Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project
Gutenberg.









                   The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

   Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
   their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
    as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
   political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
   islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
                    close of the nineteenth century,

                            Volume XLV, 1736


 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
  with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
                                Bourne.



                      The Arthur H. Clark Company
                            Cleveland, Ohio
                                 MCMVI







CONTENTS OF VOLUME XLV


    Preface                                                         11

    Document of 1736

        Commerce of the Philippines with Nueva España,
        1640-1736 (concluded). Antonio Álvarez de Abreu; Madrid,
        1736. [From Extracto historial.]                            29

    Bibliographical Data                                            89

    Appendix: Education in the Philippines

        Letter from the ecclesiastical cabildo to Felipe III.
        Juan de Bivero, and others; Manila, July 12, 1601           97
        The college of San José. In two parts. I--Francisco
        Colin, S.J.; Madrid, 1663. [From his Labor evangelica.]
        II--Summary of history, compiled from various sources      101
        The college and university of Santo Tomás. In three
        parts. I--Baltasar de Santa Cruz, O.P.; Zaragoza, 1693.
        [From his Historia.] II--Cárlos III; El Pardo, March 7,
        1785. III--Evarista Fernandez Arias, O.P., Manila, July 2,
        1885                                                       141
        Royal college of San Felipe de Austria. In two parts.
        I--Casimiro Diaz, O.S.A.; Valladolid, 1890. [From his
        Conquistas (written in the first half of the eighteenth
        century).] II--Summary of history, from notes in
        Pastells's edition of Colin's Labor evangélica, Barcelona,
        1904                                                       170
        Secular priests in the Philippines. Felipe Pardo, O.P.;
        [Manila], June 6, 1680                                     182
        Royal decree concerning native schools. Cárlos II;
        Madrid, June 20, 1686                                      184
        College-seminary of San Felipe. In two parts.
        I--Felipe V; Madrid, March 3, 1710. II--Juan de la
        Concepción, Sampaloc, 1788-1792. [From his Historia
        general.]                                                  187
        College of San Juan de Letran. Vicente Salazar, O.P.;
        Manila, 1742. [From his Historia.]                         208
        Law regulating marriages of students. Cárlos IV;
        Aranjuez, June 11, 1792                                    218
        Royal decree ordering the teaching of Spanish in native
        schools. Cárlos IV; Madrid, December 22, 1792              221
        Conciliar seminaries. In two parts. I--Governor Rafael
        María de Aguilar y Ponce de Leon; Manila, March 26,
        1803. II--Modern conditions; excerpts from various
        sources                                                    223
        Nautical school. In two parts. I--Chacon; Madrid,
        May 9, 1839. II--History; from various sources             240
        Boys' singing school. [From Archipiélago filipino,
        Washington, 1900.]                                         244
        Public instruction. Sinibaldo de Mas, Madrid, 1843.
        [From his Informe.]                                        246
        Educational institutions and conditions. J. Mallat;
        Paris, 1846. [From his Les Philippines.]                   263
        Privileges granted to students.----Arrazola; Madrid,
        December 2, 1847                                           279
        Superior school of painting, sculpture, and engraving.
        Compiled from various sources                              282
        Ateneo municipal. Compiled from various sources            284
        Educational suggestions. Vicente Barrantes; Madrid,
        1870. [From Apuntes interesantes.]                         286
        Public instruction. José Montero y Vidal; Madrid, 1886.
        [From his Archipiélago filipino.]                          296
        Girls' schools in Manila and the provinces. Compiled
        from various sources                                       304
        School of agriculture. Compiled from various sources       315
        Government reorganization of education in the university
        of Santo Tomás. Dr. E. Montero Rios, and others; Madrid,
        October 29, 1890                                           319







ILLUSTRATIONS


    View of port of Tacloban, in the island of Leyte; from
    photograph procured in Madrid                                   33
    Chart of the stockfarm of Biñán belonging to the college of
    Santo Tomás, of Manila, 1745; photographic facsimile from
    original manuscript by the land-surveyor, Francisco Alegre,
    in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla                          143
    Autograph signature of Juan de la Concepción, et al.;
    photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general
    de Indias, Sevilla                                             193
    A Cebú coal mine; from photograph procured in Madrid           225







PREFACE


The text proper of the present volume is entirely commercial. In
the conclusion of the Extracto historial, is seen the continuance,
between the merchants of Spain and the colonies, of the struggle for
commercial supremacy. Demands and counter-demands emanate from the
merchants of Cadiz and Manila respectively; and economic questions
of great moment are treated bunglingly. The jealousy, envy, and
distrust of the Cadiz merchants sees in the increasing prosperity of
the Manila trade, especially that in Chinese silks, only their own
ruin. The Manila merchants, on the other hand, who have the best
of the controversy, quite properly object to an exchange of the
silk trade for the exclusive right in the spice trade. The laws of
supply and demand seem to be quite left out of consideration. The
appendix is an attempt to show the influences and factors making
for education in the Philippines during the Spanish régime, and the
various educational institutions in the archipelago. In it one will
see that, while apparently there has been great activity, results
have been meager and superficial.

At the close of the preceding volume, we saw in the Extracto historial
the "Manila plan" for regulating the commerce between the Philippines
and Nueva España, and its adoption (1726) by the Spanish government
for a limited period. Three years later (July, 1729) Cadiz protests
against this concession, complaining of the abuses practiced in the
Manila-Acapulco trade, and of the injury done to Spanish commerce by
the importation of Chinese silks into Nueva España. In consequence
of this, an investigation is ordered in Acapulco and Mexico, from
which it appears that the amount of Manila's commerce is rapidly
increasing; the viceroy therefore advises the home government to
restrict it, as being injurious to the commercial interests not only
of the mother-country but of Nueva España, especially in the matter
of Chinese silks. Meanwhile, he notifies Manila that the galleon of
1734 must be laden in accordance with the old scheme, the five years'
term having expired. At this, Manila enters a vigorous protest, and
demands that the permission of 1726 be continued to the islands. After
much discussion pro and con, a royal decree is issued (April 8,
1734) to regulate that commerce; the viceroy's order is revoked,
the amount of trade permitted to Manila is increased, but otherwise
the decrees of 1702, 1712, and 1724 shall be in force (with some
minor changes). In the following year, Cadiz again complains of the
Manila-Acapulco trade, and proposes that Chinese silks be excluded
from it--offering, by way of compensation, to surrender to Manila the
exclusive right to the spice trade in the American colonies. The royal
fiscal disapproves this, for various practical reasons, and recommends
that the whole matter be discussed at a conference in Mexico, attended
by delegates from Manila and Cadiz. The Manila deputies place before
the Council another long memorial (dated March 30, 1735), refuting
the arguments and denying the charges made by Cadiz; the latter's
offer of the spice trade in Nueva España is regarded as useless and
in every way unsatisfactory. Cadiz answers these objections (June 1,
1735), and urges the court to cut off the trade of Manila in Chinese
silks, adducing many arguments therefor. Again the fiscal refuses to
endorse the policy of Cadiz; and the Council call (November 16, 1735)
for a summary report of the entire controversy, with the documents
concerned therein, preparatory to their final review and decision.

The educational appendix, which occupies most of this volume, opens
with a petition from the Manila ecclesiastical cabildo, to the effect
that no religious order be allowed to establish a university in Manila
(as has been petitioned), as such a procedure would be prejudicial
to the secular clergy, by reason of the fact that the religious would
hold all the chairs in such institution. The petition also recommends
that all ecclesiastical posts be given indiscriminately to members of
all the orders until there are sufficient secular priests to hold them.

The second document, consisting of two parts, relates to the college
of San José. The first part is the account by Colin in his Labor
evangelica, and is a brief history of the institution from its
foundation until 1663; the second is a compilation from various
sources. The efforts of the Jesuits for a college are first realized
through the Jesuit visitor, Diego Garcia, who is well assisted by Pedro
Chirino. Luis Gomez, the first rector, secures the necessary civil and
ecclesiastical permissions, in 1601. The college opens with thirteen
fellowships, which are given to the sons of influential citizens,
a number soon increased to twenty. Rules and regulations are made
for teachers and scholarships. As early as 1596, Esteban Rodriguez de
Figueroa has left directions in his will, in case either of his minor
daughters dies, for the endowment of a college under the care of the
Jesuits. One of his daughters dying, the will becomes operative, and
in consequence, the second establishment of the college takes place
February 28, 1610, the act of foundation being given. The Jesuits have
some trouble in getting the funds decreed by the will, but are finally
successful. In 1647, the college obtains the favorable decision as
to right of seniority in its contest with the Dominican institution
of Santo Tomás. The second part of this document traces (mainly by
reference to and citation from original documents), the history of
the college of San José from its foundation to the present time,
necessarily mentioning much touched upon by Colin. The royal decree
of May 3, 1722, granting the title of "Royal" to the college is given
entire. The various fellowships in the college are enumerated. The
expulsion of the Jesuits in 1768 has a direct bearing on the college,
which is at first confiscated by the government, but later restored
to the archbishop who lays claim to it. The latter converts it into
an ecclesiastical seminary, thus depriving its students of their
rights; but the king disapproves of such action, and the college
is restored to its former status and given into the charge of the
cathedral officials. Its later management does not prove efficient,
and the college finally falls under the supervision of the Dominican
university. In the decade between 1860 and 1870, the plans of making
a professional school of it are discussed, and in 1875 faculties of
medicine and pharmacy are established there. The Moret decrees of 1870
secularize the institution, but the attempt is successfully blocked
by the religious orders. Since American occupation of the islands,
the question of the status of the college has been discussed before
the government, and the case is still unsettled.

The next document, consisting of three parts, treats of the Dominican
college and university of Santo Tomás. The first part is the account
as given by Santa Cruz, and treats especially of the erection of
the college into a university. After unsuccessful efforts made by
the Dominicans with Pope Urban VII in 1643 and 1644 to obtain the
pontifical permission for this step, it is at length obtained from
Pope Innocent X in 1645. In 1648, the Audiencia and the archbishop
give their consent to the erection. Rules and regulations are made
by the rector of the new university, Fray Martin Real de la Cruz,
in imitation of those of the university of Mexico. The second part
of this document is the royal decree of March 7, 1785, granting
the title of "Royal" to the institution, on condition that it
never petition aid from the royal treasury. The third part is an
account of the university by Fray Evarista Fernandez Arias, O.P.,
which was read at the opening of the university in 1885. He traces
briefly the history of the foundation and growth of the college and
university. Pope Paul V grants authority to it to confer degrees to
its graduates for ten years, a permission that is later prolonged. The
brief of Innocent X erecting the college into a university in 1645
is later extended by Clement XII in 1734. The first regulations of
the university are revised in 1785, when the faculties of law and
theology are extended (the departments of jurisprudence and canon
law having been established early in the eighteenth century). These
laws are the ones still in force in 1885 except in so far as they
have been modified by later laws. It becomes necessary to abolish
the school of medicine and the chairs of mathematics and drawing. In
1836, the chair of Spanish law is created. Between the years 1837
and 1867 the question of reorganization is discussed. In 1870, the
university is secularized as the university of the Philippines by
the Moret decree, but the decree is soon repealed. The college of
San José is placed definitely under the control of the university,
and becomes its medical and pharmaceutical department. In 1876, a
notarial course is opened, and in 1880, courses in medicine, pharmacy,
and midwifery are opened. Since this date the college has had complete
courses in superior and secondary education.

The next document is one of unusual interest because it is the earliest
attempt to form an exclusively royal and governmental educational
institution in the Philippines--the royal college of San Felipe de
Austria, founded by Governor Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera. The first
part of this document, which consists of two parts, is an extract from
Diaz's Historia. Corcuera assigns the sum of 4,000 pesos annually
from the royal treasury for the support of the twenty fellowships
created, those preferences being designed for the best Spanish
youth of Manila. The new institution is given into the charge of the
Jesuits. The college is, however, suppressed at the close of Corcuera's
government, as it is disapproved by the king, the decree of suppression
being inexorably executed by Fajardo. The Jesuits are compelled to
repay the 12,000 pesos that have been paid them for the support of the
college for the three years of its existence. A later royal college,
called also San Felipe, is created by order of Felipe V. The second
part of the present document is condensed from notes in Pastells's
edition of Labor evangélica, and is a brief sketch of the founding,
duration, and suppression of the institution founded by Corcuera. The
latter founds it at the instance of the secular cabildo of Manila,
and the charge of it is given to the Jesuits, although the Dominicans
offer to dispense with the 4,000 pesos granted it from the royal
treasury. Twenty fellowships and six places for Pampango servants are
created by the act of foundation, December 23, 1640. The 4,000 pesos
are met from Sangley licenses. An abstract of the rules of the new
institution, thirty-three in all, is given. They cover the scholastic,
moral, and religious life of the pupils. Corcuera's letter of August 8,
1641, reporting the foundation and asking certain favors, is answered
by the royal decree of suppression, which is entrusted to the new
governor, Fajardo. The 12,000 pesos, which the Jesuits are ordered
to pay, is repaid them (if they have paid it) by a royal decree of
March 17, 1647, and the incident of the short-lived college is closed.

The following document--the summary of a letter from the famous
Archbishop Pardo--is the answer to a royal decree ordering the
education of natives for the priesthood. He states the inefficiency of
the natives for that pursuit, and the necessity of sending religious
from Spain. It is followed by a royal decree of June 20, 1686,
directing the strict observance of the laws for native schools and
the study of Spanish in the Spanish colonies.

The college-seminary of San Clemente, or San Felipe, as it was called
later, forms the subject of the next document, which consists of
two parts. The first is a royal decree of March 3, 1710, in which
the king disapproves of the methods employed in the founding of
the seminary which he had ordered Governor Zabalburu to found with
8 seminarists. Instead of following orders, the governor allows the
archbishop and the "patriarch" Tournon to establish the institution,
which is thrown open to foreigners, and has over eighty instead
of eight seminarists. This disobedience occasions the removal and
transfer of Archbishop Camacho, and the foreigners are ordered to
be expelled, and only sixteen Spanish subjects are to be allowed in
the seminary as boarders, in addition to the eight seminarists. The
second part of the document is from the Recollect historian, Juan
de la Concepción. Governor Cruzat y Gongora, in answer to a royal
decree recommending the establishment of a seminary, declares such to
be unnecessary. Its foundation is, however, ordered, and is finally
consummated, but the conditions of the actual founding, which was
entrusted to the governor, are altered by the neglect of the latter and
the intrusion of Tournon and the archbishop who work in concert. The
king, hearing of the turn affairs have taken, not through direct
communication, but through the papal nuncio, orders the refounding
of the institution along the lines indicated by him, and the name is
changed to San Felipe. The formal founding of the latter is left by
the governor to Archbishop Francisco de la Cuesta, who draws up new
rules, but at the same time deprives the king of the private patronage,
usurping it for himself, although it is a lay creation.

In the following document, the college of San Juan de Letran is
discussed. It is founded in 1640 by Juan Geronimo Guerrero, for
the purpose of aiding and teaching poor orphan boys. Many alms
are given for the work by charitable persons, and Corcuera grants
some in the king's name, and an encomienda in the Parián is given
it. At the same time, a Dominican lay-brother undertakes the care
of poor orphan boys in the porter's lodge of the Manila convent. As
Guerrero ages, finding it impossible to look after his orphan boys,
he entrusts them to the care of the Dominican lay-brother, who has
by this time formed a congregation under the name of San Pedro y San
Pablo. The consolidation is known for some time by the latter name,
although the transfer is made under the name of the College of San
Juan de Letran, which is later definitely adopted. Rules for the
college are made by Sebastian de Oquendo, prior of the Manila convent,
which are revised later by the provincial chapter. After being housed
for some years in the lower part of the convent, the college is moved
into a house opposite the same; but that house being destroyed by the
earthquake of 1645, a wooden building is erected outside the walls
near the Parián. In 1669, finding their quarters uncomfortable, as
the students are compelled to go to the university for their studies,
the college is again moved inside the walled city. Priestly, military,
and other professions are recruited from this institution.

A royal decree of June 11, 1792 requires the permission of the
royal representative, and of those in authority at the institutions
of learning, for all students, men and women, attending any such
institution subject to the royal patronage and protection, before
the contraction of marriage. Another decree of December 22, 1792,
directs the governor to observe the previous decrees concerning the
teaching of Spanish in schools for the natives. Nothing but Spanish
is to be spoken in the convents.

Conciliar seminaries are treated in a document of two parts. The
first part is a decree of March 26, 1803, in regard to the three
per cent discount which is ordered to be made from the salary of all
parish priests for the maintenance of conciliar seminaries. A decree
of July 30, 1802 is enclosed therein, which orders such collection,
notwithstanding the objections raised by the parish priests; and
the payment must be made in money. Special provisions are made in
regard to the seminary of Nueva Segovia. The second part consists of
extracts from various sources. The first two of the extracts relate
to the five Roman Catholic conciliar seminaries, and give their status
since 1862. The third extract is the provision made by the Aglipay or
independent church of the Philippines for seminaries for the education
of priests, and the plan for the studies to be carried on therein.

The Nautical school of Manila is also treated in two parts, the
first being a decree of May 9, 1839, approving the new regulations
for the pilots' school of July 20, 1837; and the second extracts from
various sources giving a brief history of this institution which is
established first in 1820 by the Consulate of Commerce, and later
taken under control of the government. This school is now maintained
by the Americans.

The boys' soprano school is an interesting institution founded
by Archbishop Rodriguez in 1742 for the purpose of furnishing boy
singers to the cathedral. The education, which is chiefly musical,
embraces training in both vocal and instrumental music, although on
account of their tender age the boys are, as a general rule, debarred
from using wind instruments. High merit is obtained by these boys.

Public instruction in the Philippines is discussed by Mas in the
following document. He declares that the education of the Philippines
is in a better state proportionally than it is in Spain. There are
schools in each village, attendance at which is compulsory, except
at seeding and harvest times. Expenses are met from the communal
funds. Women also share in the education. The books commonly used
are those of devotion. Besides communal and private schools there are
also public institutions in Manila. Brief histories and descriptions
are given of the following institutions: university of Santo Tomás;
college of San José; college of San Juan de Letran; the charity school
founded in 1817 by distinguished citizens; the nautical academy;
the commercial school founded in 1840; seminary of Santa Potenciana,
which was founded by a royal decree of 1589; Santa Isabel, founded by
the confraternity of Misericordia, in 1632; beaterio of Santa Catalina
de Sena, founded in 1696; beaterio de San Sebastian de Calumpang,
founded in 1719; beaterio de San Ignacio, founded in 1699; beaterio
de Santa Rosa, founded in 1750; and the beaterio de Pásig, or Santa
Rita, founded in 1740.

This is followed by Mallat's account, which uses Mas largely as
authority. Mallat praises the advanced state of education in the
Philippines, and dwells at considerable length on their culture
in poesy and music, and their allied branches of art; and gives in
general a recast of the conditions of the educational influences in
the archipelago.

A superior order of December 2, 1847, legalizes in Spain degrees
taken in the educational institutions of the colonies, and vice
versa; and professions authorized in one country may be practiced in
the other, on sufficient proof. A short document on the academy of
painting, sculpture, and engraving, compiled from various sources,
follows. This academy was founded in 1849 by the Sociedad Económica
de Amigos del País, and reorganized in 1892. Another document,
also compiled from various sources, treats of the Ateneo municipal,
which is an outgrowth of the old Escuela pía, which was given into
the control of the Jesuits upon their return to the Philippines
in 1859. The latter school receives its present name in 1865. Its
expenses are defrayed by the community of Manila.

A document taken from Apuntes interesantes asserts that the university
has many enemies, not because the Dominicans are in control of it,
but because they believe the study of law unadvisable therein. Such
a view is anti-liberal. The writer believes that the Filipinos would
give better results in medicine and surgery, and the advisability
of a medical school could be sustained, but that medicine and
even pharmacy which are both sorely needed in the islands could be
established in the university. Foreign professors should be allowed
to enter. Superstitions, abuses, and ignorance abound in regard to
medicine and pharmacy among the natives. Drugs are allowed to be sold
by peddlers, and adulterations are frequent. Parish priests are called
in to act as physicians but often only after the native doctor, who
works mainly with charms, has been unable to combat the ailment of
his patient. But for all his inefficiency, the natives prefer their
mediquillo to the priest. Many reforms are needed. The naval school,
the author declares, is poorly organized and directed. The graduates
aspire only to fine berths and are not content to accept what is really
within their powers. The school could profitably be reorganized into a
school for training pilots exclusively for the coasting trade. Primary
instruction, so far as the government is concerned, is in an incipient
state. Spanish is taught only in Manila and some of the suburbs; but
there are schools for boys in the native dialects, and some as well
for girls. The government salaries are not sufficient and priests and
officials find it necessary to determine means for buildings, etc.,
and salaries are even paid from the church funds. There is no suitable
director for primary education, but in reading, writing, and religion,
the children are more advanced than those of Spain. The government
has tried to improve the instruction in the Spanish language, and has
succeeded somewhat. The writer advises the government to introduce
all the improvements possible, and to extend the normal school,
which has but slight results at present. Teachers are needed, also.

Montero y Vidal in Archipiélago filipino, gives a recast of educational
conditions in 1886. He shows that public instruction is somewhat
widespread, but that it is lacking in efficiency. He gives some
statistics, but they are inadequate, owing to the inefficiency of the
public officials. The native lawyers are poor and they sow discord
against Spain. He strongly recommends industrial education.

The following document on girls' schools in Manila and the provinces
contains much of interest. This account, taken from the Dominican
report of 1887, describes and gives a list of the schools of Santa
Isabel, Santa Rosa, Santa Catalina, and La Concordia, or school of
the Immaculate Conception. In these schools primary and secondary
education are given. An account is also given of the school of San
José of Jaro which was opened first in Iloílo in 1872, but closed in
1877 for lack of funds, and was soon thereafter reëstablished in Jaro
through the intermediation of the bishop. The convent of San Ignacio,
founded in 1669, is directed by the Jesuits, but after their expulsion
is taken charge of by the provisor of the archbishop. It has had a
school since 1883. Various other institutions where instruction is
given to girls are mentioned.

The school of agriculture, both under Spanish and American dominion,
is discussed in the next document. First established in 1889 by the
Spanish government for theoretical and practical instruction, the
school has not had great success. Various agricultural stations are
established in various provinces by the government to supplement the
work of the school. Since American occupation the work has been taken
up, and appropriations made for the building of a school in the rich
agricultural island of Negros.

The last document of this volume, a state discussion (1890) as to the
reorganization of education in the university of Santo Tomás (signed
among others by the famous Maura) suggests the arguments advanced by
both the civil and ecclesiastical governments in the Philippines. The
questions under discussion are: 1. Whether the ministry has a right
to reorganize education in the university without considering the
religious order of the Dominicans. 2. Whether the university may
offer legal opposition, and by what means. The conclusions reached
are: 1. The ministry cannot apply the funds and properties of the
university of private origin to any institution that it organizes;
and hence cannot reorganize education in the university. 2. Should
the ministry do so, then the university may take legal means to oppose
such determination, the best method being through the ordinary court
of common law. This is a highly interesting document, in view of the
vital legal educational questions touched upon, some of which may
have application in the present San José college case. The educational
appendix will be concluded in VOL. XLVI.


