a number of hired Egyptian Government steamers.  The
whale-boats as they arrived were sent, first, by rail and river to
Assiout.  Thence they were towed to Assouan, where is the First
Cataract.  Here they were either railed on trucks, or hauled through
the rapids to Shellal, eight miles up.  From Shellal to Wady Halfa, 200
miles farther, was plain sailing.  At Wady Halfa is the Second Cataract
and the formidable rapid of Bab-el-Kebir, or the "Great Gate."

Early in September I was ordered by Lord Wolseley to go up the Nile,
overhauling the arrangements for the water transport, right up to Wady
Halfa, which would be the temporary military base, I went by train from
Cairo to Assiout, the hottest journey I had ever endured.  India was
nothing to it.  The desert gathered itself up to destroy me.  Any
little spot upon my person which was not deep in desert was a
fly-bazaar.  But at Assiout a cold shower-bath paid for all.  Here I
investigated the transport arrangements made by Captain Boardman, and
found them excellent.  I may say at once that the whole of Captain
Boardman's work was admirable, and that his management {224} throughout
the campaign was marked by the greatest good feeling, tact, and
patience.

I left Assiout in one of Messrs. Cook's steamers, the _Fersaat_, which
had the appearance of a boat and the manners of a kangaroo.  She was
loosely concocted of iron and leaked at every rivet; she squealed and
grunted; her boiler roared like a camel; she bounded as she went.  Her
Reis (captain and pilot) was a sorrowful old Mohammedan, whose only
method of finding out if the shoals and sands were still in the same
place was by running upon them; and his manner of getting off them was
to cry "Allah Kerim!" ("God is great!") and to beat his poor old
forehead on the deck.  In the meantime one of his Arabs, tastefully
attired in a long blue night-gown, an enormous pair of drawers, and
decorated elastic-sided boots, stripped and jumped overboard and pushed
the boat, and while he pushed he chanted a dirge.  As the boat began to
move, he made sounds which suggested that he was about to be violently
sick but could not quite manage it satisfactorily, although encouraged
thereto by the loud objurgations of the two stokers.  When he clambered
back on deck, he put on the decorated boots and walked about in them
till he was dry enough to dress; while the Reis gave thanks to his
Maker, and the two stokers, men who knew nothing and feared nothing,
piled wood on the furnaces and drove the boat along again.

If anyone walked from port to starboard or touched the helm, the boat
rolled over, and until the next roll maintained a list of ten degrees,
so that I was frequently shot off the locker upon which I was trying to
sleep, landing upon the top of José, my Maltese interpreter, and
followed by field-glasses, filter, sword and boots.  The
mosquito-curtains carried away, and the mosquitoes instantly attacked
in force, driving me nearly mad with loss of blood, irritation, and
rage.  My only comfort was a pneumatic life-belt, which had been sent
to me by Lady Charles, and which I used as a pillow.

{225}

So we struggled along against the stream for the 330 miles to Assouan;
and the weather was not too hot, and the nights were cool, and the
banks were fringed with date-palms, and every night the sun sank from
the intense blue of the zenith, laced with long-drawn clouds of rose,
to the lucent green low in the west, and the sand turned to gold colour
and rose, until the sun dropped suddenly out of sight and all turned
grey like ashes.  Then a cold little wind sprang up out of the desert
and the night deepened into the velvet dark flashing with a myriad
stars.

On 23rd September I came to Assouan: reorganised the postal service to
bring two mails a week by steam-launch: made arrangements for the rapid
working of the water transport generally, ready for the time of
pressure, and sent an urgent request for flexible wire hawsers, as I
was sure they would be urgently required.

Leaving Assouan on 24th September, I arrived at Wady Halfa on the 27th.
Here were Sir Evelyn Wood and his Staff; among whom was my old friend
Zohrab Pasha.  I was immediately set to work trying camels, as I had
become acquainted with these singular animals in India.

Upon the day of my arrival I went out with a young officer in the
Mounted Infantry.  His camel blundered over an irrigation ditch, and
flung my young friend head over heels into the mud, where he sat
looking sadly up into the face of his steed, which was complaining, as
camels do, making a peculiar mumbling noise like an old woman kept
waiting for her tea.  Having been restored to his seat, this
unfortunate youth immediately rode too close to the river and
incontinently fell into a deep mud hole from which he had to be dug out.

On 5th October Lord Wolseley arrived at Wady Halfa, as cheery as usual,
and took up his quarters in a _dahabieh_.  Sir Redvers Buller and
Zohrab Pasha were also dwelling in _dahabiehs_.  I was attached to Sir
Evelyn Wood's mess, Sir Evelyn being in charge of communications.  I
lived in a small bell tent close to the river, chiefly furnished with a
{226} penny whistle, a photograph of Lady Charles, my letters from
home, and a stag beetle big enough to carry me to hounds, which I
generally had to chase from my bed.

Upon Lord Wolseley's arrival we heard the rumour of the murder of
Colonel Stewart at El-Kamar, and of the slaying of his companions.
Ultimately, the news was confirmed.  Stewart, with three steamers, had
left Khartoum on 10th September.  After shelling the forts at Berber,
two of the steamers returned; while Stewart, in the Abbas, which was
towing two boats carrying refugees, went on to Abu Hamid, where the
natives opened a heavy fire.  The boats were cast adrift and their
passengers captured.  Stewart went on; his steamer was wrecked near the
village of Hebbeh, at which, having been induced to land by treachery,
Stewart, M. Herbin, French Consul at Khartoum, Mr. Power, _Times_
correspondent, and a number of Greeks and Egyptians, were slain.  It
was a pitiful end to all Colonel Stewart's gallant service with Gordon.

During the first part of my time at Wady Halfa I was engaged under Lord
Wolseley's instructions in the inspection of the transport up and down
the river, often riding more than forty miles in a day upon a camel.
Wady Halfa was then being formed into the base camp preparatory to the
general advance: and troops and stores were arriving daily.  The
railway ran along the east bank of the river to Sarras, 33 miles
distant.

One day, when Sir Evelyn Wood and a party of soldiers were going by
train to Sarras, and Commander Hammill and I were accompanying them,
the engine broke down half-way.  The Egyptian engineer and stoker being
helpless, Hammill and I examined the locomotive, Hammill taking the top
part, while I lay on my back underneath, close to the furnace, where
the sensation was like being baked in an oven.  The bearings were
overheated, a lubricating tube having become unscrewed.  After two
hours' hard work, we managed to reverse the tube end for end and to
refix it.  Sir Evelyn Wood helped to pull me from under the engine,
{227} and laughed till he cried.  I was covered with black grease from
top to toe, and my clothes were scorched to tatters.  Hammill was in no
better case, his suit being drenched with oil.  The spectacle may have
been very amusing to the general; but neither Hammill nor I had more
than two suits, and here was one of them destroyed entirely.

By the 5th October, when Lord Wolseley arrived at Wady Halfa, Sir
Herbert Stewart had been for several days at Dongola with 250 Mounted
Infantry, who were transported in _nuggars_ (native boats) from Sarras.
The whale-boats were arriving daily at Wady Halfa, the first boat
having been hauled through the rapids on 25th September, and by the 5th
October there were 103 whalers assembled at Wady Halfa.  At Wady Halfa
is the Second Cataract, at the lower end of which is the gorge of
Bab-el-Kebir, the Great Gate.  Between Wady Halfa and Dal are the
cataracts of Samneh, Attireh, Ambigol, Tangour and Akasha.  At
intervals of about 33 miles from Sarras to (New) Dongola, stations were
established with commissariat depots.  The transport of troops and
stores from the base camp at Wady Halfa to Dongola consisted of the
steamers, whale-boats, and _nuggars_ along the river, the train from
Wady Halfa to Sarras, from Sarras to Ambigol by camel, thence by water.
The Camel Corps marched along the east bank to Dongola.  It was
composed of four regiments, Heavy, Light, Guards, and Mounted Infantry,
each being composed of detachments from cavalry and infantry regiments,
each detachment consisting of two officers, two sergeants, two
corporals, one bugler, and 38 men; total, 94 officers, 1700 N.C.O.'s
and men.

Such, in brief, was the condition of affairs early in October (1884),
when I was stationed at the Second Cataract at Wady Halfa.  Here the
Nile divides into two, flowing on either side of a group of rocks and
islands for about 20 miles, and at the other (or upper) end of the
group of rocks and islands, on the east (or left) bank, is the
sickle-shaped gorge of Bab-el-Kebir.  At this time, although the {228}
river was falling, the roar of the torrent pouring through the Bab was
so tremendous, that no voice could be heard, and we communicated with
one another by semaphore.  When I left the Bab, goats were feeding in
the bed of the river.

Lord Wolseley told me that he was informed that it was impossible to
haul the steamers up the Second Cataract, and asked me if I could do it.

I replied that nothing was impossible until it was proved to be
impossible; and that, in the case under consideration, I would admit
the impossibility when I had smashed two steamers in trying to get them
through; while if I smashed only one, I might thereby get experience
which would enable me to succeed with the other.

The steamers were hauled through successfully while the Bab-el-Kebir
was still full and roaring, the current being so powerful that the
steamers forging against it trembled like a whip.

Some 4000 natives were put on the hawser of the first steamer; and as
they hauled her up, she had but a foot's clearance between her sides
and the rocks.  The torrent flung her against them, and if she had not
been defended by timber and mats, she would have been smashed to
pieces.  About the middle of the gorge the natives could move her no
farther.  Whereupon they cried to Allah to strengthen them, and to
order the rope to pull harder and to slacken the water.  But as their
prayers availed not, I eased the steamer back again, and put about 1500
British soldiers on the hawser.  They did not pray; indeed, their
language was as it were the reverse of prayer; but they dragged the
steamer right through.  Theologically speaking, the victory should have
gone to the natives.  I put the problem to a bishop, but he was unable
to solve it.

The task of hauling the whalers through the Second Cataract was at
first entrusted to Koko, the native pilot Of Bab-el-Kebir.  His method
was to take a line, dive with it into the rapids, and carry it across
the river.  The line was {229} frequently torn from him by the current,
and many of the boats were stove in against the rocks.

I designed a scheme of haulage, and was eventually placed by Lord
Wolseley in charge of the whole of the water transport from Wady Halfa
to Gemai, a stretch of about 17 miles.  At Gemai was established a
dockyard, where damaged boats were repaired and equipped for the rest
of the voyage.

My scheme for hauling the boats consisted of a stout standing guess
warp rigged as nearly as possible at right angles to the course of the
boat to be hauled, and secured at either end to rock or tree; one end
of a short hawser was hooked to the guess warp, so that it could move
freely up and down it, and a block was secured to the other end.
Through the block was rove a towing rope proper, one end secured to the
boat, and the working party on land tailing on to the other.  As the
course of the river shifted, the guess warp was moved; the whole
passage being accomplished by a series of these operations.  In certain
places two blocks were used, a standing block and a pendant block, a
pendant being rove through the standing block, one end secured to the
pendant block, men hauling on the other end; and through the pendant
block was rove the hauling line, one end secured to the boat, men
hauling on the other upon the bank opposite to that on which were the
pendant crew.  By hauling on the hauling line, then easing the pendant,
and then hauling again on the hauling line, the boat was brought clear
of the Cataract and hauled round the corner into smooth water.

Each boat was supplied with two poles for punting and a long line for
tracking, besides oars and sails.

The whole equipment of the boats was organised by Sir Redvers Buller,
who utilised his experience of the Red River expedition, and nothing
could have better served its purpose.

The _nuggars_, or native boats, were bought near Assouan, and were then
brought up to Wady Halfa, whence they were hauled through the Cataract,
then loaded with stores and {230} sent on up river.  It was of the
utmost importance that they should be dispatched as quickly as
possible; for an army moves on its stomach, and the _nuggars_ carried
the wherewithal.  Their sails, being invariably rotten, were blown to
pieces in the Cataracts.  They were constantly crashing into the rocks,
which made holes in them, when they were hauled by main force to the
shore, where a dock was excavated in the sand to receive them.  Here
they were repaired and thence dispatched up river.

A _nuggar_ would come sailing along, when there was a sudden crash, the
bluejacket at the helm was pitched headlong into the bottom of the
boat, while the sail split into ribbons, and the native crew embraced
the mast crying that Allah was great!

[Illustration: THE AUTHOR'S METHOD OF HAULING BOATS THROUGH THE
BAB-EL-KEBIR.  AA. HAWSER: BB. HAULING LINE; C. GIBGUY; J. AND I. MEN
HAULING; H. FIXED POINT; G. PURCHASE FOR SETTING TAUT.  AFTER A DRAWING
MADE ON THE SPOT BY THE AUTHOR]

When the whale-boats came along, their passage was so arranged that a
regiment, or part of a regiment, was kept together; the distribution
being maintained all up the river, so that a homogeneous body could be
landed at any moment for attack or defence if necessary.

So furious was the torrent, that whoso fell into it seldom rose again,
unless he were one of the expert Dongola divers.  The men coming up in
the boats, who had done and suffered much before reaching Wady Halfa,
had repaired their trousers with biscuit tins.  I overheard the
following dialogue between one of these tin-bottomed weary heroes and a
comrade on the bank:

"Hullo, Bill, 'ow are you getting on?"

"Me?  I've been pulling on this here ruddy river for about two years.
'Ow far is it to Gemai?"

"About fifteen miles, mate."

"O my Gawd!  Is there an 'orspital there?"

Late in October, the _voyageurs_ arrived, a fine body of men, 380
strong.

Being acquainted with rapids and understanding their navigation, the
_voyageurs_ were invaluable in bringing the boats through the long and
difficult reaches of the Nile up to Wady Halfa, and from Wady Halfa up
to Korti.  The {231} task could never have been accomplished in the
time, and the losses of boats would have been heavier, had it not been
for the _voyageurs_.

As the boats came through the Bab or across the portage, the
_voyageurs_ took charge of them and sailed them up to Gemai.  Here they
were overhauled and fully equipped, the soldiers were embarked, and
away they went up river.

By the 6th November, 60 boats had left Gemai with the Sussex regiment
on board.  The river was then falling so swiftly that a new course for
the boats must be found almost every day.  Hitherto the boats had been
passed through the Cataract almost without a scratch or the loss of a
single article of gear.  Now the rocks began to show through the surf
in the Bab.

A boat was smashed.  We caught her lower down; and with 200 men
portaged her over a rocky hill, across the neck of land formed by the
curve of the Bab, then laid her keel upwards across two other boats,
and so floated, took her up to Gemai dockyard.  I was the more pleased
with this piece of salvage, because everyone said it was impossible to
save the boat.  The last nine boats, after being emptied of all gear,
were hauled clean over the rocks by main force.  They came prettily
lipping through the boiling torrent from rock to rock, taking the blows
upon keel and bilge pieces, so that they were scarcely damaged.

Early in October, foreseeing that, as the water fell, the Bab-el-Kebir
would become impracticable, I had designed a scheme for a portage.  The
alternative would have been to entrain the boats from Wady Halfa to
Sarras, an expedient which, as the whole of the train service was
required to carry provisions, would have involved immense delay.

My plan was to haul the boats up to the entrance of the Bab and then to
carry them across the neck of land formed by the curve of the Bab, a
distance of 2488 yards, which required 400 men, who should be divided
into sections of 40 to each boat.  The boat was hauled on shore, her
masts, oars, and poles laid on the ground to serve as bearers; the boat
was {232} laid on these keel uppermost, and was then lifted and
carried, the masts, oars, and poles resting on the men's shoulders, and
other men supporting the boat by resting thwarts and gunwale on their
shoulders.  My scheme was at first received with incredulity by all
except Lord Wolseley.  But I made a trial trip with 30 men, and had the
boat across the portage, including six stoppages for rest, and in the
water with all her gear without a scratch, in an hour and twenty
minutes.  The passage of Bab-el-Kebir, low as the water had become,
would have taken at least six hours, with great risk of disaster.

Now, having hauled the last nine boats through, over the rocks, the
portage scheme came into operation; and on the 6th November I closed
the Bab, and used the portage, by means of which alone it was made
possible to continue the supply of boats at the same rate.
Thenceforward we were able to put the boats through quicker than they
were supplied.

Many of the boats were poisonous to handle, as their matting was
infested with scorpions.

My dwelling was at first a tent at Wady Halfa, and afterwards a hut on
the bank beside the Bab-el-Kebir.  It stood within six feet of the
roaring river, in a grove of mimosa.  The camels lunched daily upon the
long sharp thorns of the mimosa, apparently relishing these spines as a
form of Worcester sauce.

Rising at daylight, every day I covered some thirty miles up and down
the shore of the Cataract, superintending operations from dawn till
dark.  I rode one of my camels, Bimbashi or Ballyhooly or Beelzebub, or
my donkey, County Waterford, so named because the second time I
contested him I lost my seat: a political allegory.  Being short of
both officers and men, my presence was required everywhere at once.  By
haulage and portage a perpetual procession of whaleboats and _nuggars_
was kept moving up to the dockyard at Gemai.

From Wady Halfa to the Bab the Cataract was divided {233} into reaches,
a post being stationed at each.  At the first reach were Peel of the
2nd Life Guards and 200 Dongola men; at the Naval Camp, on the second
reach, were Lieutenant Colbourne and 350 Dongola men; at Palm Tree
Camp, in the third reach, were an Egyptian officer and 100 Dongola men;
for the portage at Bab-el-Kebir I had 500 men of the 2nd Egyptian
battalion under their colonel, and another of their officers,
Shakespeare of the Marines, who had been with me in the _Thunderer_.
All along the Cataract were stationed small parties of carpenters and
sailmakers in order that damages should be repaired on the spot.
Living with me was Colonel Grant, who was in command of all the Dongola
men.  Later, the Canadian _voyageurs_ camped beside my hut.

By means of the distribution of work, each section being placed under a
responsible officer, progress speedily became three times as fast.
Officers and men worked magnificently.  I was proud of the old Navy.

The routine for the bluejackets was: Turn out 4.30 a.m., breakfast;
walk seven to ten miles through the desert along the river, often
having to retrace their steps to help a boat in distress; work all day
till sunset, no spell for dinner, which consisted of biscuit; at
sunset, walk seven miles back to camp, supper and turn in.  The
officers walked with the men, giving their camels to the men who
suffered from sore feet.  Officers and men were burned as black as the
natives.

Until my arrival, the nine naval officers and the doctor had been
living at the Naval Camp nine miles from Wady Halfa, without a single
servant or a cook.  They were allowed neither servants nor the money
with which to hire natives.  But nothing could exceed the kindness and
good-will of General Buller, who at once granted all my requests, and
if I found it necessary to order first and report afterwards,
sanctioned my requisitions.

I had with me in my hut for a time F. H. Pollen, who could dive and
swim better than the Dongola men, using like them a blown-up goatskin.
The constant immersion {234} brought on an attack of dysentery.  I kept
him in bed, taking away his clothes so that he could not get up, and
doctored him till he recovered.

At this time I acted as doctor to the men under me.  Every case of
sickness was reported to me at once.  If the patient suffered from
diarrhoea I exhibited castor oil.  A petty officer having been thus
treated, said he felt easier.  I asked him if he would like another
dose, and he said he would like it.  The same night he died.  I sent
his body on a camel to the nearest medical officer, who found seventeen
date-stones in his stomach.  I had the sorry consolation of knowing
that the poor fellow must have died in any event.

On the 17th November, Lord Wolseley, returning from Dongola, arrived
suddenly at Wady Halfa, where he remained for twenty-four hours,
afterwards returning to Dongola.  All we knew was that he had come to
press matters forward.  History relates how that on the 17th November,
Wolseley received a letter from Gordon dated 4th November, in which
Gordon wrote: "We can hold out forty days with ease; after that it will
be difficult."  In reply Wolseley telegraphed from Wady Halfa: "Yours
of 4th just received 17th; the first I have had from you.  I shall be
at Kasr Dongola in four days."  Wolseley at the same time informed Lord
Hartington that while the news would not affect his plans, it seemed to
show that Gordon's relief could not be accomplished without fighting.

Lord Wolseley made no announcement on the subject at the time, merely
telling General Buller and myself that we were to stay where we were
for the present.  Our impression was that Wolseley had abandoned the
idea of making a dash across the desert from Korti to Metemmeh.

At that date, 17th November, we had more than 200 boats ready to embark
troops at Gernai, from which twenty to thirty boats were being
dispatched daily.  Nearly 200 boats had already gone, carrying
detachments of the Essex, Stafford, and Cornwall Regiments, the
Engineers, and Commissariat.  About 200 more boats had still to pass
the {235} Cataract.  I was very pleased with the work and behaviour of
the 2nd battalion of the Egyptian Army, which was working the portage.
I expressed my satisfaction to them, and gave every man a quarter of a
pound of native tobacco, whereupon they declared with one voice that,
"if God was willing, they would go to hell with my Excellency."

At about this time I received a private intimation from Lord Wolseley
that, when the general advance began, he intended to place me in
command of a naval brigade.

By 22nd November, 549 boats had been passed through the Second
Cataract, 166 of which had been hauled through the Bab-el-Kebir, the
rest portaged.  Of the whole number of boats, only three were smashed;
and very few received any damage.  Accidents were few, although the
work was dangerous.  On 21st November a _voyageur_ was drowned.  Three
_voyageurs_ went overboard, and two were saved by catching hold of a
rope.  The third scorned the rope, relying upon his ability to swim,
and was never seen again.  Up to that date five men altogether had been
drowned, two soldiers, two Canadians, and one native.  Later, another
native, and he an Esneh swimmer, was drowned.  The river was
extraordinarily fatal.  Not one man who went under upon falling
overboard was saved.  The natives always used to do their best to keep
on the surface.

Lord Wolseley was so good as warmly to commend the work done on the
Second Cataract; and Sir Redvers Buller, who at first declared the
portage scheme to be impossible of execution, generously expressed his
appreciation of its success.

Having shot a little alligator, I skinned it myself.  The Arab
camel-man in my service, who spoke French, argued with me in that
language for a long time that an alligator had no tongue, but fed by
suction, like a snipe.  As I had cut out the tongue of my little
alligator, I knew it had one; but my Arabian naturalist refused to be
persuaded.

At this time and afterwards while I was in Egypt, my servant,
interpreter and cook was the excellent José Salvatro, {236} a Maltese.
If he happened to be absent, I conveyed my instructions to the natives
through my French-speaking camel-man, in French.  Between my French and
his French and his Arabic, I used to wonder how the meaning filtered
through; but I have a note in my diary that "it comes all right, the
natives are cheery fellows and work capitally with me, and a good smack
upon the 'sit-upon' of a lazy one keeps the whole lot going."

Towards the end of November I was living alone in my hut on the
Bab-el-Kebir, attended only by a bluejacket and the faithful José, who
ceased not from scrubbing and washing, so that I was never a day
without clean things, an inestimable comfort in that climate.  Here I
was haunted by an Arab maniac who dwelt in some indiscoverable antre of
the rocks.  At night I heard him howling to himself.  In the daytime,
he ran here and there, his only garment being the dust he cast upon his
shaven head, crying upon Allah.  He ate sand and offal, a diet which
left him hungry, for he would come to my tent for food, which I gave
him.  He seemed to know me in a vague way.  I gave him some calico to
cover his nakedness withal, but he tore the stuff into fragments and
ate them.  One day he rushed into my tent, clawed some mutton-broth out
of the cooking-pot with his horrible hands and crammed it boiling hot
into his mouth.  I was obliged forcibly to eject him lest he should
take the whole; but I had no stomach for the rest.  My fear was lest he
should burst in at night and I should be obliged in self-defence to
shoot him.  Eventually, José lost patience, seized a huge wood-axe, and
chased the maniac for a mile.  The poor wretch ran like a hare and
vanished into his hole in the rocks.

I made a match with Colonel Brocklehurst, head of the Remount
Department, to ride my camel, the bold Bimbashi, against any one of
Brocklehurst's camels, for £25.  The course was six miles long across
the desert, from Peel's Camp at the beginning of the Cataract to Sir
Evelyn Wood's flagstaff at Wady Halfa.  Brocklehurst's rider was his
interpreter, {237} a lean rat of an Arab Sheikh, who was absolutely
certain he would win.  His camel was the favourite of Wood's mess and
was reputed to be the best in Egypt.  The betting was fifty to one
against me.  But I had been riding Bimbashi 30 miles or so a day, and
we were both in fine hard condition.

The Sheikh started at a gallop.  First his turban, then his goatskin
saddle-rug, carried away.  Both rider and camel were blowing and
perspiring ere they had run three miles.  For the first two and a half
miles I waited on the Sheikh, then came away and won in a canter half a
mile ahead.  At the finish the troops lined up and made a course for
us.  Thus I won my first camel race, owner up.  No one was better
pleased than my old friend Colonel Brocklehurst.

Bimbashi (according to my journal) covered the six miles in a little
over eighteen minutes.  That gallant steed had already been ridden the
nine miles from my camp to the starting-point; and when I rode him back
in the evening, he was so fresh that he ran away with me, grumbling
loudly, because he was offended at the sight of a dead donkey lying
wrong side up beside the railway.

I invented a saddle for camels, and I believe the pattern is still in
use.  The saddle-tree is a triangular wooden framework, like the gable
of a roof.  I covered the wood with oakum and canvas; abolished all
buckles, made the girths and stirrups of raw hide thongs, and put the
stirrups forward, instead of behind.  Count Gleichen, in his
interesting book, _With the Camel Corps up the Nile_, relates how the
saddles and equipment served out to the Camel Corps gave the men
infinite trouble and discomfort.  The unseasoned wood came to pieces,
the straps broke, the water-skins and water-bottles leaked; but one
instance of the departmental mismanagement which caused our men so much
unnecessary suffering.

By the end of November, the river was falling so swiftly that what was
smooth water yesterday was to-day a {238} frivolous series of
waterfalls with a twist in them.  Every alteration in the river
involved a new device for haulage, and it would alter at three or four
places in a mile, and there were 11 miles of rapids.  I was generally
able to judge by the look of the water when and where it would change
its course during the next few hours.  In order to avoid the least
delay, new arrangements must be devised beforehand; and my mind was so
absorbed in these schemes, that I dreamed of them nightly.  By that
time I had 1400 men working under me, whose work must be organised, and
stations allocated.  The Bab-el-Kebir, that formidable rapid, was now a
grazing ground for goats.

I shifted my quarters from the Bab to Wady Halfa, as the difficulties
were now all at that end of the Cataract.  Peel and Colbourne, in
command respectively of the next two reaches, found no day too long and
no work too hard.

In order to supervise the whole length of the operations as quickly as
possible, I kept one camel, Ballyhooly, at the Bab; the big white
donkey County Waterford half-way there; and Bimbashi the bold and
Beelzebub at Wady Halfa.  Bimbashi could trot 16 miles in the hour.  A
Bedouin Sheikh offered me £3$ for him.  As I had bought him for £24 I
concluded that his vender had stolen him.  I won more than his price in
the race with Colonel Brocklehurst's Sheikh.  While at Wady Halfa I
rode him six miles out in the heavy sand against Sir Evelyn Wood and
his A.D.C., who rode horses, and Bimbashi beat the horses fair and
square.

Lord Wolseley sent me a telegram ordering me to form a naval brigade of
100 men and 10 officers.  But as the bluejackets were of inestimable
service in getting the remainder of the boats through the Cataract, and
fitting them out at Gemai, where the soldiers embarked, he desired to
keep them where they were as long as possible.  On 27th November, we
hoped to get all the boats through during the next five days.  Up to
that date--the last for which I have a note--687 boats had been passed
through the Cataract, with {239} a loss of 4 only; about 27 men of all
sorts had been drowned; and 337 boats had left Gemai with troops and
stores.

On 6th December the last boat was passed through.  On the same day, Sir
Evelyn Wood and Sir Redvers Buller received a telegram reporting a
block of boats at Ambigol and Dal Cataract; and I was ordered there at
a moment's notice.

On 27th September I had arrived at Wady Halfa; on 10th October I
schemed the portage; and for eight weeks since that date I had been
continuously hard at work passing the boats through the Second
Cataract; which the Arabs call "the belly of stone."




{240}

CHAPTER XXV

THE SOUDAN WAR (_Continued_)

III. UP THE CATARACTS AND ACROSS THE DESERT

  "To Assiout, in a cloud of dust
    We came, and it made us smile,
  To see each other's features, till
    We washed them in the Nile.
  From there, by boat, to Assouan
    We came, and every night
  Made fast, for the boatmen wouldn't steam
    Excepting in daylight."
  _Songs of the Camel Corps_ (Sergt. H. EAGLE, R.M.C.C.)


On the 6th December, 1884, Peel and Colbourne, my two gallant comrades
who had done so splendid a work upon the Second Cataract, quitted the
Belly of Stone, embarking in two boats manned by Kroomen.  The names of
these big black men were Africa, Ginger Red, Bottled Beer, Sampson, Two
Glasses and Been-Very-Ill-Twice; and when they were excited, as they
nearly always were, they took to the English tongue, and kept us
laughing for a week.  When the wind was fair and we sailed up against
the rapids, the Kroo boys were terribly anxious, knowing that if the
wind failed we should slide all the way back again.

By this time the whole expedition was moving up river.  The conduct of
the soldiers was magnificent, achieving wonderful results.  Of the
sailors, accustomed to the work, and knowing the shortest way of doing
things, one expected much--and got even more.  It was hard enough for
the {241} seamen.  Although they, the soldiers, knew nothing of boats,
they worked like heroes.  And the navigation of the Nile from Gemai to
Dal enforced hard continuous toil from dawn to dark day after day.  The
_voyageurs_ did splendid service; the expedition could not have
advanced so rapidly without them; and although they knew nothing of
sails, being acute adventurous fellows they soon picked up enough
knowledge to carry them through.

An officer of cavalry in charge of a convoy of stores on the river
worked by Dongola men, describing his adventures with what he called
his "peasant crews," pathetically observed: "You know, I know nothing
whatever about a boat, or what it ought to do, and I am not ashamed to
tell you that the whole time I am sweating with terror.  And every
night when I go to bed I dream of whirlpools and boiling rapids and
then I dream that I am drowned."

But his visions of the night affected neither his nerve nor his
indomitable energy.

Our daily routine along the river began at 4.30: all hands turn out,
make up tent (if there were one), breakfast, and start, sailing or
tracking or rowing according to the state of the river.  But whether
you sailed or tracked or rowed, before long the river changed and you
must row instead of track, or sail instead of row.  Then you would come
to a difficult place, and you would heave the cargo on shore, and get
the empty boat up a fall or a heavy rush of water, and portage the
cargo on to the boat.  So on to midday, when an hour was allowed for
dinner; then at it again, sailing, tracking, rowing, in and out cargo,
till sundown.  Then haul into the bank and eat bully beef without
vegetables.  After supper, roll in a blanket and sleep on the soft sand
the profound and delicious slumber of weary men.

Occasionally a boat would strike a rock; or at rare intervals an
accident would happen, and part of a crew would be lost, and the boat's
gear swept away; or a hole would be knocked in the boat, when she would
be emptied of gear and cargo, hauled up, and patched.  Under these
circumstances, {242} the boats often made no more than three or four
miles' advance in a day.  Overloaded as were many of the boats, they
served their purpose admirably well.

At the big Cataracts were stationed working parties, which emptied the
boats of gear and cargo, portaged them overland, and hauled the boats
through the rapids.

So we struggled up the broad and rushing river from Gemai to Dal,
sailing and towing and rowing, capsized and righting again.  And one
night a sandstorm waltzed out of the desert and blew away our tent and
with it knives, forks, slippers, lamp, candles, matches and everything.
And the next morning Peel dropped his knife, and in trying to save it
he upset our whole breakfast of sardines and coffee into Colbourne's
boots.  And half my kit was stolen, and I was reduced to one broken
pair of boots, and the natives stole my tooth powder and baked bread
with it.  And we had boils all over us like the man in the Bible,
because every little scratch was poisoned by the innumerable flies of
Egypt.  But we were so busy that nothing mattered.

Fighting every mile of the great river pouring down from Khartoum, we
on the Cataracts had no news of Gordon.  All we knew was that there was
need to hurry, hurry all the way.  At such times as the mail from home
arrived upon a dyspeptic camel, we got scraps of news of home affairs.
People who knew much more than Lord Wolseley, were saying he ought to
have taken the Souakim-Berber route instead of the Nile route.  I said
then, as I say now, he had no choice.  At this time of crisis, when the
Navy was dangerously inadequate, one political party was screaming
denunciations against "legislation by panic."  Encouraging to sailors
and soldiers sweating on service!  But we knew what to expect.  I
observe that in a private letter written in December, 1884, from the
banks of the Nile, at the end of a long day's work with the boats, I
said, "Both sides are equally to blame for the defective state of the
Navy.  Tell ---- and ---- not to be unpatriotic and make the Navy a
party question, or they will not do half the good they might."

{243}

We came to Ambigol to find the boats had been cleared by Alleyne of the
Artillery.  I was able to improve the organisation there, and to give
help along the river I was in time to save three boats.  At Dal, I laid
lines along the centre of the two and a half miles rapid, so that in
calm weather the boats could haul themselves through.

In the meantime, the Naval Brigade of which Lord Wolseley had ordered
me to take command, had been selected, at my request, by Captain
Boardman.

On 19th December, my first division came to Dal.  Up they came, all
together in line ahead, under all possible sail, using the boat awnings
as spinnakers.  They had sailed up the rapids where the other boats
were tracking; and the soldiers cheered them as they went by.  There
was not a scratch on any boat, nor a drop of water in any of them.
Every cargo was complete in detail, including machine guns, ammunition,
oil and stores.  Had I not a right to be proud of the seamen?  I put an
officer at the helm of each boat, and told them to follow me through
Dal Cataract; and led them through, so that the same night the boats
were reloaded with the gear and cargo which had been portaged, and were
going on.  The passage of Dal Cataract usually occupied three days.

I sent on the first division, and stayed at Dal to await the arrival of
the second, in order to get all my men together.  As it happened, I did
not see it until it reached Korti.  On 21st December it had left
Sarras, bringing oil and stores to be used in the Nile steamers of
which I was to take charge.  For by this time I had been informed of
Lord Wolseley's intention to send the Naval Brigade with the Camel
Corps to make a dash across the Bayuda Desert to Metemmeh.  The Naval
Brigade was then to attack Khartoum in Gordon's steamers, while the
Camel Corps attacked it by land.

So I remained yet a little while at Dal, helping the boats through the
Cataract, and camping in the sand.  I found a baby scorpion two and a
half inches long in my {244} handkerchief.  The officer whose tent was
next to mine, shared it with a sand-rat, which used to fill his
slippers with _dhura_ grains every night, and which jumped on and off
my knee when I breakfasted with my friend.  Actually there came two or
three days when I had nothing to do; and when I could take a hot bath
in peace, with the luxury of a cake of carbolic soap, and sit in my
little canvas chair, which was, however, speedily stolen.

My poor servant José was suddenly taken with so sharp an attack of
fever that he was stricken helpless and could hardly lift a cup to his
lips.  His pulse was going like a machine gun.  He was too ill to be
moved on mule-back to the hospital, which was eight miles distant; and
I had to doctor him myself.  I gave him castor-oil, deprived him of all
food for twenty-four hours, gave him five grains of quinine every two
hours, and plenty of lime-juice to drink; and he was soon well again.

Lord Avonmore, Lieutenant-Colonel J. Alleyne, Captain Burnaby and
myself subscribed to a Christmas dinner of extraordinary charm, eaten
with the Guards.  The menu was:--soup made of bully beef, onions, rice
and boiled biscuit, fish from the Nile, stewed bully beef and chicken
_à la_ as-if-they-had-been-trained-for-long-distance-races-for-a-year,
_entremet_ of biscuit and jam.  Rum to drink.

I should have missed that feast, and should have been on the way to
Korti post-haste several days before Christmas, had it not been that a
telegram sent by Lord Wolseley to me had been delayed in transmission.
On 27th December I received an urgent telegram from General Buller,
asking where I was and what I was doing.  A week previously Lord
Wolseley had telegraphed instructions that I was to proceed to Korti
with all speed to arrive with the first division of the Naval Brigade.
Having received no orders, I was waiting for the second division so
that I might see that it was complete and satisfactory.  (It arrived at
Dal the day after I left that place in obedience to General Buller's
orders.)

{245}

From Dal to Korti, as the crow flies, is some 200 miles to the
southward; following up the river, which, with many windings, flows
north from Korti, the distance is more than half as much again.  I was
already (by no fault of mine) a week behind; my instructions were to
proceed by the shortest possible route by the quickest possible means,
camels or steam pinnace; and immediately I received General Buller's
telegram I dashed off to the Commissariat.  Here I obtained four camels
to carry José, myself and my kit to the nearest point at which I could
catch a steam pinnace on the river.  Also, by riding the first stage of
the journey, I could avoid two wide bends of the Nile.  The camels were
but baggage animals; they all had sore backs; and I could get no proper
saddle.  I strapped my rug on the wooden framework.  We started the
same evening at seven o'clock.

The night had fallen when we left behind us the stir of the armed camp
and plunged into the deep stillness of the desert.  The brilliant
moonlight sharply illumined the low rocky hills, and the withered
scrub, near and far; the hard gravelly track stretched plainly before
us; and the camels went noiselessly forward on their great padded feet.
So, hour after hour.  It was one o'clock upon the following morning
(21st December) when we rode into a dark and silent village.  Lighting
upon an empty hut, we crawled into it, cooked a little supper, and went
to sleep.

Before daylight we were awakened by the noise of voices crying and
quarrelling; and there were two black negresses upbraiding us, and
beyond them was a group of agitated natives.  It appeared that we were
desecrating the village mosque.  Having soothed the inhabitants, we
started.  That day we rode from 6 a.m. to 7.30 p.m. with a halt of an
hour and a half at midday, travelling 40 miles in twelve hours, good
going for baggage camels with sore backs.  By that time I was getting
sore, too.  We slept that night at Absarat, started the next morning
(29th December) at 8.30, and rode to Abu Fatmeh, arriving at 4 p.m.
Starting next morning at nine o'clock, we arrived at Kaibur at 5 p.m.
Here, to my {246} intense relief, we picked up Colville and his steam
pinnace, in which we instantly embarked for Korti.

During the last three days and a half we had been thirty-two hours in
the saddle (which, strictly speaking, my camel had not) and a part of
my anatomy was quite worn away.  I lay down in the pinnace and hoped to
become healed.

We did not know it; but the same evening, General Sir Herbert Stewart's
Desert Column left Korti upon the great forced march of the forlorn
hope.

The pinnace, whose furnaces were burning wood, most of which was wet
and green, pounded slowly up river until we met the steamer
_Nassifara_, into which I transferred myself.  Blissful was the rest in
that steamer after my two months' tremendous toil getting the boats
through the Bab-el-Kebir and the long ride across the desert.  So I lay
in the steamer and lived on the height of diet, fresh meat, milk,
butter and eggs, till my tunic hardly held me.  I did not then know why
Lord Wolseley had sent for me in so great a hurry.




{247}

CHAPTER XXVI

THE SOUDAN WAR (_Continued_)

IV. THE FIRST MARCH OF THE DESERT COLUMN

NOTE

By the end of December, 1884, the whole of the expedition was in
process of concentrating at Korti.  At Korti the Nile fetches a wide
arc north-eastward.  The chord of the arc, running south-eastward, runs
from Korti to Metemmeh, and Shendi, which stands on the farther, or
east, bank.  From Korti to Metemmeh is 176 miles across the desert.
Shendi was the rendezvous at which the troops were to meet Gordon's
steamers sent down by him from Khartoum.  Wolseley's object in sending
Lord Charles Beresford with the Naval Brigade was that he should take
command of the steamers, which, filled with troops, were to proceed up
to Khartoum.  The first business of the Desert Column under General Sir
Herbert Stewart, was to seize the wells of Jakdul, which lay 100 miles
distant from Korti, and to hold them, thus securing the main water
supply on the desert route and an intermediate station between Metemmeh
and the base at Korti.  Having obtained possession of the wells, the
Guards' Battalion was to be left there, while the remainder of the
Column returned to Korti, there to be sufficiently reinforced to return
to Jakdul, and to complete the march to Metemmeh.  Such was the
original idea.  The reason why sufficient troops and transport were not
sent in the first instance, thereby avoiding the necessity of the
return {248} of the greater part of the Column to Korti, and its second
march with the reinforcements, seems to have been the scarcity of
camels.

When the Desert Column made its first march, Lord Charles Beresford and
the Naval Brigade were still on their way to Korti.  The first division
under the command of Lord Charles marched with the Desert Column on its
return.

The first Desert Column numbered 73 officers, 1212 men and natives, and
2091 camels.  It consisted of one squadron of the 19th Hussars, Guards'
Camel Regiment, Mounted Infantry, Engineers, 1357 camels carrying
stores and driven by natives, Medical Staff Corps, and Bearer Company.
Personal luggage was limited to 40 lb. a man.  An account of the march
is given by Count Gleichen, in his pleasant and interesting book (to
which the present writer is much indebted) _With the Camel Corps up the
Nile_ (Chapman & Hall).  Some years previously the route from Korti to
Metemmeh had been surveyed by Ismail Pasha, who had intended to run a
railway along it from Wady Halfa to Khartoum; and the map then made of
the district was in possession of the Column.  The enemy were reported
to be about; but it was expected that they would be found beyond the
Jakdul Wells; as indeed they were.

The Desert Column started from Korti on the afternoon of Tuesday, 30th
December, 1884.  The Hussars escorted a party of native guides and
scouted ahead.  The Column marched the whole of that night, in the
light of a brilliant moon, across hard sand or gravel, amid low hills
of black rock, at whose bases grew long yellow savas grass and mimosa
bushes, and in places mimosa trees.

At 8.30 on the morning of the 31st December they halted until 3 p.m.,
marched till 8.30 p.m., found the wells of Abu Hashim nearly dry,
marched on, ascending a stony tableland, and still marching, sang the
New Year in at midnight; came to the wells of El Howeiyat, drank them
dry and bivouacked until 6 a.m. on the morning of the 1st January, 1885.

{249}

All that morning they marched, coming at midday to a plain covered with
scrub and intersected with dry water-courses; rested for three hours;
marched all that night, and about 7 a.m. on the morning of 2nd January,
entered the defile, floored with large loose stones and closed in with
steep black hills, leading to the wells of Jakdul.  These are deep
pools filling clefts in the rock of the hills encompassing the little
valley, three reservoirs rising one above the other.  Count Gleichen,
who was the first man to climb to the upper pools, thus describes the
middle pool.


"Eighty feet above my head towered an overhanging precipice of black
rock; behind me rose another of the same height; at the foot of the one
in front lay a beautiful, large ice-green pool, deepening into black as
I looked into its transparent depths.  Scarlet dragon-flies flitted
about in the shade; rocks covered with dark-green weed looked out of
the water; the air was cool almost to coldness.  It was like being
dropped into a fairy grotto, at least so it seemed to me after grilling
for days in the sun."


When the Desert Column reached that oasis, they had been on the march
for sixty-four hours, with no more than four hours' consecutive sleep.
The time as recorded by Count Gleichen was "sixty-four hours,
thirty-four hours on the move and thirty broken up into short halts."
The distance covered was a little under 100 miles; therefore the
camels' rate of marching averaged as nearly as may be two and
three-quarter miles an hour throughout.  A camel walks like clock-work,
and if he quickens his speed he keeps the same length of pace, almost
exactly one yard.

The Guards' Battalion, to which were attached the Royal Marines, with
six Hussars and 15 Engineers remained at the Wells.  The rest of the
Column left Jakdul at dusk of the day upon which they had arrived, to
return to Korti, bivouacking that night in the desert.

The detachment at Jakdul made roads, built forts, and laid out the camp
for the returning Column.  On 11th {250} January, a convoy of 1000
camels carrying stores and ammunition, under the command of Colonel
Stanley Clarke, arrived at Jakdul.

In the meantime, on 31st December, the day after which the Desert
Column had started for the first time, Lord Wolseley had received a
written message from Gordon, "Khartoum all right," dated 14th December.
Should it be captured, the message was intended to deceive the captor.
The messenger delivered verbal information of a different tenure, to
the effect that Gordon was hard pressed and that provisions were
becoming very scarce.

At the time of the starting of the Desert Column upon its second march,
when it was accompanied by the first division of the Naval Brigade
under the command of Lord Charles Beresford, and by other
reinforcements, the general situation was briefly as follows.

The River Column, which was intended to clear the country along the
Nile, to occupy Berber, and thence to join the Desert Column at
Metemmeh, was assembling at Hamdab, 52 miles above Korti.  It was
commanded by General Earle.  The four steamers sent down the river from
Khartoum by General Gordon in October, were at Nasri Island, below the
Shabloka Cataract, half-way between Khartoum and Metemmeh, which are 98
miles apart.  Korti and Berber, as a glance at the map will show,
occupy respectively the left and right corners of the base of an
inverted pyramid, of which Metemmeh is the apex, while Khartoum may be
figured as at the end of a line 98 miles long depending from the apex.
The Desert Column traversed one side of the triangle, from Korti to
Metemmeh; the River Column was intended to traverse the other two sides.

[Illustration: THE NILE from Wadi Halfa to Khartoum]




{251}

CHAPTER XXVII

THE SOUDAN WAR (_Continued_)

V. THE DESERT MARCH OF THE FORLORN HOPE

  "When years ago I 'listed, lads,
    To serve our Gracious Queen,
  The sergeant made me understand
    I was a 'Royal Marine.'
  He said we sometimes served in ships,
    And sometimes on the shore;
  But did not say I should wear spurs,
    Or be in the Camel Corps."
  _Songs of the Camel Corps_ (Sergt. H. EAGLE, R.M.C.C.)


Korti was a city of tents arrayed amid groves of fronded palm
overhanging the broad river; beyond, the illimitable coloured spaces of
the desert, barred with plains of tawny grass set with mimosa, and
green fields of _dhura_, and merging into the far rose-hued hills.  All
day long the strong sun smote upon its yellow avenues, and the bugles
called, and the north wind, steady and cool, blew the boats up the
river, and the men, ragged and cheery and tanned saddle-colour, came
marching in and were absorbed into the great armed camp.  Thence were
to spring two long arms of fighting men, one to encircle the river, the
other to reach across the desert, strike at Khartoum and save Gordon.

The day after I arrived at Korti, 5th January, 1885, the desert arm had
bent back to obtain reinforcements; because there were not enough
camels to furnish transport for the first march.

{252}

The first division of the Naval Brigade, under Lieutenant Alfred
Pigott, also arrived on the 5th.  Officers and men alike were covered
with little black pustules, due to the poison carried by the flies.
Nevertheless, they were fit and well and all a-taunto.  They were
brigaded under my command with Sir Herbert Stewart's Desert Column.
The intention was that Gordon's steamers, then waiting for us somewhere
between Metemmeh and Khartoum, should be manned with the sailors and a
detachment of infantry, and should take Sir Charles Wilson up to
Khartoum.  The second division of the Naval Brigade was still on its
way up.  It eventually joined us at Gubat.  I may here say, for the
sake of clearness, that Gubat is close to Metemmeh and that Shendi lies
on the farther, or east, bank of the Nile, so that Gubat, Metemmeh and
Shendi were really all within the area of the rendezvous at which the
River Column under General Earle was intended to join forces with the
Desert Column.

Sir Herbert Stewart arrived at Korti on the 5th and left that place on
the 8th, the intervening days being occupied in preparations.  An
essential part of my own arrangements consisted in obtaining spare
boiler-plates, rivets, oakum, lubricating oil, and engineers' stores
generally, as I foresaw that these would be needed for the steamers,
which had already been knocking about the Nile in a hostile country for
some three months.  At first, Sir Redvers Buller refused to let me have
either the stores or the camels upon which to carry them.  He was most
good-natured and sympathetic, but he did not immediately perceive the
necessity.

"What do you want boiler-plates for?" he said.  "Are you going to mend
the camels with them?"

But he let me have what I wanted.  (I did mend the camels with oakum.)
With other stores, I took eight boiler-plates, and a quantity of
rivets.  One of those plates, and a couple of dozen of those rivets,
saved the Column.

The Gardner gun of the Naval Brigade was carried in pieces on four
camels.  Number one carried the barrels, {253} number two training and
elevating gear and wheels, number three the trail, number four, four
boxes of hoppers.  The limber was abolished for the sake of handiness.
The gun was unloaded, mounted, feed-plate full, and ready to march in
under four minutes.  When marching with the gun, the men hauled it with
drag-ropes, muzzle first, the trail being lifted and carried upon a
light pole.  Upon going into action the trail was dropped and the gun
was ready, all the confusion and delay caused by unlimbering in a
crowded space being thus avoided.

At midday the 8th January, the Desert Column paraded for its second and
final march, behind the village of Korti, and was inspected by Lord
Wolseley.  The same thought inspired every officer and man: we are
getting to the real business at last.

The Desert Column, quoting from the figures given in Sir Charles
Wilson's excellent work, _From Korti to Khartoum_, was composed as
follows:

                                                 N.-C. Officers
                                     Officers       and Men

  Staff . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     8               6
  Naval Brigade . . . . . . . . . . .     5              53
  19th Hussars  . . . . . . . . . . .     9             121
  Heavy Camel Regiment  . . . . . . .    24             376
  M. I. Camel Regiment  . . . . . . .    21             336
  Royal Artillery . . . . . . . . . .     4              39
  Royal Sussex Regiment . . . . . . .    16             401
  Essex Regiment  . . . . . . . . . .     3              55
  Commissariat and Transport  . . . .     5              72
  Medical Staff . . . . . . . . . . .     3              50
                                         --            ----
                                         98            1509
                                         ==            ====

And four guns (one Gardner, three 7-pr. screw guns), 304 natives, 2228
camels, and 155 horses.  Already there were along the route at the
wells of Howeiyat (left on the first march) 33 officers and men of the
M. I. Camel Regiment and 33 camels; and at Jakdul 422 officers and men
of the Guards' Camel Regiment (including Royal Marines), Royal
Engineers, and Medical Staff, and 20 camels.  {254} The Desert Column
picked up these detachments as it went along, leaving others in their
places.

The Column rode off at 2 o'clock p.m. amid a chorus of good wishes from
our comrades.  I rode my white donkey, County Waterford, which had been
sent up to Korti by boat, We marched ten miles; halted at sunset and
bivouacked, and started again half an hour after midnight.  The moon
rode high, and it was very cold; but the cold was invigorating; and the
hard gravel or sand of the track made good going.  Desert marching with
camels demands perpetual attention; the loads slip on the camels and
must be adjusted; a native driver unships the load and drops it to save
himself trouble; camels stray or break loose.  By means of perpetual
driving, the unwieldy herd creeps forward with noiseless footsteps, at
something under three miles an hour.

Although the camels were so numerous, their numbers had been reduced to
the bare requirements of that small mobile column, which alone could
hope to achieve the enterprise.

At 10 o'clock a.m. on the 9th, we halted for four hours in a valley of
grass and mimosa trees; marched till sunset and came to another grassy
valley and bivouacked.  On the 10th we started before daylight, and
reached the wells of El Howeiyat at noon, very thirsty, and drank muddy
water and breakfasted; marched on until long after dark over rough
ground, the men very thirsty, the camels slipping and falling all over
the place, and at length bivouacked.  Starting again before daylight on
the 11th, we came to the wooded valley set among granite hills, where
are the wells of Abu Halfa, men and animals suffering greatly from
thirst.  The wells consisted of a muddy pond and a few small pools of
bitter water.  More holes were dug, and the watering went on all the
afternoon and all night.

Next morning, 12th January, we loaded up at daylight, and marched
across the plain lying beneath the range of yellow hills, broken by
black rocks, called Jebel Jelif; entered a grassy and wide valley,
ending in a wall of rock; turned {255} the corner of the wall, and came
into a narrower valley, full of large round stones, and closed in at
the upper end by precipices, riven into clefts, within which were the
pools of Jakdul.  We beheld roads cleared of stones, and the
sign-boards of a camp, and the forts of the garrison, and stone walls
crowning the hills, one high on the left, two high on the right hand.
In ten days the little detachment of Guards, Royal Marines and
Engineers under Major Dorward, R.E., had performed an incredible amount
of work: road-making, wall-building, laying-out, canal-digging and
reservoir-making.  All was ready for Sir Herbert Stewart's force, which
took up its quarters at once.

That evening the Guards gave an excellent dinner to the Staff,
substituting fresh gazelle and sand-grouse for bully-beef.  All night
the men were drawing water from the upper pool of the wells, in which
was the best water, by the light of lanterns.

The next day, 13th January, all were hard at work watering the camels
and preparing for the advance on the morrow.  The camels were already
suffering severely: some thirty had dropped dead on the way; and owing
to the impossibility of obtaining enough animals to carry the requisite
grain, they were growing thin.  It will be observed that the whole
progress of the expedition depended upon camels as the sole means of
transport.

When a camel falls from exhaustion, it rolls over upon its side, and is
unable to rise.  But it is not going to die unless it stretches its
head back; and it has still a store of latent energy; for a beast will
seldom of its own accord go on to the last.  It may sound cruel; but in
that expedition it was a case of a man's life or a camel's suffering.
When I came across a fallen camel, I had it hove upright with a
gun-pole, loaded men upon it, and so got them over another thirty or
forty miles.  By the exercise of care and forethought, I succeeded in
bringing back from the expedition more camels, in the proportion of
those in my control, than others, much to the interest of my old friend
Sir Redvers {256} Buller.  He asked me how it was done; and I told him
that I superintended the feeding of the camels myself.  If a camel was
exhausted, I treated it as I would treat a tired hunter, which, after a
long day, refuses its food.  I gave the exhausted camels food by
handfuls, putting them upon a piece of cloth or canvas, instead of
throwing the whole ration upon the ground at once.

Major Kitchener (now Lord Kitchener of Khartoum), who was dwelling in a
cave in the hillside, reported that Khashm-el-Mus Bey, Malik (King) of
the Shagiyeh tribe, was at Shendi with three of Gordon's steamers.  (He
was actually at Nasri Island.)  Lieutenant E. J.
Montagu-Stuart-Wortley, King's Royal Rifles, joined the column for
service with Sir Charles Wilson in Khartoum.  Little did we anticipate
in what his plucky service would consist.  Colonel Burnaby came in with
a supply of grain, most of which was left at Jakdul, as the camels
which had brought it were needed to carry stores for the Column.  There
were 800 Commissariat camels, carrying provisions for 1500 men for a
month, the first instalment of the depot it was intended to form at
Metemmeh, as the base camp from which to advance upon Khartoum.

With Burnaby came Captain Gascoigne, who had special knowledge of the
Eastern Soudan, and who afterwards went up to Khartoum with Sir Charles
Wilson.

The Column left Jakdul at 2 o'clock p.m. on 14th January, and marched
for three hours.  It was generally supposed that we might be attacked
between Jakdul and Metemmeh, a distance of between 70 and 80 miles;
although the only intelligence we had was Major Kitchener's report that
3000 men under the Mahdi's Emir were at Metemmeh.  We did not know that
the occupation of Jakdul by Sir Herbert Stewart on the 2nd of January,
had moved the Mahdi to determine upon the destruction of the Desert
Column between Jakdul and Metemmeh.  The news of the occupation of
Jakdul had travelled with extraordinary swiftness.  It was known on the
4th January, or two {257} days after the event, in Berber, nearly 90
miles from Jakdul as the crow flies; and on that day the Emir of Berber
dispatched his men to reinforce the Emir of Metemmeh.  If the news were
known in Berber and Metemmeh it must have run through the whole
surrounding area of desert.  The ten days occupied by the Column in
returning to Korti and returning again to Jakdul, gave the enemy the
time they needed to concentrate in front of us.  Moreover, Omdurman had
fallen during the second week in January, setting free a number of the
Mahdi's soldiers.  But of these things we were ignorant when we pushed
out of Jakdul.  We picked up a Remington rifle, and saw some
horse-tracks, and that was all.

During the second night out from Jakdul (the 15th-16th) the camels were
knee-lashed and dispositions were made in case of attack, but nothing
happened.  It was the last night's rest we were to have for some time.

On the morning of the 16th we started as usual in the dark.  When the
light came, we saw the hills of Abu Klea in the distance, and after
marching nearly to them, halted for breakfast, In the meantime
Lieutenant-Colonel Barrow, with his squadron of the 19th Hussars, had
gone ahead to occupy the wells of Abu Klea.  About 11 a.m. Barrow
returned to report that there was a large force of the enemy between us
and the wells.  The column was then lying in a shallow valley, whence
the track led uphill over rough ground towards a pass cleft in the
range of hills, beyond which were the wells.

The Column fell in and mounted at once.  Through glasses we could
clearly distinguish innumerable white-robed figures of Arabs, relieved
upon the black cliffs dominating the pass, leaping and gesticulating.
Here and there were puffs of smoke, followed after an interval by a
faint report; but the range was too far, and no bullet arrived.  Nearer
hand, were swiftly jerking the isolated flags of the signallers,
communicating from the advanced scouts to the main body.  The Naval
Brigade with the {258} Mounted Infantry, which were on the left of the
Column, were ordered to ascend the hill on the left of the line of
advance, to guard the flank of the Column.

We dragged up the Gardner gun, placed it in position, and built a
breastwork of loose stones.  By the time we had finished, it was about
4 o'clock.  Beyond and beneath us, a line of green and white flags was
strung across the valley, fluttering above the scrub, and these, with a
large tent, denoted the headquarters of the enemy.

The rest of the Column were hurriedly building a zeriba in the valley.
As the twilight fell, a party of the enemy crept to the summit of the
hill on the right flank, opposite to our fort, and dropped bullets at
long range into the Column below, which replied with a couple of screw
guns.  As the darkness thickened, there arose that maddening noise of
tom-toms, whose hollow and menacing beat, endlessly and pitilessly
repeated, haunts those who have heard it to the last day of their
lives.  Swelling and falling, it sounds now hard at hand, and again far
away.  That night, we lay behind the breastwork, sleepless and very
cold; and the deadly throbbing of the drums filled the air, mingled
with the murmur of many voices and the rustle as of many feet, and
punctuated with the sullen crack of rifles, now firing singly, now in a
volley, and the whine of bullets.  At intervals, thinking the enemy
were upon us, we stood to arms.

When at last the day broke, there were thousands of white-robed figures
clustering nearer upon the hills, and the bullets thickened, so that,
chilled as we were, rather than attempt to warm ourselves by exercise
we were fain to lie behind the breastwork.  The Naval Brigade had no
casualties.

Our detachment was speedily called in, so that we had no time for
breakfast, which was being hastily eaten under fire by the rest of the
Column.  All we had was a biscuit and a drink of water.  We took up our
position on the right front.  Sir Herbert Stewart waited for a time in
case the {259} enemy should attack.  Major Gough, commanding the
Mounted Infantry, was knocked senseless by a bullet graze; Major
Dickson of the Royals was shot through the knee; Lieutenant Lyall of
the Royal Artillery was hit in the back.

Sir Herbert Stewart and Colonel Burnaby were riding about on high
ground, a mark for the enemy.  I saw the general's bugler drop close
beside him, and running up, implored both him and Burnaby to dismount,
but they would not.  I had hardly returned to my place when I heard
another bullet strike, and saw Burnaby's horse fall, throwing its
rider.  I went to help Burnaby to his feet, and as I picked him up, he
said a curious thing.  He said, "I'm not in luck to-day, Charlie."

When it became evident that the enemy would not attack, Sir Herbert
Stewart decided to take the initiative.  He ordered a square to be
formed outside the zeriba, in which the baggage and the camels were to
be left in charge of a small garrison.

In the centre of the square were to be camels, carrying water,
ammunition, and cacolets (litters) for the wounded.  I do not know how
many camels there were.  Count Gleichen says about 30; Colonel
Colville, in the official history, gives the figure as 150.  In the
front of the square (looking from the rear of the square forward),
left, and nearly all down the left flank, were Mounted Infantry; on the
right front, and half-way down the right flank, Guards' Camel Regiment.
Beginning on the left flank where Mounted Infantry ended, and
continuing round the rear face, were the Heavy Camel Regiment.  Then,
in the centre of the rear, was the Naval Brigade with Gardner gun.  On
the right of rear face, the Heavy Camel Regiment extended to the angle.
Round the corner, lower right flank, were the Royal Sussex, then came
the Royal Marines, continuing to the Guards' Camel Regiment.  Behind
the centre of the front ranks were the three screw guns.  In case of
attack, I was directed to use my own judgment as to placing the Gardner
gun.

{260}

The square was thus formed under fire.  Bear in mind that the column
was upon the floor of a valley commanded by slopes and hill-tops
occupied by the enemy.  The route of the square lay over the lower
slopes of the hills on the right, thus avoiding the hollow way on the
left commanded by the enemy's breastworks.  Captain Campbell's company
of Mounted Infantry, and Colonel Barrow with his Hussars, went ahead to
skirmish on the front and on the left flank, and somewhat checked the
fire, while Lieutenant Romilly and a detachment of Scots Guards
skirmished ahead on the right.

It was about 10 a.m. when the square began to move.  The enemy,
increasing their fire, kept pace with it.  The route, studded with
rocky knolls, furrowed with watercourses, and sharply rising and
falling, was almost impassable for the camels.  They lagged behind,
slipping and falling, and we of the rear face were all tangled up with
a grunting, squealing, reeking mass of struggling animals.  Their
drivers, terrified by the murderous fire coming from the right, were
pressing back towards the left rear angle.  By dint of the most
splendid exertions, the sailors kept up, dragging the Gardner gun.  Men
were dropping, and halts must be made while they were hoisted into the
cacolets and their camels forced into the square.  Surgeon J. Magill,
attending a wounded skirmisher outside the square, was hit in the leg.
During the halts the enemy's fire was returned, driving off large
numbers on the hills to the right.  In about an hour we covered two
miles.

Then we saw, on the left front, about 600 yards away, a line of green
and white flags twinkling on long poles planted in the grass and scrub.
No one knew what these might portend.  As the fire was hottest on the
right, we thought that the main body would attack from that quarter.
Suddenly, as we halted, more and yet more flags flashed above the
green; and the next moment the valley was alive with black and white
figures, and resounding with their cries.  The whole body of them moved
swiftly and in {261} perfect order across our left front, disappearing
behind rocks and herbage.

The square was instantly moved forward some thirty yards on the slope,
in order to gain a better position.  Ere the movement was completed,
the enemy reappeared.




{262}

CHAPTER XXVIII

THE SOUDAN WAR (_Continued_)

VI. THE FIGHT AT ABU KLEA

  "England well may speak with wonder
    Of the small heroic band,
  Fearlessly, though parched and weary,
    Toiling 'cross the desert sand;
  How they met the foeman's onslaught,
    Firm, undaunted, with a cheer,
  Drove ten times or more their number,
    Down the vale of Abu Klea."
  _Songs of the Camel Corps_ (Serg. H. EAGLE, R.M.C.C.)


Before the square was completely formed on the top of the knoll at the
foot of which it had been halted when the thousands of Arabs sprang
into view on the left front, the Arabs reappeared on the left rear,
about 500 yards distant.  They were formed into three phalanxes joined
together, the points of the three wedges being headed by emirs or
sheikhs, riding with banners.  The horsemen came on at a hand-gallop,
the masses of footmen keeping up with them.  Our skirmishers were
racing in for their lives.  The last man was overtaken and speared.

At this moment the left rear angle of the square was still unformed.
The camels were still struggling into it.  Several camels, laden with
wounded, had lain down at the foot of the slope and their drivers had
fled into the square; and these animals were being dragged in by
soldiers.  The appalling danger of this open corner was instantly
evident.  I told the bugler to sound the halt, and having forced my way
through the press to the front of the square, and reported the case to
Sir Herbert Stewart, who said, "Quite right," I struggled back to the
rear.

{263}

Then I ordered the crew of the Gardner gun to run it outside the square
to the left flank.  At the same time, Colonel Burnaby wheeled Number 3
Company (4th and 5th Dragoon Guards) from the rear face to the left
flank.  Number 4 Company (Scots Greys and Royals) had already wheeled
from the rear to the left flank, so that they were just behind me.
Five or six paces outside the square we dropped the trail of the gun.
So swiftly did these things happen that the leading ranks of the enemy
were still 400 yards away.

They were tearing down upon us with a roar like the roar of the sea, an
immense surging wave of white-slashed black forms brandishing bright
spears and long flashing swords; and all were chanting, as they leaped
and ran, the war-song of their faith, "_La ilaha ill' Allah Mohammedu
rasul Allah_"; and the terrible rain of bullets poured into them by the
Mounted Infantry and the Guards stayed them not.  They wore the loose
white robe of the Mahdi's uniform, looped over the left shoulder, and
the straw skullcap.  These things we heard and saw in a flash, as the
formidable wave swept steadily nearer.

I laid the Gardner gun myself to make sure.  As I fired, I saw the
enemy mown down in rows, dropping like ninepins; but as the men killed
were in rear of the front rank, after firing about forty rounds (eight
turns of the lever), I lowered the elevation.  I was putting in most
effective work on the leading ranks and had fired about thirty rounds
when the gun jammed.  The extraction had pulled the head from a
discharged cartridge, leaving the empty cylinder in the barrel.
William Rhodes, chief boatswain's mate, and myself immediately set to
work to unscrew the feed-plate in order to clear the barrel or to take
out its lock.  The next moment the enemy were on top of us.  The
feed-plate dropped on my head, knocking me under the gun and across its
trail.  Simultaneously a spear was thrust right through poor Rhodes,
who was instantly killed at my side.  Walter Miller the armourer was
speared beside the gun at the same time.  I was knocked off the trail
of the gun {264} by a blow with the handle of an axe, the blade of
which missed me.  An Arab thrust at me with his spear, and I caught the
blade, cutting my hand, and before he could recover his weapon a bullet
dropped him.  Struggling to my feet, I was carried bodily backwards by
the tremendous impact of the rush, right back upon the front rank of
the men of Number 4 Company, who stood like rocks.

I can compare the press to nothing but the crush of a theatre crowd
alarmed by a cry of fire.  Immediately facing me was an Arab holding a
spear over his head, the staff of the weapon being jammed against his
back by the pressure behind him.  I could draw neither sword nor
pistol.  The front ranks of our men could not use rifle or bayonet for
a few moments.  But the pressure, forcing our men backwards up the
hill, presently enabled the rear rank, now occupying a position of a
few inches higher than the enemy, to fire over the heads of the front
rank right into the mass of the Arabs.  The bullets whizzed close by my
head; and one passed through my helmet.  The Arabs fell in heaps,
whereupon our front rank, the pressure upon them relaxing, fired, and
fought hand to hand with the bayonet, cursing as the rifles jammed and
the shoddy bayonets twisted like tin.

The enemy wavered and broke away, some retreating, but the greater
number turning to the rear face of the square, carrying some of the
Naval Brigade with them.  The rest of my men manned the gun and opened
fire on the retreating enemy.  But by the time the gun was in action
the retreating dervishes had hidden themselves in a nullah, and the
main body of the enemy had burst into the gap left by the camels in the
rear face.  My men joined in the furious hand-to-hand fighting all
among the jam of men and camels.  The ranks of the front face of the
square had turned about face and were firing inwards.  Poor Burnaby
(who was "not in luck to-day") was thrown from his horse, and was
killed by a sword cut in the neck as he lay on the ground.

{265}

Fighting next to me in the square was "Bloody-minded Piggot"--Captain
C. P. Piggot of the 21st Hussars--using a shot-gun charged with
buck-shot.  The Arabs were crawling and twisting under the camels and
in and out the legs of the men, whom they tried to stab in the back,
and Piggot was loading and firing, and the bluejackets kept calling to
him, "Here's another joker, sir!"  I saw the bald head of an Arab
emerging from a pile of bodies, and as Piggot fired I saw the bald
crown riddled like the rose of a watering-pot.

One mounted sheikh, at least, won right into the square, where the
bodies of himself and his horse were found afterwards.

Numbers 4 and 5 Company, who had withstood the first rush until they
were pressed back upon the mass of camels, were still fighting in front
when they were attacked in rear.  There, the left wing of the Heavy
Camel Regiment--Scots Greys, Royals, and 5th Dragoon Guards--did
desperate hand-to-hand fighting in the square, while the right wing and
the Royal Sussex by their steady fire kept off the rest of the enemy.
The stress endured only a few minutes.  Every Arab inside the square
was slain.  The camels, which had made the weak corner of the square,
afterwards saved it by presenting a solid, irremovable obstacle to the
enemy.

As the enemy retired, Sir Herbert Stewart gave the word, and our men
cheered again and again, and the retreating Arabs turned and shook
their fists at us.

Their desperate courage was marvellous.  I saw a boy of some twelve
years of age, who had been shot through the stomach, walk slowly up
through a storm of bullets and thrust his spear at one of our men.  I
saw several Arabs writhe from out a pile of dead and wounded, and
charge some eighty yards under fire towards us, and one of them ran
right up to the bayonets and flung himself upon them and was killed.  I
saw an Arab, who was wounded in the legs, sit up, and hurl his spear at
a passing soldier.  As the soldier stopped to load his rifle, the Arab
tried to {266} reach another spear, and failing, caught up stones and
cast them at his foe; and then, when the soldier presented his rifle
and took a deliberate aim, the Arab sat perfectly still looking down
the barrel, till the bullet killed him.

Surgeon-General Sir Arthur W. May tells me of an instance of the spirit
of the men.  A huge able seaman, nicknamed Jumbo, who was one of the
gun's crew when it was run outside the square, was thrown upon his face
by the charge; and apparently every Arab who went past or over him, had
a dig at the prostrate seaman.

After the action, with the help of able seaman Laker, I carried him to
the doctor.  He was a mass of blood, which soaked my tunic.  I tried to
wash it afterwards with sand.  He must have weighed about sixteen
stone.  Quite recently, at Stornoway, where he is chief petty officer
of the Coast-guard, I had the pleasure of meeting Mr. Laker, and we
recalled the salving of poor Jumbo.

He had seventeen wounds, spear-thrusts, and sword-cuts.  Upon visiting
him in the Field Hospital a few days later, Surgeon May, intending to
console the patient, said:

"You will be able to be sent back with the next convoy of wounded,
after all."

"Sent back?" returned Jumbo indignantly.  "I haven't done with the
beggars yet!"

He recovered, but not in time to gratify his ardour.

The square was moved some 50 yards from the field of battle and was
formed anew.  I went to try to find any wounded men of my Brigade.
Having brought in two, I was starting for a third time, when someone
shouted, "Look out, Charlie!" and I turned about to see an Arab
charging at me with a spear.  I ran to meet him, sword in hand, parried
his spear, then held my sword rigid at arm's length.  He ran right up
the blade to the hilt, against which his body struck with so great
force that he fell backward.

I picked up a man who was shot through the back, and put him upon a
camel upon which was a wounded Arab.  Presently I heard my man singing
out; and I {267} found his thumb was being chewed off by the Arab, whom
I hauled off the camel and of whom I disposed in another way.