    The Editors

    October, 1906.







EXTRACTO HISTORIAL


    Commerce of the Philippines with Nueva España, 1640-1736
    (concluded). By Antonio Álvarez de Abreu; Madrid, 1736.


Source: Concluded from VOL. XLIV, q.v.

Translation: See VOL. XLIV.







COMMERCE OF THE PHILIPPINES WITH NUEVA ESPAÑA

(Concluded)


PERIOD IX

    [Here] is set forth what occurred in regard to the commerce of
    Philipinas from the year 1730 until that of 1733, in consequence
    of the practice of the ordinance of the year 1726, with occasion
    of the complaint made by the merchants of Andalucia.


128-162. [In July, 1729, the consulate and merchants of Cadiz sent to
the king a memorial protesting against the favor recently granted
to Manila, which the latter was abusing to such an extent as to
endanger the very existence of the Spanish commerce with Nueva
España. So much Chinese silk had been sent by Manila to Acapulco
that Cadiz had determined to send in this year's trading-fleet no
Spanish fabrics; but this would result in the destruction of its
commerce and of its manufactures. Cadiz claims that Manila carries
away from Nueva España three to four millions of pesos annually,
a sum which falls into the hands of foreigners and infidels;
and asks that the permission given to Manila for the export of
Chinese silks be revoked. The king thereupon ordered the viceroy
of Mexico to see on foot a thorough investigation of the Manila
commerce, its actual character and extent, its profits, and other
particulars, which is done. The year 1731 was selected for this
investigation; the sales at Acapulco were unusually profitable that
year, as all kinds of fabrics were then scarce in Nueva España,
and the Chinese goods were advanced 25 per cent over their usual
prices. The officials found that the total sales from that year's
cargo amounted to 2,096,874 pesos (making the average value of
each pieza of lading more than 500 pesos); deducting from this
the royal duties, 229,547 pesos (including the contribution of
20,000 pesos made by the shippers), the amount of returns for
the citizens of Manila was 1,877,327 pesos. This amount would
probably be equaled in subsequent voyages of the galleon (even
if the sales at Acapulco were not so profitable), so long as the
present permission continued; for the 500 half-chests of Chinese
fabrics made an enormous amount, and of great value. The amount of
silver embarked that year for Filipinas was as follows: "1,691,465
pesos, as proceeds of the merchandise sold at the fair that year
[this being the previously-mentioned amount, with the royal duties
deducted from it]; 566,828, in sums remaining from the previous
year; and 175,828, on the account of his Majesty for the royal
situado and other special situados of those islands, and for the
pay of the crew of the galleon." Investigation being made of the
past years of this commerce, "the castellan of Acapulco replied,
that from the year 1692 until that of 1702 the Philipinos had been
able to lade their ships with goods to the value of 250,000 pesos,
the returns for which were 500,000 pesos, without assigning a
definite number of piezas--in which time they paid for all kinds
of duties 75,000 pesos, which was equivalent to thirty per cent
on the cargo and fifteen per cent on the returns. That in the
year 1702 their permission had been increased to 300,000 pesos of
capital [invested], and 600,000 of returns, with the obligation
of paying for the shipment of the latter a charge of two per
cent. This had been punctiliously observed until the year 1717,
when other quantities [of merchandise] had been shipped outside
of the permitted amount, for the causes and reasons which would
appear from the acts drawn up on account of this proceeding;
and for what was thus shipped outside the permission duties had
been paid at four per cent (which amounted to 365,000 pesos), and
adding to this the six per cent of alcavala, [1] the duties were
ten per cent, which was collected. That this regulation had been
in vogue up to the year 1720, in which the Marqués de Valero had
allowed to the Philipinos the lump payment of 100,000 pesos which
before had been refused them, including in this amount all the
dues which they must pay [to the royal treasury], and permitting
to them, as before, the shipment of the 600,000 pesos of returns;
and that, although this amount only was what they ought to embark
in virtue of the permission, they carried other funds also (and
not a few)--the reason being that many persons were resolving at
that time to become citizens of the islands, and, as consequently
their wealth must be conveyed thither, the papers had been given
to them for doing so, in virtue of which they embarked their funds,
paying on them ten per cent. That for the last ten years many sums
of money had gone to Philipinas outside of the permitted amount,
on various warrants, for which orders had been previously given,
regarding which the bureau of accounts could supply information;
but, as in this matter the officials acted independently of
the castellan, he had been unable to take cognizance of those
transactions." The royal officials of Acapulco--who, with the
castellan, were at that time in the City of Mexico--advised the
viceroy not to make any change in the permission for the next
annual galleon; and gave as their opinion that, comparing the
shipments of merchandise, returns therefrom, and duties paid to the
treasury, by Manila in the last forty years, if in those islands
there had not been an increase of their commerce, at least it had
not declined. [2] The officials regarded the present amount of
trade granted to Manila as far in excess of what it had before
(on which earlier amount the islands had been able to support
themselves), and the great withdrawal of money from Nueva España
as injurious to the commerce of both that country and España;
and they advised that the permission be reduced to 2,750 piezas of
Philippine products and ordinary fabrics, and 250 half-chests of
Chinese fabrics. If this were done, Manila would still have a million
pesos of returns, even after deducting all the duties and imposts,
which would surely be enough, since before they had maintained
themselves with 600,000 pesos annually. As it was, the royal revenue
was much impaired, since the duties paid by Manila now did not include
certain ad valorem duties imposed under the old arrangement. At the
command of the viceroy, the bureau of accounts of Mexico furnished
him a summary of all the remittances of money from Nueva España
to Manila during the years 1723-31 inclusive; this report showed
that in each year more than the amount of the permission had been
conveyed--sometimes stated as arrearages from previous shipments,
sometimes as allowed by special permit from the viceroy. The yearly
situado was stated as being 250,000 pesos, the amount actually sent
being such balance of this sum as remained to the credit of Manila
in the treasury of Mexico, which varied yearly from 73,000 to 93,000
pesos. The galleon of 1731 had carried the following cargo: 2,767
bales, 477 chests (of Chinese silks), 554 bags of cinnamon, 147 cakes
of wax, 51 cases of porcelain, 296 1/2 arrobas of storax, 1,977 1/2
arrobas of pepper; besides this, and outside of the permission, four
half-bales and nineteen chests were sent by the religious orders in
Manila--Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustinians, and Hospitallers of
St. John of God--for the clothing of the religious in their hospices
in the City of Mexico; and by the governor, Marqués de Torre-Campo,
45 piezas for (purchasing?) furniture.]

163-185. [The viceroy, Marqués de Casa-Fuerte, wrote to one of the
royal Council, Don Joseph Patiño (November 1, 1731), giving his opinion
in regard to the regulation of the Philippine commerce. Estimating
roughly the returns from the annual Manila galleon at 2,000,000
pesos when before the sum of 600,000 only was allowed, he regards the
present permission as injurious to the commerce of España and to the
commercial interests of Nueva España as well; for three vessels come
from Philipinas to one trading-fleet from España, and, by carrying out
of the country some six millions of pesos, they render the disposal
of the merchandise brought on the fleets difficult, besides handing
over the treasures of the Spanish domain to infidels. He advocates
the reduction of the permission to such amount as will produce not
more than 1,000,000 pesos of returns for Manila; and thinks that
there is foundation for the remonstrances of the Spanish merchants,
although they have exaggerated the amount of the money sent to Manila
and the damage to their own trade therefrom. That damage arises
almost entirely from the Chinese silks and ribbons sent to Acapulco,
which at the fair in that year (1731) were sold for the estimated
amount of a million pesos; he therefore recommends that Manila be
strictly prohibited from shipping to Acapulco any silk, of any kind
or quality whatsoever, except raw, twisted, and floss silk, hose,
and white sayasayas; and that the value and amount of all the goods
sent thither be judiciously regulated, so that prices may be kept
within bounds. This result also depends considerably on the fact that
in Mexico large quantities of cotton are raised, from which are made
various fabrics; "and in the bishopric of La Puebla the elephant stuffs
(which are a sort of Rouen cloth, but made from cotton, which serves
for the shirts of very poor people, and for the linings of garments,
like the thin hollands), which form a considerable part of the cargo of
the ship from Philipinas, are so well imitated that they would and do
check a rise in the prices of the cotton goods from China. In this City
[of Mexico] all the raw silk which comes from Philipinas (a sufficient
amount, so that the fleets [from España] do not bring it) is worked up,
and in this industry many poor persons are employed, thus obtaining
a suitable means of livelihood; and the fabrics which are made by
them are consumed in this kingdom only." With these restrictions
and precautions, the viceroy would recommend that the regulations
of 1726 continue. He would also remit the payment now made by the
citizens of 20,000 pesos annually to the treasury; but this loss,
and that in the customs duties from the lack of the Chinese silks,
would be recompensed by the better sales which would thus be afforded
to the Spanish silk goods. In January, 1732, the viceroy consulted his
fiscal, who thought that the Manila trade should be restricted, say
to a million pesos of investments, and prohibiting the Chinese silks;
that this would benefit the Spanish traders, and would also secure
the opening of Peru to trade with Nueva España. In the following
month, the viceroy called together a junta of auditors and other
experienced persons to discuss this subject; they favored Manila,
and advised that no definite action be taken as yet. The viceroy,
hearing that from Mexico and other cities more than 1,500,000 pesos in
silver was being sent to Acapulco, presumably intended for Filipinas,
felt the necessity of taking measures to prevent the despatch of too
much merchandise from Manila in the future galleons, since the five
years' term allowed to that city would expire in 1733. He therefore
referred to the junta the question whether he should write to Manila
that the galleon of 1734 must come with a cargo in accordance with
the former plan of 300,000 pesos' investment and 600,000 for returns;
and whether he should enforce the decree of 1720 by prohibiting
that galleon from carrying any Chinese silks. The junta decided both
these questions in the affirmative, advising the viceroy to notify
Manila accordingly--these regulations to be made, provided that the
king meanwhile did not give new orders. The viceroy therefore sent
despatches to Don Fernando Valdés Tamón, the governor of Filipinas,
and to the city of Manila, to that effect (March 20 and 25, 1732);
[3] and on April 3 following sent a report of all these proceedings
to Don Joseph Patiño. He recommends that Manila be allowed only 3,000
piezas in all, of which only 100 chests be permitted for the finer
grades of cotton goods, entirely prohibiting the silk goods from
China, except those mentioned in his letter of November 1 preceding;
that besides the 3,000 piezas, the citizens be allowed to send wax
and porcelain at their pleasure, as these are commodities of little
value, and needed by Nueva España; that any smuggled silks be publicly
burned, and very rigorous penalties imposed on transgressors; that
more rigorous inspection of the lading be made at Manila, to prevent
any contraband goods being sent, not only in the shipments of traders,
but in the chests of passengers, officers, and others on the galleons;
that suspected packages be opened at Acapulco; that the returns sent
back to Manila be in no case allowed to exceed a million of pesos;
and that the contribution of 20,000 pesos be remitted to the Manila
shippers.]

186-188. [The viceroy's letter was referred to the royal Council; the
deputies from Filipinas--at that time, Lorenzo de Rugama y Palacio,
and Miguel Fernandez Munilla--thereupon asked for all the documents
belonging to the Council which bore upon this subject; the Council
consented (March 26, 1733) to do so, with the reservation of certain
documents, and the deputies then drew up a long memorial protesting
against the proposed restrictions on their commerce.]

189-190. [This memorial may be "reduced to five points: In the
first it is proved that, for the preservation of the islands, and the
propagation of the Catholic faith in them and in the adjoining regions,
their commerce with Nueva España is necessary. In the second, it is
declared that for the above result it is necessary that the commerce
be carried on and allowed with a capital corresponding to the returns
of 1,200,000 pesos every year. In the third, it is made plain that
returns to that amount are impossible, if the traffic in the silken
fabrics and goods from China, and their transportation, are prohibited
to the merchants of Manila. In the fourth, it is demonstrated that no
value should be attached to the exaggerated statement that damages will
ensue to the commerce of España if that of Manila be allowed to embark
and convey silk fabrics to Acapulco. In the fifth, it is explained how
desirable is the continuation of the last regulation of the commerce,
granted to the islands in the year 1726; and the advantages which
result from that ordinance, notwithstanding the representations
made by the viceroy." This memorial presents a brief résumé of the
various royal orders and decrees and the principal events connected
with the Manila-Acapulco commerce during its history, from 1587 to
1726; another, of the investigations made by the viceroy of Mexico
regarding the galleon of 1731; and another, of the proceedings of the
junta which he called together for discussion of the measures to be
taken regarding the galleon of 1734. Then the above five points are
considered seriatim, and at considerable length--mainly by restating
and enforcing the arguments formerly employed, rather than by adducing
new ones. In section i, the king is reminded that the islands serve as
a safeguard and defense to Nueva España, and have kept the foreigners,
infidels, and pagans of the East from getting a foothold therein by way
of the Pacific coast; and it closes thus: "Thus, Sire, if this commerce
ceases--the only foundation on which rests the maintenance of these
islands--the Spaniards will abandon them; without their protection,
the [religious] ministers will be persecuted to the utmost; the works
of piety and charity in which the holy house of La Misericordia and
the other foundations in Manila distribute enormous sums will cease;
the religious orders will be reduced to uselessness; those villages
will be desolated, by which your Majesty will lose many vassals; the
foreigners and infidels adjoining those countries will make themselves
masters of the islands; and (which is most cause for grief), when
the fortunate advancement of our religion which has been secured
there ceases, those who had embraced the faith will go to seek their
living in the lands of the pagans, with evident risk of relapsing into
the errors which they had detested. These dangers are worthy of the
profound consideration of your Majesty, and cannot be averted if the
commerce of Philipinas with Nueva España fails." In section ii, the
deputies protest against the returns of 1731 being made the standard
for the regular value of this commerce, as the gains of that year's
Acapulco fair were phenomenally large. They declare that in order to
maintain themselves they need not less than 1,200,000 pesos annually,
especially as the number of citizens in Manila is now larger than in
former years--in view of which, the amount for which they ask is very
moderate, being even less in proportion than it was then. The following
statements of population are interesting: in 1636-37, the number of
Spaniards in Manila was 230; in 1702, there were 400; and in 1722,
882, a number which has since increased [this memorial being prepared
in 1733]. What Manila asks will barely allow to each inhabitant, on
the average, an investment of 800 pesos, which is hardly enough for a
decent mode of living. What encouragement does this give to Spaniards
to settle in such a country, and how can they thus better their
fortunes? The opinions of various high officials (including viceroys
of Mexico) are cited in support of this claim. Not only the Spaniards
who are citizens of Manila are to be considered in this question, but
the two millions of Christian natives who depend on the Spanish power,
not to mention the 1,500 ecclesiastics who are occupied in maintaining
the Catholic faith in the islands. In section iii, it is argued that
the people of Filipinas must be allowed the trade in Chinese silks in
order to secure any profit from their commerce. Manila claims that
the restrictions imposed by the decree of 1720 were procured by the
efforts of Cadiz, without the consent of the people of Filipinas, to
whom those restrictions brought much distress; that the Acapulco trade
was granted to them in the first place in order to attract Spaniards
as colonists, in order that intercourse with them might be the means
of entrance and extension for the Catholic faith among pagans and
infidels; that España produces hardly enough silk goods for its own
consumption, and imports much from foreign countries, so that there
is no just reason for prohibiting this trade to Filipinas. "Since
what the Sangleys chiefly trade in is the silken fabrics and ribbons,
if the shipment of these goods to Nueva España is forbidden that is
the same as prohibiting intercourse with the Sangleys, because the
consumption of the said silks and ribbons is very small, or not any,
in Philipinas." The customs duties and alcavalas on the silk trade
at Manila amount to some 40,000 pesos a year, which would be lost
to the royal treasury by the failure of that trade; it will also
have no means with which to buy the rice produced by the Indians. No
profit can be made on the linens and other common fabrics prescribed
in the decree of 1720, as they are of little esteem in Nueva España,
and the demand for them is small, as also is their value, "since in
one bale of these goods only the value of sixty or seventy pesos can be
contained." If at the Acapulco fair these goods, even when the amount
shipped is uncertain, bring prices so low that there is but little
profit over the duties, freight-charges, and other costs, it may be
imagined how unprofitable this sort of investment will be when (if
that decree be enforced) the buyers there regard the cargo as composed
mainly of these goods, "and the venders are not able to practice the
maxim of concealing the [amount of the] merchandise, in order to secure
the highest price for it, its abundance, which lowers the price, not
being known." The sayasayas and hose, the only form of silk fabrics
permitted to Manila, are productive of but little profit; and even that
would be entirely lost if they were shipped in large enough quantities
to complete the amount of investment allowed to Manila, for the prices
in Nueva España would thus be greatly lowered. Even if this were not
so, one voyage of the galleon would so fully provide the warehouses of
Mexico that no more would be needed for the next three or four years,
which would ruin Manila's market for these goods. It is impossible that
of these bulky goods any adequate quantity could be shipped within the
number of piezas at present allotted to the citizens of Manila, which,
indeed, is all that their one galleon can carry. Manila claims that the
viceroy had no right to give the order regarding the galleon of 1734,
and that both he and the junta rashly assumed that the prosperous
Acapulco fair of 1731 was the standard by which to judge the results
of that commerce--when in reality that was an accidental and unusual
success; nor did the royal officials of Acapulco propose that the
trade in Chinese silks should be prohibited to Manila, but only that
the number of 4,000 piezas allowed it should be reduced. Section
iv refutes the arguments brought forward by Andalusia against the
trade in Chinese silks as injuring Spanish trade and manufactures,
declaring them to be exaggerations and misrepresentations of the real
facts. "It has very recently been made evident by that very commerce
[of Cadiz] that the fabrics of España are not able to supply those
provinces [of America], by the fact that in the company which, with
the name of 'Philipinas,' has been established in the city of Cadiz,
by royal decree of March 29, in this present year of 1733, among
the articles and agreements which have been set down therein is one
providing that in each ship of those which (without limitation) may
be allowed to them for their traffic the silken fabrics from China
may be freighted, to the extent of fifty toneladas, a little more
or less; and, bringing those goods to these kingdoms [of España],
they may sell them therein--not for consumption here, for this is
prohibited; but that they may export those goods to foreign countries
and to America, where they may be sold and consumed. From this it
is evident, in spite of the complaints which the commerce of Cadiz
has so often repeated on this point--while the merchants of Manila
have never consented to this company, rather, always protesting and
speaking against it, and when what may be offered to them is found
by experience to be prejudicial to the preservation and maintenance
of those islands--that the silk goods which are made in España are
of so small amount that they cannot supply America, nor can those of
China injure the consumption and satisfactory disposal of the Spanish
goods." [4] Manila claims that this new company will draw from the
Spanish empire a much greater quantity of silver for the benefit of
infidels than Manila can spend in buying the goods which have been
sent thence to Acapulco; and that Cadiz has no room for complaints
against the other commerce, since its own merchants are interested
in this company--and all without the weighty motives which led to
the concession of the Philippine commerce, the propagation of the
Catholic faith, the preservation of the Spanish power in Eastern Asia,
and the advancement of the Christian religion there. The establishment
of this "Royal Company of Philipinas," in which traders of Cadiz have
shares, shows plainly that all their complaints against the injuries
to Spanish commerce from the Manila silk-trade were "merely a pretext
for their securing the slender profits which that trade yielded to
the islands." The trading-fleets and galleons which are sent out from
Cadiz every two years are laden mainly with products made by foreign
nations--English, Dutch, Genoese, Venetians, and others--and this
traffic alienates from the Spanish crown each year more than eight
millions of pesos; and even greater drain of money results from the
traffic which those foreign nations carry on in the Indias. [5] Much
more money is taken out of Nueva España by the Spanish trading-fleets,
laden mainly with articles produced by foreigners and shipped thither
by the merchants of Cadiz, than by the Manila galleon which carries
thither goods bought from the Chinese. In the former case, the money
is used to injure and harass the Spanish power; in the second, it
goes to the Chinese, who are able neither to invade Spanish territory
nor to aid the enemies of the crown. These foreign trading nations,
moreover, carry to China and other countries of Eastern Asia more
than four millions of pesos of Mexican and Peruvian coinage, which
they spend there for the purchase of silks and other commodities,
"in order to introduce these goods into the Indias, either illicitly
or through the agency of the traders of Cadiz." In the junta convened
by the viceroy of Mexico in February, 1732, one of the leading
arguments for continuing the increased permission to Manila was,
"that the returns of silver produced by the fabrics of foreign
manufacture which the aforesaid [traders of Cadiz] send in fleets
and galleons to the Indias were in tens of millions, which from
the ports of España pass to foreign dominions, and from these to
the infidels of the Orient." The aforesaid Company of Philipinas
has obtained permission that in each ship sent out by its members
(the number of vessels not being limited) they may convey, besides
the goods, the amount of 500 pesos fuertes in silver money--more
or less, according to the needs of their business--to be invested
in Oriental goods, with freedom to change for gold any surplus that
may be left of that capital. [6] This permission leads to the drain
of much silver from the country, opens the door for great frauds,
and is manifestly unfair to Manila if the latter is to be deprived
of its China trade. As for the ruin of the silk industry in España,
"the city of Sevilla itself openly confessed (in a memorial dated
April 24, 1696) that the ruin of its looms and the deterioration of
its commerce arose from the single cause of the manufactures which the
French, English, and Dutch had, since the middle of the past century,
introduced into their dominions, and from the lack of assiduous
industry in the natives of these [kingdoms of España]; and that for
this reason those peoples carried to their own countries our wools,
in order to return them in the shape of cloths and other goods,
which their industry was able to manufacture from those wools. The
same thing occurs with the silks which (as we are experiencing)
they are introducing into these kingdoms, [made] from the [raw] silk
which they obtain here; and they sell in the Orient various stuffs
and fabrics, with which usually the people of rank in these kingdoms
are clothed; and such people in the Indias wear the goods which the
merchants of España convey in fleets and galleons--as may be known
by the books of the customs duties, in which appears all the above,
and the increased amount of silken fabrics which the foreigners are
introducing through the port of Cadiz, and others that open on the
Mediterranean Sea." Cadiz is reminded that its commerce penetrates into
Peru, Buenos Ayres, Honduras, and other regions which are forbidden
to Manila; that it has no more successful fairs in Peru than in Nueva
España (indeed, obtaining even larger profits in the latter country);
notwithstanding the alleged ruinous competition of Manila; and that
the contraband trade carried on in the Western Indias by the foreign
industrial nations causes far more damage to Cadiz than does the small
amount of trade allowed to Manila. Cadiz has made no complaint against
the shipment by Manila of stuffs from India and spices, doubtless
because the prohibition of these would injure the trade of the English
[7] and the Dutch, from whom Manila buys those goods, and whom Cadiz
favors and tries to enrich at the expense of the Philippine vassals of
the crown, regardless of the injurious effects of such procedure on the
propagation of the faith and the welfare of the former heathen who have
been converted to it in the East. Manila asserts that the necessity
of buying Chinese goods for the maintenance of the islands, and the
increasing competition of the European nations in Eastern markets,
have so raised the prices of those goods that Manila no longer can
obtain the large profits which they formerly brought in Nueva España,
but must now sell them at a very moderate advance over their cost
(including of course therein transportation, duties, etc.). The prompt
despatch of the Manila galleon from Acapulco has been caused mainly by
the necessity of its sailing at certain times to secure favorable winds
and weather; but this haste has been an injury to the Manila shippers,
"for it hinders them from selling their goods at a higher value, so
they often dispose of them, for this reason, at the prices that the
Mexicans are willing to pay for them, and at other times leave them
for sale on commission [en encomienda], with the danger of losing them,
and with the evident arrearage which is caused to the shippers by the
lack of the money [which should have been received] from their sale,
for use in their investments in the following galleon." The memorial
concludes with section v, in which Manila urges, in view of all the
foregoing, that the permission of 1726 be continued to the islands,
and consequently, that the recent orders of the viceroy of Nueva
España regarding the lading of the next galleon be revoked. These
orders were at least premature, as the shipments from Manila under the
new permission did not begin until 1730, so that the galleon of 1734
was entitled to a cargo of the sort allowed therein; moreover, the
viceroy acted against the advice of the junta which he had convened
to discuss this question. Manila claims that in 1732 the galleon
did not carry back to the islands even what they needed for their
maintenance, the returns from its cargo (although that contained the
4,000 piezas of permission) amounting to only 1,100,000 pesos; and in
the present year of 1733 the returns will be hardly one-half of what
the shippers received, on the average, in the years preceding the new
permission--the Acapulco fair being a poor one this year, on account
of the large cargoes brought by the fleet from Cadiz, and the large
amount of fabrics brought by "the English ship." Manila needs 1,200,000
pesos annually, at the least; and in order to secure that amount needs
the extension of trade permitted in 1726. The returns of 1731, as has
been proved, cannot be taken as the measure of its value, especially
when allowance is made for the possibility of storms, shipwreck, or
other disaster to the galleon. Manila also asks that if the returns
should fall below 1,200,000 pesos, its annual contribution of 20,000
pesos to the royal treasury be dispensed with. The king is reminded of
the great services which the people of Filipinas have always rendered
to the crown, in opposing the encroachments of the Dutch and others
against the Spanish power in the East, in defending the natives of the
islands against the Moro pirates, in contributions for building royal
ships and for meeting other pressing needs of the royal treasury,
and always freely offering their lives and their property for the
defense or aid of the crown--to say nothing of their devotion to
the observance and extension of the Catholic faith, their support
of missionaries, and their zeal in converting the heathen. Manila
asks for the extension in perpetuity of the permission of 1726, with
various minor concessions; if this be not granted, then it is asked
for another five years, with the proviso that no change be made at
the instance of Andalusia only, or without opportunity being given
to Manila to express its wishes and set forth its needs.]