The bodies of most of my men who were killed were found some 25 yards
from the place at which we had worked the gun.  Here were the bodies of
my poor comrades, Lieutenants Alfred Pigott and R. E. de Lisle.  Pigott
had been promoted to commander, but he never knew it.  De Lisle had his
whole face cut clean off.  Captain C. P. Piggot (not to be confused
with the naval officer, Commander Alfred Pigott), who fought like a
Paladin in the square, and who knew not fear, died some years
afterwards in England.  (I took him on my coach to Lord's; he was so
weak that he could not get upon it without the help of a footman, and
he looked dreadfully ill.  He told me that the doctor had given him
three weeks to live; but he was dead in three days.)

Eight of the Naval Brigade were killed and seven were wounded, out of
40 who went into action.  Every man of the Brigade handling the gun
outside the square was killed, excepting myself.

I observed that the rows of bullets from the Gardner gun, which was
rifle calibre .45-inch, with five barrels, had cut off heads and tops
of heads as though sliced horizontally with a knife.

The official account gives the loss of the enemy at 1100 in the
vicinity of the square.

Nearly half the British rifles jammed, owing to the use of leaf
cartridges.  The Remington rifles used by the Mahdi's soldiers had
solid drawn cartridges which did not jam.  During the action of Abu
Klea the officers were almost entirely employed in clearing jammed
rifles passed back to them by the men.  The British bayonets and
cutlasses bent and twisted, the result of a combination of knavery and
laziness on the part of those who were trusted to supply the soldier
with weapons upon which his life depends.  The bayonets were blunt,
because no one had thought of sharpening them.  The spears of the Arabs
were sharp like {268} razors.  The cutlasses of the Naval Brigade were
specially sharpened.

I noticed that when a soldier was killed, a bluejacket always
endeavoured to secure his bayonet; and that when a sailor was killed, a
soldier always tried to take his hat, preferring it to the Army helmet.

The official report of Sir Charles Wilson states the total number of
the enemy to have been from 9000 to 11,000, consisting of men from
Berber, Metemmeh, Kordofan, and 1000 men of the Mahdi's army.  Of the
total number, it was estimated that 5000 or 6000 attacked.  The British
numbered something over 1200 men; but, these being in square, the
weight of the attack fell upon no more than about 300 men.  There were
342 men of the Royal Artillery on the front face of the square; 235 men
on the left flank, reinforced when the charge came by some of the Naval
Brigade and a company from the rear face; 300 men and the Naval
Brigade, between 40 and 50 strong, on the rear face; and 307 men on the
right flank.  The centre was a solid mass of camels.  This thin
framework of men, forced back upon the camels, resisted the tremendous
impact of thousands of frenzied fanatics who knew not fear, and whom
nothing stopped but death.

I cannot better describe the result than by quoting the words of
Colonel the Hon. Reginald Talbot, 1st Life Guards, who commanded the
Heavy Camel Regiment at Abu Klea (_Nineteenth Century_, Jan. 1886):

"It was an Inkerman on a small scale--a soldiers' battle; strength,
determination, steadiness, and unflinching courage alone could have
stemmed the onslaught."

It was a soldiers' battle, because the attack was sudden; it came
before the square was formed; and in the stress and tumult orders were
useless.

[Illustration: THE AUTHOR, 1912]




{269}

CHAPTER XXIX

THE SOUDAN WAR (_Continued_)

VII. THE FIGHT TO REACH THE RIVER

  "We had beat the foe at Abu Klea, and now had marched all night,
  Parching with thirst, each longed to see the first faint streak of light,
  For all expected with the dawn to see the river flow.
  'Twas there all right, but in our path stood thousands of the foe;
  We halted, and a barricade of biscuit boxes made,
  And swift their deadly bullets flew round that frail barricade,
  And many a gallant fellow dropped before the welcome cry,
  'Form square' was heard, 'we must advance, and reach the Nile or die.'"
  _Songs of the Camel Corps_ (Sergeant H. EAGLE, R.M.C.C.)


By the time the wounded were picked up, the dead counted, and their
weapons destroyed, and the square was ready to start, it was half-past
three in the afternoon.  There was no food, and hardly any water.  The
soldiers suffered dreadfully from thirst; their tongues were so swollen
as to cause intense pain, their lips black, their mouths covered with
white mucus.  Several men fainted.  Luckily I had put a skin of water
upon a camel just before the action, so that the men of the Naval
Brigade all had a drink, and there was a little water over for the
wounded.  The sailors persisted in smoking; they said it did them good;
so I let them.

{270}

The wells of Abu Klea lay some three miles ahead.  The Cavalry, the
horses weak, emaciated, and tormented by thirst, were sent on to
reconnoitre.  The square followed slowly.  So short-handed was the
Naval Brigade that I had to clap on to the drag-ropes myself.  We
hauled the gun through the sand and across nullahs and over rocks till
about 5.30 p.m., when we came to the wells, which were small pools in
the soil, and which, when they were emptied, slowly filled again.  The
water was yellow and of the consistency of cream; but it was cool,
sweet, and delicious.

Three hundred volunteers from the Heavy Camel Regiment, the Guards'
Camel Regiment, and the Mounted Infantry left the wells soon after
sunset to march the six weary miles back again to fetch the camels and
commissariat.  They marched and worked all night; yet their lot was
better than ours; for they got food and could keep warm.  As for
ourselves, we lay down where we were, without food or blankets, and
suffered the coldest night in my remembrance.  It is suggested to me by
a friend who has seen much active service in many wars, that, owing
probably to the exhaustion of the nerves, men are far more susceptible
to cold after a battle.  He himself recalls the night after
Magersfontein as the coldest he ever experienced.  At any rate, we were
cold to the marrow that night of 17th-18th January; cold and bruised
and very hungry, the most of us having had no food for twenty-four
hours.  I must here record my admiration of the medical staff, who
worked hard all night, doing their utmost for the sick and wounded.

I sat on an ammunition box and shivered.  The wound upon my finger,
where the Arab's spear had cut it, though slight, was
disproportionately painful.  Lieutenant Douglas Dawson (of the
Coldstream Guards) came to me and asked me if I had any tobacco.  I
told him that my tobacco, together with my field-glasses, had departed
into the desert with my steed County Waterford, which had run away.
Dawson had six cigarettes, of which he gave me three.  I would
cheerfully have given a year's income for them, as {271} I told him.
We agreed that it was hard to have to die without knowing who had won
the Derby.

At about seven o'clock next morning (18th January) the convoy returned
with the rest of the camels and the commissariat.  We had our first
meal for some thirty-six hours.  Then we went to work to build a fort
in which to leave the wounded, and to prepare for the march to the
river, some 25 miles distant.  A burying party went back to the field
of Abu Klea and interred our dead.  Some prisoners captured by the
convoy on its way back to the camp, reported that Omdurman had fallen;
but the information was not made generally known.  I did not hear it
until we reached Metemmeh.

Sir Herbert Stewart then determined to reach the Nile before next
morning.  A small detachment of the Royal Sussex was left to guard the
wounded.  The column marched about 3.30 p.m.  It was a desperate
venture, for the men had had no sleep for two nights, had fought a
battle in between, had suffered agonies of thirst and the exhaustion of
hunger.  But Sir Herbert Stewart had learned from the prisoners that
the enemy who had fought at Abu Klea were no more than the advanced
guard of the main body, which would probably come out from Metemmeh to
meet us, and that the fall of Omdurman had released a number of the
Mahdi's army; and the general wished to reach the river before fighting
again.  He hoped to be upon the Nile before daylight.  In any event,
the enterprise of the Desert Column was a forlorn hope; and by this
time we all knew it.

Cameron, war correspondent of _The Standard_, came to me with a very
grave face.  He was not alarmed for his own safety, for he was a most
gallant man; but he feared for the Column.

"Lord Charles," he said, "have you any influence with General Stewart?
If so, for God's sake implore him not to go on without reinforcements.
I know these people and he does not."

{272}

The next time I saw poor Cameron was upon the following day, when he
was lying with a bullet-hole in his forehead, dead.

The Column was guided by Ali Loda, a friendly desert freebooter who had
been captured during the first march to Jakdul.  He was accompanied by
Captain Verner and Colonel Barrow.  Half the force marched on foot, in
case of attack; the mounted men each leading a camel.  The commissariat
camels were tied in threes, nose to tail, the leading camel being
ridden by a native driver.  Although both men and camels were tired
out, they went bravely along the track leading across a wide plain,
with grass and scrub in the distance.  By the time it was dark, we had
come to the long savas grass, and the tracks, hitherto plain to see in
the brilliant starlight, became obscured.  Then began the confusion.
By this time men and camels were utterly exhausted.  There was no moon,
but no lights were allowed, and all orders were to be given in a
whisper.  The camels, weary and famished, lagged and tumbled down;
their riders went to sleep and fell off; the leading camels fell
behind; and the rear camels, most of them riderless, straggled up to
the front.  The formation was totally disordered.  In the darkness the
confusion speedily became inextricable.  When there was a halt to wait
for stragglers, the men lay down and dropped asleep.  About this time
the Column blundered into a wood of acacia trees armed with long sharp
thorns.  There ought to have been no such wood; indeed, Count Gleichen
avers that no one ever found it afterwards.

In this state of affairs, the Column lost in the dark in an unknown
country, utterly worn out, and inextricably tangled upon itself, I made
the Naval Brigade unspan and gave them tea.  Then we struggled on, hour
after hour.  As for silence, the noise might have been heard and
probably was heard at Metemmeh.  An immense multitudinous murmur went
up from the unhappy mob of swearing men and roaring, squealing,
grumbling camels.  A longer or more exhausting nightmare I never
suffered.

{273}

Daylight came at last.  It was about 6 o'clock on the morning of 19th
January.  The least we had hoped was to have come within sight of the
Nile.  But when the Column halted there was no Nile; only a long gravel
slope rising before us, set with scattered trees rising from the
eternal savas grass and low scrub.  Captain Verner went ahead to
reconnoitre, and the Column toiled on up the ridge.  Then, at last,
upon reaching the top at about 7 o'clock, we beheld the wide valley,
and the Nile flowing between broad belts of green, and on the left, the
roofs of a chain of villages, and the walled town of Metemmeh.  Beyond,
upon the farther bank, clustered the huts of the village of Shendi.
But we had not yet come to the river.  And moving out from Metemmeh
were crowds of the enemy, moving out to cut us off from the blessed
water.  Once more, the whole air was throbbed with the boding war-drums.

Sir Herbert Stewart determined to give the men breakfast and then to
attack.  As usual, a zeriba must first be constructed and the force put
in laager.  The Column was halted upon the top of the rising ground, in
a space some 300 yards square, surrounded by a sea of thin scrub, in
which the enemy could find cover.  A parapet, square in plan, and about
two feet six inches high, was constructed of saddles and biscuit boxes
and anything else which would serve the purpose.  The camels were
pushed inside it, and knee-lashed, and in the centre was placed the
hospital.  During the progress of the work the enemy, concealed in the
scrub, crept nearer and opened fire.

The men breakfasted in a rain of bullets.  So wearied were they, that
some fell asleep over their food, bullets singing all about them.  Many
of the men got no food at all.  I saw two men shot while they slept.
One Dervish in particular sniped the Naval Brigade all breakfast-time.
I subsequently discovered him in the bush, lying dead, a bullet through
his head, in a litter of about 200 spent cartridges.  One of my men was
shot, and a spoke was knocked out of the wheel of the Gardner gun.  A
soldier was shot through {274} the stomach, and was carried screaming
to the doctors, who gave him laudanum.

The situation was far from encouraging.  During the night--the third
without sleep--the men had marched for 14 hours, covering 19 miles, and
losing some hundred camels.  We were still four miles from the river,
and between the river and our exhausted force were thousands of raging
Dervishes.  We were caught in a trap.

Seventy yards from our left flank was a little hill.  In order to
prevent its capture by the enemy, 30 Guardsmen were told off to occupy
it.  Volunteers carried saddles and boxes across the bullet-swept space
and built a small breastwork with them.  Several men were knocked over.
In the meantime a company was extended along the ridge some 50 yards
beyond the zeriba to check the enemy's fire; but they had nothing at
which to aim except the puffs of smoke rising above the scrub.  The
Naval Brigade had no better luck with the Gardner gun, placed outside
the zeriba near the left angle of the front.

At some time between 9 and 10 o'clock Sir Herbert Stewart was hit in
the groin and severely wounded.  The knowledge of this disaster was
concealed from the men as long as possible.  Then followed a terrible
interval, which lasted for hours.  Under that pitiless fire, exposed to
an invisible enemy, men and camels were being hit every minute.  All
this time the heat was intense.  There we lay in the blazing sun,
helpless, the rattle of rifles all around us, the thin high note of the
bullets singing overheard, or ending with a thud close at hand; men
crying out suddenly, or groaning; camels lying motionless and silent,
blood trickling from their wounds; and no one seemed to know what we
were going to do.  Of all things, the most trying to a soldier is to
lie still under fire without being able to reply.  It is true that
there was volley firing in reply to the enemy, but they were invisible.

The command had naturally devolved upon Colonel Sir Charles Wilson,
R.E., head of the Intelligence Department.  {275} It was clear to me
that unless we marched against the enemy at once, we were done.  I
dispatched a written message to Sir Charles Wilson.  The messenger was
killed.  I sent a second message by Sub-Lieutenant E. L. Munro, R.N.,
who was struck by a bullet which wounded him in seven places.

Shortly afterwards I received a message from Sir Charles Wilson
informing me that he was about to march against the enemy.  I was
ordered to remain in command of the zeriba, with Colonel Barrow.

Before forming square, Sir Charles Wilson ordered the breastwork
surrounding the hospital and that defending the little knoll occupied
by the Guards in our rear, to be strengthened into redoubts, in case of
attack.  The ammunition boxes must be shifted from the inside of the
main zeriba, and carried across and among the baggage and the packed
and helpless camels, a slow, laborious and dangerous business performed
under fire.  Men and officers worked with a will; yet it was 2 o'clock
in the afternoon before they had done.  Just then St. Leger Herbert,
private secretary to Sir Herbert Stewart and correspondent of _The
Morning Post_, was shot through the head.

The square was composed of half the Heavy Camel Regiment, Guards,
Mounted Infantry, Royal Sussex, Royal Engineers, and some dismounted
Hussars.  Sir Charles Wilson placed it under the executive command of
Lieutenant-Colonel the Hon. E. E. Boscawen.  The square was formed up
in rear of the zeriba at 2.30 and marched at 3 o'clock.  The men were
cool, alert, and perfectly determined.  The British soldier had shut
his mouth.  He was going to get to the river, enemy or no enemy, or
die.  By this time the enemy were plainly visible in full force in
front, horse and foot gathering behind a line of green and white
banners.  The moment the square moved beyond the redoubt, it received a
heavy fire.  Several men were hit, and were carried back to the zeriba
by our men, while the square moved forward at quick march.  It made a
zig-zag course in order to take {276} advantage of the clear patches of
ground among the scrub; lying down and firing, and again advancing.

The Naval Brigade mounted the Gardner gun in the angle of the redoubt,
and, together with the Royal Artillery and two of their screw-guns
under Captain Norton, maintained a steady fire at the three distinct
masses of the enemy.  Two of these were hovering in front of the
advancing square, upon the landward slope of the hill rising between us
and the river; the third threatened the zeriba.  In all of these we
dropped shells, paying particular attention to the body menacing the
zeriba.  When the shells burst in their midst, the dervishes scattered
like a flock of starlings.

In the zeriba were the most of the Hussars, whose horses were worn out,
the Royal Artillery, half the Heavy Camel Regiment, half the Royal
Engineers, what was left of the Naval Brigade, and the wounded in the
hospital.  Some 2000 camels were knee-lashed outside and all round the
larger zeriba, forming a valuable breastwork.

All we could do was to work our guns.  As the square went on, the
enemy, moving in large masses, shifted their position, and as they
moved, we dropped shells among them.  We judged their numbers to be
greater than at Abu Klea.  Would the square of only 900 men ever get
through?  If ever a little British army looked like walking to certain
death, it was that thin square of infantry.

Presently it disappeared from view.  Soon afterwards we heard the
steady roll of volley firing, and we knew that the enemy were charging
the square.  Then, silence.  Whether the enemy had been driven back, or
the square annihilated, we did not know.  What we did know was that if
the square had been defeated, the zeriba would very soon be attacked in
overwhelming force.  But as the moments passed the strain of suspense
slackened; for, as the fire of the enemy directed upon the zeriba
diminished and soon ceased altogether, the presumption was that the
square had been victorious and had got through to the river.

What had happened was that the Arabs, charging downhill {277} at the
left front angle of the square, had been met by concentrated rifle
fire, our men aiming low at a range of 400 yards, steady as on parade.
Once more the British soldier proved that no troops in the world can
face his musketry.  The front ranks of the charging thousands were
lying dead in heaps; the rear ranks fled over the hills; and the square
went on, unmolested, very slowly, because the men were tired out, and
so came to the river.

Count Gleichen, who marched with the square, recounting his experiences
(in his _With the Camel Corps up the Nile_), writes: "Soon in the
growing dusk a silver streak was visible here and there in amongst the
green belt, but it was still a couple of miles off....  Our pace could
not exceed a slow march.  The sun went down, and the twilight became
almost darkness; ... a two-days-old crescent was shining in the sky,
and its feeble light guided us through the gravel hills right to the
brink of the Nile.  The men were as wild with joy as their exhausted
condition would allow.  The wounded were held up for one look at the
gleaming river, and then hurried to the banks.  Still, perfect
discipline was observed.  Not a man left his place in the ranks until
his company was marched up to take its fill....  A chain of sentries
was established on the slopes overlooking the square, and in two
minutes the force was fast asleep."  Sir Charles Wilson (_From Korti to
Khartoum_) adds: "The men were so exhausted that when they came up from
their drink at the river they fell down like logs...."

They had been marching and fighting for four days and three nights
without sleep, and with very little food and water, and had lost a
tenth of their number.  That night we in the zeriba also slept.  I
remember very little about it, except that Lieutenant Charles
Crutchley, Adjutant of the Guards' Camel Regiment, woke me twice and
asked me for water.  He made no complaint of any kind, and I did not
know that he had been hit early in the day and that he had a bullet in
his leg.  General Crutchley, who was so kind as to {278} write to me in
reply to my request that he would tell me what he remembers of the
affair, says: "I remember lying on a stretcher that night, and people
knocking against my leg, and that my revolver was stolen, I believe by
one of the camel boys."  Crutchley was carried down to the river by my
bluejackets next day, and was taken into hospital.  As I remember the
occasion, he left the decision as to whether or not his leg should be
amputated, to me.  At any rate, the surgeon had no doubt as to the
necessity of the operation, at which I was present.  With his finger he
flicked out of the wound pieces of bone like splinters of bamboo.  The
leg was buried, and was afterwards exhumed in order to extract the
bullet from it.  I think I remember that Crutchley, seeing it being
carried across to the hospital, asked whose leg it was.  He was carried
upon a litter back to Korti, and the shaking of that terrible march
made necessary a second operation, which was successful.

Sir Charles Wilson's force, having bivouacked that night beside the
Nile, were up at daybreak; took possession of the empty village of mud
huts, called Abu Kru, but always known as Gubat, which stood on the
gravel ridge sloping to the Nile, 780 yards from the river; and placed
the wounded in Gubat under a guard.  The force then returned to our
zeriba.

When we saw that gallant little array come marching over the distant
hill-top, and through the scrub towards us, we cheered again and again.
Hearty were our greetings.  Our comrades, who had marched without
breakfast, were speedily provided with a plentiful meal of bully-beef
and tea.

Then we all set to work to dismantle the zeriba, to collect the stores
of which it was constructed and to sort them out, to mend the broken
saddles, and load up the wretched camels, who had been knee-lashed and
unable to move for twenty-four hours.  About a hundred camels were
dead, having been shot as they lay.  As there were not enough camels to
carry all the stores, a part of these were {279} left under an
increased garrison inside the redoubt upon the knoll in rear of the
zeriba, Major T. Davison in command.

At midday we buried the dead, over whom I read the service, Sir Charles
Wilson being present as chief mourner.

The last of the wounded to be moved was Sir Herbert Stewart, so that he
should be spared as much discomfort as possible.  He was doing fairly
well, and we then hoped that he would recover.

Before sunset we were all safely lodged in Gubat.  The Desert Column
had reached the river at last.  It was the 20th January; we had left
Korti on the 8th.  In the course of that 176 miles we had gone through
perhaps as sharp a trial as British troops have endured.

At the fight of Abu Klea, nine officers and 65 non-commissioned
officers and men were killed, and nine officers and 85 non-commissioned
officers and men were wounded.  On the 19th January, between the wells
of Abu Klea and the river, one officer and 22 non-commissioned officers
and men were killed, and eight officers and 90 non-commissioned
officers and men were wounded.  The general, Sir Herbert Stewart, had
received a wound which was to prove mortal.  All the officers of the
Naval Brigade, except Mr. James Webber, boatswain, and Sub-Lieutenant
Munro, who was wounded, and myself, had been killed.  The losses were
roughly one-tenth of the total number of the Column.  The camels which
survived had been on one-third rations and without water for a week.
They were hardly able to walk; ulcerating sores pitted their bodies;
their ribs actually came through their skin.  Count Gleichen says that
his camel drank from the Nile for 14 minutes without stopping; and that
subsequently the poor beast's ribs took a fine polish from the rubbing
of the saddle.  The horses of the Hussars had been 58 hours, and many
of them 72 hours, without water.  I cannot mention the Hussars without
paying a tribute to the admirable scouting work they did under
Lieutenant-Colonel Barrow during the whole march, up to the time the
last zeriba was formed, when the gallant little horses were dead beat.
{280} The present field-marshal, Sir John French, did splendid service
with the Hussars throughout the campaign.

When we came into Gubat I was painfully, though not seriously, ill.
The galling of the makeshift saddle during my three days' ride across
the desert from Dal to Abu Fatmeh on my way to Korti, had developed
into a horrid carbuncle; and I was unable to walk without help.




{281}

CHAPTER XXX

THE SOUDAN WAR (_Continued_)

VIII. DISASTER

  "Comrades, who with us side by side,
    Did in the brunt of battle stand,
  Are absent now, their manly forms
    Lie mouldering in the desert sand."
  _Songs of the Camel Corps_ (Sergeant H. EAGLE, R.M.C.C.)


On 21st January, the day after the main body of the Desert Column had
come to Gubat, an attack was made upon Metemmeh, which resolved itself
into a reconnaissance in force.  Lord Wolseley's instructions to Sir
Herbert Stewart were "to advance on Metemmeh, which you will attack and
occupy."  These instructions Sir Charles Wilson, upon whom the command
had devolved, determined to carry into execution, although there was a
doubt whether under the circumstances the attempt would be justified.
Metemmeh was a walled town of considerable strength, lying two miles
down the river from the encampment.  Between the encampment and the
town rose low ridges, in whose folds clustered the huts of deserted
villages.

The Naval Brigade joined in the attack; and as I was out of action, Mr.
Webber, boatswain, was in command, and did admirably well.

While Sir Charles Wilson's force was firing upon the town, whence the
enemy briskly replied, Gordon's four steamers arrived.  His black
troops instantly landed with guns, and joyfully bombarded the mud
walls; while Sir {282} Charles Wilson conferred with Khashm-el-Mus Bey,
Malik (King) of the Shagiyeh tribe, and Abd-el-Hamid Bey, a young Arab
greatly trusted by Gordon, who were in command of the steamers.  Abd el
Hamid subsequently deserted, and was, I think, shot by the Mahdi.
Khashm-el-Mus having reported that a large force was on its way down
from Khartoum under Feki Mustapha, Sir Charles Wilson decided that he
ought not to incur the further loss of men involved in the capture of
Metemmeh.  He therefore withdrew from Metemmeh, and returned to Gubat,
destroying the three intervening villages on the way.

During the reconnaissance of Metemmeh, Major William H. Poe, of the
Royal Marines, was severely wounded in the leg.  He insisted upon
wearing a red coat, saying that his other coat was not fit to be seen;
and he made a conspicuous target.  His leg was amputated, and he
eventually recovered; and he rides to hounds to this day.

In view of the approach of the enemy, the wounded were brought from the
fort on the ridge to an entrenched camp on the river; and opposite to
it, upon Gubat Island, a breastwork was constructed, and was occupied
by some of Gordon's Soudanese who had come in the steamers.  Major T.
Davison's outlying detachment, with the remaining stores, was brought
in.

It was now necessary very carefully to consider the situation.  Sir
Charles Wilson read the letters dispatched by Gordon and brought in one
of the steamers, the _Bordein_, which had left Khartoum on 14th
December.  Sir Charles gave me these letters to read.  In a letter
addressed to the Officer Commanding H.M. Troops, Gordon requested that
"all Egyptian officers and soldiers" be taken out of the steamer.  "I
make you a present of these _hens_," he wrote, "and I request you will
not let one come back here to me."  In another letter, addressed to
Major Watson (colonel in the Egyptian Army), dated 14th December,
Gordon wrote that he expected a crisis to arrive about Christmas; and
implied that he had abandoned hope of relief.

{283}

It was now nearly a month after Christmas, and Khartoum was still
holding out.  But it was no longer possible to carry into execution
Lord Wolseley's original intention: that Sir Herbert Stewart should
capture and occupy Metemmeh; that I should man Gordon's four steamers
with the Naval Brigade and should take Sir Charles Wilson with a
detachment of infantry up to Khartoum.  Now, Sir Herbert Stewart was
incapacitated by his wound; it was not considered practicable to take
Metemmeh; all the officers of the Naval Brigade were killed or wounded
except Mr. Webber; and I myself was so ill as to be unable to get about
without help.  Moreover, the weakened Desert Column, including more
than a hundred wounded, would in all likelihood shortly be attacked by
a greatly superior force.

Two main provisions of the original plan, however, had been fulfilled.
The Column had reached the river; and Gordon's steamers had joined the
Column.  And it was then supposed that Wolseley was marching across the
Bayuda Desert with reinforcements.

Sir Charles Wilson determined to go to Khartoum (a decision in which I
strongly supported him), provided that he could make reasonably sure
that the force to be left behind was not in immediate danger of attack.
He reckoned that the news of the defeat of the Mahdi's forces at Abu
Klea would have served both to inspirit the garrison at Khartoum, and,
owing to the dispatch of a number of the enemy to meet us, to relieve
them in some measure.  And after examining the commanders of the
steamers on the point, he was satisfied that the delay of two days
spent in reconnoitring, would not be material; a conclusion which was
not shared by Khashm-el-Mus, who was eager to go to Khartoum.

Accordingly, on 22nd January, Sir Charles Wilson took three steamers
down stream to reconnoitre.  The four boats sent down by Gordon were:
the _Bordein_, under Abd-el-Hamid; _Talahawiyeh_, under Nusri Pasha;
_Safieh_, under Mahmoud Bey; and _Tewfikiyeh_, under Khashm-el-Mus.
{284} Sir Herbert Stewart was moved on board the _Tewfikiyeh_, a small
boat, which was employed as a ferry between Gubat Island and the
mainland.  I went with Sir Charles Wilson in the _Talahawiyeh_.  I was
not of much use, as I had to be helped on board, and was obliged to lie
down in the cabin.  In the same steamer were Major Phipps and two
companies of Mounted Infantry.  Old Khashm-el-Mus was made commandant
of the boat instead of Nusri Pasha.  In the _Bordein_ were Captain
Verner, Abd-el-Hamid, and native soldiers.  The _Safieh_ had her own
crew and captain.

These vessels, about the size and build of the old penny steamboats on
the Thames, had been ingeniously protected and armed by poor Colonel
Stewart, he who was treacherously murdered on 18th September, 1884,
after the wreck of his steamer _Abbas_ at Hebbeh.  (It will be
remembered that Colonel Stewart was sent by Gordon, with a party of
refugees, to communicate in person with the authorities in Egypt.)  In
the bows was a small turret constructed of baulks of timber, and
containing a 9-pr. brass howitzer (_canon rayé_) to fire ahead;
amidships, between the paddle-boxes, was the central turret, also built
of timber, and mounting a gun to fire over the paddle-boxes.  Astern,
on the roof of the deckhouse, was an enclosure of boiler-plate,
protecting the wheel and giving shelter to riflemen.  The sides and
bulwarks were covered with boiler-plate, above which was fixed a rail
of thick timber, leaving a space through which to fire.  The boiler,
which projected above the deck, was jacketed with logs of wood.  The
improvised armour of wood and iron would stop a bullet, but was
pervious by shell.

The ships' companies were an interesting example of river piracy.  The
steamers had been cruising up and down the Nile since October, a period
of four months, during which the crews lived on the country, raiding
and fighting.  Everything was filthy and neglected except the engines.
The forehold was crammed with ammunition, _dhura_ {285} grain, wool,
fuel, and miscellaneous loot.  The main-hold was inhabited by women,
babies, stowaways, wounded men, goats, amid a confusion of ammunition,
sacks of grain, wood fuel, bedding and loot.  The after-hold held the
possessions, including loot, of the commandant.  Below the forward
turret slave-girls ceased not from cooking _dhura_-cakes.  Rats swarmed
everywhere; the whole ship exhaled a most appalling stench; and the
ship's company shouted and screamed all day long.

First there was the commandant, who was theoretically in chief command
of the ship, and who commanded the soldiers on shore; then there was
the officer commanding the regular soldiers, Soudanese.  He was black,
and so were his men, who were freed slaves.  The officer commanding the
Artillery was an Egyptian.  The Bashi-Bazouk contingent was composed of
Shagiyehs--who were of the tribe ruled by Khashm-el-Mus--of black
slaves, and of half-castes.  Their officers were Turks, Kurds, and
Circassians.  The captain of the ship was a Dongolese, and his sailors
were blacks.  Under the captain were numerous petty officers, such as
the chief of the sailors, the chief of the carpenters, and so forth.
The chief engineer and his staff were Egyptians.  The Reis (pilot) and
his assistants were Dongolese.

Into this wild medley, in the _Talahawiyeh_, Sir Charles Wilson brought
a company of Mounted Infantry; and thus reinforced, we steamed down
river; while I lay in the cabin, in a good deal of pain, and chatted to
Khashm-el-Mus, who became a great friend of mine.  He was a short,
grey-bearded, dignified man of middle age, owning great power over his
own people.  He remained loyal to Gordon under very trying conditions,
and he stuck by us to the last.

Near Shendi, one of Khashm-el-Mus's men came on board and reported that
the force advancing from Berber had met the fugitives from Abu Klea and
had come no farther.  Another Shagiyeh gave the same information.  The
people of Shendi fired on the steamers, which replied {286} with ten
rounds of shell from each gun.  We then went about and returned to
Gubat.  At my request, Sir Charles Wilson conferred upon Mr. Ingram, of
_The Illustrated London News_, the rank of acting-lieutenant in the
Royal Navy.  Ingram had been of the greatest service.  He had brought
his own launch up from Korti, volunteered to the Desert Column, and
fought gallantly at Abu Klea and at the reconnaissance of Metemmeh.  As
all the naval officers had been killed or wounded, and I was
comparatively helpless, I was delighted to secure Mr. Ingram, who was
exceedingly useful.

His subsequent history was remarkable.  He was killed while hunting big
game in Africa, and was buried upon an island which was afterwards
washed away.  The story goes that the manner of his death and the
bearing away by a flood of his remains, were the fulfilment of a curse,
which fell upon him when, in spite of warnings, he purchased a certain
Egyptian mummy.

Sir Charles Wilson, being assured that no attack was intended from the
direction of Berber, began immediately to prepare for his expedition to
Khartoum.  Most unfortunately, I was compelled to retire into hospital;
but I was able to issue instructions which I hope were of use.  At Sir
Charles Wilson's request, I advised him to take the two larger and
better protected steamers, _Bordein_ and _Talahawiyeh_.

The work of preparing them began next morning, 23rd January.  The first
thing to be done was to sort out from their crews the Egyptians, Turks,
Kurds, Circassians, the "hens" whom Gordon had refused to have again in
Khartoum, and to man the two vessels with Soudanese sailors and
soldiers.  Captain Gascoigne and Lieutenant Stuart-Wortley toiled at
this tiresome job nearly all day.

At my suggestion, the people removed from the steamers were placed in a
camp by themselves up stream, on the Khartoum side of Gubat; so that in
the event of a force advancing from Khartoum, and the consequent revolt
{287} of the "hens," we should not be placed between two fires.  The
military objection was that they would foul the water; which was
obviated by my building wooden piers projecting into the stream.

An engine-room artificer from the Naval Brigade was sent on board each
steamer, in which they went to work to repair defects.  Wood for the
steamers was obtained by cutting up the _sakiehs_, or water-wheels, up
and down the river, a slow process as performed by natives receiving
orders through interpreters.  Khashm-el-Mus was placed in command of
the _Bordein_, and Abd-el-Hamid of the _Talakawiyeh_.  Sir Charles
Wilson was to go in the _Bordein_, together with Captain Gascoigne, 10
non-commissioned officers and men of the Royal Sussex, one petty
officer and one artificer Naval Brigade, and no Soudanese soldiers.  In
the _Talahawiyeh_ were Captain L. J. Trafford, in command of 10
non-commissioned officers and men of the Royal Sussex, one of whom was
a signaller, one engine-room artificer Naval Brigade, and some 80
Soudanese soldiers.  The _Talahawiyeh_ towed a _nuggar_ carrying about
50 Soudanese soldiers and a cargo of grain for Khartoum.  According to
Gordon's express desire, the British troops were clad in red tunics,
which, being borrowed from the Guards and the Heavy Camel Regiment,
were far from being a regimental fit.

By the time the preparations were complete, it was too late to start
that night, and the Royal Sussex, folded in their red tunics,
bivouacked on the bank.

During the day, the entrenchments upon the hillside and by the river
were strengthened; and the same evening a convoy and an escort under
the command of Colonel Talbot started for Jakdul to fetch stores.
Captain C. B. Piggot, the man who knew not fear, carrying dispatches to
Korti, accompanied them.

It should be borne in mind that the chief object of the expedition to
Khartoum, apart from the necessity of communicating with Gordon
himself, was to produce a moral {288} effect upon the Mahdists;
Gordon's idea being that the presence of a small force of British
soldiers would inevitably convince the native that powerful
reinforcements might be expected immediately.  In the journal of Sir
Charles Wilson (_From Korti to Khartoum_) he makes the following
comment:


"The original plan was for Beresford to man two of the steamers with
the Naval Brigade, mount his Gardner gun on one of them, and after
overhauling them, take me to Khartoum with about fifty men of the
Sussex Regiment.  This was now impossible: all the naval officers were
killed or wounded except Beresford, who was himself unable to walk, and
many of the best petty officers and seamen were also gone.  Beresford
offered to accompany me; but he had done himself no good by going down
the river the day before, and there was every prospect of his getting
worse before he was better.  Besides, I felt I could not deprive the
force of its only naval officer, when it was quite possible the
steamers left behind might have to take part in a fight."


That possibility was fulfilled.  In the event, if I may say so, it was
lucky that I was there.

At eight o'clock on the morning of the 24th January, the two steamers
started, flying the Egyptian flag, the slave-girls frying _dhura_-cake
under the fore turret, old Khashm-el-Mus smoking and drinking coffee on
the cabin sofa, both vessels crammed with yelling and joyous savages,
among whom were a bare score of British soldiers.  They must pass
powerful batteries, a single shot from which would sink them, and
dangerous cataracts sown with rocks, and finally the guns of Omdurman,
which was now in possession of the enemy.  And having survived these
perils, they might be unable to return, for the river was rapidly
falling.  Slowly they steamed away against the strong stream, and
vanished; and for seven days we waited for news of that desperate
enterprise.

{289}

In Sir Charles Wilson's absence, the military command devolved upon
Colonel Boscawen, and after a few days, Colonel Boscawen being ill with
fever, upon Colonel Mildmay Willson of the Scots Guards.  The actual
senior officer was myself.  I issued a proclamation to the natives.


(_Translation_)

"To the people of the river districts.

"This is to make it known to you that we are the advanced portion of
the two great English armies which are now marching on Khartoum to
punish the rebels.

"We do not wish to do you any harm if you will come to see us.  You
will receive no hurt; and we will pay you for your cattle and crops.

"If, however, you do not tender your submission, we will punish you
severely.  Your cattle will be taken, your villages and _sakiehs_
burnt, and you yourselves will be killed, even as those unfortunates
who ventured to oppose us at Abu Klea and Metemmeh.

"Any person desirous of speaking with the English general should carry
a white flag, and come by the river bank alone.  He will not be
detained, and he will be guarded from all danger.

      "The SIRDAR
  "Advanced Guard, English Army"


I was in hospital for only two days.  The surgeon's knife relieved my
pain, and I was speedily healed.  On the 26th January, and the
following day, I took the _Safieh_ down to Metemmeh and shelled that
place, covering the advance of a foraging party.  There were daily
expeditions both by the river in the steamer, and by land, to get goats
and cattle, vegetables for the sick, and green-stuff for the camels,
which had already eaten up all the vegetation about the camp.  We
weighed anchor daily at 6 a.m., taking a party of twenty picked shots
from one of the regiments.  Small {290} parties of riflemen used to
fire at us from the left bank, but we had no casualties.

All the villages in the neighbourhood were deserted; but there was
nothing to be taken from them except a few beans and lentils, and the
native wooden bedsteads.  A good deal of long-range sniping went on,
but no one was the worse for it.

The British sailors and soldiers had trouble with the native bulls,
which, docile enough with natives, resisted capture by white men.
Nusri Pasha, the Egyptian, who had come down in command of the
_Talahawiyeh_, was standing on the deck of the _Safieh_, watching my
men trying to compel a recalcitrant bull down the bank.

"Let me try," said Nusri Pasha.  "He'll obey me.  You see."

And he crossed the plank to the shore, and went up to the angry bull.
No sooner did the Pasha lay hand on the rope, than the bull charged,
caught the unhappy Egyptian between his horns, carried him headlong
down the slope and into the water, and fetched up against the steamer
with his horns fixed in the sponson, while Nusri disappeared into the
river, the beholders yelling with laughter.  The Pasha was fished out,
chastened but not much the worse for his extraordinary escape.  Had he
been impaled upon the horns, there would have been no more Nusri, tamer
of bulls.

Every night the tom-toms beat in Metemmeh; and on the 28th, there was a
great noise of firing, which we supposed to be the celebration of a
religious festival.  Alas, it was something else.

On 31st January, Colonel Talbot returned from Jakdul with a large
convoy of supplies.  He was accompanied by the second division of the
Naval Brigade, which, it may be remembered, had not arrived at Korti
when the Desert Column left that place.  With the Naval Brigade came
Lieutenant E. B. van Koughnet, in command, Sub-Lieutenant Colin R.
Keppel (son of my old friend Sir Harry {291} Keppel), Surgeon Arthur
William May (now Surgeon-General Sir A. W. May, C.B.), and Chief
Engineer Henry Benbow (now Sir Henry Benbow, K.C.B., D.S.O.).  Never
was reinforcement more timely; and it was with inexpressible pleasure
that I greeted my shipmates.  Once more I had officers; in the
meantime, I had put the _Safieh_ into fighting trim; and now we were
ready for emergency.  It came.

Every night I used to haul off the _Safieh_ into the stream; and I
slept on deck.  Very early in the morning of the 1st February, I was
awakened by a voice hailing the _Safieh_.  I ran to the rail, and
there, in the first light of the dawn, was a boat, and Stuart-Wortley's
face was lifted to mine.  He climbed aboard.

"Gordon is killed and Khartoum has fallen," he said.  Then
Stuart-Wortley told me how Sir Charles Wilson's two steamers were
wrecked, how his force was isolated up the river, and how the Mahdi
might be marching down with his whole triumphant horde armed with all
the guns and rifles of the fallen city.

"Then the soldiers had better run up more wire entanglements and
earthworks as quick as they can.  And I wish to God I had those two
steamers!" I said.

I told Stuart-Wortley I would at once proceed to the rescue of Sir
Charles Wilson's party, and sent him on shore to tell the news to
Colonel Boscawen.

How the tidings came to the camp, is related by Lieutenant Douglas
Dawson, who recorded in his diary how one "drew his curtains in the
dead of night and told him" ... (The diary was published in _The
Nineteenth Century_ for November, 1885.  I quote from the copy kindly
lent to me by the author):


"_February 1st_.  No member of our small force as long as he lives will
ever forget this morning.  Just at dawn I was woke by someone outside
our hut calling for Boscawen.  I jumped up and went out to see who it
was, and then made {292} out to my surprise Stuart-Wortley, whom we all
thought at Khartoum.

"I looked towards the river, expecting in the faint light to see the
steamers, then seeing nothing, and observing by his face that there was
something wrong, I said, 'Why, good heavens! where are the steamers,
what is the news?'  He said, 'The very worst.'"

The full story of a very gallant exploit, Sir Charles Wilson's daring
voyage to Khartoum, has been modestly and clearly told in his book,
_From Korti to Khartoum_.  The _Bordein_ and the _Talahawiyeh_ towing
the _nuggar_, came to the Shabloka Cataract upon the day (25th January)
after they had started.  Here the _Bordein_ stuck; and having been got
off after many hours' work, she ran aground again off Hassan Island
next day, during which the expedition advanced only three miles.  On
the afternoon of the 27th, a man appearing on the left bank cried that
Khartoum had fallen and Gordon was slain.  No one believed him, because
the air was full of false rumours.  The next day, 28th, in the morning,
a man on the right bank cried that Khartoum had fallen and that Gordon
had been killed, two days before.  No one believed him.  But it was
true.  It was on that night that we in Gubat heard the guns firing in
Metemmeh.

By this time, those in the steamers could catch a far glimpse of the
roofs and minarets of Khartoum pencilled upon the blue above the trees
of Tuti Island; and at the same time, a heavy fire was opened from the
battery of Fighiaiha on their right hand.  Then they came to Halfiyeh,
where a battery of four guns fired upon them, on their left hand.  The
naked black men in the steamers served their guns with a furious zeal,
while the British infantry fired steadily, and so through the smoke the
red flags went on, safely past the point of the long island that ends
opposite to Halfiyeh, the Soudanese ecstatically shrieking defiance and
brandishing their rifles.  At Halfiyeh were boats lying, and
Khashm-el-Mus said to Sir Charles Wilson, "Gordon's troops must be
there, as the Mahdi has no boats."

{293}

Then, from the _Bordein_, which was leading, they could see Government
House in Khartoum plain above the trees, but there was no flag flying
from its roof.  As they passed between the island on their left hand
and the mainland on the right, two more guns opened, and there began a
heavy rifle-fire from both sides which continued for the rest of the
way.  Tuti Island, the upper end of which faces Khartoum, and about
which on either side the Blue Nile stretches an arm to join the White
Nile, was lined with riflemen firing over a dyke.  At first Sir Charles
thought them to be Gordon's men, and took the steamer nearer in, when
the fire increased.  So, writes Sir Charles, "we went on, old Khashm
protesting it was all up, and predicting terrible disaster to
ourselves.  No sooner did we start upwards than we got into such a fire
as I hope never to pass through again in a 'penny steamer.'  Two or
more guns opened upon us from Omdurman fort, and three or four from
Khartoum or the upper end of Tuti; the roll of musketry from each side
was continuous; and high above that could be heard the grunting of a
Nordenfelt or a mitrailleuse, and the loud rushing noise of the Krupp
shells..."

They rounded the curve of the island, and there beyond the space of
rushing water torn with shot, and the flash and smoke of bursting
shells, Khartoum rose into full sight; and there, ranged on the sandy
shore beneath the walls, the Mahdi's banners fluttered above the massed
ranks of the dervishes.

All was done.  Sir Charles Wilson had fought his way to the end,
determined to go on till he was certain of the fate of the city.  Then
he knew; then, and not until then, did he give the order to go about.

At the word, as he relates, the Soudanese, who had lost all they had in
the world, were stricken mute and impotent.  Poor old Khashm-el-Mus
wrapped his mantle about his head, crouching in a corner.  They ran
down stream through the fire, the Soudanese bravely returning it, the
British infantry steady as ever, and won clear.  During four hours they
had {294} been under fire.  They ran down some 30 miles, and moored for
the night.

The next day, 29th January, the _Talahawiyeh_ struck on a rock in the
Shabloka Cataract, and must be abandoned.  The British were transhipped
to the _Bordein_, the natives bivouacked on an island.  Next day the
natives were sent on ahead in the _nuggar_, hitherto towed by the
_Talahawiyeh_, and the _Bordein_ followed.  The day after, 31st
January, during the afternoon, the _Bordein_ struck a rock, began to
fill, and was run on shore upon a small island close to the large
Mernat Island.  When the accident occurred, Sir Charles Wilson was just
preparing to run at full speed past the fort and battery of Wad
Habeshi, which lay on the left hand some three and a half miles lower
down.  Mernat Island lies about 35 miles above Gubat by land, and
nearly 40 by river.

Sir Charles Wilson landed guns, ammunition and stores.  At first he
intended to make a night march down on the right bank; but he changed
his plan and decided to remain where he was for the night.

Lieutenant Stuart-Wortley was dispatched to carry the news to Gubat in
one of the two small boats, a felucca.  He left at 6.45 p.m., taking a
crew of four English soldiers and eight natives.  They were fired at
and missed by the Wad Habeshi fort; and working splendidly, traversed
the 40 miles in a little over eight hours, arriving at Gubat, as
already related, at 3 a.m. on the morning of 1st February.
Stuart-Wortley and his men faced death every mile of the way; and their
voyage deserves to be remembered as a bold, determined and gallant
achievement.




{295}

CHAPTER XXXI

THE SOUDAN WAR (_Continued_)

IX. THE RESCUE

  "And while lying near Metemmeh
    He went--many a time you know--
  Up the river in his steamer,
    Dealing havoc on the foe;
  And each gallant tar and Jollie
    That was with him, fighting there,
  Now would follow without question,
    Let him lead them, anywhere."
  _Songs of the Camel Corps_ (Sergeant H. EAGLE, R.M.C.C.)

[The men used to sing 'Our Navy on the Nile,' of which the above is an
excerpt; but the rest is so complimentary to the author, that he is
obliged to omit it.]


At two o'clock in the afternoon of the 1st February the _Safieh_ left
Gubat to proceed to the rescue of Sir Charles Wilson's force.  From the
time the news arrived until we started, we were occupied in getting
wood and stores.  With me were Lieutenant E. B. van Koughnet,
Sub-Lieutenant Colin R. Keppel, Surgeon Arthur William May, Chief
Engineer Henry Benbow, Acting-Lieutenant Walter Ingram, Mr. Webber,
boatswain, all of the Royal Navy, Lieutenant R. L. Bower, King's Royal
Rifle Corps, and Lieutenant Stuart-Wortley, who had brought the news of
the disaster.  The vessel was manned by picked men from both divisions
of the Naval Brigade, and carried twenty non-commissioned officers and
men, picked shots, of the Mounted Infantry, under the command of
Lieutenant {296} R. L. Bower.  The engine-room staff consisted of Chief
Engineer Benbow; two engine-room artificers, Royal Navy, J. T. Garland
and G. Woodman; and one chief stoker, Royal Navy; an Arab or Egyptian
engineer, and six Soudanese stokers.  We mounted the two Gardner guns
in echelon on the platform made of railway sleepers and boiler-plate
amidships, and one of the two brass 4-pr. mountain guns was placed in
the turret forward, the other in the turret aft, both turrets being
built of railway sleepers and boiler-plate, with which defences the
ship had been cased above water.  The Reis (native pilot) was stationed
inside the barricade protecting the wheel, to guide the helmsman, who
was a bluejacket.  The native boats always carry two Reises, one to
look out, the other to steer.  Our Reis was mounted upon a box so that
he could see over the barricade.  In order to guard against the kind of
accident which had befallen Sir Charles Wilson's steamers, I informed
him that if he took us safely up and down he would be rewarded, but
that upon any indication of treachery he would be shot at once.  He was
then handcuffed to a stanchion, and Quartermaster Olden, with a loaded
revolver, was placed at his side.  Surgeon-General A. W. May, who very
kindly sent me his recollections of the trip, writes: "A quartermaster
with the nickname of 'Punch' was told off to look after him, and he
stood as grim as death at his side, revolver in hand, quite ready at
the slightest sign of treachery to carry out his orders ... I always
attribute our getting up and down when the river was low and dangerous
to your wise warning of the pilot."

The _Safieh_ was simply a penny steamer in a packing-case.  Where the
packing-case was deficient, bullets went through her as through paper,
and a shell would pierce her wooden jacket.  The pinch would come when
we sighted the fort at Wad Habeshi, which lay on our right hand,
between us and Mernat Island, where was Sir Charles Wilson's party, and
which was some 36 miles up stream from Gubat.

On 1st February we shoved along at the rate of 2.5 {297} miles an hour,
the most the _Safieh_ could do against the current, stopped to get
wood, and anchored in the stream during the night.  It was impossible
to navigate in the dark.  The next day was almost entirely occupied in
collecting wood, which was laboriously obtained by dismantling and
cutting up the _sakiehs_, native water-wheels.  That evening we arrived
within three or four miles of Wad Habeshi, and again anchored for the
night.  After weighing next morning, I assembled the ship's company and
briefly addressed them.  I told them that we were in a tight place, but
that we would get out of it; that if we failed to rescue Sir Charles
Wilson, the Mahdi's men would get them and would then come down upon
Gubat; but that we would save Wilson's party.  The men were as cheery
and steady as possible.

At 7 a.m. we sighted Wad Habeshi on the starboard hand; and we saw, far
up the river, the trees of Mernat Island, and the tilted hull and
funnel of the stranded _Bordein_.

By 7.30 a.m. we were within 1200 yards of the fort, and I opened fire
with the bow gun.  Wad Habeshi was a strong earthwork, with four
embrasures, mounting four guns, and manned, according to
Stuart-Wortley's report, by 5000 riflemen.  The only practicable
channel ran within 80 yards of the fort.  We could only crawl past the
battery, and as we were defenceless against gun-fire, our only chance
was to maintain so overwhelming a fire upon the embrasures as to
demoralise the guns' crews.  It was an extreme instance of the
principle that the best defence resides in gun-fire rather than in
armour; for we had no effective armour.

Accordingly, the starboard Gardner and the two brass guns, the 20
soldiers and 14 bluejackets, poured a steady and an accurate fire into
the fort, disregarding the parties of riflemen who were shooting at us
from the bank.  There were some 600 or 800 of these, and one gun opened
fire from the side embrasure of the fort.  Poor von Koughnet was shot
in the leg, and second-class petty officer Edwin Curnow, number two of
the crew of the starboard Gardner, fell mortally wounded, and died that
evening.  But so {298} deadly was the fire we poured into the
embrasures of the fort, that the enemy could not fire the two guns
bearing upon the _Safieh_ while she was bore abeam of them.  We passed
the fort, and by the time we had left it about 200 yards astern, our
fire necessarily slackened, as our guns no longer bore upon the battery.

Suddenly a great cloud of steam or smoke rose from the after hatchway.
Instantly the fire of the enemy increased.  Chief Engineer Benbow, who
was standing with-me on the quarter-deck, ran to the engine-room.  A
Maltese carpenter rushed up to me crying, "All is lost, sare, myself
and my brother, sare!  The ship he sink, sare!" and was promptly kicked
out of the way.

I saw the black stokers rushing up from the stoke-hold hatchway.  At
the moment it was uncertain whether the ship was on fire or the boiler
injured; but as she still had way upon her I ordered her to be headed
towards the bank, away from the fort, and so gained another few yards.
The carpenter's mate reported that there were three feet of water in
the well, and that the vessel was sinking.

Then she stopped.  In the meantime our fire upon the side embrasure of
the fort was continued by the riflemen; and it went on without pause,
lest the enemy should get another shot in.  I dropped anchor, and
addressed the men.  I told them that the vessel was all right, as she
had only a foot of water under her bottom; that the stores and
ammunition must be got up on deck in case she settled down; that no
relief was possible; but that not a single dervish would come on board
while one of us was alive.

The men were quite cool and jovial.

"It's all right, sir," said one cheerfully.  "We'll make it 'ot for the
beggars!"

Mr. Benbow, chief engineer, came to me and reported that the water must
have come from the boiler, because it was hot; and that, as the shot
which had pierced the boiler had entered above the water-line, the
vessel was safe.  I then {299} countermanded the order to bring up the
ammunition and stores.

In the meantime the two engine-room artificers, Garland and Woodman,
had been carried up from the engine-room, so terribly scalded that the
flesh of their hands, forearms and faces was hanging in strips, like
the flesh of a boiled chicken.  They had been stationed by Mr. Benbow
between the boiler and the ship's side, with orders to insert
shot-plugs if the side was pierced; and in that position were farther
from the exit than the Soudanese stokers, and therefore were more
severely injured.  The stokers were badly scalded, two days afterwards,
an odour as of the grave pervading the upper deck, a search discovered
a black stoker under the fortified superstructure.  He was hauled out
with a boat-hook, and was then still alive, although his flesh was
peeling from his bones.  He had resigned himself to die, as Asiatics
will; and he died.

Considering the situation, I thought that upon the _Safieh_ probably
depended not only the fate of Sir Charles Wilson's party, who were
isolated in a hostile country between the strong force at Wad Habeshi
and the Mahdi's host marching down from Khartoum, and who could not
even rely upon the native soldiers with them, but the fate of the whole
Desert Column; because if we failed to bring away Wilson, and his party
were captured or slain, the enemy would be encouraged to descend upon
the Desert Column at Gubat.  I was, of course, at that moment ignorant
of the movements of the Mahdi's army; and could only conjecture that
they were even then marching upon us.  As a matter of fact, they were;
but the exact sequence of events did not become known for a long time
afterwards.

I asked Mr. Benbow if he could repair the boiler.

He replied, "I think I can do it."

He added that it was still too hot to examine.  The time was then
between nine and ten a.m. Mr. Benbow, assisted by the leading stoker
R.N., who had been stationed on deck as stretcher-bearer, drew the
fires and pumped out the boiler, {300} when he found a hole some three
inches in diameter, round which the plate had bulged inwards, its edges
being torn and jagged.

By the time the examination was completed, it was about eleven o'clock.
Mr. Benbow then set to work to make a new plate with his own hands.  He
had brought with him from the depot at Wady Halfa some engineer's
stores: a piece of sheet-iron, and some bolts and nuts; part of the
equipment I had brought from Korti, when General Buller asked me if I
was going to mend camels with them.  I remembered his chaff in that
hour.

Mr. Benbow, with no other assistance than that of the leading stoker,
had to cut a plate, 16 inches by 14, drill the holes in it to receive
the bolts, drill holes in the injured boiler plate corresponding to the
first to a fraction, and cut the threads of the screws upon bolts and
nuts.  The new plate being too thin to take the pressure, he also had
to bolt an iron bar across it, drilling the holes through the bar,
through the new plate, and through the injured boiler plate.

During the whole time he was below in the stifling hot engine-room at
work upon a task demanding at once great exertion and the utmost
nicety, the fire from the fort never ceased.  Bullets pattered
continually upon the hull, some of them piercing it, and striking the
wounded men who lay below.  At any moment another shell might burst
into the engine-room.  But Mr. Benbow went on with his work.

On deck, we continued to maintain a steady fire, hour after hour, upon
the fort.  It was our only chance.  The slightest cessation, and they
would bring their gun to bear on us.  The range was between 200 and 300
yards.  As we hung at anchor, the fort bore almost directly astern.  It
was therefore necessary to alter the position of our guns.  A rough
platform was built aft, upon which one of the Gardners was mounted, and
where it was admirably served all day by Acting-Lieutenant Walter
Ingram.  Lieutenant Colin Keppel, in order to have room inside the
narrow wood-protected casemate astern to train his brass howitzer,
sawed off its {301} trail.  The result was that after each discharge
the gun leaped into the air and fell upon its back.  After laying the
gun, and before firing, Keppel removed the sight to prevent its being
injured, and put it in his pocket.  Keppel and Mr. James Webber served
the gun all day, firing 150 rounds.  The casemate itself was
strengthened to take the shock of the gun by buttressing it with a
stout strut of timber.  At every discharge the whole crazy vessel shook
and trembled; her plates started; and her bows opened.  The fire from
the Gardner and the rifle-fire, directed upon the side embrasure of the
fort, were so accurate and incessant that the gunners of the enemy
never had a chance, either to get their gun to bear or to remove it to
another position.  The few shots they fired travelled about 100 yards
to the right of the steamer.

Meantime, Mr. Benbow, down below, went on with his work.

The noise of the engagement was so deafening and continuous that we did
not hear the three shots fired upon Mernat Island, the signal arranged
by Sir Charles Wilson with Stuart-Wortley to show that the party was
safe; and we were so busy that we did not see the flags hoisted upon
the wreck of the _Bordein_ with the same object.  At that time Sir
Charles Wilson's party were themselves engaged with the enemy, who were
firing upon them from the bank.  Sir Charles Wilson was able to make
out that the _Safieh_ was at anchor and was heavily engaged.  He then
thought that we had the two steamers, the _Tewfikiyeh_ as well as the
_Safieh_, that one had been injured, and that the _Safieh_ was covering
her from the fire of the fort.  He immediately broke up his zeriba,
embarked the wounded, some of the natives, the guns, ammunition and
stores, and a small guard of the Royal Sussex, in the _nuggar_, and
sent it down stream under the command of Captain Gascoigne.  The
embarkation was carried into execution under fire.  Sir Charles then
landed the rest of his force on the right bank (Wad Habeshi and the
enemy were on the left bank) in his remaining small {302} boat, a
felucca.  The whole party then marched down the right bank to a point
opposite to the _Safieh_, Captain Gascoigne taking down the _nuggar_
and the felucca.  "As we got nearer," writes Sir Charles, "we could
make out the white ensign flying bravely in the breeze, a pleasant
sight for hard-pressed Britishers."

Upon the arrival of his force, it immediately opened fire upon the
fort.  I signalled to Sir Charles, informing him of the condition of
affairs, and suggesting that he should move to a place lower down,
where I would pick him up on the morrow.  The _Safieh_ lying some 500
yards from the bank, and Sir Charles having a difficulty in replying to
my signals, Captain Gascoigne volunteered to go aboard.  He took a
native crew in the felucca and pulled across under a hot fire from the
fort, which did not discompose him in the least.  There was never a
cooler man under fire than Gascoigne.  He brought with him the two
engine-room artificers of the Naval Brigade who had accompanied Sir
Charles Wilson, and who at once went below to help Mr. Benbow to repair
the boiler.

Captain Gascoigne returned with a message from myself to Sir Charles
Wilson suggesting that, in order to divert the attention of the enemy
from the _Safieh_, he should continue to maintain a fire upon the fort
with a part of his force, while the rest proceeded farther down to form
a zeriba at a spot suitable for embarkation; and that the women, sick
and wounded should proceed in the _nuggar_ during the night to the same
place, to which I would bring the steamer on the following morning.
Captain Gascoigne rejoined Sir Charles Wilson without casualty.

Sir Charles then sent Captain Trafford forward with the Royal Sussex,
Khashm-el-Mus and most of the Soudanese, while Sir Charles himself
remained with 30 men and one gun.  They maintained a steady and a
useful fire until sunset, when they marched after the rest of the party.

Meantime, Mr. Benbow, down below, went on with his work.

{303}

It was about two o'clock when the artificers joined him, so that he had
already been toiling single-handed, except for the leading stoker, for
three hours.  After another three hours, at five o'clock, the plate and
bar were made, the holes drilled in them and in the boiler, and the
threads cut upon the bolts and nuts.  But the boiler was still so hot,
that it was impossible for a man to be in it, and the plate could not
be fixed, because it was necessary to pass the bolts through the plates
from inside the boiler.  Mr. Benbow pumped cold water into the boiler
and out again once or twice; but by 6 o'clock the heat was still too
great for a white man to endure.  We smeared a negro boy with tallow,
and I promised him a reward if he would go into the boiler.  He was
delighted.  He was lowered down, to climb out again faster than he went
in.  After a short pause, he had another try.  This time, in a frying
heat that only a black skin could bear, he stayed inside, passing the
bolts through, while Mr. Benbow caulked plates and bolts and screwed
them home.  The boy was none the worse in body and richer in
possessions than ever in his life.  By seven o'clock the job was done.

You can see what it was for yourself; for the plate is now in the
Museum of the Royal Naval College, Greenwich.  Rear-Admiral Sir Colin
Keppel (sub-lieutenant in 1885), writing to me on the subject, says,
"When in command of the gunboats under Lord Kitchener in 1898, on our
way to Fashoda, about 300 miles above Khartoum on the White Nile, I
again came upon our old _Safieh_, then again in the hands of the
dervishes, with whom we had a short action.  The first thing I did
afterwards was to go down below (I knew where to look!) and found the
patch which old Benbow had put on more than 13 years before."

Lord Kitchener afterwards had the plate cut out, and he very kindly
sent it to me.

By ten o'clock that night, the boiler was repaired and the fires were
laid.  In the meantime, as soon as the twilight fell that evening, the
fire from the fort slackened.  {304} It was my object to delude the
enemy into the belief that we had abandoned the steamer; for, if they
thought she was empty, they would not fire upon her, lest they should
damage an invaluable prize.  Moreover, did the enemy suppose that we
were staying by the ship, they would during the night shift a gun from
the fort, dragging it along the bank to a point abreast of the steamer;
whence they could see the vessel looming on the water, whereas we in
the steamer could not see them; whence the range was no more than about
80 yards; and whence a single hit would disable us.

But all depended upon our running the gauntlet in the morning.
Therefore, in the hope of deceiving the enemy, as the darkness
gathered, the four boats brought down to embark Wilson's party were
ostentatiously hauled alongside, as if to take off the ship's company.
Then all firing stopped; and after that thirteen hours' furious
fusillade, the immense and crystal silence of the desert submerged us
like the sea.  Talking above a whisper was forbidden; every aperture
was closed below, where the lamps were burning to light Mr. Benbow at
his work, and no spark of light was allowed on deck.  The men lit their
pipes at a slow match burning in a bucket, and smoked under cover.

After leaving the _Safieh_ in the afternoon, Captain Gascoigne had more
adventures with his _nuggar_, of which by this time he must have been
weary.  It went ashore opposite to the fort, which of course shot at
it, and Gascoigne must embark all except the badly wounded, under fire
as usual.  Luckily, the enemy failed to get the range.  By sunset, the
united exertions of Sir Charles Wilson's firing party had refloated the
_nuggar_.

Late that night, we saw her drift past us in the darkness.

The fort fired upon her, but apparently without result, for she drifted
on and disappeared.  Then the enemy opened fire again upon the steamer.
They had run the guns outside the fort in the interval, and fired a few
rounds at us, accompanied by a heavy rifle fire.  But the _Safieh_
remained dumb and motionless.  The firing ceased, the {305} enemy
evidently believing that we had abandoned the vessel.

I slept in snatches on deck, waking every now and then to look round.
The officers were sound asleep, lying in a neat row on the deck.  It
occurred to me that, taking into consideration the position in which
they lay relative to the gun on the bank, a single shot might kill them
all.  So I roused them up very quietly, and bade them dispose
themselves in various places.  I remember how they waked with a sleepy
grin, each looking for a separate corner, dropping into it and falling
asleep again.

So far, our ruse had succeeded.  At five o'clock the next morning (4th
February) Mr. Benbow lit the fires, using the utmost caution, keeping
the ash-pit draught plates almost shut, in order to prevent sparks,
which would instantly betray us, from flying up the funnel.  On deck,
we were in suspense, all staring at the shot-riddled funnel.  It kept
its secret for fifty minutes; then suddenly it belched a fountain of
hot ashes.  It was then within ten minutes of daylight.  Almost at the
same moment a great shouting broke out in the fort, and a convulsive
beating of tom-toms.  Then the guns and rifles began to speak again.

What had happened was that when the pressure-gauge indicated 10 lb. of
steam, the Arab captain of the stokers suddenly appeared at the
engine-room hatch, and spoke swiftly in Arabic to his men, who, before
Mr. Benbow could interfere, flung open the draught plates.

It was a close-run business.  In the next ten minutes the steam had run
up to 20 lb. pressure.  Instantly we weighed anchor.  The moment the
steamer began to move, such a yell of rage went up from the Dervishes
in the fort, as I never heard before or since.  Leaping and screaming
on the bank, they took up handfuls of sand and flung them towards us.
They had thought us fled, and the steamer theirs.  And there we were,
and there was the steamer moving away up river towards Khartoum; and
the men of Wad Habeshi were naturally disappointed.

{306}

I took the _Safieh_ about a quarter of a mile up stream, both to
confuse the enemy and to enable me to turn outside the narrow channel,
and at a comparatively safe distance.  Then we went about, and ran down
at full speed, again concentrating our fire upon the embrasures of the
fort.  Once more, as we came abreast of Wad Habeshi, we turned both
Gardners and both howitzers upon the embrasures, in one of which we
burst a shell; while the 20 soldiers and the 14 bluejackets maintained
their steady rifle fire.

We were running now with the stream instead of against it, and our
speed was the greater, and we stormed past the fort without a single
casualty; and then, just as we thought we were clear, lo! there was
Gascoigne's hapless _nuggar_, stuck and helpless some 400 yards below
Wad Habeshi, and in full bearing of its side embrasure.  As all
depended upon the safe passage of the _Safieh_, I ran on until we were
a mile from the fort and out of its range, and then dropped anchor.

[Illustration: "RUNNING THE GAUNTLET."  THE ACTION OF THE "SAFIEH" AT
WAD HABESHI, 14TH FEBRUARY, 1885]

I dispatched Keppel with six bluejackets in a small boat to the
assistance of the _nuggar_.  Rear-Admiral Sir Colin Keppel very kindly
sent to me his account of the affair, based upon the notes made in his
diary at the time.  "The riflemen, having got rid of the steamer,
concentrated their fire on the _nuggar_.  However, the range was long
and their fire was not very accurate.  After we had anchored you
dispatched me in a small boat with six bluejackets to the assistance of
the _nuggar_.  After attempting to pull up to her, we found that the
stream was too strong, and so I decided, having obtained your approval
by semaphore, to land on the right bank, track the boat up until well
upstream of the _nuggar_, and thus reach her.  I found the only thing
to do was to lighten her; and while Gascoigne and I were throwing
overboard sacks of _dhura_ and other things, I was struck in the groin
by a bullet which went through my breeches but did not penetrate the
skin.  It only raised a bruise which made me limp for a few days.
There was a considerable number of wounded in the _nuggar_.  When {307}
she was afloat again we drifted down.  You got under way in the steamer
and picked us up."

Such is Keppel's modest account of what was a very gallant piece of
service on his part and on the part of Captain Gascoigne, who with
their men were working in the _nuggar_ under fire for three hours.  Had
they failed where they so brilliantly succeeded, the whole Column, as
we learned afterwards, would have been jeopardised; for the steamer,
returning to their assistance, would again have come within range of
the fort.

The _nuggar_ was taken in tow, and Captain Gascoigne's heroic struggles
with that unlucky craft were thus ended for the time.  A mile below us,
Sir Charles Wilson was waiting for us with his whole detachment.  They
were all embarked, and by 5.45 p.m. we had safely arrived at Gubat.

That night I slept so profoundly that I do not know when I should have
awakened, had not first one rat, and then another, walked over my face.

Mr. Benbow's skilled and intrepid service had saved the Column with a
piece of boiler plate and a handful of bolts.  He received the special
compliments of Lord Wolseley, who presented him with his own silver
cigarette case; and was promoted to the rank of chief inspector of
machinery.  He ought to have received the Victoria Cross; but owing to
the fact that I did not then know that the decoration could be granted
for a service of that nature, I did not, to my great regret, recommend
him for the honour.  Mr. James Webber was promoted to be chief
boatswain; and in 1887, his services being once more exceptionally
recommended, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant.

Surgeon Arthur May's services were inestimable.  Always cheery,
indefatigable and zealous, when he was not attending to the wounded
under fire, he was on deck, rifle in hand, among the marksmen.  It was
a great pleasure to me to report in the highest terms of the conduct of
the officers and men under my command, and specially to recommend
Lieutenant E. B. van Koughnet, Sub-Lieutenant {308} C. R. Keppel,
Acting-Lieutenant Walter Ingram, Chief Engineer Benbow, Surgeon Arthur
William May and Mr. James Webber, boatswain, and Lieutenant Bower,
commanding the Mounted Infantry.

During the engagement with the fort at Wad Habeshi 5400 rounds were
fired from the Gardner guns, and 2150 from the rifles.  The figure for
the brass howitzers is uncertain, the official report giving 126, but
Sub-Lieutenant Keppel, who served one of the guns, mentioned 150 as the
number fired from one gun in one day.




{309}

CHAPTER XXXII

THE SOUDAN WAR (_Continued_)

X. THE EFFECT OF THE ACTION OF WAD HABESHI

The proximate result of the fight of the _Safieh_ was of course the
fulfilment of its immediate object, the rescue of Sir Charles Wilson's
gallant detachment.  But, years afterwards, it was made known that the
full effect actually extended so far as to include the salvation of the
whole Desert Column.  In _The Royal Navy: A History_, vol. vii., Sir
William Laird Clowes briefly mentions the fact, referring to Sir F. R.
Wingate's letter to Lord Wolseley of 18th March, 1893.  The passages in
that letter to which he refers are as follows:

"... It is therefore on these grounds only that I have ventured to
collate evidence on an episode which may be considered to have been
finally dealt with....  Moreover, with the light which this evidence
throws on the situation, the results of Beresford's action cannot but
be enhanced ... that he was the means of saving Sir C. Wilson and his
party is an admitted fact; but when it is realised that added to this,
his action really saved the Column, it is, I consider, my duty to bring
before you this evidence which, had it been known at the time, might
have secured for Beresford and Benbow the greatest reward soldiers and
sailors can hope to obtain.  But late as it is, it may not be too late
for the question to be reopened....

"In order to arrive at the actual details of the Dervish movements
subsequent to the fall of Khartoum, a meeting {310} was held at the
Intelligence Department, Egyptian Army, Cairo, on the 23rd February,
1893, at which the following were present, namely, Father Orhwalder,
Kasha el Mus Pasha, Major Hassan Agha Mohammed (Kassala), Hassan Eff.
Riban (late Maowin Berber District) and present at Berber at that time;
the Emir Sheikh Medawi (one of the principal Dervish Emirs present in
the attack on Khartoum)....

"In the unanimous opinion of the above Committee, the credit of having
delayed the Dervish advance and thus enabling the British Column to be
retired safely is due to the action of Lord Charles Beresford at Wad
Habeshi...."

The following short extracts may be cited from the evidence which led
the Committee to their conclusion.  The first is taken from the
statement of Esh Sheikh Murabek Wad el Tilb, a Kordofan merchant who
arrived in Cairo on 30th May, 1888, from Omdurman:


"... There were 3000 Dervishes there (at Wad Habeshi) under the Emir
Ahmed Wad Faid and Sheikh Mustafa el Amin.  These Dervishes thought
they could easily capture the steamer in which there were only about 30
men, but the English stood up and fought like men for many hours, they
inflicted great loss on the Dervishes, and forced them to draw off and
disperse.  Their Chief Emir was killed as well as their Artillery
Officer.

"The effect of this defeat on the Dervishes was immense, and it also
affected the whole situation.  The survivors fled in many directions,
spreading the news of the English victory far and wide....

"If the Dervishes at Wad Habeshi had succeeded in capturing the
steamer, there is no doubt Nejumi would have hastened his march and
would have intercepted the English before they could have got away from
Gubat, but instead of that he halted when he heard of Wad Faid's death,
and delayed some days in consequence at Wad Bishara and at Gereishab.
He had a very large force with him ...

"(Signed) MURABEK WAD EL TILB"


{311}

The second extract is translated from the German of Father Orhwalder,
long a prisoner of the Mahdi:


"... It is an undoubted fact that Lord Charles Beresford's gallant
action at Wad Habeshi was the means of saving the lives of Sir Charles
Wilson and his party, who would have suffered a like fate to that of
Colonel Stewart and his companions, and it is an equally undoubted fact
that the Mahdi's success at Khartoum shook the fidelity of the
Shagiyeh, but Lord Charles Beresford's victory at Wad Habeshi had the
effect of making Nejumi dread meeting the English on the river, and
decided him to attack them on the desert.

"Lord Charles Beresford deserves the credit of having effected this and
was thus the means of saving the entire British force.

    "(Signed) DON GUISEPPE ORHWALDER
"(23_rd February_, 1893)"


It is obvious that the estimation of the conduct of the officers and
men who fought at Wad Habeshi remains unaffected by the results of the
action, which were neither definitely contemplated nor clearly
foreseen.  And the evidence I have quoted being irrelevant, strictly
speaking, to any criticism of the action itself, is here cited, not in
order to enhance the credit of the officers and men concerned but, for
the sake both of its intrinsic interest, and for the purpose of
illustrating, incidentally, the methods occasionally adopted under the
system controlling the Royal Navy.

The effect of the action at Wad Habeshi exemplifies the extraordinary
potency of the element of chance in war.  Under what conceivable theory
of tactics could it have been maintained that a penny steamer had the
smallest chance of rescuing a detachment isolated in a hostile country,
upon condition of twice engaging a powerful battery at short range, and
twice defeating its garrison of sixty or a hundred to one?  Or what
self-respecting tactician would have {312} predicted that in the
extremely improbable event of success, its effect would have been to
check, even momentarily, the advance by land of the main force of the
enemy?

But the unexpected happened; and as it did happen, it would have been
in accordance with a courteous precedent on the part of the authorities
to have recognised the fact.  I make no complaint of their action as
regards myself; and only recall it here in the hope that no repetition
of it will be permitted in respect of others perhaps less fortunate
than I.  The Admiralty refused to allow me to count my service in the
Soudan either as time spent in command of a ship of war, or, as part of
a period of command spent both in peace and war.  Their Lordships'
refusal might have involved my retirement before I had completed the
time required to qualify for flag rank.  The Queen's Regulations
ordained: that a captain must have completed six years' service, of
which the first three years must be in command of a ship of war at sea;
or that he must have completed four years during war; or five years, of
war and peace combined.

After having been for over two years in command of H.M.S. _Undaunted_,
I applied (in May, 1892) for permission to count the 315 days in the
Soudan during which I was borne on the books of H.M.S. _Alexandra_,
which were allowed as sea-time by the Admiralty, in the required five
years of war and peace combined.  The application was refused, on the
ground that war service could not be reckoned by a captain unless he
was in command of a ship of war actually employed in active service at
sea.

Having completed my three years' service in command at sea, I applied
(in April, 1893) for permission to count the 315 days sea-time,
although they preceded the three years in command at sea, as part of
the required six years' service.  The application was refused, upon the
ground that its acceptance was not necessary in order to save me from
retirement.

A year and a half afterwards (in January, 1895) I repeated my
application, pointing out that in three cases {313} the Admiralty had,
by order in council, conceded similar claims of admittedly much less
force than my own, and that the only naval officers engaged in the
Soudan war who were not allowed to count their time towards promotion
were Captain Boardman and myself.  Their Lordships then merely referred
me to their previous answers.  I may mention that my application was
warmly and emphatically supported by Lord Wolseley.




{314}

CHAPTER XXXIII

THE SOUDAN WAR (_Continued_)

XI. THE RETREAT

Upon the day after the rescue of Sir Charles Wilson's party, a court of
inquiry, under my presidency, was held to investigate the conduct of
the captains of the two wrecked steamers, and one of the Reises.  The
captains were acquitted.  The Reis was found guilty of treachery, but
his punishment was remitted in consideration of the fact that he had
brought Lieutenant Stuart-Wortley safely down the river after the wreck
of the _Bordein_.

The little _Safieh_ was riddled with bullet-holes; she leaked like a
sieve, so that even before the action of Wad Habeshi, the pumps must be
kept going continually; and her bows, under the incessant concussion of
the guns, had opened out like a flower.  The sides came away from the
stem, and in order to stop the water coming in, the natives had stuffed
rags and mud into the openings, which of course widened them.  Upon our
return to Gubat, I caused a dry dock to be excavated in the bank; ran
the bows of the steamer into it; closed it against the water with mud;
and kept two black men baling out the water as hard as they could go
for eight hours on end, while we cut and fitted a new stem and bolted
the sides to it; a very difficult job, because the sides of the steamer
were rotten.  The other repairs having been effected, I took the
_Safieh_ (which was so decayed that the pumps must still be kept going)
out {315} daily for foraging expeditions, to get cattle, sheep and
vegetables, and also to show there was fight in us yet.  There were no
fowls, because the Mahdi had declared them to be unclean.

Captain Gascoigne and Khashm-el-Mus used to accompany me upon these
expeditions, Gascoigne taking command of the raiding parties on shore:
Lieutenant Robert A. J. Montgomerie (afterwards Rear-Admiral
Montgomerie, C.B., C.M.G.) was of the greatest service.  Montgomerie
was of extraordinary physical strength and prowess.  He joined me on
11th February, with Lieutenant G. W. Tyler, at Gubat.  While helping to
work the boats up the river, Montgomerie saved a gun which sank when
the boat in which it was capsized.  The weight of muzzle or breach
(whichever it was) was well over 200 lb., and the water was
shoulder-deep.  Montgomerie picked up the gun, hove it upon his
shoulder and waded ashore with it.

His exploits at Ismailia are still remembered.  He was sitting in a
saloon, where three French natives determined to provoke the English
officer.  They chose the wrong man.  One of the trio upset
Montgomerie's glass of beer, and although he did not apologise,
Montgomerie, supposing him to have done it by accident, took no notice.
A second man did the same, with the same result.  Then the third hero
deliberately threw down Montgomerie's glass with his hand.  Montgomerie
then acted instantly and with great rapidity.  He knocked one man
senseless, picked up another and threw him on the top of his friend,
took the third and flung him up on the roof of the balcony.

Surgeon-General A. W. May reminds me that he and Montgomerie
discovered, at some distance from the river, a garden wherein grew
onions and limes.  Montgomerie pulled the onions, while May collected
the limes for the sick in hospital.  But a lime-tree is armed with long
and sharp thorns; and May, desiring to preserve his one and only
uniform, stripped and climbed the tree in his birthday suit.  Suddenly
Arabs appeared; and May had but the {316} time to descend, pick up his
clothes and fly with Montgomerie back to the steamer.

Surgeon-General May also reminds me that upon another foraging trip, we
landed a party of Gordon's Soudanese troops to capture a flock of
sheep.  Before the blacks had time to get away with the sheep, the
Arabs came down, and began to fire at them and also at the steamer.  I
sent a black sergeant-major and a bugler to hasten the retreat of the
Soudanese.  Two of them, each of whom was carrying a sheep, lagged
somewhat; whereupon the sergeant-major lay down, took careful aim, and
fired at them.  Neither he nor they seemed to consider the method
unusual.  It was on one of these foraging parties that Quartermaster
Olden saved the entire raiding party.  Captain Gascoigne, in command of
a wild lot of Bashi-Bazouks and the most of the men from the _Safieh_,
had gone some little distance inland to a village.  I was left in the
_Safieh_ with six men to serve the Gardner gun.  The steamer was lying
alongside the bank, but not close in; for it was necessary to keep a
certain depth of water under her keel in a falling river, and to be
able to shove off quickly.  I had poles ready rigged for this purpose.
The Bashi-Bazouks, who began firing from the hip at random with loud
cries so soon as they came on shore, had vanished into the distance
with the rest of the party; when I perceived afar off a crowd of
Dervishes gathering at a place at right angles to the line upon which
the raiding party must return, and nearer to the _Safieh_ than the
village where was the raiding party.  The Dervishes, therefore,
evidently intended to cut off the British force.

I sent for Olden, gave him his instructions, and sent him on shore with
two riflemen.  The three ran like hares through the scrub towards the
enemy.  They ran at full speed for about 600 yards to get within range.
Then they scattered, concealed themselves and fired; moved again
swiftly, and fired again; and kept on repeating the manoeuvre, until
the Dervishes, believing that the scrub was {317} swarming with English
riflemen, drew off; and the raiding party returned in safety.  For this
service, Olden was recommended by me for the conspicuous gallantry
medal.

The black soldiers, going barefoot, used to come in with their feet
transfixed by long thorns; these I cut out with a horse-lancet fitted
to my knife; and the operation was like cutting leather.  I had gained
experience in performing it while getting the boats through at Wady
Halfa.  At Ismailia a more delicate operation fell to me.  While
fishing, my hook caught in a man's eyelid.  The French surgeon who was
summoned went to work with a lancet, and tried to pull the barb through
the wound, causing the patient acute agony.  I sent the doctor aside,
and using one of a pair of breeches' bow-ties (for tying bows at the
knees) drew the hook through to the shank, and severed it, much to the
surgeon's indignation.

The expeditions up and down the river in the _Safieh_ were amusing
enough; but we were only making the best of the interval before the
next move.  Sir Charles Wilson had left Gubat on 6th February for
Korti, where he arrived on the 9th bearing the news of the fall of
Khartoum, and a full account of the condition of the Desert Column.
Lord Wolseley telegraphed the information to Lord Hartington (Secretary
of State for War), who telegraphed in reply: "Express warm recognition
of Government of brilliant services of Sir C. Wilson and satisfaction
at gallant rescue of his party."

Lord Wolseley, upon receipt of Sir C. Wilson's dispatch containing the
account of the action at Abu Kru, fought on the 19th January, when Sir
Herbert Stewart was wounded, had appointed Major-General Sir Redvers
Buller to take command of the Desert Column, Sir Evelyn Wood being
appointed chief of staff in his place.  Buller had left Korti on 29th
January, and had arrived at Jakdul on the 2nd February.  Lord Wolseley
had also dispatched the Royal Irish Regiment to reinforce the Desert
Column.  The Royal Irish marched on foot the whole way across the {318}
Bayuda Desert, each man carrying 70 rounds of ammunition, filled water
bottles and rolled greatcoats.  The first detachment left Korti on the
28th January, the second on the 30th; both arriving at Jakdul on the
4th February.  They left Jakdul on the 7th.  Buller left on the
following day; and upon arriving at Abu Klea, he left there two
companies of the Royal Irish, the rest of which accompanied him to
Gubat, for which place he started on the 10th.  I saw the Royal Irish
march in; a splendid body of fighting men, trained down to the last
ounce, lean as hounds, and spoiling for a fight.

It will be observed that Buller was at Jakdul, half-way across the
Desert, on the 4th February, on which date Lord Wolseley learned from
Sir Charles Wilson of the fall of Khartoum.  Lord Wolseley dispatched
three sets of orders to Sir Redvers Buller in quick succession, the
last reaching him at Abu Klea on the 10th, before he had resumed his
march to Gubat.

Lord Wolseley's dispatch instructed Sir Redvers Buller to make every
preparation for the evacuation of Gubat and the withdrawal of the
Column.  At the same time, its tenor left a certain discretion to
Buller; who, replying to it in a private letter carried by the
returning messenger to Lord Wolseley, "spoke," says Colonel Colville,
in his official _History of the Sudan Campaign_, "hopefully of the
situation."  I think the presence of the Royal Irish, in magnificent
condition, suggested to Buller that he could fight anybody anywhere.

In fact, when Sir Redvers came in to Gubat on 11th February, he wanted
to remain and fight.  At his request, I stated to him my view of the
situation; which was, briefly, that unless we departed swiftly, we
should be eaten up by the enemy, who were known to be advancing in
immense force.  I also reported officially that until the Nile rose,
the two steamers remaining to us were practically useless: a
consideration which proved conclusive.  Sir Redvers Buller's dispatch,
dated at Gubat 12th February, and addressed to {319} the chief of
staff, describes the conclusions to which he came after having
carefully reviewed the situation (_History of the Sudan Campaign_--Part
II. p. 56).  The camels were greatly reduced in number and were nearly
worn out; but if the Column were to attempt any further enterprise, the
camels must be sent to Jakdul and back to bring supplies, a journey
which would take at least ten days.  This circumstance was virtually
conclusive.  Sir Redvers adds: "I regret to have to express now an
opinion different to that which I expressed to Lord Wolseley in a
letter dated the night of the 10th instant; but when I then wrote, I
was not aware of the condition of the steamers and of the fact that the
big one could not pass a sandbank 25 miles below this.  Lord C.
Beresford considers it doubtful if the other one can either....  Since
writing this I am confirmed in my opinion by the news that Mohammed
Ahmed (the Mahdi) left Khartoum _en route_ here on the 9th instant."

[Illustration: FIELD-MARSHAL THE RT. HON. VISCOUNT WOLSELEY, K.P.,
P.C., G.C.B., G.C.M.G., D.C.L., LL.D., O.M.  1833-1913]

In the meantime, Lord Wolseley had ordered the River Column to halt on
its way.  On the 10th, General Earle, in command of the River Column,
had been killed at the action of Kirbekan.  Lord Wolseley, until he
received Sir Redvers Buller's account of the desperate condition of the
River Column--deprived of transport, encumbered with wounded, short of
stores (owing to bad packing), and without boots--retained his
intention of effecting a junction of the two columns at Berber.  At the
end of the third week in February that scheme was necessarily
abandoned.  The River Column was recalled; and Buller, then on his way
back with the Desert Column, was instructed to return direct to Korti.

On the morning of 13th February the sick and wounded were dispatched
with a convoy under the command of Colonel Talbot.  Eight or nine miles
out, the convoy was attacked, surrounded on three sides, and exposed to
fire from the enemy concealed in the bush.  Among the wounded were the
scalded engine-room artificers; one of whom, recalling the incident in
conversation with me {320} recently, said: "That was the first time my
heart sank--when the bearers put down my litter, and the firing began."

After about two hours' engagement, when the convoy had lost eight
killed and wounded, the Light Camel Regiment, under the command of
Colonel Clarke, marching from Jakdul, opportunely appeared, and the
enemy drew off.

Colonel Talbot (my cousin) very kindly sent me a copy of his diary,
kept at the time.  His account of the affair gives little indication of
what was in fact a passage of very considerable danger.  He was
encumbered with a large number of sick and wounded; his force was
small; the force of the enemy, though it was impossible to estimate the
exact numbers, was formidable; and in spite of Talbot's skilful and
prompt dispositions of defence, the issue must have been very doubtful
had not the Light Camel Regiment arrived.

Colonel Talbot's account runs as follows: "_February_ 13_th_.--Received
orders from Sir R. Buller to march for Jakdul at dawn with 75 sick and
wounded, Sir H. Stewart and the worst cases carried in litters borne by
Egyptian soldiers from Khartoum.  Escort of 300 men joined from the 3
Camel Regiments and about 200 Gordon's Egyptians from Khartoum.

"_February_ 14.--Marched at dawn 8 miles, and halted for breakfast.
Outposts, just as we were about to resume march, sent in report of
approach of large force of Arabs--mounted men, riflemen, and spearmen.
The Column was formed up, the wounded in the centre surrounded by
camels lying down, and outside them the Egyptian soldiers.  The Camel
Corps troops were formed in two squares, one of the Heavy and Guards'
Camel Regiments in front of the Column, and the other of the Mounted
Infantry in rear.  Skirmishers were sent into the bush to feel for the
enemy.  The enemy opened fire and worked all round our force,
apparently trying to ascertain our weakest point.  It was impossible to
estimate the strength of the enemy owing to the thick bush, but a
considerable number of riflemen, supported by a large {321} force of
spearmen, were seen, and about 30 horsemen were counted.  After the
affair had lasted about two hours, and we had lost 8 men killed and
wounded, the Light Camel Regiment on the march to Gubat appeared
unexpectedly, and narrowly escaped becoming engaged with us, owing to
both forces being unaware of the proximity of the other, and through
the bush it was difficult to distinguish the Arabs from ourselves.  No
doubt the arrival of the Light Camel Regiment accounted for the sudden
disappearance of the enemy."

It was Colonel Brabazon (now Major-General Sir J. P. Brabazon, C.B.,
C.V.O.), second in command of the Light Camel Corps, who, when the
Column had marched nearly half-way from Abu Klea to Metemmeh, went to
his commanding officer, Colonel Stanley Clarke, and suggested that the
Column should be immediately diverted to the scene of action.  Colonel
Brabazon led the Column in the direction of the firing, and his two or
three hundred camels made so great a dust that the Arabs thought a
whole army was advancing upon their flank, and instantly fled away.
The result was that, hidden in the bush, the Light Camel Corps occupied
the ground vacated by the enemy, unknown to the convoy, which continued
to fire at the place they supposed the Arabs to be.  General Brabazon's
account of the affair, which he very kindly sent to me, is as follows:

"I halted the Column, and the bush being very thick, the trees stopped
most of the bullets; nevertheless, they were knocking up the dust at
the feet of our camels, and a bullet struck my mess-tin.  I ordered our
regimental call to be sounded, 'The Camels (Campbells) are coming,'
'Lights Out,' and finally 'Dinners.'  But it was not until two or three
of us pushed our way through the bush into the open, whence I saw the
convoy preparing to give us another volley, that they realised we were
friends and not foes, and precious glad they were to see us.  They had
only a small escort and were of course hampered with the sick and
wounded, and I think everyone who was there will agree {322} that they
were in a bad way....  I dined at the Guards' mess afterwards, and
Douglas Dawson said that he had just given his men the range
preparatory to their firing another volley, when he put up his glasses
and made out the helmets and red morocco coverings of the camel
saddles, and shouted, 'Come down!  They are our fellows.'  Then, Dawson
said, his soldier servant, who was standing behind him, remarked: 'Why,
I could have told you they were our fellows ten minutes before!'  I
suppose he had recognised the 'Dinners' call."

So ended a comedy which had come very near to being a tragedy.
Gordon's Egyptian soldiers, who were carrying the wounded, put the
litters down when the firing began.  Among the wounded were poor Sir
Herbert Stewart, devotedly nursed by Major Frank Rhodes, Major Poe,
Royal Marines, Sub-Lieutenant E. L. Munro and Lieutenant Charles
Crutchley.  Poe and Crutchley each had a leg amputated.  All the
wounded were lying helpless on the sand, listening to the firing, and
moment by moment expecting the terrible Dervish rush.  A violent death
was very close to them, when Brabazon and his men came in the nick of
time.  The convoy had one of the narrowest escapes in the history of
the British Army.  It remains to add that Colonel Brabazon received no
recognition of his action of any kind from the authorities.

Colonel Talbot had been continuously employed upon the difficult and
arduous convoy duty since the arrival of the Desert Column at Gubat on
the 21st.  Two days later Talbot started to return to Jakdul to fetch
supplies.  Not he nor his men nor his camels had a day's rest from the
8th January, when the Desert Column left Korti, till the 27th, when the
convoy was back again at Jakdul.  The convoy reached Gubat on the 31st
January; next day came the news of the fall of Khartoum; and the same
evening the convoy marched again for Jakdul with sick and wounded.
From Jakdul it returned with Sir Redvers Buller; arrived at Gubat on
the 11th February; and started again on the 13th, {323} as already
related, with another party of sick and wounded.  On the way back to
Korti, Colonel Talbot, without engineers or commissariat, constructed a
camp and built forts at Megaga Wells, where the main body, including
the Naval Brigade, joined his convoy on 2nd March.

After Colonel Talbot's convoy had left Gubat on 13th February, I
disposed of the poor old _Safieh_ and the _Tewfikiyeh_, lest upon our
departure they should be taken by the enemy.  The six brass guns were
spiked and thrown overboard, the ammunition was destroyed, the
eccentric straps were removed from the machinery, and finally the
valves were opened and the vessels sunk.

Then came the sad destruction of the stores for which we had no
transport.  The number of camels would only suffice to carry rations
for three days, by the end of which the Column would have arrived at
Abu Klea, where were more stores.  When Colonel Talbot's convoy of
supplies reached Gubat two days previously, the garrison had for ten
days been living on short rations: nevertheless, more than half of what
he brought must be destroyed.  Count Gleichen (_With the Camel Corps up
the Nile_) says that "19,000 lbs. of flour, 3000 lbs. of biscuit,
21,220 lbs. of beef, 900 lbs. of bacon, 1100 lbs. of tea, oatmeal,
preserved vegetables, coffee, and all sorts of stores were pierced and
thrown into the river"--an example of waste in war resulting from
deficient transport.

Some of the medical comforts, small bottles of champagne and port, were
distributed.  One among us--I think his name was Snow--took a bottle of
wine and swore he would keep it till he drank it in Khartoum.  _And he
did_.  He went into Khartoum with Kitchener thirteen years afterwards,
and drank his libation in the conquered city.

That incident reminds me that, when I went with the party of members of
the House of Commons to Russia in 1912, a Russian farmer sent a note to
the British admiral, of whom he said he had heard, together with a
bottle containing mustard which he had grown, and which he sent {324}
as a token that the aforesaid British admiral would give his enemies
mustard when he met them; for, said the farmer, the enemies of England
would certainly be the enemies of Russia.  I have that bottle of
mustard.

What went to my heart when the stores were destroyed, was the dreadful
waste of my drums of precious lubricating oil, carried so far with so
great labour.  My tears mingled with the oil as it was poured out upon
the sand.

On the 14th February, at 5.30 a.m., the Desert Column quitted Gubat and
started on the long return march to Korti, officers and men alike on
foot, excepting the Hussars.  There was hardly a pair of boots in the
whole column.  Some of the men cut up old rifle-buckets and tied the
pieces with string to the soles of their feet.  As for my sailors, they
marched barefoot, every man carrying his rifle, cutlass, and 70
cartridges, and many of them towing reluctant camels.  One camel to
every four men was allotted to carry saddle-bags and blankets; and the
camels kept dropping and dying all the way.  By the time he had been
three days out, Count Gleichen, in charge of the baggage, had lost 92
camels.  At first the weather was cool with a northerly breeze, and all
started well.  On the march, in default of water, I used to spread my
clothes in the sun while I rubbed myself all over with sand; a dry bath
that was highly cleansing and refreshing.  On the 15th February we came
to Abu Klea, somewhat weary.

We were of course in constant expectation of attack.  On the next day
(16th) the Naval Brigade occupied a sand redoubt, on which the two
Gardner guns were mounted.

Sir Redvers Buller, finding that the water supply was insufficient and
that there was not enough food for the camels, sent on the Soudanese
troops, baggage, stores and camp-followers under escort to Jakdul,
while he halted at Abu Klea to keep the enemy in check, until the
unloaded camels returned from Jakdul, and until further instructions
arrived from headquarters.  The remainder of the Column, entrenched at
Abu Klea, thus became the rearguard, in the {325} air, as the phrase
is; isolated for the time being and deprived of transport and reserve
stores; a dangerous position forced upon the general by the lack of
camels.

In the evening began the customary desert performance, opened by the
Dervishes firing at long range from a hill-top commanding the camp, and
continued during the long, cold, sleepless night with intermittent
sniping to a tom-tom accompaniment.  But our men were seasoned by this
time; and although one among them was hit now and again, the situation
no longer set a strain upon their nerves, but was accepted as part of
the routine.  That night two men were killed and thirteen wounded.  It
is true that the faithful José Salvatro, my Maltese servant, who had
done and suffered so much, lost patience on this occasion.  He was
heating cocoa over the fire, when a bullet struck the tin and splashed
the hot cocoa all over him.

"Why they fire _me_, sare?" said José.  "Always firing _me_.  _I_ never
did them any harm."

In the morning (the 17th) the enemy opened fire with a gun; which,
after three or four rounds, was knocked out by the Naval Brigade with a
Gardner.

I had walked a little way from the redoubt, when I was knocked over by
a stunning blow striking me at the base of the spine, and lay helpless.
I thought I was done; and I thought what an unlucky dog I was to have
come through so much, to die on the way back from a wound in a place so
undignified.  But it was only a ricochet; my men carried me in; and I
speedily recovered.

During the day Major F. M. Wardrop, D.A.A.G., and Lieutenant R. J.
Tudway of the Mounted Infantry, with three men, employed the tactics I
had used outside Alexandria two years previously.  Riding swiftly from
one point to another, and concealing themselves in the intervals, they
impressed the Dervishes with the delusion that a large force threatened
them in rear, and so caused them to retreat.  In the afternoon,
Lieutenant-Colonel H. McCalmont arrived with the news of the action of
the River Column at Kirbekan {326} on the 10th, and of the death of
General Earle.  The mail from Korti contained a kind message of
congratulation addressed by the Khedive to myself, referring to the
engagement at Wad Habeshi, as well as congratulations from home.  The
total number of killed and wounded during the 16th and 17th was three
men killed, and four officers and 23 men wounded.  We heard on the 21st
of the death of our beloved General, Sir Herbert Stewart, who, in spite
of all our hopes, had succumbed to his wound on the 17th, during the
march of Colonel Talbot's convoy, seven miles north of Geb-el-Nus.  He
was buried with full military honours on the following day near the
wells of Jakdul.

On the 22nd February a convoy under Colonel Brabazon arrived with 782
camels.  These were only just sufficient to move the stores and
supplies.

It may here be noted that it was only a day or two previously that Lord
Wolseley had received at Korti Sir Redvers Buller's letters describing
the complete collapse of the transport of the Desert Column; and it was
this information, together with a minute from Sir Evelyn Wood, who was
at Jakdul, that finally decided Lord Wolseley to abandon his intention
of combining the Desert and River Columns to hold posts along the Nile
preparatory to an autumn campaign.  At the same time, great anxiety
with regard to the Desert Column prevailed at home.

Upon the morning of the next day (the 23rd) our picquets reported that
the enemy had received a reinforcement of some 8000 men and six guns.
Perhaps the Column had never been in more imminent danger than it was
at that moment.

Sir Redvers Buller discussed the situation with me.  I expressed the
opinion that the large force of the enemy would cut off our advance,
rush us, and then move upon Jakdul and so on to Korti itself; and
remarked that the Column was short of transport and of provisions, and
would be short of water.

{327}

"What would you do if you were in command?" said Buller.

I told him that in the evening I would light a larger number of
camp-fires than usual, and, leaving them burning in order to deceive
the enemy, I would then depart in silence and with speed.

"For a sailor ashore," said Buller, "you've a good head.  I'll do it."

And he did.

At two o'clock the same afternoon, Sir Redvers Buller sent on his sick
and wounded--32 of all ranks--with a convoy of 300 men commanded by
Colonel Stanley Clarke; and that night, at 7.30, the rest of the Column
stole forth into the desert, leaving a ring of camp-fires flaming in
the dark behind us.  We halted after four hours' march and bivouacked
in peace.  Next day (the 24th) we were sniped by a few wandering
scouts: and save for these, saw no enemy.  Then began the three days'
hard marching, on short rations, and very little water, in great heat,
to Jakdul.  Many of the men fell out: but not one man of the Naval
Brigade.

We arrived at Jakdul on the 26th February.  I did not keep a diary: but
Lieutenant Colin Keppel's journal defines the situation in three
eloquent words: "Water, mails, cigarettes!"

Next day I found time to write home, the first opportunity for so doing
during the past six weeks.

"Even now (I wrote), I am writing in a storm of sand and wind, my paper
blowing one way and my helmet another, among my camels, who smell most
poisonous.  Poor things, they were eight days without water, and had
only what food they could get when foraging in the desert.  And they
have so many and so large holes in their backs, that I am obliged to
put shot-plugs in, to keep the water in when they drink...."

It was true that I put shot-plugs in the camels.  My official report
(and what can be truer than an official report?) {328} contains under
date 27th February the sole entry: "Employed repairing camels' sides by
plugging them with oakum!"  Lord Wolseley laughed when he read it.  But
although the surgery may appear empirical, it was wonderfully
successful.  The admixture of tar acted as an antiseptic.

On the following day (28th February) we resumed the march to Korti; on
2nd March the Naval Brigade joined Colonel Talbot's convoy at Megaga
Wells, with the Heavy Camel Regiment and Royal Artillery.  The Guards'
Camel Regiment had gone on to Abu Halfa.  The remainder of the Column
under Sir Evelyn Wood left Jakdul on 3rd March.

At Megaga Wells Colonel Talbot took command and we left for Korti,
officers and men continuing to march on foot, very few having soles to
their boots.  There was one camel allocated to carry the kits of five
men; 30 camels carried water; and 10 carried the sick.  The thermometer
registered 112° in the shade, and a hot wind blew.  And so we came to
Korti on the 8th March, two months after we had left it.

Lord Wolseley inspected the Naval Brigade on parade; and expressed his
extreme satisfaction at the work they had done, and the manner in which
it had been performed.  The next day the Brigade was broken up, and
told off to different stations, under the command of Captain Boardman.
I was ordered to rejoin the staff of Lord Wolseley.

Colonel Talbot notes that the Heavy Camel Regiment, of which he was in
command, had marched about 850 miles; that the strength of the regiment
upon leaving Korti was 23 officers and 373 men; and that its strength
upon its return was 15 officers and 256 men.

Only four of his men arrived on camels.  Not one of my sailors fell out
during the whole way from Gubat to Korti.

Here, perhaps, it is not inopportune to place on record how delighted I
was to work with the Army.  We are really only one Service, for the
protection of one Empire.

Nor, perhaps, to relate how that Her Majesty Queen {329} Victoria, when
she pinned the C.B. to my coat, said low, "I am very glad to give you
this, Lord Charles.  I am very pleased with you."

Her Majesty's words were my reward; for I will own that decorations as
such have never attracted me.

I desire to record the excellent service of Captain F. R. Boardman
(afterwards Admiral Frederick Ross Boardman, C.B.), who invariably did
his utmost at the base to keep the Naval Brigade supplied.  It was not
Captain Boardman's fortune to be in the first fighting line, where is
all the fun and where is often all the renown; yet the success of the
fighting line depends entirely upon the energy, forethought and
unselfish loyalty of those at the base of supply.

I happened to be discussing this point with a certain highly
distinguished personage.

"We got all the credit," I said, "but not half enough was given to
those at the base who sent forward the bullets and the grub."

"Grub?  What is grub?" inquired the highly distinguished personage.

"I beg your pardon, sir.  It is a slang term for food and provisions."

"So grub is food, is it?  How very interesting!" said the highly
distinguished personage.

The sequel to our expedition was of course Lord Kitchener's masterly
campaign.  After the capture of Omdurman, and the blowing up of the
Mahdi's tomb, it was publicly stated that a certain officer was
bringing home the skull of the holy man, intending to make it into an
inkpot.  The House of Commons (of which I was then a member) having
nothing better to do, discussed the matter on 5th June, 1899.  Lord
Kitchener sat in the Distinguished Strangers' Gallery.  Mr. John Morley
(now Lord Morley) protested against the desecration of the tomb of the
Mahdi.  I replied to Mr. Morley, protesting against his assumption of
authority in the matter.  I said:

"Now I wish to take, most respectfully, issue with the {330} right
honourable the Member for Montrose upon this point.  I say this with
great respect and with great earnestness that so far as I can judge
from the right honourable gentleman's writings and by his teachings, he
is no judge of religious fanaticism whatever.  I say this with respect
because, as I understand what he has written, he does not regard
religious fanaticism as anything that can ever be powerful, because he
says himself that he does not understand the question at all.  That
being so, I cannot accept the right honourable gentleman as a guide as
to what should be done to check religious fanaticism....  The right
honourable the Member for Montrose does not believe in the power of
religious fanaticism...."

Mr. Morley: "The Noble Lord cannot have read my writings, or else he
would have seen that fanaticism was one of the things I have written
most about" (Hansard 5th June, 1899).

A member said to me in the lobby afterwards: "You really ought not to
say these things.  Why do you make these assertions?"

"Because," I said, "I have read Mr. Morley's works."

"You know very well," said my friend, "that you have never read any of
his books."

"I beg your pardon," I replied.  "I never go to sleep without reading
one of Mr. Morley's books, and I never read one of Mr. Morley's books
without going to sleep."




{331}

CHAPTER XXXIV

THE SOUDAN WAR (_Continued_)

XII. SEQUEL AND CONCLUSION

For the first few weeks after the return of the Desert Column to Korti,
we all believed that there would be an autumn campaign, and we looked
forward to the taking of Khartoum.  Lord Wolseley distributed his
troops among various stations along the Nile from the Hannek Cataract
to Abu Dom, there to remain in summer quarters.  In his dispatch of 6th
March, 1885 (Colville's _History of the Soudan Campaign_, Part II.),
Lord Wolseley indicated the force he would require, and requested that
the railway might be continued from Halfa to Ferkeh, a distance of 47
miles.  The railway was begun and was eventually completed.  By 1st
April the troops were occupying their allotted stations.  One
distinguished officer was so certain of remaining in his quarters, that
he sowed vegetables in his garden.  But upon 13th April Lord Wolseley
was ordered to consider the measures requisite to effect a total
withdrawal; and British faith was once more broken by a British
Government.

By that time Lord Wolseley, to whose personal staff I was once more
attached, had been to Dongola and had come to Cairo.

The news from home consisted chiefly of rumours of war with Russia; and
I was gratified to learn that largely in consequence of my
representations 50 machine guns had been sent to India.  Machine guns
were then upon {332} their trial; and I had been consulted by the
authorities as to their precise utility.  We also heard of the hearty
cordiality and enthusiasm with which the Prince and Princess of Wales
were being greeted in Ireland upon the occasion of their visit to my
country.  There had been some misgivings upon the subject; and I had
had the honour to suggest to the Prince that if, as well as visiting
towns and cities in state, he went into the country among my people and
shot with them and hunted with them like the sportsman he was, he would
find no more loyal or delightful people in the Queen's dominions.

As a matter of fact, neither in the towns nor anywhere else in Ireland,
did the Prince and Princess receive aught but a most hearty welcome.
Nor did the Nationalist party even attempt to arouse a formal
demonstration directed against their visitors.  They might have
suggested, but did not, that some such conventional protest was due to
the doctrine representing Ireland as a conquered country.

At the end of April Lord Wolseley and his staff including myself,
embarked in the s.s. _Queen_ for Souakim.

The Souakim expedition under the command of General Sir G. Graham was
then in full progress.  On the 20th February he had been directed to
destroy the power of Osman Digna, and to guard the construction of the
Souakim-Berber railway.  On the 20th March, Graham fought the
successful action of Hashin.  On the 22nd was fought the bloody
engagement of McNeill's zeriba.  The British were surprised while at
work upon the construction of the zeriba; the first shot was fired at
2.50 p.m., and the cease fire was sounded at 3.10.  During that twenty
minutes of confused and desperate fighting, some 1500 Arabs out of an
attacking force of 5000 were killed.  Desultory firing continued for an
hour, when the enemy retreated.  According to the official history, the
British losses were 150 killed, 148 missing, 174 wounded, and 501
camels killed and missing.

The field of battle lay some six miles from Souakim; I {333} rode out
with Lord Wolseley to see it.  Before we had ridden three miles in the
dust and the glare of sunlight, the hot air carried a dreadful waft of
corruption.  The stench thickened as we drew near.  A dusky cloud of
kites and vultures hovered sluggishly and unafraid among a wilderness
of discoloured mounds.  The sand was heaped so scantily upon the dead,
that lipless skulls, and mutilated shanks, and clenched hands, were
dreadfully displayed.  The bodies of the camels were mingled in a pile
of corruption, clustered upon by the birds of prey.

And wandering about that charnel-ground, raking in it with a hooked
stick, was a strange man whom I had met years ago in Japan, where he
used to photograph the cruel executions of that country.  He spoke no
known tongue, but chattered in a jumble of languages; and here he was,
equipped with a camera, and placidly exploring horrors with a hooked
stick.  Whence he came, and whither he went, we stayed not to inquire.

Day after day, for many days, the convoys of the expedition must pass
and repass this place, which lay in their direct route, at the slow
march of laden camels, and walking warily, lest they stepped ankle-deep
into a festering corpse.

General Graham, having occupied Tamai, Handub, and Tambuk, dispersed
the force of Mohammed Sardun on the 6th May; an operation which left
him practically master of the district.  But on the 11th May, Lord
Wolseley, acting upon the instructions of the Government, ordered the
general withdrawal of all troops from the Soudan.  On the 19th, we left
Souakim for Cairo.  On the 27th June, Lord Wolseley turned over the
command of the forces in Egypt to General Sir F. Stephenson, and with
his staff left Cairo for Alexandria, there to embark for England.

Seven days previously (on 20th June), though we knew not of it, the
Mahdi, who had given us so much trouble, had died in Khartoum.  There
he lay, listening perhaps for the footsteps of the returning English;
for he knew that, although the English are ruled by people having the
appearance of {334} men but the ways of a weathercock, they may go, but
they always come back.  Thirteen years the false prophet slept in
peace: and then the man who had sojourned in a cave at the wells of Abu
Klea secretly collecting information, what time the Desert Column
followed a forlorn hope, rode into the Dervish city, and destiny was
fulfilled.  Lord Kitchener of Khartoum fulfilled it, as strong men have
a way of doing.  A poet once said that the soul of Gladstone is now
probably perching on the telegraph wires that bridge the desert where
we fought to save Gordon, too late.  I know nothing about that; but I
know what the betrayal cost.

We learned afterwards that ere the Mahdi died, he had begun to
concentrate his armies upon Dongola, a movement that was continued
after his death, until the Dervishes were finally defeated by General
Stephenson, at Ginnis, on 30th December, 1885.

General Dormer had a way of his own with the Mahdi's disciples.
Addressing a prisoner, he said:

"I suppose you believe in the Mahdi because he can work miracles.  Can
your prophet pluck out his eye and put it back again?  Well, I am no
prophet, but I can."

And with that, Dormer took his glass eye from its socket, tossed it in
the air, caught it, and replaced it.  The Arab was dumbfounded.




{335}

CHAPTER XXXV

ORGANISATION FOR WAR

There is nothing quite so dead as dead politics; therefore I do not
intend to dwell upon my political experiences, except in so far as they
relate to the purpose for which I entered Parliament.  That purpose was
to serve the interests of the Royal Navy.  Politics, as such, have
never greatly interested me; the Party system always appeared to me to
involve a sacrifice of principle; and if I am associated with the party
with which I am naturally most in sympathy, at least I may claim to
have attacked them quite as often as I have attacked their political
opponents.  In return, they have often declined to support me in my
proposals; which, however, have always been supported by the public,
and which as a rule have ultimately been adopted by the authorities.

In 1885, the Parliamentary tradition which I had known ten years
previously, remained unchanged.  During the succeeding generation it
became gradually transformed.  Old members, like myself, will
understand what I mean.  New members can have little notion of the
House of Commons their fathers knew.  In one respect, at least, the
alteration is even startling.  The public interest in politics and in
Parliament, once so general and so sincere, has now almost ceased to
exist.  What that contemptuous indifference may portend, is another
question.

In June, 1885, the Liberal Government, having passed their Franchise
and Redistribution Bills, and having aroused general and deep
indignation concerning their conduct of {336} the Soudan campaign,
chose to resign upon an amendment to Mr. Childers's Budget.  Lord
Salisbury accepted office, and wound up the session.  The general
election took place during the autumn.  I stood for East Marylebone, my
opponents being the Rev. J. R. Diggle and Mr. D. Grant.  Mr. Diggle
apparently withdrew; for I find that my majority of 944 votes was over
Mr. Grant's poll.  The main topic of my speeches was the necessity of
increasing the Fleet, and of maintaining the Union.  For rumours that
Mr. Gladstone intended to bring forward a Home Rule policy were in the
air.

The result of the election was: Liberals 334, Conservatives 250, Irish
Nationalists 86; placing the Conservatives at the mercy of the Irish.
Lord Salisbury's Government were defeated upon an amendment to the
Address, brought forward by Mr. Jesse Collings, in January, 1886.  Lord
Salisbury resigned, and Mr. Gladstone returned to office.  Then came
his conversion to Home Rule, and the secession of the Liberal
Unionists.  On 7th July, 1886, the Government were defeated on the Home
Rule Bill.  At the general election which followed, the Radicals and
Home Rulers were returned in a minority of 118.  I was again returned
for East Marylebone, my opponent being Professor Beesly, with an
increased majority.  In the new Parliament, Lord Salisbury was Prime
Minister and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; Lord Randolph
Churchill, Chancellor of the Exchequer; Mr. W. H. Smith, Leader of the
House of Commons; and Lord George Hamilton, First Lord of the Admiralty.

It was during one of the Marylebone elections that I was visited by a
deputation of clergymen of various denominations, who solemnly assured
me that, if I persisted in supporting the proposal to open museums and
picture-galleries on Sundays, they would not vote for me.

"Gentlemen, has it ever occurred to you that I have not asked you to
vote for me?" said I.  "Or that I have never in my life asked a man for
a vote?"

{337}

They looked at one another.  In the ensuing silence, I told them that
if they did not approve of me, they ought, as honest men, to vote for
my opponent.  They sadly and silently departed, and I saw them no more:
nor do I know for whom were cast the votes of those men of God; but I
was returned to Parliament.

Lord Folkestone was standing for Enfield; and when I went down to speak
for him, I found bread upon the waters which returned to me after many
days, in the shape and size of a Royal Marine.  While I was speaking,
there arose a tumult at the back of the hall.  So far as I could make
out from the platform, a man was insisting on being heard.  I called to
him to come up to the platform, where, if he had anything to say, he
could say it.  Whereupon a large, resolute and aggressive person came
swiftly up to me.  I thought he wanted to fight, and was ready for him.
But he seized my hands in his, shook them warmly, then turned to the
audience and told them the whole story of how I had saved his life off
the Falkland Islands, years before, when I was a lieutenant in the
_Galatea_.  The ship was lying at anchor; it was a dark night; when the
Marine somehow fell overboard I had just come on board from a shooting
expedition, and my pockets were full of cartridges.  I dived after the
man and seized him.  Catching the end of a coil of rope I went down and
down, wondering if the other end of the rope I held was fast, until at
last I felt myself and the Marine being pulled upwards.  As we came to
the surface the ship's corporal, who had jumped overboard, got hold of
us, and we were hauled in-board by the quartermaster.

The story was received with great enthusiasm, and I cannot but suppose
it contributed to win the election for my friend, none the less because
there was no real connection whatever between its subject and politics.

Upon my return from Egypt in 1885, I was convinced of the superiority
in guns and armour and general excellence of the French ships of war
over our own, because I had utilised many opportunities of comparing
the vessels of {338} the two navies.  Observation and reasoning had
also taught me that in many most essential respects the British Navy
was deficient.  And above all, it was deficient in organisation for
war.  In these opinions I was confirmed by a large number of my brother
officers, among whom I may mention Lord Alcester, Admiral of the Fleet
Sir Henry Keppel, Admiral Sir Thomas M. C. Symonds, Admiral Sir
Geoffrey T. Phipps Hornby, Captain E. R. Fremantle, Admiral Sir Charles
G. J. B. Elliot, Vice-Admiral Sir William Montagu Dowell, Vice-Admiral
Sir R. Vesey Hamilton.

Accordingly, I enforced the necessity of reform in these matters in my
public speeches, which were numerous.  At that time, in the summer of
1885, I find that I was demanding a loan of twenty millions to be
expended upon a shipbuilding programme.

During the previous year, 1884, there had appeared in the _Pall Mall
Gazette_, then edited by the late Mr. W. T. Stead, the famous series of
articles over the signature of "One who knows the Facts," dealing with
the state of the Navy, which did more than any other Press
representations before or since to awaken public opinion to the true
condition of our defences.  It was those articles, together with
articles in _The Times_ and other newspapers, and the excellent letters
of naval officers--notably those of Admiral of the Fleet Sir T.
Symonds--which prepared the way for me.

International relations with both France and Russia were uneasy; and
war was always a possibility.  I knew that we were unprepared for war.
I knew that so long as there was no department charged with the duty of
representing what was required, why it was required, and how much it
would cost, that we should continue to be unprepared for war.  I
believed it to be my duty to awaken public opinion to the danger in
which the country undoubtedly stood.

Nor was I alone in this respect.  Not only a number of brother
officers, but many students of the subject, did {339} their best to
enlighten the nation.  We were of course told that we were creating a
scare; but a study of the Press of those days shows that nearly every
great newspaper, irrespective of its politics, demanded the
strengthening and reorganisation of our defences.  Personally, I
received great support from the Press.  Writers on the subject of
national defence were at least sure that I had, personally, nothing to
gain by publishing the truth.

Indeed, I had thus early in my career, when I was a junior captain, to
choose between the stormy enterprise of the reformer, and the safer
course of official acquiescence and party obedience, leading to
promotion and to office.  In making the choice, I had to consider that
as a naval officer advocating this and that in spite of the
authorities, I laid myself open to the charge that such matters were
none of my business, which was to obey orders.  The argument is quite
legitimate.  On the other hand, knowing the facts of the case, clearly
perceiving the danger, and (as I believed) knowing also how to remedy
what was wrong, I might (and did) justly contend that my duty to
Sovereign and country came before all.  I admit that these things were
not necessarily my business; not, at least, until I made them my
business.  But I may also remark that the deplorable condition of the
national defences in 1885 was the result of the united negligence of
the people whose business it was to maintain them, and who had no
department which could supply them with the necessary information; and
that, in consequence, someone had to do something.  The history of
England was made by persons who did what it was not their business to
do, until they made it their business.

My difficulties were then, and have always been, inherent in the nature
of the case.  It is part of the character of the English people to
trust in authority, as such; and they are quite right in principle;
whose observance, however, induces them to be slow to act when
authority has proved untrustworthy.  Again, in order that my case
should be proved beyond cavil, the supreme demonstration of war was
required.  It is not {340} enough that because my recommendations were
carried into execution, war was prevented; for only the few who know
the facts and who are acquainted with the complex shifts of
international policy, understand the value of potential armed force in
the exercise of diplomacy.  I may claim, indeed, I do claim, that
sooner or later my recommendations have been adopted by the
authorities, who thereby proved the justice of my case.  Nor do I
complain because they have gained the credit accruing to their action;
for it must always be the man who does the thing who earns the laurel.
And he who insists upon assuming the office of reformer, must make up
his mind at the beginning to renounce without bitterness whatever
delight he might discover in reward or fame or renown.  Moreover, the
credit belongs to no one man, but to the many fearless officers who
urged reform, and not less to the great body of those officers of the
Service who silently and loyally kept the routine going, and without
whom no reforms could avail.

The whole position is of course quite illogical; as illogical as that
venerable anomaly, the British Constitution, which exists entirely in
the brains of the learned.  A certain set of persons are selected to
govern the nation by a majority of votes, those votes being allocated
upon an accidental system which gives to a small number exactly the
same representation as an immensely larger number.  Out of that set a
few are selected to form a governing committee called the Cabinet,
which is virtually omnipotent so long as it continues to act more or
less in accordance with the wishes of the majority which elected it.
The Cabinet is, therefore, in practice, constrained to act in
accordance with the known opinions of its supporters; a course of
action which is a totally different thing from the course which it is
theoretically supposed to follow.  Theoretically, the Cabinet shapes
its policy to ensure the welfare of the whole nation.  Theoretically,
the business of the Government is to govern.  Theoretically, its
members are the men in the country best fitted for the work.  Sometimes
they are; and in proportion as they are, they will {341} approximate to
the conventional theory and will depart from the common practice, and
will do what is right instead of what is expedient.  Thus every
Government oscillates between pure opportunism and honest patriotism.
And in the result, the only method of obtaining reform in any direction
is so to persuade the public of its necessity, that the party in power
will perceive that it is more to their own profit to grant than to
withhold it.  And in justice to the politicians, it should be added
that under the existing system, many concessions must be made by the
most austere statesman, if the Duke of Wellington's ultimate principle
is to be observed; the principle that the King's Government must be
carried on.

In July, 1884, Lord Northbrook, the First Lord of the Admiralty in Mr.
Gladstone's administration, publicly declared that if he had £3,000,000
to spend upon the Navy, that force was so sufficient and so efficient
that he would not know on what to spend the money.  Before the end of
the year he was compelled to find out how to spend £5,500,000, and to
spend them.  From a Liberal Government the Salisbury Government of 1886
inherited the completing of the Northbrook shipbuilding programme;
whose provisions were based, not upon any intelligible scheme of
preparation for war but, upon the Russian war-scare.  Those who were
acquainted with the real posture of affairs were not deluded by the
mere haphazard expenditure of a few millions, voted in order to soothe
public opinion.

Nor did ministers themselves deny the total inadequacy of their
measures.  In March, 1886, when the Liberal administration was still in
power, I brought forward in the House of Commons an amendment
empowering the Government to expend an additional sum of over
£5,000,000 upon the construction of 35 cruisers, three armoured
cruisers, and 21 torpedo craft; pointing out at the same time that the
expenditure would provide employment for a large number of unemployed
workmen, both skilled and unskilled.  Of course the amendment was
defeated; but it is significant that {342} the necessity of such an
increase was virtually admitted by the Government spokesmen.  I also
urged the abolition of 69 useless vessels of war, which I specified,
and the expenditure of the money saved in their maintenance, upon new
vessels.

At that time, it was nearly impossible to obtain accurate official
information with regard to naval affairs.  I asked for a return of the
relative strength of the Fleets of this and other countries; which was
granted; and which aroused considerable comment in the Press.  The
return has since been issued every year; first in my name, then in the
name of Sir Charles Dilke, and at present in the name of Mr. Dickenson.

But the first half of the year 1886 was consumed with the Home Rule
Bill.  Turn to the files of the time, and you shall see precisely the
same arguments, declarations, denunciations, intrigues and rumours of
intrigues, charges and counter-charges which were repeated in 1893, and
which are being reiterated all over again as if they had just been
discovered, in this year of grace 1913.  We who stood to our guns in
1886 know them by heart.  We have been denounced as traitors and rebels
because we stand by Ulster, for so long, that we are beginning to think
we shall escape hanging at the latter end of it.

I know my countrymen, both of north and south, for I am of both; and
they know me.  Isaac Butt once asked me to lead the Home Rule party;
because, he said, my brother Waterford was widely respected and
popular, and was thoroughly acquainted with the Irish question, of
which I also had a sufficient knowledge.  I might have accepted the
invitation, had I believed that Home Rule was what my countrymen
needed.  But it was not.  The settlement of the land question was and
is the only cure for Irish ills.  Mr. Wyndham with his Land Act did
more for Ireland than any Government that ever was; and I say it, who
have lost a great part of my income under the operation of the Act.

Not that the Irish would have obtained the Wyndham Act, had they not
been incorrigibly intractable.  By {343} demanding a great deal more
than they wanted, which they called Home Rule, they got what they did
want, which was the land.  Their avidity for the land never diminished;
whereas the cry for Home Rule died down; until, by one of the
inconsistencies of Irish politics which so bewilder the Englishman, it
was revived by John Finton Lalor and Michael Davitt, who welded the two
aspirations together.  In order to rid themselves of the Home Rule
spectre, the English Government conceded the land.  And then, owing to
another unexpected twist, they found the spectre wasn't laid after all.
For the English had not learned that so long as they permit Ireland to
be so superbly over-represented, so long will they have trouble.  Sure,
they'll learn the lesson some day, if God will; for there's no lack of
teaching, the way it is.  In the meantime, it is hard for the English
people to argue against what appears to be the demand of the majority
of the Irish people.

But so far was the Government in power in 1912 from understanding or
attempting to understand Irishmen, that the defence of the Home Rule
Bill was constantly relegated to two eminent descendants of an
interesting Asiatic race; who, however distinguished in their own walk
of life, could never in any circumstances know or care anything
whatsoever about Ireland.  The Ulstermen, at least, resented the
proceeding.

One of the Nationalists attacked me with great ferocity in the House.
He accused my family for generations past of having committed atrocious
crimes, and asserted that I myself had entered Parliament for the sole
purpose of escaping active service in case of war with a foreign Power.

"Why did you say all those things?" said I to him in the lobby
afterwards.

"Sure, Lord Char-less," says he, "ye're an Irishman, and ye'll
understand I didn't mean a word of it."

Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Bill having been rejected in 1886, Lord
Salisbury returned to power with a majority that defied Mr. Parnell and
his friends, and so there was no {344} more Home Rule for a while.
'Tis the pure morality of the Home Rule demand that moves the political
conscience; and that the morality always acts upon that sensitive organ
when there is a controlling Irish vote, and not at any other time, is
of course a mere coincidence.

In August, 1886, I was appointed junior lord at the Admiralty,
succeeding Captain James E. Erskine.

"No doubt you'll try to do a number of things, but you'll run up
against a dead wall.  Your sole business will be to sign papers," said
Captain Erskine, and so departed.

I speedily discovered that there was at the Admiralty no such thing as
organisation for war.  It was not in the distribution of business.
Lest I should seem to exaggerate, I quote the testimony of the late Sir
John Briggs, Reader to the Lords and Chief Clerk of the Admiralty.
Referring to the period with which I am dealing, Sir John Briggs writes
as follows (_Naval Administrations, 1827 to 1892_.  Sampson Low.  1897):

"During my Admiralty experience of forty-four years, I may safely
affirm that no measures were devised, nor no practical arrangements
thought out, to meet the numerous duties which devolve upon the
Admiralty, and which at once present themselves at the very beginning
of a war with a first-class naval Power; on the contrary, there had
been unqualified apprehension on the mere rumour of war, especially
among the naval members, arising from their consciousness of the
inadequacy of the Fleet to meet the various duties it would be required
to discharge in such an eventuality."

The fact was that after Trafalgar this country had attained to so
supreme a dominance upon all seas, with so high a degree of
sea-training acquired in independent commands, that organisation for
war was taken for granted.  We were living on the Nelson tradition.
The change came with the advent of steam, which altered certain
essential conditions of sea warfare.  The use of steam involved a new
organisation.  Other nations recognised its necessity.  We {345} did
not.  Nor was it that the distinguished naval officers composing
successive Boards of Admiralty neglected their duty, for organisation
for war did not form part of their duty, as they conceived it.
Moreover, they were wholly occupied with the vast labour of routine
business, which developed upon them when the old Navy Board was
abolished.  The Navy Board, in the old wars, was charged with the
provision of all matters of supply, leaving the Lords Commissioners
free to conduct war.

That there existed no department charged with the duty of constantly
representing what was required in ships, men, stores, docks, under
peace conditions, or what would be required under war conditions, was
obvious enough.  But in the course of the execution of my duties as
junior lord, it immediately became equally clear that the Navy was
deficient in those very matters and things concerning which it would
have been the business of such a department to report.  Among them was
coal, which was in my charge.  Not only was there an immense deficiency
in the war reserve of coal, but there was no plan for supplying it.

What my friends used to call my "craze," which they regarded as an
amiable form of lunacy, for organisation for war, showed me that
without it, all naval force, though it were twice as powerful, would be
practically wasted in the event of emergency.

I went to the First Lord and asked him if it would be in order for me
to draw up a memorandum on any subject to be laid before the Board.
Lord George Hamilton, with his invariable courtesy, replied that any
such paper would be gladly considered.

Within six weeks of my appointment to the Admiralty, I had drawn my
Memorandum on War Organisation calling attention to the necessity of
creating a Naval Intelligence Department at the Admiralty.

In that document, it was represented:

1. That although recent events had revealed approximately our
deficiencies in the event of war with a {346} second-rate maritime
Power, no measures had been taken to prepare a plan showing how the
requirements were to be met.

2. That other countries possessed departments charged with the duty of
preparing plans of campaign and of organising their every detail so
that they could be instantly carried into execution.

3. That the deficiencies in the numbers of the personnel known to be
required, were such and such.

4. That the Medical stores were deficient in such and such respects.
(They were kept in bulk, so that in the event of war, the medical
stores would have had to be selected and distributed: a system I was
able to alter.)

5. That there existed no organisation of any kind with regard to the
use of merchant shipping in war for the transport of coal, ammunition,
and stores, and for hospital ships.

6. That there existed no organisation for rapidly mobilising the
reserves.

7. That in order rightly to fulfil these requirements, there must be
designed plans of campaign to meet all probable contingencies.

8. That in order to obtain such plans of campaign, there should be
created a new department charged with the duty of drawing them up.

There followed a detailed scheme for a new Intelligence Department, at
an increased expense of no more than £2251.

The Memorandum concluded as follows:

"1. Can it be denied that the gravest and most certain danger exists to
the country if the facts stated in this paper are true?

"2. Can it be denied that these facts are true?

"3. If not, should not immediate steps be taken to minimise the danger?"


The Memorandum was laid before the Board.  My colleagues came to the
unanimous conclusion that my statements were exaggerated; and also
that, as a junior, I was {347} meddling with high matters which were
not my business; as indeed I was.  Having been thus defeated, I asked
the permission of Lord George Hamilton to show the Memorandum to Lord
Salisbury, and received it.

Lord Salisbury very kindly read the document then and there from
beginning to end.  He pointed out to me that, on the face of it, I
lacked the experience required to give force to my representations, and
that I had not even commanded a ship of war in a Fleet.

"You must have more experience, on the face of it," he repeated.

And he observed that, practically, what I was asking him to do, was to
set my opinion above the opinion of my senior officers at the
Admiralty, and their predecessors.

I replied that, since he put the matter in that way, although it might
sound egotistical, I did ask him to do that very thing; but I begged
him, before deciding that I was in the wrong, to consult with three
admirals, whom I named.

A week later, I saw Lord Salisbury again.  He told me that in my main
contentions, I was right; that he was sure I should be glad to hear
that the three admirals had agreed with them; and that the Board of
Admiralty had decided to form a new department upon the lines I had
suggested.

The new Naval Intelligence Department was then formed.

The Director was Captain William H. Hall.  His assistants were Captain
R. N. Custance (now Admiral Sir Reginald N. Custance, K.C.B., K.C.M.G.)
and Captain S. M. Eardley-Wilmot (now Rear-Admiral Sir S. M.
Eardley-Wilmot).

There was already in existence a Foreign Intelligence Committee, whose
business it was to collect information concerning the activities of
foreign naval Powers.  In my scheme the new department was an extension
of the Foreign Intelligence Committee, which was to form Section 1,
while {348} the duties of Section 2 were "To organise war preparations,
including naval mobilisation and the making out of plans for naval
campaigns to meet all the contingencies considered probable in a war
with different countries, corrected frequently and periodically."  The
whole of the department was to be placed under an officer of flag rank;
a part of my recommendations which was not carried into effect until
1912, when the War Staff was instituted at the Admiralty.

It will be observed that, although I designated the new department the
Intelligence Department, it was in fact planned to combine Intelligence
duties proper with the duties of a War Staff.  What I desired was a
department which reported "frequently and periodically" upon
requirements.  But as it was impossible to know what those requirements
would be without plans of campaign which specified them, the same
department was charged with the duty of designing such plans.

In the result, that particular and inestimably important office was
gradually dropped.  The department became an Intelligence Department
alone.  The First Sea Lord was charged with the duty of preparation and
organisation for war.  After various changes in the distribution of
business, it was again discovered that there was no organisation for
war; that the First Sea Lord, though (as I said in 1886) he had a head
as big as a battleship, could not accomplish the work by himself; and a
War Staff, affiliated to the Intelligence Department, was constituted
in 1912.

In other words, twenty-six years elapsed before my scheme was carried
into full execution.

On the 13th October, 1886, the substance of my confidential Memorandum
on Organisation for War was published in the _Pall Mall Gazette_.  It
was stolen from the Admiralty by an Admiralty messenger, who was
employed by both the First Sea Lord and myself.  The contents of
several other confidential documents having been published, suspicion
fell upon the messenger, and a snare was laid for {349} him.  An
electric contact was made with a certain drawer in the desk of the
First Sea Lord, communicating with an alarm in another quarter of the
building.  Upon leaving his room, the First Sea Lord told the messenger
to admit no one during his absence, as he had left unlocked a drawer
containing confidential documents.  A little after, the alarm rang, and
the messenger was discovered seated at the desk, making a copy of the
documents in question.  He was arrested, brought to trial, and
sentenced.




{350}

CHAPTER XXXVI

THE TWENTY-ONE MILLION

In January, 1887, my routine work at the Admiralty was varied by a trip
in the new submarine _Nautilus_ to the bottom of Tilbury Dock, which
was very nearly the last voyage of the party in this world.  The owners
of the boat, Mr. Edward Wolseley and Mr. C. E. Lyon, had invited
several guests, among whom was Mr. William White (afterwards Sir
William Henry White, K.C.B., F.R.S., etc.), together with some
officials of the Admiralty.  The theory was that by pushing air
cylinders to project from each side of the boat, her buoyancy would be
so increased that she would rise to the surface.  We sank gently to the
bottom and stayed there.  The cylinders were pushed out, and still we
remained there.  I was looking through the glass scuttle, and, although
in a submarine the motion or rising or sinking is not felt by those
within, I knew that we had not moved, because I could see that the
muddy particles suspended in the water remained stationary.  The Thames
mud had us fast.  In this emergency, I suggested rolling her by moving
the people quickly from side to side.  The expedient succeeded, none
too soon; for by the time she came to the surface, the air was very
foul.

During the same month, Mr. William White, Chief Constructor to the
Admiralty, read a paper at the Mansion House dealing with the design of
modern men-of-war, which marked an era in shipbuilding.  Sir William
White restored to the ship of war that symmetry and beauty of design
which {351} had been lost during the transition from sails to steam.
The transition vessels were nightmares.  Sir William White designed
ships.  A man of genius, of a refined and beautiful nature, a loyal
servant of the Admiralty, to which he devoted talents which, applied
outside the Service, would have gained him wealth, his recent death was
a great loss to his country.  The later Victorian Navy is his splendid
monument: and it may yet be that history will designate those noble
ships as the finest type of steam vessels of war.

About the same time, I brought forward another motion in the House of
Commons, to abolish obsolete vessels, of which I specified fifty-nine,
and to utilise the money saved in their maintenance, in new
construction.  The scheme was carried into execution by degrees.

In June of 1887, I invited a large party of members of the House of
Commons to visit Portsmouth, where they were shown something of the
Navy.

In December of the same year, speaking in public, I affirmed the
following principles: that in time of war our frontiers were the ports
of the enemy; that our main fleets could be required to watch those
ports; and that the strength of the Fleet required should be calculated
upon the basis of the work it would be required to perform.  I also
urged that the line of communications should be instituted, by means of
establishing a system of signalling between the ships of the Navy and
the ships of the mercantile marine, and between all ships and the
shore.  At that time there was no such system.

The Press and the public received the exposition of these elementary
principles of organisation for war as a complete novelty; by many they
were welcomed like a revelation; circumstances which exemplify the
general ignorance prevailing at the time.

Of even more significance were the official declarations on the
subject.  The First Lord of the Admiralty, Lord George Hamilton, had
publicly stated in November, 1886, that this country had more ships in
commission than the {352} three other European Naval Powers next in
order of strength.  The statement was correct; but among the ships in
commission were included many vessels of no fighting value, such as the
_Indus_, _Asia _and _Duke of Wellington_.  As an estimate of
comparative fighting strength, the statement, like many another
official statement before and since, required qualification; as I
remarked in the House of Commons in the course of my reply to Lord
George Hamilton.

In December, 1886, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord Randolph
Churchill, suddenly resigned.  He afterwards explained that his
resignation was a protest against extravagance and waste in the
administration of the Services.  There were extravagance and waste;
but, in my view, which I represented to Lord Randolph, it would take
several years to reform the administration, and it was far more
important to set right our defences, even if their administration cost
more in the meantime.

I recall these things because they serve to illustrate the trend of
events.  On the one side were the Government and their official
advisers at the Admiralty, convinced that all was very well as it was.
On the other side, were the rapid development of the fighting ship in
all countries, which owing to Mr. W. H. White, was particularly marked
in this country; the greatly increased public interest in naval
affairs; and the constant representations of a number of naval
officers, myself among them, to the effect that great reforms were
urgently required.

We believed that there existed at the Board of Admiralty no system of
direct responsibility; that Parliament and the nation had no means
either of ascertaining upon what principle the money was expended upon
our defences or of affixing responsibility whether it were expended ill
or well; that there existed no plan of campaign at the Admiralty; that
the Navy and the Army had no arrangement for working together in the
event of war; and that, in point of fact, the Navy was dangerously
inadequate.  And in attempting to achieve reform, we were confronted
{353} by a solid breastwork, as though built of bales of wool, of
official immovability.  Had it been a hard obstacle, we might have
smashed it.

Towards the end of 1887, the Admiralty did a very foolish thing.  They
decided to cut down the salaries of the officers of the new
Intelligence Department by £950.  In my view, this proceeding both
involved a breach of faith with the officers concerned, and would be
highly injurious to the efficiency of the department for whose success
I felt peculiarly responsible.  My protests were, however, disregarded;
the First Lord asserted his supreme authority; and the thing was done.

The efficiency of the whole Service was, in my view, bound up with the
efficiency of the Intelligence Department; because that department was
created for the express purpose of estimating and reporting what was
required to enable the Navy to fulfil its duties.  It was in view of
the main question of the necessity of strengthening the Fleet, that I
decided to resign my position upon the Board of Admiralty, and to
declare publicly my reasons for so doing.  On the 9th January, 1888, I
sent my resignation to Lord Salisbury; who, courteously expressing his
regret, accepted it on 18th January.

In making my decision to take this extreme action, I was influenced by
the conviction that nothing short of the resignation of a member of the
Board of Admiralty would induce the authorities to reorganise and
strengthen our defences.  Whether or not I was right in that belief, I
do not know to this day; but, as the strengthening of the Fleet was
shortly afterwards carried into execution in precise accordance with my
recommendations, there is some evidence in my favour.  My constituents
in East Marylebone were strongly adverse to my course of action.  Many
of my friends begged me not to resign.  General Buller, in particular,
pointed out to me that no good was ever done by an officer resigning
his post, because the officer who resigned ceased by his own act to
occupy the position which entitled {354} him to a hearing.  I daresay
he was right.  At any rate, I was well aware that I was jeopardising my
whole career.  For an officer to resign his seat upon the Board of
Admiralty in order to direct public attention to abuses, is to commit,
officially speaking, the unpardonable sin.  When, three or four years
later, Sir Frederick Richards, the First Sea Lord, threatened to resign
if the Government would not accept his shipbuilding programme, although
I am certain he would have pursued exactly the same course had he stood
alone, he had the support of the rest of the Board.  I had the rest of
the Sea Lords against me.  That is a different affair.  A united Board
of Admiralty can generally in the last resort prevail against the
Government.  A single member of that Board who attempts the same feat,
knows, at least, that never again will he be employed at the Admiralty.
But when Sir Frederick Richards and his colleagues threatened
resignation, they were in fact risking the loss of employment and
incurring the possibility of spending the rest of their lives in
comparative penury.  A later Liberal administration has dismissed one
Naval Lord after another, without a scruple.

In my case, I had the advantage of possessing a private income, so that
I was independent of the Service as a means of livelihood.  It is
necessary to speak plainly upon this matter of resignation.  It is most
unfair to expect naval officers to resign in the hope of bringing about
reform, when by so doing their income is greatly reduced.  If the
British public desire it to be understood that a Sea Lord is expected
to resign should the Government in power fail to make what he believes
to be the necessary provision for the national security, then the
public must insist that the Sea Lords be granted an ample retiring
allowance.

In the following February (1888) Lord George Hamilton made a speech at
Ealing, in which he dealt with my protests in the most courteous
manner.  He stated that I had resigned because I objected to the
exercise of the supreme authority of the First Lord over the Board of
Admiralty.  I had certainly objected to its exercise in a particular
instance.  {355} And at that time I was constantly urging that
Parliament and the country had a right to know who was responsible for
the actions of the Admiralty.  My theory was that there should be some
means by which Parliament and the public should be assured that any
given course of action was founded upon professional advice.  That no
such means existed was notorious.  It was within the legal right of a
First Lord to announce a policy contravening or modifying the views of
the rest of the Board.

My view was, and is, the view tersely stated by Admiral Phipps Hornby,
who said that it was the right of the Cabinet to formulate a policy,
and that it was the duty of the Sea Lords to provide what was required
in order to carry that policy into execution; but that the Cabinet had
no right whatever to dictate to the Sea Lords in what the provision
should consist, for that was a matter of which the Sea Lords alone were
competent to judge.

But if the Board of Admiralty be placed under the supreme jurisdiction
of the First Lord, a civilian and a politician, the country has no
means of knowing whether or no the recommendations of the Sea Lords are
being carried into execution.  I said at the time that some such means
should be instituted; afterwards, perceiving that no such demand would
be granted, I urged that the Cabinet at least ought to be precisely
informed what were the requirements stated by the Sea Lords to be
necessary in order to carry into execution the policy of the Government.

In claiming supreme authority as First Lord over the Board of
Admiralty, Lord George Hamilton was legally and constitutionally in the
right.  The Royal Commission on the administration of the Navy and
Army, over which Lord Hartington presided, reported in 1890 (when I was
at sea) that the Admiralty had long ceased to be administered in
accordance with the terms of its original Patent, and that "the present
system of administration in the Admiralty is the result of
Parliamentary action upon what was once in fact as well as name an
executive and administrative {356} Board.  The responsibility, and
consequently the power of the First Lord has continually increased, and
he is at present practically the Minister of Marine."  In other words,
by slow degrees the politician had transferred the powers of the Board
to himself, where they remain; the other members of the Board becoming
merely his advisers.  The result is that there is nothing, except the
personal influence of the Naval Lords upon the First Lord, to prevent
the Navy from being governed in accordance with party politics, without
reference to national and Imperial requirements; a system which
produces intermittent insecurity and periodical panics involving
extravagant expense.