191-192. [This memorial was sent by the Council to the fiscal;
his reply was handed in on November 10, 1733. He thinks that the
islands need indispensably the traffic to Nueva España, including the
Chinese silks, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the viceroy of
that country; and that the prohibition made by the latter ought to be
raised. Moreover, he finds that the royal treasury is the gainer by
the new arrangement: the duties up to 1702 amounted to 74,000 pesos,
and from that time to 1729, to 100,000 pesos; but in 1730 (the first
year in which goods were shipped under the permission of 1726) the
duties, including the 20,000 pesos of contribution, were 202,754 pesos,
and in the following year 229,552 pesos. He would not make a positive
regulation regarding the Manila-Acapulco trade until the five-years'
term is completed; but he makes the following recommendations: that
the commerce be free in all kinds of goods, not excluding the Chinese
silks and ribbons, but that the lading of the galleon be restricted
to 3,600 piezas, of which 400 may be in those silk goods and others
which do not allow the use of the press; and that the duties on all
packages be the same as those specified in the decree of 1726, and
that Manila be freed from the contribution of 20,000 pesos. He also
recommends that Manila be allowed to send wax in cakes of eighteen
(instead of twelve) arrobas net; and that his proposed arrangement be
put in force for five years, in order to test its practicability--or,
if the king so prefer, that the decree of 1726 be extended for another
term of five years.]

193-197. [In this place is presented the informatory report of the
royal accountant at Mexico to the viceroy in 1730, because it is
frequently cited in this controversy; but it is concerned mainly
with the size of the packages on the Manila galleon. [8] It appears
that these were measured by the vara de Ribera, [9] instead of the
Castilian vara, the former being "longer than the Castilian, by four
dedos and part of another;" but allowance was afterward made for this
difference. Ardila, the accountant, also recommended to the viceroy
the enlargement of Manila's permission to 1,200,000 pesos of returns,
and the reopening of the commerce between Nueva España and Peru. The
royal Council discussed the fiscal's reply and other documents, and
advised the king (December 19, 1733) to order the viceroy to recall
his obnoxious orders relative to the galleons of 1734 and succeeding
years, and to regulate the cargoes by the decrees in force from 1712 to
1720--"excluding absolutely the regulation of the permission by piezas,
and commanding that this be made in future strictly by invoices and
sworn declarations." The ministers did not agree on the question of
the amount of returns to be permitted to Manila, five being of opinion
that no change should be made in the allowance of 300,000 pesos of
investment and 600,000 of returns, and the five others advocating an
increase to 500,000 and 1,000,000 pesos respectively. (The names of
the first five are: Don Manuel de Sylva, the Marqués de Almodobar, Don
Antonio de Sopeña, Don Fernando Verdes Montenegro, and Don Francisco
Antonio de Aguirre; of the last five, Don Diego de Zuñiga, the Marqués
de Montemayor, Don Matheo Ibañez de Mendoza, Don Antonio Alvarez de
Abreu, and Don Joseph de Valdiviesso. Abreu was the compiler of the
Extracto.) The reasons for each of these opinions are given in detail.]

198-200. [When this opinion was ready to be sent to the king, letters
arrived from the governor and Audiencia of Filipinas, remonstrating
against the orders of the viceroy regarding the galleon of 1734. At the
same time, the Manila deputies at Madrid presented another memorial
to the Council, which accordingly held a new conference over this
matter. On December 23 (after having consulted the fiscal), they
reported to the king their opinion, which they said had not been
changed by the aforesaid despatches. The king approved of their
advice in regard to recalling the viceroy's orders, and in regard
to the controverted point of the amount which should be allowed to
Manila, he approved the opinion of Zuñiga and his associates, that
of the increase to 500,000 and 1,000,000 pesos. The letters from the
governor and Audiencia ask that the cargoes be estimated by piezas,
and propose 300 or 400 chests of Chinese silk goods, instead of the
500 formerly asked; the memorial of the deputies urges that the sales
for the first three of the five years had averaged only 1,350,000
pesos, and the succeeding ones could not exceed 1,200,000 pesos,
which latter sum was necessary for the preservation of the islands.]

201-212. [On February 23, 1734, the Manila deputies presented a new
memorial, under eight heads, making various minor requests in regard
to the new regulation for the commerce, some of which were granted,
and some refused. On April 8, a royal decree was issued making such
regulation; [10] after briefly reviewing the various proceedings and
documents which had appeared since the decree of 1726, command is
given that the viceroy's orders be revoked, and the commerce continued
in accordance with the decrees of 1702, 1712, and 1724--prohibiting
the valuation on the basis of piezas, and prescribing that this be
accomplished by invoices and sworn declarations; and increasing
the amount of the trade permitted to Manila to 500,000 pesos of
investment and 1,000,000 of returns. As for duties, they shall be paid
as commanded in the decree of 1702 (which fixed 100,000 pesos as the
amount to be paid at Acapulco for the round trip of the galleon),
pro rata therewith on the increase from 300,000 to 500,000 pesos;
but this shall be paid as required duties, and not under the name
of indult. No alcavala shall be paid on sales at Acapulco, but it
shall be paid on goods which shall first be sent to other provinces
of Nueva España. The duties are estimated on the basis of about 17
per cent of the returns on the cargo, and as the king pays "the cost
of the building, careening, and repairing of the ships, the pay of
the crews and officers, and the provisions, supplies, and ammunition
needed for each voyage, without receiving more than 44 ducados for
each tonelada of the lading allotted, not only will there remain no
profit to my royal exchequer, but it will be necessary that it supply
a considerable amount in order to maintain and preserve this traffic
and commerce to the natives of Philipinas, which is all the bounty that
my royal munificence can exercise;" but if the Manila shippers do not
wish to accept this adjustment of the duties, they can (as before)
pay the exact amount of the duties on each consignment of goods,
without any dispensation or remission. No one to whom space has been
assigned may transfer it to others, save in the case of poor persons
and widows. Any excess of returns over the 1,000,000 pesos shall be
divided among the shippers pro rata on their allotments of space and
valuations of goods at Manila, and they may carry it back in products
and commodities of Nueva España, but not in money; if the returns
fall short of the above sum, the deficiency shall not be made up,
the royal officials being strictly forbidden to allow any infraction
of this rule. Citizens of Nueva España are prohibited under heavy
penalties from participating in this trade as shippers, of either
goods or money. The measures used in regulating the size of packages
shall be those which the Manila shippers have been accustomed to use,
allowance having been made for the difference between these and the
Castilian standards, as decreed in 1702 and 1733. The committee of
distribution at Manila shall be composed of the following persons:
the governor of the islands; the senior auditor of the Audiencia,
or, as his substitute, the auditor next longest in service; the
royal fiscal; the archbishop of Manila, or, as his substitute, the
dean of the cathedral; one of the alcaldes-in-ordinary, and one of
the regidors, of the city of Manila; and one of the eight arbitrators
[compromissarios] who compose the commercial body [11] there--provided
that the regidor and the arbitrator be chosen in turn, so that this
duty shall fall, successively, on all the members of those respective
bodies. Despatches to this effect were sent to the officials of Mexico,
Acapulco and Filipinas. (The compiler of the Extracto thinks it worth
while to call attention to the opinion of the royal fiscal of Mexico,
given upon reading this decree, that it was "a just one, and generally
advantageous to both commerces.")]

[At this point (fol. 214 verso-264) is inserted the Memorial
informatorio presented to the Council of the Indias in 1637 by Juan
Grau y Monfalcón, procurator-general for the Philippine Islands at
the court of Madrid; we have already published this document, in our
VOL. XXVII, pp. 53-212. Abreu says that he places it here (as "an
appendix to Period ii") simply because he did not find it until after
the fortieth sheet of the Extracto had been printed; and he speaks
of it as "treating of the subjects of that undiscovered memorial"
of 136 numbers which was cited in "Period ii" of the Extracto (see
our VOL. XXX, p. 25)--"plainly showing that whatever discussion of
this matter has occurred in these late years, and what will be said
in the future, in regard to the commerce of that region is new talk,
but not talk of a new thing [es decir con novedad, pero no decir
cosa nueva]." For "Periods i and ii" of the Extracto, which, with
Monfalcón's memorial, should be read as a preliminary to the present
summary of that work, see our VOL. XXX, pp. 23-109. Cf. the earlier
memorial by Monfalcón (1635) in VOL. XXV, pp. 48-73.]




PERIOD X

    Relation is made of what occurred in regard to this commerce
    from November in 1734 until the present month of May in 1736,
    with occasion of the petition made by the consulate and commerce
    of Andalucia, proposing to surrender to that of Manila the traffic
    and transportation of all the cinnamon, pepper, and cloves which
    the kingdom of Nueva España can consume; and that Manila may
    ship the chintzes (of fine, middling, and ordinary qualities),
    and the silk, raw and spun [beneficiada], if these are separated
    from the commerce in the silken fabrics and ribbons of China.


215-221. [It was supposed that the foregoing decree had settled the
question of the Manila-Acapulco trade "for many years;" but on
November 27, 1735, the king sent to his Council a memorial by Don
Joseph Lopez Pintado, consul and deputy of the commerce of Cadiz,
and an informatory report which had been made on that subject
by the lieutenant-general of marine, Don Manuel Lopez Pintado;
on these papers the king asked for the advice and opinions of the
Council. The memorial of Cadiz states the two main points of the
controversy: the first is, whether or not the commerce of España
is injured by the inclusion of the Chinese silks and ribbons in
the cargo of the Manila galleon. Cadiz has long claimed that this
was so, while Manila answered that that trade was necessary for
the maintenance of the islands, "and for the propagation of the
holy gospel in them"--which argument, Cadiz says, "has always been
the Achilles to oppose the just representations of the commerce of
España." The second point is whether, if the silks are prohibited
to Manila traders, any goods of equal value remain to them by
which they can secure the returns which they claim to need. The
first point is stated as in previous remonstrances, that the
Manila trade in Chinese silks has ruined both the sale and the
manufacture of Spanish silks, especially since the execution of
the decree of 1724; the latter goods can now find no market in
America, for the Chinese silks have made their way not only into
Nueva España but into Peru, the colonies on the northern coast
of South America, and all the Windward Islands, "nor can their
importation be checked by all the efforts and vigilance of the
officials." Manila has probably abused the royal liberality and
has transgressed the limits of its permission; for the deputies
and appraisers there have valued the goods so low at Manila that
at Acapulco they obtain for them three or four times the amount
permitted to them by royal decree--for confirmation of which
statement is cited the report made by order of the viceroy of
Mexico, on August 23, 1731, by Don Francisco de Fagoaga, one
of the leading merchants of Mexico, who was a witness of this
infraction of law. It is these abuses of the Manila permission
which aroused the viceroy to issue the orders of 1732, hoping to
check the illegal excess therein. Cadiz now offers to surrender
to Manila "forever the traffic and transportation of all the
cinnamon, pepper, and cloves which the kingdom of Nueva España can
consume," as also all the trade in chintzes of various qualities,
and in silk raw and spun; in these Manila ought to find sufficient
compensation for giving up the silks, but, even if it does not,
its losses cannot compare with those of España from the permission
given to Manila to trade in those goods, and the interests of
the former ought to be preferred. General Pintado's informatory
report makes a bitter complaint of the frauds and infringements in
the Manila permission to trade. [12] He states that in the first
galleon sent to Acapulco under the regulation of 1726 (which
entered Acapulco in the year 1729) [13] goods were confiscated
by order of the viceroy to the following amount: 285 bales, 49
bags of cinnamon containing 7,105 libras, more than a thousand
arrobas of wax, nineteen chests of silk fabrics, and many other
goods. In the second galleon (that of 1730) were confiscated
319 bales, and 694 piezas of various bulky goods--cinnamon, wax,
pepper, storax, and porcelain. Cadiz claims that at first (about
1690) the Chinese goods carried to Nueva España were in so small
quantity and so inferior quality "that no one valued such goods;
nor did these injure the commerce of España or its manufactures,
until, two ships of Philipinas having been wrecked, that same
viceroy [Conde de Galvez], as a measure of precaution, despatched
General Don Andrés de Arriola with a patache to ascertain the cause
for the delay in the arrival of those ships; and, that commander
having returned to Acapulco in the following year, 1692, with this
occasion the citizens of Mexico promoted the plan of furnishing
capital for another new ship. Various citizens of Mexico, and
others from Perù, went thither, and, carrying specimens of our
[Spanish] fabrics, started the establishment [of factories] in
Pequin, Cantòn, and China; [they also set the Chinese to work]
to make these goods of finer quality, and to manufacture fabrics
like those specimens, and of the same quality. Both qualities
were introduced [into Nueva España] by that ship and by those
which regularly followed it, in proportion to the amount that they
found to be consumed in Nueva España; and this was considerable,
on account of the fact that four years intervened between the
trading-fleet of Conde de Sanrrami and that of Don Ignacio de
Barrios, and seven years from that of the latter to the fleet
of Don Manuel de Velasco and its return to España. That was the
time when the traders of Philipinas reached the height of their
traffic in the silk fabrics; and, finding in those years that
there was no trading-fleet in Nueva España, they gathered in
the rich treasures against which the consulate and commerce of
Andalucia have with reason remonstrated." Pintado declares that
he has been an eyewitness of these things ever since 1692, and
that only during that time has Manila enjoyed this silk trade
which it now claims as belonging to it by free possession and
long usage. Cadiz has frequently protested against the injury thus
caused to the silk industry of España, but has not before exposed
the real condition of affairs; but, "even if the 300,000 pesos of
the permission which was granted and enjoyed up to the year 1728
inclusive had all been spent for goods of the silk made in China,
without [the galleon] carrying anything else, at the prices which
they were fairly worth in Manila, and even if twice as much were
furnished at these prices, how was that trade [of Manila] capable
of supplying [with those goods] Nueva España, the Windward Islands
[Islas de Barlobento], the new kingdom of Granada, Tierra-Firme,
and Perù, as we have seen for the last forty years, when, as
those who are intelligent [in these matters] understand, it is not
possible to do so even with two millions' worth of goods of the
said class?" Manila is accused of fraud, bad faith, and deceit
in the conduct of that trade and in misrepresenting it to the
government; and the royal officials, of collusion in the illegal
trade, and disobedience to the royal decrees which commanded that
the original invoices and sworn statements of goods should be sent
to the Council of the Indias. The only way to check this procedure
is to prohibit entirely to Manila the trade in Chinese silks; and
Cadiz offers to make up this lack by ceding to Manila the entire
spice trade in Nueva España. The following estimate, based on the
amount of spices carried thither by the trading-fleet, is made of
the value of this trade: Of cinnamon, that country needs 250,000
libras annually, which, estimated at eight silver reals a libra
(although it has been worth at Manila nine reals), would amount
to 250,000 pesos; 100,000 libras of pepper, at one silver real in
Manila, 12,500 pesos; 10,000 libras of cloves, at twelve reals,
15,000 pesos; in all, 277,500 pesos, which is somewhat more than
half of the amount of investment now allowed to Manila. "It is
certain that if only the merchants of Philipinas trade in these
commodities, they will advance the price more than 150 per cent,
obtaining their money in Acapulco." Besides the spices, they have
permission to trade in many other commodities which are generally
desirable for the trade with Nueva España, where the consumption of
these is great; and there is more than enough of these to fill out
the 500,000 pesos' worth of goods allowed them. The result of this
arrangement would be to revive the ruined silk industry of España
(and "experience makes it plain to us that there is no other fabric
than silk, of our own weaving, which can produce any profits"),
besides retaining within the domains of España the money which now
goes to heathens and infidels. "While the commerce of Philipinas
shall last, as it is now carried on, neither the conquests, nor
the reduction of the Indians, will proceed with the increase that
people confidently believe; but rather these will be diminished,"
because the Spaniards who have money care only for commerce and not
for the propagation of the faith. This is proved by their neglect
of the interests of the natives in Luzón; for "we do not see that
the Spaniards apply themselves to what is so much their obligation,
since they so loudly profess it; and consequently they will not
reëstablish the manufactures of cotton fabrics, which can very
well be done in those same islands--by which industry the natives
furnish this product, and others which are yielded there can
be more easily obtained; and in this case it would be money for
those citizens if they would apply themselves to this enterprise,
instead of the commerce which they have with the Chinese and other
infidels." These papers were, as usual, sent to the fiscal, whose
reply came before the Council on January 8, 1735. He disapproves
the proposals of Cadiz, since the prices of cinnamon and other
commodities are liable to fluctuation, and the amount of profit
for Manila would be uncertain and variable; cinnamon is a bulky
product, and the necessary amount could not be carried in the
galleon now assigned to the Manila trade; the merchants could not
be sure of a favorable sale at Acapulco, "which at the fairs is
secured by the diversity and abundance of commodities;" moreover,
the Dutch, from whom the cinnamon was bought, would raise its
price as soon as they should learn that the Spaniards of Filipinas
were the only ones to whom was permitted the shipment of spices to
America. If the Manila shippers failed to secure the full amount
for returns, the royal treasury would not receive as much from
customs duties as usual, and must therefore make up the resulting
deficiency in the situado sent to the islands. "It would also
follow that even if the merchants of España should religiously
observe the agreement which they propose, of not trading in
that merchandise, the illicit importations into that kingdom
[of Nueva España] would be attempted with even greater activity;
and as in that country there is so general a use of chocolate,
in the manufacture of which would be consumed the greater part
of the cinnamon, all that extensive kingdom would find itself
compelled to buy [cinnamon] at one port only, and through one
agency--being always exposed [to the danger] that in a year when
the Philipinas ship could not make the voyage (as has happened),
or encountered mishaps through accidents which might occur,
that country would experience the deprivation of this article
of sustenance, or at least a great scarcity in a commodity so
generally used, as is well known." The fiscal also reminds the
Council that the trade in spices may be shared with the Royal
Company of England, which is "authorized to trade, in its annual
ship, in the goods which it shall choose, in which it could include
the cinnamon, and through this agency introduce it into Mexico;
in this it would seriously injure the commerce of Manila during all
the time which remains for the fulfilment of this agreement, and would
be opposed to the freedom of his Majesty in proroguing it, or making
it anew with some other power. Such action could not be hindered by
the commerce of España, and as little by the Royal Company of Cadiz,
founded by his Majesty on March 29, 1733, which could introduce this
commodity into Mexico." The fiscal recommends that a junta be convened
in Mexico to discuss this subject, and give their opinions and advice
thereon to the Council; and that Manila and Cadiz be invited to send
representatives to this conference. On February 9 the Council agreed to
send to the deputies of Filipinas a copy of the Cadiz memorial, with a
statement of the arguments advanced by General Pintado (but suppressing
the name of the author), in order that they might answer it.]

223-224. [The Filipinas deputies made answer to this attack by Cadiz,
in a long memorial dated March 30, 1735. Manila claims to have enjoyed
the possession of the silk trade with China from the discovery of the
islands, and that these goods were never excluded from its trade with
Nueva España--to which country that trade was not confined until the
decrees of 1587-93--until 1720, when, at the instance of Andalusia,
a prohibition of the Chinese silks was made, although it lasted
only four years. The charges by Cadiz of frauds in the lading of
the Manila galleon have no foundation in fact; the cited statement
by Don Francisco Fagoaga does not appear among the documents on
the subject, and is "a fanciful supposition;" and the valuations
are made by appraisers appointed by the governor of Filipinas,
under their solemn oath to fulfil their duties faithfully and well,
while the royal fiscal acts as superintendent of both the valuations
and the lading. Manila's former assertions refuting in detail, and
with citations from the official records of Manila and Acapulco, the
accusations of infractions and excess of the permission, are repeated
here, as also the statements regarding the Mexican junta of 1732 and
the concessions made to the Company of Philipinas, formed among the
Cadiz shippers. The overstocking of the markets in Nueva España is
caused, not by the silk goods shipped from Manila, but by the enormous
quantities of cloth and stuffs (largely manufactured outside of España)
sent to that country by the Cadiz merchants; they have sent eighteen or
twenty ships [14] in each fleet, although formerly there were but ten
or twelve--"on account of which excess his Majesty has finally resolved
that only eight shall go in the next armada, without doubt because of
the great outcry regarding this by the commerce of Mexico." Moreover,
those same traders of Cadiz have secured the concession of fifty
toneladas of Chinese silks for each ship that they may send out, to
be sold in America; the little that is shipped from Manila ought not
to be considered in comparison with that traffic, and is intended,
besides, for the poorer classes, who cannot afford to buy the more
expensive fabrics. If the Western Indias have been inundated with
Chinese silks, it is caused not by the shipments from Manila, but by
the great trade in these goods which is carried on by the English and
Dutch, who have factories and warehouses in Jamayca and Curazau [i.e.,
Curaçao], which they supply from China and other Oriental countries
with fleets of more than forty ships, and trade those goods in the
American islands (as Cadiz is well aware). As for the offer of Cadiz
to yield to Manila all the trade in spices to Nueva España, that trade
has never been prohibited to Manila nor has it been the exclusive
privilege of Cadiz, so the offer amounts to nothing. Nor has Cadiz
any right to dictate to Nueva España its source of supply for spices,
since both the English and the Cadiz companies have the privilege of
trading there in these goods; moreover, large quantities of pepper
are produced in the Mexican districts of Chiapa and Tabasco; both
these causes tend to injure the sale of spices carried from Manila
thither. As these spices (except pepper, which has but little value
in any case) are monopolized by the Dutch, they are likely to refuse
to sell them to the Filipinas merchants (as has occurred frequently
before), because the Dutch need them for lading their own fleets; or
they will raise the prices, supposing that Filipinas must buy from
them. The cinnamon is so bulky (as it cannot be pressed) that much
space on the galleon is thus lost, as well as by the necessity of
carrying two-thirds more ballast than usual, because of the light
weight of the cinnamon; and the voyage of the Manila galleon is
incomparably longer, more difficult, and more perilous than that of
the Spanish ships to America. The amount of spices allotted to the
galleon by Pintado would fill all its available capacity, leaving no
room for any other goods; and it would be impossible for the shippers
to secure any profit from such a cargo--for which they could not find
a market in Nueva España, for lack of the other goods. Nor would it be
possible to dispose of more than half the amount of pepper and cloves
which Cadiz proposes for them, since that is enough to supply the
needs of that country. In any case, the profit on the spices will
be insufficient, if Manila is restricted to these goods, without
the silks, to produce the amount which those islands need for their
support. This is proved by tabulated statements of the prices, costs,
and returns on each one of the three kinds of spices concerned; these
we present here in somewhat condensed form. A churlo [15] of cinnamon,
of the measure which the commerce of Manila orders to be observed,
weighs 150 libras gross, but the net weight is twelve libras less,
after deducting the weight of the coverings and wrappings. The cost in
Manila is nine silver reals a libra; for the space which the churlo
occupies is usually paid forty pesos; for porterage, royal duties,
notary's fees, etc., 8 pesos. On the voyage it loses two per cent in
weight, so that but 135 libras remain for sale; it brings at Acapulco
eighteen reals a libra, amounting to 303 pesos, 6 reals. From this must
be deducted the following payments: royal duties, 32 pesos; unlading
at Acapulco, notary's fees, etc., 7 pesos, 2 reals; commission to
the agent for its sale, at five per cent, 15 pesos, 1 1/2 reals;
five per cent royal duties on shipment of the returns to Manila,
12 pesos, 3 reals; two and 1/2 per cent on the net returns, paid to
the keeper of the silver, 5 pesos, 6 1/2 reals. From these figures
it appears that it costs 203 pesos, 2 reals to place the churlo of
cinnamon on shipboard at Manila, and 72 pesos, 5 reals to sell it and
return the money to the shipper there; deducting these expenses from
the amount received for its sale, the profit of the shipper is but
27 pesos, 7 reals, or about 13 1/2 per cent. Pepper: 100,000 libras
of this product make 4,000 arrobas; this quantity (since each pieza
is estimated at six arrobas or 150 libras, without the wrappers)
makes 666 piezas. Pepper is sold at Manila at one real a libra,
so that the pieza costs for purchase 18 pesos, 6 reals; it costs 43
pesos more to place it on the ship, and 18 pesos, 7 reals besides for
expenses of sale and shipment of returns--in all, 80 pesos, 5 reals. At
Acapulco it would sell at four reals a libra, the pieza, therefore,
bringing 75 pesos; the shipper, then, instead of gaining any profit
has lost 5 pesos 5 reals by the transaction. Cloves: These are packed
in chests containing 150 libras each; the purchase at Manila costs
twelve reals a libra, so the chest costs 225 pesos. Add to this
the cost of placing it aboard, duties, cost of unlading and sale
at Acapulco, and for the shipment of returns, 146 pesos, 7 reals,
and the total cost is 371 pesos, 7 reals. The cloves shrink on the
voyage, involving a wastage of three per cent; at Acapulco they sell
at three pesos a libra, and the 145 1/2 libras thus bring 436 pesos,
4 reals--the net profit to the shipper being 64 pesos, 5 reals, or
about 24 per cent. The prices quoted above are based on those which
have been current in Manila and Acapulco for the past five years. It
is evident, therefore, that the spice trade could not compensate in
any way for the loss of that in silks; nor has Cadiz made allowance
for the possible failure of a galleon to reach Acapulco, which would
ruin the market for the one which should arrive in the following year,
since the spices thus lacking would be supplied through the Atlantic
ports of Nueva España. The customs duties would be much less on a cargo
of spices, and thus impair the royal revenues; for each chest of silk
pays 55 pesos for duties, and each bag of cinnamon only 35. The incomes
of the Spaniards in Filipinas would be so reduced that they could no
longer defend the islands from the Moro pirates, or from the Dutch,
who would thus become masters of them; and the Spanish colony and
the Christian churches formed among the natives would alike be ruined.]

225-233. [This memorial from the Philipinas deputies was communicated
to the deputy from the commercial interests of España, Joseph Lopez
Pintado, on March 31, 1735; and on the first of June following
he presented another in reply, accompanied by various illustrative
documents. The former arguments are repeated, but various interesting
data are adduced in their support. Pintado states that the looms
for making silk fabrics in España numbered more than 70,000 in
the days when that industry flourished there. Nueva España was
forbidden to cultivate the vine and the olive, in order to protect
those industries in España. The commerce of Manila in Chinese silks
has ruined the silk manufacture not only in España but in Mexico,
where formerly was worked up the raw silk carried by the Manila
galleon. Cadiz claims that the decree of April 8, 1734, was obtained
on the strength of the representations made by the Manila deputies,
without giving Cadiz any opportunity for remonstrance; Abreu furnishes
at this point a marginal note to explain this, saying that the king
asked the Council of the Indias to report on the matter as quickly
as possible, and that the action which he wished to take brought the
question back to the status which it had on previous occasions of
this sort, when the commerce of Andalusia had had a full hearing;
they had therefore considered it unnecessary to hear its arguments
again. The enactments of 1593 are cited to show that not until then was
the commerce of Manila restricted, and that because it was injuring
that of España; but this and succeeding laws show that it was the
royal intention to allow Manila sufficient trade to provide for its
needs and support. Moreover, after the islands were conquered a large
territory was allotted to Manila (as to other Spanish colonies) for its
support; and in its early history these lands produced abundantly for
the maintenance of the inhabitants. Besides these, the cotton fabrics
made by the natives were more than enough to supply the islands, and
became the basis of the exchange and barter trade with China. Manila
ought to return to these industries for its support, and has no right
to expect that it be supported without them. All the realms of España
are under obligation to support the crown; but Manila asks the crown to
support it, at the expense of great injury to the interests of España
itself. The citizens of Manila have yielded to idleness and sloth,
and have allowed the idolatrous Sangleys to monopolize and manage the
industries and even the commerce of the islands. Some of the mestizos
had erected looms for the manufacture of the finer kinds of cotton
fabrics, but the Sangleys succeeded in breaking up this enterprise. A
section of the memorial is devoted to proving that the permission to
Manila to trade in Chinese silks has not been and is not of use for the
increase and propagation of the Catholic faith in those regions, which
has flourished without Manila and its commerce; on the other hand, the
success and profits of that commerce have been caused largely by the
work of the missionaries, especially in China. As for the Chinese who
are converted at Manila (drawn thither by the opportunity for trade),
they usually become Christians for selfish and worldly ends, and
soon relapse into their former heathenism. They even have a proverb:
"In Manila, [do] as in Manila; in China, [do] as in China." Their
infidelity and atheism have a bad influence on the Indian converts,
who learn many evil things from the Chinese, as also do the converts
in China itself; and the citizens of Manila are reproached for their
familiar relations with those infidels. They have also allowed the
Chinese to get control of affairs and commerce in Manila, and the
latter are living on their blood. In España, both canon and civil law
prohibit intercourse with Mahometans and idolaters, and it is not long
since the Moriscos were expelled from that country--notwithstanding
"the great products of their industry, the tributes which they paid
into the royal treasury, the commerce of the province [of Andalusia]
which through them was greater than that of the other realms, and even
(which is more important) their being the sheep [of the Church], which
Manila says ought to be sought out and preserved; for, as it had been
found impossible to secure the purity of religion by the means which
the law set forth, it was necessary, in view of the duty of preserving
and maintaining the holy Catholic faith in the kingdom in quiet,
peace, and security, to expel and cast out those people. Accordingly,
in order to preserve the faith in Philipinas, which is a matter that
should receive careful attention, the prohibition of their commerce
[with the Chinese] is necessary, which is of even less estimation
than that of those expelled Moriscoes." In another section, Cadiz
reminds the king that in the compilation of the statutes of the realm
provision is made that no decree or ordinance which is contrary to law
and right, or which is injurious to certain regions, shall have force;
and this should apply to the decree of 1734 permitting to Manila the
commerce in silks, since that has deprived the Spanish traders of
their rights and privileges in the results of their commerce, and has
ruined the silk industry in that country. Thus is greatly injured the
prosperity of the provinces in which it was exercised; and this reacts
on the entire kingdom of España, reducing so many artisans to poverty,
causing them to abandon their families or their native places, and
bringing many to idleness and crime. Cadiz again alleges the frauds
in the Manila commerce, declaring that the goods sent to Acapulco are
appraised at less than the fourth of their current value in Manila, and
are sold at 100 per cent advance on that actual value; and that these
illegal acts are promoted by the merchants of Mexico, in collusion
with those of Manila--all of which may be proved by the documents
in the archives of the Council of the Indias. This trade of Manila
in silks from China enriches a small class of wealthy merchants (in
both Manila and Mexico), the only ones who have the wealth to engage
in and profit by it--and this at the expense of the poor and those who
have but moderate funds, by absorbing the opportunities and profits in
which the latter ought by right to have a share. The Chinese goods,
moreover, are of poor and flimsy quality, and last only one-fourth
to one-half the time that the Spanish fabrics do. Cadiz supports its
arguments by many citations from the laws of the realm; among these
are prohibitions against exporting the products or commodities of
one province or city to another--as, no salt, wine, must, or vinegar
might enter Castilla from Aragón or Navarra; and the silk of Calabria
and Napoles must not be imported into the cities of Segovia, Zamora,
Salamanca, Cordova, and Cuenca--although all these were parts of the
Spanish empire. In line with these is the desired prohibition of the
silk trade to Manila, especially since that trade is so injurious to
the commerce and industry of the mother-country. In that case Manila
should have (by another law cited) an equivalent benefit; and Cadiz has
already proposed this, in the spice trade--to which it has a right,
but is willing to cede it to Manila. The arguments brought forward
by Manila as to the consumption of spice in Nueva España, the bulky
character of that merchandise, the costs of transportation and sale,
duties, etc., are met by Cadiz with others to refute or weaken the
former. The Manila galleon brought to Acapulco in 1729 cinnamon
to the amount of 99,233 libras, and in the following year 167,100
libras. The fleets from España carried thither the following cargoes
of that spice: In 1723, 105,201 libras; in 1725, 143,629 libras;
in 1729, 225,012 libras; in 1732, 182,163 libras. Add to this the
amounts which the Manila galleons transport; those which are carried
in pack-cloth bales [arpillería] (subject to palméo [16]), in order
to gain the benefit of the [reduced?] freight charges; and, besides,
those which the licensed ship from Inglaterra conveys (of which no
definite calculation can be made): it is morally certain that the
annual consumption of Nueva España will amount to and even exceed
the 250,000 libras. Even if it should fall below that, there are
other facts to be considered. It is true that "when the traders from
España, England, and Filipinas all come at the same time--that is,
in the month of March, when the fairs are held (for the first two
nations, at Xalapa; and for the last, at Acapulco)--the price is
usually broken to 18 reals of silver a libra, as the deputies state;
but they omit what is more worthy of consideration. This is, that in
the intermediate years between the trading-fleets, and according to
the circumstances of the times, the price of this commodity rises
to so excessive a degree that, from the year 1706 to that of 1709,
on account of the wars in Europa and the failure of fleets to go
to Nueva España, a libra of cinnamon was maintained at twelve to
thirteen pesos, this great profit being secured by the ships from
Philipinas, which came in those years to Acapulco. And from the year
1725 to that of 1730 (at which time the petitioner [i.e., Pintado]
was in Mexico) I knew from experience that in the ship which came in
the year 1728 the Philipinos sold the cinnamon at five pesos a libra;
and those who did not return in the galleon, and conveyed to Mexico
some quantities of the cinnamon, succeeded in selling it at eight
to nine pesos. In the year 1729, it was disposed of in Acapulco at
thirty silver reals [or 3 3/4 pesos]. This is what occurs, and always
will occur, on the aforesaid occasions of interval [between fleets],
and, too, [it occurred] when the trade was carried on by both parties
(which is what deprives commodities of value, through being handled by
many persons); the exclusive control [of this spice], then, remaining
in the [hands of the] Philipinos, from their being the only ones who
transport it, the reputation and value which they can give it, and
the lucrative profits which (without contest) they will obtain, are
not doubtful." The objections raised by Manila in regard to expected
competition are not well founded: the Company of Philipinas is in an
inactive condition, and its directors have apparently abandoned their
scheme, but in any case Cadiz would feel responsible for not allowing
that company to injure Manila's spice trade; and, as for the English
ship, the king can persuade or prevent its owners from including
spices in their cargoes. The prices of spice charged to Manila by the
Dutch are much more likely to fall than to rise, when Manila has the
exclusive control of that trade. Cadiz asserts that the costs of trade
enumerated by Manila are too large, and modifies them thus: Cinnamon
(of which, as in all other commodities, there are three grades--poor,
medium, and excellent) ought to cost but 8 reals at Manila. The duties
paid there, on the basis of 44 ducados (of 11 reals each) a tonelada,
should be only 13 pesos a churlo, according to its measurement in
palmos; and the other expenses of placing it on board amount to 3
pesos--so that it costs only 154 pesos a sack to convey the cinnamon
to Acapulco, instead of 203, as Manila claims. The profit, therefore,
amounts to 77 pesos, 1 real, which is equal to 50 per cent, instead of
13. In the same way Cadiz reckons the gain on pepper at 96 per cent,
and on cloves at 43 per cent, against Manila's estimate of a loss on
pepper and a gain of 24 per cent on cloves. It must be noted, too,
that Manila is not satisfied with less than 100 per cent gain, while
the Spanish traders are hardly able to make good the principal cost of
their wares. The amount of ballast required for a light cargo is also
overstated; this matter has been duly investigated by the officials of
the India House at Cadiz, and it appears that the maximum amount of
ballast for a ship of 1,000 toneladas, of the usual construction and
of American timbers, is 333 toneladas for a cargo of light goods (such
as cinnamon and bales of cloth). The Philipinas ship carries stone for
ballast; the 333 toneladas of this, each weighing twenty quintals,
are equivalent (by cubic measure) to 117 toneladas of the vessel's
lading-space or capacity, which leaves 883 toneladas of space in the
hold for the cargo. To augment the above amount of ballast would too
greatly reduce the cargo, and even the necessary supplies for the
voyage. Cadiz criticises the construction of the Manila galleons,
especially as they are evidently built so as to carry a larger cargo
than that which is allowed by the permission--as is confirmed by the
large amounts of property that have been confiscated at Acapulco. The
"elephant" lienzos may be estimated to fill 800 bales, each containing
20 piezas, and each pieza being valued at 3 pesos; and the cotton
stuffs and raw silk, etc., 1,512 bales, each worth at least 125
pesos. These cotton stuffs, when fine, are handsome, and find a large
demand and sale in Nueva España; moreover, the raw silk imported into
that country is worked up in Mexico, and is an important article of
commerce. When the importation of Chinese silks is prohibited there,
"the manufactories which had begun to be established in Mexico will
be protected; in these many persons were occupied, and were supported
by working floss and twisted silk into fringes [galon], and into the
fabrics which were used in Mexico, produced by those factories." The
"elephant" stuffs, "being equivalent to Rouen linen, and conveniently
supplied, are purchased in Nueva España not only to be used as white
goods, but they are dyed for linings and other purposes." The extent of
their consumption is shown by the quantities of them that the Manila
galleon brings to Nueva España: 3,117 bales in 1729, and 2,432 in
1730; but even these large importations did not overstock the market
there. The customs duties are not diminished, as Manila claims, by
the prohibition of Chinese silks; the cargo proposed by Cadiz would
yield the regular amount of these duties, amounting to 17 per cent of
the returns, as follows: on 168 sacks of cinnamon, at 32 pesos, they
amount to 54,016 pesos; on 2,312 bales of cotton stuffs, etc., at 30
pesos each, 69,360 pesos; the five per cent exacted on the shipment
of the silver for returns, figured only on a return of 900,000 pesos,
45,000 pesos. This leaves a balance of only 1,624 pesos to be levied
on the wax, pepper, and other miscellaneous wares of the cargo, to
fill out the 17 per cent demanded by the crown. Manila has omitted to
include any estimate of the import duties which would be collected in
that city on the cinnamon which Cadiz desires it to handle; these would
certainly indemnify Manila for the losses incurred by the lack of the
Chinese silks. Among the papers accompanying this memorial are official
certificates of the amounts of spice carried to Nueva España by the
trading-fleets from Cadiz during 1723-32; the quantity of cinnamon
in each has been already mentioned, cloves were not included in any
of their cargoes, and pepper diminished from 54,804 libras in 1723
to none in 1732. Another document is the report of an investigation
made at Cadiz as to the measures of bales and chests and of the
churlo in which the cinnamon is transported; this last was found to
measure 30 cubic palmos outside the vessel's hold, but 38 palmos when
within it. Arquéo is defined as "the computation or estimate which is
made of the bulk of the lading which the ship contains in its hold;
this burden was measured by toneladas, each one of which contained 8
cubic codos, and each codo consisted of 33 dedos of the 48 into which
the Castilian vara (which is commonly called 'the vara of measure')
was divided. The tonelada, having as its [cubic] root two codos,
or 66 dedos, contains 287,496 cubic dedos; dividing this number by
1,728, the number of cubic dedos in a cubic palmo, or quarter of a
vara, each tonelada of arquéo is equivalent to 166 3/8 cubic palmos;
from this it is deduced that if the ship is one of 1,000 toneladas,
it will contain 166,375 cubic palmos, and in the same ratio for any
other tonnage. As for the regulation of the spaces between decks
[entrepuentes] by the capacity of their storerooms, no general rule
could be given, on account of the great irregularity which was observed
in them; for this matter was at the discretion of the shipbuilders,
and according to the object for which the vessel was built."]

237-241. [This memorial having been sent to the fiscal, he replied
(November 10, 1735) that the proposal of Cadiz was not a fair one; for
the purchase of 250,000 libras of cinnamon, and the costs of placing
that amount in the Acapulco market, would amount, even at Cadiz's own
figures, to an investment of 277,008 pesos, and at Manila's to 331,024
pesos, while Cadiz had assumed but 250,000 as the amount to be put
into cinnamon by Manila. The result would be that Manila either would
not transport all that quantity to Nueva España, or would lose part of
the profit on its shipment. The profits at Acapulco are not sufficient,
on either class of commodities proposed by Cadiz, to yield the amount
which is permitted to Manila as returns on its shipments. The spices
can never be an equivalent (as Cadiz would claim) for the Chinese
silks; for a tonelada of cinnamon, which space is occupied with
only 600 libras, is worth at Manila 600 pesos, and a tonelada of
silk goods is worth 4,000 pesos, if not more. The amount of cinnamon
proposed by Cadiz would occupy 416 2/3 toneladas, and the ballast (on
a galleon of 900 toneladas) 300 more; this would leave for the cotton
stuffs, etc. (all of which are bulky goods) only 183 1/3 toneladas,
with which it would be impossible to complete the 250,000 pesos of
investment allowed to Manila. But when they are allowed to carry
Chinese silks, these are contained in 500 piezas, which occupy but 62
1/2 toneladas, each tonelada worth 4,000 pesos; and there remain to
the shippers 3,500 piezas for the cheaper and bulky goods. The fiscal
declares that even if the spices were an equivalent in value for the
silk trade, the proposed commerce in them would be injurious to all
parties concerned. "The losses to the royal exchequer would consist
in the less value of the duties which the 250,000 libras of cinnamon
would contribute [to it] in España than in Acapulco. For in that port
they would amount, as the fiscal has been informed, to 21,944 pesos;
and in Cadiz the import duties alone for the millon and alcavala
pay 34 pesos a quintal of 100 libras, and, with those of export for
the Indias (which, according to plan, are 20 pesos a quintal), would
amount to 160,000 pesos. To this sum ought to be added at least 50
per cent for the greater value of money in Cadiz, where his Majesty
will receive it [for the duties] immediately, than in the Indias; and
with all these the royal exchequer will be defrauded to the extent of
218,056 pesos." The price of cinnamon will rise, when only the amount
actually needed is sold; and this will be a burden on the general
public. If the spice trade be limited to the Philippine merchants,
there is nothing to hinder those of Mexico from "cornering" the market,
and selling such quantities only as they please, at enormous prices;
moreover, the failure of the annual shipment from Manila (which is
possible in any year) would cause great scarcity of this product
throughout the great kingdom of Nueva España, and this would be a
serious injury to its citizens--"especially in an article [like this],
for the lack of which there is no equivalent which can make it good;
nor is its expenditure limited by the variety of uses [to which it
can be put], or by the frequent inconstancy of fashions, like other
merchandise, but depends on a certain and assured consumption." This
compulsory spice trade would injure Manila itself not only for the
reasons already cited, but because it is possible that the Dutch
would refuse to sell the cinnamon to the Philippine shippers; and
then, with the Chinese silks cut off from them, they would find it
impossible to continue their commerce with Nueva España. In any case,
the Dutch would have it in their power to demand whatever price they
might choose to place on their commodities; and the interruption of
that traffic for two or three years would not hurt the Dutch, for
they could sell it to European traders and be sure of their profits;
but the injurious effects of such proceeding would react on the Manila
merchants, the people of Nueva España, and the income of the Spanish
treasury. If at any time cinnamon should bring in Nueva España the
enormous prices which Cadiz has previously quoted, that would not
help Manila, since its returns are limited to 1,000,000 pesos; the
unusual profits would only benefit the Mexican traders who had bought
the spice by wholesale at Acapulco. The assertion of Cadiz that the
Manila merchants gain on the cinnamon 150 per cent at Acapulco does
not count, for it entirely ignores the costs and expenses which,
as has been demonstrated, reduce their net gain to 50 per cent. For
all these reasons, the fiscal declines to approve the proposals of
Cadiz. In view of this reply, the Council agreed (November 16) to
call for a summary view of the whole question, with all the documents
concerned. At this point, information was received from Cadiz that
the fleet which had just arrived had brought a sack of cinnamon as
a specimen of that which was produced in the Philippine Islands, and
that the quality of this surpassed that of the cinnamon brought from
the Dutch colonies. On January 21, 1736, the deputies from Filipinas
presented a new but brief memorial, refuting some arguments by Cadiz
in regard to the proposed substitution of the spice trade for that in
silks, and for this purpose citing a royal decree of 1638 in their
favor, which Cadiz had declared not to be in the Recopilación of
the laws, and proving, by duly attested declarations, that the said
decree existed in the Manila archives. At the end of these appears
a final paragraph by Abreu, the compiler of the Extracto: "All that
is thus far set forth is what up to the present time has been done
and appears in the Expediente of the important and long-standing
negotiation in regard to the commerce of Philipinas with Nueva España,
according to the acts, royal decrees, memorials, and other documents
furnished to us by the office of the secretary for Nueva España, in
order that this Summary [Extracto] might be drawn up and arranged, in
obedience to the order of the Council. The series of the proceedings
in regard to the 'Equivalent' [17] (which this 'Period x' comprises)
remains, however, imperfect until they shall be concluded and ended
by the advisory report of the Council and the decision of the king;
but it seemed best not to wait for that, for the sake of facilitating,
by this Summary, the more exact understanding of the gentlemen who are
to express their opinions in regard to the 'Equivalent.' At Madrid,
May 11, 1736."]







BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA


The matter in the present volume comes from many widely different
sources. They are as follows:

1. Commerce of the Philippines.--See bibliographical data of VOL. XLIV,
no. 6.

2. Letter from ecclesiastical cabildo.--MS. from Archivo general
de Indias, Sevilla, bearing pressmark, "Simancas-Eclesiastico;
Audiencia de Filipinas; Cartas y espedientes del cabildo eclesiastico
de Filipinas vistos en el consejo, años 1586 á 1670; estante 68,
cajón I, legajo 35."

3. The College of San José.--I, from Colin's Labor evangelica (Madrid,
1663), book iii, part of chapter xviii, pp. 414-418; from a copy
of the original work belonging to Edward E. Ayer. II, compiled from
various sources, fully credited in footnotes.

4. The college and university of Santo Tomás.--I, from Baltasar
de Santa Cruz's Historia (Zaragoza, 1693), book i, chapter xxxvi,
pp. 168-172; from a copy of the original work belonging to Edward
E. Ayer. II, from Algunos documentos relativos á la universidad de
Manila (Madrid, 1892), pp. 35-37. III, from Census of the Philippines
(Washington, 1905), iii, pp. 622-626.

5. Royal college of San Felipe de Austria.--I, from Casimiro Diaz's
Conquistas (Valladolid, 1890), book ii, portion of chapter xxxv,
pp. 446, 447. II, from notes of Pablo Pastells, S.J., in his edition of
Colin's Labor evangélica (Barcelona, 1904), ii, pp. 261-268, 493, 494.

6. Secular priests in the Philippines.--From Ventura del Arco
MSS. (Ayer library), iii, pp. 9, 10.

7. Royal decree concerning native schools.--From Vicente Barrantes's
Instrucción primaria (Madrid, 1869), pp. 74-76; from copy belonging
to the Library of Congress.

8. College-seminary of San Felipe.--I, from MS. in Archivo-histórico
Nacional, Madrid, where it is found in legajo 10 of the Jesuit
papers. II, from Juan de la Concepción's Historia general (Sampaloc,
1788-1792), viii, parts of chapters xiii and xiv, pp. 315-338; from
a copy of the original work in the possession of the Editors.

9. College of San Juan de Letran.--From Vicente Salazar's Historia
(Manila, 1742), book i, chapter ii, pp. 7-12; from a copy belonging
to Edward E. Ayer.

10. Law regulating marriages of students.--From Colección de autos
acordados (Manila, 1861-1866), i, pp. 149, 150; from a copy belonging
to Edward E. Ayer.

11. Royal decree ordering the teaching of Spanish in native
schools.--From Barrantes's Instrucción primaria, pp. 80-82.

12. Conciliar seminaries.--I, from Colección de autos acordados,
v, pp. 15-17. II, from Archipiélago filipino (Washington, 1900), i,
pp. 343, 344; and Doctrina y reglas constitucionales de la iglesia
filipina independiente (Manila, 1904), pp. 14, 15, 42, 43, and 67, 68.

13. Nautical school.--I, from Colección de autos acordados, i, pp. 318,
319. II, from Archipiélago filipino, i, p. 349; and Census of Phil.,
iii, p. 613.

14. Boys' singing school.--From Archipiélago filipino, i, pp. 349, 350.

15. Public instruction.--From Sinibaldo de Mas's Informe (Madrid,
1843), ii, no. 12.

16. Educational institutions and conditions.--From J. Mallat's Les
Philippines (Paris, 1846), ii, pp. 239-253; from copy belonging to
Edward E. Ayer.

17. Privileges granted to students.--From Colección de autos acordados,
ii, pp. 128, 129.

18. Superior school of painting, sculpture, and engraving.--From
Archipiélago filipino, i, p. 349; and Census of Phil., iii, p. 614.

19. Ateneo municipal.--From Archipiélago filipino, i, p. 343; and
Census of Phil., iii, pp. 603, 604.

20. Educational suggestions.--From Vicente Barrantes's Apuntes
interesantes (Madrid, 1870), pp. 218-225; from a copy belonging to
Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

21. Public instruction.--From José Montero y Vidal's Archipiélago
filipino (Madrid, 1886), pp. 187-193.

22. Girls' schools in Manila and the provinces.--From Dominican report,
1887, copied from Census of Phil., iii, pp. 616-620.

23. School of agriculture.--From Reports of Philippine Commission
(Washington), 1900, i, p. 39, 1901, i, p. 145, 1900-1903, p. 601;
and Reports of Commissioner of Education (Washington), 1897-1898, i,
p. 980, 1899-1900, ii, pp. 1625, 1626, 1902, ii, pp. 2233, 2234.

24. Government reorganization of education in the university of Santo
Tomás.--From MS. belonging to Edward E. Ayer.







APPENDIX: EDUCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES


    Letter from the ecclesiastical cabildo to Felipe III. Juan de
    Bivero, and others; July 12, 1601.
    The college of San José. In two parts. I--Francisco Colin, S.J.;
    1663. II--Summary of history compiled from various sources.
    The college and university of Santo Tomás. In three
    parts. I--Baltasar de Santa Cruz, O.P.; 1693. II--Cárlos III,
    March 7, 1785. III--Evarista Fernandez Arias, O.P.; July 2, 1885.
    Royal college of San Felipe de Austria. In two parts. I--Casimiro
    Diaz, O.S.A.; Valladolid, 1890. II--Pastells's notes in his
    edition of Colin's Labor evangélica; 1904.
    Secular priests in the Philippines. Felipe Pardo, O.P.; June
    6, 1680.
    Royal decree concerning native schools. Cárlos II; June 20, 1686.
    College-seminary of San Felipe. In two parts. I--Felipe V; March 3,
    1710. II--Juan de la Concepción; 1788-1792.
    College of San Juan de Letran. Vicente Salazar, O.P.; 1742.
    Law regulating marriages of students. Cárlos IV; June 11, 1792.
    Royal decree ordering the teaching of Spanish in native
    schools. Cárlos IV; December 22, 1792.
    Conciliar seminaries. In two parts. I--Governor Rafael María
    de Aguilar y Ponce de Leon; March 26, 1803. II--Excerpts from
    various sources.
    Nautical school. In two parts. I-- ---- Chacon; May 9,
    1839. II--Compiled from various sources.
    Boys' singing school. 1901.
    Public instruction. Sinibaldo de Mas; 1843.
    Educational institutions and conditions. J. Mallat; 1846.
    Privileges granted to students. ---- Arrazola; December 2, 1847.
    Superior school of painting, sculpture, and engraving. Compiled
    from various sources.
    Ateneo municipal. Compiled from various sources.
    Educational suggestions. Vicente Barrantes; 1870.
    Public instruction. José Montero y Vidal; 1886.
    Girls' schools in Manila and the provinces. Compiled from various
    sources.
    School of agriculture. Compiled from various sources.
    Government reorganization of education in the university of Santo
    Tomás. Dr. E. Montero Rios, and others; October 29, 1890.


Sources: The material for this appendix is obtained as follows:
I. MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. II. I--Francisco Colin's
Labor evangelica (Madrid, 1663), book iii, part of chapter xviii,
pp. 414-418, from a copy belonging to Edward E. Ayer; II--compiled
from various sources, fully credited in footnotes. III. I--Baltasar
de Santa Cruz's Historia (Zaragoza, 1693), book i, chapter xxxvi,
pp. 168-172, from copy belonging to Edward E. Ayer; II--Algunos
documentos relativos á la universidad de Manila (Madrid, 1892),
pp. 35-37; III--Census of the Philippines (Washington, 1905), iii,
pp. 622-626. IV. I--Casimiro Diaz's Conquistas (Valladolid, 1890),
book ii, part of chapter xxxv, pp. 446, 447; II--Pablo Pastells's
notes to his edition of Colin's Labor evangélica (Barcelona, 1904),
ii, pp. pp. 261-268, 493, 494. V. Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library),
iii, pp. 9, 10. VI. Copy of decree published in Barrantes's Instrucción
primaria (Madrid, 1869), pp. 74-76, from copy belonging to the Library
of Congress. VII. I--MS. in Archivo-historico Nacional, Madrid;
II--Juan de la Concepción's Historia general (Sampaloc, 1788-1792),
viii, parts of chapters xiii and xiv, pp. 315-338, from a copy in the
possession of the Editors. VIII. Vicente Salazar's Historia (Manila,
1742), book i, chapter ii, pp. 7-12, from a copy belonging to Edward
E. Ayer. IX. Colección de autos acordados (Manila, 1861-1866), i,
pp. 149, 150, from a copy belonging to Edward E. Ayer. X. Barrantes's
Instrucción primaria, pp. 80-82. XI. I--Colección de autos acordados,
v, pp. 15-17; II--Archipiélago filipino (Washington, 1900), i,
pp. 343, 344, Census of Phil., iii, pp. 611, 612, and Doctrina y
reglas constitucionales de la iglesia filipina independiente (Manila,
1904), pp. 14, 15, 42, 43, and 67, 68. XII. I--Colección de autos
acordados, i, pp. 318, 319; II--Archipiélago filipino, i, p. 349,
and Census of Phil., iii, p. 613. XIII. Archipiélago filipino, i,
pp. 349, 350. XIV. Sinibaldo de Mas's Informe (Madrid, 1843), ii,
no. 12. XV. J. Mallat's Les Philippines (Paris, 1846), ii, pp. 239-253,
from a copy belonging to Edward E. Ayer. XVI. Colección de autos
acordados, ii, pp. 128, 129. XVII. Archipiélago filipino, i, p. 349,
and Census of Phil., iii, p. 614. XVIII. Archipiélago filipino,
i, p. 343, and Census of Phil., iii, pp. 603, 604. XIX. Vicente
Barrantes's Apuntes interesantes (Madrid, 1870), pp. 218-225, from a
copy belonging to Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A. XX. Montero y Vidal's
Archipiélago filipino (Madrid, 1886), pp. 187-193. XXI. Dominican
report, 1887, from Census of Phil., iii, pp. 616-620. XXII. Reports of
Philippine Commission, 1900, i, p. 39, 1901, i, p. 145, 1900-1903,
p. 601; and Reports of Commissioner of Education, 1897-1898,
i, p. 980, 1899-1900, ii, pp. 1625, 1626, 1902, ii, pp. 2233,
2234. XXIII. MS. belonging to Edward E. Ayer.

Translations and Compilations: These are all by James A. Robertson,
except No. V, above, which is by Emma Helen Blair.







LETTER FROM THE ECCLESIASTICAL CABILDO TO FELIPE III


Sire:

Considering that your Majesty's great desire has always shown that
these Filipinas Islands should increase in all things, and they may
without doubt increase greatly for the service of God and that of your
Majesty, if perchance your Majesty's ministers aid them by observing
the royal decrees (for no more would be necessary); understanding also
that some of those religious who come here would like to have your
Majesty grant them favor by giving them a university in these islands,
[18] and authority to confer the degrees of bachelor, licentiate,
and other degrees: we have considered that, the case having been well
examined, this is not fitting, either for the service of your Majesty,
or for the welfare and increase of this land. We believe that we shall
give very clear and very apparent reasons for this. For if a religious
order has the said university, never will the children and those
born in this country have any advantage, nor will they advance any in
letters. For, since it is a fact that virtue increases with reward,
which is the honor, if the religious hold all the professorships, the
seculars will have no incentive which encourages them to rise and to
study solidly. A professorship and the thought of being able to get one
makes many study. Second, it would be a great pity and even a great
cause of ruin for the country, if the children of its inhabitants
did not have anything more to which to aspire than a benefice of
Indians, or at most one single benefice which exists, of Spaniards,
in all this archbishopric, namely, this curacy of Manila, and four
or five others of Indians, which exist in all these islands. All
of those benefices will be given by the bishops to their servants
unless students are found here such that their conscience obliges
them to favor such students. If the professorships should be given
only to religious, no encouragement could be given to the children of
the citizens here to study earnestly, at the most more than a little
grammar. For that would be enough for them so that a benefice might be
given them. Third, it is necessary for the religious orders themselves
here, for the children of citizens to have the wherewithal with which
to be encouraged to study, and to pretend to honorable and great
things. For, by such people must the orders be fed and sustained. And
it is fitting that those who should take the habit in them should have
studied very well, and with honorable intention, and not that men of
little mind and learning should enter the orders. Fourth, it is right
that this metropolitan church of Manila and the other cathedrals of
these islands should have men truly erudite who may enter them and
hold their prebends. This is impossible to attain if all the seculars
who enter them must be only students, and only scholars, and no one
can be a master, or hold a professorship, and it is well known how
unadvisable that is. It is right and necessary for the mother churches
to have in their own body very eminent men, and no one is eminent
ordinarily but those who have taught and held professorships. Fifth,
the religious will be well able to teach theology and the arts, but
canons and laws, which, particularly the canons, are also necessary for
churches and for the community, cannot be taught by religious. And,
in fact, the custom of the Catholic church has always been to leave
in the universities, especially in those which are located in the
capitals of notable provinces, as is that of this country, the door
open to seculars and to religious, and to all, in order that they may
compete for the professorships. This custom has always been observed
by the Catholic sovereigns of Castilla, not only in Salamanca,
Valladolid, and Alcalá, and in the other parts of España, but also
in the Yndias. Considering these so forcible reasons, which are laid
at your Majesty's feet, we petition that your Majesty do not allow a
university to be conceded to a religious order, although any ask it,
and that the secular estate be not so abased in these islands that we
should be excluded from a thing which has always been so common and so
peculiar to the seculars in the Church. And if, for the present, your
Majesty should be pleased to commission some religious to lecture in
arts and theology, we know that there are religious in these islands
who are friends of sane doctrines, and hostile to all innovation,
and zealous for the honor of God, who will attend to this ministry
without it being necessary for them (nor do they wish it) to meddle
in giving degrees, but who only wish to be useful and to teach. If
your Majesty would be so pleased, we believe that it would be very
suitable for such persons to be appointed until there be more people
to study, and that you be informed by the archbishop of this city,
and should it appear fitting, by the governor together with him. Such
appointees should not necessarily be of one order merely, but from
those which the archbishop shall deem best, and your Majesty should
order that very learned persons, and those inclined to simple doctrines
be chosen. By so doing this will be fulfilled until such time that your
Majesty shows us the grace of placing this in greater perfection and in
such form that we seculars may have a place according to the merits of
each one. May God preserve your Majesty many years, as is petitioned
in this holy church ceaselessly. Manila, July twelve, one thousand
six hundred and one. The vassals and chaplains of your Majesty.


    Don Juan de Bivero, dean of Manila.
    Archdeacon Arellano
    Santiago de Castro, chanter of Manila.
    Juan de Paz, canon.
    Diego de Leon, canon.
    Juan Galindo de Mesas
    Cristoval Ramirez de Cartagena
    Paulo Ruiz de Talavera
    Crisanto de Tamayo
    Lorenço Martinez Peñas
    Francisco de Carrança


[On envelope: "Manila, to his Majesty. 1601. The ecclesiastical
cabildo. July 12."]

[Endorsed: "Read, July 2. Have it filed with the other papers."]







THE COLLEGE OF SAN JOSÉ


I

COLLEGE AND SEMINARY OF SAN JOSEPH

[The first part of this document is taken from the second half
of chapter xviii, of book iii, pp. 414-418, of Colin's Labor
evangélica.] [19]

353 [i.e., 153]. A few months after the foundation of the congregation,
[20] a beginning was given to the college and seminary of San Joseph,
which was not less desired by the principal citizens of Manila than
was the congregation. It had been discussed already before this, and
Governor Don Luis Perez Dasmariñas had enacted, on the fifteenth of
the month of August one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, an act
in regard to it, in obedience to and in execution of a royal decree
of one thousand five hundred and eighty-five, in which his Majesty
commands Doctor Santiago de Vera, his governor in these islands, or
the person in whose charge should be their government, to ascertain
in what manner a college and seminary, where the sons of the Spanish
inhabitants of these islands, under the care and management of the
fathers of the Society, can be instructed in virtue and letters,
may be instituted. Although the act was given out from that time by
the governor, at the advice of Doctor Don Antonio de Morga, lieutenant
general and assessor of the governor, on account of difficulties which
always exist in whatever depends on the royal treasury, that work
was suspended until the arrival of the father visitor, Diego Garcia,
[21] with his ardent desire of putting into execution all the means for
the service of God and the greater welfare of his neighbors. From the
mountains of Antipolo, where he was, he charged Father Pedro Chirino,
rector of the college of Manila, independently of the said act, to
treat with Governor Don Francisco Tello, the auditors of the royal
Audiencia (which had been reëstablished in these islands), and the two
cabildos (ecclesiastical and secular), in regard to this matter. [22]
The father found them all not only kind but desirous of its execution,
for some of them had sons or nephews without the necessary education,
for lack of the college.

154. Having seen the readiness and desire of all, the father
visitor ordered some houses near our college to be made ready for
that purpose. He appointed Father Luis Gomez [23] rector of the
future college, and ordered him to choose some picked students
as collegiates, and gowns and becas of the color now used to be
prepared. He ordered the necessary licenses of the ordinary and
of the secular government to be obtained; and that after they had
been obtained, a beginning should really be made to the college and
seminary with the fitting solemnity. It was to be named after San
Joseph, on account of the special devotion that he had for that holy
patriarch. The rector appointed exerted himself and, by virtue of his
efforts, obtained the licenses from Governor Don Francisco Tello,
and from the provisor judge and vicar-general of the archbishopric
which was then vacant. Both licenses were dated August twenty-five,
one thousand six hundred and one. Inasmuch as everything was now
ready, a day was appointed for the erection of said college in due
form. The governor and royal Audiencia, the provisor and vicar-general,
some capitulars, the secular cabildo, the orders, and many others of
the best people assembled in the chapel of the houses which had been
prepared for the habitation and dwelling of the collegiates. Gowns and
becas were given to Don Pedro de Tello, nephew of the governor; to Don
Antonio de Morga, son of the senior auditor of that name; and other
sons of the principal citizens up to the number of thirteen. Mass was
celebrated by the archdeacon of the cathedral, Don Francisco Gomez de
Arellano, who afterwards became dean. The new collegiates recited two
prayers, one in Latin and the other in Spanish verses, in which with
elegance, gravity, and in a pleasing manner, they declared the reason
for the undertaking and the end of the new foundation, and the profit
which could be promised to the community from it. They were received
with general applause. Then many persons went through the house, and
admired the neatness and fitness of the lodgings, beds, and desks,
and the good order in everything. The number of the collegiates soon
increased to twenty, which for a beginning and in a country so new
and which professes rather the military and mercantile life than that
of letters, was not to be esteemed lightly. After having made the
foundation in the said form, the father visitor came to visit the
new college, and with his presence, authority, and prudence, they
attained great prestige. He gave the collegiates rules, and a method
of living, proportionate to the profession of students. He made for
them and for the rector and masters the necessary statutes, so that
they might be kept in the future, as was done. By means of that in
a few years students were seen to graduate from this college very
advanced in letters and fit for offices and benefices; and others,
sensible and devout, who, touched by God, entered the religious life.

155. The support of the collegiates during that time was obtained by
themselves with a certain sum of money which each one of them gave, and
which, administered by the procurator of the college, was sufficient
for their sustenance and decent support. Some fixed income for the
support of the rector and teachers, and succor for some students
of quality and ability, who by the poverty of their parents could
not meet their expenses with the sum which was charged, was greatly
desired. Our Lord provided that by means of the Christian and noble
governor of Mindanao, Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa, who (as we have
remarked above) had already founded and endowed the principal college
of the Society in Manila. Being so favorable to the good work, he, when
making his will as he embarked in Oton for the conquest of Mindanao,
in which he named his daughters as his heirs, in case of their death
before they reached a competent age, made a pupillary substitution in
favor of this college and seminary. He ordered that in such an event,
the property of either one of his two daughters should pass to the
Society of Manila for the purpose of building a house, and founding a
college and seminary for the education of youth. That event happened,
for the younger of his two daughters named Doña Juana died at a very
tender age, being drowned with her uncle Andres Duarte, a "twenty-four"
of Xerez, in the wreck of the ship "San Antonio." Therefore, by
virtue of the clause of the will of the said governor, the college of
San Joseph inherited the possession which belonged to it. With that
property this college and seminary of San Joseph was instituted and
founded anew with public ecclesiastical and secular authority, on
February twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and ten, as appears
from the act of its foundation which reads as follows.