The Commissioners also found that there was a difference of opinion
among the Naval Lords themselves concerning their responsibility with
regard to the strength and efficiency of the Fleet.  It was, in a word,
nobody's business to state what were the requirements of the Fleet.
The First Lord might ask for advice, if he chose, in which case he
would get it.  If he did not so choose, there was no one whose duty it
was to make representations on the subject.  Admiral Sir Arthur Hood
stated that never in the whole course of his experience had he known a
scheme comprehending the naval requirements of the Empire to be laid
before the Board.  He also stated that the method of preparing the Navy
Estimates was that the First Lord stated what sum the Cabinet felt
disposed to grant for the Navy, and that the Naval Lords then proceeded
to get as much value for their money as they could.

No wonder the Sea Lords were expected to sign the Estimates without
looking at them.  When I was junior lord, responsible for the provision
of coal and stores among other trifles, a clerk came into my room with
a sheaf of papers in one hand and a wet quill pen in the other.

"Will you sign the Estimates?" says he.

"What?" said I.

"Will you sign the Estimates for the year?" he repeated.

"My good man," I said, "I haven't seen them."

{357}

The clerk looked mildly perturbed.  He said:

"The other Lords have signed them, sir.  It will be very inconvenient
if you do not."

"I am very sorry," said I.  "I am afraid I am inconvenient in this
office already.  But I certainly shall not sign the Estimates."

The clerk's countenance betrayed consternation.

"I must tell the First Lord, sir," said he, as one who presents an
ultimatum.

"I don't care a fig whom you tell," said I.  "I can't sign the
Estimates, because I have not read them."

Nor did I sign them.  They were brought before the House of Commons
without my signature.  The First Lord said it did not really matter.
My point was that I would not take responsibility for a document I had
not seen.  The fact was, that the custom of obtaining the signatures of
the Board is a survival of the time when the Sea Lords wielded the
power and responsibility conferred upon them by the original Patent.

The Commissioners also reported that the lack of "sufficient provision
for the consideration by either Service of the wants of the other" ...
was an "unsatisfactory and dangerous condition of affairs."

Here, then, were all the points for which my brother officers and
myself were contending, and in order to illuminate which I had
resigned, explicitly admitted.  But the proofs did not appear until a
year after my resignation took effect, when the Select Committee on the
Navy Estimates began to take evidence; nor were they published for
another year.

In the meantime, the naval reformers fought as best they might.  Freed
from the restraint necessarily imposed upon me by my official position
at the Admiralty, I was able to devote my whole energies to making
known the real state of affairs.

Upon the introduction of the Navy Estimates of 1888-9 I challenged the
votes for shipbuilding, the Secretary's {358} Department, the
Intelligence Department, the Reserve of merchant cruisers, the Royal
Naval Reserve and naval armaments, in order to call attention to
requirements.

In the course of the debates, the official formula was: "At no time was
the Navy more ready or better organised for any work which it might be
called upon to do than to-day."  My reply was that these words "have
rung in our ears as often as the tune '_Britannia_ rules the waves,'
and have been invariably falsified when war appeared imminent."  And
who would have to do the work?  The officials who said that all was
ready, or the admirals who said that all was unready?

In May, a meeting to consider the needs of national defence was held in
the City, at which I delivered an address.  Speaking at the Lord
Mayor's banquet in November, the First Lord admitted that there might
be room for improvement in the Navy.  It was a dangerous, if a candid,
admission.  For if the Navy were not strong enough, _how weak was it_?

Exactly how weak it was in June, 1888, in the opinion of the First Sea
Lord, Admiral Sir Arthur Hood, was explained by him before the Select
Committee on Navy Estimates (13th June, 1888).  "I should have
preferred by the end of 1890 to have had six more fast cruisers.  I do
not consider it a point of vital importance," said Admiral Hood.  But
as, upon his own showing, within his recollection no one at the
Admiralty had ever produced a scheme comprehending the naval
requirements of the Empire, his view was hardly conclusive.  I had the
audacity to consider that if no one had ever attempted, or thought of
attempting, to estimate the requirements of the naval defence of the
Queen's dominions, it was time that some one did attempt to do so, even
if that some one were myself.  Accordingly, I made a careful
calculation of the work the Fleet might under probable contingencies be
required to perform, and upon that calculation based an estimate of the
classes and numbers of ships which would be needed.

{359}

I showed my estimate to Admiral Hornby, who said that, although the
ships were absolutely necessary, I was asking too much and I should in
consequence get nothing.  He also pointed out that I had made no
provision for the increase of personnel required to man the proposed
new ships.  I replied that if the ships were laid down, the authorities
would be obliged to find the men for them.  The sequel showed that I
was wrong and that Admiral Hornby was right.  He knew his responsible
authority better than I did.  Six years later, when what should have
been the increased personnel would have been trained and available, the
Fleet was short of 20,000 men.

My cousin, General Sir Reginald Talbot, reminds me of a conversation
which befell between Mr. Goschen, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, and
myself, in November of the same year, 1888, when we were staying at
Wilton, the house of my cousin, Lady Pembroke.  Mr. Goschen began to
talk about the Navy, and he was so good as to express high disapproval
of my course of action.  He said I was doing a great deal of harm, that
I was presuming to set my rash opinion above the considered judgment of
old and distinguished officers who had commanded ships before I was
born, and so forth.

"Do you know what I am shortly going to propose to Parliament?" said I.
"No?  I'll tell you.  I am going to ask for seventy ships to cost
twenty million sterling."

Mr. Goschen became really angry.  He said the notion was preposterous.

"You won't get them," he said.  "You wouldn't get even three ships, if
you asked for them.  And for a very simple reason.  They are not
wanted."

"Mr. Goschen," said I, "I shall bring in that programme, and it will
cost twenty million; and you will all object to it and oppose it; and
yet I'll venture to make a prophecy.  Before very long you will order
seventy ships at the cost of twenty million.  And for a very simple
reason.  Because you must."

{360}

On the 13th December, 1888, speaking on Vote 8 (ship-building, repairs
and maintenance), I expounded my ship-building programme to the House
of Commons.  I based it upon the following principles:


"The existence of the Empire depends upon the strength of the Fleet,
the strength of the Fleet depends upon the Shipbuilding Vote....  I
maintain the Shipbuilding Vote is based on no policy, no theory, no
business-like or definite idea whatever, to enable it to meet the
requirements of the country, the primary object of its expenditure....
I hold that the Government, which is and must be solely responsible,
should first lay down a definite standard for the Fleet, which standard
should be a force capable of defending our shores and commerce,
together with the punctual and certain delivery of our food supply,
against the Fleets of two Powers combined, one of which should be
France; and that the experts should then be called together and say
what is necessary to get that standard, and give the reasons for their
statement...."


The programme included four first-class ironclads, 10 second-class
ironclads, 40 cruisers of various classes, and torpedo craft: 70
vessels in all, to be built at a cost of £20,100,000.

I also affirmed the proposition made by Admiral Sir Anthony Hoskins,
the Secretary of the Admiralty, and the Civil Lord, to the effect that
"the British Fleet should be more than a match for the combined fleets
of any two European Powers that were likely to be our foes, one of
which must necessarily be France."  Here, so far as I am aware, was the
first definite demand for the Two-Power Standard; which was maintained
until it was abandoned by the Government which came into power in 1906.

[Illustration: THE AUTHOR SPEAKING IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ON HIS
TWENTY-ONE MILLION SHIPBUILDING PROGRAMME, 13TH DECEMBER 1888.  FROM
THE DRAWING, BY J. WALTER WILSON, IN THE POSSESSION OF THE AUTHOR]

Lord George Hamilton received my proposals with caution.  He was "far
from saying it (the Fleet) was strong enough."  And he told the House
that next year he hoped {361} to lay before the House a larger and more
comprehensive programme than was provided by the current estimates,
"desiring that when they moved their movement should be genuine and
prolonged."

Twelve weeks later, Lord George Hamilton brought in a shipbuilding
programme consisting of 70 vessels, to be built at a cost of
£21,500,000.

Yet nothing had happened since the previous June, when Sir Arthur Hood
declared that he would have preferred six more cruisers, but that they
were not of vital importance?

Nothing, that is to say, with regard to the international situation,
and the increase of foreign navies, and the requirements of Imperial
defence.  But several things had happened at home.  Of the most
important of these, I knew nothing until many years afterwards.  It was
that Captain W. H. Hall, Director of the new Intelligence Department,
whose institution I had recommended for this very purpose, had worked
out the problem of naval requirements independently, and, with all the
sources of information available in the Admiralty at his command, had
arrived at precisely the same result (except for an increase of cost)
as that to which I had arrived, without the information possessed by
Captain Hall.  I may mention here that Captain Hall was a most
distinguished and patriotic officer, with whom no considerations of
personal interest ever weighed for an instant against what he conceived
to be his duty to his Sovereign and to his country.  What happened at
the Admiralty when his report was laid before the Board, I do not know,
as I never had any communication with Captain Hall on the subject.  All
I know is that his scheme, which was identical with the scheme which I
had presented to the House, was accepted by the First Lord.

Another circumstance which may have influenced the Government was the
very remarkable evidence, which I have already summarised, given before
the Select Committee on the Navy Estimates.  And another factor, of
enduring import, was the famous Report of the Three Admirals: {362}
Admiral Sir William Dowell, K.C.B., Admiral Sir R. Vesey Hamilton,
K.C.B., and Vice-Admiral Sir Frederick Richards, K.C.B., on the Naval
Manoeuvres of 1888, presented to both Houses of Parliament in February,
1889.  Sir Frederick Richards was mainly responsible for drawing up
that masterly document, which, extending beyond its terms of reference,
formulated the principles of British sea-power; and definitely affirmed
the absolute necessity for establishing and maintaining the Two-Power
Standard.

With reference to the condition of the Navy at the time, the Three
Admirals reported that the Navy was "altogether inadequate to take the
offensive in a war with only one Great Power"; and that "supposing a
combination of even two Powers to be allied as her enemies, the balance
of maritime strength would be against England."

How swiftly is the false coin of "official assurances" consumed by the
acid of professional knowledge!  The whole episode of the Twenty-One
Million is so typical of the methods of British governance, that I have
thought it worth while to relate it somewhat at length.  Those methods,
in a word, consist in the politicians very nearly losing the Empire,
and the Navy saving it just in time.  The same thing happened all over
again in 1892.  It occurred again 1909, with a difference.  Both in
1892 and in 1909 I drew up shipbuilding proposals.  In 1892, the
Government eventually adopted the Spencer programme, which was actually
larger than mine.  In 1909, the opportunity of restoration was lost;
and the failure cost, and will cost, the country many millions.

One of these days we shall be hit, and hit hard, at the moment when the
politicians have been found out, and before the Navy has had time to
recover.

Something to this effect was said to me by Bismarck, when I visited
him, in February, 1889.  In truth, I had a little wearied of the polite
and stubborn opposition of my own people, and I went to Berlin to see
what was happening abroad.  Prince Bismarck invited me to lunch.

{363}

Bismarck said that he could not understand why my own people did not
listen to me (nor could I!); for (said he) the British Fleet was the
greatest factor for peace in Europe.  We had a most interesting
conversation upon matters of defence and preparation for war; and his
tone was most friendly towards the English.  He very kindly presented
me with his signed photograph.  I stayed with him for two hours; and we
drank much beer; and all the time his gigantic boar-hound, lying beside
him, stared fixedly at me with a red and lurid eye.




{364}

CHAPTER XXXVII

H.M.S. _UNDAUNTED_

I. WITH THE MEDITERRANEAN FLEET

  "Undaunteds be ready,
  Undaunteds be steady,
  Undaunteds stand by for a job!"
          Bugle call of H.M.S. _Undaunted_


It was invented by the first lieutenant, William Stokes Rees (now
Vice-Admiral W. S. Rees, C.B.), who was one of the best gunnery
officers I have known.  I was appointed to the command of the
_Undaunted_ in November, 1889.  The commander was Robert S. Lowry (now
Vice-Admiral Sir Robert S. Lowry, K.C.B.).  It was the _Undaunted's_
first commission.  She was a twin-screw, first-class armoured cruiser
of 5600 tons displacement and 8500 h.p., ordered to join the
Mediterranean Fleet, under the command of Vice-Admiral Sir Anthony H.
Hoskins, K.C.B.  He was succeeded in September, 1891, by my old friend,
Admiral Sir George Tryon, K.C.B., whose tragic death was so great a
loss to the Service and to the country.

The first essential of good discipline is to make officers and men as
happy and as comfortable as the exigencies of the Service permit.  I
believe that the _Undaunted_ was a happy ship; I know that the loyalty,
enthusiasm and hard work of the officers and men under my command
earned her a good record.

In every vessel there are improvements to be made which, perhaps
trifling in themselves, greatly add to the {365} welfare of the
officers and ship's company.  At that time, for instance, the
arrangements for the stokers were so bad, that there was only one bath
available for twenty men.  My recommendation was that tubs of
galvanised iron should be supplied, fitting one into another in nests,
so that the extra baths occupied less space than the one regulation
bath.  I also had lockers of lattice-work supplied for the stokers'
dirty clothing, instead of closed and insanitary lockers.  It is true
that at first the men objected to the open-work, because their pipes
dropped through it.  Again, the hatchway ladders were made with sharp
nosings, against which the men injured their legs; and I suggested that
these should be formed with rounded nosings instead.  A ship of war is
naturally uncomfortable; but why make it unnecessarily disagreeable?
At that time, too, the rate of second-class petty officer did not exist
among the stokers.  The result was that if a leading stoker was
disrated he was reduced to stoker.  For this reason, I urged the
institution of the rate of second-class petty officer stoker, a reform
which was eventually instituted.  Some years afterwards, the rate of
second-class officer was abolished altogether, a retrograde measure
which I believe to be injurious.

When a petty officer loses his rate in consequence of a mistake or a
lapse, he should be enabled to recover it by good behaviour.

One of my countrymen on board, whom we will call Patrick, an able
seaman of long service, perpetually failed to attain to the rating of
petty officer owing to his weakness for strong waters.  In other
respects he was admirably qualified to rise.  I sent for him, told him
I would give him a chance, and made him a second-class petty officer.
I believe that he succumbed once or twice, and that the commander let
him off.  But one fine day Patrick returned on board from leave ashore,
fully attired--cap, coat, boots and socks--with the single exception of
his trousers.  The case having been officially reported to me, I had up
the delinquent before the assembled petty officers.  I made it a rule
{366} not to disrate a petty officer in the presence of the ship's
company.

The charge having been duly read, I asked Patrick what he had to say on
the subject.

"Do you moind now, sir," says Pat, "that I was drunk the same day last
year?"

I told him I did not remember anything of the sort.

"Well, sir," continued Patrick, unabashed, "to tell you the truth, 'tis
my mother's birthday, and I had a drop of drink taken."

I told him that it was impossible to allow petty officers to disgrace
the ship by coming on board without their trousers; that I should take
away his petty officer's rate, but that I would leave him his badges.

He had three badges.  Had he lost them, he would have lost his badge
pay during a period of six months for each badge, so that it would take
him eighteen months of "very good" conduct to regain them.  In
addition, he would have lost the good conduct medal, a part of his
pension and a part of his gratuity on leaving the Service.  The
severity of the punishment in comparison with what is not perhaps a
serious offence, is not always recognised by authority.

"May I say a word to you, sir?" asked Patrick, having received his
sentence.

"You can say what you like," said I, "but I am afraid it won't save
your rate."

"Well, sir," says he, "'tis this way, sir.  If you'll think over it the
way it is, I was fourteen years getting th' rate, and you'll be takin'
it away from me in one moment."

Pat used to delight his audiences at the ship's concerts.  He sang
among other beautiful legends, the Irish ditty, "Brannagan's Pup."  He
led upon the stage my bull-dog, who came very sulkily.  It never could
be (as Pat would have said) that the concertina accompaniment began
when he began.  When the concertina started ahead of him, Pat shifted
the bull-dog's leash to his other hand, put his hand to the side of his
mouth, and staring straight upon the {367} audience, uttered the
following stage direction in a furious whisper which was heard all over
the ship.

"Don't you shtart that ruddy pump till I hould up me hand!"

Some years after I had left the _Undaunted_, arriving in a P. and O.
steamer off a Chinese port, I semaphored to a man-of-war asking the
captain to send me a boat, as I wished to have the pleasure of calling
upon him.  The coxswain of the captain's boat was no other than my old
friend.

"I'm very glad to see you've kept the rate," said I.  "I suppose you
run straight now and keep clear of liquor?"

"Well, sir," says Paddy, "to tell you the truth, I've taken an odd toss
or two since I saw you, but I've got it back again!"

He meant that he had been disrated again once or twice but had won back
his rate again; indeed, he had won it back while under my command.  I
always told my men that if they were tried by court-martial--as the men
now desire to be tried--it would go harder with them.  Had Patrick been
tried by court-martial, it is very unlikely that he would have got back
his rate; and his deprivation, being endorsed upon his certificate,
would have affected his chance of gaining employment in civil life upon
leaving the Service.

I had a case of a man who, because he put his helm over the wrong way,
ran into another boat, with the result that a man was drowned.  The
culprit was disrated; but I gave him his rate again before I left the
ship.  It is the personal knowledge of a man possessed by his captain
which alone enables his captain to make distinctions.  A court-martial
must judge of the offence without personal knowledge of the character
of the offender.

I had a sergeant of Marines, a man with an excellent record, a strict
disciplinarian, popular among his men, who, within nine months of the
expiration of his time, came aboard blind drunk and disorderly.  The
penalty was to be reduced to the ranks.  But it is often forgotten what
under {368} such circumstances that penalty involves.  The
non-commissioned officer loses his N.C.O.'s time and pension, his badge
pay for six months, and the gratuity of his rank.  It is a tremendous
penalty to pay, when, except for the one mistake, he has a clean sheet
all through.  I had the man up before the petty officers and
non-commissioned officers, explained that there were only two courses
of action: either to reduce him or to let him off altogether; and told
them that I intended to count his long and excellent service and
exemplary character as outweighing a single failure.

Here was an exceptional case; and because it was exceptional, it was
wise to depart from the rule, and to give reasons for disciplinary
action.  Had no explanation been given, the next man disrated or
reduced might have considered that he had been unfairly treated; but he
could have no such grievance, when the circumstances in which the
non-commissioned officer had his punishment remitted had been made
known at the time.

Ships, like men, have their weaknesses; and the weakness of our fine
new steam navy consisted in the unprotected ends of our armoured
vessels, in which respect they were inferior to the French ships.  The
section of a wooden man-of-war was, roughly speaking, V-shaped below
the water-line; and when she was pierced in action, the water entering
through the shot-holes ran down to the bottom of the vessel, where the
extra weight, although it might sink her lower in the water, acted as
additional ballast, resisting any tendency to capsize.  But the section
of a steel man-of-war is roughly a square, with the lower edges
rounded.  The protective steel deck, covering the engines, extends the
whole length and width of the ship.  Above the water-line there are the
immense weights of armour and guns.  If the ship is pierced in her
unprotected ends above the steel deck, the water, entering through the
holes, is held high up in the section, giving her a list, and dragging
her over, so that a badly wounded ship must capsize.  Such was my
theory, which I set forth at length in a letter sent to the
commander-in-chief, {369} Sir Anthony Hoskins.  He considered the point
of importance, but held that it was a matter rather for the constructor
than the seaman, a view with which I did not agree.

Sir Anthony Hoskins, who was about to haul down his flag, turned the
letter over to Sir George Tryon, who sent it to the Admiralty.  The
Admiralty, I believe, considered that, under certain conditions, the
theory was correct.

Those conditions occurred on 22nd June, 1893, when the _Victoria_ was
rammed by the _Camperdown_ off Beyrout.  The _Camperdown_ struck the
flagship on the starboard bow, and in ten minutes she had capsized and
sunk.  As the _Victoria_ was carrying her scuttles open, and received
an injury equivalent to the damage which would be inflicted by a large
shell, the conditions of an action, in which the hull would be pierced
with many small holes and further wounded by heavy projectiles, were
produced, with the result whose probability, if not certainty, I had
indicated.

In dealing with this subject, I also represented that the French ships
of the period, having a powerful fore and aft fire, might choose in
time of war to fight a retreating action, in which case they could so
damage the unarmoured ends of our vessels, that our vessels could not
be steered, and, being forced to ease speed, would be placed at a
serious disadvantage.

The _Hecla_, torpedo school ship in the Mediterranean, was commanded by
my old friend, Captain John Durnford (now Admiral Sir John Durnford,
K.C.B., D.S.O.).  Together with the officers under my command, I
attended the torpedo classes on board.

Captain Durnford accompanied me in the _Undaunted_ when we conducted
experiments in the dropping of mines.  The mines were the clever
invention of Lieutenant Ottley (now Rear-Admiral Sir Charles C. Ottley,
K.C.M.G., C.B., M.V.O.).  By means of an ingenious mechanical
contrivance, they sank themselves to the required depth.  We designed
and constructed the dropping gear, rigging it abaft the propellers.
The mines were dropped by hand, the ship {370} steaming at 18 knots.  A
certain area was fixed within which the mines were to be sown.  We
steamed across it at night, in thick darkness, along a narrow channel.
Unable to take bearings, as the position of the scattered lights on
shore was unknown, we sent out two boats carrying lights.  We touched
the ground once, the shock throwing Captain Durnford and myself against
the rail.  In four minutes all the mines were dropped without a single
mistake.  The experiment was also carried into execution in daylight.
In those days there were no mine-laying vessels, and the _Undaunted_
was somewhat of a pioneer in the science of mining waters at full speed.

My experience while in office at the Admiralty had led me profoundly to
suspect (among other things) the adequacy of the provision for reserve
ammunition.  And upon making inquiries at Malta, I found that if the
_Undaunted_ in the event of war had expended the whole of her
ammunition, the renewal of the supply for her main armament of 6-inch
guns would (excluding practice ammunition) exhaust the whole reserve
supply.  There were no spare guns in reserve at all.  My
representations on the subject were by no means gratefully received by
the Admiralty, which considered that the supply of reserve ammunition
and guns was not the business of a captain.  I suggested that the
ammunition papers should go to every captain; an arrangement which was
afterwards carried into execution.  At this time I also represented
(but in other quarters) the urgent necessity of building a new mole at
Gibraltar, which was then not a naval but a military base, although in
time of war it would be required to serve as one of the most important
naval bases in the world, either for the blue water route or the narrow
sea route.  My representations were made with the object of inducing
the Government to transform Gibraltar from a merely military fortress
to a properly equipped naval base.  I took soundings and drew out a
scheme.  The plan eventually adopted was an improvement upon mine.

It is not of course implied that I was alone in urging {371} these
reforms and such as these; there were many patriotic men, both in the
Service and outside it, who were engaged in the same endeavour.  What I
did must be taken to represent the unrequited labours of others as
well.  Sir George Tryon, my commander-in-chief, that splendid seaman
and admirable officer, was always most sympathetic and showed to me the
greatest kindness.  I am proud to say that I never served under a
commander-in-chief with whom I was not upon the best of terms.

Sir George Tryon having received letters from H.H. the Khedive and from
the British Minister Plenipotentiary in Egypt, instructed me to proceed
to Alexandria with a small squadron.  H.H. the Khedive welcomed me with
great cordiality, being so kind as to say that I had saved his father's
life during the troubles of 1882, when the _Condor_ kept guard over the
Ramleh Palace.  I remained at Alexandria for some time, being senior
officer there.

In order to relieve the monotony of sea-routine, the men were landed by
companies in the Mex lines, a place with which I had many interesting
associations dating from 1882, for rifle practice, sleeping under
canvas.  The water on shore being undrinkable, the men were ordered to
use the distilled water supplied daily from the ship.

Visiting the hospital tent, I thought one of the patients had cholera.

"It looks very like it," said the staff-surgeon.

"Have you been drinking the shore water?" I asked the patient.

He confessed that he had.  I asked him why he had done so.

"Please, sir," said he, "the distilled water had no taste in it."

Having arranged with my old friend, Sir William Butler, commanding the
garrison at Alexandria, to combine with the soldiers in field exercise,
I took a landing-party ashore at Ras-el-Tin.  We started early in the
morning, embarking the field-guns.  The seamen waded ashore with them,
and {372} attacked a position held by the soldiers on the top of the
hill.  It looked impregnable, the ground being a steep, sandy slope
covered with scrub.  But the bluejackets dragged the guns up through
the sand and bushes.  We battled all the morning with great enjoyment;
returned on board, and shifted into dry clothes in time for dinner.
The benefit of such exercises is that all learn something.

In July, 1891, was held at Alexandria the great regatta, in which 26
boats of all classes were entered, including a cutter from the
Portuguese sloop _Fieja_ and Arab boats.  It was on this occasion that
the galley of the _Undaunted_ ran upon the breakwater, was knocked into
smithereens, and sank.  By an extraordinary coincidence, she was an old
boat which the Admiralty had persistently refused to replace.

Upon leaving Alexandria, the _Undaunted_ touched a rock.  We had been
helping the contractor to blow up the rocks in the Borghiz Channel (a
proceeding for which I was subsequently reproved) and left the harbour
steering by stern marks.  The staff-commander knew exactly where he was
going, but by a slip of the tongue he gave the order "port" instead of
"starboard," adding that he wanted to close certain buoys marking the
passage.  The injury to the ship was very slight, but peculiar.  Her
bottom was pierced, and a little fish swam into the ship.  I have the
fish with a small piece broken off the keel by the impact, in a bottle.

In December, 1891, the second annual regatta of the Mediterranean Fleet
was held in Marmorice Bay.  In the officers' race, I pulled stroke in
the galley of the _Undaunted_, in spite of Sir George Tryon's kindly
warning that my heart would give way.  We beat the _Australia's_ boat
by about two seconds.  In the next race, held the following year, the
_Australia_ beat us.

There were seventeen ships on the station, and 9000 men.  The
_Undaunted_ won 22 prizes (12 of them, I think, first prizes) out of
29.  All her ratings were regularly practised in all her boats, each
boat racing against the other.  In {373} order to equalise chances, the
boats started in rotation, the time allowance being given at the start,
instead of being calculated at the end as in yacht racing, so that the
boat first across the line at the end of the course won the race.  The
launch, being the heaviest boat, started last, manned with four men to
the midship oars, three men to the after oars, and two men to the
foremost oars.  The boats would often all come in together.  The
enthusiasm of the men was immense.  At that time the island of Crete
was in a state of chronic agitation, which culminated in the troubles
of 1897, and their suppression by the Council of Admirals, of which
Admiral Sir Robert H. Harris, who represented Great Britain with so
great ability and resource, gives an excellent account in his book,
_From Naval Cadet to Admiral_.  In the meantime, Christians and
Mohammedans were joyfully shooting one another, while the Turkish
garrison endeavoured to keep order by shooting both parties
impartially.  Riding up from Suda Bay to call upon a certain
distinguished Turkish Pasha, an old friend, I passed several corpses,
both of Christians and Mohammedans, lying on the roadside.

"Cannot you stop these murders?" I said to the Pasha.  "It is really
very distressing to see so many dead bodies."

"Yes, Lord," said the Pasha (he always called me Lord).  "Very sad,
Lord.  I am sure you must feel it very much, Lord.  It must make you
think you are back in your own country."

The retort was apposite enough, for moonlighting was then the joy of
Ireland.

Not that the Turkish soldiers neglected musketry practice.  Riding up
to Canea, I was met by bullets whistling past my head.  I pulled off
the road, and was joined by an old Turk, who was riding a donkey and
carrying a large white umbrella.  Presently we perceived a pot placed
in the middle of the highway, and then we came upon a party of Turkish
soldiers lying in a row and firing at it; whereupon the aged Turk
climbed from his donkey, rolled up his umbrella, and belaboured the
soldiers with it.

{374}

I once asked my friend the Pasha why he had not ere then been promoted.

"I do not know, Lord.  The Government does not know.  God Almighty does
not know.  Even his Imperial Majesty the Sultan does not know!" quoth
the Pasha.

The _Undaunted_ visited Sorrento in 1891, when Lord Dufferin was
staying there.  None who had the privilege of his acquaintance will
need to be reminded of the singular charm of a talented, witty and
urbane personality.  Lord Dufferin had the unconscious art of
impressing upon those whom he met that he had been waiting all his life
for that moment.  The small sailing yacht, _Lady Hermione_, which he
kept at Sorrento, was a marvel of ingenious contrivance.  She was a
decked boat, with a well into which the ropes and gear were led and
were attached to all sorts of levers, tackles and winches, to enable
her to be sailed single-handed.  Lord Dufferin, accompanied by Lady
Dufferin, frequently sailed her in the Bay of Naples.  On one such
voyage, wishing to tauten up the peak halliards, he told Lady Dufferin
to heave upon a certain lever.  She seized the wrong handle, and away
went the anchor with 130 fathoms of chain, which ran out to the clinch.
Then the rest of the equipment became really useful, Lord Dufferin
rigging up purchase on purchase with it, and so heaving up the anchor.
After four hours' incessant toil he succeeded in getting it berthed,
and returned in a state of exhaustion.

The _Lady Hermione_ persuaded Lord Dufferin to learn Morse and
semaphore.  She was moored at the foot of the cliff, beneath Lord
Dufferin's hotel, from whose balcony he used to shout his orders for
the day to the boy who was in charge of her, and who often
misunderstood his instructions.  I suggested that he should learn to
communicate with his ship's company by signal, and drew up both the
Morse and semaphore codes for his benefit.  In six weeks he sent
letters to me written in both codes; an instance of determined
application.  During that time he insisted on practising for so many
hours every day with his wife and daughter, so {375} that at the end of
it the whole family were proficient in signals.

An interesting example of the manoeuvres of those days occurred at
Volo, when Captain Wilson, V.C., disguised his ship, the _Sanspareil_,
in olive trees.  The _Undaunted_ was told off to make a torpedo attack
at night in the narrow channel where lay the _Sanspareil_.  Captain
Wilson (now Admiral of the Fleet Sir A. K. Wilson, V.C., G.C.B., O.M.,
G.C.V.O.) had constructed a dummy ship on the side of the channel
opposite to which lay the _Sanspareil_, completely clothed in olive
trees.  I sent a midshipman to cut the cable of the searchlight playing
upon the entrance to the channel.  The _Undaunted_ steamed into the
channel, discovered first the wrong ship, and then the right one, at
which I discharged two torpedoes, which were found next morning under
the bottom of the _Sanspareil_.

At the conclusion of all manoeuvres, Sir George Tryon invariably gave a
critical lecture upon them to his officers; a method which I adopted in
later years.  No practice can be more useful; for, while the events are
fresh in mind, it demonstrates what was wrong, and why.  Often what
looks wrong at first, turns out to have been a good idea.  But for
years all reports of manoeuvres remained locked in the Admiralty.  Many
of the manoeuvres were useless; but for lack of information admirals
afloat continued to repeat them.

During my time in the _Undaunted_, my knowledge of signalling saved
Captain Harry Rawson (afterwards Vice-Admiral Sir H. H. Rawson, K.C.B.)
and myself a deal of trouble on one occasion.  We had been out shooting
all day, had missed the way, and as darkness fell, found ourselves on
the wrong side of the bay in which the Fleet lay at anchor, with the
prospect of a further tramp of twelve or fourteen miles.  Rawson used
to chaff me for doing what he called "boatswain's work."

"You always want," he used to say, "to go down to the store-room and
cut off 30 fathoms of rope yourself."

To which I used to reply that I wanted to do nothing of {376} the sort;
but what I did want to do was to see that a piece of 30 fathoms of rope
_was_ cut off.  On the same principle, Rawson used to deride my
acquaintance with signals.  Now that we either had to attract the
attention of the Fleet or walk for another three or four hours, I told
Rawson that if I could find a shepherd's hut I would get a boat over.
He did not believe me.

But we found a hut, and in the hut, an oil lamp and a bucket, out of
which I constructed a signalling apparatus.  I had hardly made the
_Undaunted_ pennant, when it was answered from the ship, and inside a
quarter of an hour the boat waiting for us on the other side of the bay
had been recalled, and another boat was rapidly approaching us.  Rawson
left off chaffing me after that.

It was at this time that my old friend, Captain Gerard Noel (now
Admiral of the Fleet Sir G. H. U. Noel, G.C.B., K.C.M.G.), one of the
smartest seamen in the Service, performed a brilliant feat of
seamanship.  Captain Noel commanded the twin-screw, rigged ironclad
_Téméraire_, of 8540 tons displacement, one of the types in which
sail-power was employed as well as steam.  She was brig-rigged, and I
think her main-yard measured 104 feet, or about four feet longer than
the main-yards of the sailing line-of-battleships of, say, 1850-60.  On
the 3rd October, 1890, Captain Noel beat her under sail alone against a
head wind up Suda Bay, a long narrow arm of the sea, with shoal water
in places, which added to the difficulty of handling the ship.  If I am
not mistaken, that occasion was the first and last time an ironclad
beat her way under sail into an anchorage.  The _Téméraire_ made
thirteen tacks and anchored within two cables (400 yards) of her
appointed berth with the Fleet.  By that time the wind had failed and
it was useless to attempt to tack again.

It was early in the commission of the _Undaunted_ that I read Captain
(now Admiral) A. T. Mahan's admirable book, _The Influence of Sea Power
upon History_; of which it is not too much to say that it has changed
the whole trend of {377} modern thought in respect of the relation of
sea warfare to land warfare.  Preparation for war now turns upon a new
pivot.  The result has been that extraordinary increase of foreign
navies which necessarily imposes upon us a proportionate increase of
our own Navy.  I was so greatly impressed with the work of Captain
Mahan, that I wrote to him to express my admiration for it.  I received
in reply the interesting letter which follows, and which Admiral Mahan
has kindly permitted me to quote:


"75, EAST 54TH STREET, NEW YORK
    7_th February_, 1891

"DEAR LORD CHARLES BERESFORD,--I thank you very much for your letter,
which was received a few days since.  The reception my book has had on
your side of the water has been very grateful to me.  Commendation is
pleasant, but there has been a degree of thoughtful appreciation in
England, both by the Press and naval officers which has exceeded my
expectations and, I fear, the deserts of the work.  That it will
produce any effect upon our people is unlikely; too many causes concur
to prevent a recognition of the truth that even the most extensive
countries need to make themselves outside.  After our own, nothing will
give me greater pleasure than that it should contribute in your country
to a sense of your vital interest in this matter.  Your naval officers
have an inducement to study those great questions which is almost
wanting in ours; for if your Fleet is not all that you could wish, you
still have some instruments to work with, a force superior to any other
if not adequate to all your needs, and the inadequacy can be greatly
remedied by judicious and careful planning and preparation.

"... The number and dissemination of your external interests throws
England largely on the defensive, necessarily so.  It was so in the
great days of Pitt and Nelson, though the fact is obscured by the great
naval preponderance you then had.  You have now greater and more
extensive interests to defend....--Believe me to be, very truly yours,
"A. T. MAHAN"




{378}

CHAPTER XXXVIII

H.M.S. UNDAUNTED (_Continued_)

II. THE SALVING OF THE SEIGNELAY

The _Undaunted_, lying at Alexandria in 1891, was being rigged up for a
ball; when a telegram arrived ordering her to go to the rescue of the
French cruiser _Seignelay_, which had gone ashore near Jaffa, on 26th
April.  The telegram arrived at one o'clock in the morning of the 28th
April.  Before daylight, the ball-room was unrigged, the decorations
were taken down, 300 guests were put off by telegram, and we were
steaming at full speed to the _Seignelay_, distant 270 miles.  In a
private letter printed in _The Times_ of 20th October, 1894, describing
the affair, the anonymous writer says: "It was a good sample of the
vicissitudes of naval life, and I think we all rather enjoyed it."  (I
do not know who wrote the letter, but it must have been one of my
officers; who, without my knowledge, published it, or sanctioned its
publication, more than a year after the _Undaunted_ had paid off.  The
proprietors of _The Times_ have kindly given me permission to quote
from the document, which was written at the time of the occurrence of
the events which it describes, and which contains details I had
forgotten.)

At daylight on 29th April, we found the _Seignelay_ driven high up on a
sandy beach, embedded in five and a half feet of sand in shallow water.
She had parted her cable in a gale of wind, had driven on shore, and
had scooped out a dock for herself.  Had she been built with a round
stern {379} each succeeding wave of the sea would have lifted and then
dropped her, bumping her to pieces.  But as she had a sharp stern, the
breakers lifted her bodily and floated her farther on.  The _Seignelay_
was a single-screw wooden cruiser, of 1900 tons displacement and 18
feet 4 inches draught.  When his ship struck, the captain telegraphed
to his admiral saying that he feared she was hopelessly lost.  The
French admiral dispatched a squadron of three ships to take off the men
and stores; but by the time they arrived the _Seignelay_ was afloat
again and lying at her anchor almost undamaged; and the senior French
captain amiably remarked: "You English do not know the word impossible."

The British sloop _Melita_, Commander George F. King-Hall (now Admiral
Sir G. F. King-Hall, K.C.B, C.V.O.), was already endeavouring to help
the _Seignelay_ when the _Undaunted_ arrived; but the water was so
shallow that the _Melita_ could not approach nearer than 300 yards, and
the _Undaunted_ 850 yards, to the _Seignelay_.

I went on board the _Seignelay_, and found her captain seated in his
cabin, profoundly dejected at the disaster.  I cheered him as well as I
could, telling him that of course I understood that he had only been
waiting for more men to lighten his ship, and that I would send him 130
men with an officer who understood French to act as interpreter.

There was a heavy sea running; and the anchor I had brought in the
launch was laid out astern of the _Seignelay_ with considerable
difficulty, and the end of the cable was brought on board the
_Seignelay_.

Besides the _Melita_, the Austrian steamer _Diana_, the French steamer
_Poitou_ and the Russian steamer _Odessa_ had all been endeavouring to
rescue the _Seignelay_, but they had neither the men nor the gear
required for the task.  What was done subsequently was narrated in _The
Times_, more than three years afterwards, by the anonymous writer
aforesaid.

"Our First Lieutenant (Lieutenant Stokes Rees) went as {380}
interpreter, and all our Captain wanted done was suggested by him to
the French.  He gave the orders to junior officers over our men, and I
believe worked the French crew also by his suggestions, a fine old
sailor who was one of their chief petty officers giving what orders
were necessary.  He hardly left the deck for three days and nights, and
did his work splendidly.

"The ship was embedded 5½ feet in the sand, and so had to be lightened
that much before we could hope to move her.  This we spent all
Wednesday afternoon in doing.

"On Thursday morning the _Melita_ with a light draught Turkish steamer
(the _Arcadia_) tried to pull her off but failed, while the _Melita_
was very nearly wrecked herself.  Nothing but very smart seamanship in
making sail and casting off hawsers with cool judgment on the part of
---- ... saved her from being dashed in a good sea upon a jagged reef
of rocks close to leeward.  Her screw got fouled, and the willing but
awkward Turk towed her head round towards the reef and she only just
managed to get sail on her and shave it by 50 yards.  She could not
anchor or she would have swung on top of it.  We were looking on
powerless from our deep draught of water, though we hurried out
hawsers, but it was one of the nearest shaves I have seen, and with the
large number of men they had away in working parties, a thing to be
very proud of and thankful for...."

What happened was that the _Melita_ fouled her screw with a hawser.  I
had warned her commander both orally and by signal to beware above all
of fouling his screw.  But circumstances defeated his efforts.  When a
man is doing his best in difficulties, there is no use in adding to his
embarrassments by a reprimand.  I signalled to Commander King-Hall to
cheer up and to clear his screw as soon as he could; and I have reason
to know that he deeply appreciated my motive in so doing.

To continue the narrative, which I have interrupted to quote an
instance of disciplinary action in an emergency:

{381}

"All Thursday we worked on at lightening her, getting out 300 tons of
coal, all her shot, shell, small guns, provisions and cables on board
our ship, until every part of the ship was piled up with them, and all
our nicely painted boats reduced to ragged cargo boats, besides being a
good deal damaged owing to the exposed anchorage and seaway.  We got
out one strong, and two light, wire hawsers and with them the two ships
tried to tow, but we parted the light hawsers at once.

"Then the Captain let me try a plan I had all along been urging but
which he ... and the French called a physical impossibility."

(The fact was, that the lighters and native boats were so unseaworthy
that, until the weather moderated, the scheme, with all deference to
the writer, was impracticable.)

"We hired native boats and large lighters, got out strong chain cables
into them, and laid out 450 yards of chain cable between the _Melita_
and ourselves, floated on these lighters.  Thanks to the skill of our
boatswain and a big quantity of men in the lighters this was done most
successfully, though three lighters were sunk or destroyed in doing it.

"That afternoon, Friday the 1st, having got 450 tons out of the ship in
forty-four hours, we got a fair pull at her with all three ships, the
little Turk tugging manfully at his rotten hawser at one quarter and
giving her a side pull occasionally.  We gradually worked our mighty
engines up to full speed, the chain cable tautened out as I have never
seen chain do before and off she came.

"We manned the rigging and gave her cheer on cheer, the band playing
the _Marseillaise_ as the _Melita_ towed her past our stern, while the
Frenchmen hugged and kissed our men on their checks.  It was a scene to
be long remembered.  The crowds of spectators lining the beach and
walls, and our own men, 'spent but victorious' after their long
forty-four hours of almost unceasing work, hardly anyone lying down for
more than three or four hours either night....

"By noon on Saturday we had replaced all their {382} gear on board,
picked up their anchors and cables, etc., so that when their squadron
came in that evening they found nothing left to do.  They were really
grateful and showed much good feeling, coming to call on us and being
most friendly.

"On Monday night, when we left, the whole squadron cheered us
manfully...."

The British admiral was afterwards asked by the French Government to
allow the _Undaunted_ to proceed to the Gulf of Lions where the French
Fleet was lying, in order that the officers and men of the _Undaunted_
might attend a reception in her honour.  The _Undaunted_ steamed down
between the French lines, playing the _Marseillaise_, the French
manning ship and cheering.  Officers and men were most hospitably
entertained with every mark of friendship and goodwill.  The French
Government most courteously presented me with a beautiful Sèvres vase,
which is one of my most valued possessions.

When the time came for the _Undaunted_ to go home, the
commander-in-chief paid her a high compliment.  The whole Fleet steamed
out of Malta Harbour in line ahead, the _Undaunted_ being the rear ship
of the line.  When we were to part company, every vessel, except the
_Undaunted_, turned 16 points to port in succession (the line thus
curving back upon itself) and steamed past the stern of the
_Undaunted_.  The commander-in-chief gave orders to cheer ship as each
vessel passed the _Undaunted_: a stately farewell to the homeward bound.

On the passage home, in order to test the actual working of
communication by signal between the Navy and the mercantile marine, a
system whose reform had constantly urged, I signalled, between Malta
and Plymouth, to 33 merchantmen.  Of the whole number, only three
answered my signal, and of the three, only one answered it correctly,
although several vessels passed within 600 yards of the _Undaunted_.
The signals I made were short, such as "Where are you bound?" "Where
are you from?" {383} "Have you seen any men-of-war?" "What weather have
you had?" and some of them required only one hoist in reply.

The Royal Navy, a great part of whose duty in time of war would be the
protection of commerce, was in fact at that time practically unable to
communicate with the Merchant navy, either for the purpose of giving or
receiving information, except by means of sending a boat to the vessel
in question, a proceeding which must often be impossible, and which
would always involve a delay which might bring serious consequences.
No condition of affairs could more powerfully exemplify the national
neglect of preparation for war.  For in war, the maintenance of the
lines of communication from ship to ship and ship to shore, is of the
first importance.

The difficulty discovered by merchant vessels in signalling or replying
to a signal consisted in their ignorance of signalling.  They were
seldom required to signal; the use of the commercial code involved a
tedious process, impossible to accomplish quickly without constant
practice; they were equipped with neither Morse nor semaphore
apparatus, nor had officers or men learned how to use it.  When a
man-of-war signalled to a merchantman, the merchant skipper or mate
must first try to decipher the flags of the hoist, an exercise to which
he was totally unaccustomed.  When he had decided that the flags were,
say, blue with a white stripe, and red with a yellow stripe, he had to
turn them up in the signal-book to discover what they meant.  All this
time the distance between the two ships was rapidly increasing.  Having
made out the signal, the merchant sailor must refer to his signal-book
to find what flags made his reply; and having found them, he had to
pick out the flag itself from a bundle.  By the time he had finished
these operations, if he ever finished them, the ships were nearly out
of sight of each other.

The reform was eventually achieved largely by the personal enterprise
and energy of the mercantile marine officers {384} themselves, who
learned signalling, and who often paid for the necessary apparatus out
of their own pockets.

The _Undaunted_ paid off early in 1893.  Upon the evening of the day
upon which I arrived in London, I went to the House of Commons to
listen to the debate upon the Navy Estimates.




{385}

CHAPTER XXXIX

THE SECOND SHIPBUILDING PROGRAMME

It is easier to take the helm than to be on the con.  I have always
been on the con.  To drop the metaphor, I have looked ahead in matters
of naval defence and have pointed out what (in my view) ought to be
done.  In 1889, I resigned my post at the Board of Admiralty in order
to fasten public attention upon the instant necessity of strengthening
the Fleet by the addition of 70 vessels at a cost of £20,000,000.  In
the same year, the Naval Defence Act provided those vessels at a cost a
little in excess of my estimate.  That was my first shipbuilding
programme.  Many other forces were of course exerted to the same end:
the representations of distinguished brother officers; the many
excellent articles in the Press; and the steadily increasing pressure
of public opinion, then much less warped by party politics than it has
since become.  Apart from these influences, which were fortified by the
irresistible logic of the truth, my own efforts must have availed
little.  But above all (to resume my metaphor), it was the helmsman at
the Admiralty who put the wheel over.  Captain W. H. Hall, Director of
the Intelligence Department, worked out the requirements of the case,
unknown to me, and arrived at the same conclusions as those at which I
had arrived, and the Board of Admiralty adopted his scheme.  By the
irony of circumstance, the Intelligence Department had been instituted,
in consequence of my representations, before I left the Admiralty, for
the precise purpose of reporting upon the requirements of defence; and
the first report of its fearless {386} and enlightened chief completely
upset the comfortable theories both of the Board and of the Government.

I have briefly recalled these matters, fully related in a previous
chapter, because they present a curious parallel with the events of
1893-4.

In July, 1893, while still on half-pay, I addressed the London Chamber
of Commerce on the subject of "The Protection of the mercantile marine
in War."  Since I had left the _Undaunted_, early in the year, I had
been occupied once more in drawing up a scheme of naval requirements,
specifying what was required, why it was required, and how much it
would cost, and giving a detailed list of the necessary vessels.  The
protection of the mercantile marine was the first part of it; the whole
was not completed until just before I was appointed captain of the
Steam Reserve at Chatham; and it would have been improper for me to
have published the paper while on active service.  It was intended that
I should read it before the London Chamber of Commerce, following upon
and amplifying my address dealing with the protection of the mercantile
marine in war.  But as there was no time available for the purpose
before I went on active service, I gave the scheme to Mr. John Jackson,
for the London Chamber of Commerce.  I may take this opportunity of
paying a tribute to the disinterested and untiring patriotic zeal of
the late Mr. Jackson, between whom and myself a warm friendship existed.

In my address upon the protection of the mercantile marine in war, the
abrogation of the Declaration of Paris of 1856 was urged as a primary
condition of British naval supremacy: a condition unequivocally laid
down in the Report of the Three Admirals in 1889.  Subsequent events
have shown that successive British Governments, far from recognising
the essential elements of sea power, continued to yield point after
point, until at the Naval Conferences of 1907 and 1909, whose
recommendations were embodied in the Declaration of London, British
Ministers virtually conceded nearly every right gained by centuries of
hard fighting {387} in the past.  Fortunately, public indignation has
hitherto prevented the ratification of that fatal instrument.

It was also shown in my address that, at the time, the naval protection
for the mercantile marine was in the ratio of one small cruiser to 71
sailing vessels and one small cruiser to 41 steamers; that there were
dangerous deficiencies in the supplies of reserve coal and ammunition;
that a reserve force of at least 20 battleships was required; and that
there was urgent need for the immediate construction of the mole and
other works at Gibraltar.

The shipbuilding programme was designed to show how these and other
requirements were to be met.  Mr. John Jackson caused it to be
published on his own responsibility.  The execution of the requirements
therein specified involved an expenditure of 25 millions spread over
three and a half years.  Their necessity was supported by Vice-Admiral
P. H. Colomb, writing in _The United Service Magazine_; by many letters
in the Press written by my brother officers; by further excellent
articles in _The Times_ and other papers; and by Lord George Hamilton,
ex-First Lord of the Admiralty.

In November, Lord Salisbury publicly stated that "men of different
schools with respect to maritime and military defences, men of very
different services and experiences and ability," were united in urging
that steps should be at once taken to re-establish the maritime
supremacy of this country.

The fact was, of course, that the provision made by the Naval Defence
Act of 1889 was running out, and that in the revolution of the party
political machine, the periodic neglect of the Navy had occurred as
usual.  As one party attains a lease of power, it is forced to increase
the strength of the Fleet; the effort expends itself; then the other
party comes in, and either reduces the Fleet, or neglects it, or both,
until public opinion is once more aroused by infinite shoutings and
untiring labour, and the Government are coerced into doing their plain
duty.

Such was the situation in 1888-9; such was it in 1893-4.  {388} In
1888-9, a Conservative administration was in power; in 1893-4, Mr.
Gladstone was Prime Minister.  The difficulty of the situation in
1893-4 was therefore more obstinate, inasmuch as Mr. Gladstone's
Ministry held that the reduction of expenditure upon defence was an act
of moral virtue; whereas Lord Salisbury's Government merely waited to
be convinced of the necessity of increase, before doing their duty.

Nevertheless, what happened?  The Navy Estimates of March, 1894,
provided for an expenditure of no less than 30¼ millions upon new
construction spread over five years; as compared with my proposal of 25
millions spread over three and a half years.  The Government actually
provided more than was contained in my programme.

The Spencer programme, as it is called, was a much bigger scheme than
the programme of 1888-9.  It not only provided the ships required, but
included a scheme for manning them.  It included a comprehensive
programme of naval works in which, for the first time in history, the
defence of the Empire was treated as a whole.  Provision was made for
deepening and improving the harbours of Portsmouth, Chatham, Devonport,
Haulbowline, for the Keyham extension, for naval barracks at Chatham
and Walmer, for the new works at Gibraltar, for the construction of
harbours at Portland, Dover, and Simon's Bay, and for large extensions
of the dockyards at Malta, Hong Kong and Simon's Bay.  The cost of the
works was to be met by monies raised under a Naval Loan Act.  That Act
is still in force, but a later Government declined to utilise it; with
the inevitable result that the neglected and dismantled condition of
the coaling stations and naval bases abroad, constitute a present
danger to the Empire, and will in the future require a vast
expenditure, which need never have been incurred, to be devoted to
their restoration.

To what extraordinary influence, then, was the conversion of Mr.
Gladstone and his colleagues to be attributed?  There was, in fact, no
conversion.  It was a case of coercion; {389} or, as Mr. Gladstone
entertained a strong dislike to the word, let us call it moral suasion.
The explanation is simple and sufficient.  In August, 1893, which was
the time when the representations concerning naval deficiencies were
becoming insistent, Admiral Sir Frederick Richards was appointed First
Sea Lord.  Sir Frederick Richards, it will be remembered, was one of
the Three Admirals who drew up the historic "Report on The Naval
Manoeuvres of 1888," and it was chiefly due to his genius and
patriotism that from a technical disquisition the Report became a
masterly exposition of the true principles of British sea power.
Incidentally, it endorsed the whole of my representations set forth in
my shipbuilding programme, which were embodied in the Naval Defence Act
of 1889.

Sir Frederick Richards, too, had been a member of the Hartington
Commission on Naval and Military Administration, which reported in
1890; and which, although its recommendations were for many years
neglected by successive Governments, at least taught its members what
was the real condition of affairs, and what were the requirements of
organisation for war.  Sir Frederick, therefore, came to his high
office furnished not only with the sea experience of a flag officer
afloat, but equipped with a detailed knowledge of administration and
organisation; and endowed, in addition, with so remarkable a genius,
that he was one of the greatest naval administrators known to the
history of the Royal Navy.

His devotion to duty was the master motive of his life; nor was there a
man living who could turn him by the breadth of a hair from what he
believed to be right.  Having planned, as the proper adviser of Lord
Spencer, the First Lord, the great shipbuilding and naval works scheme
of 1894-5, he was confronted by the strong opposition of Mr. Gladstone
and his Cabinet.

Sir Frederick Richards and the whole of his naval colleagues on the
Board immediately informed the Government that, unless their proposals
for strengthening the {390} Fleet and for providing for the naval
defence of the Empire, were accepted, they would resign.  It was
enough.  The Government yielded.

The Naval Lords were: Admiral Sir Frederick Richards, K.C.B.;
Rear-Admiral the Lord Walter Talbot Kerr; Rear-Admiral Sir John
Arbuthnot Fisher, K.C.B.; and Captain Gerard Henry Uctred Noel.

It was in commemoration of the action of Sir Frederick Richards that
the Navy caused his portrait to be painted, and presented it to the
nation.  Inscribed with the legend "From the Navy to the Nation," it
hangs in the Painted Hall at Greenwich, where it was placed during the
lifetime of the admiral, an unique distinction.

As in 1889, when many of my brother officers and myself were conning
the ship, it was the helmsman at the Admiralty who put the wheel over,
and again I was wholly ignorant of his intentions.  But this time the
helmsman was none other than the First Sea Lord, and with him were his
naval colleagues.  With him, too, was the great body of public opinion
in the country; and as in 1888, those of us who had been toiling to
educate it, may at least claim to have set in motion a force lacking
which it is almost impossible, under a pseudo-democratic government, to
accomplish any great reform whatever.

It is not too much to say that to the shipbuilding and naval works
programme initiated and planned by Sir Frederick Richards in 1894-5,
and carried by his courage and resolution, the Empire owes its
subsequent immunity from external attack, notably at the time of the
Fashoda incident and during the South African war.

Sir Frederick Richards was so great a man, that he could even nullify
the injurious effect of the legal supremacy of the civilian First Lord
over the Board, which technically deprives it of collective
administrative authority.  He served, however, with two high-minded
gentlemen, Lord Spencer, and Mr. Goschen who succeeded Lord Spencer.

{391}

I have had to do with three great shipbuilding programmes.  The first
was carried after the resignation of one member of the Board, myself;
the second, by the threatened resignation of all the Naval Lords!  Of
the third anon.




{392}

CHAPTER XL

STEAM RESERVE

In the days of the sailing Navy, when an accident occurred, the captain
knew every method by which it could be repaired, and gave directions
exactly how the work was to be done.  He was not necessarily able to do
the work with his own hands (although I know at least one captain who
could); but (what was more important) he knew how it ought to be done.
Should a topsail-yard carry away, for instance, the captain would know
whether to have it sawn in half longitudinally and the halves reversed;
or to cut out the damaged piece and replace it with a new piece woolded
on and wedged; or to fish the yard.

There was once a captain on the China station who asked the Admiralty
for a baulk of timber, because his main-yard had carried away;
whereupon the Admiralty officially desired to be officially informed
who had carried it away, where to, and why.

In the steam Navy, it is equally necessary that a captain should be
acquainted with the various methods of handling material and machinery,
in order that he may be able to direct the trained artificer.  One case
among many which fell under my own observation illustrates the point.
A cylinder having cracked, the engineer officer proposed to drill the
holes for the bolts securing strengthening pieces in a row; when it was
shown to him that the result would be to make the cylinder, like a
sheet of postage-stamps, liable to tear; but that if he set his holes
in an in-and-out pattern he would avoid that weakness.  As the captain,
so the {393} admiral.  Every admiral in command of a fleet should be
competent to direct the execution of even the smallest repairs; for
upon what seems a trifling detail may depend the safety of the ship.

Such, at least, were the considerations that induced me to apply for a
dockyard appointment.  And upon the 15th July, 1893, I was appointed
captain of the Steam Reserve at Chatham Dockyard, under the command of
Rear-Admiral George D. Morant, flying his flag in the _Algiers_,
guardship of Reserve.  Rear-Admiral Morant (now Admiral Sir G. D.
Morant, K.C.B.) was a first-rate officer, of indefatigable energy, an
excellent administrator, and a most charming chief.

All vessels under construction and repair were under the
admiral-superintendent; I was his executive officer; and the object of
appointing a sea-going officer was that details of construction should
be tested in accordance with the use to which they would be put at sea.
Let us say, for instance, that two ships were under construction, one
which was 43 feet in the beam, and the other 65 feet.  Awning
stanchions of the same size were fitted to both ships; and when the
awning was rigged in the larger vessel, the stanchions came home.
Another advantage of sea-going knowledge was impressed upon me while I
was in the _Thunderer_.  She had some forty or fifty deck-plates,
covering valves and ventilating shafts.  The deck-plates and shafts
were of various sizes, involving the use of a large number of spanners
to fit them.  These took up space and added an unnecessary weight.  A
seaman would have made a standard pattern with one or two spanners to
fit the whole number.

It was my duty to take command in all steam trials of vessels, and
tests of appliances and machinery, and to compare all work with its
specification.

During 1893-4, the _Magnificent_ was being built by Chatham in rivalry
of Portsmouth, which was building her sister battleship the _Majestic_.
It was becoming a close thing, when the _Magnificent_ received from the
manufacturers {394} a lot of armour plates, which might have gone to
the _Majestic_, and which enabled us to gain a lead.  The _Magnificent_
was launched by the Countess Spencer, in December, 1894.  The ship was
built in thirteen months from the date of laying the keel-plate; an
achievement for which high credit was due to the chief constructor, Mr.
J. A. Yates, and to the constructors, Mr. H. Cock and Mr. W. H. Card.

When I took the _Magnificent_ upon her trials, Lord Wolseley, Colonel
Brabazon, and Mr. Baird, American Ambassador, accompanied me as guests.
We returned from the Nore in a torpedo-boat, at full speed, in the
dark.  In those days there were no lights in the Medway; and we jumped
the spit.  Lord Wolseley inquired if "we always took short cuts across
the land."

When a new ship was completed by the Royal Dockyards, the task of
cleaning her and completing arrangements in detail was performed by
working parties, which usually consisted of pensioners.  The principle
was that when she was taken over from the Dockyard authorities to be
commissioned, she should be ready for sea.  In the case of the
_Magnificent_, for instance, when Lord Walter Kerr hoisted his flag in
her, in December, 1895, she was absolutely complete in every detail:
decks spotless, store-rooms labelled, hammock-hooks numbered: there was
nothing for officers and men to do but to find their quarters.

An instance of the necessity of testing appliances according to sea
requirements occurred when I was testing capstans.  The ships were
taken into deep water, so that the whole length of the cable was run
out by the time the anchor touched bottom; and it was then discovered
that the capstan was too weak to lift the amount of vertical chain
specified.

When I was trying a torpedo-boat at full speed, the helm suddenly
jammed, and the boat instantly went out of control in the neighbourhood
of a number of trawlers.  Luckily, she went round and round in a circle
until she was stopped.  {395} She did not hit a trawler; but it was a
very lively minute or two.

A party of us went to a ball at Sheerness, going thither in a tug; and
intending to return the same night, we left the house at about one
o'clock.  There was a thick fog, and the captain of the tug declined to
start.  As I made it a rule to sleep in my own quarters at Chatham if I
possibly could, I said I would take the tug back.  As there were no
lights, I found the channel by the simple method of hitting its banks;
and cannoning off and on all the way, we made the passage.

In November, 1892, the _Howe_ battleship had struck upon an uncharted
rock in Ferrol harbour; and Rear-Admiral Edward Seymour (now Admiral of
the Fleet Sir E. H. Seymour, G.C.B., O.M., G.C.V.O.) was appointed to
inspect the salvage operations.  These occupied nearly five months.
Sir Edward gives a brief but interesting account of the work in his
book, _My Naval Career_.  After the _Howe_ had been floated, she was
dry-docked at Ferrol, where she remained for nearly two months, while
temporary repairs were being effected.  When she struck the rock, her
port side forward was stove in for nearly half her length, and her
after part remained resting on a "rocky shoal of hard granite."  Sir
Edward Seymour says "that after the ship was got into dock at Ferrol, I
could stand on a temporary flooring where the bottom of the ship used
to be, and holding one hand over my head could not touch where the
ship's bottom plates had been driven up to."  He adds that "the mud,
slime and dirt covering everything as the water was cleared from below,
and the bad smell were almost beyond belief."

We at Chatham could confirm the observation; for it was to Chatham that
the _Howe_ returned to be repaired.  When she arrived, she was still
coated with stinking mud, and we did our best to clean her.  But
notwithstanding our utmost diligence, a minute quantity of this
virulent slime was afterwards found under the rolling-plate of the
turrets.  {396} The men who slung their hammocks near the turrets fell
sick of fever; and its origin was traced to the mud.

The salving of a vessel so badly injured was a fine achievement.  Sir
Edward Seymour brought her to Sheerness under her own steam at eight
knots.  We dealt with her for a few months, until she was all a-taunto
again, when she was re-commissioned and went to the Mediterranean.

It is the duty of a captain of the Dockyard Reserve to make
representations, through the admiral-superintendent, to the Admiralty,
with regard to improvements in construction and material.  My
suggestions concerning water-tight doors in ships were subsequently
embodied in a paper read before the Institution of Naval Architects.
In the design of the first ironclads, the vessels were actually divided
into water-tight compartments by bulkheads without doors or apertures.
In later designs, numerous doors were cut in the bulkheads for the sake
of convenience of access, which, together with the many ventilating
shafts and valves, in effect nullified the system of dividing a vessel
into water-tight sections.  The doors themselves were hung on hinges
and closed with hanks and wedges; an inefficient method.  My
suggestions, which were afterwards adopted, were that the number of
doors should be greatly reduced; and that they should be vertical, and
made to screw up and down; and that the ventilating shafts fitted with
an automatic closing apparatus which did not work should be abolished.

Among other proposals were the substitution of ships' names, plainly
lettered, for figure-heads and scroll-work, and the abolition of the
ram.  At that time, our men-of-war were built with unarmoured ends,
only the protective steel deck extending the whole length and breadth
of the ship.  It followed that if the side of a hostile vessel were
pierced by the long projecting ram of a British ship, the force of her
impact would strip her bows of the light construction above the
protective deck, and she would remain toggled in the enemy and
helpless.  Far more effective, if ramming is to {397} be done, would be
the direct blow of a vertical bow.  At the same time, I continued to
represent the radical weakness of unarmoured ends.

In 1894, five years after the passing of the Naval Defence Act, and the
elate at which the great Spencer shipbuilding programme, involving a
large increase of officers and men, was begun, the serious deficiency
in the personnel became manifest.  The fact was, that the Naval Defence
Act of 1889 had not included proper provision for manning the new ships
as they came into commission; and just when the boys who ought to have
been entered in 1889 would have become available as able seamen, it was
discovered that they did not exist.  But by that time, of course, the
Government responsible for the deficiency was out of office, and, as
usual, there was no one to be called to account.

In September, 1894, Mr. Spenser Wilkinson, who has performed so much
invaluable service in educating the public to logical ideas upon
organisation for war and problems of national defence, began to publish
his excellent articles dealing with "The Command of the Sea," in which
the demand for the institution of a Naval War Staff was formulated.  It
was for the purpose of enforcing this necessity that the Navy League
was founded by "four average Englishmen" in December, 1894.  Among its
original supporters were Earl Roberts, V.C., Lord George Hamilton, Sir
Charles Dilke, Sir John Puleston, the Master of Trinity House, Sir
Charles Lawson, Mr. Joseph Cowen, Mr. Arnold-Forster, and myself.

It will be observed that the original aim of the Navy League was to
ensure the fulfilment of the idea upon which the Intelligence
Department was founded upon my representations in 1888.  The Navy
League subsequently added to itself other objects, which perhaps
obscured its first purpose.  The War Staff at the Admiralty was
constituted in 1912, in accordance with the recommendations of the
Beresford Inquiry of 1909.

In 1893, the year before the Navy League was founded, {398} and just
previous to my appointment to Chatham, I publicly advocated the
institution of a Council of Defence, under the presidency of a
Minister, composed of the best admirals and generals.  The project was
afterwards carried into execution by Mr. Balfour; but its utility was
vitiated by being framed to suit the ends of party politics.

In May, 1894, the U.S. cruiser _Chicago_ anchored off Gravesend; and at
a banquet given to the American admiral and officers, I had the
pleasure of renewing my old acquaintance with the American Navy, begun
in 1882 at the bombardment of Alexandria.  Admiral Erben flew his flag
in the _Chicago_, and Captain Mahan was flag-captain.

It was a great pleasure to meet Captain Mahan (now Admiral Mahan),
whose classic work on _The Influence of Sea Power upon History_ came to
me while I was in command of the _Undaunted_, and concerning which, as
before related, some correspondence had passed between us.

Captain Mahan and myself contributed articles to _The North American
Review_ of November, 1894, on "The Possibilities of an Anglo-American
Reunion."  Captain Mahan, preferring to postpone the advocacy of a
formal alliance between the two nations, looked forward to the
development of such relations as would make it feasible; while I urged
the conclusion of a defensive alliance for the protection of those
common interests upon which depends the prosperity of the two
countries.  That the English-speaking nations should combine to
preserve the peace of the world, has always seemed to me a reasonable
aspiration, and I have said so in both countries when opportunity
served.

In December, 1894, desiring to represent the interests of the Service
in Parliament as soon as might be, I applied once more to the Admiralty
to be permitted, according to precedent, to count my service in the
Soudan campaign as time spent in the command of a ship of war; but the
application was again refused.  From many constituencies invitations to
stand were sent to me; among them were {399} Stockport, North
Kensington, Birkenhead, Liverpool, East Toxteth, Armagh, Dublin,
Cardiff, Chatham, Devonport, Pembroke and Portsmouth.

In those days Mr. W. L. Wyllie (now R.A.) used to haunt the Medway and
the Nore, boat-sailing and painting.  He can handle a boat as well as
he handles his brush; that is, to perfection.  Mr. Wyllie gave me a
boat which he had built with his own hands, I think out of biscuit
boxes.  I tried it in a basin at Chatham, accompanied by a warrant
officer of the _Pembroke_.  We were becalmed; a sudden puff came; and
over we went.  In memory of the disaster, I gave the warrant officer a
pipe, the bowl of which was appropriately carved to represent a
death's-head.

While I was at Chatham, my home was Park Gate House, Ham Common.  Here
I had a model farm, producing milk, eggs and poultry, which were
readily sold in Richmond, whose streets and thoroughfares were greatly
enlivened by the daily procession of my large and shining brass
milk-cans.  I was not in the sad case of Captain Edward Pellew
(afterwards Lord Exmouth), who upon quitting the sea and taking a farm,
in 1791, complained that the crops grew so slowly that they made his
eyes ache.

During my absence a burglar entered the house.  The butler, hearing a
noise, rose from his bed, took a revolver, and sought for the intruder,
who fled before him to the roof, whence he fell headlong through a
skylight.  He must have been a good deal cut, for he bled all over the
place.  The butler, following, also fell through the skylight; but,
presumably falling through the same hole, was little damaged.
Continuing the chase, he was brought up short by a wire entanglement
previously set by the burglar for the butler's confusion.  So he sat
where he was, and continued to fire steadily in the direction he
supposed the burglar to have gone, until his ammunition was all
expended.

It may be interesting to recall that in September, 1893, Sir Augustus
Harris was appointed manager of Drury Lane Opera House by the committee
which was then organising {400} the opera in this country.  I urged his
selection on account of his great administrative ability; and prevailed
over the objection that he was only skilled in pantomime.

The committee had been formed to improve the opera, which was then
performed at three different theatres: Covent Garden, Drury Lane, and
Her Majesty's; so that the available talent was scattered.  Sir
Augustus Harris combined the three into one at Drury Lane.

In October, 1895, occurred the death of my brother, Lord Waterford, at
the age of fifty-one.  He had been for long completely disabled by a
bad accident in the hunting field; and although his sufferings were
constant and acute, he continued staunchly to discharge his many duties
to the end.  He was succeeded in the marquisate by his son.

My appointment at Chatham terminated in March, 1896; and a few days
later I delivered at Birmingham an address dealing with the
requirements of naval defence.




{401}

CHAPTER XLI

VIEWS AND REVIEWS

The three years succeeding the termination of my appointment at Chatham
were mainly occupied with questions of naval reform.  The task was of
my own choosing; and if, in comparison with the life I led, the
existence of the early martyrs was leisured, dignified and luxurious,
it is not for me to draw the parallel.  The chief difficulty
encountered by any reformer is not an evil but a good.  It is the
native virtue of the English people, which leads them to place implicit
confidence in constituted authority.  The advocacy of a change implies
that constituted authority is failing to fulfil its duty.  You cannot
at the same time both trust and distrust the men in charge of affairs.
Again, reform often involves expenditure; and the dislike to spend
money upon an idea is natural to man.  And it is the custom of
constituted authority to tell the people that all is well, in fact
never so well.  They have all the weight of their high office behind
them; and people will believe what they are told by authority in
despite of the evidence of their senses.

Moreover, there are endless difficulties and disappointments inherent
in the very nature of the task of the naval or military reformer.  The
problems of defence are highly intricate; and although the principles
governing them remain unaltered, the application of those principles is
constantly changing.  The most skilled officers may differ one from
another; and a man who is devoting his whole time and energy to benefit
the Service to which he belongs, {402} will often be disheartened by
the opposition of his brother officers.

The influence of society, again, is often baneful.  Society is apt to
admonish a public man, especially if he be popular, perpetually telling
him that he must not do this, and he must not say that, or he will
injure his reputation, ruin his career, and alienate his friends;
until, perhaps, he becomes so habitually terrified at what may happen,
that he ends by doing nothing, and spoiling his career at the latter
end after all.  Public life to-day is permeated through and through
with a selfish solicitude for personal immunity.  But it remains the
fact that he who intends to achieve a certain object, must first put
aside all personal considerations.  Upon going into action, a fighting
man is occupied, not with speculations as to whether or not he will be
hit, and if so where, but in trying to find out where and how soon and
how hard he can hit the enemy.  Even so, he may be beaten; but at least
he will have nothing to regret; he will be able to say that if it were
all to do again, he would do the same; for he will know that on any
other terms his defeat would be assured.

If, then, these pages record in brief the continual endeavours of those
who made it their business to represent to the nation the requirements
of Imperial defence, it is for the purpose of once more exemplifying
the defects in our system which periodically expose the country and the
Empire to dangers from without and panics from within, and involve them
in a series of false economies alternating with spasms of wasteful
expenditure.  The remedy advocated was the constitution of a body whose
duty it should be to represent requirements.  Such a body was not
created until 1912.  In the meantime, more money was spent than would
purchase security, which was not always obtained.  Nor have we yet
produced what is the first essential of national security, the feeling
of the officers and men of the fighting services that they are being
justly treated by the nation in the matter of pay and pension and
proper administrative treatment.