156. "In the city of Manila, February twenty-eight, one thousand
six hundred and ten, in the college of the Society of Jesus of this
said city, before the treasurer, Don Luis de Herrera Sandoval:
the provisor and vicar-general of this archbishopric, apostolic
commissary, subdelegate-general of the Holy Crusade in these islands,
Father Gregorio Lopez, provincial of the said college of the Society
of Jesus, made a presentation of the acts contained in the four
preliminary leaves of this book, signed by his name, and sealed with
the seal of his office. That signature appears to be that of said
father provincial. I, the present secretary, attest that I know him. He
also presented the original licenses of the cantor, Santiago de Castro,
former provisor and vicar-general of this archbishopric, and of Don
Francisco Tello, former governor and captain-general of these islands,
copies of which are inserted in these acts. Said licenses are for the
foundation of the said college of San Joseph of this city of Manila,
as is contained in them more minutely. I attest that I have seen said
original licenses and that they are conserved in the archives of the
said Society. One of them is countersigned by Geronimo de Alcaraz,
former notary-public of this archbishopric, and the other by Gaspar de
Acebo, former government secretary of these islands. The said father
provincial declared that by virtue of the clause of the will of Captain
Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa, deceased, which is contained in the
said acts, where he appears to be the patron of said college of San
Joseph, he appointed and presented as collegiates of said college,
Don Felipe de Figueroa, son of Don Lorenco de Figueroa and Doña Ana
de Salazar, his wife; Gabriel de Santillan, son of Captain Ventura de
Santillan and Doña Flora de Aguilar, his wife; and Gabriel Venegas,
son of Don Goncalo Flores and Doña Juana Bautista, his wife: all
inhabitants of this city, so that as such appointed collegiates they
might be supported by the said income of the said college, according
to the clause of its institution, as appears from the appointment
above, which was dated in this city on St. Bernard's day, August
twenty of the former year, one thousand six hundred. Although the
said appointment is valid, legal, and sufficient, as it was made by
the patron whom the said testator appoints, for greater validity he
declared that he again presented--and he did present--the said three
collegiates above named. And for greater solemnity of this act, as it
was the first, the said provisor and vicar-general begged that his
judicial authority be interposed and renewed, and that the license
of said Santiago de Castro, his predecessor, be confirmed. The said
provisor and vicar-general, having also read the said acts and original
licenses, declared that, so far as it concerns him, he approved--and he
did approve--the appointment made of the said Don Felipe de Figueroa,
Gabriel de Santillan, and Gabriel Venegas; and he declared that he
confirmed--and he did confirm--the said license of the said Santiago
de Castro, his predecessor, and said that he again gave it--and he
did give it--for the college founded with an income. For that effect,
for greater validity, the said father provincial, in the presence
of the said provisor and of me, the said secretary, delivered the
three said collegiates to Father Pedro de Velasco, appointed rector
of the said college. The latter received them as said collegiates of
said college, so that they might be supported by it. All the above
was done in my presence, and that of the witnesses who were present,
brothers Diego de Sarsuela, Juan de Larrea, and Martin de Lisarde of
the said Society; and the said father provincial, the said provisor;
and the said Father Pedro de Velasco affixed their signatures to it
before me, Pedro de Roxas, secretary and notary-public."

157. Before making this second institution of the college, account had
been given to his Majesty in his royal Council of the Indias, of the
legacy and bequest of Governor Estevan Rodriguez, and the possession
by the Society in Manila of the property of Doña Juana de Figueroa,
and permission was petitioned to bring from Mexico to Manila the money
belonging to the said bequest, since it had to serve for the foundation
of the college for the public welfare and profit of the islands. His
Majesty, considering himself as greatly served by it, had ordered his
royal decree despatched in accordance with this. In order that one may
see the esteem of the Council for that work, that decree faithfully
copied from its original will be placed here. It is as follows.

158. "The King. Don Luis de Velasco, my viceroy, governor, and
captain-general of Nueva-España, or the person or persons, in whose
charge may be the government of that country: On the part of Diego
Cordova, of the Society of Jesus, and its procurator of the Indias,
I have been informed that Governor Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa,
when he went to accomplish the conquest of the island of Mindanao in
the Filipinas, where his enemies killed him, made a will under whose
disposition he died, by which, desiring that the youth [of Filipinas]
be occupied in virtue, he ordered that if either of his daughters
should die while a minor, a college seminary should be founded in the
city of Manila with the portion of the inheritance which belonged
to such deceased girl, so that the sons of inhabitants of the said
islands might study therein; and he left as patron of it the provincial
of the Society of Jesus of those islands. Inasmuch as the younger
daughter has died while a minor, the possession of that inheritance
which fell to her was given to the said Society. Consequently, the
said college seminary is to be founded in the said city of Manila
with that inheritance. There is very great need of that college in
that city for study, and for the rearing of ministers of the holy
gospel. The property with which the said seminary is to be founded
is in that city of Mexico, where it is advisable that it be placed
at interest for its conservation and maintenance, inasmuch as there
is nothing in which to invest it in the said islands. He petitions
me that, in consideration of the great fruit which will be attained
in those islands from that foundation, and in consideration of the
many good services of said governor, I grant the concession of giving
the license so that the proceeds from the property which is in that
said city for the foundation and support of the said seminary, be
allowed to pass thence to the said islands freely, notwithstanding the
prohibition, with a sworn certification of the procurator of the said
Society of Jesus of the said islands, to the effect that what thus
passes is the gain or proceeds of the property of the said seminary,
as there is nothing in the islands in which the said money can be
invested as abovesaid. The members of my Council of the Assembly of
the Indias having examined it, and having considered the abovesaid,
I have considered it fitting to have this my decree issued. I command
you thereby that, in each one of two years you allow to pass from that
city to the said islands the sum which shall appear necessary to you
for the said effect from the said property, if it does not exceed
six hundred ducados; and that that sum be included in the quantity
which I have given permission to be sent from that kingdom to the
said Filipinas Islands, notwithstanding any order to the contrary,
which for this time and in regard to this matter I dispense with. The
said two years you shall send me a minutely detailed account of the
value of the said property, and the district where it is invested
and in what, and the amount of the proceeds thereof each year, and
what it is advisable to enact concerning the whole matter. That, with
your opinion you shall send to the said my Council of the Assembly,
so that after examining it the advisable measures may be taken. Given
in Valladolid, September thirteen, one thousand six hundred and eight.


I the King

"By command of the king our sovereign:

Juan Ruiz de Contreras"


159. After all this, it was necessary to have recourse the second
and third time to the royal Council of the Indias, in regard to the
collection of the remainder of the property of this foundation,
which was in the royal treasury of Manila. His Majesty, with the
appreciation and esteem which he always had for this work, protected
it with the kindness which he generally exercises toward all those
things which are for the service of God and the public welfare, and
ordered his royal decrees despatched to the governors, Don Juan de
Silva, May twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and fourteen, and Don
Alonso Faxardo, December three, one thousand six hundred and eighteen,
ordering the said sum to be paid for the purpose of the support of
the collegiates, as was done. By virtue of those royal decrees and
other papers which were presented during the suit of precedence which
the college of Santo Thomas, of the Order of Preachers of this city,
began a while ago with San Joseph, the latter obtained a decision
from the royal Audiencia in its favor, May sixteen, one thousand and
forty-seven, by which it was protected in its priority and possession
of precedence in the public acts to that of Santo Thomas. That same
thing was confirmed afterward by the royal Council of the Indias,
as appears from the suit and other authentic documents which are kept
in the archives of San Joseph.




II

SUMMARY OF HISTORY

[The following brief summary is compiled from various authorities,
full references being given in the footnotes throughout.]

Antonio Sedeño, writing to Felipe II, June 17, 1583, petitions for
the establishment of a Jesuit seminary, and asks royal aid. [24]

Felipe II, in a decree dated June 8, 1585, in view of the benefit
that will result to the colony from aiding the Jesuits in instituting
a college, and in aiding in the support of the religious who shall
teach therein, orders Governor Santiago de Vera and Bishop Salazar
to discuss measures for the founding of the same. [25]

The above-mentioned royal decree was presented to Governor Luis
Perez Dasmariñas, August 15, 1595. September 5, a government act
was dictated accepting the petitions of the Society in regard to
the foundation of a college, with the condition that 1,000 pesos he
assigned to it, together with the royal title and arms. The governor
has it noted in the said act that everything is only provisional,
until the foundation of the college is discussed with the bishop,
and the agreement adopted sent to his Majesty for his approval. [26]

Rodriguez de Figueroa, on setting out for Oton for the conquest
of Mindanao, made (March 16, 1596) his will in which he declares:
"And inasmuch as, ... some of the said my children may die before
reaching the age necessary for making a will, it falls to me as their
father and legitimate administrator, to make a will for them. In such
case availing myself of the said faculty, I order and command that,
if the abovesaid should happen during the lifetime of their mother,
the said Doña Ana de Oseguera, the latter shall hold and inherit the
goods and property of the one who shall thus die, and with both the
third and the remainder of the fifth, shall be done what shall be
stated hereinafter. If the said Doña Ana Oseguera shall die, and the
said my children, or either one of them without leaving any heir or
descendant, then their property and their legal paternal and maternal
portion, and the profit and income from it, shall be used to found a
college in the manner hereinafter stated. The same must be founded,
in case that said Doña Ana de Oseguera is living, from the said third
and remainder of the fifth. For if either one or the other of the two
casualties occur, a house shall be built next the Society of Jesus,
of the city of Manila, sufficient, and which shall be used, for a
college and seminary for boys, where all those may enter who desire
to study the first letters in such seminary. I request and charge the
provincial, at such time, of the Society of Jesus, to take it under
his care and to give to such boys sufficient teachers for it. That
part of the said building that shall be unoccupied shall be rented,
for the support of said children and youth. The said father provincial
shall be patron and administrator of the said college." [27]

In 1601, the Jesuits themselves founded a college, primarily through
the efforts of Father Diego Garcia, who went to the Philippines
as visitor in 1599. He ordered Father Pedro Chirino, independently
of the act of Luis Perez Dasmariñas, to plan for the founding of a
college for the Society. The first rector was Father Luis Gomez, who
obtained the licenses of both ecclesiastical and civil authorities,
August 25 of that year. The cantor, Santiago de Castro, provisor and
vicar-general of the archbishopric of Manila, acting in vacant see,
in view of the petition presented by Father Gomez, grants "license
to said religious of the Society of Jesus, and to the said Father
Luis Gomez, to found said college of San José." Governor Francisco
Tello, on the same date, grants the civil license for the erection
of the college in view of Gomez's petition, the erection being for
the rearing "in virtue and letters of some Spanish youth, in view
of the necessity of training ministers of the gospel of whom there
is a lack in this land for the need of said college." [28] The new
college was instituted with thirteen collegiates, and one father and
one brother of the Society who were placed at its head to look after
the spiritual and economic managements respectively.

October 30, 1604, a royal decree was despatched, which was received by
the royal Audiencia at Manila, July 10, 1606, ordering "information
in regard to the plan that could be inaugurated for the exercise of
letters in these islands, and the lecturing by some professors without
there being any university." The Audiencia in its reply states the
death by shipwreck of the younger daughter of Rodriguez de Figueroa
(1605), and that the Society of Jesus had entered suit for her estate,
in accordance with the will of her father, and that they had been
given possession of it. [29] Since a considerable part of Rodriguez
de Figueroa's goods were in Mexico, and since there was a royal
prohibition forbidding money to be transferred from one territory to
another, the Jesuits requested from the king, through their procurator
at Madrid, permission to transfer the necessary money from Mexico
to the islands, in order to found the college. Three royal decrees
were issued in accordance with this petition, two asking for reports
from the archbishop and Audiencia, and one (September 13, 1608) [30]
granting permission for the founding of a college and seminary in
the city of Manila. By the beginning of 1610, the Jesuits realized
the terms of the will of Rodriguez de Figueroa, and on February 28
of that year, the licenses, given formerly to Luis Gomez in 1601,
were confirmed by the provisor for the college now founded with an
income. [31]

In a letter to the Jesuit general, June 11, 1611, Father Gregorio Lopez
writes of the flourishing condition of the college and seminary of San
José. He says: "In the seminary of San Joseph, our pupils are reared
with the virtue of which advice was given in former years. Some are
inclined to our rule, and others to that of the other orders. Three
have embraced that of the Order of St Augustine. The seminary has been
improved this year with a fine new refectory built of stone, with a
very large hall for the lodging of the collegiates, and the work which
will be one of the best in the city, is progressing." Diego Vázquez de
Mercado, archbishop of Manila, insists on the idea of the foundation
of the university, which was undervalued by Felipe III, after the
unfavorable report of Benavides, and in a letter of June 24, 1612,
to the king, praises the work of the college and asks that graduates
therefrom in arts and theology be granted degrees. Archbishop Garcia
Serrano writes to Felipe IV, July 25, 1621, regarding the colleges
of San José and Santo Tomás: "There are two colleges for students
in the city, one founded by Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa,
which is in charge of the fathers of the Society of Jesus, whence the
collegiates go to the college of the same Society, which is near by,
to hear lectures in grammar, philosophy, and scholastic and moral
theology. It has twenty collegiates with the beca at present, some of
whom pay for their tuition, while others are aided by charity, as the
income derived from the founder serves now to support but few because
it was spent in building said college. The other college is called
Santo Tomas de Aquino and is in charge of the Order of St. Dominic,
and is very near their convent. It is not more than two years since
collegiates entered it. It was founded with alms of deceased persons
and others given by the living which the fathers have procured. It
also has some income, and it is making progress. It has also twenty
collegiates with the beca, some of whom also pay for their tuition,
while others are supported by charity and by other persons. They study
grammar, philosophy, and theology in the said college, where they have
a rector and masters of the Order of St. Dominic. These two colleges
greatly ennoble the city, and the sons of the inhabitants of these
islands are being reared therein in civilization, virtue, and good
letters. It will be of the highest importance for their progress for
your Majesty to honor them by giving them license to grant degrees
in the courses taught in them." Another letter from Serrano, July 30
of the same year, notes that the secular priests have increased so
greatly in his archbishopric because of the number that have graduated
from the college and seminary of the Jesuits that he has not places
for them and they suffer great poverty. The same is true of those who
have studied in the college of Santo Tomás. In a letter of August 15,
1624, he notes that the college of San José has obtained the right to
grant university degrees, by a papal brief, without the necessity of
the graduates going to other universities, and petitions that the
rector be allowed to grant the degrees in person. In 1627, Pedro
Chirino was dean of the law faculty of the university. [32]

A document of June 18, 1636, shows the college of San José to
possess incomes from various houses, aggregating 14,000 pesos. [33]
In 1640 the college was able to support 40 collegiates, and was in
a flourishing condition. [34] That same year the short-lived royal
college of San Felipe de Austria was founded. [35] The earthquake of
1645 caused great losses to the college of San José, as much of its
capital consisted of houses which were destroyed. [36]

The Dominican college of Santo Tomás, formally founded in 1619, with
the alms left by Archbishop Benavides and others, was the second
college founded in the Philippines. October 25, 1645, however,
the Dominicans entered suit against the Jesuits declaring the
precedence of their institution over the latter in all public acts
in which the said institutions participated. [37] Governor Fajardo,
before whom the suit was brought, remitted the cause to the royal
Audiencia, which rendered a verdict in favor of the Jesuits, May 10,
1647, declaring that all public acts of the college of San José had
precedence over those of Santo Tomás, as the former had been founded
over eighteen years earlier. This sentence was confirmed in review,
July 29 of the same year, and again by the royal Council of the Indias,
August 12, 1652, on examination, and again on review, November 25 of
the same year. The college of Santo Tomás, being dissatisfied with
the decision, endeavored to take precedence in certain public acts,
but with no real effect. [38]

A royal decree of June 12, 1665, conceded the sum of 8,000 pesos to
the college of San José; and another, issued July 27, 1669, granted the
further sum of 12,000 pesos. The reason advanced by the petitions for
the grants was the many losses sustained because of the earthquakes
during the period from 1645 to 1658. [39] The Jesuits made many
requests for royal alms for their Society and college; and many royal
decrees were issued granting such alms, both of money and rice. [40]

November 22, 1666, Don José Cabral, a Spaniard born in the Philippines,
died bishop elect of Camarines, and left a pious bequest of certain
lands called later the estate of Liang, to the college, on condition
that a chaplaincy be maintained thereby, and that an annual alms be
given of ten pesos each to the church of Balayan and to the poor of
its district." [41]

A decree issued by Governor Fausto Cruzat y Gongora, September 22,
1695, recites the two royal alms above mentioned, which had been
assigned from tributes of vacant natives. In response to a petition
by Father Juan de Montemayor, S.J., that 1,000 pesos be given the
college annually until the 20,000 pesos be paid in full, he assigned
to the said college 383 1/2 tributes from the encomienda of Tubig,
Sulat, and Pamboan, in the province of Leyte, "so that there may be
paid annually, five hundred and thirty-three pesos four tomins one
grano ... on account of the eighteen thousand six hundred and eleven
pesos six tomins which are still to be paid of the twenty thousand
pesos." [42]

A royal decree of May 3, 1722, grants the title of "royal ad honorem"
to the college of San José. This decree is as follows:

"Inasmuch as Augustin Soler of the Society of Jesus, procurator-general
for his province of Filipinas, has represented to me that his
province has charge in the city of Manila of a seminary of grammar,
philosophical and theological collegiates, under the advocacy of
St. Joseph, which was founded by Don Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa,
adelantado of Mindanao, which by its antiquity and royal writ of King
Don Felipe IV enjoys precedence in all public functions to the other
colleges; and inasmuch as in consideration of the notoriety in that
community of the great profit which has followed and is experienced in
the said college, in virtue and letters from the many erudite men who
have graduated from it to maintain the luster of the cathedral church
of that city and the other churches of their islands, the greater part
of those who today obtain their prebends being among those who have
been raised and have prosecuted their studies in the above-mentioned
college, he petitioned me, in consideration of the above-said and
so that its collegiates may have the greatest application in said
studies with the luster, esteem, and credit that is due because of
the particular blessing which results to that community in general,
to deign to receive it under my royal protection, by conceding it
the title, privileges, and preeminences of royal college, without
any burden on my royal treasury, with the permission to place on its
doors and the other accustomed places, my royal arms, and to make use
of the title of such in the instruments which it presents, and the
letters which it writes to me: therefore, this matter having been
examined in my assembly Council of the Indias, together with what
was declared thereon by my fiscal, I have considered it fitting to
condescend to [heed] his instance, receiving (as by the present I
do receive and admit) the above-named college of San José under my
royal protection. I honor it with the title of Royal ad honorem, in
case that it has no patrons, and with the express conditions that it
never has any, and that it cannot produce any effect of burden on or
embarrassment to my royal treasury by reason of this title. Therefore,
I order my present or future governor and captain-general of the
above-mentioned Filipinas Islands and my royal Audiencia of the city
of Manila, and the other ministers and justices of that jurisdiction,
and I beseech and charge the archbishop of the metropolitan church
of said city, and the ecclesiastical cabildo of it, not to place or
allow to be placed now or in any time any obstacle or hindrance to
the above-mentioned college of San José, which is in charge of the
religious of the Society of Jesus, in the grace which I concede it
of the title of royal ad honorem, in the above-mentioned sense, and
that as such it may place my royal arms on its doors, and the other
accustomed places, and that in all its instruments and letters which
it may write me, both through my councils, tribunals, and ministers,
and in all that which may arise, it may make use of the abovesaid
title of royal. Such is my will. Given at Aranjuez, May three, one
thousand seven hundred and twenty-two. [43]


I the King

"By order of the king our sovereign:

Andrés Alcorobarratia Gulpide"


This decree was presented in the Manila Audiencia, in 1723. [44]



In 1734 the college was granted the right to teach canonical and
Roman law, the same as the university of Santo Tomás, although it
seems that no decrees were given in those branches. [45]

Father Francisco Mendez, S.J., in a document of August 15, 1742,
enumerates the fellowships in the college of San José, in addition to
the eight of the foundation, as follows: one given by Captain Gonzalo
Araujo, alguacil-mayor of Manila, to be enjoyed by a Galician or the
descendant of Galicians; one by Benito Lopez, for an European; two by
Captain Diego Gonzales de los Arcos, one of them being for Estremadura
and the other for creoles and virtuous persons--the appointment of
the latter belonging to the Santa Misericordia, which afterward became
the object of a suit between the Jesuits and the Santa Misericordia,
and finally settled by Archbishop Camacho; one by several benefactors
for a pure-blooded and virtuous Spaniard. All the capital or endowment
of these fellowships was incorporated in the property of the college,
except the one appointed by the Santa Misericordia. There were also
two other fellowships founded in 1717 (although only made effective
in 1720), by Domingo de Valencia, bishop-elect of Nueva Cáceres,
who endowed them with some shops which he owned in the Parián; they
were intended for Spanish creoles born in Manila. Besides the above
there were nineteen other fellowships which were known as fellowships
of grace, "because there is no legal obligation to maintain them,
and it was a grace or favor of our Society to institute them, to
facilitate the good education of youth." [46]

In his royal decree of April 2, 1767, Carlos III declared: "I have
resolved to order the expulsion from all my domains of España and the
Indias and the Filipinas Islands, of the regulars of the Society,
both priests and coadjutors, or lay-brethren, who have taken the
first vows, and the novices who desire to follow their example, and
that all the temporal possessions of the Society in my domains be
seized." [47] A decree couched in like terms was received in Manila,
May 21, 1768. Governor José Raon affected to obey the decree and
appointed commissioners to carry it into effect, but he imparted
the mandates of the decree, which was secret, to the Jesuits. [48]
In consequence heavy charges were afterward brought against him.

The college of San José and its estates were seized and confiscated
to the crown. [49] The college buildings were converted into
barracks. Against this confiscation, the archbishop protested, and
petitioned the governor-general that, pending the king's action on
the protest, the college be turned over to him. The petition being
granted, the archbishop took possession of the college, and converted
it into a seminary for the education and instruction of the native
clergy. [50] He ordered the former collegiates to leave, and placed
the new seminary in charge of the Piarist fathers [padres escolapios]
[51] The Audiencia of Manila protested against this action of the
archbishop. [52] The royal answer to their letter is as follows:


"The King. President and auditors of my royal Audiencia of the
Philipinas Islands, which is established in the city of Manila: In
a letter dated July twelve, of the year one thousand seven hundred
and sixty-nine, you informed me, with testimony, that having noted
that the four Piarist religious whom the present right reverend
archbishop of that metropolitan church took in his company, did not
present the licenses which they carried in order that they might go to
those islands, and that they were entering various posts outside the
assistancy in the said archbishop's house; and in consideration of the
fact that they had no other house in those islands, and that there was
no distinction among them which could prove that they had a prelate:
you deemed it advisable to proceed to the observation of the laws
in such cases. You petitioned, by means of political and judicial
measures, that the purpose of those religious be investigated,
and the amphibological replies of the above-mentioned archbishop
could not quiet your anxiety, but the rather increased it, so that
you proceeded to the remonstrances which you made to the governor,
in regard to his having delivered the royal college of San Joséph,
which was under the charge of the expelled regulars of the Society,
to Father Martin de San Antonio, abbot of the Piarist fathers, and
the reported rector of the seminary of the archbishop, so that those
who intended to become ordained might live therein, and be instructed
in ethics, also under the direction of the said Father Martin. You
declared that from your remonstrances to the above-mentioned governor,
could be recognized the wrongs which resulted from that measure,
which was quite contrary to what was ordered in the instructions
for the banishment of the above-mentioned regulars of the Society,
and contrary to the right which those then living in the college had
legally acquired of maintaining themselves therein, as well as those
who should succeed them in the future, without it being possible to
make a pretext of any innovation because of the lack of teachers. For
there would be no lack of seculars to substitute for the present, and
in time, persons worthy to maintain this praiseworthy foundation could
be trained. Finally, not having any information regarding the reasons
that moved the governor to this (apparently) strange resolution, you
were unable to conform to it or pass it by without taking any notice of
it, and alone having observed your first obligation, namely, to report
to me what you were discussing as advisable to my royal service and
the welfare of my vassals, you represented what had occurred, so that
after having examined the matter, I might deign to determine what is
most fitting to my royal pleasure. The abovesaid was examined in my
Council of the Indias, together with what was reported by Don Pedro
Calderon Enriquez, togated lawyer of the said my Council, regarding
it, of the antecedents of the matter, and of what was reported at the
same time in regard to it, with their respective testimonies, by the
former governor and captain-general of those islands, Don Joseph Raon,
and the above-mentioned archbishop, in letters from March twelve to
July twenty-nine of the above-cited year one thousand seven hundred
and sixty-nine, my fiscal made his statement; and consulted with me in
regard to it on September thirteen of last year, with consideration of
the indiscretion with which the above-mentioned governor, Don Joseph
Raon, transgressed by placing the royal college of San Joséph of that
city under the direction of Father Martín de San Antonio, the abbot of
the Piarists, thus rendering it necessary for those who obtained their
becas to leave the college, and abandon them, and the manner in which
you opposed the previously-noted spoliation, as a matter contrary to
my royal intentions and the product of most grave wrongs and pernicious
consequences, as is shown in the fact that the above-mentioned college
was founded for the purpose of teaching therein grammar, philosophy,
and theology to the children of the principal Spanish persons and
subjects of that city. Twenty becas were created therein for a like
number of collegiates, and the teaching of the same and their direction
was given to the expelled regulars of the Society. The king, my father
deigned to receive it under his sovereign protection, May three, of
the year one thousand seven hundred and twenty-two, and decorate it
with the title of 'Royal ad honorem,' provided that it should have
no other patrons, and under the express condition that it never
should have such, or be able to cause any burden or embarrassment
to my royal exchequer. The above-mentioned order of the Society did
not have therein other right than the above-mentioned direction and
government. Consequently, since the royal decree of July nine, one
thousand six hundred and sixty-nine, which was inserted in the decree
of April five of the above-mentioned year one thousand seven hundred
and seventy, by which the collection of the measures in regard to the
seizure of the temporalities of the said expelled regulars was sent
to those my dominions of America, ordered that there be no innovation
in the colleges or secular houses whose direction and instruction
were entrusted to them, as is proved by section thirty of the first
decree, the collegiates of the college of San Joséph could not be
despoiled of their becas in order to expel them from the college,
nor could the Trent seminary be removed to the above-mentioned
house, without directly violating the orders of the above-mentioned
decrees. To the abovesaid is added that the above-mentioned four
Piarist religious went to those islands with no other purpose than to
act as attendants of the above-mentioned archbishop, whence is inferred
the just motive which you had in advising the said prelate to keep
them in his company; in expressing wonder that one of them should be
entrusted with the direction of the above-mentioned royal college of
San Joseph; in advising Governor Don Joseph Raon of the illegality
of the abovesaid act, and of the fatal results which were accessory
to that of the expulsion of those who had obtained their becas;
and in resolving that my royal mind be instructed in regard to the
abovesaid measures so that I might deign to take those measures which
should appear most desirable to me for their remedy. Consequently,
not only is there not found in your operations the slightest motive
that justifies the complaint which the above-mentioned archbishop
has brought forward in his said letter, but, on the contrary, it is
to be noted that you did no other thing in whatever you performed,
than to comply with the mandates of the laws. The said governor and
the above-mentioned prelate, not being able to ignore the fact of
the existence of the above-mentioned college, and of the solemnity
with which it had been founded, it became very worthy of attention
that in their reports they were silent in regard to this foundation,
both commendable and made by the above-mentioned king, my father,
and with his royal name, and transgressed in founding a new college
seminary with Indian collegiates, without authority or obligation to
do so. That is still more aggravated by the fact of the spoliation of
the Spanish collegiates of their possession of the said college of
San Joseph by erecting in it what they call a seminary for Indians,
since for these and the Sangley mestizos there is the above-mentioned
college of San Juan de Letran, and the conciliar seminary was already
founded. By such violent spoliation, not only were the collegiates
outraged, but also the inhabitants of that city exasperated, so
that with such acts of despotism they hate to live there, and the
islands are being depopulated of Spaniards, as is happening. Under
these circumstances and inasmuch as the above-mentioned college of
San Joseph has nothing in common with the expelled regulars, as the
latter had only the administration and direction of the college,
and this having ceased with their expulsion, the above-mentioned
governor ought to appoint a secular of good morals from those who
shall have been collegiates in the said college, as such will be
already instructed as to its government, as rector and administrator,
with obligation of rendering a yearly report. He must not allow the
archbishop to meddle with anything pertaining to the said college, as
it is under my royal protection, and, consequently, wholly independent
of the ecclesiastical ordinary, as are the other pious foundations
mentioned by the Council of Trent. The governor ought not to permit
the archbishop to meddle in anything concerning the seminary,
as there is also a royal foundation, namely, that of San Phelipe,
which appears to have been incorporated after the above-mentioned San
Joseph; and the good relations that the governor claims to have with
the archbishop can not serve to relieve the former of blame, for he
ought to have good relations with him within suitable limits, and not
with total abandonment of the rights which are entrusted to him. I
have resolved, by virtue of what is contrary to my royal intentions,
as is the above-mentioned spoliation and expulsion, not to pay any
heed to the complaint of the said prelate; to approve whatever you
have done in the particular under discussion; to order and command
the present governor and captain-general of those islands, and to
charge the said archbishop (as is done by despatches of this date)
that they shall in the future leave things in the condition and state
in which they existed before the above-mentioned innovations were
made, and that the collegiates must go to take their studies to the
university of Santo Tomás of that city; and to inform you thereof
(as I do) for your intelligence. Thus is my will. Given in El Pardo,
March twenty-one, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-one.


I the King

"By order of our king:

Pedro Garcia Mayoral" [53]



The royal decree sent to the archbishop on the same date, [54] is
couched in similar terms to the above decree, and disapproves the
action of the archbishop in regard to making an ecclesiastical seminary
out of the college of San José. The decree in its opening clauses,
notes that the archbishop had sent various documents and reports to
the king with his letter of March 12, 1769, which state what had been
done in regard to the college of San José, and the occupations of the
four Piarists who had accompanied the archbishop to the Philippines.



In 1777, Doctor Ignacio de Salazar, magistral of the Manila cathedral,
was chosen rector and administrator of the college. From that date
until 1879, the position of rector and administrator of the college
was always confirmed by the governors-general to the dean or other
dignitary of the Manila cathedral. Accounts of the administration of
the college were to be rendered every three years, or annually. The
management of the college was not successful, and the administration
of the properties was negligent and possibly corrupt during some
years. The field of secondary education which it had attempted to fill
came to be occupied by newer and more successful institutions, such
as the Ateneo Municipal and the college of San Juan de Letran. [55]

From the books of the university of Santo Tomás, it seems that a
few years after the expulsion of the Jesuits, if not immediately,
instruction on philosophy and the natural sciences was resumed,
and that two professors were appointed for that purpose, and that
in 1795 the government of the islands recommended the abolition of
such instruction, applying the revenues therefrom to the payment of
the fees of the institutes and law courses, which recommendation was
not carried out on account of an unfavorable report of the faculty of
the university. Only grammar and philosophy were taught until 1866,
and pupils were required to pass an examination in the university
of Santo Tomás before two professors appointed for the purpose, in
order to legalize their courses. The first four years of secondary
instruction were established at this period. [56]

Between the years 1860 and 1870, the question of the conversion of the
college into a professional school of some sort--arts, agriculture,
or medicine--was much discussed, particularly its conversion into a
school of medicine and pharmacy. Finally, in 1867, a board consisting
of the rectors of the university, Ateneo Municipal, and college of
San José, and one representative each of the professions of medicine
and pharmacy, was convened by royal order, and charged with the duty
of ascertaining the origin and object of the college of San José,
its revenues and pious charges, and the best manner of installing
therein classes of medicine and pharmacy. The report of the committee
was to the effect that such studies could be admitted. The rector
and administrator of the college in 1869 was of the same opinion,
and the rector of the university of Santo Tomás also considered such
a thing legal. November 6, 1870, the Spanish government adopted the
decrees concerning education in the Philippines, known as the Moret
decrees, [57] by which the attempt was made to secularize most of the
institutions of learning. Among other provisions in these decrees was
one directing that the college of San José, the college of San Juan
de Letran, and the Ateneo Municipal, as well as the naval academy and
the drawing and painting academy should be united in one academy for
secondary and entirely secular education to be known as the Philippine
Institute, to be subject to the ultimate control of a Superior Board
of Education which was civil and secular in its character. These
decrees were never enforced, for they were vigorously opposed by
those in charge of the above institutions. [58]

In 1875, a royal provision established the faculty of medicine and
pharmacy in the college. [59] This decree, issued October 29, 1875,
reorganized the university of Santo Tomás. Article 2 of the decree
prescribed "that in this university shall be given the necessary
studies for the following: jurisprudence, canon, medicine, pharmacy,
and notary;" and article 12, that, "the branches of medicine and
pharmacy, although constituting an integral part of the university,
shall be taught in the college of San José, whose revenues, with the
deductions of the amounts for pious charges, will be devoted to the
expenses of these branches. [60] The five-sixths part of the fees
from the registration of these subjects, and half of the fees for
degrees, titles, and certificates of the pupils, will also pertain
to the college mentioned. The rest will pertain to the general
expenses of the university." The governor was to name a director,
upon the recommendation of the rector, for the college, and he was
to have charge of the revenues. September 5, 1877, a commission
appointed to consider various matters of the college of San José,
recommended that the university of Santo Tomás take immediate charge
of all the property of the college, and that regulations be drawn up
for the management of the same. On September 28, of the same year, the
governor-general decreed that an administrative commission consisting
of the rector of the university and the professor of pharmacy should
take charge of the college, and they were given complete authority
to carry out the reorganization of the college decreed in 1875. The
report of the commission submitted July 26, 1878, recommended that
the office of director-administrator be made two separate offices,
the office of director to be filled by the rector of the university
of Santo Tomás, as director ex-officio, and that of administrator
to be appointed by the governor-general upon the recommendation of
the rector of the university of three names to be taken from the
professions of medicine and pharmacy. This report was approved
August 1 by a decree of the governor-general, which was in turn
approved by royal order of March 24, 1880. The decree of August 1,
1878, charged the rector of the university to prepare regulations
concerning the control and management of the college; and it appears
that such regulations were issued by the governor-general, October
15, 1879, title 2 of which gives to the rector of the university,
as ex-officio director, the control of properties and finances of
the college. It is said that articles 6-10 of the decree of 1875,
which directed that competitive examinations be held either at Manila
or Madrid for the filling of vacant professorships, have not been
observed, such vacancies having been filled by the governor-general on
the recommendation of the rector. The administration of the college
properties was kept separate from those of the university, although
the accounts were both under the same direction of the rector of the
university. The scholarships or fellowships of the college, before
twenty in number, were reduced after 1875 to three and transferred
to another institution. The income in normal times was about twenty
thousand pesos, the foundation seemingly being about one-half million
in gold. [61]

With the signing of the treaty of Paris, December 10, 1898, the
American government found itself face to face with a delicate and
difficult problem, namely, that of the settlement of the properties
of the friars. Of this problem, the question of the ultimate disposal
of the college of San José was properly a part, since it was under
the direction of the Dominican university of Santo Tomás, it having
become, as we have seen above, the medical and pharmaceutical adjunct
of the university. The question to be solved in this case narrowed
down to whether the college of San José was primarily a government
or an ecclesiastical pious foundation [obra pia], and hence, whether
it could be legally administered by the government or the Church. In
1899, General Otis forbade the rector of the university of Santo
Tomás to continue to maintain a school of medicine and pharmacy in the
buildings of the college of San José, and to use its name and income
for that purpose--an order made at the instance of the president and
directors of the Philippine Medical Association. Shortly after their
arrival the commissioners were consulted by General McArthur, as to
the proper course for him to take on the petition of the rector of the
university asking him to rescind the order. As the issue involved the
question of the control of Church property, the commission deemed it
its duty to investigate it and to bring it to a legal settlement. [62]

The matter was therefore argued before the Commission, pro and
con, from time to time between July and October, 1900, and the
conclusions announced January 5, 1901. The ecclesiastical authorities
took the position that the college is "truly an obra pia, that its
trusteeship has always been vested in the Church, as represented by
its legal agents either through the Society of Jesus, the kings of
Spain as ecclesiastical patron, the clergy of the cathedral, or the
university of Santo Tomás, under the direction of the archbishop." The
ecclesiastical argument is that the college "is essentially a religious
foundation and therefore the United States have not the right to
claim it as public property nor to intervene in its management,
since they cannot succeed to the Spanish ecclesiastical patronage,
they having proclaimed the separation of Church and State." It is
impossible also for the state to secularize the institution, an act
which would be paramount to confiscation. [63] Archbishop Nozaleda
argues also that the college "is an ecclesiastical obra pia, founded
by Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, with all the canonical and civil
formalities demanded by the legislation in force at that time for
such foundation." [64] Again, he says: "The college of San José is an
ecclesiastical obra pia, and as such belongs to the patrimony of the
Church." An ecclesiastical obra pia he defines as "any foundation
made through motives of religious piety, or with the purpose of
exercising Christian charity, with the approbation and authorization
of the bishop." [65] Against this Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera and
others argued before the Philippine Commission that the college of
San José was primarily of royal foundation; [66] Felipe G. Calderon,
a Filipino advocate, and the chief adversary of the ecclesiastics,
in his pamphlets, also argued that the college of San José is official
in its origin: [67] their conclusions being that the civil government
has power to intervene in the management of the college. [68] The
commission, being careful not to intimate any opinion that "should
be used by either side in the case to be argued and decided as
authority in that tribunal [i.e., the Philippine Supreme Court],"
expressed "no other definitive opinion than that the petitioners
[i.e., Pardo de Tavera, et al.] have presented a case of sufficient
dignity and seriousness to warrant its full consideration by a court of
justice." In the words of the commissioners: "In order to decide the
merits of this case, we should probably have to consider and settle
a nice question of canonical law, and investigate and discuss the
historical and legal relations of the crown of Spain to the head of
the Catholic Church. Neither of these questions do we feel competent
now to decide with the materials which are before us and with the time
at our disposal nor do we need to do so. We are not a court. We are
only a legislative body. It is our expressly delegated function in
just such cases as this to provide a means for the peaceful and just
decision of the issues arising. Had we been able to decide clearly
and emphatically that the petitioners had no rights here and that
their claims were so flimsy as not to merit the assistance of the
legislature in bringing them to adjudication in a court of justice,
we might have properly dismissed the petition and taken no action
thereon; but we are of opinion, all of us, that the contentions
of the petitioners present serious and difficult questions of law,
sufficiently doubtful to require that they should be decided by a
learned and impartial court of competent jurisdiction, and that it is
our duty to make legislative provision for testing the question. If
it be true that the United States is either itself the trustee to
administer these funds, or occupies the relation of parens patriæ to
them, it becomes its duty to provide for their administration by a
proper directory, whose first function will be to assert, in the name
and authority of the United States, their right to administer the funds
of the college against the adverse claims of the person now in charge,
who claims to hold under and by virtue of the control over the funds
by the Catholic Church; and this legislative action we now propose to
take, not thereby intimating an opinion upon the merits of the case,
but merely by this means setting in motion the proper machinery for
the ultimate decision by a competent tribunal." The Commission set
aside $5,000 in United States money for the payment of the expenses
of getting evidence, preparing the record, printing the briefs,
and as fees for professional services; and that the case was to be
heard before the Philippine Supreme Court, the United States being
practically a party in the litigation. Further provision was made in
case appeals from that court were to be made to the Supreme Court of
the United States, for Congress to so provide in this case. As to the
injunctive order of General Otis against the opening of the college,
by the rector of the university, it was recommended to the military
governor that it be rescinded. The persons appointed to conduct the
litigation and to take charge of the college and its estates, should
the decision and a decree of the court be in their favor, were as
follows: Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera; Dr. Charles R. Greenleaf, Leon
M. Guerrero, Dr. Manuel Gomez Martinez, and Dr. Frank S. Bourns. The
concluding remarks of the Commission are the following: "There has been
much popular and political interest in the controversy in which we have
now stated our conclusions. The questions considered, however, have
not had any political color at all. They have been purely questions
of law and proper legal procedure, and so will they be in the court
to which they are now sent. The decision of the right to control San
José college cannot legitimately be affected by the political feeling
which one may have for or against the friars. It is unfortunate that
the public should clothe the settlement of an issue purely legal
with political significance when it ought not to have and does not
have one. But, however this may be, those charged with settling it
can pursue only one path, and that is the path of legal right as they
see it." [69] Congress provided for appeal to the Supreme Court of the
United States on July 1, 1902, under the general terms of Section 10 of
the so-called "Philippine Government Act." A decision in the case had
not been handed down in Manila up to the close of September, 1906. [70]







THE COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY OF SANTO TOMAS


I

ERECTION INTO A UNIVERSITY

[The first portion of this division of the appendix is a translation
of chapter xxxvi, of book i of Santa Cruz's Historia, where it occupies
pp. 168-172.] [71]


Of the honorable apostolic and royal erection of the University of
Santo Tomás of Manila

Another and very serious matter was transacted by that religious
father, namely, the erection into a university of the college of
Santo Tomás of Manila. That event is as follows. While that venerable
father, Fray Juan Bautista de Morales, was in Roma during the years
1643 and 1644, negotiating matters touching the province, as its
procurator, and the matters of China, father Fray Mateo de la Villa,
who was also procurator of the province in that capital, wrote him
from Madrid asking him to petition from his Holiness, Urban Eighth,
who was then head of the Church, for the erection and foundation as
a university in said college of Santo Tomás of Manila. He had gained
for that purpose a favorable letter from his Majesty, Filipo Fourth
the Great, our king and sovereign, in which his Holiness was asked
to deign to concede his apostolic bull for that purpose. Father Fray
Juan made his efforts, but by reason of all the matters and accidents
which happened at that time, it was not accomplished. Consequently,
he went to España without negotiating it that said year of 44. In that
year, on the last day of July, the pontiff Urban Eighth, passed to the
better life. Innocent Tenth having been elected September 15 of the
same year, another letter was obtained from the king, our sovereign
Filipo Fourth, for his Holiness. Since father Fray Victorio Riccio,
a Florentine who had come [to España] in order to go to this province,
was in Madrid, and was a very suitable person since he was an Italian,
to be entrusted with that and other matters which were left pending in
Roma by father Fray Juan, it was thought best to send him thither. He
accomplished that as well as the other things, which have been
continued in the service of the order and of this province. He is
a great missionary of China, of whom this history will tell at the
proper time the many things that there are to tell, for at present
he is prior of the convent of Santo Domingo in Manila. The letter of
his Majesty to the supreme pontiff Innocent is as follows:

[This letter will be found in VOL. XXXV, pp. 199, 200. The letter
to the count of Ciruela, which is not given by Santa Cruz, will be
found in the same volume, pp. 201-203.]

The said father Fray Victorio went to Roma with that letter,
and although it reached the hands of his Holiness, yet he could
not obtain that haste which he desired, for the ambassador was in
disgrace with the pope because of some trouble which he had had with
certain Portuguese which cost blood and deaths. His Holiness was
very angry at that trouble, and it was necessary for the ambassador
to leave Roma. But the father, not losing courage, as he had many
powerful friends in that capital, as he had been raised there and
had started for Filipinas from Minerva, exerted himself and obtained
the opportunity to pay his respects to his Holiness and to lay his
proposition before him, to which the pontiff answered in formal words:
"In the time of our predecessor the same instance was made by the
king of España, but it was not granted. How now do they return to
insist again?" And it was so that the first letter of his Majesty was
brought, and that benefit which was striven for was not obtained on
account of the occupations and for other reasons which his Holiness
must have had (in which the great providence of God in the government
of the holy oracles of His vicars is to be noted, since a pontiff
worthy of adoration had so singular an idea of Filipinas and of
the university which was requested there) although the father left
disconsolate. But by direction of a cardinal, his fellow countryman the
father again renewed his courage, and, after waiting several months,
again paid his respects to his Holiness, and gave him a memorial of
his desire. His Holiness caused it to be received by his secretary,
and the next day it was taken to the signatura, [72] and a decree was
made that in regard to the erection of this university, a committee
[congregacion] of four cardinals and four prelates named there should
be formed. The president of it was the most eminent Cardinal Saqueti,
the father's countryman who had aided him from the beginning. The
said prelates informed, then, and visited by the father, and being
informed of the advisability of what was asked, it was concluded in
the said committee that it was fitting to concede that favor to the
king of España. Therefore, his Holiness despatched his apostolic bull
in regard to this erection, that bull being as follows:

[This bull [73] will be found in VOL. XXXV, pp. 203-208.]

This brief was presented to the royal Council of the Indias, and
the gentlemen of that council having read it, ordered a testimony
of its presentation to be given July 28, 1646. That was attested
on the thirty-first of the same month by Diego Lopez de Leytona y
Mendoza, chief official of the papers of grace, government, and war,
of the secretary's office of the royal Council of the Indias for the
district of Nueva España. The fact that he was also the chief official
of the said royal Council, and that credit must be given to him, was
testified by the royal notaries, Diego Carreño Aldrete, and Antonio
Gomez, on the said thirty-first of July of the said year. Likewise,
the said brief was presented, and the testimony of its presentation,
in the royal Council of the Indias before the members of the royal
Audiencia of this city of Manila. They having read it, determined
that the party of the university of Santo Tomás could make use of the
said brief. Consequently, they so voted by an act on the eighth of
July, 1648, of which testimony was given on the said day by Captain
Diego Nuñez Crespo, assembly clerk of the said royal Audiencia of
Manila. Likewise, the said brief was presented before the dean and
cabildo of this holy metropolitan church of Manila with the said
presentations of the royal Council and Audiencia. The said gentlemen
considered it as presented, and allowed the college of Santo Tomás
to make use of it, and its rector, now or in the future, in the
form and manner which is contained in the said bull. The clerk
of the cabildo, Fernando de Caravajal, attested that on the same
day on which the said act was voted, namely, July 14, 1648. This
university having been inaugurated, then, and erected with so great
honor into a pontifical and royal institution, its rector and first
chancellor, namely, father Fray Martin Real de la Cruz, by virtue of
his apostolic authority, made the necessary statutes, following in
them all the custom and practice of the royal university of Mexico
(of which from its beginning it has esteemed itself as the close
daughter, and in which it has found the just functions of a noble
mother with the exchange of letters and favors which the latter has
given to it). Thus the said father rector ordained them, August 28,
1648, and they are observed inviolably and are like those of the said
their royal and always noble mother, which were determined after the
style and form of the most celebrated university of Salamanca.

In 1651 this university and its rector wrote to the said university
of Mexico giving an account of its erection, stating that in it was
born their obligation of attentive respect as daughter of that royal
university, since the king our sovereign had given that university
to it as mother and mistress. Consequently, it yielded and dedicated
itself to that university and in regard to this the father concluded
his letter with all due consideration and affection. In the year of 53,
that most noble and ever famous university wrote this our university
the following letter, which was written in full cloister.

Very illustrious Sirs:

This royal university of Mexico was greatly favored by the letter
of your Lordship the past year of 51, in which was expressed the
appreciation and estimation which is right and which is fitting for so
illustrious a cloister, and with the greatest pleasure received your
adoption; which if it is the teaching of the Holy Spirit (Proverbs
xvii), Gloria filiorum patres eorum, immediately before it had said:
Corona senum filii filiorum. [74] Consequently, it will consider that
royal university as its crown and glory, and as such will venerate
it forever. It will give his Majesty (whom may God preserve) thanks
for the favors which he concedes to your Lordship by his decree of
the rights to enjoy the privileges which are enjoyed in this royal
university. What may be necessary for it, in so far as documents
and papers are concerned, and for the pretension of your Lordship,
will be delivered to the reverend father master, Fray Francisco de la
Trinidad, so that we may carry them and present them to his Majesty
in his royal Council of the Indias. In all the other things which may
offer themselves for the service of your Lordship for its greater
luster and increase, this royal university and its entire cloister
will assist it with all promptness. May God preserve your Lordship
in all happiness, etc. Mexico, February 7, 1653.