{403}

In 1896, the most pressing need of the Navy was for more officers and
men.  As already explained, the failure to enter the number required to
man the ships of the Naval Defence Act of 1889, had now become
manifest.  Battleships are a showy asset; the absence of men is not
noticed by the public; therefore the politician builds the ships and
omits the men.  In an address delivered before the Liverpool Chamber of
Commerce in July, 1896, I stated that the deficiency in the personnel
was 27,562 men, including a deficiency of 5000 in engine-room ratings.
A resolution urging the necessity of an immediate increase in the
personnel was passed by the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, and was sent
to the First Lord, Mr. Goschen.

The First Lord replied to the resolution, stating that the increase in
the personnel since 1889 had been 31,360.  These figures, however,
included the whole of the numbers borne, without distinction of the
numbers available for sea service, and represented the numbers voted,
irrespective of deaths or retirements.  The true increase was estimated
by me, upon the evidence of the Navy Estimates, at 17,262; and the
total number required at 105,000.

A good deal of public interest having been aroused on the subject, Mr.
Goschen stated in the House that it would be his duty next year "to
propose such a number of men for the Navy and Reserves as we judge to
be rendered necessary by the extension of the Fleet."

The increase of personnel was provided accordingly.  Here is one
instance among many, of a responsible statesman declaring in all good
faith that matters were perfectly satisfactory as they were; being
obliged by the insistence of outside representations to examine
requirements; and then discovering that these were in fact what had
been represented.  Mr. Goschen was necessarily dependent upon the
advice of the Sea Lords; but the Sea Lords themselves were immersed in
the mass of routine work involved in keeping the machine going.  The
business of supply and the business of {404} organisation for war were
confused together; with the inevitable result that organisation for war
was neglected.

The personnel was increased in 1897-8 by 6300 (numbers voted).  In the
following year, 1898-9, my estimate of 105,000 men was passed, the
numbers voted being 106,390; and, excepting intervals of false economy,
continued to rise until they now (1913) stand at 146,000.

The proposals with regard to the personnel were supported by (among
others) Admiral Sir R. Vesey Hamilton, who, in a letter to _The Times_
of 2nd April, 1897, stated that "an ex-Controller of the Navy said to
me when I was at the Admiralty, 'Your building programme is ahead of
the manning.'  And he was right, more particularly in officers."  Sir
R. Vesey Hamilton was a Lord Commissioner of the Admiralty from
January, 1889, the year of the Naval Defence Act, to September, 1891.
His testimony is therefore authoritative.  It was, of course, no fault
of Sir Vesey Hamilton that the personnel was deficient.

It is not too much to say that owing to the omission from that Act of
the requisite increase in the personnel, the Navy has been short of men
ever since.

In December, 1896, I suggested in a letter to the Press that promotion
to flag-rank should take place at an earlier age in order that officers
might gain the necessary experience while still in the vigour of youth.
Officers who remain too long in a subordinate position are liable to
have the faculty of initiative taken out of them, and to fall into the
habit of thinking that things will last their time.  The services of
old and experienced officers are of course invaluable; but officers
should acquire the knowledge of the duties of an admiral (upon whom in
modern warfare all depends) as early in life as possible.  Progressive
pay for all ranks from lieutenants upwards, was also advocated.

The requirements of the time were set forth by me in an article
contributed to _The Nineteenth Century_ of February, 1897.  Briefly,
these were as follows:

{405}

1. The necessity of obtaining the requisite number of personnel for
active service, long service ratings, such number to be definitely
specified by the Board of Admiralty as being necessary to fulfil stated
requirements.

2. A thorough reorganisation of the Royal Naval Reserve.  A scheme of
reorganisation, founded on the proposals of Captain Joseph Honner,
Royal Navy, Captain Crutchley, R.N.R., and others, was explained by me
to the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce.  In order to meet the emergency,
it was suggested that 5000 men should be annually joined for five
years, after which they should pass into the first-class Reserve; at
the same time, 5000 men should be annually joined for two months'
training, after which they should pass into the second-class Reserve.

Such emergencies periodically occur, because the authorities neglect to
look ahead.

3. Seventeen old but useful ironclads to be re-armed with modern guns.

A list of these was drawn up; the proposed alterations in each vessel
were specified in detail, together with their cost; a task which took
me some three months to accomplish.

The principle of the suggestion was that the invention of the
quick-firing gun was actually a far more important revolution than the
change from muzzle-loading to breech-loading guns.  It was calculated
that the older vessels were strong enough to withstand the increased
strain.  The proposal was not made in order to avoid the necessity of
building new vessels, but as an expedient to make up a deficiency in
ships.  Building new vessels was the preferable course of action, which
the Admiralty rightly decided to adopt.

4. The advisability of eliminating altogether from the number of ships
in commission or in reserve those vessels which could neither fight nor
run away, and of replacing them by modern vessels.

The scheme was carried into effect by degrees.  Such an elimination
should take place periodically, upon the {406} industrial principle of
replacing obsolete plant with new machines.  In later years, the
elimination of old vessels which was carried into effect by the
Admiralty, was effected without replacing them by new ships, a course
of action which contravened the very principle upon which it was
ostensibly based.

5. The advisability of holding annual manoeuvres in combination with
the Army at all naval bases of operation.

6. The designing of a definite plan of Imperial defence, or plan of
campaign; and the provision and equipment of such naval bases and
stations abroad as should enable such plan to be put into effective
operation.

It will be observed that all the aforesaid recommendations of my
brother officers and myself were directed to the fulfilment of Sir
Frederick Richards' great scheme of 1894-5, as already described.  In
the result, the Naval Works Bill, March 1897, showed that work was in
progress at Gibraltar, Portland, Dover, Keyham, Portsmouth, Hong Kong,
Colombo, Pembroke, Haulbowline; on barracks at Chatham, Sheerness,
Portsmouth, Keyham, Walmer, the new college for engineers at Keyham and
new magazines, the money voted being just under a million.

Writing from Cairo, in March, 1897, to the secretary of the Guildhall
Club (the letter being published at the time) I said that Mr.
Brodrick's speech showed that the Government had a definite plan of
campaign, which was "proved by the proposal to fortify important
strategic bases at present absolutely undefended; ... without such
fortified bases it is palpable that no clear plan of campaign existed
at headquarters; and a happy-go-lucky method must have prevailed in the
event of war.  The Government appear to me to have really begun to put
our defences into business-like trim and to have looked into and
endeavoured to make complete all those auxiliaries, any one of which
being imperfect would jeopardise the defences of the Empire as a
whole....  It is always very hard for authorities to make proposals
involving large sums of money unless the public {407} and the Press
combine to show that they wish such expenditure."

There remained, and still remains, an essential reform to be
accomplished.  I have never ceased to advocate as a matter of
elementary justice such an increase of the pay of officers and men as
should bear some proportion to the responsibilities with which they are
charged and the duties which they fulfil.  In 1897, the increase of the
officers' pay, the rate of which had hardly been altered since the time
of Nelson, was an urgent necessity.  As a result of the steady refusal
of the Government to grant anything except the most meagre concessions,
officers are now leaving the Service almost daily, and among those who
remain there is considerable discontent.  At that time, the pay of the
men was, if not generous, still adequate.  Owing to a variety of
causes, it has since become totally inadequate; the concessions wrung
from the Government in response to perfectly reasonable demands are
ridiculously insufficient; and numbers of trained men are leaving the
Service as soon as they can.

In view of the obstinacy of the Government upon this matter, it is
worth recalling that, speaking at Newbury in May, 1897, I put the whole
case for the officers as plainly as possible.  It was pointed out that
every condition of life had improved during the Queen's reign, except
the pay and prospects of the officers and men of the Royal Navy,
although their responsibilities had increased a hundred-fold.  The
lieutenant's pay was £15 a month; after eight years he could get £3 a
month extra; and after twelve years another £3 extra.  Except for
specialist duty, such as gunnery, torpedo and navigation, he could not
get another shilling.  There were over 200 lieutenants then on the list
of over twelve years' service, who were only getting £21 a month.  They
could get no more, although some among them had twenty-one years'
service.  Half-pay, often compulsory, was a shameful scandal to the
country.  It was not even half-pay, but very often barely a third.
Rear-admirals of forty {408} years' service were sent on shore with
£450 a year to live upon.  Captains were even worse off, often getting
four years on compulsory half-pay at £200 a year.

That was sixteen years ago.  The Government have done nothing worth
consideration in the interval.

The case was again publicly represented by me in 1912.  By that time,
owing to the increase in price of the necessities of life and other
causes, the pay of the men had become grossly inadequate.  In order
that it should be commensurate with the pay obtained by an equivalent
class of men in civil employment, it ought to have been doubled.  All
that the Government did was to grant a trifling increase to men of a
certain term of service.  How long will the nation allow the Navy to
continue a sweated industry?

Another measure of reform which is still far from accomplishment, is
the manning of British ships by British seamen.  The principle, as I
stated in May, 1897, is that in dealing with the innumerable
emergencies inseparable from the life of the sea, it is better to
depend upon British seamen than upon foreigners.  In May, 1897, it was
estimated that of the total number of men employed in the mercantile
marine, the proportion of British seamen was no more than three-fourths.

In the same year, 1897, the question of the contribution of the
Colonies to Imperial Naval Defence, which, for practical purposes, was
first raised at the Imperial Conference of 1887, was the subject of one
of those discussions which have occupied the public mind at intervals
ever since; and which have eventually resulted in the decision of
Australia and New Zealand to establish navies of their own.

In a letter written in reply to a correspondent and published in the
Press in June, 1897, I expressed the opinion that:

"It certainly would help in Imperial defence if the Colonies did
subscribe some portion of the money necessary to secure adequate
Imperial defence, but I think that all such proposals should emanate
from the Colonies in the first instance."

{409}

In another communication I observed that: "We can only be prepared for
war thoroughly when the Colonies offer to join us in a definite scheme
of Imperial defence, and the Colonies and their trade are inseparable
portions of the question of Imperial defence.  We must, however, offer
them an inducing quid pro quo.  We cannot expect that they will bear a
share of the costs unless we are prepared to give them a voice in the
administration of Imperial affairs.  Imperial consolidation must be
real, not one-sided, and we must devise a scheme for admitting the
Colonies to Parliamentary representation on all questions affecting
Imperial policy."

And in a letter to the Secretary of the Toronto Branch of the Navy
League, I said: "The great necessity of the times is to have thoroughly
equipped and efficient naval bases in all the Colonies, so that no
matter where a British man-of-war meets the enemy, she will practically
be fighting in home waters with a good base within easy reach for
repairs, stores, coal, etc."

I still think that this was a practical suggestion.  Some years
afterwards, Canada took over certain naval bases; but the result has
not been a success.  But she took them over at a time when the British
Government were engaged in dismantling and abandoning naval bases all
over the world.  These have still to be restored.  But as the danger is
out of sight, the public do not perceive that the demolition of naval
bases abroad may very likely, in the event of war, result in disaster
to the British Navy.

In June, 1897, was celebrated the Diamond Jubilee of Her Majesty Queen
Victoria.  Some observations contained in an article contributed by me
to _The Navy League Guide_ to the great naval review held at Spithead,
may perhaps be historically interesting.  It was shown that the two
great naval reviews, that of the Jubilee in 1887 and the Diamond
Jubilee of 1897, mark important epochs in the history of the British
Navy.  The Fleet of 1887 was in no way adequate to our needs at that
time, and many of the ships assembled for review could not have taken
their places in the fighting line.  {410} (So it was represented at the
time; luckily, the supreme test of war was escaped; the proof that the
need existed, therefore, resides in its ultimate recognition by the
authorities.) In 1897, on the contrary, there was assembled a fleet of
warships representing a large proportion of the Navy we then possessed,
which was rapidly becoming equal to our necessities both in numbers and
efficiency.  In 1887, the battleship fleet was represented by only four
vessels of less than ten years of age, _Collingwood_, _Edinburgh_,
_Conqueror_ and _Ajax_.  Two out of the four were armed with
muzzle-loading guns, although all foreign navies had mounted nothing
but breech-loaders for several years previously.  The contrast afforded
by the 1897 review was remarkable.  Nothing could better have displayed
the giant strides we had made both in construction and fighting
efficiency, than the eleven splendid first-class battleships assembled
on 26th June, 1897.

A suggestion was added which was not adopted; nor has the proposal yet
been carried into execution upon a large scale, probably because the
authorities are afraid of accidents.  "To make the review a success and
to test the capabilities of the captains, it would be well if the Fleet
could be got under way and ordered to pass the royal yacht which should
be anchored as the saluting base.  Possibly a few accidents would
occur, but it would be a capital display of seamanship and the art of
handling ships; and no Fleet in the world could execute so imposing a
manoeuvre so well as our own."

Indeed, I have always held that a naval review should be conducted like
a military review.  The Sovereign should first proceed between the
lines; then the ships should get under way and should steam past the
saluting base.

The Dean of Saint Paul's unexpectedly provided a diversion in naval
affairs.  In order to make room in the Cathedral for the monument to be
erected to the memory of the late Lord Leighton, _P_.R.A., the Dean
proposed to remove the monument to Captain Richard Rundle Burges, R.N.,
from the south aisle to the crypt; a proceeding to {411} which I
expressed strong objection on behalf of the Service to which I had the
honour to belong.  The controversy was conducted in the columns of _The
Times_.

The Dean, writing on 7th July, 1897, protested that the "monument is
unsightly.  Captain Burges making love to Victory over a gun is not a
very suitable monument for a church, and during the twenty-eight years
I have been connected with the Cathedral I have been most anxious to
see this monument in a less conspicuous place."

In my reply, I said that, in the first place, I was not prepared to
accept his description of the sculptor's work; and secondly, that it
was rather late in the day to criticise it.  And I submitted to the
Dean and Chapter, that as the Cathedral did not appear to have suffered
by the retention of that monument for the last hundred years, no harm
could possibly result from allowing it to remain.  And I submitted with
great respect that the twenty-eight years' repugnance of the present
Dean had curiously enough only found vent in action at the time when it
was found necessary to select a spot for the site of a monument to the
late distinguished President of the Academy.  I added that "Lord
Leighton was a personal friend of my own, but I have yet to learn that
he was the sort of man who would have wished to usurp the place of any
one, or that he would have even admitted that an artist, however
distinguished, takes precedence in the nation's history of those heroes
to whom the existence of our Empire is due.  I rather think from what I
knew of Lord Leighton's character that had such a hypothesis been
presented to him in his lifetime his answer would have been like that
of her gracious Majesty the Queen, who, it is reported, when it was
suggested to her that Queen Anne's statue should be moved to make room
for one of herself, replied, 'Certainly not; why, you would be
proposing to move myself next.'"

Then, on 12th July, 1897, Mr. Balfour stated in the House of Commons
that "the Dean and Chapter, after reviewing all the circumstances of
the case, had decided not to carry out {412} their intention of
relegating the Burges Memorial to the crypt."  _The Times_ remarked
that "The public will be interested to know that among the
circumstances which have brought about this welcome change of purpose
an important place must be assigned to an appeal by the Prince of
Wales.  His Royal Highness holds very strongly the opinion that if
memorials are to be liable to removal in this summary manner whenever
the taste of a later generation pronounces them unsightly, the door
will be opened to grave abuses.  He accordingly expressed to the Dean
and Chapter his hope that they would see their way to retain the Burges
Memorial in its present position, and it is largely in deference to his
wishes that the monument remains where it was erected at the expense of
the nation."

So the good Dean was fated still to be scandalised by the "unsuitable"
spectacle of the gallant captain "making love to Victory over a gun";
although, personally, I doubt if Captain Burges's statue is really
doing anything of the kind.  In January, 1897, I had the honour of
being appointed A.D.C. to the Queen.  In July, 1897, when the intention
of the Duke and Duchess of York to visit Ireland was announced I seized
the opportunity to advocate a project which I had long desired to see
adopted, and for whose adoption, in fact, I am still hoping.  That
project is the building of a Royal residence in Ireland.  It has
hitherto been foiled by timid Ministers.  Writing to _The Times_ (24th
July, 1897), I pointed out that the total sojourn of the Royal Family
in Ireland during the past sixty years had been fifty-nine days in all.
The letter continues: "In my humble opinion it is impossible to
overrate the harm that this apparent neglect has done to the cause of
loyalty in Ireland.  I am convinced that many misfortunes and
misunderstandings would never have taken place if the Royal Family had
been permitted by Governments and courtiers to make more frequent
visits to Ireland, and to render such visits possible by the
establishment of a Royal residence in that country.  I know for a fact
that Her Majesty has on one occasion, and I believe more, {413} made
strenuous efforts to obtain a Royal residence in Ireland.  Her
Majesty's generous wish was never fulfilled, owing to opposition on the
part of her advisers, who have invariably entertained an ungenerous and
unworthy doubt of the Irish character....  Vice-regal rule from the
Castle at Dublin is hated with all the passion of resentment of a
generous-minded but impulsive people, who possibly regard it as placing
them on the same footing as the conquered and coloured races under
British domination.  It must not be inferred that I in any way intend
to say a word against the present or preceding Viceroys of Ireland.  I
only wonder that men could ever have been found with patriotism enough
to fill the office; but in common with patriotic Irishmen of all
parties, I object to the sham court of the rule of men who, so far from
really representing the Sovereign, represent merely the political party
which has the upper hand in England at the time of their holding
office--unlike the Viceroy of India, who holds office for a term of
years independent of the political party that appointed him....  I
believe Irishmen would like to have Royalty permanently among them, and
to see Ireland put on an equal footing with the rest of the United
Kingdom in these matters."

The project was received with the general approval of the public, in so
far as their opinion was represented by the Press.  The truth was, the
Queen often wished to go to Ireland; but her Ministers prevented her
from visiting my country; and their action was keenly resented by
Irishmen.  Personally, I protested against it; affirming what I believe
to be the fact, that the Irish are the most chivalrous people in the
world.  In her sentiment towards my country, and in all her dealings
with the Irish, Her Majesty was invariably most charming.  It is very
much to be regretted that the anomaly of Castle government was not
ended long ago: that it must be ended, is certain.

The Duke and Duchess of York, visiting Ireland in August, 1897, were
received with the greatest possible enthusiasm.  The township of
Kingstown presented an {414} address in which the hope was expressed
that their visit might lead to the establishment of a Royal residence
in Ireland; and thirteen other addresses presented on the same day
expressed a like aspiration.

In the same month (August, 1897) I was promoted to rear-admiral.

Among other occupations, I had been collaborating with Mr. H. W. Wilson
in the preparation of a Life of Nelson.  The work was published under
the title of _Nelson and his Times_, by Messrs. Harmsworth, in October,
1897.

In the meantime the Government had been making tentative efforts
towards the constitution of a Council of Defence, upon which both
Services should be represented, and which should form a kind of
advisory body.  The President of the new body was the Duke of
Devonshire, who, universally esteemed and respected for the
high-minded, conscientious statesman that he was, had neither the
training nor the aptitude required to fulfil such an office.  At the
same time, the Duke was not only occupied with the affairs of his great
estates, and in the discharge of many social duties, but he was also
head of the Education Department.  While expressing the utmost respect
for the Duke, I did not hesitate publicly to express my opinion, in the
course of an address delivered at the Cutlers' Feast at Sheffield in
November, 1897, that under the circumstances it was impossible to take
the new Council seriously.  Nor is it probable that anyone did take it
seriously, least of all Her Majesty's Ministers.

It was in 1897 that I first saw Mr. Marconi's invention for wireless
telegraphy.  Mr. Marconi, to whom I recently wrote asking him for
particulars of the occasion, very kindly replied as follows:

"In July, 1897, you first saw my original apparatus working at 28 Mark
Lane in the City of London, the corresponding instrument being placed
in another office in the City.  Among others who witnessed the tests
was the late {415} Mr. Ritchie, then, I believe, President of the Board
of Trade."

But the time was shortly to arrive when I was once more to take part in
doing what I could to represent the interests of the Navy in
Parliament.  Since 1890, I had been approached by forty constituencies
as to whether I would become a candidate.  One invitation came upon me
unawares.  It was in the garden of my house at Ham Common.  I was
seated at my sailmaker's bench, clad in my old canvas jumper and
trousers, employed in fitting a dipping lug I used to have in the
_Undaunted_, for the roof of a summer-house; when to me entered a party
of gentlemen, immaculately clad in frock coats and silk hats.  I had
not the least idea who they were; but they conversed with me very
affably, fell to criticising my work, and presently inquired if I had
seen Lord Charles, as they had been told that he was on the lawn.  At
that, I suddenly recollected that I had promised to receive a
deputation.

During 1897, I had accepted the invitation to stand for a division of
Birmingham; but in consequence of a misunderstanding, the intention was
abandoned.  Then, in December, owing to the death of my old friend Sir
Frank Lockwood, the seat of York became vacant.  My opponent was Sir
Christopher Furness (afterwards Lord Furness).  First in my election
address was placed the necessity for improving the efficiency both of
the Navy and Army by connecting the two Services in a plan of combined
defence.  The advisability of altering the Constitution of the House of
Lords was also urged, together with the necessity of constituting a
strong Second Chamber.

The election campaign was lively enough.  Sir Christopher's main
supporter was no other than Mr. Sam Story, who afterwards became an
enthusiastic Tariff Reformer.  He and I interchanged ideas in a debate
conducted for the edification of an audience of 12,000 people, turn and
turn about for twenty minutes each.

My brothers Lord William and Lord Marcus were {416} helping me.  Lord
Marcus accompanied me to a meeting, and I told him that he must make a
speech.

"I can't," he said.  "I don't know what to say."

I told him to begin, because he was sure to be interrupted, and then,
being an Irishman, he would certainly find something to say.  Lord
Marcus thereupon rose to his feet; and a voice immediately shouted:

"Who are ye?"

It was enough.  The fire kindled.

"Who are we?" cried Lord Marcus.  "I'll tell you who we are.  We are
three brothers, and our names are Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego.  And
we have come here to put out the burning fiery Furness!"

There was a good deal of excitement during the election, and sometimes
stones would be flying.  A cousin of mine, a lady, was driving along
the street, when a stone lodged in her bonnet.  Lord William caused it
to be mounted in silver, upon which was inscribed the legend: "This
proves that our opponents left no stone unturned to win the York
election"; and presented it to the lady to use as a paper-weight.

It was a close contest indeed.  On the night of the poll, the Mayor
most unfortunately succumbed to the strain and died suddenly.

In the result I won the seat by a majority of 11 (after two counts), on
a poll of over 11,000 votes.

When I had taken my seat in the House, a political opponent whose
opinions were as changeable as the wind, who had held high office, and
who was distinguished by a handsome and majestic presence, said to me
in the smoking-room:

"Well, my dear Charlie, you have not much of the appearance of a
statesman."

"My dear old friend," I said, "you must not judge by appearances.  You
have not the appearance of a weather-cock--but you are one."

At Christmas, 1908, Mr. Henniker Heaton's indomitable {417}
perseverance had resulted in the establishment of Imperial penny
postage in every part of the British Empire except Australia and New
Zealand.  Lord Randolph Churchill and myself were hearty supporters of
Mr. Henniker Heaton, who gave to each of us a golden penny in
commemoration of the event.




{418}

CHAPTER XLII

COVETED CHINA

NOTE

As the significance of Lord Charles Beresford's doings in China cannot
be appreciated save in the light of the knowledge of the international
situation in 1898, a brief analysis of it may here serve the
convenience of the reader.

The governing factor of the problem was the fear of Russian ambition
and of Russian aggrandisement.  Both Russia and Great Britain are great
Oriental Powers.  The Asiatic possessions or dependencies of Russia
consisted of over six million square miles, containing a population of
about thirteen millions.  The Asiatic possessions or dependencies of
Great Britain consisted of something over one and a half million square
miles, containing a population of some three hundred millions.  A
comparison between the two demonstrates this remarkable disparity: that
whereas Russia had four times as much Asiatic territory as England,
England ruled over thirteen times as many Asiatic people.  The Russian
pressure towards the seaboards, wealthy lands and vast populations of
the East, extended along a line measuring 7600 miles, and verging all
the way upon India, Turkey, Persia and China.  In 1898, Russia was
steadily advancing towards India, throwing forward railways through
Central Asia, and at the same time inexorably thrusting the
Trans-Siberian Railway towards Manchuria and the Amur regions.  That
line, which to-day bands the entire continent {419} from St. Petersburg
to Vladivostock on the Sea of Japan, in 1898 had not reached within 500
miles of Irkutsk on Lake Baikal, which marks roughly two-thirds of the
whole distance of 4000 miles from St. Petersburg to Vladivostock as the
crow flies.

The vast, inscrutable, dreaded giant Russia, lying right across the top
of Europe and Asia, was ever pushing downwards to the south upon
Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan and China, and reaching an arm sideways to
the east and the sea across the upper corner of China.  The shoulders
of the British Empire were taking some of the weight; and lest China
should crack under it and fly asunder, many people were urging that
England should prop up that passive and unwieldy bulk, Lord Salisbury
standing back to back with the Son of Heaven.

The common interest was of course commercial.  Great Britain had 64 per
cent. of China's total foreign trade, with some £32,000,000 a year; had
invested some hundreds of millions in the Far East; and was amiably and
openly desirous to invest a great deal more in what was largely an
unexplored and an immense field of profit.  But she wanted security,
first.

It was Lord Charles Beresford's business to discover what were the
existing commercial conditions, how they might be improved and
extended, and what was the security required for so much improvement
and extension.  This enterprise was known as the policy of the "Open
Door"; for the British principle was that all nations should enjoy
equal opportunities.  The alternative policy was known as "Spheres of
Influence," which virtually meant the partition of the Chinese Empire
among the nations of Europe.  Such was the Russian policy, in which she
was supported, or was believed to have been supported, by both France
and Germany.  Russian diplomacy was active at Pekin; Russian agents
were numerous in the trading centres of China; and it was constantly
alleged at the time by students of the subject, that the Chinese
Government regarded Russia as a more {420} powerful friend than
England.  In the light of subsequent experience, it would perhaps be
more accurate to say that whereas China hated and distrusted all
foreigners, she hated and distrusted the English less than the
Russians, but that the vacillations and inconsistencies of British
policy had inspired her rulers with a deep suspicion.

A good deal of nonsense, inspired by a large and generous ignorance of
Chinese conditions and affairs, was talked and written in 1898.  China
was represented as an eccentric barbarian of great size, of uncertain
temper, but on the whole amenable to good advice, who was merely
waiting pathetically for the English to teach him what to do and how to
do it.

In truth, China, in 1898, that is, political China, while haunted by a
dread of foreign aggression, was intensely occupied with her own
affairs.  These were indeed exigent enough.  In the summer of 1898,
occurred the Hundred Days of Reform, followed by the _coup d'état_, and
the imprisonment of the Emperor.  The visit of Lord Charles Beresford
to China coincided with the triumph of the reactionary Conservative
party at Court and the restoration to absolute power of the Empress
Dowager, Tsu Hsi.  The history of the affair is related in detail by
Messrs. J. O. P. Bland and E. Backhouse, in their work, _China under
the Empress Dowager_ (Heinemann, 1910); but its intricacies were not
divulged at the time.  A study of the correspondence contained in the
Blue Books of the period reveals the singular innocence of the British
diplomatic methods employed at this critical moment.

The Emperor, Kuang-Hsu, who had always been at variance with his astute
and powerful aunt, the Empress Dowager, the real ruler of China for
fifty years, had espoused the cause of the Reform, or Chinese, party of
the South, as distinguished from the Manchu, or Conservative, party of
the North.

The enmity of the South towards the North, the latent inbred hostility
of the Chinese to the Manchu, had been {421} roused to violence by the
defeat of China by Japan in the war of 1894-5.  It was very well known
that the Empress Dowager had spent the money allocated to the Navy and
other departments of State upon the rebuilding of the Summer Palace at
Pekin and other æsthetic diversions.  But the Empress Dowager, with her
habitual skill, contrived to shift the responsibility for the disaster
upon the puppet Emperor, who in fact was guiltless of it.  The
injustice so exasperated the young man, that he joined the Reform
Party, and issued Decree after Decree, all of which were tinctured with
Western ideas, and all of which were expressly repugnant to the Empress
Dowager.  Tzu Hsi, however, approved the Decrees without remark, biding
her time.  It came.  The Emperor was induced to assent to a plot to
seize the person of the Empress Dowager, and afterwards to sequester
his terrible aunt for the rest of her life.

Now came the intromission of Yuan Shih Kai, who had been Imperial
Resident in Corea.  In 1898, he was Judicial Commissioner of Chihli,
and exerted considerable influence at Court.  Yuan Shih Kai, professing
great interest in reform, won the confidence of the Emperor; who,
believing that in Yuan he had gained an adherent at Court, informed him
of the details of the conspiracy.  That design included the
assassination of Yung Lu.  Now Yung Lu was Governor-General of Chihli,
commander-in-chief of the foreign-drilled army, which was one of the
efficient armies in China, an old friend and a loyal servant of the
Empress Dowager, and altogether a most formidable person.  The
Emperor's plan was to slay Yung Lu swiftly, to put himself at the head
of Yung Lu's ten thousand soldiers, and then to march with them upon
Pekin and seize the Empress Dowager.  All might have gone well, had not
Yuan Shih Kai (according to Messrs. Bland and Backhouse) been
blood-brother to Yung Lu, and also, presumably, loyal to the Empress
Dowager.  In any case, Yuan went straightway to Yung Lu and divulged
the plot.

{422}

The next day, it was the Emperor Kuang Hsu, and not his aunt, who was
ceremoniously escorted to prison.

Six of the conspirators were subsequently executed.  Another, Kang Yu
Wei, escaped under British protection in October, 1898.  Dr. Sun
Yat-sen was another fugitive.  It was in October, 1898, that Lord
Charles Beresford arrived at Pekin.

The Empress Dowager resumed the Regency and therewith the formal
investiture of that supreme power which she had exercised since, as a
girl of twenty-two, a lady in waiting at Court in the time of the
Emperor Hsien-Feng, she had unofficially assumed the conduct of
affairs, and which she continued to wield until the end.  Yung Lu was
appointed to be member of the Grand Council, and Minister of War.  When
he was in Pekin, Lord Charles Beresford had an interesting conversation
with Yung Lu.

The Emperor Kuang Hsu remained imprisoned in his palace in the Ocean
Terrace at Pekin; and it was rumoured throughout the South that he
would presently die.  Whether or not the Empress Dowager desired his
death, she considered it politic, having regard to the anger which his
dethronement inspired in the South, to keep him alive.  Moreover, the
British Minister, referring to the reports that "the Empress Dowager
was about to proceed to extreme steps in regard to the Emperor,"
solemnly suggested that any such course of action would be highly
repugnant to the susceptibilities of Foreign Powers.

Such, briefly indicated, was the posture of affairs in 1898, when the
British Government was being urged to initiate a definite policy in
China, and when Lord Charles Beresford went to investigate commercial
conditions in that puzzling Empire.  But the British Government had the
rest of the world to consider, as well.

In the preceding year, 1897, it was announced that Russia would winter
at Port Arthur; whereupon Lord Charles Beresford remarked in the House
of Commons that the winter would probably be of long duration.  Germany
{423} was in occupation of Kiao Chao, originally demanded as
compensation for the murder of a German missionary--a most profitable
martyrdom.  There were troubles on the Indian frontier; there was
fighting in Crete, and consequently there was danger of a war breaking
out between Greece and Turkey.  It is sufficiently obvious that, under
such conditions--at a time when the European nations were each waiting
to take of China what it could get; when Russia was more or less in
agreement with France and Germany; and when England stood alone;--any
very definite move on her part might have led to bigger difficulties
than she cared to encounter.  At any rate, peace was maintained; the
policy of the "Open Door" prevailed; and the influence exerted by Lord
Charles Beresford upon international affairs, although perhaps not to
be defined, was considerable.  For further information concerning this
epoch, the student may be referred to _China under the Empress
Dowager_, by Messrs. J. O. P. Bland and E. Backhouse (Heinemann, 1910);
_China in Transformation,_ by A. R. Colquhoun (Harper, 1898); and the
Blue-book _China.  No. 1 (1899) C.--9131_.

While one British admiral, Rear-Admiral Noel, stopped the trouble in
Crete, which had defeated the united intellect of Europe for
generations; another, Rear-Admiral Lord Charles Beresford, was employed
in conducting a swifter, more thorough and more practical investigation
into the commercial military and social conditions of China than had
ever before been accomplished; so that its results, set forth at the
time in the admiral's many speeches and afterwards in his book _The
Break-up of China_, struck the two great English-speaking peoples of
the world, the British and the American nations, with something of the
force of a revelation.




{424}

CHAPTER XLIII

THE INTROMISSION OF THE ADMIRALS

In August, 1898, I received from the Associated Chambers of Commerce of
Great Britain, whose President was Sir Stafford Northcote, an
invitation to proceed on their behalf to China, "to obtain accurate
information as to how security is to be ensured to commercial men who
may be disposed to embark their capital in trade enterprise in China."
Sir Stafford Northcote added that he desired to obtain a report on
these matters from a "non-official source," and that, further, it
should be supplied by an officer of naval or military experience, by
reason of the importance of the question of adequate protection for
British commercial ventures.

Accompanied by Mr. Robin Grey, who acted as an additional secretary,
and by my secretary, Mr. Macdonald, I sailed for China towards the end
of August.  My commission, to report on the future prospects of British
trade and commerce in China and especially to what extent the Chinese
Government would guarantee the safe employment of British capital, was
sufficiently wide in its scope.

At that time, there was much public discussion concerning the rivalry
manifesting itself among the European nations interested in China,
particularly with regard to railway concessions and like privileges.
The public in general were of opinion that the British Government was
very slow to assert British rights.  In July, 1898, Sir Claude
Macdonald, British Plenipotentiary at the Court of Pekin, was
"authorised to inform the Chinese Government that Her Majesty's
Government {425} will support them in resisting any Power which commits
an act of aggression on China or on account of China having granted
permission to make or support any railway or public work to a British
subject."

This was something, but it was not much; for China, comparing British
assurances with Russian actions, entertained her own opinion concerning
their comparative value.  Nevertheless, the British policy was quite
definitely the policy of the "Open Door"; which Mr. Balfour defined
(10th August, 1898) as "the right of importing goods at the same rate
that every nation imports goods, the same right of using railways that
other nations possess.  In other words, equal trade opportunities."
The alternative policy of "Spheres of Influence," Mr. Balfour
oracularly described as "a wholly different set of questions connected
with concessions, and they cannot be treated in the same simple and
obvious manner."  But in what the treatment should consist, the public
were not told.

It was not, perhaps, understood by the public at the time, how delicate
was the international situation, nor how serious might be the
consequences, not only of hasty action but, of any decisive action; and
although it did not necessarily follow that nothing should be done, the
difficulties and complications, many of which were known only to the
Government, should be taken into consideration.

Russia was establishing herself in Manchuria, and was arming Port
Arthur and Talienwan.  Germany had declined to pledge herself not to
levy preferential duties at Kiao Chao, and claimed exclusive rights
over railway construction through the Shantung Province.  France was
claiming preferential rights with regard to her leasehold in Southern
China.  France and Russia were interesting themselves in the sanctioned
trunk line from Pekin to Hankow and from Hankow to the south.

Nothing was settled with regard to the important question of the rights
over the Yangtse basin.

Lord Salisbury had stated that he did not consider it to {426} be the
duty of Her Majesty's Government to make railways in China, or to find
the money to make them; and both Lord Salisbury and Mr. Curzon
(afterwards Viscount Curzon of Kedleston) affirmed that the failure of
British syndicates to apply for concessions in China was due to their
lack of initiative.

On the other hand, it was argued in the Press that the lack of
initiative on the part of British enterprise was due to the lack of
support and to the absence of a definite policy on the part of the
Government, a criticism which, among others, was formulated by Sir
Edward Grey, who was then of course in Opposition.

At the same time, underlying these controversies, there was the
consciousness that detailed practical information concerning the real
posture of affairs in China was lacking.  Under these conditions,
considerable responsibility attached to the task upon which I had
entered.  Its rapid and successful fulfilment clearly depended upon the
method of its organisation.  Before starting, a letter was addressed by
me to every Chamber of Commerce in China, requesting it to prepare a
report giving details of:

1. The State of British trade now.

2. The state of British trade ten years ago.

3. The state of foreign trade.

4. Increase and decrease of trade.


By this means, the reports were ready for me upon my arrival; and I was
immediately placed in possession of the material which served to guide
my inquiries and upon which I could base my observations.  As these are
set forth in detail, in my book _The Break-up of China_, published by
Messrs. Harper and Brothers in 1899, and as the conditions have since
changed, I do not propose to repeat them at length in these pages.  I
have here to acknowledge the courtesy of Messrs. Harper and Brothers in
granting me permission to quote from _The Break-up of China_.

I wrote that work in thirty-one days; a feat of which I was {427} not
unjustly proud; for it was a long book, crammed with facts and
statistics, extracted from a pile of memoranda and documents three feet
high.  I used to ride before breakfast in Richmond Park; after
breakfast, I worked all day until 7.30; and when I had finished the
book, I said I would never write another.

While I was on my way to China--while all the Chambers of Commerce in
China were hard at it compiling reports for me--a brother officer,
Rear-Admiral Noel, was engaged in settling, in his own supreme way, a
difficulty which had long exercised the Chancelleries of Europe in
vain, and which might at any moment have given rise to what are called
European complications.

In January, 1897, broke out the insurrection of the Christians in
Crete; which, put shortly, was the result of two centuries of
oppression under Moslem rule.  During the previous year (to go no
farther back) the Sultan of Turkey, at the request of the Powers of
Europe, had promised to introduce certain reforms.  As these were not
carried into execution, the Cretan Christians, encouraged thereto by
Greece and aided by Greek soldiery, rose in rebellion.  Roughly
speaking, the Christians held the country districts, and the Turkish
garrison, reinforced by an irregular and undisciplined horde of
Bashi-Bazouks, occupied the towns.  No doubt but Turkey could have put
down the revolt by extensive bloodshed; but the Powers of Europe had
forbidden the Sultan either to reinforce his garrison in Crete, or (at
first) to make war upon the insurgents.  The Powers were therefore
morally bound to restore order themselves.  Recognising this
obligation, they dispatched men-of-war to Crete.  Italy, France,
Russia, Austria, Great Britain and Germany were represented.
Vice-Admiral Count N. Canevaro, the Italian, being senior officer, was
president of the Council of Admirals.  Great Britain was represented by
Rear-Admiral Sir Robert Harris.  The admirals arrived off Canea in
February, 1897; intercepted and sent away a Greek squadron of
reinforcements; {428} established a blockade; and proceeded, as best
they might, to enforce order.  They succeeded for the time being; but
it was not within their province to attempt a radical remedy.  So long
as the Turks remained in Crete, so long would the trouble continue.
The Christians dared not resume their occupations, for fear of a
further outbreak of Moslem aggression, when they could not rely upon
the Turkish garrison for protection; the Moslems, dreading Christian
reprisals, clung to the Turkish troops as their only salvation.

In the face of this dilemma, Germany and Austria withdrew from the
concert, and the island remained in charge of Great Britain, France,
Russia and Italy, each Power being assigned a district.  Great Britain
retained Candia, where the British garrison was reduced to one
regiment, the Highland Light Infantry.  The discontent, temporarily
quelled, soon became acute.

The decision of the Council of Admirals to collect a proportion of the
export duties aroused intense indignation.  When, on 6th September,
1898, the British came to take over the Custom House at Candia, the mob
rose, attacked the tiny force of British seamen and soldiers and the
British camp and hospital, and massacred some 500 Christians in the
town.  The British fought like heroes and lost heavily; but for the
moment they were helpless; the only man-of-war off Candia being the
gunboat _Hazard_.

Then, on 11th September, Rear-Admiral Gerard Noel (now Admiral of the
Fleet Sir Gerard H. U. Noel, G.C.B., K.C.M.G.), who had relieved Sir
Robert Harris early in the year, arrived at Candia in H.M.S. _Revenge_.
The next day, he landed, inspected the scenes of the recent fighting
and ordered the Turkish governor, Edhem Pasha, to repair on board the
_Revenge_.

Admiral Noel required the governor to demolish all houses from which
the insurgents had fired upon the British camp and hospital; to give up
to British troops certain forts and positions; and to surrender the
principal persons concerned in the rioting and attack.  The admiral
also {429} informed the governor that the Moslem population would be
disarmed.

The governor broke into a cold perspiration and accepted the admiral's
demands.  He was then suffering under the delusion that he could evade
them.  He never made a bigger mistake.  When he tried to avoid the
demolition of the houses, he was suddenly confronted with the spectacle
of two hundred British seamen coming ashore to do the work, and
hurriedly gave in.  When he endeavoured to postpone the delivery of the
prisoners, he was informed that if they were not delivered by the hour
appointed, they would be taken.  His every excuse and pretext were met
by the same composed and invincible determination.  At the last moment,
when the scaffold awaiting the malefactors stood stark upon the highest
point of the bastions, Edhem Pasha's frantic plea for delay was
received by a terse intimation that if he did not hang the prisoners,
he, Edhem Pasha, would himself be hanged.

The disturbers of peace were hanged at the precise time appointed; and
swung in a row until sundown, in sight of all the city.  Twice again
the bodies of murderers darkened above the ramparts, to the abiding
terror of evil-doers.

The Powers ordered the evacuation of the island by the Turks within a
month, which expired on 5th December.  On the evening of the 4th, some
600 troops had still to leave, together with their women, horses and
baggage.  Admiral Noel ordered the baggage to be embarked on board the
British transport _Ocampo_ and a small Turkish transport that night.
Next day, the governor, Shefket Bey (who had succeeded Edhem Pasha),
informed the admiral that he had received orders from the Governor of
Crete to keep the remaining troops and to disembark the baggage.  What
followed is described in an account of the affair contributed by "A
Naval Officer" to _The United Service Magazine_, February, 1899.

"An armed boat was sent to prevent interference with {430} the Turkish
transport.  The admiral signalled to the Fleet: 'Prepare to man and arm
boats.  I intend to compel the Turkish troops to embark by force after
noon'; and to the commandant of British troops, 'All Turkish troops
remaining in the town after noon are to be made prisoners and compelled
to embark at the quay.'"

It was a bold decision, worthy of the Royal Navy.  For all the admiral
knew, the Turks might have fought, in which case they would have been
reinforced by some thousands of Bashi-Bazouks.  But they gave in, and
were marched on board.  Their "furniture, beds, pianos, carpets and
general loot and rubbish, making a pile as big as a frigate," says the
eye-witness aforesaid, "which, together with nearly three hundred
horses, was bundled into boats and lighters by the seamen of the
_Revenge_ and _Empress of India_, and stowed away on board the
transports, the work taking all night."

Thus did Rear-Admiral Gerard Noel cut the knot which all the
diplomatists in Europe had failed to unloose.  The Marquess of
Salisbury publicly complimented the admirals upon their diplomatic
ability, saying that he wished the Cabinets of Europe could work
together with equal unanimity and rapidity.

In December, 1908, H.R.H. Prince George of Greece took over the
government of Crete from the admirals.

The settlement of the Cretan difficulty undoubtedly exercised an
appreciable effect upon the international situation, with which my own
enterprise in China was necessarily connected.  For Admiral Noel had
removed what had been a chronic danger to the peace of Europe; and in
so doing had demonstrated that combined action on the part of the Great
Powers (if entrusted to naval officers) could be both cordially
conducted and successfully accomplished.  I have recalled the affair,
not only because it gives me pleasure to record the ability, courage
and resolution of my old friend and brother officer, but because no
account of the time, lacking the Cretan episode, can be wholly
intelligible.  For, {431} although it is consistently neglected by
political historians, whose views are usually distorted by party, it
remains, and will remain, a classic example of the consummate exercise
of British sea-power for the inspiration and instruction of honest men.




{432}

CHAPTER XLIV

TRAFFICS AND DISCOVERIES

I. CHINA

THE MISFORTUNES OF KANG YU WEI

On my way up to Pekin, I visited Hong Kong, arriving there on 30th
September.  The island of Hong Kong, being British territory, is a city
of refuge; to which sanctuary, just before my arrival, had fled Kang Yu
Wei, the leader of the Reform Party.  To the influence of Kang Yu Wei
may be ascribed the conversion of the young Emperor, Kuang Hsu, to
Reform; and the issue by the Son of Heaven of the series of Decrees,
during the Hundred Days of Reform of the preceding summer.  The
movement culminated in the plot to seize the person of the Empress
Dowager, which was frustrated by the _coup d'état_.  But before that
decisive event occurred, Kang Yu Wei receiving a broad hint from the
Emperor that his arrest had been ordered by the Empress Dowager, took
the next train from Pekin to Tongku, and embarked on board the coasting
steamer _Chungking_ bound for Shanghai.

The Taotai at Shanghai informed Acting-Consul-General Brenan that he
had received orders to arrest Kang Yu Wei upon his arrival, and that a
reward of 2000 dollars was offered for his capture, and requested Mr.
Brenan to search for the fugitive in all British ships arriving at
Shanghai.  By this time the Chinese detectives and policemen were
wildly excited by the prospect of securing 2000 dollars that Mr. Brenan
feared they would attempt forcibly to {433} board British ships before
they entered the harbour.  He therefore determined to intercept the
_Chungking_ before the Chinese officials could reach her; but desiring
to avoid the open implication of the Consulate in the matter, he
accepted the services volunteered by Mr. J. O. P. Bland (joint author
of _China under the Empress Dowager_).  Mr. Bland, who spoke Chinese,
took a steam-launch, met the _Chungking_ some miles out at sea,
transhipped Kang Yu Wei, and put him on board the P. and O. steamer
_Ballaarat_, then lying outside Woosung.  Captain Field, commanding the
_Ballaarat_, placed an armed sentry upon Kang Yu Wei's cabin.  The
people in the _Chungking_, knowing that H.M.S. _Esk_ was at Woosung,
told the Chinese officials at Shanghai that Kang Yu Wei had been put on
board her.  This information diverted attention from the _Ballaarat_
for the moment.

The Chinese officials, however, eventually determined to follow the
_Ballaarat_ in a gunboat, when, two days later (29th September), the
_Ballaarat_ sailed for Hong Kong.  The British authorities, learning
also that two more Chinese gunboats were ordered to lie in wait for the
P. and O. boat, arranged that she should be escorted to Hong Kong by
H.M. cruiser _Bonaventure_, commanded by my old friend and
brother-in-arms in the Soudan campaign, Captain R. A. J. Montgomerie.
Being pursued by the Chinese gunboat, Montgomerie cleared for action;
luckily for them, the Chinese declined to risk an affair with one of
the finest fighting officers in Her Majesty's service; and Kang Yu Wei
was landed in safety at Hong Kong.  Here, Major-General Black placed
him under police protection.  The procedure followed by Captain
Montgomerie in accordance with the orders of Vice-Admiral Sir Edward
Seymour, then commander-in-chief on the China station, not only saved
the life of the patriot Kang Yu Wei, but prevented the occurrence of
the difficulties which would have arisen had the Chinese attempted to
board the _Ballaarat_.

With the object of ascertaining the views of the Reform Party
concerning the future of China and its relation to the {434} extension
of trade and commerce, I invited Kang Yu Wei to visit me.  He arrived
surrounded by a bodyguard of policemen, for a price was set on his
head.  Apparently the poor man felt it already loose, for, as he
talked, he kept turning it over his shoulder; and little wonder; for it
was only three or four days since his brother and five of his
colleagues had been executed in Pekin.

"Reforms in the East," said Kang Yu Wei, "invariably demanded martyrs;
and, if China did not go to pieces in the meantime, posterity would
honour the six dead gentlemen."  In reply to my question as to the
present position of the Reform Party, he said it was "completely
crushed, but not killed," and would ere long revive; a prophecy which
has been fulfilled.

Kang Yu Wei affirmed that, contrary to the general opinion abroad, all
educated Chinamen believed that Reform alone could prevent the
dissolution of an Empire 4000 years old; that by degrees the mass of
the people were accepting the new doctrines; that the Reformers relied
upon Great Britain to help them to carry their schemes into execution;
and that, were they to attain power, they would certainly open China to
the trade and commerce of the world, because such a policy would
increase the strength and riches of the Empire.

The impression left upon my mind by Kang Yu Wei was that he was loyal,
patriotic, and unselfishly devoted to his country, and undoubtedly he
was in earnest.

[Illustration: FROM AN ORIGINAL DRAWING BY PHIL MAY IN THE POSSESSION
OF THE AUTHOR]

In the course of many conversations held with the compradors (managers)
of the great mercantile houses in China, I ascertained that, while
several of them were frankly in favour of Reform, all of them agreed
that the Reformers had acted in haste, neglecting to prepare their way
by means of careful organisation.



THE CHINESE NEW MODEL

Arriving at Pekin on 16th October, 1898, I was kindly invited by Sir
Claude Macdonald, British Minister {435} Plenipotentiary, to stay at
the Legation.  To all Foreign Ministers accredited to Pekin I paid my
respects and presented my credentials, which were given to me by the
President of the Associated Chambers of Commerce of Great Britain, Sir
Stafford Northcote, and which showed that I had been asked to make a
report on British trade and commerce, its future development, and what
security existed throughout the Chinese Empire for such trade and
commerce.

On 20th October, I visited the Tsung-li Yamen; a body created, in 1861,
for the purpose of conducting diplomatic negotiations with the
representatives of Foreign Powers, and consisting of eight members, of
whom three are Manchus and five are Chinese.  I was presented to Prince
Ching, the President, and was requested to address the members.  In my
speech, I dwelt upon the anxiety as to the future on the part of
British traders on account of the want of security for capital, and the
ignoring of treaties by the Chinese; suggested that, unless China
organised her military and police forces in order to give security for
trade and commerce, foreign countries would adopt the policy embodied
in the expression "Spheres of Influence"; affirmed that the British
desired no addition to be made to the British Empire, either in the
nature of dominion, sphere of influence, or protectorate; explained
that what the commercial communities desired was free and uninterrupted
opportunities for trade, with equal rights and privileges for all the
nations of the world, a policy expressed by the words "Open Door"; and
stated that in order to establish such a policy, it was essential that
China should maintain her integrity.

Prince Ching asked me how I thought trade and commerce could be better
protected that it was at present.

I replied that the only effective method would be thoroughly to
reorganise the Chinese army, abolishing the system of maintaining
provincial armies; that, as Great Britain had 64 per cent. of the whole
foreign trade of China, she was naturally anxious as to its adequate
security; and that it was possible that the British Government would
allow {436} a British officer to assist the Chinese in putting their
army in order; adding that I had no official authority whatever to make
the statement, but merely put it forward as a suggestion.  I also
suggested that should the Chinese Government consider the proposal, it
might be well for them to invite other nations which had large trading
interests with China, to lend a few officers and non-commissioned
officers to work with the British in the reorganisation of the army.

Prince Ching observed that they already had German officers to drill
some of their troops; and that Captain Lang, the British naval officer,
was in the Chinese service to help them to organise their Fleet.  He
did not mention, however, what I afterwards discovered, that Captain
Lang had found the admiral sitting on the quarter-deck playing fan-tan
with his own sentry.  Captain Lang subsequently resigned his
appointment.

When Prince Ching and some members of the Tsung-li Yamen returned my
visit, Prince Ching informed me that the Emperor and the Empress
Dowager approved of my suggestions; and that his Excellency Chung Chi
Tung, Viceroy of Hunan and Hupeh, had been ordered to have 2000 of his
troops ready to be placed under a British officer for drill and
organisation, as an experiment, which might possibly lead to the
reorganisation of the army as a whole.  I replied that as I was in no
way authorised to take any responsibility with regard to this matter,
any action taken on the part of the Tsung-ii Yamen must go through the
British Minister to the British Government.  Prince Ching said that it
was the intention of the Tsung-li Yamen formally to inform Sir Claude
Macdonald of the wishes of the Chinese Government.

My interpreter on these occasions was Mr. Fulford of the British
Legation, and all that passed between myself and the high Chinese
officials in Pekin was made known by Mr. Fulford to the British
Minister.

The question of providing adequate security for British subjects and
for British trade and commerce, was thus {437} frankly raised at the
beginning.  Indeed, all hinged upon its solution.  The safety of life
and property always depends ultimately upon disciplined force.  The
force at the disposal of the Chinese Government was scattered,
ill-organised and largely inefficient.  But, with the men, money and
resources actually available, it would have been perfectly feasible to
have formed an army of a million men.  Such was my view at the time,
and I have seen no reason to change it since.

At the request of the Tsung-li Yamen, I drew up the entire scheme
complete in every detail for the organisation of the Chinese army; and
on several occasions it was discussed with me by the Chinese Ministers
at great length.

Briefly described, my scheme was based upon the principle upon which
the Imperial Maritime Customs had been formed.  The Imperial Maritime
Customs was charged with the duty of collecting Custom House dues,
which were hypothecated to secure the external indebtedness of China.
All nations were represented upon it, and, because Great Britain
possessed by far the larger share of Chinese trade, a British officer
was placed at its head.  The business was impartially managed under the
Chinese Government for the common welfare of China and of other
nations; and in the result the arrangement worked admirably.

The proposal was, then, to organise the army upon the same basis;
appointing officers of those nations who owned interests in China; and,
as Great Britain possessed the largest interests, placing a British
officer in command under the Chinese Government.  Under these
conditions, the army would be enabled to secure China both against
foreign aggression and internal disturbance.  In a word, it would
ensure stable government.  Under existing conditions, stable government
was impossible; for the methods of the Empress Dowager consisted in
playing off one party against another, and one viceroy against another.
Tsu Hsi succeeded in maintaining her personal ascendancy; but at the
cost of so weakening the State, that it was liable to fall a prey to
foreign ambition and foreign cupidity.

{438}

The Chinese high officials argued the whole subject with great acumen.
They objected that the commander-in-chief might embark upon a career of
personal aggrandisement.  I replied that as he would be under the
Chinese Government, and that as he would be further restricted by his
dependence upon an international body of officers, there could be no
such danger.  And I asked the Chinese whether they had any reason to be
dissatisfied with Sir Robert Hart's administration of the Customs.
They answered at once that his services were invaluable to China, and
said that he worked so hard in Chinese interests that "he might have
been a Chinaman."

I then pointed out that a British officer at the head of the army would
occupy the same position with regard to the army as Sir Robert Hart
occupied with regard to the Customs; offered to select for them the
best general I could find for the executive command; and informed them
that I was myself prepared to undertake the administrative command.

The objection that the creation of such an army might offend foreign
susceptibilities, was also met by the argument that foreign officers
would command it.

In reply to a courteous question, I stated that my object in proposing
the scheme was to benefit China; and that the reason why I desired to
benefit China was that an improvement in Chinese administration must
necessarily profit British interests.

I also discussed the subject with his Excellency Yung Lu, he who had
executed the _coup d'état_ which resulted in the defeat of the
Reformers and the imprisonment of the Emperor Kuang Hsu.  Yung Lu, who
commanded one of the foreign-drilled armies, stated that the
reorganisation of the Chinese army under British and foreign officers
would be carried into execution; and asked me whether, supposing that
China put the whole of her armies under British officers, Great Britain
would assist her in any quarrel that might arise between her and any
other Power.

{439}

The direct question was highly significant.

My reply, of course, was that I was unable to discuss political
questions; but that Great Britain had no desire to involve herself in
quarrels which might arise among other countries.

Yung Lu courteously invited me to visit the military forces then
quartered round Pekin; a privilege of which I afterwards availed myself.

Having formulated my scheme for the reorganisation of the Chinese army,
founded upon a general knowledge of the requirements of the situation,
I proceeded to fulfil in detail that part of my instructions received
from the President of the Associated Chambers of Commerce directing me
to report "whether the organisation of the Chinese civil and military
administration is sufficiently complete to ensure adequate protection
to commercial ventures."  Accordingly, I visited all the forts and
arsenals forming the coast and river defences of the Chinese Empire,
and utilised the opportunities, most courteously extended to me by the
various viceroys, of inspecting the Imperial military forces.

For the sake of simplicity, the results of my investigations into
military and naval conditions are here grouped together; although these
investigations were necessarily conducted side by side with my
inquiries into commercial affairs, the two elements being often present
in the same locality.

China's military forces were then sharply divided between Manchu and
Chinese, or North and South.  The Manchu, or Northern, forces were
manned and officered entirely by Manchus, and enjoyed privileges which
were denied to the Chinese army.  Nearly every Southern army was
commanded by two generals, a Manchu and a Chinese, the Manchu being the
real head.

The provincial armies are maintained at the expense of the viceroys.
In the Province of Chihli, General Yuan Shih Kai's army, and the
Imperial armies at and around Pekin, are maintained by the Board of
Revenue out of {440} Imperial taxes; so that the Imperial armies
permanently quartered round Pekin are State-paid.  The generals in
command of the Provinces administer their armies entirely according to
their own discretion.  As these officers are responsible for the
payment and maintenance of the forces under their command, much of the
money which should go to the army is apt to stick with its general.

When I mentioned these circumstances to the members of the Tsung-li
Yamen, one of them blandly asked me if I included his army in my
description.

I replied that his Excellency could not but be aware that he received
supplies of pay, clothes and rice for an establishment of 10,000,
although the actual number was one half or less; and that when his army
was inspected, he filled the ranks by hiring coolies for the occasion.
My response evoked an irreverent outburst of applause from the
interested audience of coolies.  "The English Mandarin," they cried,
"knows all about our old mandarins!  That is just what happens."



YUAN SHIH KAI

In October, 1898, I went to Hsiao Chao to visit Yuan Shih Kai, the high
official who informed Yung Lu of the plot of the Reformers to seize the
Empress Dowager, and so brought about the _coup d'état_.  I remained
two days and a night with the general; witnessed the parade of all his
troops, and their manoeuvres, and examined their equipment and
victualling.  I was permitted to examine the pay-sheets, and obtained
every detail connected with the establishment and maintenance of the
force.

General Yuan Shih Kai is a Chinaman, and his army was composed of
Chinese.  It numbered 7400 men.  They appeared to be smart, of fine
physique, well fed, and their uniforms were well kept.  Their parade
and manoeuvres were smartly executed, their discipline was excellent.
All their equipment was serviceable and efficient, with the exception
of their artillery.

{441}

It was on this occasion that I had a conversation with Yuan Shih Kai,
which, in the light of subsequent events in China, it may be not
uninteresting to recall.

Yuan Shih Kai expressed his anxiety concerning the future of his
country; which, he said, was in a lamentable state of weakness, and
which the States of Europe were desirous of dividing among themselves;
and in this connection he was inclined favourably to regard the
proposal to combine the various Chinese armies into one great Imperial
force.

Upon that, I asked Yuan if he were acquainted with the history of
China.  Being one of the governing class, and therefore a scholar of
the ancient meticulous pedantic class, he probably knew the whole of it
by heart; and he replied in the affirmative.

"Then," I said, "have you not observed that every Chinese dynasty has
been founded by a successful general?"

The man who is now (1913) President of the Chinese Republic looked at
me impassive as a statue, and held his peace.

Yuan Shih Kai was well aware of the fact that throughout the East the
ruler is always "He," never "They"; and for this reason he subsequently
endeavoured, after the death of the Empress Dowager, to preserve the
authority of the Emperor.

Years afterwards, before leaving England for China, Dr. Sun Yat-sen,
who was accompanied by General Homer Lea of the United States, lunched
with me.  General Homer Lea was, I think, to conduct the reorganisation
of the Chinese army.



ARMS AND MEN

The armies which I had the privilege of inspecting, or concerning which
I obtained information, were: the army of General Sung, distributed
along the coast about Kinchow, which apparently consisted of 10,000 men
out of a paper strength of 20,000; the army of General Soon Ching at
{442} Lutai, which was also at half strength, consisting of 7000 men
out of 15,000, distributed among 30 camps, and having some Russian
officers; and the army of General Tung Fu Chan, near Pekin, which was a
disorderly and an undisciplined rabble; the army of General Nieh, which
consisted of about 13,000 men, distributed among 30 camps between Hsiao
Chao and Tientsin, with five Russian instructors; the Pekin Field
Force, which was commanded from the Palace, and which consisted of
10,000 picked men, well armed but badly drilled; the cavalry camp at
Kaiping, theoretically consisting of 1500 men, and having three Russian
officers; and the army of General Yi Ke Tong, consisting of from 8000
to 15,000 men scattered about in Manchuria.  I also saw the armies, or
some part of them, of the Viceroys Chung Chai Tung, Liu Kwen Yi, Hsu
Ying Kwei, Tau Chung Liu, and Kwei.  Besides these, I was informed that
there were in Mongolia 100,000 cavalry.

Among the various armies were distributed 14 different patterns of
rifles, varying from the Mauser to the gingal.  Some contingents were
armed with bows and arrows; others carried bird-cages and fans, being
distinguishable as soldiers only by their badge.  The armies exhibited
as many degrees of efficiency among themselves as their weapons.

Nevertheless, I came to the conclusion that here was all the material
from which to evolve an excellent army.  The Chinese have all the
qualities of a good soldier: they are sober, obedient, quick to learn
and courageous.  The requirements were proper food, pay, clothing,
drill and competent officers.

While I was at Newchwang I obtained what information was available with
regard to the numbers and location of the Russian troops in Eastern
Siberia and in Manchuria The total number was then about 12,000 men.

In the course of my inspection, at the Viceroy's invitation, of the
powerful forts on the Yangtse River, I observed that one fort, which
was intended to fire up the river, was so constructed that only one gun
out of six could be trained in {443} the required direction, so that if
the other guns were brought to bear, the guns' crews would be killed.
The face of the fort, instead of being at right angles to the course of
the river, was parallel to it.  At my suggestion, a dummy figure was
placed in position; a gun was fired in the required direction; and sure
enough the shot blew the effigy to pieces and went wandering among the
junks crowding the river.  The Chinese said that the English Mandarin
was the cleverest mandarin they had ever seen; and explained that the
fort had not been built in the right position because the ground was
swampy.

Among my observations of forts elsewhere, I noted a battery of 60-ton
muzzle-loading guns, which were loaded by depressing their muzzles into
the magazine.  I ventured to suggest that any carelessness in sponging
out the guns might result in the explosion of the magazine.  The
general said that the English Mandarin was extraordinarily clever; and
explained that a year previously a magazine had been blown up for the
very reason I had indicated, had killed forty-two men, and had then
been rebuilt upon the same plan.

At another fort I noted that the powder used for the heavy guns was
unsuitable, and ventured to suggest that it might burst the gun.

"Yes, it does," said the general simply.  "We have lately blown the
breech off two 12-inch 50-ton Krupp guns, killing and wounding thirty
men."  And he congratulated the English Mandarin upon his extraordinary
powers of divination.  After the general's explanation I understood how
it was that in another fort two 12-inch Krupp guns were fitted with
Armstrong breech mechanism.  The Krupp breech having been blown off,
the Shanghai arsenal had neatly fitted them with Armstrong breeches.

Observing that a powder-mill at Canton had open gratings for windows,
and stood in the midst of a sandy plain, I ventured to suggest that the
sand might blow in, and that a spark from it might cause an explosion.

"Yes, it does," said the mandarin.  "It blew up two {444} years ago and
killed and wounded twenty men."  He added that although it had been
rebuilt upon the same plan, it was not intended to use it again; and
expressed his admiration for my remarkable penetration.

At one of the arsenals, the workman boring a 6-pounder gun had his
speed too fast and his feed too thick, so that his machine was taking
out chips of metal and jumping under the strain.  My guide observed
placidly that the man didn't seem to know how to do it.  The European
instructor, he explained, had left.  I offered to replace him for the
occasion; took off my coat; and being an old hand at the lathe managed
to set the machine right in about an hour's work.  Then there suddenly
arose a great crying and calling among the coolies outside.  I thought
a riot was beginning; but the tumult was only the coolies in their
innocent way screaming their delight that "the English Mandarin could
do what their own old mandarins couldn't."

I drew up a report with regard to the forts and arsenals in China.  The
general conclusion was that enormous sums of money were being expended
on war material which, in most cases, was totally useless, although the
establishments were often capable, under European instructors, of
turning out work which would compare with the best in Europe.  Two or
three of these arsenals, rightly managed, would serve to equip a
million men for less money than was already being expended.



H.I.M. NAVY

I also visited the Chinese Navy, which was divided into two squadrons,
the Peyang squadron in the North and the Nanyang squadron in the South.
The Peyang squadron consisted of three cruisers, one torpedo cruiser,
and one torpedo gunboat.  The Nanyang squadron was composed of seven
cruisers, four old gunboats, and four torpedo boats.  The Fleet as a
whole was undermanned, but there were many men who had been well
trained by English instructors.  The only dockyard is at Foochow.

{445}

Many Chinese authorities having asked my advice as to the fleet, I
recommended them to put their ships in order for police purposes, and
to utilise them for the purpose of checking piracy; advised them not to
spend any more money on their navy, because their army was of greater
importance; and pointed out the waste involved in keeping about the
coasts and in the river hundreds of man-of-war junks.

Throughout China, I found among the high officials at least an
ostensible agreement with my views concerning the necessity of
reorganising the army: agreement which was no doubt largely dictated by
the very present fear of Russian aggression.

His Excellency Li Hung Chang, whom I visited, was an exception to the
rule; for the great Minister, one of the Six Grand Secretaries, was
growing old and infirm; and having offended the Reform Party, it was
not improbable that he was looking to Russia to protect him in case the
Empress Dowager's support failed him.  His case was typical of the
Chinese attitude, in which the regard for personal wealth and safety,
threatened so subtly and from so many dark quarters, is naturally apt
to override patriotism.

At the same time, China is one of the most democratic countries in the
world.  I have seen the great Li Hung Chang stepping into the Yamen
over the bodies of the coolies, who refused to move and who chaffed him
as he passed.  I have seen a whole Council huddle up their fans and
disperse like startled poultry, because a coolie put his head in at the
door and exhorted the old gentlemen to be quick, because it was going
to rain, and the coolies were going home.

It is the rule of the road in China that all passengers must give way
to carriers of burdens, and it was enforced without respect of persons.
Being carried in a sedan, with four bearers and four coolies running
alongside, I was horrified to perceive the head coolie incontinently
knock down an {446} old mandarin who was in the way.  The poor old
gentleman rolled over and over, Red Button and all; and when he arose,
his gorgeous silks all befouled with mud, the coolie spat in his face.
China is full of the unexpected.



HIGHLY COMMERCIAL

As already explained, the two aspects of my investigations, the
military conditions and the commercial conditions, are here treated
separately for the sake of simplicity, although at the time they were
necessarily conducted together.  The following brief account of the
results of my inquiries into the state of trade and commerce contains
those particulars which may still retain their interest.

From Pekin I went to Tientsin, where I attended a meeting of the
Chamber of Commerce, which vehemently protested against the "Sphere of
Influence" policy, declaring that the future trade of Tientsin would be
entirely dependent on preserving the integrity of China, and upon the
existence of a guarantee of the policy of the "Open Door."  The British
section of the Chamber of Commerce presented to me a memorandum, which
they desired me to transmit to the Associated Chambers of Commerce in
England, protesting against the absence of any definite policy, and
stating that considerable anxiety existed with regard to the safety of
capital already invested in China.  The fear of Russian aggression had
virtually paralysed the movement of capital in the northern part of
China.  The general opinion was that if the "Open Door" policy were
established and secured, these apprehensions would disappear.

I was most courteously received by the Chinese authorities at Tientsin,
who expressed great friendliness towards Great Britain; and who, as
usual, affirmed that China was helpless and that all the European
countries were taking advantage of her weakness.  In the case of
Russia, they stated that concessions were being demanded throughout the
whole country which China was unable to refuse.

{447}

From Tientsin I went to Tongshan, travelling upon the Shanhaikwan
railway, which had been built by Scotch engineers under the direction
of Mr. Kinder, a British subject of great talent and energy, who had
married a Japanese lady.  Of the two people whom I met who seemed to me
really to possess an intimate knowledge of China and the Chinese, Mr.
Kinder was one.  The other was Dr. Morrison, _The Times_ correspondent.

With Mr. Kinder's assistance, I collected the whole of the statistics
regarding the working of the Tongshan railway workshops, of the
Shanhaikwan railway, and of the coal mine, in which Chinese miners were
employed under European foremen.

Upon my arrival at Newchang, I was received by the British residents.
The British merchants here, like the others elsewhere, wished me to
represent to the Associated Chambers of Commerce of Great Britain that
trade in the North of China must be secured against foreign aggression,
and transmitted to me a number of resolutions to this effect.

The Russians had settled at Newchang, taking the land without
permission, and paying the native occupiers nominal prices.  Since 1897
the Russians had been pouring troops into Manchuria, and their number
was steadily increasing.  I prepared a detailed report upon the trade
of Newchang.

Chefoo I visited twice, first on 13th October and again on 9th
November.  The British merchants here complained of the extension of
German interest, which began with the opening of Kiao Chao.  I thought,
however, that their alarm was not justified.  Kiao Chao had been
declared by Germany to be an open port.

Upon visiting Wei-hai-wei, I observed that with a comparatively small
expenditure of money it could be made into a most efficient and
powerful naval base.  Already, in the few months which had elapsed
since the British flag was hoisted on 24th May, 1898, Commander {448}
E. F. A. Gaunt (now Commodore Gaunt, C.M.G.), in command of a party of
bluejackets and Marines, had accomplished a most admirable piece of
administrative work, in cleaning up the place and in enforcing law and
order so tactfully and skilfully that the only punishments inflicted
had consisted in docking the pigtails of two offenders.  There were no
guns mounted at Wei-hai-wei; but at Port Arthur, 80 miles distant
northwards across Korea Bay, the Russians had already mounted seventy
guns.

I also observed that the island of Wei-hai-wei, which is two-thirds the
size of Gibraltar, was the best place on the China Station for the
establishment of a sanatorium for the Fleet.

My visit to Kiao Chao was made in response to a cordial invitation sent
to me by Rear-Admiral H.R.H. Prince Henry of Prussia.  The harbour is a
difficult place for vessels to make, particularly in foggy weather.
The Germans were as busy as bees, clearing the ground, building
barracks, making parade grounds and preparing emplacements for guns.
Prince Henry was most kind to me, and showed to me everything.  His
administration and organisation were admirable; and afforded another
example of the achievements of naval officers.

But the place was still under military rule, which discourages
commerce.  On my voyage out, three Germans had come on board at
Singapore.  They told me that, although they had been very happy under
British rule, they preferred their own colony, and intended to start a
hotel at Kiao Chao.  Some time afterwards I met those three patriotic
Germans again.  They were on their way back to Singapore; because, so
they said, they could not make a living at Kiao Chao!  They told me
that they were obliged to pay a tax of five per cent. upon their
investment, with the prospect of paying another five per cent. when,
after a period of years, their property should again be surveyed.

At Shanghai, which, being situated at the entrance Of {449} the Yangtse
Valley, is the most important Treaty Port in the Far East, I framed an
elaborate report upon its trade.  The China Association presented to me
a memorandum containing the usual protest against the insecurity of
British interests in China.

While I was at Shanghai I had three interviews with the Marquess Ito,
lately Prime Minister of Japan.  The Marquess, I believe, was
unofficially employed in endeavouring to extend Japanese interests in
China.  He expressed the greatest friendliness towards Great Britain.
During the political disturbances in Japan, the Marquess Ito had fled
to England as a sailor before the mast in a British vessel.  He told me
that, landing at Gravesend very hungry, he went into a shop and bought
a loaf, putting down half a sovereign.  The shopman, presumably taking
advantage of the fact that he was a Japanese, refused to give him the
change.  The Marquess told me that he was sadly shocked; for, until
that moment, he had believed the English to be the most honest people
in the world.

In Shanghai, I learned that one of the leaders of the Reform Party,
Huang Chin, a victim of the _coup d'état_, had been arrested and was
about to be sent to Nanking for execution.  I urged his Excellency Kwei
Chun, Viceroy of Szechuan, to use his influence to save Huang's life,
pointing out to him that these political executions were exceedingly
distasteful to the British people.  I am glad to say that my
intervention was effectual, in that Huang Chin, instead of being
executed, was banished.

His Excellency Liu-Kwen-Yi having most courteously placed H.I.M.S.
_Nanshin_ at my disposal, I took passage in her to Nanking.

I was much interested in the arrangement and armament of the Chinese
man-of-war; but as she was warmed by means of charcoal stoves, my
investigations were conducted in a condition of partial suffocation
from the fumes.

Upon arriving at Nanking in the Nanshin, I received a salute of fifteen
guns; and proceeded to the Yamen of his {450} Excellency the Viceroy
Liu-Kwen-Yi between the lines of troops and banner-bearers, numbering
some thousands, who were ranged along the whole route of four and a
half miles in my honour.  Liu-Kwen-Yi, who received me with the
greatest courtesy and kindness, said that he was anxious to show his
friendship for Great Britain in every way.  In the course of two long
and interesting conversations with the Viceroy, who expressed his fear
of the present unstable posture of affairs, I suggested that there were
two contingencies to fear: a rebellion against the Government and an
insurrection against foreigners; either of which would be fatal to
commercial security.  His Excellency, however, assured me that there
was no danger of disturbances inspired by dislike of the foreigner.
Herein he was mistaken; for within two years occurred the Boxer
outbreak, which had the approval, secret or overt, of the Empress
Dowager.  At the Viceroy's request, I drew up a memorandum containing
my scheme for the reorganisation of the army on the principle of the
Imperial Maritime Customs, which I had proposed at Pekin.  A
translation of this document was sent by the Viceroy to Pekin.

On my return journey, I inspected the army, the fleet, the arsenal and
the Imperial naval college.

I arrived at Hong Kong for the second time on Christmas Day, 1898.  The
views of the China Association and of the British merchants here were
of the same tenor as those, already described, expressed by the British
communities at all the trading centres visited by me.

To complete my itinerary in brief, other places visited by me were
Wuhu, Kinkiang, Chinkiang, Kiangzin, Hankow, Foochow, Swatow, Amoy,
Canton, and Wuchow.  At each place I drew up a report describing the
local conditions and embodying the representations of the British
communities.

Their common complaint was that British trade was declining.  But an
examination of the detailed reports which in response to the letters
sent by me beforehand, were ready for my inspection, showed that on the
contrary the branches {451} of trade already possessed by the British
had increased; and that it was in new branches started by foreign
nations that the British were not succeeding.  Their comparative
failure in this respect I held to be partly due to the fact that
foreign nations supplied what the people wanted, while the British
insisted on trying to sell to them what the British thought they ought
to want.



CONCLUSION

The following reports were framed by me: report on the railways and
waterways; report upon the British Consulate; a general comprehensive
report upon Trade, Treaties and Tariffs; and a highly elaborate report
upon the complicated question of Finance and Currency.  All these are
set forth in my book, _The Break-up of China_, which also includes a
summary of the reforms which appeared to me to be most requisite.
These were:--

1. An Imperial coinage.

2. Reform in the method of collecting the land-tax.

3. Removal of restrictions on the export of grain.

4. Modification of the laws governing the salt monopoly.

5. The right of foreigners to reside in the interior for purposes of
trade.

6. The registration and protection of trade marks and copyright.

7. The removal of the remaining restrictions on inland water navigation.

8. The abolition of the likin, or a change of administration which
would ensure that likin should be collected once only.

9. Greater facilities to be given to respectable foreign syndicates to
work minerals.

10. The establishment of reformed departments for the regulation of
finance, railways, waterways, roads, posts and telegraphs, and a bureau
to deal with all questions connected with trade.  The existing {452}
telegraph service was so bad, that a letter sent from Tientsin to
Shanghai has been known to arrive before a telegram sent at the same
time.  _The Times_ correspondent at Pekin told me that his telegrams
very often cost as much to send from Pekin to Shanghai as from Shanghai
to London.

11. One other bureau was urgently needed, a Trade Intelligence
Department, to deal with scientific and practical questions relating to
the natural products available in China for commercial purposes.  What
is an insignificant export to-day may become a valuable article of
commerce to-morrow.  There should be a scientific classification of the
products of China on the same lines as the classification of products
in India.


I may here quote what, in relation to the whole matter, I wrote at the
time:

"If it be said that my policy for the reorganisation of the Chinese
army and police is a warlike policy, I reply that it is the only plan
yet suggested which gives any guarantee of peace.  Great Britain's
strongest guarantee of peace has been the reorganisation of her Fleet.
Without peace commerce must perish.  To keep the peace, authority must
be properly equipped.  Our choice with regard to the Chinese Empire is
simple: we may choose to wreck or we may choose to restore."

The resolutions passed by the British mercantile communities and the
many letters I received from them subsequently, testify to their
approval of my recommendations.  The following documents express the
sentiments of the Chinese themselves, and of the foreign merchants:

"At a meeting of Chinese merchants and traders, and other Chinese
gentlemen resident in Hong Kong, held at the Chinese Chamber of
Commerce on 22nd January, 1899, on {453} the motion of Mr. Ho Tung,
seconded by Mr. Leung Shiu Kwong, it was resolved:

"'1. Having closely followed with great and attentive interest, and
carefully considered what Lord Charles Beresford has said and done in
China in connection with his recent mission on behalf of the Associated
Chambers of Commerce, we, the Chinese community of Hong Kong here
assembled, are in accord with and heartily support the policy the noble
lord proposes in regard to the "Open Door" as regards commerce, and
also with regard to the reorganisation of the Chinese army.

"'2. That we recognise the combined proposals, if carried out, will
benefit China quite as much as, if not more, than England, and other
nations, in her trading interest, and we therefore hope that Lord
Charles will be intrusted by the British Government with the carrying
out of the views he has so closely enunciated, as we, the Chinese
people of Hong Kong, observe that his efforts are directed to the
benefit of both his country and our country, and to the benefit of the
trade of China and the trade of England.

"'3. That we recognise and make our cordial acknowledgments for the
sympathetic manner with which he has approached our country; and

"'4. That we desire emphatically to express our full confidence in Lord
Charles Beresford, whose ability, integrity and zeal we are sure
peculiarly fit him successfully to carry out the proposals he has made
for the furtherance of trade and the preservation of the Chinese
Empire.'

"(Signed) Lo CHI TIU, Chairman
          H. O. FOOK, Secretary"


The General Foreign Commercial Community of Shanghai, on 8th January,
1899, passed the following resolution:

"That our cordial thanks be tendered to Lord Charles Beresford for the
service he has rendered to the foreign communities in China by personal
investigation into the conditions of the various interests we
represent."

{454}

Upon my return, I represented what I believed to be the real posture of
affairs in China, when the subject was discussed in the House of
Commons.  In November, 1899, I read a paper upon "Engineering in China"
before the Institute of Mechanical Engineers.




{455}

CHAPTER XLV

TRAFFICS AND DISCOVERIES (_Continued_)

II. JAPAN

Having received invitations to visit Japan from the Chambers of
Commerce and from prominent persons interested in the China trade, I
stayed for a short time in that country on my way home.  Thirty years
previously, accompanying H.R.H. the Duke of Edinburgh in the _Galatea_,
I had seen the Old Japan.  I was now to see, super-imposed upon the
Old, the New Japan.  That which China was groping after, Japan had
seized and made her own.  What we call Western civilisation: the
civilisation of commerce, of science, of mechanical invention: Japan
had put on like a garment.

Both the army and the navy, whose supreme commander is the Emperor,
were organised, efficient, and in process of augmentation.  China
feared Russia; but Japan was even then preparing to fight Russia.

As in arms, so in manufactures, Japan already rivalled the West.  The
foreigner, who, a generation previously, walked in peril of his life,
was now welcomed, imitated, and loaded with civilities.

During my brief sojourn, the swift and shining manifestations of the
new spirit (which was the old spirit seeking a new avatar) surrounded
me.  At Osaka, quick-firing field artillery and magazine rifles were
being made to Japanese patents, excellent in design and construction;
and the humming factories were turning out sugar, cotton, matches,
{456} iron and steel; and, at a meeting of the Chamber of Commerce, the
Mayor declared that it was imperative in the interests of Japanese
trade that the policy of the "Open Door" should prevail in China.  The
Chamber of Commerce said the same at Kioto.  A generation since, the
two-sworded samurai were guarding the door of Japan, lest it should be
opened.

At Kioto, electricity, generated by water power, lighted the streets
and houses, worked the trams, pumped the water; the use of electric
power was then more common, I believe in Japan than in any other
country; and there were telegraphs and telephones in nearly every town.

In Tokio, I had the honour of meeting several members of the Ministry,
who, stating that they regarded the "Spheres of Influence" policy to be
fatal to Japanese interests, expressed their desire to work together
with other nations in favour of the policy of the "Open Door."  Having
been invited by the Chamber of Commerce to address a public meeting, I
spoke on the subject of the future development of trade with China.
The meeting was attended by Ministers, military and naval officers, the
President and many members of both Houses, and representatives of the
mercantile community.  The Japanese interpreter sat beside me and
equipped with inkpot, paper and brush, he painted down my words in the
Japanese character.  When I sat down, the interpreter rose and repeated
my speech in Japanese, his delivery occupying the same time as mine.
Every now and then he was interrupted by applause, the audience tapping
with their fans.  The British Minister told me that it was aroused by
the mention of the identity of Japanese and British interests, and
especially by the comparison drawn between Japan and Great Britain.

The authorities kindly conducted me over the various schools of
military training, in which the system was perfect; the arsenal,
employing 6000 men, and turning out work second to none; and the
barracks, a model of efficiency.  The Minister for War, General
Viscount Katsura, courteously {457} held a parade of troops for my
benefit.  All arms were admirable alike in organisation, appearance,
and discipline.

Before leaving Tokio, I had the opportunity of paying my respects to
his Majesty the Emperor; who was so good as to say he remembered the
visit of the Duke of Edinburgh of whose suite I had been a member, and
invited me to an afternoon's sport in his private pleasaunce.  Every
foot of the garden was wrought like a gem.  Diversified with miniature
mountains, tiny grottoes, and brilliant foliage, it was intersected by
narrow rivers which were haunted by wild duck.  Two or three days
before the sport took place, the garden was left solitary, so that the
ducks should come into it.  The method was to catch the duck in a
hand-net as it rose from the water.

His Majesty said that the development of trade with China must
strengthen the friendship between the peoples of Great Britain and
Japan, the interests of both countries being the same; and expressed
the hope that the endeavours of the Associated Chambers of Commerce of
Great Britain might be the beginning of a great extension of trade, in
which Japan would take a prominent part.

At Yokohama, Admiral Yamamoto, Minister of Marine, courteously invited
me to visit the dockyard and fleet at Yokohama, placing H.I.M. cruiser
_Takasago_ at my disposal.  The vessel was throughout in as good
condition as a man-of-war could be; and her ship's company were smart,
well dressed and well disciplined.

At Yokosha is a large torpedo depot, at which everything connected with
torpedo warfare is organised under its own administration; a system
preferable to the British method, in which the torpedo departments are
auxiliary to the dockyards.

The impression disengaged by my sojourn of a fortnight in Japan was
that both the political and commercial classes were determined to
enforce the "Open Door" in China, where their commercial interests were
extensive.  I observed that the nation was arming itself steadily and
effectively; and that a spirit of patriotism was universal.  Four years
later, the Russo-Japanese war broke out.




{458}

CHAPTER XLVI

TRAFFICS AND DISCOVERIES (_Continued_)

III. THE UNITED STATES

The many invitations sent to me while I was in China from the United
States determined me to visit that country on the way home; in order to
explain to the American nation the situation in China; to encourage if
it might be, the growth of amity between the English and the American
peoples; and incidentally to mark the contrast between the most ancient
and static Empire of the East and the restless dynamic forces of the
latest experiment in Western civilisation.  I had arrived at Nagasaki
on the 11th January, 1899; traversed Japan as a half-way house, in
which West and East had married, and in which their offspring were
presently to astonish the world; and came to San Francisco on the 10th
of February.

Immediately the wheels of life began to revolve with an extraordinary
velocity.  I was caught up in the sumptuous hospitality of that
generous people--deluged with invitations; and haunted by interviewers.
In looking back, great cities rise one upon another, like cities in a
dream; I seem always to be speaking to a field of keen, upturned
countenances; the only respite comes in the days and nights, all run
into one to the long roll of the cars, as the train eats up the miles
of that land of vast spaces; and everywhere there are welcome and
cordiality and friendship.

And everywhere there were Irishmen, rushing to shake hands with a
countryman; rushing any distance, often {459} hundreds of miles, just
to exchange greetings at the latter end.  Irishmen are so, the world
over.

One among my countrymen had travelled a thousand miles to see me, when
he called at my hotel.  I told him that I had twenty minutes before
starting for Chicago, and that I must retire to my room to bathe, shave
and prepare a speech in that time.

"I'll come wid ye," said he, cheerfully; and while I made my
dispositions, he sat in the adjoining room and talked of the old
country with that pride and affection which all Irishmen feel for their
native land.

San Francisco, Denver, Chicago, Buffalo, Washington, New York: these
were the great towns strung among the lesser.  At San Francisco, I
addressed the Chamber of Commerce.  At Chicago, I was entertained by
Mr. McCormick, President of the Associated Chambers and of the
Committee of the Commercial Club.

All unknown to me, it had been arranged that I should address a large
meeting at eleven o'clock on the morning of my arrival.  When the train
came in at ten o'clock, I was informed of the arrangement; went to the
hotel, dictated notes to my secretary while I made my toilette, arrived
at the meeting punctually, and spoke for half an hour.

Here, and throughout America, I kept strictly to my terms of reference:
dwelling upon the opportunities for extending trade in China; the
necessity for pursuing the policy of the "Open Door"; and the community
of interest existing between America and Great Britain.

The Board of Trade, which is the Stock Exchange of Chicago, invited me
to visit them; and when I was introduced as the representative of the
Associated Chambers of Commerce of Great Britain, the whole business of
the great market was stopped in order that I might address the members;
an event which, I was informed, was without precedent.  The Commercial
Club having kindly invited me to be the guest of their periodical
banquet, the Committee most courteously altered the date in order to
suit my {460} convenience.  In this case, there was a precedent; for
the date of the occasion had been altered when General Grant had been a
guest of the Club.

At Washington, I was most hospitably entertained by Mr. Hay, Secretary
of State and late Ambassador in Great Britain.  I had the privilege of
paying my respects to President McKinley, and of meeting many
distinguished Americans, Senators and others, all of whom expressed
great interest in the enterprise of the British Associated Chambers of
Commerce.  At this time I first met Colonel Robert M. Thompson, who
became a great friend of mine; and Admiral Brownson, whose skill in
handling a fleet I subsequently admired.

Upon my arrival at New York, I fulfilled an engagement to address the
American Asiatic Association.  Mr. Whitelaw Reid, afterwards Ambassador
in Great Britain, in an eloquent speech, declared that the policy of
the "Open Door" was that which was best suited for the development of
American trade, and that the American Government intended to institute
it in the Philippine Islands.

Addressing the New York Chamber of Commerce, I found the members to
express the same sympathy and interest with which my representations
had been received throughout the United States.  The American attitude
was, in fact, that while they were desirous of strengthening their
friendship with England, and approved the policy of the "Open Door,"
they did not feel justified in going beyond a moral support of it.

Upon visiting New York a second time, I was introduced into the Stock
Exchange by Mr. Rudolph Kepler, the President, who took me up the floor
to the rostrum.  The proceedings were stopped; and at the President's
request, I addressed the members for two or three minutes.  Some one
said that my speech was at the rate of 100,000 dollars a second.  I
hope he was exaggerating.




{461}

CHAPTER XLVII

H.M.S. _RAMILLIES_

When the men who had gone out to South Africa to take part in the
Jameson Raid were passing through the Suez Canal on their way back
again, I saw and heard the people in the British ships cheering them as
they went by; a popular effusion which (in my view) boded trouble in
the future.  Soon after my return from the United States in 1899, an
instalment of the trouble arrived.  The burghers of the Transvaal and
of the Orange Free State crossed the British frontiers on the 12th
October.

This country began as usual by underrating the strength of the enemy.
Many of us remember the talk about rolling them up, and all the rest of
it; all very bright in its way; but not the way to begin a war, much
less to end it.  Those of us who understood war, were by no means so
confident; and I expressed their opinion, when, as I may perhaps here
venture to recall, speaking at the Cutlers' Feast at Sheffield on the
2nd November, and again at Sunderland on the 6th November, 1899, I most
emphatically advocated the dispatch of a much larger force than the
Government had allocated for the purpose; on the principle that "in the
fire brigade, if an officer thought a fire needed four engines to put
it out, he would send eight."

Matters have changed so little since the South African war that,
although our Army and Navy are relatively inferior to what they were in
1899, the politicians are still alternately boasting of what will be
done in an emergency, and declaring that war is no longer possible.

{462}

In December, 1899, I was appointed second in command of the
Mediterranean Fleet under the command of Vice-Admiral Sir J. A. Fisher,
K.C.B. (now Admiral of the Fleet Lord Fisher of Kilverstone, G.C.B.,
O.M., G.C.V.O.), flying his flag in H.M.S. _Renown_, and thereupon
resigned my seat at York.  The London Chamber of Commerce were so good
as to invite me to a banquet prior to my departure.  Speaking upon that
occasion, I pointed out that under our existing system of
administration, while the Cabinet must always bear the ultimate
responsibility, there was not yet in existence a department whose duty
it was to represent what were the requirements, present and future, of
Imperial defence.  So far as the Navy was concerned, the duty was
charged upon the First Sea Lord; but it involved a task so vast and
complex, that no one man could possibly fulfil it; nor had the
Intelligence Department been developed, according to its original
purpose, into a War Staff.

In the event of a disaster in war, resulting from lack of organisation
and preparation, the Government, being rightly held responsible, are
perhaps turned out of office; when the nation may derive what
consolation may accrue from losing both its Government and the Empire
upon the same day.

My first command as rear-admiral coincided with the final disappearance
from the Navy of the old masts and sails training which was the delight
and pride of the sailors of my generation.  Before the decision of the
Admiralty had been finally made, I suggested (in _The Times_, 9th
December, 1899) that, as there were then only four training ships, so
that no more than a proportion of boys could be passed through them,
either the system should be abolished, or two squadrons of six ships
should be provided, and all boys trained in them.  The Admiralty,
however, considered that it would be inadvisable to send away so many
young seamen; and they were right.

I hoisted my flag in H.M.S. _Ramillies_ on 12th January 1900.  She was
a first-class battleship of the _Royal Sovereign_ {463} class, of
14,150 tons.  At that time she was six or seven years old; at the time
of writing, although she is no more than twenty, she has been sold for
old iron; and when they took her away to break her up, she got adrift
in a seaway off the Isle of Wight.

I saw the last of my old flagship as I was passing through the gut of
Gibraltar, on board the R.M.S. _Orvieto_, on 25th November, 1913.  She
was being towed by a small tug to her last home, the yard of an Italian
ship-knacker.  I thought of the old happy days on board her, and all
the sport, when she held the record in the Fleet for most of the drills
and all the boat-racing.

The flag-captain was Robert S. Lowry (now Vice-Admiral Sir R. S. Lowry,
K.C.B.), who had been with me in the _Undaunted_ as commander.  The
commander was the Hon. Horace L. A. Hood (now Rear-Admiral Hood, C.B.,
M.V.O., D.S.O.).  The flag-lieutenant was Maurice J. G. Cay, and the
secretary, Paymaster John A. Keys (now Fleet Paymaster J. A. Keys), who
was with me afterwards in my flagships.

At that time, apart from being charged with the duty of carrying into
execution the orders of the commander-in-chief, an officer second in
command had no individual responsibility.  In other words, he had
little opportunity of acquiring from his superior officer that
knowledge which, in the event of war, he would require in an emergency.

Upon the adequacy of the Mediterranean Fleet depends the safety of the
Empire in time of war; but although war was then waging in South
Africa, although the other European Powers regarded Great Britain with
open or covert hostility, and although a combination of France and
Russia against this country was by no means improbable, the
Mediterranean Fleet was barely sufficient to meet the French Fleet
alone with any reasonable certainty of success.  In other words, so far
as numbers and composition were concerned, the Mediterranean Fleet was
incapable of carrying into execution the duties with which it must be
charged in {464} the event of war.  Under the command of Sir John
Fisher, its efficiency was admirable.

The bare statement of the requirements sufficiently indicates their
necessity.  An increase of the supply of reserve coal, then dangerously
deficient; the provision of fleet colliers, fully equipped, of
distilling ships, of telegraph ships, and of hospital ships, of which
until quite recently there was only one in the Navy, and that one a
present from the United States; of store ships, reserve ammunition
ships and parent ships for torpedo craft: thirty-four vessels in all,
representing those auxiliaries without which no Fleet is adequately
fitted to fulfil its duties in war.  These deficiencies fall to be
recorded, because, although some of them have since been supplied, it
is still the habit of the authorities to neglect the provision of fleet
auxiliaries, and the public are taught to believe that a squadron of
battleships is self-sufficient.

The construction of submarines, which had long been the subject of
experiment in France, having been begun by the United States, induced
me to write to Lord Goschen, First Lord, observing that whether or not
the new arm might prove valuable in war, at least it ought to be
tested, and suggesting that two experimental boats should be ordered.
The Admiralty shortly afterwards purchased five submarines of the
Holland Torpedo Boat Company, U.S.A., of a similar design to the six
Hollands of the _Adder_ class ordered by the United States in June,
1900.  The Hollands were followed by the construction in this country
of the "A" class; and as everyone knows, the type was rapidly developed
until Great Britain now possesses a large fleet of these vessels.

Having investigated when I was in the _Undaunted_ the French system of
nucleus crews, under which the older men and pensioners were employed
to form skeleton crews for the ships in Reserve, upon the understanding
that they were not to go to sea in full commission except in the event
of war, I sent home a report upon the subject, indicating the advantage
enjoyed by the French naval seaman, who, under {465} the nucleus crew
system, could look forward with certainty to spending the end of his
career comfortably in a home port, and suggesting that a modification
of the system might be introduced into our own Service.  Under the
British system, the ships in the Steam Reserve were then kept in order
by working parties composed of men temporarily under training in the
depots attached to the dockyards, an arrangement which had the
disadvantage that the men who formed the crews in the event of war,
would not be the men who were familiar with the ships.

Some years later, the Admiralty introduced the nucleus crew system,
which differed entirely from the principle upon which was based the
French method, in that a proportion of active service ratings were
placed on board the ships of the Reserve, and that these crews were
being constantly shifted from ship to ship.  After a series of
experiments, it was officially decided to man a number of ships in
active commission with nucleus crews, which are officially stated to be
as efficient as full crews; a state of things which is as dangerous to
the national security as it is unfair to officers and men.

The accident occurring on board the French man-of-war _Admiral
Duperré_, leading to the conclusion that if cordite were exposed to
heat above a certain temperature its ignition would cause an enormously
increased pressure upon the gun, induced me officially to represent the
necessity of keeping ammunition at an even temperature.  Several years
afterwards, a large quantity of cordite distributed among the Fleet was
found to be in so dangerous a condition that it was destroyed, and the
ammunition chambers were equipped with cooling apparatus.

My interest in signalling inspired me to invent a new drill for the
signalmen, in which the men themselves represented ships.  Linked
together with a tack-line, in order to keep them in station, the men
executed the evolutions of a fleet in obedience to signals.  I also
advocated that all captains and commanders should pass the signal
school as {466} a qualification for flag-command.  Every admiral ought
to be familiar with manoeuvre signals at least; for in default of that
knowledge, he does not know that a wrong signal has been hoisted in his
flagship until he sees the ships making a wrong manoeuvre.  An admiral
who understands signals will seldom, if ever, be observed hoisting a
negative.

It was in the year 1900 that H.M.S. _Terrible_, commanded by Captain
Percy M. Scott (now Admiral Sir P. M. Scott, K.C.B., K.C.V.O.) on the
China station, distinguished herself by making a gunnery record of a
percentage of 76.92 hits, as compared with the mean percentage of all
ships in commission, of which the highest was 46.91 (10-inch gun), and
the lowest was 28.2 (16.25 inch and 13.5 inch).  Comparing the
_Renown_, flagship of the Mediterranean, with the _Terrible_, both
really smart ships, it was clear that there must be something radically
wrong with our gunnery training, when the _Terrible_ made more than
twice the number of hits with her 6-inch guns in the same number of
rounds.

I wrote home, suggesting that, as Captain Percy Scott had solved the
difficulties with which we were all struggling it would be advisable to
send him to the various Fleets and Squadrons to teach us the right
methods.  I also wrote to Captain Percy Scott, expressing my interest
in his achievement, and received from him a courteous reply, enclosing
much useful information: which enabled me to represent to the
commander-in-chief that consideration should be given to the new
arrangements for shooting instituted on the China station, owing to the
inventions and the industry of Captain Percy Scott.  It was also urged
that a gunnery training ship should be attached to each Fleet.

Among the excellent practices introduced by the commander-in-chief, was
the writing of essays by officers upon a given subject--the interchange
of ideas being of much educational value; and perhaps of hardly less
utility, was the exercise in composition.  Many naval officers evince
marked literary ability; but there is always a proportion who find
accurate expression a difficulty.  Few, however, so {467} dismally
succumb to it as the author of the following signal, made in response
to a request from an admiral for the explanation of a mistake in
manoeuvring.  The reply was:

"When signal A2 pendant was made ---- reduced to 30 revolutions and as
she gradually dropped astern to get astern of ---- observed her bearing
she suddenly seemed to stop and turn towards us and we stopped and went
astern on seeing flagship passing ahead of ---- altogether we had
turned 6 points by that time.  My object was to get under her stern by
dropping and watching her thinking that she was dropping gradually to
get astern."

At this time, the Board of Admiralty effected many improvements.  The
coal supply for the Mediterranean was increased, the Mediterranean
Fleet was strengthened, and provided with colliers and with a hospital
ship; better ships were allocated for gunnery training at the home
ports; the old coastguard ships were replaced with modern vessels;
submarines were added to the Fleet; the signalling was improved; the
regulations for training gunnery and torpedo ratings were revised;
obsolete ships were removed from the effective list; a naval tactical
school was established; and combined manoeuvres of the Channel and
Mediterranean Fleets were instituted.

While Vice-Admiral Sir John Fisher was commander-in-chief of the
Mediterranean Fleet, he greatly improved its fighting efficiency.  As
the result of his representations, the stocks of coal at Malta and
Gibraltar were increased, the torpedo flotillas were strengthened, and
the new breakwaters at Malta were begun.  Some of Sir John Fisher's
reforms are confidential; but among his achievements which became
common knowledge, the following are notable: From a 12-knot Fleet with
breakdowns, he made a 15-knot Fleet without breakdowns; introduced long
range target practice, and instituted the Challenge Cup for heavy gun
shooting; instituted various war practices for officers and men;
invited, with excellent results, officers to formulate their opinions
upon cruising and battle formation; drew up complete {468} instructions
for torpedo flotillas; exercised cruisers in towing destroyers and
battleships in towing one another, thereby proving the utility of the
device for saving coal in an emergency; and generally carried into
execution Fleet exercises based, not on tradition but, on the
probabilities of war.

The _Ramillies_ competing in rifle-shooting, hockey, pistol shooting
and the squadron athletic sports, took the Mediterranean Jewel and £1;
was first in the sweepstakes; tied first for the Pembroke Plate; won
the tug-of-war twice, and the greasy pig race twice; altogether, the
ship took six firsts, nine seconds, and five thirds, out of 19 events.

In the early days of motor-cars, a motor-car race between Captain
George Neville and myself was arranged, the course being from the
bottom to the top of the Rock of Gibraltar.  My car broke down, and
Neville won the race.  Another breakdown in the same car occurred 20
miles distant from Vigo.  That night I was giving a dinner in Vigo to
the Municipality and all the notabilities.  I had not recovered from a
bad fall I had had with the Pytchley a few weeks previously, when I
broke my pelvis.  I was riding a first-class hireling hunter; a
bullfinch had been cut, and the hedging was in the field towards us; my
horse took off at the end of the hedging in the field, and (as they say
in Ireland) threw a magnificent lep, but failed to clear the top of the
wattles, and came over on top of me.

So, when the car broke down, I could not walk.  There was no help near.
The two friends who accompanied me, Hedworth Lambton and Hwfa Williams,
volunteered to get assistance.  Finding none, they had to walk
twenty-one miles into Vigo.  Hwfa Williams was wearing pumps.  For
several days previously, distrusting the car, he had equipped himself
with stout boots in case of accident; now, of course, he had left them
in the ship.  When he had first arrived on board, he had declared that
he was so ill that he could not be long for this world; but the walk
into Vigo cheered him up wonderfully.

{469}

I was eventually towed in the car into Vigo, arriving about two o'clock
in the morning.  In the meantime, the Staff had entertained my guests.

When I had been some six months in the Mediterranean, I was approached
as to whether I would accept the command of the Australian squadron.
Considering that the appointment would not afford the opportunities I
desired of learning how to handle a fleet, I intimated my preference
for remaining in the Mediterranean; where I remained for my full time
accordingly.

On 5th February, 1902, a few days before I completed my fifty-sixth
year, I hauled down my flag; and, in pursuance of a stately old custom
often practised on such an occasion, I was rowed ashore by twelve
officers in the cutter.  Landing at Naples, I went home, arriving in
London just in time to attend the debate upon the Navy Estimates in the
House of Commons.

In the following June, Admiral Sir John Fisher succeeded Vice-Admiral
Sir A. L. Douglas upon the Board of Admiralty as Second Sea Lord.




{470}

CHAPTER XLVIII

HER MAJESTY'S MIDSHIPMEN

Having adopted the practice of asking the officers in the Fleet under
my command to write essays upon subjects connected with the Service, I
once received a disquisition in which the author (a midshipman) dwelt
sorrowfully upon the unaccountable indifference manifested by senior
officers towards the opinions of midshipmen, who, said the writer,
having young and vigorous minds, were naturally better fitted to
grapple with problems which baffled the older and slower intellect.

This particular young gentleman must I think have applied his vigorous
mind to the problem of how to obtain a generous allowance of leave.  I
trust I did him no injustice; but whenever the Fleet lay off the coasts
of Scotland, he was afflicted with a grievous toothache, requiring an
immediate visit to the dentist.  When he had gone ashore to have a
tooth out in every port in Scotland, I sent for him.

"Tell me," I said, "how many teeth you have left?  For I make out that
you have had forty-six teeth extracted in Scotland alone."

Many a delightful day have I had with the midshipmen of the ships and
fleets in which I have served.  We fished together, rode, shot, hunted
and raced together.  Memory does not always supply episodes in their
chronological order; and I set these down as they occur to me.

When I was lieutenant in the _Bellerophon_, stationed at Bermuda, I
used to take the midshipmen out fishing.  In {471} those seas, the
water is so clear that one can watch the fish taking the bait.  Once,
deep down, I saw the head of a conger eel protruding from the cleft of
the rocks in which he lay.  I dropped the bait in front of his nose,
and watched his head move back and forth, until he took the bait.  Then
I shifted the midshipmen to the farther side of the boat to
counterweigh the strain and to get a purchase on the line, and hauled
out the great eel, piece by piece, and we dragged him into the boat.

About that time, the midshipmen saved me from a highly disagreeable
death.  We were out fishing in my boat, and one of the midshipmen threw
my housewife for snooded hooks at another, and missing him, it went
overboard.  Now my fishing housewife was a most valuable possession; I
had made it myself; and when I saw it sinking slowly down through the
clear water, I dived for it and caught it.  By the time I rose to the
surface, the boat had drifted away from me.  Hailing the crew, I swam
after the boat; and as I reached her, I was suddenly hoisted bodily
inboard by the slack of my breeches.  Almost at the same moment, the
fin of a shark shot up beside the gunwale.  The midshipmen, my
saviours, observed that "it was a sell for the shark."

We sailed one day to North Rock, which lies about twenty-two miles from
Bermuda, and there we fished.  Towards evening, it came on to blow.
The ship was invisible from North Rock, and it was impossible to
return.  We tried to secure the boat to the rocks, but failed.  There
was nothing to be done but to lay to and bale.  As the dark fell, I
found we had no light.  By this time the midshipmen were utterly
exhausted, and were lying helpless.  I made a lantern out of the
mustard-pot, using oil from a sardine tin, and fabricating a wick from
a cotton fishing line, and slung it on the beam.  It burned all night.
And all night, one of the worst nights in my recollection, we tacked to
and fro close-reefed.  At dawn, we started on the return trip; and, so
whimsical a thing is destiny, no sooner had we {472} sighted the Fleet,
than a puff of wind carried away the mast which had stood so stoutly
all the night of storm.

My boat was what was called a "Mugian" boat, built in Bermuda.  Her
crew consisted of one man.  His name was Esau, and he was a liberated
slave of an incomparable obstinacy, a fault of which I cured him in one
moment.  When we took the boat for her first trip, I was persuaded that
I could steer her among the reefs as well as Esau.  But Esau was of
another opinion.  When argument failed, he tried to wrest the tiller
from me, whereupon, unshipping it, I brought it down on Esau's head.  I
was a powerful youth, and I struck hard; yet it was not the head of
Esau which was broken, but the tiller, though it was of oak.  In trying
to steer with a short piece of the tiller, we were nearly wrecked; but
Esau ventured no further remonstrance, neither then nor afterwards.

There is a right way and there is a wrong way of dealing with
midshipmen; and a little imagination may reveal the right way.  When I
was in command of the _Undaunted_, stationed at Malta, I noticed that
the midshipmen, returning on board after taking violent exercise on
shore, were often overheated, with the result that they caught a chill,
and the chill brought on Malta fever, the curse of that island in those
days.  I issued an order that overcoats were to be taken ashore and
worn while coming off to the ship; and I caused a room in the Custom
House to be fitted with pegs, upon which the coats might be left until
they were required.

The next thing was that a boy who came on board without his overcoat,
had his leave stopped by the commander.  There was a boxing match on
shore, which I wished all the midshipmen to see.  I intended that he
should see the match; and it was also necessary that, without severity
on the one hand or indulgence on the other, the occasion should be
stamped upon his memory.  So when the rest of the midshipmen had gone,
I sent for the solitary youth, and bade him explain his case.  When he
had finished, I told {473} him that I intended to inflict upon him an
additional punishment.  He regarded me with a face of alarm.

"You will go ashore," I said, "and you will write for me a full and an
exact account of the boxing match."

He saw the match; and after the pains of literary composition, he would
not so easily forget his overcoat.

In the _Undaunted_, the midshipmen were taught to make their own canvas
jumpers and trousers.

I used to keep two or three extra guns for the use of the midshipmen,
whom I took out shooting whenever an opportunity occurred.  Some of the
boys had never handled a gun before.  A midshipman once shot a hare
when the animal was right at my feet.

"Wasn't that a good shot, sir!" said he joyously.

It did not occur to his innocence that he might have brought me down
instead of the hare.

On Saturdays, I took out shooting the torpedo classes of midshipmen,
which were conducted by my old friend, Captain Durnford (now Admiral
Sir John Durnford, K.C.B., D.S.O.).  We advanced in very open order,
placing the midshipmen some 200 yards apart from one another, for fear
of accidents, and we fired at everything that came along, in every
direction.  Upon one such occasion, I took out the warrant officers,
among whom was the carpenter, who had never shot anything in his life.
We were after snipe--I think at Platea--a bird whose flight, as all
sportsmen know, is peculiar.  A snipe in mid-flight will dive suddenly,
dropping to earth out of sight.  The old carpenter raised his gun very
slowly, and aimed with immense deliberation, the muzzle of his gun
cautiously tracing the flight of the bird, thus expending cartridge
after cartridge.  Suddenly his bird dropped.  He shouted with delight
and, holding his gun high over his head, ran as hard as he could pelt
towards the spot upon which, as he believed, the bird had fallen dead.
We saw it rise behind him; but nothing would persuade him that he had
not slain his quarry.  He searched and searched, in vain.  Going back
in the boat, I noticed that {474} he was sunk in a profound melancholy,
and bade him cheer up.

"It do seem 'ard, sir," he said sadly, "that the only bird I ever shot
in my life, I shouldn't be able to find it."  And sad he remained.

After one of these excursions, a midshipman brought to me the gun I had
lent to him, with the barrels bent.

"I am very sorry, sir," he said.  "The fact is, I slipped on the rocks,
and fell with the barrels under me.  But," he added eagerly, "it shoots
just as well as it did before, sir."

I turned to another midshipman who had been of the party.

"Did you see him shoot before the accident?"

"Yes, sir."

"Did he hit anything?"

"No, sir."

"Did you see him shoot _after_ the accident?"

"Yes, sir."

"Did he hit anything?"

"No, sir."

"Then," I said to the first midshipman, "your statement is correct.
Will you please take the gun to the armourer to be repaired?"

I landed at Gibraltar very early in the morning, about four o'clock,
with the intention of cub-hunting.  At the stables I found a
midshipman, dressed in plain clothes, whom I did not know.  I asked him
what he was doing.  He said that he wanted to go cub-hunting, but that
he hadn't a horse.  I gave him a mount and told him to stick to me.  He
did as he was told, literally.  He was in my pocket all day; he jumped
upon the top of me; I couldn't get rid of him.  When I remonstrated, he
said:

"You told me to stick to you, sir.  And I say, sir, _isn't it fun_!"

He reminds me of the first time Fred Archer, the famous jockey, went
out hunting.  He stuck as close {475} behind his host as my midshipman
did to me; but his reply to all remonstrance was:

"What are you grumbling at?  I'm giving you half a length!"

Part of my scheme of training midshipmen in the Mediterranean was to
send them away, under the charge of a lieutenant, for two days at a
time, to fend for themselves upon one of the islands.  I sent them away
in the pinnace, and they took guns and provided their own food, and
enjoyed themselves to the full.

At Alexandria, the midshipmen of a United States warship challenged the
midshipmen in the Fleet to a pulling race.  At that time I had a
private galley, the _Hippocampe_, which had never been beaten; while
the Americans had a boat of special construction, much lighter than our
Service boats.  As the _Hippocampe_ was not a regulation Service boat,
I asked the American captain whether he had any objection to her.  He
said he had none.  I trained a crew selected from the midshipmen of the
Fleet.  The American midshipmen were of course older and heavier than
our boys, as they enter the Navy at a later age.  At one point in the
race they were ten lengths ahead; but at the end they were astern.

While I was in command of the _Undaunted_, two of the midshipmen of the
Fleet performed the feat of climbing the Great Pyramid on the wrong
side, where the stone is rotten.  It was a most perilous proceeding;
and as I was responsible for the party, when the boys, having nearly
reached the top, crawled round to the safe side, I was greatly
relieved, and so was the Sheikh, who was imploring me on his knees to
stop them.  The fact was that the midshipmen had refused to take the
Arab guides, and had started before I knew what was happening.

I used to take the midshipmen out for paperchases at Malta.  The
flag-lieutenant and myself, being mounted, were the hares.  Crowds used
to watch us, and we finished up with a big tea.  Races on horseback for
the midshipmen {476} were held at St. Paul's Bay, myself being the
winning-post, at which they arrived hot and panting.  There were only
two accidents on record, a broken arm and a broken leg.

We ascended Vesuvius together, taking a heliograph, with which we
signalled to the flagship, lying below in the Bay of Naples.  Upon the
very day the last great eruption began, we looked down the crater and
saw the lava heaving and bubbling like boiling coffee in a glass
receiver, and smoke bursting from it.  The guides hurried us away and
down; and no sooner had we arrived at the station, than there sounded
the first explosion, which blew up the spot upon which we had been
standing.

Seldom have I been more anxious than upon the day I stood on the roof
of the Palace at Malta, and watched a crew of midshipmen struggling to
make the harbour in a whole gale of wind.  I had sent them in the
launch to Gozo, and they had taken my bull-dog with them to give him
some exercise.  While they were on shore, the gale blew up; and rather
than break their leave, the boys set sail.  To my intense relief, I saw
them make the harbour; and then as they hauled the sheet aft to
round-to, over went the boat, and they were all swimming about in the
harbour; but happily they all came safely to land, including my
bull-dog.

There was once a midshipman (an Irishman) who, perceiving treacle
exposed for sale upon the cart of an itinerant vender of miscellaneous
commodities, was suddenly inspired (I do not know why) with a desire to
buy that condiment.

"What should the like of you be wanting with treacle?" said the man,
who was a surly fellow.

"Why shouldn't I buy treacle?" said the boy.

"How much do you want?"

"As much as you've got."

"I've got nothing to put it in," grumbled the man.

"Put it in my hat," insisted the midshipman, proffering that
receptacle.  It was a tall hat, for he was in mufti.

{477}

The vender of treacle reluctantly filled the hat with treacle.

"What are you going to do with it?" he asked again.

"I'll show you," returned the midshipman; and he swiftly clapped the
hat over the other's head, and jammed it down.




{478}

CHAPTER XLIX

THE PARLIAMENTARY ANVIL

Shortly after the expiration of my appointment as second in command in
the Mediterranean, I was back again in the House of Commons, this time
as member for Woolwich, having been returned unopposed.  Many
improvements in the Navy had been accomplished under Lord Salisbury's
administration; but the central defect in the system remained; and the
name of it was the want of a War Staff.  There was no one in existence
whose duty it was to discover and to represent what were the present
and the future requirements of Imperial defence.  The purpose with
which the Intelligence Department had been constituted at the
Admiralty, that it should be developed into a War Staff, had not been
fulfilled.  The First Sea Lord was indeed charged with the duties of
organisation for war and the preparation of plans of campaign; but no
one man could by any possibility accomplish so vast and so complex a
task.  How, then, was it done?  The answer is that it was not done.
The extraordinary achievement of the late Sir Frederick Richards may of
course be cited to exemplify what one man can do; but Sir Frederick was
the man of a century, alike in knowledge, ability and character; and
that he was enabled, as First Sea Lord, temporarily to conquer the
difficulties inherent in the system, merely proves that the system was
so bad that a man of genius was required to overcome its defects, and
(in a word) to achieve his purpose in spite of it.  The supply of such
men is extremely {479} limited.  When such an one appears, which (with
luck) is once or twice in a generation, the system may be disregarded,
for he will make his own system.

But the need of a War Staff is sufficiently proved by the fact that,
ever since it was established in 1912, its members have been working
day and night.  Two flag officers, four captains, five commanders, one
lieutenant; three majors, Royal Marines, six captains, Royal Marines;
one engineer-commander, three paymasters, and a staff of clerks: 25
officers and 19 civilians; now (1913) constitute the three divisions of
the Admiralty War Staff; more than double the number composing the
Intelligence Department when in 1912 it became one of the Divisions of
the War Staff.  The balance of officers and clerks was added to the
Admiralty to discharge new duties.  Who performed these duties before
the addition was made?  No one.  What was the result?  The Government
were ignorant of all save obvious requirements, and often of those; and
in the result, occurred periodical revelations of deficiencies
(sometimes called panics), involving that excessive expenditure which
is the price of neglect.

I have wrought hard to reform the system all my life.  My successive
sojourns in Parliament have been chiefly dedicated to that enterprise.
So in 1902 I began again to hammer on the Parliamentary anvil.  In
March, I addressed the London Chamber of Commerce upon the lack of
administrative efficiency in national organisation for defence.  In
June, I moved the reduction of the First Lord's salary in order to call
attention to defects in Admiralty administration.  It was pointed out
that the time of commanders-in-chief upon most naval stations was
habitually expended in representing to the Admiralty deficiencies which
would never have occurred were there a Department at the Admiralty
charged with the duty of providing against them; and that, in the lack
of such a War Staff, the Budget for naval purposes was based upon
financial and political considerations, leaving naval requirements out
of the reckoning.

Mr. H. O. Arnold-Forster, Parliamentary Secretary to {480} the
Admiralty, admitted that "there was need for reinforcement in the
intellectual equipment which directed or ought to direct the enormous
forces of the Empire."  That was one way of putting it; he was
perfectly right in affirming that (in similar language) a thinking
department was required in which the best sailors and soldiers should
combine to formulate the requirements of Imperial defence for the
information of the Cabinet.

The Government would then (at least) know what the requirements were.
In default of that knowledge, Ministers were open to the reproach
expressed bluntly enough by _The Saturday Review_ at the time (28th
June, 1902):

"That the one essential qualification for commanding a great service
such as our Navy should be an utter and entire ignorance of it and of
everything belonging to it, so that this commander may approach the
consideration of all questions relating to its well-being with absolute
impartiality and perfect freedom from prejudice, is surely one of the
most monstrous propositions ever put before men who were not candidates
for Government departments at Yarmouth" (lunatic asylum).

In the following month (July) I asked Mr. Balfour (who succeeded Lord
Salisbury as Prime Minister) in Parliament a question based upon Mr.
Arnold-Forster's statement aforesaid, as it was the considered
admission of a member of Government.  The question was: "Whether the
attention of the Government had been given to the need for some
reinforcement of the intellectual equipment for directing the forces of
the Empire and for better preparation in advance with regard to the
defence of the Empire."

Mr. Balfour replied that he would be delighted to increase in any way
the intellectual equipment in connection with this or any other
subject.  Upon being further asked what steps he proposed to take, Mr.
Balfour merely added that he would be glad to avail himself of such
talent as may be available.

The Press thereupon accused the Prime Minister of {481} frivolity.  In
December (1902), however, Mr. Balfour, in reply to another question
asked by me in the House, said that the "whole subject is at this
moment engaging the very earnest attention of the Government."  There
was already in existence a Committee of Defence constituted by Lord
Salisbury, as described in a previous chapter, but apparently it had
only met on one occasion, nor could anyone discover that it had ever
done anything.  In 1902, nearly twelve years had elapsed since the
Hartington Commission had recommended the "formation of a Naval and
Military Council, which should probably be presided over by the Prime
Minister, and consist of the Parliamentary Heads of the two Services,
and their principal professional advisers....  It would be essential to
the usefulness of such a Council and to the interests of the country
that the proceedings and decisions should be duly recorded, instances
having occurred in which Cabinet decisions have been differently
understood by the two departments and have become practically a dead
letter."

It may be hoped, indeed, that records are kept of the meetings of the
Committee of Imperial Defence.  They should contain some singularly
interesting information when the time comes for their publication,
which will be when the nation insists, as it does insist now and then,
upon finding a scapegoat.

To Mr. Balfour belongs the credit of having constituted the Committee
of Imperial Defence.  After the experiences of the South African war it
could scarcely be argued that some such body was not needed.  Here,
then, was a ripe opportunity, not only for co-ordinating the
administration of the two Services, not only for rightly estimating the
requirements of Imperial defence, but for lifting the Services above
party politics.  That opportunity was lost.  The Committee of Imperial
Defence immediately became, what it has remained, a sub-committee of
the Cabinet, wholly in subjection to party politics.

But in 1903, another and a highly important step was {482} taken
towards organisation for war, in the formation of the Commercial Branch
of the Intelligence Department at the Admiralty, charged with the duty
of dealing with the relations of the Navy and the mercantile marine in
time of war and with the protection of commerce and food supply.

A few years later, the Department was abolished during a period of
confusion; but it was restored as part of the War Staff soon after the
constitution of that body.

It will be observed that the utility of the Committee of Imperial
Defence depended primarily upon the work of a War Staff; for its naval
and military members could only be placed in possession of the
information with regard to requirements which it was (theoretically)
their duty to impart to the political members, by means of a War Staff.
But for several years after the formation of the committee, there was
no War Staff in existence at the Admiralty.

In December, 1902, occurred an opportunity for introducing physical and
military instruction into the elementary schools.  The Education Bill
was then before Parliament; in the elementary school system, the
machinery required to provide physical and military training already
existed and in my view, it should be utilised, "in order that our
manhood should have had some previous training if called upon to fight
in defence of the Empire."  With regard to physical education, its
necessity was exemplified in the large number of recruits rejected for
disabilities during the South African war; and as to military
instruction, the proposal was based upon the necessity of teaching
discipline and the rudiments of manly accomplishments to the young, by
means of education in marching, giving orders, swimming, and shooting
with a small-bore rifle.  These considerations were placed by me before
the Duke of Devonshire, who had charge of the Education Bill in the
House of Lords, at the same time asking him to exert his influence to
obtain the insertion of a clause embodying the proposals.

The Duke replied that Lord Londonderry, who was then Minister of
Education, was considering how far it was {483} possible for the Board
of Education to effect the objects desired.  But he added the
surprising information that "a considerable portion" of my suggestions
"referred to matters which can only be dealt with by the War Office."

In the House of Commons, I moved that "physical and military
instruction shall be compulsory in all schools supported by public
funds."  Then it was stated that the question of physical education
could not be debated with reference to the Bill, but that there would
be no objection to such a clause being inserted in the Education Code.

When I proposed accordingly that such a clause should be inserted in
the Code of Education, Lord Londonderry said that he agreed with the
Duke of Devonshire that such suggestions could only be dealt with by
the War Office.  I had no idea then, nor have I any conception now,
what that cryptic statement meant.  I pointed out at the time that it
was wholly incomprehensible, the War Office having nothing whatever to
do with elementary schools, but to no avail.  The proposal was largely
supported in the Press, but without effect upon the Government.  The
War Office phantom, which was about as relevant to the discussion as
the ghost of Cæsar, proved irresistible.  Nothing was done; except that
the Government laid another brick in their favourite pathway of lost
opportunities.

The use of oil fuel in battleships began in February, 1903; when the
_Mars_ and _Hannibal_ went to sea, each fitted to burn oil in two
boilers out of eight.  One ship emitted white smoke, the other yellow;
and both gave forth a smell so dreadful that, when I was in command of
the Fleet, I told the captains of those vessels that I should place
them to windward of the enemy as the two most formidable ships
available.  Nothing is better than oil fuel, on one condition--that you
have got it.

The necessity of promoting officers to flag rank earlier, in order that
they might gain the requisite experience while still young, was again
urged by me, and to this end I advocated an increase of the
rear-admirals' list.  An {484} improvement has since been made in this
respect.  In 1902 there were 39 rear-admirals; in 1913, the number had
been increased to 55.

Early in 1903, I visited America (for the third time), being most
hospitably entertained by my old friend, Colonel Robert M. Thompson.
During my stay with Colonel Thompson, who has been connected with the
United States Navy, I saw much of the American Fleet, and had the
pleasure of becoming acquainted with many American naval officers.
Admiral Brownson I knew already; I had met Admiral Bob Evans in the
Mediterranean when he was a commander; and I had enjoyed a conversation
with Captain (now Admiral) Mahan upon his visit to England some years
previously.

Admiral Evans was kind enough to place a torpedo-boat at my disposal,
the _Worden_, in which I went from Pensacola to Pontagoorda.  I
astonished the signalman by reading a semaphore signal made to me by
the flagship, before he did.  The hospitality extended to me by the
officers of the United States Navy was almost embarrassing in its
profusion; and I shall always retain the pleasantest memories of that
Service.

At a dinner of the Pilgrims' Society held at the Waldorf Hotel, New
York, on 4th February, in the course of my address I observed that
"battleships are cheaper than battles"; accidentally inventing a maxim
of five words which does in fact contain the essence of naval policy,
and which, touching the practical American imagination, ran throughout
the United States.

In October, 1902, I was promoted to the rank of vice-admiral.

In February, 1903, having been offered the command the Channel Fleet, I
resigned my seat at Woolwich; where I was succeeded by Mr. Will Crooks,
who was elected on 11th March by a majority of 3229.




{485}

CHAPTER L

THE CHANNEL FLEET

H.M.S. _Majestic_, first-class battleship, completed in 1895, sister
ship to the _Magnificent_ (which was built at Chatham during my time at
that port as captain of the Steam Reserve), was one of nine ships of
the same class; the rest being _Magnificent_, _Hannibal_, _Prince
George_, _Victorious_, _Jupiter_, _Mars_, _Cæsar_ and _Illustrious_.
These represented an improvement on the preceding Royal Sovereign
class, the _Renown_, a beautiful, somewhat smaller vessel, being a
class by herself.

The _Majestic_ is of 14,900 tons displacement, carries four 12-inch and
twelve 6-inch guns, was of 17.5 knots designed speed, and had a
complement of 772.  My flag was hoisted in the _Majestic_ on 17th
April, 1903.  The Channel Fleet, of which I was now in command,
consisted of the _Majestic_ (flag of vice-admiral), _Magnificent_ (flag
of Rear-Admiral the Hon. A. G. Curzon-Howe, and afterwards of
Rear-Admiral the Hon. Hedworth Lambton), _Jupiter_, _Hannibal_, _Mars_,
and _Prince George_, battleships; _Hogue_ and _Sutlej_, armoured
cruisers; and _Doris_, _Pactolus_ and _Prometheus_, small cruisers.

Vice-Admiral Sir A. K. Wilson (now Admiral of the Fleet Sir A. K.
Wilson, V.C., G.C.B., O.M., G.C.V.O.), whom I relieved, was a
consummate master of the art of handling a Fleet, a great tactician, a
man inexorably devoted to the Service, to which he gave unsparing
labour.

The Staff in the _Majestic_ consisted of the flag-captain, Hugh
Evan-Thomas; the flag-commander, Michael Culme-Seymour; the
flag-lieutenant, Charles D. Roper; and the {486} secretary, John A.
Keys.  The commander was Henry B. Pelly (now Captain Pelly, M.V.O.).

As the efficiency of the Fleet depends upon its admiral, so the admiral
depends upon the officers of his staff and upon the captains under his
command; because it is theirs to execute his policy.  I have always
said that they were the officers who did the work and who were entitled
to the credit of it.  In the conduct of a Fleet, it is first of all
necessary that the admiral and the officers of the Fleet should work
together in a common understanding.  For this reason, the captains
should have access to the admiral at all times of the day or night, and
in all matters affecting the organisation and fighting efficiency of
the Fleet they should be in full possession of his views, and the
admiral of their views.

Efficiency consists in the maintenance of the most rigid discipline,
together with cheerfulness, contentment and smartness.  To this end,
definite and strict orders must be issued; no mistake or failure,
however small, must be allowed to pass, and, conversely, merit should
be commended; and as much leave should be given as the exigencies of
the Service permit.  The admiral is responsible for the whole
administration, smartness and efficiency of the Fleet.  The captains
are responsible for the administration, smartness and discipline of the
individual ships of the Fleet.  The officers and men of the Royal Navy
are loyal to the core; and when a mistake occurs, it is usually due,
not to a deficiency on their part but, to the failure of the senior
officer of the Fleet to give his orders clearly and to show beforehand
what is to be done and how it is to be done.

But for the adequate treatment of the subject of Fleet Administration,
a volume would be needed; the principles only can be indicated in these
pages, together with such instances of its practice as may serve a
useful purpose or may possess intrinsic interest.

The question of giving leave, for example, is of essential importance,
because the comfort and contentment of officers and men so largely
depend upon the system employed.  In {487} the Channel Fleet, the
system was to give week-end leave, from after dinner on Saturday, every
week, the liberty men being due on board at seven o'clock on the
following Monday morning, so that, if the Fleet were at Portland, they
had only one night at home.  Many of the men were therefore obliged to
spend Sunday night in travelling; often, if they were not to break
their leave, arriving at the port hours before they could get a boat
off to their ship, and spending the interval shelterless and miserable.
In the result the number of leave-breakers was usually very large.

By means of altering the system, the number was at once reduced to a
fraction, such, for instance, as eight men, all of whom were accounted
for.  Under the new arrangement weekend leave was allowed once a month,
when the liberty men of one watch left their ships on Friday after
dinner instead of upon Saturday, and returned on board at noon on
Monday, instead of at seven o'clock in the morning.  Thus they had
three nights at home once a month, instead of one night at home twice a
month; and had to pay only one fare for three nights, instead of two
fares for two nights.  In these matters the question of expense should
always be considered.  Another advantage was that whereas heretofore
one watch was always absent on Sundays, under the new arrangement all
officers and men were on board upon two Sundays in every month.

The Navy, unlike the Army, is always on active service, and is
perpetually practising in peace what it will be required to do in war.
In the Navy, the only difference between peace and war is that in war
the target fires back.  Hence it is that the record of a command afloat
consists almost entirely of incessant routine work; such as the
evolutions of: _clear ship for action, boats pull round Fleet,
collision and grounding stations, fire stations, out fire engine, moor
ship, unmoor ship, out nets, in nets, taking in tow, casting off tow,
let go sheet anchor, let go stern, kedge, bower anchors, weigh and cat
sheet anchor by hand, in boom boats, let go and pick up both lifebuoys
at sea, coaling, flag-signalling, man and arm boats, running {488}
torpedoes, field-gun and company landing, rifle practice_, etc.  These
are matters of course.  The Fleet is constantly exercised in manoeuvres
and in tactics; there is gunnery practice; and there are the periodical
combined manoeuvres.

In the Fleet under my command, the drills and exercises were
particularly onerous; for it was a rule never to go to sea or to steam
from port to port without practising some exercise or tactical problem.
For every pound's worth of coal burnt, a pound's worth of training.
Officers and men delighted in these exercises; and all (including the
commander-in-chief) learned something from them.

In July, 1903, the Channel Fleet assembled at Spithead to welcome the
United States Squadron, consisting of the _Kearsage_, flag of Admiral
Cotton, _Chicago_, _San Francisco_ and _Machias_.  The American
officers were entertained to lunch by the Pilgrims' Society, and it
fell to me to propose the United States Navy, Admiral Cotton
responding.  H.R.H. the Prince of Wales accepted an invitation to
breakfast on board the American flagship.

In August took place the combined manoeuvres of the Channel, Home and
Mediterranean Fleets; at their conclusion, the Fleets met in Lagos Bay
for tactical exercises; 25 battleships, 42 cruisers, and gunboats and
destroyers under the supreme command of Admiral Sir Compton E.
Domville, G.C.V.O., K.C.B.

Colonel Robert M. Thompson was a welcome guest of mine at this time,
and subsequently in all the ships in which I flew my flag.  Colonel
Thompson afterwards published some observations upon the manoeuvres in
the _Evening Post_, U.S.A., from the point of view of an American
officer who began his career in the United States Navy.

"When the three Fleets participating in those manceuvres were combined,
there were 72 battleships and cruisers, with nearly 40,000 men, all
under the command of one admiral; probably the strongest Fleet ever
brought together in the history of the world.  This enormous assemblage
of vessels was handled without a single break.  When the entire 72
{489} ran to anchor in eight lines, had there been a straight-edge
placed in front of them it would not have shown a ship, it seems to me,
a foot out of position.  They made a 'flying moor,' and when you
consider that in point of time, at the speed the ships were going, they
were only one minute apart, every seaman will appreciate how
wonderfully they must have been handled."

Colonel Thompson very kindly presented a challenge shield for the best
gun in the flagship of the Channel Fleet (afterwards Atlantic Fleet),
to be inscribed with the names of the crew of the best gun at the
annual gunlayers' competition; and at the same time generously placed
in trust a sum of money the interest of which, amounting to £10 a year,
was to be presented to the winning gun's crew.  The record for the
_Cæsar_ while my flag was flown in that vessel was 18 hits out of 21
rounds in two minutes.

In September, 1903, the Fleet visited Scarborough; in pursuance of the
principle that to afford the public opportunities for seeing the Fleet
and for making acquaintance with the ships, arouses and maintains a
healthy interest in the Service.  Upon this occasion, I invited my old
constituents at York to visit the Fleet.  They came in thousands; but
sad to say, the weather was so bad that they could not leave the shore.

When the Fleet was visiting Ireland, a certain worthy character, very
well known in Kingstown, Dublin, whose chosen occupation is--or
was--selling newspapers, came to me, as his countryman, on board the
_Majestic_, to his intense excitement.

"Glory to God, Lord Char-less," he screamed, "is that yourself in the
gold hat!"  And he shrieked like a macaw, so that the men began to
crowd on deck to see what was the matter.  I had to tell him to pipe
down, or they would turn the fire-engine on him.

The story of the accident to the _Prince George_ and its repair serves
to illustrate the emergencies of sea life.  The Channel Fleet was
engaged in manoeuvres without lights off {490} Cape Finisterre, on the
night of 17th October, 1903.  Two midshipmen of the _Prince George_
were relaxing their minds after the strain of the day's work with a
hand at cards, when the game was interrupted by the entrance into the
gun-room of the stem of the _Hannibal_, before which apparition the
young gentlemen incontinently fled.

The signal instantly made by the _Hannibal_, "Have collided with the
_Prince George_," was received on board the flagship at 9.41 p.m.
During the next half-hour the masthead flashing lamps winked their
messages back and forth; and at 10.10 the _Prince George_ signalled
that there was a large hole in her gun-room, and that the submerged
flat, cockpit and steering compartment were full of water.

The actual extent of the injury, as afterwards ascertained, caused by
the impact upon the port quarter of a 15,000 ton battleship travelling
at about nine knots, was an indentation in the form of an inverted
pyramid, the apex at the level of the protective steel deck, the base
level with the upper deck, measuring 24 feet 8 inches in height, and 6
feet 6 inches across at the upper deck, and diminishing to a crack at
the apex, where the ship's side had been driven in to a depth of 1 foot
4 inches, by the impact of the _Hannibal_.  In the centre of the
indentation was a triangular rift, starting from the crack at the
bottom, measuring 3 feet 4 inches in height and 1 foot 6 inches in
breadth at the top.

At 11 o'clock p.m. I went on board the _Prince George_; examined into
the damage; made a general signal to the Fleet ordering all hand-pumps
and 14 foot planks and plenty of wedges to be sent on board the _Prince
George_.  Under Captain F. L. Campbell, perfect discipline had been
maintained; the collision mat had been placed over the injury; and the
men were working cheerily with hand-pumps and baling out with buckets
the water from the gun-room.  The rudder was out of action, the
steam-pipes being full of water.  The engineer-commander had wisely
shut off steam when the helm was amidships, thus avoiding the jamming
of the rudder.  Had the rudder jammed to {491} starboard or to port,
the difficulty of steering by the screws would have been greatly
increased.  The bulkheads closing in the compartments which were full
of water, and all horizontal water-tight doors, were shored up with
baulks of timber.  But the water was still coming in, because, owing to
the indentation in the side of the ship, the collision mat did not fit
tightly to it.

The Fleet was ordered to proceed to Ferrol.

I sent on a boat to buoy the sunken rocks; a proceeding which aroused
the suspicions of the Spanish authorities; who, however, upon learning
the circumstances, were most courteous and obliging.  The boat,
however, was only able to get down one buoy.

The _Howe_ had gone aground in the passage into Ferrol in 1892, and
three vessels had gone aground subsequently.

Captain Campbell took the _Prince George_ into Ferrol harbour, up the
tortuous channel, which, owing to unbuoyed sunken rocks, is difficult
and dangerous.  Under my directions Captain Campbell steered by the
screws, both screws going slow, or going astern slow with one
propeller, and stopping the other, according to which way it was
necessary to turn her head, and thus reducing her way if she were
nearing a rock, and by this method keeping her under perfect control.
At this time the ship was heavily down by the stern, drawing 25 feet 2
inches forward and 34 feet 6 inches aft.  Her stern walk was flush with
the water.

Immediately upon the arrival of the _Prince George_ in Ferrol harbour
(on Sunday, 18th October) divers and working parties were sent to her
from all the other ships, and the Spanish Government courteously placed
the resources of the dockyard at my disposal.  The working parties
worked day and night in three watches.  On Monday, the _Hogue_,
armoured cruiser, Captain John L. Marx, M.V.O., was placed alongside
the _Prince George_ and employed her salvage pumps.

The first thing to do was to prevent more water from coming in and to
get rid of the water already in the ship.  {492} Mats were made of
canvas, thrummed with blankets, and these, with collision mats cut up,
and shot mats, were thrust horizontally through the holes in the ship's
side and wedged up so that the ends of the mats projected inside and
out; and the moisture, causing them to swell, closed up the holes.  At
the same time the water was being pumped out and coffer-dams were being
constructed on the inside of the ship.

The coffer-dam was a stout wooden partition built round the injury in
the ship side, thoroughly buttressed from within the ship with stout
baulks of timber.  It thus formed a chamber, which was filled up with
all sorts of absorbent and other material, such as seamen's beds,
blankets, rope, hammocks, pieces of collision mats, gymnasium
mattresses, cushions, biscuit tins, etc.  Thus the coffer-dam formed a
block, part absorbent and part solid, wedged and shored over the site
of the injury.  In addition, the splintered wood sheathing was cut away
and trimmed up, and the mouth of the submerged torpedo tube was stopped
up with blankets and wedges, and sealed up with 3/16-inch steel plate
bolted to the ship's side.

The extent of the injury may be exemplified by the amount of stuff used
for filling up the coffer-dams and for stopping the leaks, which was:
10 shot hole stopper mats; two collision mats 15 feet by 15 feet; 350
seamen's hammocks, nine boats' covers, 14 coat-shoot covers, eight
steaming covers, 11 coaling screens, 1500 yards of deckcloth, 23
shot-hole stopper mats cut into pieces, 57 blankets, one cwt. of oakum
and cotton waste, and about 1000 wooden wedges, etc. etc.  Over 145
tons of ammunition and stores were shifted in order to trim the ship.

The divers and carpenters of the Fleet worked continually in three
watches from 3 p.m. on Sunday, 18th of October, till 6 a.m. on Friday,
23rd of October.  There were employed: 24 engine-room artificers, 24
stokers, 88 carpenter ratings, 43 divers and attendants.  The majority
of the divers and carpenters were working in three watches {493} for
the whole time; that is, from 30 to 40 working hours each.  From the
time stated, a period of in hours, 178 men were employed for various
periods.  The total "men-hours" amounted to 3898, of which 3219 were
done by 27 divers and 60 carpenters.  Two engineer sub-lieutenants from
other vessels of the Fleet assisted the engineer staff of the ship.

At the completion of the repairs the _Prince George_, leaving Ferrol on
24th October, proceeded to Portsmouth escorted by the _Sutlej_.
Although the weather was rough, the total amount of water shipped by
the Prince George during the voyage was one gallon; a proof of the
excellent work done by the artificers.

The repairs were carried out in six days altogether; the carpenters of
the Fleet being under Mr. Lavers, chief carpenter of _Majestic_, and
the divers of the Fleet under Mr. Manners, gunner of _Majestic_.  The
total cost of the stores purchased at Ferrol was £116, 2s. 4d.  The
whole incident is an example, but one of many, of the ability of the
Fleet to execute its own repairs.


In the following year, the officers and men of the _Majestic_ turned
over to the _Cæsar_, in which ship my flag was hoisted on 2nd February,
1904, and in which it was flown during the remainder of the commission.

His Majesty the Emperor of Germany visited Gibraltar in March, in the
s.s. _König Albert_, escorted by H.I.M. cruiser _Friedrich Karl_.  His
Majesty hoisted his flag as Honorary Admiral in the Royal Navy in the
_Cæsar_.  On the 20th, his Majesty honouring me with his presence at
dinner in the _Cæsar_, the boats of the Fleet were lined on either side
of the passage between the _König Albert_ and the _Cæsar_; and when the
Emperor proceeded between the lines, every boat burned a blue light,
all oars were tossed, blades fore and aft, in perfect silence, the
midshipmen conveying their orders by signs.  After dinner, when it fell
to me to propose his Majesty's health, and I stood up, glass in hand,
as I {494} said the words "Emperor of Germany," a rocket went up from
the deck above, and at the signal every ship in the Fleet fired a Royal
Salute.

As the Emperor was leaving that night, the German flag and the Union
Jack were hoisted on the Rock, half the search-lights of the Fleet
being turned on the one flag, and half on the other.  Precisely as the
_König Albert_ passed between the ends of the breakwaters, two stands
of a thousand rockets, each stand placed upon the end of a breakwater,
were ignited and rushing upwards, met in a triumphal arch of fire high
over the mast-heads of the Emperor's ship.

In the following October (1904) occurred one of those sudden and
unforeseen emergencies which test alike the readiness of the Fleet and
the temper of the nation.  The Fleet was ready, and the nation lost its
temper.

The Russo-Japanese war was then waging.  The Channel Fleet, which had
been coaling, left Portland at midday on 17th October for Gibraltar.
On the 21st, the Fleet left Lagos.  On the same day, just before
midnight, the Russian Baltic Fleet, commanded by Admiral Rojdesvenski,
who believed that his Fleet was about to be attacked by Japanese
torpedo-boats, fired upon the British Gamecock Trawling Fleet in the
vicinity of the Dogger Bank, in the North Sea.  The steam trawler
_Crane_ was sunk, her captain and third hand were killed, and the
Russian Fleet proceeded upon its course.  Of these things we in the
Channel Fleet were of course ignorant.  The next day, the Channel Fleet
was exercised in running torpedoes, and a torpedo attack for exercise
upon Gibraltar was arranged for the night of the 23rd-24th.

In the meantime, the news of the North Sea incident had run about the
world; democracy in England wanted war; and the occurrence of highly
strained relations between Great Britain and Russia coinciding with the
arrival of the Channel Fleet at Gibraltar, upon which the torpedo-boats
were innocently making a night attack, might have resulted in their
being mistaken for a real enemy.  Fortunately {495} no such catastrophe
occurred.  At seven o'clock upon the morning of the 24th, the Fleet was
anchored in the harbour of Gibraltar; I learned the news; received my
instructions by telegram, and made my dispositions.

On that day, peace and war hung in the balance.  The Home, Channel and
Mediterranean Fleets were instructed to act in concert, a detachment of
the Mediterranean Fleet being ordered to reinforce the Channel Fleet at
Gibraltar.  The Russian Baltic Fleet was then proceeding to Vigo, a
detachment of it being already at Tangier.  On the following day (25th
October) King Edward received a message from the Czar expressing the
profound regret of his Imperial Majesty.  It is a matter of history how
the negotiations proceeded until an amicable settlement was arranged.
The uncertainty, however, lasted until the 7th November.

It is a subject for thankfulness that there was no engagement.  The
Russian ships were so loaded with coal and stores that their upper-deck
guns could not have been worked, and a fight would have been murder.
Nor would war have been justified.  The popular indignation was due to
a misunderstanding, and the misunderstanding arose because the Russian
admiral did not proceed to the nearest British port and explain the
circumstances.  If he believed that the Fleet was about to be attacked
by torpedo craft, he was right to fire upon what he thought was the
enemy, nor could he risk the time required to exchange recognition
signals.

The result of the Russian admiral's mistake was to kindle a sudden
resentment in this country which as nearly as possible forced a war
between the two nations.  It is one of the dangers inherent in the
nature of democracy in all countries, that while democracy dislikes and
hinders organisation and preparation for war, the moment that its
vanity or self-respect is injured, democracy wants to fight.  It is the
impulse of the mob.  The North Sea incident was one example of this
disastrous tendency; the Spanish-American war was another.

{496}

But had war been most unfortunately declared by Great Britain in
October, 1904, the Navy would have been quite ready.  All it had to do
was to proceed to the scene of operations.  In this respect, it owns an
advantage over the Army, because the Navy is always on active service,
and does nothing in war which it is not doing every day in peace; if it
is not fighting an enemy, it is fighting the elements; and whether in
peace or in war, it goes to dinner at the same time.  The Army, on the
other hand, must do in war what it cannot do in peace; it changes from
one condition to quite another; and the transition stage involves
immense organisation, expense and discomfort.

In December, 1904, owing to the redistribution of the Fleet, the
Channel Fleet became the Atlantic Fleet, which was under my command
until the 5th March, 1905, when I hauled down my flag.




{497}

CHAPTER LI

BOAT RACING

The enthusiasm which I have always felt for the noble sport of rowing
induced me, while in command of the _Undaunted_, to publish some notes
on the subject of men-of-war pulling races, and how to win them, the
substance of which is here reproduced, in the hope that they may still
prove of use in the Service.

One of the results of steam and machinery having succeeded masts, yards
and canvas in a man-of-war was the creation of greater interest in
pulling races.  The regattas held in different fleets and squadrons had
become yearly events keenly looked forward to by both officers and men.
This was very desirable, not only for the sake of the exercise which it
encouraged (physical exercise of an arduous character being in a
measure lost to the Service since the necessity for masts and yards had
been so diminished) but, for the well-being and good feeling which
healthful exercise invariably produces.  Committees were formed, rules
and regulations were laid down in a clear and business-like manner, and
sums of money were given in prizes; which sums amounted on the
Mediterranean Station to about £200--£50 or £60 being given by the
Malta Canteen, and the remainder being raised by subscription among the
officers of the fleet.

Man-of-war boats, being built for fighting and weight carrying are
different from boats built for racing purposes on fresh water; but the
prize will generally be gained by the crew of the man-of-war boat which
has carefully and {498} consistently followed the fundamental
principles upon which races pulled in racing boats on fresh water are
won.

From the time the boat's crew is selected, until her stem has passed
the winning-post, no detail which may add to the chance of a boat
winning should be omitted, no matter how small it may appear.

In selecting a boat's crew, endeavour should be made to have the men
near about the same height, in order to enable them all to take the
same length of stroke with ease to themselves and to make their effort
at the same moment.  There should be no great disparity in their
weights.  The men all round should be a fairly level lot, which will
make it easier for them to train as a whole.  A crew resembles a chain,
in that a crew is no stronger than its weakest man, just as a chain is
no stronger than its weakest link.  If a weak or an untrained man be
placed in a boat, he will, soon after the start, throw extra work on
the others.  An indifferent crew of twelve men trained alike as to
condition, length of stroke, and pulling accurately together, provided
the boats are equal, will surely win a long race against a crew
composed of ten vastly superior and two indifferently trained men.
Similarly, a heavy boat with an indifferently sized crew, well trained,
will undoubtedly beat a magnificent crew in a good boat, untrained.

A rule should be strictly enforced that individual members of one crew
are not to be trained or to pull with another crew.  It is very much
the habit at men-of-war regattas to encourage the best oars in a ship
to pull in two or three (sometimes in four or five) races.  This
practice is much to be deprecated, not only in the interest of the man
himself, but in the interest of boat racing.  If a man who pulls in
several boats be laid up, he probably jeopardises the chances of
winning several races.

The selection of a coxswain is a most important element in getting a
crew together.  He should be a man of a certain seniority, who commands
attention, perfectly cool and collected, of good nerve and
determination.  Coxswains {499} defective in these qualities have lost
many races, and coxswains possessing them have just pulled off many
races.  The training of the crew must as a rule depend entirely on the
coxswain.  For a 12-oared boat he should always, in order to provide
for contingencies, train at least two more men than the number required
in the race.

For smaller boats he should always arrange to train more men than the
actual crew; many races have been lost owing to this detail having been
neglected, and one of the crew having broken down in his training just
before the race.

After the crew is selected, the coxswain with their help and assistance
should draw up certain rules in order to ensure constant and regular
practice, as well as to avoid those hindrances to training to be found
after frequent visits to the canteen.  One or two men taking a glass of
beer too much during training has indirectly been the cause of many a
race being lost, owing to the loss of practice to the crew as a whole,
and to the disturbance of that harmony which must exist if a boat's
crew is to be thoroughly trained.

Whether it is from his early training, or from the heavy and clumsy
nature of his oars, or from the weight of the boats he has to pull, the
British bluejacket, as a rule, pulls the worst oar possible to enable
him to stay and pull through to the end a well-contested long race.  If
he be left to himself, he sits bolt upright on his thwart, beginning
his stroke from that position, and apparently under the impression that
the expression "Bend your back" indicates that he should bend his back
forward instead of bending it aft; and totally unconscious that when he
falls back towards the bow he only pulls his weight, but that when he
bends forward towards the stern he pulls his strength and his weight;
and he usually holds the loom of his oar with bent arms, frequently
giving one or two jerks during the stroke, the last one of which may
bring his oar out of the water and feather it considerably above his
shoulder.  He sometimes adds to these movements a rocking motion from
side to {500} side, beginning by leaning towards the middle of the boat
and then throwing himself towards the boat's side.  He almost
invariably has his head turned on his shoulder to see what his oar is
doing, and he often wears a tight belt round his stomach.  All these
practices are entirely wrong and are totally opposed to a common-sense
method of urging a boat at speed through the water.

When the boat's crew has been selected, the first duty of the coxswain
is to show them how to pull and to ensure their motions being as one.
Starting from their laying on their oars, he should make them stretch
aft towards him as far as they can, with straight arms, sitting with
their chests square to their oars, with their hands, not too far from
and not too close to each other, firmly grasping the looms of the oars,
with their arms at about right angles to the body and themselves
looking the coxswain straight in the face (in river-pulling parlance
"eyes in the boat").  It is impossible for a man to sit square to his
oar if he is looking over his shoulder.  The coxswain should begin
practising his crew in the above position, without allowing them to
catch the water until they are perfect.

The oars should catch the water with a firm and vigorous grip,
absolutely simultaneously, the great effort of the man being made as
the oar catches the water and not as it leaves it. The oar should b
pulled through with a strong, steady, powerful stroke, no jerks
whatever being given.  A jerk bends or breaks an oar, but it does not
send the boat ahead; and a man who pulls a steady stroke will stay
three miles to the two miles of the man who jerks.  The oar should
never be feathered higher than is necessary.  The oars should be
feathered as level as possible with each other in order to ensure, as
far as may be, that the blades of the oars catch the water absolutely
together.

The coxswain should see that the crew wear no belts and that the
waistbands of their trousers are loose about the waist.  If a man's
trousers are tight, they become irksome when he stretches aft as far as
he can over his toes.  {501} Each one of these details requires the
earnest and constant attention of the coxswain, and he should see that
each movement is carried out slowly, deliberately, quietly and
perfectly, before he begins to get his crew into hard training.  Spurts
should always be avoided until a crew is fit to pull a race.  When the
coxswain wishes to spurt he should warn the crew for a spurt, state
loudly the number of strokes he wishes to spurt, and then count them
distinctly as they are pulled.  The crew will then all put forth their
greatest effort together.  A spurt of three strokes may win a race, in
the event of one of the opposing boat's crew catching a crab, or their
stroke becoming unequal, or one or more of them being for the moment
jaded.

The usual method for training adopted by coxswains is, however, of a
different character.  They order the men to pull hard from the moment
they form their crew; they pay not the slightest regard to the
important details which must be attended to in order that any crew may
have a chance of winning a strongly contested race; they appear to
think that a boat's crew cannot be trained unless the coxswain
oscillates his body with an excitement which apparently borders on
insanity; and they accompany these oscillations with weird and nervous
cries such as "Hup with her!" "Lift her!" "Hang on her!" "Back on her!"
"Squeeze her!" "Heave on her!" and similar noises.  It is well to cheer
up a crew with vocal accompaniments to their strokes, but that is by no
means the most important factor in enabling them to win.

As a crew proceeds in its training and becomes slowly and quietly fit,
dumb-bells and running will be found useful auxiliaries to pulling,
particularly if the regular practice is stopped while the ship is at
sea, but on no account should a coxswain allow one of his boat's crew
to be over-trained.  He should inquire after the health of the crew
every morning, and should be most careful that they do not get a chill
or a cold after practice.  Some men require more work than others to
get them in hard condition; a good coxswain will attend to this point,
and will be careful that all his {502} boat's crew reach the
starting-point in the pink of condition.  He will also see that the
thwarts are smooth and comfortable, the looms of the oars smooth and
capable of being easily grasped, that the stretchers are secured so
that they can neither slip nor carry away, and that every small detail
(whose failure at the critical moment might jeopardise the chances of a
race) is attended to.  The coxswain must also attend to the incidentals
of training, such as chafed sterns and blistered hands, which if not
treated may incapacitate a man from pulling in a race.  Chafing on the
stern is best treated by fomenting with hot water and the application
of zinc powder afterwards.  Blisters on hands are best treated by
pricking them with a needle in the live flesh just outside the blister,
pressing the water out of it, and wearing a rag over the injury until
the two skins have set together again.  A coxswain should also attend
to the feeding of his crew during training, as no man can ever be
produced fit at the starting-post who is too much addicted to pudding.

There are two illustrations which exemplify the necessity for a man to
lean well aft with straight arms when commencing his stroke: (1) If a
man were holding on to a ridge-rope or other rope for his life, he
would never hold on with his arms bent, but would keep them quite
straight for the simple reason that he could hold on longer and
stronger.  (2) If a man, in a sitting position, wished to raise a
weight, the pulley used being rove through a block at his feet, he
would never dream of sitting upright prising with his feet and leaning
back from the upright position, but he would bend forward well on his
toes and pull with his strength _and_ his weight.  Tackles and weights
were rigged in the _Undaunted_ in order that the men might learn these
truths by practice.

Another important matter for a coxswain is to see that the conditions
on all points are clearly made out in writing before the race, and are
signed by himself and the coxswain of the competing boat.  The date,
the time, the boats, the composition of the crew, the stakes, which
should always {503} be low (high stakes invariably lead to bad feeling)
and which in no case should exceed 5s. per man and 10s. per coxswain;
the precise course, _i.e._ the distance, and on which side, all marks,
etc., are to be left, and also whether the oars are to be Service or
private: all these things should be clearly defined.  There has been
more bad feeling bred between vessels owing to the want of such details
having been clearly defined than to any other contingency that arises
in boat racing.  This is notably the case as to oars.  Wherever it is
possible a straight course should be selected, but if the length of the
race does not admit of a straight course each boat should have its own
separate buoy to round.

Coxswains should use every endeavour to get permission to have their
boats hoisted for three or four days (with the exception of the time
necessary for practice) before any forthcoming race in order to get the
boat properly dry.  They should get any ragged splinters planed off the
keel, have all surplus paint scraped off and get the bottom of the boat
as smooth as possible.  They should also see the oars trimmed and
exactly suited both by length and balance of weight to the small or
great beam of the boat according to the thwart on which they are pulled.

Boat pulling is a healthy and a manly recreation, and if properly
practised with friendly rivalry, can there be a doubt that it generates
that activity of mind which is generally associated with activity of
body?  It also produces that courage, endurance, nerve and muscle which
have so long been the distinctive features of the British race.  It
provokes a spirit of manliness, a generosity of mind and a love of fair
play.

If all conditions are made out clearly and fairly, a beaten crew
invariably accepts the verdict in a gallant and a chivalrous manner.
After a race, no such remarks should be heard from the beaten crew as
an offer to double or treble the stakes and pull again or words of
similar character, showing either that the beaten crew cannot accept
their defeat in a spirit worthy of the name of British man-of-war {504}
men, or that owing to the conditions of the race not having been
clearly defined, some misunderstanding has arisen which has naturally
engendered a bitter feeling in the minds of those who have just
suffered the poignancy of defeat.

The training and practice which are necessary to put the boats' crews
of men-of-war into that state of condition in which they may reasonably
expect to win a race, must to a large extent cultivate those habits of
discipline which are so essential for the comfort and efficiency of our
great Service.

Admiral Sir George Tryon, while he was commander-in-chief in the
Mediterranean, and while I was in command of the _Undaunted_, caused a
boat to be specially built to race my boat.  We had six races, all of
which the _Undaunted_ won.  The _Undaunted's_ racing boat was built
flatter in the floor than the ordinary pattern of Service boats.  One
of the races with Sir George Tryon's boat was rowed in a whole gale of
wind, over a course of four miles.  The _Undaunted's_ boat was
half-full of water, and three of the knees of the thwarts were broken,
when she crossed the line.  This kind of racing is extremely heavy
work, for the Service boats are massively built in order to carry
weight, such as guns, stores ammunition.  The oars are so heavy that
there is nearly as much labour involved in lifting the oar from the
water and coming forward as in pulling it through the water.

The admiral-superintendent's boat at Malta was never beaten.  She was a
beautiful boat, built by Maltese, and manned by a splendid Maltese
crew.  I raced her with my crew twice, once when I was captain of the
_Undaunted_, and again when I was second in command in the
Mediterranean (with flag in _Ramillies_), and lost the race on both
occasions.  In the second race, the Maltese, having the inside place
resorted to the well-known manoeuvre of steering us off all the way up
to the buoy and then turning sharply to round it.

While stationed at Alexandria during the time of my command of the
_Undaunted_, we used to have a regatta open to all comers, any boat and
any rig, every Friday.  The {505} Arab boats used to enter.  Their
great sail area and flat bottoms gave them a great advantage in
running, or on the wind; but they could not tack.  They were obliged to
wear in a beat to windward, because their sail dipped before all.  I
beat them twice with a copy of Captain (now Admiral) Fitzgerald's
racing rig, in the launch.  A Service launch is of course built for
heavy work and for carrying loads, such as supplies and ammunition.
The Service rig has one mast, with mainsail and staysail, called the De
Horsey rig.  Captain Fitzgerald stepped the single mast aft, and fitted
a bigger spar forward, equipped it with a big dipping lug, abolished
the staysail, and used ballast.  The object of the De Horsey rig was to
give a sail equipment with as little gear as possible.  Captain
Fitzgerald's object was to race; and I may take this opportunity of
saying that I consider Admiral Fitzgerald to have been the finest
boat-sailer whom I have met in the Service.

When he was commander of the _Agincourt_ in the Channel Squadron, he
won the first Admiral's cup presented in the Navy, in 1872.  In that
year, Admiral Sir Geoffrey Hornby gave a cup to be sailed for by the
boats of the Channel Squadron, being the first admiral to present a
cup.  The conditions, as described by Admiral Fitzgerald in his
_Memories of the Sea_, were: "Any sails, any rig, any shaped false
keel, but no sinking ballast; that is to say, the boat must float when
full of water; and there is generally a handicap for size."

While I was commander of the _Thunderer_, I fitted the steam pinnace as
a racing boat, taking out the engines and boilers and equipping her
with a big cutter rig.  The boat had a yacht section, but was without a
heavy keel, so that I had to ballast her heavily.  She went very fast
in a light breeze, but when a puff came she would heel over and take in
water.  In case of accident, I ballasted her with a length of chain
cable, shackled to ringbolts on her bottom, the other end made fast to
a rope and a buoy.  Rear-Admiral William Dowell, who was then second in
command of the Channel {506} Squadron (afterwards Admiral Sir William
Montague Dowell, G.C.B.), challenged me to a race in Portland Harbour.
Admiral Dowell sailed in his six-oared galley, which carried a private
rig of two dipping lugs.  I was confident of beating him, but the
admiral knew better.  He knew I should have to ease my sheets when the
breeze freshened.  At first I went away from him, but when I was just
inside the breakwater, a puff came, over went the boat, and it went
down under me.  Dowell, seeing that I was swimming safely and that the
boats of the Fleet were coming to pick me up, went on and won the race.

When I went to dine with him that night, he greeted me with:

"Last time I saw you, you were swimming about in the harbour."

In the meantime, owing to the device of ballasting my boat with chain
cable and buoying the end of it, we were able to pick her up.  The
_Thunderer_ came over the place where she was sunk, hauled the cable up
to the hawse pipe, and hove the boat to the surface.

My old friend, Admiral Sir William Montague Dowell G.C.B., was a most
distinguished officer.  He served in the China war, 1840-1, served as
gunnery lieutenant of the _Albion_ in the Black Sea, and was promoted
for services with the Naval Brigade at Sevastopol; served again in
China, in 1857, being present at the capture of Canton; commanded the
_Barrosa_ in the straits of Simonoseki, 1864, being specially
mentioned; received the C.B. for services in Japan.  He was A.D.C. to
the Queen; commanded the West Coast of Africa and Cape of Good Hope
Station, 1867-71; after having been second in command of the Channel
Squadron, senior officer on the Coast of Ireland, and vice-admiral in
command of the Channel Squadron, he was temporarily attached to the
Mediterranean Fleet and served in the Egyptian war of 1882, receiving
the K.C.B., and the thanks of the House of Commons.  He was afterwards
commander-in-chief in China, and subsequently commander-in-chief of
Devonport.  {507} He was one of the Three Admirals who framed the
Report upon the Naval Manoeuvres of 1888, in which were formulated the
principles of British naval supremacy.

I won many races in a _Una_ boat, the _Weasel_, built at Cowes, during
the time of my command of the royal yacht _Osborne_.  The Prince of
Wales built a similar boat.  Prince Louis of Battenberg, steering the
Prince's boat, beat me in a most exciting race, in which the betting
was long odds on my boat.  The fact was, that trying to be very clever,
I put too much ballast in the boat, and so lost the race.




{508}

CHAPTER LII

THE MEDITERRANEAN STATION

Forty-four years had elapsed since I was a midshipman in H.M.S.
_Marlborough_, flagship in the Mediterranean, when I hoisted my flag in
H.M.S. _Bulwark_ as commander-in-chief upon that station, in June 1905.
Those changeful years had seen the Old Navy out and the New Navy in;
their revolutions had transformed the whole material aspect of the
Navy; and the essential spirit of the Navy, adapting itself to new
conditions remained unaltered.  One result, perhaps inevitable, of the
swift progress of scientific invention, was that the public attention
was concentrated upon purely material matters regarding the Navy as a
fighting machine automatically operated; and conceiving of officers and
men as workers in a factory, who had nothing to do but to press buttons
and to manipulate levers.  This unfortunate delusion was fostered by
the politicians, who were quick to use it for their own ends.

The Mediterranean Fleet consisted of _Bulwark_ (flag), _Formidable_,
_Implacable_, _Irresistible_, _London_, _Prince of Wales_, _Queen_,
_Venerable_ (flag of second in command, Vice-Admiral Sir Harry T.
Grenfell, K.C.B., C.M.G., and afterwards of Rear-Admiral Francis C. B.
Bridgeman, M.V.O.); three attached cruisers, three special service
vessels; the Third Cruiser Squadron, _Leviathan_, (flag of Rear-Admiral
the Hon. Hedworth Lambton, C.V.O., C.B.), _Carnarvon_, _Lancaster_,
_Suffolk_, two attached ships, and 22 destroyers.

The Staff consisted of: chief of staff, Captain Frederick {509} C. D.
Sturdee, C.M.G, M.V.O.; flag-commander, Fawcet Wray; flag-lieutenant,
Charles D. Roper (signal officer); flag-lieutenant, Herbert T. C.
Gibbs; secretary, Fleet Paymaster John A. Keys; engineer-captain, Edwin
Little; intelligence officer, Major John M. Rose, R.M.A.  The
flag-captain was Osmond de B. Brock; the commander Hugh P. E. T.
Williams.

The Mediterranean is the finest training station in the world; and it
is the more to be regretted that the Mediterranean Fleet is always so
deficient in numbers, that Fleet training must be conducted at a
disadvantage.  Eight battleships represent the smallest practicable
unit for tactical purposes, nor does that number allow sufficient
margin for the necessary deductions due to the absence of ships under
repair or refitting.  Upon one occasion, six out of the eight were
absent under repair at one time, and in all cases the absence was
unavoidable.

The eight battleships required twenty attached cruisers, as compared
with the three allocated.  Although improvements had been effected, the
Fleet in 1905 was still deficient in auxiliaries, such as fleet
colliers, repair ships, depot ships.

The popular and political delusion that under modern conditions the
duties of the naval officer have become mechanical is so far from the
reality, that, in truth, they have never been more complex and onerous;
nor is it possible that they should be rightly performed in war, in
default of the most assiduous practice in peace.  It is thus the
business of an admiral constantly to exercise the Fleet both
collectively and individually; and as the discharge of that duty tasks
his energies to the utmost, there is little to record during a sea
command except the cruises, exercises and manoeuvres which constantly
occupy a Fleet.

In June, 1905, for instance, the Mediterranean Fleet left Malta and
proceeded upon a cruise; met the Atlantic Fleet at the end of July;
exercised combined manoeuvres with the Atlantic Fleet; proceeded upon
another cruise, and so {510} on; never going to sea without practising
some exercise or manoeuvre.  All exercises and manoeuvres of importance
were treated in a memorandum, in which was explained the lessons to be
learned from them, and which was circulated to the officers of the
Fleet.

Every morning when the Fleet was at sea, except on Sundays and in very
bad weather, small tactical and turning movements were executed from
7.30 to 8 a.m., the movements of each individual ship being carried out
by the officer of the watch, all lieutenants taking it in turn to
relieve the deck, and being put in charge of the ship for this period
of time.  The captains did not interfere in the handling of the ship,
unless the officer of the watch placed the ship, or a consort, in a
position of danger.  The lieutenants themselves made out the
commander-in-chief's signals and their purport without the assistance
of the captain or of the yeoman of signals.  Officers of the watch were
informed that they need not be afraid of making a mistake; for,
everyone was liable to make a mistake; and the rest of the Fleet
learned more when an error occurred than when all went smoothly and
correctly.

During the forenoons, there was usually practised some short manoeuvre
in which an admiral or a captain took charge of the Fleet, and
manoeuvred it as he pleased, the commander-in-chief reserving to
himself the right to negative any signal which he might consider
dangerous or useless.  After the admirals and captains had manoeuvred
the Fleet as a whole, it was divided into opposing Fleets, officers,
selected by the commander-in-chief, taking charge of these Fleets.
Each squadron endeavoured to gain the initial position or advantage.
Once that position was obtained, the Fleets were ordered to separate,
and two other officers respectively took charge of the opposing
squadrons.

Great care was observed that orders relative to speed, and to the
distance within which opposing fleets were not to trespass, were
rigidly observed.  Officers were informed that all peace manoeuvres
must be regarded as a game, and that {511} no game should be played
unless the rules were implicitly obeyed.  The principle was that no
manoeuvre should last very long, being much more instructive if it were
short, and were frequently practised.

The practice of taking the soldiers for short voyages was instituted.
About twenty men of the Royal Garrison Artillery at Malta, with an
officer, a sergeant and a corporal, were embarked in each vessel, the
non-commissioned officers and men messing and working with the Royal
Marines.

The periodical delivery of lectures by officers of all branches upon
Service subjects was instituted, the lectures taking place under the
presidency of the commander-in-chief at the Royal Naval Canteen, Malta.
Discussions were encouraged, and a great deal of interest and
enthusiasm was aroused.

My old friend and distinguished countryman, Sir George White, who was
then Governor of Gibraltar, asked me to deliver a lecture to the
soldiers of the garrison upon the advantages of temperance.  In dealing
with this subject, I always tell men to box, run, ride, row, and by all
means to get physically fit, when they would be in a condition they
would not forfeit for the sake of indulgence.  On this occasion, I said
that, although I was over sixty years of age, I could outlast a
youngster in endurance, adding that "I never took any liquor now."  The
address must have been reported in the English papers; for I received a
letter from a dear old lady (quite unknown to me) telling me how
thankful she was that I, as a public man, had given up the dreadful
vice of intoxication.

After I had consulted the head of every department in every ship
collectively, two detailed plans of war organisation were drawn up:
one, a plan of preparation for war; two, a plan for immediate action.
The first contained the procedure to be followed if war was expected;
the second, the procedure to be followed on the eve of an engagement.
Both covered every detail of the internal organisation of every ship in
the Fleet, and specified the duties of every officer, man and {512}
boy.  These plans were circulated to the officers of the Fleet.

Another important element of preparation for war is the rapid and
efficient repair of defects.  Under the old system, a defect which
could not be repaired by the ship's artificers--as for instance, a
piece of work involving a heavy casting or forging--was left until the
ship visited the dockyard, when the dockyard officials came on board,
took measurements, executed the work and fitted it to the ship.  The
result was that there were many complaints of defective fitting.

Under the new system, introduced in the Mediterranean Fleet, all
repairs which could not be effected in the ship, were specified by the
ship's artificers, who also made measured drawings of the new work
required.  The specifications and drawings were forwarded by the senior
officer to the dockyard, with directions that the work should be
executed as soon as possible, so that upon the arrival of the ship at
the dockyard, the required fitting would be at once supplied to the
ship.  It would then be fixed by the ship's artificers who had
furnished the working drawings to the dockyard, and who, provided that
the work was rightly executed, would thus be responsible both for
accuracy of manufacture and of fitting.  By this means, delay was
avoided and the work was efficiently and promptly executed.

Before I left England to take up my appointment, I resolved to do my
best to eradicate that curse of the Service, Malta fever.  The
authorities were naturally sceptical of my success; for, although many
attempts had been made to solve the problem, no one had hitherto
succeeded in abating the scourge.

Certain obvious precautions were at once enforced.  Junior officers
were not allowed to remain on shore after sunset, without overcoats;
all milk received on board was boiled; the Fleet was kept away from
Malta as much as possible during the dangerous months of June, July,
August and September; and the officers and men of those ships which
were at Malta during the summer, were sent upon long {513} route
marches and were afforded plenty of exercise to keep them fit.  These
measures reduced the number of cases of Malta fever from 197 of the
previous year (1905) to 137.

But the main evil remained.  A large number of cases contracted fever
in the Royal Naval Hospital, to which they had been sent to be treated
for other maladies, often requiring surgical treatment only.  Great
credit is due to Deputy-Inspector-General Robert Bentham for the
improvements effected by his care and foresight.  In order to prevent
infection, every cot was furnished with mosquito curtains; the traps of
all drains were kept clean and disinfected; and all milk supplied to
the hospital was boiled.  The patients disliked boiled milk; and as
infected milk was smuggled in, the use of milk was forbidden
altogether.  An isolation ward for fever cases was provided.  All
openings were fitted with wire gauze and double doors.

The result was that in May, June and July, 1906, there were no cases of
fever contracted in the hospital.

Finding that fever patients recovered so soon as they were to the
westward of Gibraltar, the practice of sending all such cases away in
the _Maine_ hospital ship was instituted with excellent results.  For
example, of sixty-two cases sent away, all but fourteen had recovered
by the time the ship reached England.

Deputy-Inspector-General Bentham was recommended by me for his services
to the Admiralty; but his services did not meet with the recognition
they deserved.

Shortly afterwards, the Malta Fever Commission completed the work, by
discovering the bacillus of the disease, and by abolishing the goats,
whose milk was the chief source of infection.

In October, 1905, the Prince and Princess of Wales, on their way to
India in the _Renown_, were met at the Straits of Messina by the
Mediterranean Fleet.

The centenary of the battle of Trafalgar, 21st October, 1905, was
celebrated by the Mediterranean Fleet at Malta.  A naval review was
held on shore in the forenoon, three {514} thousand officers and men
taking part in it.  Those captains of guns, including the Royal
Marines, who had made five hits or more in the gunlayers' competition,
117 in number, were formed into a company on the right of the line and
marched past first.  At four o'clock in the afternoon, flags were
half-masted.  At half-past four o'clock, guards and bands being paraded
facing aft, officers and men fallen in on the quarter-deck facing aft
and uncovered, the colours of His Majesty's ships were dipped slowly
and reverently; the bands played the Dead March, and at its conclusion
the colours were slowly rehoisted.

His Majesty King Edward VII honoured the flagship with a visit on 14th
April, 1906.  About an hour before the King came on board, the awning
over the quarter-deck caught fire, owing to a short circuit of the
electric light.  Lieutenant Gibbs, with great pluck and presence of
mind, instantly climbed upon the awning and extinguished the flames
with his hands, which were severely burned.

In March, 1906, the historic International Conference summoned to deal
with Moroccan affairs, was assembled at Algeçiras.  Conversing with
some of the delegates, it seemed to me that an informal and a convivial
meeting might cheer them up and perhaps help to cement a friendly
understanding; and I invited them all to dine on board the flagship.
In order to avoid the bristling difficulties connected with
arrangements of precedence, the delegates were all embarked at the same
time in the s.s. _Margherita_, lent to me for the occasion; and were
all disembarked at the same time upon a platform erected at the level
of the upper deck, being received by the full guard and saluted.  For
the same reason, no national anthems were performed.  The President of
the Conference the Duke of Almodovar, was given the place of honour at
the dinner, the rest of the delegates sitting in the order of their
seniority.  The single toast of the evening was to "all Sovereignties
and Republics," which needed no reply.  After dinner, during which the
massed bands of the Fleet played {515} on the upper deck, the company
adjourned to the quarterdeck.  I was informed by one of the
distinguished guests that the meeting had done much good, as the
delegates had not hitherto had an opportunity of meeting informally
together.

Upon the return of the delegates, magnesium lights arranged upon the
ends of the breakwater were lighted as the _Margherita_ passed between
them, and a searchlight display of 140 lights was given by the Fleet.

Vice-Admiral Sir Harry Grenfell, second in command, was a most
distinguished officer, a great sportsman, an accomplished athlete, and
a charming friend.  His premature death was a sad loss to the Service.
Grenfell was so powerful a man that he could take a small pony under
one arm and walk about with it.  I saw him perform this feat at a
luncheon party given by the Governor of Algeria, to whom the pony
belonged.

Grenfell told me the story of his extraordinary adventure in Albania.
The country is infested with wild and savage dogs, which are apt to
attack the traveller.  The Albanians do not resent the dogs being
killed, if they are slain with a knife in self-defence; but to shoot
them the Albanians consider a mortal offence.  Being aware of their
sentiments, I used to take with me a couple of Marines armed with
boarding pikes when I went shooting in Albania.

But when Grenfell went, he was accompanied by another naval officer,
named Selby, who, upon being attacked by a native dog, shot it.  A
party of Albanians thereupon closed in upon Grenfell and Selby and
attacked them.  There was a fierce struggle, in the course of which one
of the guns went off, the charge killing an Albanian.  The accident so
infuriated the rest that they beat Selby, as they thought, to death.
They smashed in his skull, so that the brains protruded, and left him
for dead.  Then they took Grenfell, lashed his hands behind his back,
set him on a three-legged stool, put the bight of a rope round his
neck, {516} and secured the other end to the branch of a tree, hauling
it taut.  There they left him, in the hope that the stool would slip
and that he would be strangled.  He remained in that position for three
hours.

In the meantime the interpreter who had come with Grenfell had run to
fetch an official of the country.  The official arriving, released
Grenfell.  Selby, dreadfully wounded as he was, actually walked back to
the ship, and lived until the next day.

But strong as Grenfell was, his terrible experience left him with an
extraordinary optical affliction.  He was constantly haunted by the
illusion of an enormous ape, which he plainly saw both by day and by
night.  He used to behold the phantom enter the room and sit on a
chair; and if a visitor came to see him, he would ask the visitor to
take the chair upon which the ape was sitting; whereupon the spectre
would move to another place.  I am glad to say that he was eventually
cured of this distressing affection.

An Irish lieutenant of a regiment at Malta told me the following
pathetic story in a broad Irish brogue, his natural way of speaking:

"Me little brother and meself were very fond of rhabitting.  The
loikely place was the family cemetery.  There were lashings of holes
within it.  One day by-and-by the ferret himself laid up, and with that
we dug him (bad cess to the work).  We out wid a shkull.  Me little
brother he says, 'That's profanation; it will be the shkull of an
ancestor,' says he.  'Niver moind that,' says I, 'we'll have a joke wid
it.'  I ensconced it in me pockut.  On getting within, I passed through
the kitcher and dhropped me ancestor's shkull (God forgive me!) into
the stock-pot.  All went very well till dinner and we through wid it,
when the cook burst in in great qualms, and sheloodering at haste to me
poor mother, says she,

"'Glory be to God and save us, Milady, we are all desthroyed intirely,
for there's a man in the soup,' she says."

{517}

The same lieutenant went out shooting quail at Malta with a revolver,
and hit a Maltese in the wrong place, for which error he was heavily
fined.

When children's picnic parties were given on board the _Bulwark_, a
quantity of sand was heaped in a well upon the quarter-deck; spades and
buckets were provided; and the children dug in the sand to find
presents.  When that entertainment failed, the bluejackets, ensconced
in barrels, performed Aunt Sally, bobbing up their heads, at which the
children threw light sticks, and which they invariably missed.  I
noticed a small boy of about seven years old, a Spaniard, who stood a
little way off, contemplating this performance with his large dark
eyes, his hands behind his back.  Presently, with air of abstraction,
he strolled quietly to the back of a barrel, where the deck was
littered with thrown sticks.  Suddenly he picked up a stick, dodged
swiftly to the front of the barrel, and as the seaman's head shot up,
hit the poor fellow right on the nose, making it bleed.  Then the
little wretch roared with laughter and capered in his joy.

On the 19th January, 1907, I took leave of the Fleet with very great
regret, and left Malta in the _Bulwark_, homeward bound.




{518}

CHAPTER LIII

SPORTING MEMORIES

I. RIDING AND DRIVING

I rode my first race in Corfu, as a midshipman.  An old colonel of
artillery, who knew my father, said to me:

"You are a Beresford, an Irishman, and a sailor, and if you can't ride,
who can?  You shall ride my horse in the next race.  He is a hard
puller, and if only you stick on he will win."

He _was_ a hard puller, and he did win.  I rode in my midshipman's
uniform, and lost my cap, and won the race.  But the horse ran three
times round the course before I could pull him up.

I have always said that you can do anything with horses if you
understand them.  It was at a dinner party in my house in Eaton Square
that I offered to put that statement to the proof.  The table at which
my guests were sitting was designed with a large tank in the centre,
which was filled with running water, in which grew ferns and aquatic
plants.  Gold fish swam in the water, and little new-born ducklings
oared upon the surface.  This miniature lake was diversified with
spirals and fountains fashioned of brass which I had turned myself.

Among the company was an old friend, Harry Chaplin, than whom there is
no finer sportsman in England and who was perhaps the best heavy-weight
rider to hounds in England.

I told my guests that I would bring in one of my horses {519} (a
bad-tempered thoroughbred), that I would lead him from the street, up
the steps into the hall, round the dining-table and so back to the
street without accident.  Straw was laid on the steps and passages; and
I led in the horse.  He lashed out at the fire with one leg, just to
show his contempt for everything and everybody; but there was no
casualty.

The next day, I was driving the same horse in a buggy, when something
annoyed the animal, and he kicked the buggy to pieces, upset us in the
road, and broke my old coachman's leg.

My uncle, Henry Lord Waterford, once made a bet that he would ride one
of his hunters over the dining-room table in his house at Melton, and
won his bet, the horse actually leaping the table towards the fire.

Horses are like Irishmen: they are easily managed if you know how to
handle them.

The famous horse-fair of Cahirmee is no more.  But it was at Cahirmee,
according to tradition, that Irishmen acquired their habit of breaking
one another's heads.  At Cahirmee Fair, the boys slept in tents, their
heads outwards; and it was the custom of the wilder spirits to go round
the tents at night, and playfully to rap the heads of the sleepers with
shillelaghs.  One of the sleepers was most unfortunately killed by a
blow, and his slayer was brought before the magistrate, who condemned
him.  Hereupon the policeman who had arrested the prisoner addressed
the magistrate:

"Your Honour," says he, "sure it is very well known that the deceased
had a terrible thin skull upon him, and I would be wanting in my duty
not to be telling your Honour the way the poor man's skull was
dangerous to him."

"'Tis the truth," broke in the prisoner eagerly.  "Sure your Honour's
honour will be letting me off, for everyone knows that no man having a
thin skull does be having anny business to be at Cahirmee Fair."

During the paper-chases which we got up at Valparaiso, I met with a
nasty accident.  My horse rose at some posts and rails, and crashed
through the top bar; after which I knew {520} no more except a shower
of stars and darkness.  When I recovered consciousness, I found myself
being borne home on horseback, lying face down on the Chilian saddle,
which is made of thick rugs.  The horse was being led by a Chilian
farmer, who was, I thought, taking me to the mortuary.  But he was
really a good Samaritan.  He had bathed my wounded face with
_aquadente_, and placed me on his horse.  The scent and sting of the
_aquadente_ revived the moribund, and by the evening I was all right
again.

In the _Research_, in 1867, we had a quartette of hunting men, Cæsar
Hawkins, Lascelles, Forbes and myself.  We used constantly to hunt
together.  Lascelles was one of the best riders I have ever known.  He
could take a horse through or over anything.  The _Research_ was
stationed at Holyhead at that time, because it was believed that the
Fenians had planned to destroy the steamers running from Holyhead to
Ireland and back.  I used to go across to Ireland from the _Research_
to hunt with the Ward Union near the Curragh, and return the same
night.  A long way to cover.

"The Three Brothers'" race is still remembered in Ireland It was ridden
by Lord William, Lord Marcus, and myself.  Each of us had his backers,
but the crowd was at first firmly convinced that the result of the race
had been arranged between us.  I believe I had the best horse, but he
was unfortunately taken with an attack of influenza while he was coming
over from England in the boat.  Lord William won by a short head from
Lord Marcus, and I was a length behind.  Lord Marcus reminds me that
each of us, while secretly fancying himself intensely, enthusiastically
eulogised the other.

I quote the enthusiastic account of the race written by an eye-witness,
which appeared in _The Waterford News_ at the time.  (_The Waterford
News_, 4th January, 1901.  Account by Mr. Harry Sargant, from his
_Thoughts upon Sport_, and description in _The Waterford News_, The
Three Brothers' Race, 30th April, 1874.)

{521}

"Lords Charles, William, and Marcus Beresford had a sweepstake of 100
sovs. each, p.p., three miles, over the Williamstown Course, twelve
stone each, owners up.  Lord Charles rode Nightwalker, a black
thoroughbred horse, and bred by Billy Power, the sporting tenant of the
course; Lord William rode Woodlark, a grey mare; and Lord Marcus was on
a bay gelding called The Weasel.  They each wore the Beresford blue,
Lord Charles with the ancestral black cap, while the others had white
and blue caps as distinguishing emblems.

"No racecourse in Ireland, except Punchestown and Fairyhouse, ever had
more people on it than Williamstown had on that, the most memorable day
in its annals.  Old men and women who had never before seen a race came
50 miles to see 'the Brothers' race.'"  (Many persons slept on the
ground on the preceding night.)  "Not a person, except the too aged and
incapacitated, was in a farmhouse within 10 miles of the course, while
the city was as deserted as if plague-stricken--all, all, flocked to
Williamstown.  Excitement rose to boiling pitch as the three brothers
filed out of the enclosure and did the preliminary.  I fancy now I see
them jogging side by side to the starting-post, where poor Tom Waters
awaited them, ready with ensign in hand to send them on their journey.
The only delay was while he delivered a short but sporting speech to
these three lads, when away they went, boot to boot.  The pace was a
cracker from the start, but none made the running more than another,
for all three were girth to girth most of the journey, and at no time
did two lengths divide the first and last till just before the finish.
Yes, every post they made a winning-post; and ding-dong did they go at
each other, though, of course, riding like sportsmen.  Fence after
fence was charged and cleared by them locked together, and it was not
until Nightwalker was beaten, just before the last fence, they
separated.  A determined struggle between Woodlark and The Weasel then
ensued; and, after a desperate finish, old Judge Hunter gave the
verdict to the former 'by a short head.'

{522}

"Never was seen a better race of its class, nor was any ever ridden
more determinedly for victory.  The scene of excitement on Williamstown
Course before and after it beggars description.  Not a mouth was shut
or a voice lower than its highest pitch."

Two Irishmen who came from Australia, used to ride with our hounds, the
Curraghmore, in County Waterford.  They were both very hard riders and
both so short-sighted as to be nearly blind.  For these reasons they
used closely to follow my brother and myself; and we used to do our
best to get out of their way, as they were always on the top of us, but
in vain.  For whenever they saw us sheering off they used to shout out,

"Go on, Lord Charles,"--or Lord William, or Lord Marcus, as the case
might be--"go on, I can't see but I can ride."

My brother Bill and I got a real good start one day with the
Curraghmore hounds.  We led the field till we came to the river
Clodagh.  The hounds swam the river, and we followed them, with the
water over our horses' girths.  In jumping out, Bill got on the hard
bank, but in the place where I went, the water had undermined it.  I
was on a little horse called Eden, which was not 15 hands, but which
had won the jumping prize at the Horse Show in Dublin.  He was "a great
lepped harse," as the Irish say.  He did his best, but the bank gave
under him, and he came right back on me in the water.  When I got up,
both my stirrup leathers had slipped, and I saw the irons showing at
the bottom of the river.  I had to go down under water to recover them.
I got out and rode to a public-house, the landlord of which was a
tenant of my brother Waterford.

"For the love of God, Lord Char-less, how did ye get that way at all at
all?" says he.

I told him, and,

"Can you give me a suit of clothes, as they will draw Ballydurn in the
afternoon, and I must be there?" said I.

"Divil a suit have I got," says he.  "But there, his {523} Riverence is
just afther changing his clothes within, and I'm sure he'll be glad and
proud if you esconced yourself in his clothes, and he big enough to
cover two of yez."

I went upstairs, and there I found his Reverence's clericals on the
bed, and with that I stripped and put on his vest, shirt, trousers and
clerical coat.  His great boots were elastic-sided, and I had to put
two copies of the _Cork Examiner_ newspaper in each to make them fit
me.  He was a big man, over six feet high and weighing about twenty
stone; and his trousers were so long that when I turned them up
half-way to the knee, they still could go into the top of the boots, in
which I stowed them, tying string round the boots to keep the trousers
in.  The trousers were so wide round the waist, that I had to button
the top button round on the opposite side brace button behind.  The
coat was so long that it reached down half-way between my knees and
ankles.

Thus ecclesiastically garbed, I rode to the cover, and waited under a
bank for nearly an hour, hoping to hear the hounds.  My teeth were
chattering with cold, and all I had on of my own was my hat.  At last I
heard the horn, and at once a fine old fox broke.  I waited till he got
afield and then knocked a bawl out of myself that would terrify a
neighbourhood.  Out came the hounds and me on top of them, with two
fields' start, as I was wrong side of the cover down wind concealed
under a big bank.  Then came over twenty minutes as hard as legs could
lay on to ground, and all the field wondering who his Reverence could
be that was leading the field, and where in God's name did he come
from--all except Bill.  He knew that I had fallen in the river, he knew
Eden, and he laughed so that he could hardly sit his horse.  When the
field came up, fox to ground, they nearly fell off their horses with
laughing.  One farmer said to me:

"Begob, your Riverence, you will never be so near heaven again as on
the top of that terror of a high bank ye lepped!"

{524}

There was a lady, a very hard and jealous rider, who often hunted with
our hounds, and who was told one day that she must hold her own with
the Curraghmores, as some ladies from the neighbouring packs were out.

"Show me a Tipperary or a Kilkenny woman till I lep on the shmall of
her back," quoth she.

Every sportsman knows the delight of getting a good start and of
keeping it.  I was riding with the Tipperaries, when Eden jumped a
tremendous big mearing (boundary); the others who faced it either fell
or refused; and thus we got three fields ahead of the rest of the
field, and ran the fox straight to ground in thirty-five minutes, Eden
keeping right on the tail of the hounds the whole way.  Two or three
times I have got such a start and kept it, another occasion being in
Leicestershire, when I was riding a horse belonging to my sister-in-law.

Once with the Meath I got a long start by seeing which way the wind
was; and cutting a corner, I observed a man with a green collar doing
the same, and we both kept our lead.  A fortnight later, stag-hunting
upon Exmoor, I got well away, when I saw a man ahead of me on my left.
At the end of the run, I observed that he had a green collar, and found
it was the same man.  A curious coincidence.

Riding another of my Irish horses, Sea Queen, we were going down a
by-road, the hounds being on the right, when we came to an iron gate,
nearly 6 feet high.  I was bending down to pull back the bolt, when the
mare suddenly jumped.  She got her fore-part over, and it took me half
an hour to clear her.  I was obliged to break the gudgeon of the gate.

Hunting at home at Curraghmore, I used to tell my brothers, all of whom
were cavalry officers, that I would engage to pick a hundred seamen
from the Fleet, who had never been on a horse, and to make them in six
weeks as fine a troop of cavalry as any in the kingdom.  Naturally they
did not believe me, and chaffed the life out of me.  But when my
brother Lord William went to South Africa, {525} to the Zulu war of
1879, he commanded three troops of irregular cavalry, the men of which
had been recruited straight from the merchant service.  His troop
sergeant-major had been a mate.  When my brother returned, he
acknowledged that my boast was justified.  The fact was that in the old
sailing days, the sailor was so agile, athletic and resourceful a
creature, so clever with his hands, and so accustomed to keeping his
balance in every situation, that he could speedily acquire the seat and
the skill which other men must as a rule learn in childhood or not at
all.  Anyhow, the seamen could stick on.

Many men never become easy on horseback.  My experience in the hunting
field taught me that a man who is always fussily shouting, "Where the
devil are the hounds, sir?" and so forth, is always nervous.  I have
sometimes answered, "Keep calm, sir, keep calm.  It's not a general
action."

For a short time I was acting-Master of the Buckhounds, in place of my
brother Waterford, when he was laid up with an accident in the hunting
field, from which, poor fellow, he never recovered.  As he was
galloping through an open swinging gate, the gate closed on his horse
as the horse was level with it.  The jerk injured the base of the spine.

One day with the Buckhounds we were hunting a very twisting, slow stag,
when, observing a charming country-woman of mine, I asked her if she
had another horse out.  As she said she had not, I advised her to go to
a certain spot, where the deer-cart held another stag, wait there for
me, and we would have a good run, and with luck we could get back to
the station and catch a train.  Sure enough, we had a splendid run,
half an hour as hard as we could go; the stag ran into the lost
property office in Slough railway station, and a train bound for London
came in at the same moment: a prophecy fulfilled.

I was one of the original number that first played polo at Lillie
Bridge, in the early days of polo in England.  We played on little
13-hand ponies, with a bamboo root rounded {526} off as a ball.  I do
not think that there are many of the original number now (1913) alive;
but among them is Lord Valentia, who very kindly sent me the following
account of the introduction of polo into England:

"The first polo match ever played in Europe was between the 9th Lancers
and 10th Hussars at Hounslow, July, 1871, but the 10th had played polo
for years then.  The first game ever played was at Aldershot, on Cove
Common, in 1870; where Colonel Liddell says in his _Memoirs of the 10th
Royal Hussars_: 'The game was introduced into England by the officers
of the 10th, from a description of the game as played by the Manipuri
tribe in India which appeared in _The Field_ newspaper.  Lord Valentia,
Mr. Hartopp, and Mr. George Cheape of the 11th attached to the 10th,
were the originators.'  I believe the Lillie Bridge Club was formed in
1872.  I well remember a day at Lillie Bridge when I think you, Bill,
and Marcus were playing, and your mother was looking on.  Bill Was
knocked out by a crack on the head, and carried into the dressing room,
where he lay unconscious for a short time.  Your mother was in the room
with him, and heard Tom Fitzwilliam in the next room shouting out so
that everyone in both rooms could hear, 'Oh, it's only Bill knocked
out.  No matter, you can't kill a Beresford!'"

I had entered to ride my horse Nightwalker in the steeple-chase at
Totnes, which is the most difficult course in England, up hill and down
dale, and along a narrow path beside and across the river.  Just before
the race, I was warned that a plan had been formed for the jockeys to
ride me out at a post on the river at the bottom of the hill.  Had I
been ridden out, I could never have recovered the ground.  I kept a
vigilant look-out accordingly.  Riding along the tow-path, a jockey
began to hustle me.  I told him to pull back, warning him that unless
he kept clear I would have him in the river.  He returned no answer,
but continued to hustle me: whereupon I pulled my horse on to him,
cannoned into him, and over he went, horse and all, {527} into the
water.  Falling on a rock, he broke his thigh.  I won the race.  Then I
went to look after the injured jockey.  Nightwalker was one of the best
horses I ever owned.  I sold him to Lord Zetland, who told me that "the
horse was one of the best he had ever had, and no price would buy him."

In 1882, while I was in command of the _Condor_, a gymkhana was
arranged which had the unfortunate and wholly unforeseen result of
bringing me into serious disfavour with an agitated husband.  We rode
upon side-saddles, dressed in ladies' attire: habits, chignons, and
tall hats complete.  I had a capital pony, and had won the race, my
chignon and hat blowing off on the way, when up comes an indignant
gentleman, to accuse me of insulting his wife.  I had, he said, dressed
up to imitate the lady, on purpose to bring ridicule upon her.

Naturally, I assured him that he was mistaken, and that nothing would
have induced me to commit so discourteous an action.  But my gentlemen
waxed hotter than before, and violently demanded an apology.  He
declined to accept my assurance; his language was highly irritating;
and I became angry in my turn.

"You don't appear to understand the situation," I told him.  "How dare
you come to me and tell me that I looked like your wife?  Either you
apologise to me at once for that most improper suggestion, or..."

He saw reason.  He apologised.  The biter was bit.

While I was commanding the _Condor_ in 1882, a famous Italian
long-distance runner came to Malta, and issued a challenge, of which
the conditions were that he would run on foot any mounted man over a
twenty-mile course, himself to go any pace he chose, but the horse to
trot, canter, or gallop, not to stop or to walk.  I accepted the
challenge, and went into hard training.

I trained on ponies, confiding the pony which I was to ride in the race
to a midshipman of light weight, and reduced my weight to 10 st. 8 lb.
The greater proportion of the {528} Maltese, whose dislike of the
English was still strong in those days, were in favour of the Italian.
They assembled in vast crowds on the Marsa upon the day of the race.
We ran and rode round and round the great open space--afterwards the
parade-ground--and although my adversary tried every trick of his
trade, such as suddenly stopping, or lying down, I succeeded in winning
the race.

I had a famous horse called Sudden Death, which I bought from Lord
Norris; and the first time I drove him tandem in the lead was on
Portsmouth Hard, where he cut across the first cab on the cab rank,
whereupon all the cabs backed out on the top of one another with
kickings, cursings and squealings.  I sold Sudden Death for £15, a case
of infamous sherry, and a life insurance ticket.

The greatest devil of a horse I ever owned I called The Fiend.  He
would carry me brilliantly for a day or two, and then, for no earthly
reason, he would turn it up in a run, kick, back, rear and bite at my
foot; and if he could not get me off, he would rub my leg against a
wall or rush at a gate.  Once, after carrying me beautifully in two
runs on one day, he flew into one of his tantrums.  We were crossing
the bridge over the Clodagh River at Curraghmore, and he actually
jumped upon the parapet of the bridge, balanced himself upon it for a
moment, and then (thank God!) jumped into the road again.

We had a pad groom in the Curraghmore stables, Paddy Quin, called The
Whisperer, because he could control any dangerous horse by whispering
to him.  I told Quin to sell The Fiend without bringing my name into
the transaction.  He sold the horse accordingly; and when the business
was completed, he told me that he had represented to the purchaser that
The Fiend "belonged to a lone widdy living by the say-side."

I believe that I am the only man who has ever ridden a pig down Park
Lane.  As I was returning home from a dance in the calm of a summer
morning, accompanied by a friend, a herd of swine came by, and among
them a {529} huge animal trotted pre-eminent.  I wagered £5 that I
would ride that great pig into Piccadilly; dashed into the herd, took a
flying leap upon the pig's back, and galloped all down Park Lane,
pursued with shouts by the swineherd.  As I turned into Piccadilly, the
swineherd caught me a clout on the head, knocking me off my steed.  But
not before I won my wager.

I was once prettily sold by a sportsman named Doddy Johnson.  We were
of a party at Maidenhead, and we laid £5 on the winner of a swimming
race across the Thames, both to swim in our frock coats and tall hats.

My antagonist and I were to start from a line on the lawn at Skindle's,
and the first to get ashore on the opposite bank was to be the winner.
I raced down the lawn and plunged in.  About half-way across the river,
I looked back, and there was Doddy standing on the bank.  He had his
jest; presumably it was worth a fiver.

One year, three out of four horses in my coach being hunters, I was
obliged to start with the leaders, for if I started in the proper way
with the wheelers, the off wheeler invariably jumped into her collar
and kicked.  Being taken to task in the Park one day by a famous
four-in-hand driver, who told me I did not know how to start a team, I
said to him that as he was an authority on the subject, I should be
very grateful if he would be so good as to start my coach for me, and
thus to show me how it ought to be done; adding that if the coach were
damaged or the horses were injured, he must hold himself responsible.

Gladly accepting these conditions, my friend mounted to the box and
settled himself with great nicety and pulled off the leaders.  Then he
touched the off wheeler with his whip.  The next moment she had kicked
in the boot, and the leaders started kicking, and both fell--a regular
tie-up.  The mare capped her hocks and was laid up at a vet's for a
week.

I was driving a coach up from Sandown Races along a crowded road, when
a most unfortunate accident suddenly exposed me to the fury of the
populace.  Swinging the whip {530} out in order to catch it up
properly, the thong caught under a lady's chignon, and the whip was
nearly pulled out of my hand.  Chignon and hat came away together and
remained dangling.  The poor lady must have been sadly hurt.
Instantly, of course, I tried to pull up in order to apologise, when
the mob rushed to the very unjust conclusion that I had insulted the
lady on purpose; there was a deal of shouting, and stones began to fly;
the horses were hit and bolted, so that I never had the opportunity of
making my apology.  The Duke of Portland, Lord Londonderry and Lord
Inniskillen were on the coach.  We used each of us to horse one coach
in stages for the race meetings near London.

Upon another occasion, when I was driving the Prince of Wales on my
coach to a meet of the Four-in-Hand Club at the Magazine, Hyde Park, a
man who was quite unknown to me shouted,

"'Ullo, Chawley, 'ow are yer?  I see you've got 'Wiles' up alongside
yer."

"Some of your friends seem very familiar," said the Prince, who took
the remark with perfect good-humour.

I once laid a wager that I would drive round Rotten row, an exercise
forbidden by the regulations.  A party assembled to watch the event;
and while they were looking out for me, a man driving the Park
water-cart came by and turned the water on them.  Then the company,
looking closer at the driver, perceived that I had won my bet.

The first racehorse owned by the Prince of Wales was a horse named
Stonehenge, which I bought for him.  We were partners in the horse.
Stonehenge had won one or two races, when I went away on leave for a
few days.  On my return I found that my groom, against orders, had been
galloping him, and that one of his legs had filled.  Having heard that
my uncle, Lord Waterford, once trained a horse which filled his leg, by
swimming him in the sea after a boat tried the experiment with
Stonehenge.  The admiral's coxswain, two hands, and myself swam
Stonehenge every {531} day about Plymouth Harbour.  The horse got fit
to run for his life, and I rode him in a hurdle race at Plymouth.  He
was winning easily, but, alas! he broke down at the last hurdle, and
was just beaten.

In 1883-4, the Duke of Portland and myself, as partners, bought Rosy
Morn, as a yearling.  He won several races as a two-year-old, and we
fancied him for the Derby.  He was a better colt as a two-year-old than
Lord Hastings' Melton, which won the Derby.  Both horses were trained
in the same stable, at Matt Dawson's, Heath House, Newmarket.

Matt Dawson declared that we had got a Derby horse.  I was getting the
boats through the Bab-el-Kebir in the Egyptian war, when I heard that
Rosy Morn had gone a roarer; and I thought it a bad omen for the
expedition.

Lord Marcus and I organised a donkey race to enliven a South Coast
race-meeting.  We hired two donkeys apiece, and each bestrode two
steeds, standing on their backs, and rode them over the wooden groynes
that descend the beach at regular intervals.

The curse of race-meetings is the crowd of dubious characters which
infests them.  Lord Marcus, travelling by rail to Newmarket, defeated
three of such persons single-handed.

A trio of three-card-trick men tried to bully him into venturing on the
game; whereupon he set about them.  Two he knocked out, and the third
piped down.  They left that carriage of carnage at the next station,
protesting amid blood and tears that it was occupied by the most
furious devil allowed on earth.  He was maligned: there never was a
kinder-hearted man.

Lord Marcus, who is singularly ready with his tongue, upon being asked
whether he thought False Tooth a good name for a horse, said:

"The best, because you can't stop him."

The same relative committed a worse crime at the Club, where a very
deaf member appealed to him to be told what another member was saying
to him.

{532}

"He's wishing you a Happy New 'Ear--and God knows you want one!"
shouted Markie.

One of the most unexpected events in which I ever took part occurred at
Scarborough, where I was staying for the races with Mr. Robert Vyner.
In the same hotel were staying two well-known members of the racing
world, Mr. Dudley Milner and Mr. Johnny Shafto.  Vyner and I happened
to enter the large and long room, used for assemblies; when we
perceived Dudley Milner and Johnny Shafto standing at the other end,
and observed that they were arguing together, somewhat heatedly, in
broad Yorkshire.  They were disputing, as racing men do at such times,
about weights in an impending handicap.

There was nothing at all in the great room, so far as I remember,
except a sideboard and a dish filled with pats of butter which stood on
the sideboard.  I picked up a pat of butter on the end of the ash-plant
I was carrying, and told Vyner that if he would come outside, I would
throw the pat of butter to a surprising distance.

"Why go outside?" said he.  "Why not take a shot at those two fellows
who are arguing so busily over there?"

"And so I will," said I.

The pat of butter described a beautiful yellow parabola at high speed
and lighted upon the eye of one of the disputants.  The impact doubled
him up, and he thought that the other man had hit him.  Drawing his
right fist back very slowly and carefully, he struck his friend full on
the point of the nose.  The next moment they were both rolling on the
floor, fighting like cats.  My companion and I were laughing so much
that we couldn't separate them; and they finally had to go to bed for a
week to recover themselves of their wounds.

Butter produces various effects, according to its application.  I was
one of the guests among a large party at a luncheon, given by an old
gentleman who had a fancy for breeding pugs, which were then the
fashionable breed of dog.  On the table opposite to me was a glass bowl
{533} containing a quantity of pats of butter; and as each of the many
pugs in the room came to me, I gave him a pat of butter on the end of a
fork.  He gently snuggled it down.  After about ten minutes first one
pug and then another began to be audibly unwell.  The old gentleman was
so terrified at these alarming symptoms, that he incontinently
dispatched a carriage at speed to fetch the nearest vet That expert,
after a careful diagnosis, reported that "someone must have been
feeding the pugs on butter."

My brother Marcus, travelling by rail with some friends, Mr. Dudley
Milner being of the party, Markie very kindly relieved the tedium of
the journey.  Dudley Milner had fallen asleep.  Marcus took the ticket
from Milner's pocket.  He then woke up Milner, telling him that the
tickets were about to be collected.  Milner, after feverishly searching
for his ticket, was forced to the conclusion that he had lost it, and,
finding that he had very little money, begged that someone would lend
him the requisite sum.  One and all, with profuse apologies, declared
themselves to be almost penniless; and Milner was nearing despair, when
my brother sympathetically suggested that, as the train approached the
station Milner should hide under the seat, and all would be well.
Thereupon Milner, assisted by several pairs of feet, struggled under
the seat, and his friends screened him with their legs.

The collector appeared, and Marcus gave him all the tickets.

"Here's six tickets for five gentlemen," said the collector.

"Quite correct," said Marcus.  "The other gentleman is under the seat.
He prefers travelling like that."

An old friend of mine, Lord Suffield, has recently published his
memoirs.  He was an indomitable rider, with a beautiful seat, and one
of the hardest men to hounds in his day.  I well remember riding home
with him across country after the hunt with His Majesty's Buckhounds,
when, taking a turn to the right, while I took a turn to the left, he
suddenly disappeared altogether from view.  As {534} suddenly he
appeared again on his horse's neck.  He speedily got back into the
saddle and went away as if nothing had happened, looking neither to the
right nor left.  I turned to find out the cause of his disappearance,
and found that he had come across a deep V-shaped ditch, at the bottom
of which was a very high post and rails.  How any man or horse could
have got over it, it is impossible to say.  When I spoke to him about
his exploit in the evening, he treated it as a matter of course, and
only said it was "a rather nasty place."

When we were in India together, in the suite of the Prince of Wales, he
always preferred riding to going on an elephant.  He was a great
yachtsman in his day, and knew as much about handling yachts as any
seaman I have ever met.  He was a very good shot, and one of the
greatest friends I have ever had.




{535}

CHAPTER LIV

SPORTING MEMORIES (_Continued_)

II. SHOOTING

There are few kinds of beasts which I have not shot; and among those
few are lions and giraffes.

When I was at Vancouver as a midshipman, I went out after deer upon a
pouring wet day.  I fired at a deer; the gun, a muzzle-loader, missed
fire; I set the stock on the ground in order to ram home the charge;
and the gun went off.  The bullet cut the button off the top of my cap:
a narrow escape.

I shall never forget the excitement of three of us midshipmen of the
_Clio_, when, being out after tree grouse in the bush, we put up a big
spotted deer.  It was close to us, and we killed it; we cut it up, and
tramped the miles back to the ship, laden with the haunches, shoulders
and head.  Arriving on board with our clothes soaked with blood, we
were hailed as splendid sportsmen, and for days thereafter the gun-room
feasted upon venison.

When the _Clio_ was off Juan Fernandez in February, 1865, we sent a
party of seamen across to the island to beat up the wild goats towards
the shore.  The cliffs are steep-to, and along the face of them winds a
narrow path worn by the goats themselves.  The pathway itself is
inclined at a steep angle.  I took the cutter and hung off and on,
waiting for the goats.  Presently they came down, about thirty of them,
in single file, slipping a good deal, but recovering their footing with
marvellous agility.  We fired {536} at the line and knocked over three.
They fell on the rocks below.  There was so much seaway that we were
unable to get the boat in.  I therefore took a line and swam to shore,
collected the goats, toggled their legs together, secured them with the
line, and they were pulled off to the boat.  But when I tried to swim
off, the sea was so rough that the breakers beat me back.  I was hurled
against the rocks; all the wind was knocked out of me, and I was much
bruised and cut.  A bluejacket swam off with a line, and although he
did not toggle my legs, he and I were hauled off to the boats, like the
goats.  We brought all three goats safely on board.  One of them was a
billy-goat, the other two nanny-goats, in which there was no sign of
any bullet, so that they must have been carried down with the
billy-goat.

While I was serving in the _Sutlej_ as sub-lieutenant, the chief
engineer, James Roffey, who was a splendid shot, and myself, went upon
hunting expeditions in Vancouver.  We took two horses and a couple of
dogs.  At night we slept on waterproof sheets under a lean-to shelter
made of branches.  We shot many partridge--as these birds are called.
Having treed them, we shot the lower birds first, and so on to the top.
The report of the guns did not disturb them, but if a bird fell from
the upper branches, the rest would take flight.  I have shot these
birds in the same way, during recent visits to Canada.

During the visit of the Duke of Edinburgh to India in 1870, I
accompanied his Royal Highness upon the great elephant hunt in Ceylon.
For months beforehand the wild elephants had been gradually driven
towards the kraal by an army of native beaters.  The kraal is
constructed of huge trunks of trees, lashed together and buttressed,
making a strong stockade.  In plan, covering about eight acres, it is
shaped like a square bottle, the neck representing a narrow entrance,
from which the stockade on either side runs at a wide angle, like jaws.
The elephants are driven down the narrowing jaws and through the
entrance, which {537} is closed behind them with a gate made of logs.
Once inside the kraal, the wild animals are tackled by the tame
elephants ridden by mahouts, and are secured with hide ropes to the
trees of the stockade, which is formed of stout timber for the purpose.

Upon the occasion of the Duke's visit, I was in the arena, mounted upon
a tame elephant amid a wild heaving mob of animals.  One huge beast
defeated the tame elephants, throwing the whole lot into confusion.  He
suddenly charged, knocking over the tame elephant next to me, the
mahout breaking his leg in the fall.  Things were looking very ugly,
when someone--against orders--fired and killed the rebel elephant, the
bullet entering his temple.

If the day of the great elephant hunt in India, arranged in honour of
the Prince of Wales, was the hardest run of my life, hanging on to the
back of a swift pad elephant which went through the jungle for fourteen
hours like a runaway locomotive, the hardest day I ever had on foot was
in Ceylon, during the visit of the Duke of Edinburgh to that superb
country, in 1870.  I have found Irishmen in most places under the sun;
and I found one in Ceylon.  His name was Varian, and he was a famous
hunter of elephants.  Rogue elephants were his favourite game; he
stalked them on foot; walked up to his quarry and shot it.  He was I
think, eventually killed by a rogue elephant.  His gun, which had
belonged to Sir Samuel Baker, was a curiosity among hand-cannon.  This
formidable engine was so heavy that it was as much as a powerful man
could do to heave it up to his shoulder.  The recoil--but I will relate
what kind of recoil it exercised.  The gun was a single-bore
muzzle-loader, having two grooves cut within the barrel, into which was
fitted a spherical belted bullet.

We started at three o'clock in the morning, taking with us two native
bearers to carry the guns.  The bearers were little men, fragile to all
appearance as pipe-stems, and save for a loin-cloth, naked as they were
born.  For seven hours we travelled ere we found fresh spoor, following
the elephant {538} trails, paths which the huge animals had cloven
through the dense jungle.  The heat was intense, the walking an
extraordinary exertion; for at every few yards the soft ground was
trodden by the elephants into pools of water three or four feet deep,
through which we must plunge.

It was blazing noon when we struck fresh tracks; and Varian halted to
load the heavy rifle.  I contemplated the operation with amazement.  He
poured the powder into his hand, and tilted three or four handfuls down
the muzzle.  Then he wrapped a piece of waste round the projectile, and
hammered the ramrod home with a hammer.  It occurred to me that if ever
a gun ought to burst in this world, that gun ought to burst.

We tracked the elephant out of the jungle; and there he was in the open
_maidan_, placidly pulling up great tufts of grass with his trunk, and
swishing himself with them.

"We must bend down," says Varian in a whisper, "and he may take us for
pigs."

He held me by the arm; and bending down, we advanced directly upon the
elephant, Varian's bearer loaded to the earth with the great gun.

"If he puts his ears forward and drops his trunk--fire!  For he'll
either charge or run away," whispered Varian.

And with the graceful courtesy of his race, he handed me the miniature
cannon.

We were within twelve yards or so of the huge beast when his ears
jutted forward, and with his trunk he flicked the ground, producing a
hollow sound.  I braced a leg backwards, and with a strong effort, hove
the gun to my shoulder, aimed at the wrinkles just above the trunk, and
fired.  The elephant and I toppled over at the same moment.  I thought
my shoulder was broken to pieces; but as I staggered to my feet, I saw
the elephant lying over on its side, its legs feebly waving.  Varian
ran up to it and fired several more shots into its head, and it lay
motionless.

In 1874, I was appointed to the _Bellerophon_, temporarily.  {539} She
had sunk a steamer which had crossed her bows, and her senior officers
had been ordered home to attend the inquiry into the matter.  When I
joined her, my old mess-mate in the _Marlborough_, Swinton C. Holland
(now admiral), was in sole command; although he was only second
lieutenant of the ship; a curious illustration of the incidents of
naval life.

Another example of the anomalies of those days was my own position: I
was on full pay and on active service, and I was also a member of
Parliament.  The dual capacity was not in itself conducive to
discipline, because it gave naval officers on full pay the opportunity
of criticising, as members of Parliament, their superior officers.  I
do not think it was abused; in my own case, I think the solitary
advantage I took was to obtain a pump, which was a sanitary necessity,
for the _Thunderer_, when I was her commander: a threat of publicity
moving the Admiralty to action which previous applications had failed
to produce.  In the old days, the Sea Lords used to serve in the dual
capacity of members of the Board of Admiralty and of Parliament.

As no one had any precise idea where the _Bellerophon_ was, I took
passage to Halifax and stayed in the receiving hulk _Pyramus_,
fifth-rate, stationed at Halifax, in the hope that the _Bellerophon_
would come north.  In the meantime, I went for a shooting expedition
with a trapper.  We went up into the forests of Nova Scotia, camping
out, and living upon what we could secure with our guns.  We shot bear
and deer and prairie chicken.  In the depth of the forest I found an
Irishman dwelling in a clearing with his wife and family.  He was a
bitter Orangeman, who (so he told me) had been expatriated for shooting
at a priest.

"I had a gun," said he, "but it was a rotten gun.  I drew a bead on the
priest, and, God forgive me, the gun missed fire!"

I remember saying to him:

"Why the devil can't you leave another man's religious convictions
alone?  He has as much right to his convictions as you have to yours.
If there were no religious wrangles {540} in our country, it would be
the happiest country in the world."

His nearest neighbour, dwelling 20 miles away, was a Roman Catholic;
and although my friend cursed him for a Papist, their relations with
each other were quite friendly.  The Irishman told me how he had once
fought to save the life of his child from a bear.  He was working in
the clearing; near by, his little girl was sitting on the trunk of a
felled tree; when a bear suddenly emerged from the forest, and made
towards her.  The man had for his only weapon a huge handspike, as big
as a paviour's rammer.  He showed me the thing; it was so heavy that I
could scarcely realise that he could have used it as he did use it.
But with this formidable club he fought the bear for an hour.  Several
times he beat the animal to the earth; but the beast returned to the
attack; and the man thought his strength must surely fail him.  At
last, both man and beast were so exhausted that they stood and looked
at each other with their tongues hanging out.  Then, with a growl, the
bear turned tail and rolled back into the forest.  The Irishman never
saw it again; and he cherished the belief that the brute died of its
wounds.

Shooting black buck in the plains of Central India, with the Duke of
Portland's party, in 1883, I had been out in a bullock-cart for hours.
The method is to describe a wide circle round the black buck, and
slowly driving round and round, gradually to diminish the circle.  The
sun was very hot; I was very tired of the business; and I determined to
risk a shot.  As I emerged from the cart into the open, a herd of black
buck galloped past in the distance in single file, passing behind two
tufts of high grass.  Sighting between the tufts, I fired right and
left, and heard the bullets strike.  The _shikari_ would not believe
that I had hit anything at that range.  But there were the bodies of
two black buck; the distance from where I had fired to one of them was
220 yards, and to the other, 240 yards.  The heads are in my collection
of sporting trophies.

{541}

I had been twice round the world before I ever saw a really wild man.
At last I met one when I was shooting grouse on my own property in
Cavan.  His voice was a squeaky, husky whisper, like the creaking of an
old wooden frigate in a gale of wind.  If I hit a bird hard and it
passed on, the wild man would say:

"Well, that fellow got a terrible rap anyway!"

If I killed the bird, he would say, "Well well, he has the fatal
stroke, with the help of God!"

And if I missed a bird, he would say, "Never moind, Lord Char-less!  Ye
made him quit that, annyhow."

The incident of the Glenquoich stag occurred many years ago, when I was
staying at Glenquoich with the Duke of Marlborough.  We had had a hard
day, without sighting a warrantable stag, when the stalker spied, far
on the skyline of the opposite hill, the grandest head he had ever
seen.  We stalked up to him until we came to the edge of a valley.
There was the noble head scarce fifty yards away.  We could see the
stag's ears moving.  But he did not rise.  We lay on that hill-top for
an hour and a half; the midges were eating me in platoons; and still
the stag did not get up.  I could stand it no longer; and I said to the
stalker:

"Either you must get him up or I must shoot him through the heather."

The stalker begged me not to shoot; he whistled; then turned upon me a
face of utter bewilderment, for the stag lay where he was, moving his
ears to keep off the midges.  The stalker whistled again.  Still the
stag lay quiet; and the man looked at me with a countenance of such
amazement that I can see it before me as I write.  It must have struck
him that here was the supernatural; for never in his life had he seen a
live stag which would stay to hearken to his whistling.

Then the stalker shouted; then he stood upright and shouted again; and
still the stag lay where he was; and the man stared at me in silence
with consternation in his eyes.  {542} I delayed no longer.  I shot the
stag through the heather, and he leaped up, and fell dead.

We found that the poor beast had a hind fetlock cut nearly through by a
bullet.  The wound must have been inflicted some considerable time
previously, for it had mortified and the haunch had withered.  Thus
wounded, he must have strayed from another forest, for he was a German
stag, marked with slits on both his ears; and there were no such stags
in Glenquoich forest.

The late Kiamil Pasha, Governor of Salonika, was an old friend of mine.
I first knew him when I was in command of the _Undaunted_, in which
ship he lunched with me several times.  He was a grand specimen of a
fine old Turkish gentleman, one of the best among Turkish statesmen,
intensely interested in the welfare of his country.  I often went out
snipe-shooting with the Turkish commander-in-chief round about
Salonika.  On these occasions, the Pasha invariably wore full uniform;
and when we arrived at the shooting ground, we were always met by a
squadron of cavalry.  I imagined that the guard was furnished as a
compliment to myself; and eventually I said to the Pasha that while it
was very good of him to pay me the courtesy of a guard, I should be
quite as happy if we went out shooting without it.

He replied that the guard was not intended as a compliment, but was
ordered for my safety.

"What is the danger?"

"Brigands," said the Pasha.

"But there are no brigands here now."

"Are there not?" said the Pasha.  "I killed fourteen yesterday."

And afterwards he showed me where he had rounded them up.

I have seen two whales killed.  I saw a whale killed in the Pacific by
an old sailing whaler.  She sent four boats out and they hunted the
whale, after it was harpooned, for eight hours before they killed it.
A boat rowed close to {543} the whale, the harpooner flung his harpoon,
the whale sounded, his tail swung up like a flail and struck the water
with a report like the report of a gun, and out flew the line from the
boat.  The man who eventually killed the whale was armed with a long
flexible knife, which he plunged into the whale behind the fin.  The
vast carcase was towed alongside the ship, than which it was longer;
men wearing spiked boots and using sharp spades went upon the whale;
and as they sliced into the blubber, making cuts across the carcase,
the piece called the "blanket piece" was hoisted inboard by means of a
tackle, the whale thus turning gradually over until its whole
circumference was stripped.

Many years afterwards, I saw a whale killed off Norway by a modern
steam whaler.  She steamed slowly after a school of whales, and fired a
gun whose projectile was a shell attached to a harpoon.  The shell
burst inside the whale, killing it.  The carcase was then towed
alongside the steamer by boats, the operation taking about an hour and
a half, and was then towed by the steamer to the whaleries.  The
whaling master told me that 850 whales had been killed off Norway
during that year; and that among them was a whale with an American
harpoon in it; wherefore he supposed that the whale must have voyaged
round the Horn, or else north about beneath the ice.




{544}

CHAPTER LV

SPORTING MEMORIES (_Continued_)

III. FISHING

When, as a youngster, I was sea-fishing at Ascension, my boat made fast
to a buoy, I had used all my bait without getting a fish, when a booby
gull kindly came and sat on the buoy.  I knocked him over with an oar,
used his remains for bait, and caught lots of fish.

In nearly every ship in which I have served, I had a trammel, a trawl
and a trot.  As a midshipman, I used them myself; when I became a
senior officer, I lent them to the midshipmen.

Upon visiting the island of Juan Fernandez, while I was a midshipman in
the _Clio_, we found three men living in the home of Robinson Crusoe.
They subsisted chiefly upon crayfish.  We used to fish for these
Crustacea, using for bait a piece of a Marine's scarlet tunic.  The
fish used to take the crayfish while we were hauling them up.  In a few
hours we caught enough to feed the whole ship's company.

Off the Horn, and in the South Pacific, I have killed many albatross in
calm weather, or when the ship was proceeding very slowly under sail.
I made a hook out of several hooks like a paternoster.  If the bird
touched the bait, he was always caught.  The upper mandible of the
albatross has a curve like the beak of a parrot, and that curve is all
there is to hold the hook.  When the bird is being hauled on board, the
lower mandible catches the water and drives him underneath.  When he
comes on board he is {545} full of water, and is immediately very sick.
Both the first and second pinion bones make beautiful pipe stems about
fourteen inches long.  I brought many home for my friends.  The feet,
dried, cleaned and manufactured into bags, make excellent tobacco
pouches.

Many a shark have I caught in the old days.  I have had two sharks on
my hook at once.  One had taken the hook, which, barb and all, had
pierced right through his jaw; and another shark went for it and got
the end of the hook into his mouth.  They were both on the hook for
some little time, and eventually I killed the first one hooked.  I made
a walking-stick out of his backbone.

The biggest shark I ever killed measured 12 feet 2 inches long.

I bought my shark hook from a man in an American whaling; schooner at
the Sandwich Islands.  I filed a little notch on the shaft of my hook
whenever I killed a shark.  To my great annoyance, someone stole my
hook in after years.

I was once towing a cod-line astern for dolphin, when a shark took the
bait.  I took the line round a cleat and played him, or he would have
carried it away; got him close enough to get a bowline over his tail,
and hauled him on board.  This method is generally used for getting a
shark on board.  Until his tail is cut off with an axe, a shark plays
ballyhooly with all around him.  A shark's heart is so muscular, and
expands and contracts so violently after death that it is impossible to
hold it in the hand.  Sharks are bad eating, but in those salt-horse
days we relished them.

My record in salmon fishing was made in Norway, when together with Lord
Wolseley, Mr. Bayard, and Mr. Abram Hewett, I was a guest on board the
yacht of my friend, Mr. Fred Wynn.  In one night's fly-fishing, I
killed forty-one fish.  I gave eight of them to the fishermen who
worked the canoe for me, and brought thirty-three back to the yacht.

Tarpon fishing is the acme of sea-fishing.  Whereas a {546} salmon is
killed by a rod and delicate handling, a tarpon is killed by the line
and herculean strength.  The rod used is short and thick.  The line is
made of cotton, thinner and lighter than a salmon line, but
extraordinarily strong.  It is from 300 to 400 yards long, with four
brakes, two on the reel, and two of thick leather placed on the thumbs.
When the tarpon is struck, he invariably jumps into the air from six to
ten feet, and shakes his head to shake the hook out, an effort in which
he often succeeds.  He has no teeth, but the upper part of his mouth is
as hard as a cow's hoof, and it takes a tremendous strike to get a hook
into it past the barb.  The biggest tarpon I killed was 186 lb.  I
think Lord Desborough holds the record with a tarpon of 240 lb., 7 feet
6 inches long, 42 inches girth.  Lord Desborough killed 100 tarpon in
ten days.

Some years ago, I was most kindly invited by my old friend, Colonel
Robert M. Thompson, to stay with him in his houseboat _Everglades_ on
the coast of Florida.  The houseboat was driven by a motor and drew one
foot of water.  When it came on to blow, Colonel Thompson used to run
her up on the beach.

But upon one occasion, we went upon an adventurous voyage, right out
into the Atlantic, making a point from Florida to the north; the wind
freshened; and the houseboat had all the weather she cared for.
Colonel Thompson tells me that while securing loose gear and generally
battening down, I remarked that probably no British admiral had ever
before found himself in a houseboat drawing one foot of water 50 miles
out on the Atlantic in a seaway.

I never had such wonderful sport as I had with Colonel Thompson in the
_Everglades_.  We killed tons of fish all with the rod.  One night,
with a small tarpon rod I killed seven sergeant fish, average 28 lb.
This fish takes two long runs, and then turns up on his back, dead.
Upon another night I had on an enormous tarpon; the boatman declared it
to be the biggest he had ever seen (it always is when one fails to land
it).  I had just got into the shore after over an {547} hour's work at
the tarpon, when it went off again slowly, with the appearance of a
fish, but the methods of a steam roller.

The boatman said:

"Try to check it from going into that current; it is full of sharks."

But the tarpon steadily proceeded.  On getting into the current, it
suddenly took a run and jumped into the air.  When it was half out of
the water, a shark's head appeared and bit it in two.  I hauled only
the head and shoulders home.  The shark was so large that we tried to
catch him next day, and hooked either him or another.  He was so heavy
that we could make nothing of him.  He took us where he liked, but
never left the current.  So we bent a line on to the one by which we
held him, took it to the capstan of a yacht lying near by, hove him up
to the side, and shot him with a rifle.  He was then triced up by the
tail by a tackle from the mast.  He was a hammer-headed shark over 18
feet long.

He disgorged soap, bottles, sardine-tins, Armour meat-tins, a number of
large crab shells, some small turtle shells, pieces of fish, and the
midship section of a large tarpon, which was supposed to have been the
piece bitten out of my failure of the previous night.




{548}

CHAPTER LVI

HOME WATERS: THE LAST COMMAND

Before taking over the command of the Channel Fleet, to which I was
appointed on 4th March, 1907, on my return from the Mediterranean, I
proceeded on leave, family affairs calling me to Mexico.

My younger brother, Lord Delaval, had been killed in a railway accident
in the United States, on 26th December of the preceding year (1906),
while I was in the Mediterranean.  He left a large property in Mexico,
whither I went to settle his affairs as his executor.

Lord Delaval had gone to Mexico as a young man, intending to make his
fortune, and so to fulfil the terms imposed by the parents of the lady
to whom he was attached, as the condition upon which they would grant
their sanction to his marriage with their daughter.  At the time of his
death, having bought out his partner, he possessed two magnificent
ranches in Mexico: Ojitos Ranch, 120,000 acres, and Upper Chug Ranch,
76,000 acres; and a third ranch at Medicine Hat, Alberta, Canada.  I
stayed for some time at Ojitos Ranch; where I found that my brother was
known as a dare-devil rider and an excellent rancher; managing his
ranches himself, and taking his part in rounding up his stock and
branding his cattle.

Upon Ojitos there were about 6000 head of cattle and 1500 head of
horses, donkeys and mules.  Ojitos means "little springs"; the house
stood beside the springs; and brother, who was something of an
engineer, had constructed three large reservoirs and nine miles of
irrigation {549} canals, intersecting the whole estate.  These little
canals, fed by the reservoirs, were two feet broad and three inches
deep, so that they could be kept clear with the plough.  As the water
was perpetually running along them, the stock could drink anywhere, an
invaluable advantage in the calving season.  Upon some ranches, where
the water is scarce, cows and calves often perish for lack of ready
access to it.  The vast grassy plain is surrounded by mountains, and
the estate itself is enclosed in a ring fence of barbed wire, 110 miles
in circumference.  My brother's staff consisted of five Mexican cowboys
and three negroes.  He left the two Mexican ranches to my brother
Marcus and myself.

I got rid of all off-colour stock; put on a lot of new Durham bulls;
poisoned the prairie dogs which ate the grass, leaving the ground bare
as a high road; effected various other improvements, and organised the
whole upon a business plan, down to the last detail.  The drought of
1909 killed off many of the stock, for although the water supply was
maintained, the grass perished.  Nevertheless, the Ojitos Ranch paid
its way, and in 1912 it was sold for a good price.  The other ranch,
Upper Chug, is still unsold at the time of writing (1913), owing to the
breaking out of the rebellion, the supersession of President Diaz, and
the consequent unsettled state of the country.

It was not remarkable for peace during my sojourn at Ojitos.  El Paso,
the frontier town, was full of what are called "the Bad Men of the
United States," who were wanted by the police; and who, if they were in
danger of capture, slipped over the border.  The revolver is commonly
used in disputes, particularly at Casas Grandes, a Mexican town about
120 miles from El Paso.  During my brief visit to that place, three men
were shot: one in a gambling hell, one in a Chinese restaurant, and one
in a lodging-house; their assailants escaping with impunity.

Riding on the ranch, I saw a man about two miles away galloping for
dear life.  The cowboy who was with me explained that the rider "had
holed a man somewhere and {550} was off up country."  The fugitive
headed away from us, and coming to the wire fence, he nipped the wire,
and so rode away to the hills.

The retainers of Ojitos Ranch, with whom I sat down to dinner every
day, were each armed with a revolver, sometimes two revolvers, and a
knife.  I was the only unarmed man present.

I had already made the acquaintance of President Diaz some time
previously, when I had been tarpon-fishing at Tampico.  On that
occasion I was accompanied by my friend, Mr. Benjamin Guinness, who had
been sub-lieutenant in the _Undaunted_ when I commanded that ship.  His
brother had been midshipman in the _Undaunted_ at the same time.  The
two brothers left the Service to engage in business, and both have been
highly successful.

Upon my departure from Ojitos, I went to see President Diaz.  He was
most kind and helpful; both he and other prominent Mexicans informed me
that they desired to increase the number of British properties in
Mexico; and the President expressed the hope that I would retain
possession of the ranches.  At the same time, he gave me all the
assistance in his power with regard to the settlement of the affairs of
the estates; nor could they have been settled satisfactorily without
his help.

President Diaz impressed me as a quiet, strong and determined ruler,
who knew exactly how to govern Mexico, and did it.  Under his rule,
revolutions were summarily checked, and Mexico flourished as never
before.

Upon my return to England, I took over the command of the Channel
Fleet, hoisting my flag in the _King Edward VII_, at Portland, on 16th
April, 1907.  The second in command was Vice-Admiral Sir Reginald
Custance (now Admiral Sir R. N. Custance, G.C.B., K.C.M.G., C.V.O.), a
most distinguished strategist and tactician, one of the most learned
officers in his profession.  I have never been able to understand why
Sir Reginald Custance, instead of being placed {551} upon half-pay
until his retirement, was not appointed a Lord Commissioner of the
Admiralty.

[Illustration: H.M.S. "KING EDWARD VII" ENGAGED IN BATTLE PRACTICE,
1907]

The members of the Staff were: chief of staff, Captain Frederick C. D.
Sturdee, succeeded by Captain Montague E. Browning; flag-commander,
Fawcet Wray; intelligence officer at the Admiralty, Commander Godfrey
Tuke, succeeded by Captain Arthur R. Hulbert; signal officer,
Lieutenant Charles D. Roper; flag-lieutenant, Herbert T. G. Gibbs;
engineer-captain, Edwin Little: secretary, Fleet Paymaster John A.
Keys; flag-captain, Henry B. Pelly, M.V.O.; commander, G. H. Baird.
The navigating officer, Commander E. L. Booty, who had been with me in
the _Majestic_, was the best navigator I have known.

Of the two successive chiefs of staff, Captain (now Vice-Admiral)
Sturdee, and Captain (now Rear-Admiral) Browning, to whom I owe so
much, I desire to express my appreciation.  Their powers of
organisation and their knowledge of what is required for organisation
for war are of a very high degree.  Among other officers, all of whom
did service so excellent, I may mention Lieutenant (now Commander)
Roper, who was one of the best signal officers in the service;
Lieutenant Gibbs, a most charming and loyal companion, who met his
death by falling overboard in the Portland race, and the loss of whose
affectionate friendship I still mourn; and Fleet-Paymaster Keys, who
was with me for more than six years, and to whose brilliant services I
owe so much.

The composition of the Channel Fleet, in April, 1907, was 14
battleships (eight _King Edward VII_, two _Swiftsure_, two _Ocean_, two
_Majestic_), four armoured cruisers, two second-class cruisers, and one
third-class cruiser attached.

During this period, an extraordinary confusion prevailed at the
Admiralty.  Its character may be briefly indicated by a summary of the
various changes in the organisation and distribution of the Fleet,
beginning in the previous year (1906).

In October, the sea-going Fleets were reduced in strength {552} by
about one-quarter, and a new Home Fleet was formed of nucleus crew
ships.  The Channel Fleet was reduced from sixty-two fighting vessels
to twenty-one fighting vessels, the balance being transferred to the
Home Fleet.  An order was issued under which ships taken from the
Channel, Atlantic and Mediterranean Fleets for purposes of refitting,
were to be replaced during their absence by ships from the Home Fleet.

In December, the Nore Division of the Home Fleet was given full crews
instead of nucleus crews.

In April, 1907, an order was issued that no more than two battleships
in each Fleet were to be refitted at one time.

In September, the Channel Fleet was increased from twenty-one vessels
to sixty vessels.

In August, 1908, the orders substituting Home Fleet ships for ships
from sea-going fleets under repair, and ordaining that no more than two
battleships should be absent at one time, were cancelled; with the
result that the Channel Fleet went to sea in the following December
short of eight battleships, two armoured cruisers, one unarmoured
cruiser, one scout, and 20 destroyers, 32 vessels in all.

When the Home Fleet was finally constituted, in March, 1907, there were
no less than three commanders-in-chief in Home Waters; one commanding
the Home Fleet, one the Nore Division, and one (myself) the Channel
Fleet.  In time of war the supreme command was to be exercised by me,
over the whole number of fighting vessels, 244 in all.  But in time of
peace they could not be trained or exercised together, nor had any one
of the commanders-in-chief accurate information at any given moment of
the state or disposition of the forces of any other commander-in-chief.

Such, briefly presented, was the situation with which I was confronted
in this my last command.  It was fraught with difficulties so complex,
and potential dangers to the security of the country so palpable, that
many of my friends urged me to resign my command in the public
interest.  I decided, however, that I should best serve His Majesty the
King, the Navy and the country by remaining at my post.

{553}

In the summer of 1907, the Channel Fleet proceeded upon a United
Kingdom cruise, touching at various places round the coasts of these
islands.  When the Fleet was at sea, individual ships were sent away
upon short cruises, in order to give the captains opportunities of
exercising independent command.  When the Fleet was at anchor, the
ships were open to the public from half-past one to half-past six
daily, in order to increase their knowledge and encourage their
interest in the Royal Navy.

It was during one of these cruises that the Irishmen in the Fleet
displayed one of their national characteristics.

The anniversary of Saint Patrick's Day was drawing near when the Fleet
lay in Bantry Bay.  On Saint Patrick's Day itself the Fleet was to
proceed to sea.  Hitherto, as a rule, if the Irishmen in the Fleet
happened to be on leave on Saint Patrick's Day, many of them broke
their leave.  When I made a signal, giving the Irishmen four days'
leave, and ordering them to return on board on Saint Patrick's Day, I
added that the commander-in-chief, himself an Irishman, expected every
Irishman to be back to his leave.  There were 766 Irish liberty-men
went on shore for four days; and 766 were on board again ere the Fleet
sailed on the night of Saint Patrick's Day.  It might be that the Saint
could mention the thing in conversation with Saint Peter at the Gate,
for future reference.  For there were some 2000 Irishmen in the Fleet,
who, when the Fleet lay at Portland, could not, like the Englishmen,
visit their homes once a month.  And when it is considered how
hospitable and convivial they become on the anniversary of their patron
Saint, I shall be understood when I say that the behaviour on this
occasion of the Irishmen in the Fleet affords a remarkable instance of
the Irish sense of honour.  There are no other people so easily
handled, if the right way be taken with them.

The Fleet assembled at Spithead in November, 1907, to receive his
Majesty the Emperor of Germany; and in the following May, the Fleet
assembled at Dover to receive President Fallières.

{554}

In the summer of 1908, the Fleet proceeded upon a cruise in Norwegian
waters.  Their Majesties the King and Queen of Norway, with the little
Crown Prince Olaf, honoured the flagship with a visit when the Fleet
lay at Esbjerg.  At Skagen, on the evening of 7th July, when the Fleet
was lying at anchor, the _Hohenzollern_, flying the flag of his Majesty
the Emperor of Germany, was suddenly sighted, together with the
escorting cruiser _Stettin_ and the destroyer _Sleipner_.  By the time
his Imperial Majesty had reached the lines, the ships were manned and
dressed over all.  A salute of twenty-one guns was fired; and the
_Hohenzollern_ was cheered as she steamed down the lines.

During my absence in Norwegian waters, I was the subject of a violent
attack in the Press and elsewhere, due to a misapprehension.  I recall
the circumstance, because I am proud to remember that it was an
Irishman, and he a political opponent, who, alone among all the members
of the House of Commons, stood up and protested against an attack being
made upon a brother Irishman when he was absent and unable to reply.

Their Majesties King Edward and Queen Alexandra visited the Channel
Fleet on 7th August, 1908, in the _Victoria and Albert_, accompanied by
the Prince of Wales in the _Alexandra_.  His Majesty honoured the _King
Edward VII_ and the _Hibernia_, second flag, with a visit.  The
flag-officers of the Fleet had the honour of lunching with their
Majesties on board the _Victoria and Albert_.

Upon one of the Fleet cruises in the north, the flagship was passing
under the Forth Bridge, when a spar caught on a girder of the bridge
and carried away.  Ere it could fall, Flag-Lieutenant Gibbs, with his
customary presence of mind and pluck, threw me upon the deck, and
himself on the top of me, to save me from the falling spar.  Luckily,
it touched neither of us.

There being no provision against mines dropped in time of war, it was
suggested by me that the North Sea trawlers should be enlisted to sweep
for mines; because they were {555} accustomed to the difficult work of
towing and handling a trawl.  The proposal was afterwards adopted.

In March, 1909, the Admiralty, in addition to other changes, having
suddenly reduced the length of ships' commissions from three years to
two years, I was ordered to haul down my flag and come on shore.

Accordingly, my flag was hauled down at Portsmouth on Wednesday, 24th
March, 1909, after fifty years' service.


I cannot close this chronicle without expressing my profound
appreciation of the loyalty and affection shown to me by my brother
officers and by the men of the Royal Navy.  Few events in my life have
touched me more deeply than the presence of so many of my old shipmates
among the crowds which assembled upon Portsmouth Hard when I came on
shore after hauling down my flag, and which filled Waterloo Station and
its approaches when I arrived in London.  Nor can I omit to record my
sense of the kind and generous reception given to me by my brother
officers, who attended, in numbers that constituted a record, the
dinner, over which I presided, given by the Royal Navy Club of 1765 and
1785, on the anniversary of the battle of Trafalgar next ensuing after
my coming on shore.


It was a satisfaction to me when I came on shore, and it is a
satisfaction to me now, to think that I pulled my pound in the Navy.

Doubtless, like other men of action, I have made mistakes.  But I may
justly claim that I have always held one purpose with a single mind: to
do my best for the good of the Service and for the welfare of the
officers and men of the Royal Navy; and in following that purpose, I
have tried to disregard consequences which might affect my own
fortunes, and which, in fact, have often proved injurious to them.  And
to the purpose which I have followed since I was a boy, I shall devote
the rest of my life.




{556}

POSTSCRIPT

THE MAKING OF AN ADMIRAL

One of our greatest naval administrators, the late Admiral of the Fleet
Sir Frederick Richards, was constantly preoccupied with a problem, of
which he used often to speak.  "How are we to make great admirals?" he
would say.  It is a question of the highest moment.  A great admiral
may be born, but he must also be made.  The making of an admiral has
been the study of the best minds in the Navy for generations.  And for
this reason: _In time of war, all must depend on one man, and that man
the admiral in command_.  Upon his knowledge, ability and resolution
will rest the fate of the country and of the Empire.  That simple fact
is not generally realised by the public.  They do not understand that
in time of war the statesman, the diplomatist, the politician must all
give place to one man, the admiral in command at sea.

Every decade of naval officers has added something to the knowledge of
what must go to the making of a great sea-officer.  The establishment
of the War College, the institution of the War Staff at the Admiralty,
the private studies of individual naval officers, the practice of
holding manoeuvres: all these things are valuable endeavours toward the
same end.  It remains, however (I believe), the fact that there exists
no treatise on the ordinary administrative duties to be fulfilled by an
admiral.

During many years I had the habit of making notes concerning all
matters connected with the administration of a Fleet.  These notes I
hope to arrange and to publish.  In {557} the meantime, I have ventured
to think that the contribution of some observations dealing with the
administrative duties of an admiral in command, embodying the results
of many years' experience at sea, might be of use.


There is no position in the world requiring more tact than that of a
commander-in-chief of a large Fleet.  It is only by the exercise of
consummate tact that a Fleet can be maintained in the most rigid state
of discipline and, at the same time, cheery, happy and smart.
Therefore it is that a knowledge of human nature is essential to the
admiral.

Two admirals may do the same thing or may give the same order; one is
perfectly successful, the other is not.  One knows HOW to give an
order, the other does not.

Success depends not only on _what_ is done, but on _the way in which_
it is done.  Cheerful obedience to an order depends, not on the order
but, on the way the order is given.  In handling men, much depends on
what is said, but much more depends upon the way in which it is said.

The art of successful administration of men consists in the prevention
of accident, misdemeanour, or regrettable incidents.  It does not
consist in putting things right _after_ the unpleasant event has
occurred.  Nearly all slackness and untoward incidents are preventable
by the exercise of forethought, common sense and good organisation.
Most of the matters that go wrong, causing irritation and fault-finding
on the part of the admiral, are often due to the failure to look ahead
of the admiral himself.

When a Fleet proceeds to sea, the cruisers are often to be observed
sobbing and sighing at full speed, trying to get into the position
ordered, after the Fleet has left the harbour, when, by the use of a
little judgment, they might have been sent out previously, and so have
got on the correct line of bearing at slow speed, without any trouble.

The usual method in life is to let a mistake occur, and then to put it
right afterwards.  It is upon this point that the world forms most
unfair opinions.  The man who _keeps_ {558} things right seldom gets
any credit.  It is the man who puts things right who gets it.  The
history of war affords many examples of this tendency.

A commander-in-chief who, by his organisation and by his appreciation
of facts and positions, wins an action with small loss, often gets
little credit.  On the other hand, an officer who makes some blunder by
which he loses a number of officers and men, but who eventually wins
his action, is made a popular hero.  In other words, the man with the
blind pluck of a bulldog gets more credit than the man who, by his
strategy and tactical ability, wins a more or less bloodless victory.

An admiral should remember that in peace or war he can satisfactorily
administer his Fleet only through the loyalty and zeal of his captains.
Frequent personal interviews promote confidence; and such confidence
must be of benefit to the admiral.  He need not take his captains'
views, but he will gain a great deal of useful information from
officers who are just as keen to make the Fleet as perfect as possible
as he is himself.

Admirals should not publicly identify themselves with their own
flagships in the same way as a captain may identify himself with his
ship.  To the admiral ALL ships should be the same, and private ships
should feel that the admiral takes quite as much interest in their
well-being and their whole life as he does in his own flagship.  The
admiral should therefore avoid, even in private conversation, speaking
of "my commander," "our launch," etc.  etc.  A flagship, her officers
and men, have many advantages.  In return for these privileges, a
flagship should make every effort to be a pattern of smartness and
efficiency; and the admiral must be constantly on the alert lest he
show partiality or favour to his flagship.  Nothing makes more jealousy
in a Fleet than a belief that the flagship is favoured at the expense
of the rest of the Fleet, either in routine duty or in any other
respect.

Flagships must have many privileges, but they should not be increased.
For instance, her boats should take precedence {559} in drawing beef or
stores; but in all matters connected with competitive drills, carrying
out station orders, etc.  etc., all ships must be equal in the
admiral's eye and mind.

An admiral should continually go on board the ships of the Fleet, talk
to the captains, and obtain their ideas and recommendations on various
subjects.

The best plan is to notify a ship a day or two beforehand that the
commander-in-chief is coming on board on Sunday at the time most
convenient to the captain; and to follow the captain's usual routine
for Sunday inspection.  This method gives the captain an opportunity of
bringing to the admiral's notice any officer or man who has in any way
distinguished himself.  It strengthens the captain's hands, and has a
good effect upon the Fleet.  It lets the men see their admiral; while
the admiral can remark the state of the ship and run all his Fleet up
to the smartest ship.

It is wiser to administer a Fleet by _commendation_ than by
_condemnation_.  If commendation is given for good and smart actions,
condemnation for bad, slackness becomes far more severely condemned,
and no sympathy for it is aroused.

Any smart action performed by an officer or man should be appreciated
publicly by signal.  This is complimentary to the officer or man and to
the ship in which he is serving at the time.  Every one is grateful for
appreciation.

The old style in the Navy was never to commend anything that was well
done; to do well was considered to be no more than a man's duty.  On
the other hand, anything that was badly done led to severe reprimands.

When a good officer or man knows that the admiral appreciates his work,
it cheers the Fleet and raises its whole tone.  It is right to be
severe on those who do their work lazily or badly; but it is quite as
necessary to appreciate those who do their work well.

An admiral should continually inspect some of the various departments
of the ships under his command.  By personal observation he is certain
to find out something {560} which would not come to his notice in any
other way, and he may therefore prevent things from going wrong in
their initial stages.

The admiral should invariably inspect anything that may have gone wrong
in any of the ships under his command, owing to accident, carelessness,
or misadventure: such as a derrick, cable, or capstan carrying away, or
any defect in the engine or boiler rooms.  He should then talk over the
method of repair with the captain and the departmental officers.  This
procedure often saves time and trouble, as the admiral gives directions
for the accident to be repaired in the way he desires from the first,
thereby obviating the necessity of altering the plans afterwards.  It
also encourages those who are going to execute the work.

The admiral should let the captains know that they can come on board
the flagship and consult him at any time they like, day or night, and
that he will always be glad to see them.

Captains should always come to see, or write to, the admiral on any
matter which they wish to be settled, no matter how trivial it may
appear.  They should not go to the secretary; for, if they do, it puts
the secretary in a false position, and may cause mistakes and wrong
conceptions.

Captains may go to the chief of the staff upon minor questions; but it
is, as a rule, better for them to go straight to the admiral.

The consideration of captains, expressed by the words, "I don't think I
will bother the admiral about this question," is understood, but should
be regarded as mistaken.  _It is the admiral's business to be bothered_.

The admiral should be considerate and courteous to all those under his
command, remembering that there are two sides to every question.

When the admiral personally inquires into any case, with the object of
fixing responsibility upon an individual, he should be suave in his
manner, even if condemnation is {561} given.  He should endeavour to
send a man away wearing a smile rather than a scowl.

The admiral should remember this maxim particularly when he feels
irritated at seeing something done which appears careless, or opposed
to the orders laid down.  He should always maintain an unruffled
demeanour, and be perfectly calm and collected under all circumstances.
To fail in this respect is to confuse both himself and those under his
command: a condition which cannot add to that smartness and coolness so
necessary when a difficulty or an accident occurs in the Fleet.

The management of a ship or a Fleet is full of irritation and worries.
These can only be decreased by officers remaining calm and collected.

All men are liable to make mistakes.  The best men often make the most
glaring mistakes.  A smart man acting under a mistake will move his
ship to starboard or to port quicker than a slow man, and his mistake
will therefore appear the greater.

An admiral should never make a signal to one of the captains (unless he
happens to have a very bad and slack captain), implying that the
captain could have done much better than he did.  Captains, as a rule,
wish to obey loyally and thoroughly.  Mistakes are not intentional.

If a signal is executed in a manner contrary to the intention of the
admiral, either it is an ambiguous signal, or it has been
misunderstood.  Unforeseen contingencies of this kind are certain to
happen in war.  Practices in peace illustrate what such contingencies
may be, and develop the necessary measures to prevent them.

A very common method of pointing out mistakes is to signal what was
_ordered_ and what should have _happened_, omitting to state what was
actually _done_.  But _all_ these points should be inserted in the
signal.

Officers or men should never be allowed to state what _might_, _could_,
or _should_ have been done.  The point at issue is what WAS or what IS.
Much valuable time is lost in {562} explaining the circumstances on the
theory of what might, could, or should have been done.

Before finding fault by signal, the admiral should ask the captain in
question how a mistake occurred.  By so doing it can be seen whether it
is necessary to find fault or not.  If the explanation is satisfactory
the captain should be so informed.

Much unnecessary irritation and bad feeling caused by sudden and
drastic signals may thus be avoided.

The admiral will often find that the mistake was a natural mistake,
which he himself might have made had he been in the captain's place.
When captains know that the admiral is scrupulously fair, they become
devoted to him.

An admiral should always be most careful that he is right himself
before finding fault with those under him.  If he should afterwards
find that his contention was wrong, or that there was a
misunderstanding, the admiral should invariably acknowledge his
mistake.  This action commands respect and is only chivalrous and
seamanlike.

When an admiral has satisfied himself that anything, no matter how
small, is not carried out according to orders, he should call attention
to it by signal (as a rule, by a general signal), and by thus pointing
out the mistake to the Fleet, he prevents the same error from occurring
again.

In such matters as clothes not properly stopped on, boats and booms not
square, etc., an admiral should inquire who is responsible.  If men are
not standing to attention when the colours are hoisted, he should ask
for the name of the officer of the watch.  If a boat is improperly
handled under sail or oars, he should ask for the name of the officer
or coxswain of the boat.

The admiral's staff should always inform him of such matters as boats
pulling badly, or not being run up to the davit head, men not standing
properly to attention, or not doubling to obey all orders of the pipe,
etc.  The effect of a signal calling attention to these matters is lost
if it is made some time after the event.

{563}

There should always be an officer responsible for every duty on board a
man-of-war, and the admiral should always make on these occasions the
signal, "Indicate name of officer responsible."

The admiral should always make sure, when finding fault with a ship,
that his flagship is absolutely correct as regards the particular
detail in question.  If this is not the case he should call his
flagship's attention to it at the same time.

Admirals and captains are often heard saying, "Look at the way they are
doing so and so," referring to boat pulling or to the way a rope is
handled, or a boat hoisted, quite forgetting that it is the fault of
the admiral or captain that the duties are done badly or are not
carried out according to their satisfaction.  The admiral is
responsible for the whole administration, smartness and efficiency of
his Fleet; the captains are responsible for the whole administration,
smartness and efficiency of their ships.  In the Royal Navy, officers
and men are loyal to the core, and everything that is done badly is due
to the senior officer of the Fleet or of the ship not giving his orders
clearly, and not showing beforehand what he wants done, and how it is
to be done.

The admiral should never give an order relative to routine or
administration without seeing that it is obeyed.  Many orders given in
a memorandum or circular are forgotten after the first few weeks or
months, and so they lapse.

An officer should be told off to summarise and report that such orders
have been carried out during the preceding week.

It is of no use for the admiral to give orders and directions unless he
sees that they are actually carried out in the manner he intended.

If the admiral is not careful that all orders of his own and of the
Admiralty are punctually obeyed, he will find that some captains
accurately carry out the order and some do not.  This irregularity
causes discontent in some ships {564} and slackness in others,
disturbing that harmony which should prevail in a fleet.  A
"happy-go-lucky" method breeds irritation.

If papers are ordered to be sent in, or drills are ordered to be
carried out, or if any matter connected with the Fleet is ordered to be
undertaken at some future date, the admiral should always make a signal
or reminder some days before the date.  The argument that a man
"_ought_ to know and _ought_ not to forget" does not prevent irritation
if he _does_ forget.

If an officer or man is slack, he should always be found fault with; it
distresses the good officers and men to see that a slack individual
gets along as well as those that are smart.

If the admiral observes anything incorrect relative to individuals in a
ship's company, such as dress, etc., he should inquire whether the
irregularity is common to the ship, and have this irregularity
corrected right through the ship.  Failing this method, he may be often
finding fault on the same point, instead of having the whole matter put
right by one signal or memorandum.

The admiral should often look over his own station orders to remind
himself of the orders he has issued.

An admiral should, if possible, always send written messages to
officers, in order to avoid constantly sending for officers.  He should
always date the messages.  This maxim applies to the admiral's flagship
as well as to other ships.

Sending messages verbally may cause great irritation, and may be
prejudicial to discipline, for two distinct reasons:--

(i) The messenger may give the message in terms which are very
irritating.  Every one on the bridge hears the message delivered.

(ii) Human nature being what it is, the admiral, like other people, may
be in a state of irritation, more particularly if he wants a thing done
quickly or if he thinks that things are not being done well.  He is not
so likely to blurt out some rough and irritating expression if he
writes the message or order.

{565}

In addition, it is neither good for discipline nor congenial to that
respect which is shown to officers, if the signalman or others hear a
rough message delivered to the chief of the staff, captain, or other
officers.

The admiral should always let the Fleet under his command know
beforehand the time which he intends to carry out practices, or to
anchor or to weigh the Fleet.  This rule particularly applies to the
hours set apart for meals.  Disturbance in the middle of meals causes
needless irritation, and work never goes well in a man-of-war or
anywhere else under irritation.

Admirals should as far as is possible let the officers and men of the
Fleet know the dates of arrivals and departures from ports, so that all
should be in a position to communicate with their friends and to
arrange their private affairs conveniently.

If the admiral intends to be afloat with his flag flying very near the
dinner-hour, or at any time that station orders annul guards and bands,
he should signal "Annul Guards and Bands."  Without such signal some
ships are certain to turn them up while others will not do so, causing
confusion.

_When the admiral is inspecting a division of men, all ratings should
take off their caps_.  The admiral should first inspect the chief petty
officers and petty officers, and when he has done these ratings should
be ordered to put on their caps.  By so doing, the fact is emphasised
that the petty officer's position in the ship is superior, and that the
admiral recognises it to be so.

The admiral should see the sick in hospital constantly.  His visit
cheers the men, and shows them that the admiral knows that they are
sick, and that he sympathises with them.  There have been many cases
where the interest shown by the admiral in a man who is dangerously ill
has so cheered the patient that he has taken a turn for the better and
has ultimately recovered.

If a serious accident occurs on board any ship, either at {566} drill
or in the execution of other duty whereby officers or men are killed or
wounded, the admiral should inform the whole Fleet with regret, giving
the names of officers and men.  This procedure is respectful to those
under his command who are killed or wounded in the execution of their
duty.  They have suffered or died for their country just as much as
though killed or wounded in action with the enemy.  The admiral should
personally go and see the wounded daily, if possible.

An admiral should let his officers know that he expects everything on
board the ships to be shipshape, that is to say, kept in such condition
and order as befits one of His Majesty's ships of war.

The admiral should always give as much leave as possible, having regard
to the exigencies of the service and of duty.  A free gangway for
special leave men should be kept at all possible places, so that one
watch can always go ashore daily if they are so minded.

Trouble with regard to breaking leave and drunkenness is generally
brought about by want of discretion on the part of the commanding
officer in giving leave.  Keeping men on board for long periods, and
then letting them go ashore with a great deal of money, involves the
temptation to some to break leave, and to others to drink more than is
good for them.

A free gangway is thoroughly appreciated by the men.  The fact that
they can go ashore if they like often conduces to their health and
comfort, and does not provoke that irritation caused by the knowledge
that leave cannot be given.

A man who breaks his leave, and so allows other men to do his work,
should be placed in a "Break Leave Party," and given any extra jobs of
work that may require execution, in order to make up for the time he
has lost.  Men in the "Break Leave Party" should be mustered every two
hours from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. at the discretion of the captain, according
to the number of hours they have allowed other men to do their work.

This mustering should continue on a scale of two days for {567} every
hour of absence, but a total of fourteen days should not be exceeded.

The foregoing arrangement should not be considered as punishment, but
as making up the time lost to the State by the men's absence from their
duties, which left other men to do their work, and should therefore not
be entered in the daily record.

A general leave man who persistently breaks his leave should be put in
the limited leave list, and the time and place at which he should be
allowed ashore should be entirely at the discretion of the captain, and
if possible he should not be allowed ashore when the rest of the ship's
company are on leave.

When a notorious leave-breaker goes on leave, it is well to send ashore
a description, upon which are noted the hour and the date upon which he
should again be aboard his ship.  By this means he is often recovered
before he has broken his leave for any length of time.

First-class petty officers should always be given leave when chief
petty officers get leave.  The former are generally far older men, and
have had longer experience in the Service than most chief petty
officers.

Badge-men and "men who have never broken their leave in the ship"
should be given leave whenever possible.  Plenty of liberty reduces
break-leave to a minimum, and also reduces inebriety to a marked extent.


Attention to the points of administration enumerated above will go far
to create in the Fleet, not only comfort and happiness but, that
constant readiness for emergency which is the result of a high state of
discipline.




{569}

INDEX

  Abd-el-Al, 171
  Abd-el-Hamid, 282, 287
  Abu Klea, battle of, 257-68
  A.D.C. to Prince of Wales, appointed, 157
      to Queen Victoria, appointed, 412
  Adeane, Commander, 77
  Admiral, the making of, 556-67
  Admiralty affronted, 142
      confusion at, 550
      documents stolen, 348
      and Lord Charles' Soudan service, 312
      Lord Charles appointed Junior Lord of, 344
      reprimanded by, 150
      resignation of Lord Charles, 353
  Afterguard, 13
  Aground, _Tribune_, 61
  Ahmed Arabi, 171.  See Arabi Pasha Mahomet, 211
  Albania, strange adventure in, 515
  Alexandria, action at, 187
      attack on Lord Charles at, 185
      fortifications at, 187
      issue of proclamation, 193
      operations outside, 201-6
      police work at, 191-5
      refugees from, 186
      riot in, 178
      squadron at, 186
      troops assisting at, 195
      visit to, 371
      water supply failing, 181
  Algeçiras Conference, 514
  Ali Fehmi, 170
  Alison, General Sir A., 198
  American flag incident, 58
  Ammunition, discoveries of, outside Alexandria, 203
      Reserve, inadequacy of, 370
  Animals on board ship, 66
  Arab courage, 265
      lad shot, 197
  Arabi Pasha, 171
      dismissed, 181
      condemned, 184
  Armament, secondary, essential, 147
  Arms, defective, 267
  Army, inclined to join, 8
  _Arrow_, the affair of the lorcha, 3
  Assouan, Lord Charles at, 225
  Atlantic Fleet created, 496
  Australia, voyage to, in _Galatea_, 75
  Australian Squadron, suggested command of, 469


  Bab-el-Kebir, 223, 228
  Bahadur, Sir Jung, 164
  Balfour, Mr., and need for War Staff, 480
  Bare feet, 16
  Baring, Sir Evelyn, 215, 216
  Bayford School, 5
  Bear, fight with a, 540
  Bell, Mr. Moberly, 187
  Benbow, Mr., 300, 303
      commended, 307
  Benicia, 69
  Bentham, Deputy-Inspector-General, 513
  Beresford, Admiral Sir John Poo, xxv
      Commissioner John, xviii
      Lord William, 160
      Lord Marcus and the sharpers, 531
      Marshal, xix
  Bimbashi (camel), 222, 236, 238
  Bismarck, a talk with, 362
  _Black Prince_, 42
  Blasphemy, 18
  Boa constrictor killed, 167
  Boar, encounter with, 79, 168
  Boardman, Captain, commands naval contingent in Soudan, 222
  appreciation of work of, 223, 329
  Boat-pulling.  See also _Gazelle_; 7, 207, 497-507
  Boat-race, women's, 29
  Boat-races, 28, 152, 207, 497-507
  Boat-sailing, 504
  Boiler of _Safieh_ repaired, 300, 303
  Boiler plates, 252
  _Bombay_, burning of, 146
  _Bordein_, s., 283, 292, 293, 294
  _Bounty_ Mutiny, 86
  Bowles, Admiral William, 6
  Boxers, famous, 69
  Boyd-Carpenter's (Dr.) remarkable story, 154
  Brabazon's, Colonel, account of attack on convoy, 321
  Bradford, Major, 162
  Brandreth, Commander Thomas, 12
  "Break-up of China," 426
  Bright-work discouraged, 120
  _Britannia_ training ship, 6, 9
      officers of, 7
  Brothers, Lord Charles Beresford's, vii
  Browne, Major-General Sam, 162
  Bull, incident of, 290
  Bulldog, Lord Charles, 146
  Buller, Sir Redvers, 221, 222, 225, 229, 252, 317, 318
  _Bulwark_, flag hoisted in, 508
  Burnaby, Colonel, 256, 259
      death of, 264
  Butt, Isaac, 131, 342


  Cable, hemp and chain, 12
  Cadet, Naval, appointed, 11
  Cadets, training of, 6
  _Cæsar_, flag hoisted in, 493
  Calcutta, visit to, 103
  Camel Corps equipment, 237
      incident, 225
      race, 236
  Camels.  See Bimbashi
      invented saddle for, 237
      repairing with oakum, 328
      shortage of, 278
      sufferings of, 255
  Cameron, Mr., 207, 270
  Cannibal, talk with, 80
  Canton, bombardment of, 4
  Cape Town, visit to, 186
  _Captain_, disaster to, 49
  _Carysfort_, 209
  Casualties of Desert Column, 279
  Cawnpore Memorial, Prince's visit to, 168
  Certificate, signing of, 5
  Ceylon, climate of, 104
  Changes in Channel, Nore, and Home Fleets, 552
      in shipbuilding, 48
      proposed, 396
  Channel Fleet, in command of, 485, 550
      reductions and changes, 551
      Royal visit to, 554
  Channel Squadron (1863), 42
  Chaplain, influence of, 19
  Chatham Dockyard, appointment at, 393
      terminates, 400
  Chefoo, 447
  _Chicago_, 398
  Chicago, Lord Charles at, 459
  China, inspection of armies in, 440-44
      Lord Charles sails for, 424
      summary of reforms advocated, 451
  Chinese Army, scheme of reorganisation, 437
      commercial integrity, 102
  Ching, Prince, 435
  Cholera at Calcutta, 103
  Churchill, Lord Randolph, resignation of, 352
  Clifton, Captain, 116
  _Clio_, 48, 51
  Clippers, famous opium, 117
  Coal in Vancouver, discovery of, 60
  Cockfighting at Manila, 102
  Cockroaches, racing, 52
  Coffer-dam, 492
  Coincidence, 103, 160
  Columns.  See Desert, and Nile
  Colvin, Mr. Auckland, 172
  Command, first independent, 120
  Commendations, special, 70, 198, 206, 235
  Compensation to Alexandrians, 199
  _Condor_, action of, at Alexandria, 187
      appointed to, 156, 186
      gives up command of, 206
      signal to, 189
  Constituencies, invitations from, 398, 415
  Convicts at Perth, 75
  Convoy, attack on, 320
  Coode, Captain Trevenen P., 65
  Cordite, danger of heat, 465
  Corfu, 32
  Correspondent, newspaper, troublesome, 198
      desire to act as, 207
      shot, 275
  Council of Defence, 398, 414
  Courage of Arabs, 265
  Court-martial, trial by, 367
  Crete, insurrection in, 427-31
  Cruisers, deficiency of, 144
  Crutchley, General, 278
  Curraghmore, description of, viii-xii
  Custance, Admiral Sir R. N., 550


  Dacres, Rear-Admiral Sydney C., 12
  Dal Cataract, Lord Charles at, 243
  Dawson, Lieutenant Douglas, 291
  Daymen, 14
  Decapitation in Japan, 101
  _Defence_, 41
  Defence, Council of.  See Council
  Delaval, Lord, death of, 548
  Delavals, the, xvi
  Democracy and war, 494, 495
  Denman, Rear-Admiral the Hon. J., 65
  Desert Column, 220, 246, 247, 248
      casualties, 279
      composition of, 253
      in disorder, 272
      march back to Korti, 324
      Sir R. Buller's dispatch _re_, 319
      zeriba, 275
  Desertions at San Francisco, 69
  Diaz, visit to President, 550
  Discipline, 14, 142
      reform of, 17
  Discomforts of the Old Navy, 19
      of Nile steamer, 224
      of the Nile, 242
  Disgrace, in, 26
  Disraeli, memories of, 139
      on the party system, 139
  Dockyard appointment, 393
  Dowell, Rear-Admiral Wm., 505, 506
  Doyle, Sir Hastings, 153
  Dress, the sailor's, 19
  Drunkenness, 17, 31
  Dufferin, Lord, 374
  Dunsmuir, Mr., 60
  Duties, various, of a ship's crew, 13


  Earle, General, killed, 319
  East Marylebone, elected for, 336
  Eden, Captain Charles, 5, 34
  Edinburgh, Duke of, attempt to assassinate, 73
      visit to Japan of, 100
  Edward, King.  See King
  Egyptian War, beginning of trouble, 170
  Election incidents, 336, 337
  Elephant hunting, 164, 536-8
      in _Galatea_, 109
  Elephants, regiment of, 167
  El-Teb, 216
  Emma, Queen, 57
  Empress Dowager, 420
  Engine, repairing, 226
  Essays by officers, 466, 468
  Estimate of naval needs, 358
  Estimates, signing the, 356.  See Navy
  Etiquette, naval, 1
  _Eurydice_ training frigate, 6
      capsizing of, 154
      remarkable story _re_, 155
  Examination for Navy, 6
  _Excellent_, 71
  Execution of murderer, 54
  Experience in routine work, etc., necessity of, 146
  Explosion of gun-cotton, 204
      of shell from _Condor_, 208
      on _Thunderer_, 148


  Falkland Islands, 53
  Family history.  See History
      home.  See Curraghmore memorials, ix
  Farm, model, 399
  Fayrer, Surgeon-General, 163
  _Fersaat_, 224
  Fight at Malta, 31
      over boat-race, 29
  Fisher, Captain John, 190
      Sir John, improvements in Mediterranean fleet, 467
  Fishing incidents, 544-7
  Fit, keeping, 107
  Fitzgerald, Admiral Penrose, 49, 54, 505
  Flag rank, earlier promotion to, advocated, 404, 483
  Flogging abolished, 17
      question of, 144
  Forecastlemen, 13
  Foretopmen, 13
  Forging of cheques, 75, 83
  Freemason, made a, 108
  French, Sir John, 280


  _Galatea_, 73
      diversion, 108
      in Japan, 100
  Gardner gun, 252, 276, 300, 308
      jamming of, 263
  Gardner, Miss, engagement to, 154
  Gascoigne, Captain, 302, 304, 306
  _Gazelle_, 7
  Gemai, 229
  Germany's, Emperor of, visit to Gibraltar, 493
      visit to Skagen, 554
  Gibbs, Flag-Lieutenant, 551, 554
  Gibraltar, 370
      Emperor of Germany visits, 493
  Gillford, Captain, 60
  Gladstone, Mr. W. E., 33
      and compensation to Alexandrians, 199
  Glanville, John, 11, 28
  Gleichen, Count, 237, 248, 277
  Gordon, General, 214, 215
      urgent messages from, 216, 217, 219, 234, 250
      letters from, 282
      steamers sent by, 283
      death of, 291
  Goschen, Mr., conversation with, 359
  _Goshawk_, 120
  Graham, Major-General Sir G., 215, 216, 332
      Sir James, 9
  Grenfell, Vice-Admiral Sir H., 515
  Gubat, Desert Column at, 278
  Gun-cotton, explosion of, 204
  Gun explosion on _Thunderer_, 148
  Gunners, 13
  Gunnery, British and American, 67
      in the _Marlborough_, 20
      on China station, 466
  Gun Reserve, inadequacy of, 370


  Hall's, Captain W. H., recommendations, 361
  Hamilton, Lord George, on Lord Charles' resignation, 354
      Sir R. Vesey, 404
  Hammill, Commander, 221, 226
  _Hannibal_ rams _Prince George_, 400
  Hara-kiri, 91
  Harris, Captain Robert, 6, 7, 10
      Sir Augustus, 399
  Hartington, Lord, telegram from, 317
  Haulage of boats on Nile.  See Whaleboats, and Steamers
  Hawsers, wire, first used, 154
  Heaton, Mr. Henniker, 417
      Lieutenant W. H., 8
  _Hecla_, torpedo school, 369
  _Hercules_, 49
  _Hibernia_, 33
  Hicks Pasha and staff, 213
  Hildyard, General Sir H., 8
  History of family, xii-xxii
  _Hohenzollern_, 545
  Home Fleet, 552
      of family.  See Curraghmore
  Hornby's, Admiral Phipps, views on, Cabinet and Sea Lords, 355
  Horse-racing and riding, 518-34
  Horses, runaway, 76
      saving, 206
  Hot springs in New Zealand, 79
  _Howe_, salving of, 395
  Humour, Irish, 72
  Hunting, 71, 520, 522-5
  Hurricane (Pampero) at Buenos Aires, 70
      at Port Mercy, 56
      at Vancouver, 68


  Idlers, 14
  Illumination of _Marlborough_, 33
  _Illustrious_ training ship, 6, 9
  Imperial Defence, committee of, 481
      Naval Defence, 408
  Improvements, value of minor, 365
  Incidents, amusing, 5, 28, 47, 104, 108,
      113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118,
      119, 133, 135, 136, 151, 153,
      163, 164, 169, 196, 198, 199,
      202, 223, 224, 225, 227, 230,
      290, 316, 329, 334, 336, 343,
      366, 371, 373, 392, 394, 415,
      416, 445, 470-7, 489, 511, 516,
      517, 519, 522, 523, 527, 528,
      529, 530, 532, 533
  India, visit of Prince to, 157
  Ingram, Mr., 286
  Instructions to Admirals in Egypt, 177
  Intelligence Department.  See Naval
  Intervention, European, in Egypt, 175
  Ionian Islands, 32
  Ireland, rent question in, 128
      royal residence in, advocated, 412
      visit of Duke and Duchess of York, 413
  Irish characteristics, 136
  Irishman, a frenzied, 197
  Irishmen in United States, 458
  Irishmen's honour, 553
  Irish politics (1872), 129, 342
  Ismailia, journey to, 200
  Ito, Marquess, interviews with, 449


  Jackson, Mr. John, 386
  Jakdul, 249
      arrival of Desert Column, 255
  Japan, in, 100, 455
      Old, 90
  Jokes, practical, 28, 30, 56, 71, 113, 115
  Jones, "Ninepin," 23
  José Salvatro, 236, 244


  Kang Yu Wei, flight of, 432
  Kanwah Island, 77
  Keppel, Hon. Sir Henry, 111
      Lieutenant Colin, 300, 303, 306
  Kerry election (1872), 128
  Khartoum, fall of, 291
      in danger, 213, 217, 221
      steamers start for, 287
      Sir Charles Wilson's voyage to, 292
  Khashm-el-Mus, 285
  Khedive, appointment to staff of, 206
      message of congratulation from, 326
      in danger, 190
      of Egypt.  See Tewfik
  Kiao-Chao, 423, 447, 448
  Kinder, Mr., 447
  Kingcome, Admiral, 64
  King Edward visits _Bulwark_, 514
  _King Edward_, H.M.S., hoists flag in, 550
  Kitchener, Major, 256, 334
  Korti, 219
      Lord Charles' journey to, 245
      Naval Brigade arrives at, 252
  Kuang Hsu, Emperor, 420, 422
  Kukri, 167


  Land question in Ireland, 130
  Leave, question of, 486, 566
  Lesseps, M. de, protest of, 102
  Lewis, Mr. George, 22
  Li Hung Chang, 445
  Line, crossing the, 53
  Loan, demand for, 338
      Twenty-one million, 360
  London Chamber of Commerce, address before, 386
      banquet to Lord Charles, 462
  Lytton, Lord, 159


  Machine guns, 331
  M'Neill's zeriba engagement, 332
  Magellan, Straits of, first ironclads to pass through, 66
  _Magnificent_, building of, 393
  Mahan, Admiral, 376, 398
  Mahdi, death of, 333
  Mahdi's skull, 329
  Mahmoud Sami Pasha, 171
  Maintopmen, 13
  _Majestic_, 485
  Malta, precautions against, 512
      incidents at, 30
  _Malwa_ rammed, 208
  Maniac, troubled by, 236
  Manila, visit to, 102
  Manning of ships, 12
  Manoeuvres, lectures on, 375
  Maoris, 80
  Marabout Fort, 187, 188, 189
  Marconi wireless telegraphy, 414
  _Marlborough_, 11
      outbreak of fire, 14
  Marriage, 151
  Martin, Sir Wm. Fanshawe, 12
      and reform of discipline, 17
  Massacre of foreigners in Egypt, 176
  Masts out of proportion, 32
  Mate, rank of, abolished, 32
  Mauritius, arrival at, 104
  May, Surgeon-General A. W., 296, 307
  Medals received, 44
  Mediterranean, appointed second in command, 462
      appointed to command, 508
      Fleet, improvements in, 467
      Fleet deficiencies, 463, 509
      haul down flag, 469
  _Melita_, 380
  Memorandum on Organisation for War, 346
  Memorials, family, ix
  _Memories of the Sea_, 49, 54
  Merchant ships and signalling, 382
  Mercy, Port, 56
  Mernat, 294, 296
  Metemmeh, attack on, 281
  Mexico, visit to, 548
  Mex lines, keeping the, 201
  Middleton, Captain R. W., 21
  Midwife, acting as, 186
  Mikado, visit to, 100
  Military instruction in schools, 482
  Mine-dropping experiments, 369
  Mines, trawlers to sweep for, 554
  Mizentopmen, 13
  Montagu's, the Hon. V., Reminiscences of Sir H. Keppel, 111
  Montgomerie, Lieutenant R. A. J., 315
  Morant, Rear-Admiral, 393
  Morley, Lord, and the Mahdi's skull incident, 329
  Motor-car race, 468
  Mullet, a huge red, 153
  Mustard, a bottle of, 323


  Nanking, Lord Charles' visit to, 450
  Nares, Lieutenant George S., 7
  _Nautilus_ submarine, 350
  Naval Brigade in Soudan, 220
      casualties, 267
      endurance of, 328
      under Lord Charles, 243, 252
  Naval Defence Act, 385, 389, 397
      Intelligence Department (Commercial Branch), 482
          formed, 347
          need for, 345
          salaries reduced, 353
      Works Bill, 406
  Navigation in _Marlborough_, 21
  Navy Estimates, signing the, 357
      of 1888-9 challenged, 357
  Navy, 1859, numbers and description, 2
      League founded, 397
      Lord Charles enters the, 2
      the New, 48
      the Old, 34
  _Nelson and his Times_, 414
  Nepal, Prince in, 164
  Newchang, 447
  Newspaper correspondent.  See Correspondent
  New York, Lord Charles at, 460
  Nile Column, 220, 250, 319
  _Nineteenth Century_, article in, 404
  Noel, Commander Gerard (Memorandum on Training), 143
  Noel's, Captain, feat of seamanship, 376
      Admiral, action in Crete, 427
  Northbrook's, Lord, declaration _re_ Navy, 341
  North Sea incident, 494
  Norwegian waters, cruise in, 554
  Nucleus crew system, 465
  Nuggar, wreck of Captain Gascoigne's, 306
  Nuggars (native boats on Nile), 227, 228


  Officers' pay inadequate, 407
  Oil fuel, 483
  Olden, Quartermaster, saves raiding party, 316
  Omdurman, report of fall of, 271
  "Open Door" policy, 425
  Operations, delicate, 317
  Organisation for War, 344
      plans in Mediterranean Fleet, 511
  Orhwalder, Father, letter of, 311
  _Orontes_, 159
  _Osborne_, 159
      Royal Yacht, appointed to, 151
      boat-racing, 152
  Osman Digna, 214
  Ottley's, Lieutenant, invention of mines, 369


  Pampero, 70
  Parkes, Sir Harry, attack on, 97
  Parliament (1874), 140
  Parnell, Mr., 141
  Party system, views on, 138, 139
  Pay of officers inadequate, 407
  Pekin, arrival at, 434
  Personnel, deficiency in, 397, 403
  Petty officer rating, 366
  Phillimore, Captain Augustus, 41
  Physique, Lord Charles', viii
  Pieter Both mountain, 104
      ascent of, 105
  Pig, riding a, 528
  Piggott, Captain C. R., 265, 267
  Police, appointed Chief of, 191
  Political events (1873-80), 122
  Politics in Ireland (1872), 128
  Polo-playing, first, in England, 525
  Portage of boats.  See Whaleboats
  Portraits, family, x
  _Prince George_, accident to, 490
  Prisons, Inspector of, 76
  Probyn, Major-General, 161
  Proclamation, issue of, 193, 289
  Promoted, 27, 64, 73, 110, 146, 169, 414
  Promotion dinner, 169
      of officers, question of, 144
      to flag rank earlier advocated, 40, 404, 483
  Provisions, sending, to officers at front, 207
  Prussia, Prince Henry of, 448
  Punishments, 17


  _Raleigh_, 159
      wreck of, 112
  "Ram," proposal to abolish the, 396
  _Ramillies_, hoists flag in, 462
  Ranches in Mexico, 549
  Rating, alteration in, 365
  Rations, meagre, 18, 52
  Rent question in Ireland, 129
  Reed, Sir Edward, 50
  Rees, First Lieutenant W. S., 364
  Reform of discipline, 17
      of prison rules, 76
      party in China, views of, 434
  Reforms advocated in House of Commons, 143
      in China advocated, summary of, 451
  Reis threatened, 296
  Repairs, ability to execute, 392, 493
      new system in Mediterranean, 512
  Requirements of the time, 405
  _Research_, 71
  Resignation from Board of Admiralty, 353
  Review of 1897, 409
  Richards, Sir Frederick, 389, 478
  Riot in Alexandria, 178
  River Column.  See Nile
  Roberts, Lieutenant, 2
  Rojdesvenski, Admiral, 494
  Ross, Mr. John, great assistance given by, 195
      appreciation of Lord Charles Beresford, 180
  Routine of work on the Nile, 233, 241
  Royal Commission on Administration of the Navy and Army, 355
      Family's interest in Navy, 153
      Irish Regiment's fine march, 317
      Marines, 13
          heroism of, 147
  Royle, Hon. Charles, 172
  Russell, Dr. Wm. Howard, 158, 163
  Russian Baltic fleet incident, 494


  _Safieh_, s., 283, 290, 291, 295, 314
      boiler injured, 298, 303
      raiding expeditions in, 314, 316
  Sail-drill in _Marlborough_, 21
  Sailing feats, 62
  Sail-making, 62, 71
  Saint Paul's Cathedral, Dean of, and Leighton Memorial, 410
  Salisbury, Lord, on policy in Egypt, 179
      and Lord Charles' Memorandum, 347
  Sandwich Islands, 57
  San Francisco, 69, 458
  _Sanspareil_, 375
  Saving life, 43, 44
  Scarborough, Channel Fleet visits, 489
  School, Bayford, 5
  Schoolfellows, 5
  Schooner in distress, 57
  Scott, Captain Percy, 466
  Scrapes, getting into, 26, 27, 28, 43, 45, 47, 59, 64
  Scurvy, 55, 68
  Seamanship, 7
      feat of, 42, 376
      in the _Tribune_, 62
  _Seignelay_, salving of, 378
  _Serapis_, 158
  Servants, two faithful, 82
  Service in Soudan not credited to Lord Charles, 312
  Seymour's, Admiral Sir E. H., book, 149, 159, 395
  Shanghai, Lord Charles at, 449
  Sharks, 546
  Shendi, 247, 285
  Shipbuilding programme required, 338, 387
      transition from wood to iron, 48
  Ship's personality, 51
  Ships, weakness of, 368
  Shooting incidents, 535-43
  Shouting on deck, 16
  Signalling incident at Alexandria, 205
      value of knowledge of, 374
      with merchant ships, 382
  Signalmen, new drill for, 466
  Smart, Rear-Admiral R., 41
  Souakim-Berber route, 216
      Expedition, 332
  Soudan War of 1884-5, summary of, 211
      preparations, 217
      withdrawal of troops from, 333
  Southwell, Lord, 117
  Spearing fish, 70
  Spencer programme, 388
  Sport in India, 103
      in Japan, 101
  Sporting incident, 77, 79
  Springs, hot, in New Zealand, 79
  Squadron at Alexandria, details of, 186
  Stealing stores, 43
  Steam, prejudice against, 20, 49
  Steam Reserve, appointed Captain of, 393
  Steamers on Nile, haulage of, 228
      sent by General Gordon, 283, 284
  Stephenson, Admiral Sir H. F., 209
  Stewart, Captain W. H., 12
      Colonel, murder of, 226
      Sir H., arrives at Korti, 252
          wounded, 275
          death of, 326
  "Still" bugle-call, introduction of, 16
  Sting-ray, a huge, 153
  Stores, destruction of, 323
  Stuart-Wortley, Lieutenant, 256
      brings news of disaster, 291
      voyage of, 294
  Submarine, an early, 68
      _Nautilus_, 350
  Submarines purchased, 464
  Suez Canal, purchase of shares, 158
  Suffield, Lord, 533
  Suite of Prince of Wales, 157, 161
  Surf-playing, 88
  Surgical operation, 162
  Sutherland, Duke of, 164
  _Sutlej_, 64, 74


  Tahiti, 87
  _Talakawiyeh_, s., 283, 285 292, 294
  Talbot, Colonel the Hon. R., 268
      march with wounded, 320
  Tamaai, 216
  Tarpon fishing, 545
  Tattooing, 101
  Telegram, delayed, 244
  Tel-el-Kebir, victory of, 183, 207
  Telephone, early working model of, 150
  _Téméraire_, ashore at Alexandria, 188
      feat of seamanship, 376
  Temperance, an address on, 511
  Teneriffe, flags at, 47
  _Terrible_, 466
  _Tewfikiyeh_, s., 283
  Tewfik Pasha, 170, 171
  Thompson, Colonel R. M., 460, 488
  Three Admirals, the report of, 362
  "Three Brothers'" race, 520
  _Thunderer_, appointed to, 146
  Tientsin, Lord Charles at, 446
      Treaty of.  See Treaty
  Tokio, Lord Charles at, 456
  Tombs, family, ix
  Torpedo, the Whitehead, 141
  Trafalgar Centenary celebration at Malta, 513
  Training, new system advocated, 143
      of Cadets, 6, 7
          (Sir James Graham), 9
  Training ship _Britannia_, 6
      _Illustrious_, 6
  Treaty of Tientsin, 4
  _Tribune_, 61
  Trincomalee, visit to, 104
  Troopship service, 159
  Tryon, Captain, 159
      Sir George, 371
  Tsung-li Yamen, visit to, 435
  Turkish battleships, purchase of, 145
  Turnpike incident, 113
  _Turtle_, accident to, 53
  Two-Power standard, 360


  _Undaunted_, appointed to command, 364
      as prize-winner, 372
      high compliments paid to, 382
  _Undaunted_, salves _Seignelay_, 378
      touches a rock, 372
  Uniform, lack of rules regarding, 8
  United States, third visit to, 484
      Squadron, visit of, 488
  Unpreparedness for war, 338


  Valparaiso, 56
      bombardment of, 66
  Vancouver, 59
  Vesuvius, ascent of, 476
  Victoria, Queen, and change of officers, 152
      commended by, 329
      congratulated by, 206
  _Victoria and Albert_, Royal yacht, boat-racing, 152
  Villiers, Mr. Frederic, 187
  Voting in Parliament, independent, 138
  Voyageurs, 230, 241
      accidents to, 235


  Wad Habeshi, 296
      effect of fight at, 309
  Wadi Halfa, 219, 223, 225
  Wales, Prince of, appointed A.D.C. to, 157
      at dinner to Lord Charles, 169
      visit to Portsmouth Dockyard, 152
      visit to India, 157
  War plans in Mediterranean Fleet, 511
  Warrant-officers, 13
  _Warrior_, 42
  War Staff, constituted, 397
      need of, 478
  Washington, Lord Charles at, 460
  Watch, keeping, 52
  Watch-bills, 12
  Waterfall, shooting the, 88
  Waterford, elected for, 130
      lose seat, 156
      members of Parliament, 141
  Waterford, Lord, death of, 2, 400
  Watertight compartments, 396
  Wauchope, Major-General A. G., 8
  Weakness in new steel ships, 368
  Wei-hai-Wei, 447
  Whaleboats on the Nile, 221, 223, 227,
          229, 230, 231, 233, 235, 241
      portage, 231
  White, Sir William, 351
  Whitehead torpedo, 141
  Wilkinson's, Mr. Spenser, "Command of the Sea" articles, 397
  Wilson, Captain, 375
      John Crawford, 146
  Wilson, Vice-Admiral Sir A. K., 485
  Wilson's, Sir Charles, book, 253
      report of Abu Idea fight, 268
      voyage lo Khartoum, 292
  Wingate's, Sir F. R., letter to Lord Wolseley, 309
  Wolseley, Sir Garnet, appreciation of
      his campaign in Egypt, 207
      appointed Commander-in-Chief, Soudan, 218
      appointed to staff of, 221
      arrival at Ismailia, 182
      and staff at Cairo, 221
  Wolseley, Sir G., at Wadi Halfa, 234
  Woolwich, M.P. for, 478
  Wyllie, Mr. W. L., 399
  Wyndham's Land Act, 342


  Yokohama, arrival at, 100
  York election, 415
      resigns seat at, 462
  Yuan Shih Kai, 421, 440
  Yung Lu, a talk with, 438


  Zeriba of Desert Column, 275
  Zohrab Pasha, 225




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