Master Fray Juan de Ayrolo y Flores, rector.

After his signature were those of eight doctors and masters and
lastly that of the blessed secretary, Christoval Bernardo de la
Plaza. This university erected with so fortunate beginnings with all
that luster worthy of all estimation, has continued to advance. There
have been and are very learned persons who have studied there, who
have occupied prebends and dignities in the holy church of Manila,
and in other churches of our España, and it has had three sons,
most worthy bishops, one of whom ascended to the archiepiscopal see
of this city, of whom we shall treat in due time.




II

ROYAL DECREE GRANTING TITLE OF "ROYAL" TO THE COLLEGE OF SANCTO TOMAS

The King. Inasmuch as Fray Sebastián de Valverde, of the Order
of Preachers, and procurator-general of the province of Santísimo
Rosario of Filipinas, has represented to me, among other matters,
that since the establishment of the college of Santo Tomás in the
city of Manila, and especially since, at the instance of Felipe IV,
a public academy or university was erected in it by his Holiness,
Innocent X, in the year one thousand six hundred and forty-five,
[75] in behalf of his order, not only has it redeemed its obligation
in the public instruction with well-known benefit to those vassals,
in which the religious have filled the chairs at the expense of
the private property of the above-mentioned college, but also, at
the same time, in order to inspire in the minds of its pupils the
illumination of the holy doctrine of the angelic doctor St. Thomas,
which some factional spirits in that capital, in whom still lives
the seed of the suppressed doctrine, [76] are attempting to confuse
with useless projects, have endeavored likewise to infuse into their
hearts the fidelity, loyalty, and love due my royal person--and one
of the most signal and noble proofs that attest this truth is the
promptness, with which the present rector, Fray Domingo Collantes,
in this last war, in observance of the suggestion of that governor,
raised four companies of fifty soldiers apiece among the collegiates
and students, on whose clothing and support he spent some thousands
of pesos from the beginning of the war until the peace was made, and
at the same time placing at the disposition of the same government
all the grain of the harvest and the cattle of its estates--and
inasmuch as he has petitioned me that, in order that this signal
example of the fidelity and generosity with which the above-named
college served me and continues to serve me, may be remembered by
the inhabitants of those islands, I deign to signify to it my royal
pleasure and kindness by admitting it under my sovereign protection
and patronage, and by granting to it the title of "very loyal;"
therefore, my Council of the Indias having examined the above petition,
together with the information given in regard to it by the general
accountant's office, and the explanation of my fiscal, I have resolved
in the conference of the tenth of January of this year, to concede,
among other things, and as I concede by this my royal decree, the
sole name of "royal" to the above-named college of Santo Tomás of
the city of Manila, with the distinct condition and declaration,
that it shall never have the right of petitioning assistance from
my royal treasury. Therefore, by this present, I order and command
my governor and captain-general of the above-mentioned islands,
the regent and auditors of my royal Audiencia in the islands, and
all other ministers, judges, and justices of those provinces, and
I request and charge the very reverend bishop of that metropolitan
church, the venerable dean and cabildo in vacant see, and all other
ecclesiastical prelates and judges to whom this pertains, to observe,
fulfil, and execute, and cause to be observed, fulfilled, and executed,
exactly and effectively, my herein expressed royal resolution, as and
in the manner herein set forth, without violating it, or permitting
it to be violated in any way, for thus is my will. Given in El Pardo,
March seven, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five. [77]


I the King

By command of the king our sovereign:

Antonio Ventura De Taranco




III

HISTORICAL ACCOUNT

[Below follows an interesting account of the university of Santo Tomás,
by the Dominican friar, Evarista Fernandez Arias, from his Discurso
leido en la apertura de sus estudios (de la universidad) el dia 2 de
Julio de 1885--i.e., "Discourse read at the opening of its studies
(of the university) July 2, 1885" (Manila, 1885). Its author was a
professor of the university.]

The university of Santo Tomás, of Manila, graced with the titles of
royal and pontifical by the Catholic kings and the supreme pontiffs,
holds the first place among all the educational institutions of
the Philippines on account of its antiquity, its history, and its
importance. It was established in 1619, under the name of College of
Santo Tomás, having, as its basis, a holy legacy from his Excellency,
Fray Miguel de Benavides, of the Order of Preachers, second archbishop
of Manila, who is considered as its true founder. By this legacy,
the sum of 1,600 pesos was turned over to the fathers of his order,
of the province of the Santísimo Rosario, who, accepting it, in
accordance with his purposes and intentions, immediately proceeded
to carry the plan into effect. Thus, after various contingencies, on
the day of the festival of the Assumption of the Virgin, in the year
mentioned, after having been authorized by the general government of
these islands, and by both the ecclesiastical and the secular chapters,
Fray Baltasar Fort, its first rector, proceeded to the inauguration
of its studies by giving fellowships to twelve young men belonging
to the most distinguished families of Manila. The permission granted
by the general government and other authorities of this capital, was
formally confirmed by his Catholic Majesty, Felipe IV, in his royal
decree of November 29, 1623, in which he said of this institution: "It
has afforded and affords great advantages to the young, the preaching
of the gospel, and the instruction of the children of the inhabitants."

The chronicles of those times show that the number of young men,
mostly children of Spaniards, who attended the schools of the Dominican
fathers was not small; but the difficulty of not being able to receive
academic degrees was an obstacle to the progress of the studies. For
this reason, Pope Paul V was asked to authorize the order to confer
the customary degrees upon the pupils of this college. This permission
was granted for ten years, upon the expiration of which time, it
was necessary to again apply to the Roman pontiff, then Urban VIII,
for the extension of the concession for a similar term of years. This
uncertain condition of affairs was not, as is evident, most conducive
to progress in these studies, for which reason Felipe IV, desiring
to regulate this concession consistently and permanently, requested,
through his ambassador, an apostolic brief from the supreme pontiff,
Innocent X, in 1645, which should confer upon the college of Santo
Tomás (the title) and honors of a university, with all the privileges
of those of the same class in the Peninsula, authorizing it to confer
academic degrees in the schools of theology and philosophy. Afterwards,
in 1734, this concession was extended by Clement XII, [78] also on
the petition of the king of Spain, to the schools of canonical and
civil law, and to others that might in time be established.

The year following the erection of this university by Innocent X and
Felipe IV, its first rector and chancellor, Fray Martin Real de la
Cruz, who so distinguished himself in the conversion of the Cagayanes,
framed the laws, which continued in force until 1785. The greater
part of these were similar to the laws of the university of Mexico,
to which his Catholic Majesty desired to conform them, as appears from
his letter written on December 20, 1644, to his ambassador at Rome.

In the beginning the only courses were dogmatic and moral theology,
philosophy, and the humanities; Latin and Spanish grammar, rhetoric,
and poetry were included in the humanities, and the study of all the
branches comprised in the works of Santo Tomás de Aquino formed a part
of the courses in theology and philosophy. [79] This was the custom in
most of the universities existing at that time, a custom that responded
perfectly to the necessities of that century, and more particularly to
the special requirements of this country at that period. In the first
stage of their civilization, education in the Philippines was based
exclusively on religion; and the local necessities and the aspirations
of the first Spaniards, echoing faithfully the sentiments expressed
many times concerning this subject by the Catholic monarchs, demanded
a literary center where the bishops and missionaries might find a
solution for the many and varied doubts which arose in the exercise
of their ministry; where the governors-general might receive ideas of
profound and consistent methods of government for the direction of the
towns and for their relations with neighboring nations, and where the
alcaldes and encomenderos might learn the lessons of Christian charity
and justice, which they not infrequently failed to observe. In what
a satisfactory manner the university of Santo Tomás fulfilled this
duty is shown by the illustrious names of Fathers Berart, Marron,
Santa Cruz, Pardo, Sanchez, and the celebrated Father Paz, and many
others whom it would take too long to mention, whose brilliant and
wise writings contain discussions of all kinds regarding the practical
life of these people. It is also shown by the royal decree of 1862,
in which his Catholic Majesty, admitting this institution under his
protection, says that degrees in theology and letters are given with
all strictness and display to qualified persons in those islands,
this being of notable utility in that it furnishes subjects capable
of filling the offices of curates and prebendaries.

The eighteenth century arrived, and, with the coming of the Bourbon
dynasty to the Spanish throne, new germs of civilization took root
throughout the monarchy, and were felt as far as these remote
shores. Then the faculty of jurisprudence and canonical law was
established (the establishment of which the Dominican corporation
had endeavored to secure years before), because with the increase of
the native and mestizo population, and with the consolidation upon a
religious basis of the social life of these peoples, there was not a
sufficient number of lawyers for the administration of justice. Lawyers
did not come from the Peninsula, and for that reason, if not for
other better and more noble reasons, it was necessary to seek them
within the bounds of the islands. Hence, faculties of jurisprudence
and canonical law were established, with courses in Roman law and
institutes and the sacred canons. The pupils could hope for the degree
of licentiate in jurisprudence and canonical law after a four years'
course in these studies, and four other years called pasantía years,
which were taken in connection with the law course, and were years
of practice in the office of some lawyer. During these so-called
pasantía years, the pupils were required to defend a proposition every
week and sum up the opposing arguments, and were permitted to act as
substitutes during the absence of any of the professors of the faculty.

The course of institutes and canonical law was the only course in
law given in most of the universities of that period, the professors
being charged with making the applications necessary to the Spanish
laws and those of the Indias, explaining the points in which they
differed from the Roman and canonical laws.

The instruction continued thus during the greater part of the
eighteenth century, the university conferring degrees in theology,
philosophy, and canonical and Roman law. The courses in moral theology
and the humanities were pursued without the formalities of enrolment
and without a fixed number of terms, until toward the end of that
century. With the increase of the commerce and the intercourse of
these islands with Europe, and under the influence of the government
of Carlos III, it was decided in the university assembly of 1785,
to extend the faculty of theology by the establishment of chairs in
literature and sacred writings, and that of law by two additional
chairs of canonical and Roman law. It was also decided to create the
faculty of medicine, together with a chair of mathematics, applied
to commerce and navigation in conformity with the necessities of
the times. Father Amador, professor of canonical law, having been
appointed to form the new laws, in accordance with the resolution of
the assembly, concluded them during the same year, 1785. These laws,
after being approved by the superior government of these islands, are
now in force except in the points modified by subsequent laws. These
laws provided that all professorships, with the exception of those
belonging to the private patronage of the Order of St. Dominic,
should be conferred by competitive examinations. It also prescribed
rules for the conferring of academic degrees by the faculties of
theology, canons, law, philosophy, and the new one of medicine, it
being provided that, in order to secure the degree of bachelor of
theology, canons, civil law, and medicine, it was necessary to have
passed in four courses, and for philosophy in three, and that, after
having obtained the title of bachelor, it was necessary to exercise
the pasantía for four years in the schools of theology and law, and
for three years in the other schools. Rules werealso provided for the
courses, the enrolments, and the examination fees. These laws were
taken to a great extent from those in force in the universities of
Salamanca, Mexico, and Lima.

About that time the king of Spain confirmed the privilege of exemption
from tribute for all those who had received the degree of bachelor,
and also for the pupils of the university, in consideration of "the
utility and necessity for this branch of the state to encourage these
studies, without which no community can flourish; for, if it should be
ordered, contrary to the practice observed up to the present time,
that the tribute be paid, the schools would be deserted, to the
general injury of these islands."

Because of the indolence of the times and the lack of pupils, it
became necessary to abolish the school of medicine and the class
of mathematics and drawing, which were afterwards incorporated by
the consulado, and the superior studies continued during the first
part of the present century as they existed at the beginning of the
eighteenth century. It was not until the year 1836, on the petition
of the corporation of St. Dominic, that the chair of Spanish law was
created, increasing the faculty of laws.

By a royal order of 1837, continuing the progressive course initiated
in the instruction at the university, a commission, presided over
by the director of the university, was appointed for the purpose
of studying the method of extending the instruction, and making a
report upon the manner of filling the chairs which should be created,
at the same time preparing a plan of studies, conforming as far as
possible with that in force in the Peninsula. The report of this
commission was awaiting the decision of the court of appeals when
a new royal order of April 2, 1842, provided for the appointment
of a new commission, also presided over by the director of the
university, and consisting of one associate justice of the royal
court of appeals, a prebendary of the cathedral chapter, a member
of the municipal council, and one of the economic association, for
the purpose of preparing a new plan of studies in harmony with the
necessities of the times. The new commission, having worked with
great activity, presented its completed report, submitting a plan
of laws for this university which included the college of San José,
notwithstanding the opposition of its rector, who, as prebendary,
formed part of the commission. According to this plan of studies,
instruction in theology, philosophy, and jurisprudence was improved,
chairs of medicine, pharmacy, and chemistry were created, and that of
physics was extended. Upon the submission of this plan of studies to
the supreme government of his Majesty, it was provided by another royal
order of April 2, 1846, that funds be secured for the establishment
of said change in the university, without injuring the interests of
anybody, but respecting those existing in so far as possible.

In fulfilment of this decree, on the twenty-sixth of the following
August, this superior government appointed another commission, to which
was communicated a royal order of April 15, 1847, which appointed,
as a member of the same, the rector and chancellor of the university;
and another royal order of July 12, of the same year, which directed
said commission not to include in the budget of studies "the property
of the college of Santo Tomás, as it is the exclusive property of
the Dominican fathers." [80]

Unfortunately this commission was dissolved just before the
completion of its work, on account of the absence of some members in
the Peninsula, there remaining only one (in addition to the rector of
the university), who later resigned his membership in the commission,
under date of October 28, 1848. But by a royal order of April 19,
1849, the action of this superior government in not accepting said
resignation was approved, and in the place of the absent members,
Señor Montes de Oca was appointed and instructions given that another
competent person should associate with them, in order that the work of
university reform might continue. But as the commission did not hasten
the matter with the speed desired by the government of his Majesty,
another royal order was issued, under date of October 19, 1852,
urging the commission to conclude the plan, and budget of studies,
in accordance with the wishes and the interest of his Majesty for
the welfare and prosperity of this colony. However, the difficulty
of reconciling very great extremes, such as the preservation, in a
new plan of studies, of everything already in existence that should
be in harmony with the studies of the universities of Spain, the
formation of a budget without injuring the interests of anyone, and
a thousand other necessary considerations, placed under the charge of
the commission by more than one royal decree, were more than sufficient
causes to prevent the board from finishing its laborious contract and
including its complicated work in the brief period desired. Hence,
it was not until February 16, 1856, that its work was done, and
the long-desired plan of studies concluded. This plan was at once
sent to the superior government of these islands, in order that it
might finally be forwarded when it should be deemed convenient. The
papers were still in the hands of the secretary of the government in
March, 1859, when a fire occurred in the town of San Miguel, where
said secretary resided at the time, and unfortunately the papers,
in the compilation of which so much valuable labor had been expended,
were burned. So unfortunate an occurrence must naturally have delayed
this matter, although by chance there was in the possession of the
rector of the university a copy of all these works and the previous
writings of the board which were used in the compilation of the desired
plan. The rector of the university was requested by the government of
these islands to furnish all the previous writings in his possession
on the works and plan of studies which had been destroyed while in
the possession of the secretary, and which should serve as a basis
for the new papers treating of the same subject.

But before sending the report to his Majesty, for his final approval,
the superior government received some copies of the plan of studies
newly established in the universities of the Peninsula, together with
a royal order directing that it be adapted in so far as possible
to the plan for these islands which was to be presented for the
approbation of his Majesty. This circumstance led to the suspension
of the proceedings instituted, and obliged this superior government
to appoint another commission, or, rather, to complete the old one,
which had already become disintegrated by the absence of some of its
members, to revise the work and the plan of studies formerly proposed,
and to harmonize it, if possible, with the plan of studies, a copy of
which was sent to the members of the board for the purpose indicated.

Thus, on April 5, 1861, General Lemery appointed the lacking members
of said commission, in which figured, as in the former commissions,
the director and chancellor of this university. The commission
concluded its work on February 20, 1862. The plan of studies prepared
by this last commission was presented on the same day to the superior
government of the islands and was finally transmitted with a favorable
report to the government of his Majesty without the sovereign approval
for its establishment having as yet been given.

This lack of approval of the superior government did not prevent
the consideration of the means of immediately carrying into effect
the change in the studies, and soon afterwards, in 1865, secondary
instruction was adopted with the degree of bachelor of arts, commercial
expert, and surveyor, and chemical and industrial expert, as in the
universities of the Peninsula. The classes were opened the following
year, in accordance with a provisional program taken from that of
Cuba. In 1867, this program was given the supreme approval. Secondary
instruction having been happily inaugurated, the approval of the plan
of superior instruction, submitted by the university to the government
of his Majesty, was being awaited, when a decree arrived from the
regent of the kingdom, Don Francisco Serrano, countersigned by the
colonial minister, Señor Moret, [81] which secularized the official
studies, and, suppressing the existing colleges and the universities
of Santo Tomás, converted them into the Philippine Institute and the
university of the Philippines respectively, thus ignoring all the
elements which they had accumulated in their teaching during three
centuries of existence, and turning over the literary future of the
people to the hazardous plan, inspired, notwithstanding the loyal
patriotism of the minister, by a doctrine diametrically opposed to
that which had served as a solid basis for welfare and progress. The
corporations of Manila, the bishops, and the clergy, with a majority
of the householders, protested against a measure which, although it
fulfilled the hopes of the university in regard to new chairs and
schools, deprived them of any value by separating them completely from
the religious basis. These protests were heard by the governor of
these islands, Señor Izquierdo, who provisionally resolved that the
decree be not executed in regard to the secularization, but that it
be carried out with regard to the new schools. This resolution was
fully approved by the government of the Peninsula. Thus, in 1871,
the schools of medicine and pharmacy were established, and the
other schools were extended. By a resolution of General Moriones,
the governor of these islands, which was confirmed by his Catholic
Majesty, it was decided to appoint a director of the college of San
José, which was granted in perpetuity to the rector of the university,
and of an administrator, on the recommendation of the said director,
for the management of revenues. [82]

In 1876, the study of the profession of notary was inaugurated, and two
professors were appointed to teach these subjects. Finally, in 1879
and 1880, the auxiliary courses of medicine and pharmacy, midwives,
assistant surgeons, and practitioners in pharmacy were created. From
this date, the university of Manila has had a complete course of
superior and secondary instruction, better than some universities of
the Peninsula. [83]

This is the brief history of the first and most important educational
institution of these islands, [84] in which it may be seen that,
without the violence of certain schools, with the moderation and
firmness demanded by reforms in the branch of public instruction,
this university combining perfectly scientific interests with religion
and patriotic interests, has been able to rise to the height required
by the circumstances of the period, and has fulfilled the aspirations
of all true lovers of Christian and Spanish civilization.







ROYAL COLLEGE OF SAN FELIPE DE AUSTRIA


I

FOUNDATION AND SUPPRESSION

[Diaz (Conquistas de las Filipinas), speaks as follows of the short
existence of the royal college of San Felipe.]

Governor Don Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera, a magnanimous gentleman,
determined to found a royal college under the title of San Felipe in
honor of Felipe IV, in whose reign he assigned four thousand pesos
from the royal treasury for twenty becas, until other means should
be carried out for their support. He joined it to the college of San
José of Manila, which is under the charge and direction of the Jesuit
religious of the Society. The latter college is the older in foundation
of the two in the city, leaving out of account the seminary of San
Juán de Letrán, which together with the college of Santo Tomás is in
charge of the religious of St. Dominic. Both colleges are gardens
of letters and virtue which adorn the ecclesiastical estate, both
secular and regular. Very many very eminent persons, both seculars
and regulars, [85] have graduated from those colleges, and up to this
time three bishops, and Doctor Endaya y Haro, who after being dean
of the cathedral of Plasencia, España, is at present archdeacon of
Alarcón, a dignity of the cathedral of Cuenca, one of the greatest
dignities of España, besides many others who require a separate
history. The twenty becas were given to the finest youths in Manila on
the day of St. Sebastian of that year, 1641, amid great applause and
gatherings, and they were given the title of royal collegiates. [86]
The religious of the Society of Jesus took charge of the management
and instruction of that college with that care and zeal which they
usually display. But the permanence of that college endured only during
the government of Don Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera, namely, until
the year 1644, when that royal college of San Felipe was destroyed,
and the fathers of the Society had to pay the 12,000 pesos which they
had spent during those three years on the support [of those pupils],
the many good representations made by the said religious--who charged
that the royal decree which was couched in very strict terms for
that purpose, was obtained by false representation [87]--being of
no avail. The new governor Don Diego Faxardo executed that decree
with the integrity which these islands experienced in him. The royal
treasury owed 8,000 pesos to the fathers of the Society, but they
were not allowed to receive them on account. Thus they had to lose
those loans. Our province aided them with 8,000 pesos which it had in
deposit from some annuities [censos] which their owners had received,
and 4,000 were lent them by Captain Manuel Estacio Venegas, a very
important person of these islands. [88]... This was the beginning,
permanence, and end of that unfortunate college of San Felipe, whose
idea we have seen to have been executed and established by the royal
will of King Don Felipe V, in the foundation of the royal college
of San Felipe newly established in houses that formerly belonged to
Captain Gabriel Diaz del Castillo, and afterward confiscated for the
properties of Licentiate Manuel Suárez de Olivera, who was also an
example of the advantage of wealth in this world, for his wealth all
went up in smoke without his having gotten from it (and he had much)
enough to apply to a mass for his soul. The royal college of San
Felipe has twelve violet colored becas over red mantles, with the
arms of Castilla and Leon in silver on the breast. They are obliged
to be present at the cathedral in their seminary body during the
divine offices, and serve as acolytes and other lesser duties of the
altar. Their first rector and the only one as yet, is Licentiate Don
Gabriel de Isturis, presbyter, advocate of the royal Audiencia. He
was alcalde-in-ordinary of the city of Manila while in the world,
and alcalde-mayor of the alcaicería of the Parián of the Sangleys. [89]




II

SUMMARY OF HISTORY

[The following is condensed from annotations of Rev. Pablo Pastells,
S.J., in his edition of Colin's Labor evangélica.]

The college of San Felipe de Austria was founded by Sebastián Hurtado
de Corcuera, at the instance of the ayuntamiento of Manila, and was
annexed to the college of San José of Manila. The cabildo proposed
to Corcuera, December 15, 1640, that eighteen royal fellowships
and two college servants be assigned in the college of San José or
Santo Tomás, which were to be given as a reward to those possessing
greatest merit and highest rank, because of the great poverty of many
of the children and descendants of those who had performed the greatest
services for the crown in Filipinas. In view of the fact that there are
two universities in Manila, Corcuera is asked to confer in regard to
the matter, "so that in the college which his Lordship shall assign,
of the two above-mentioned, there be eighteen fellowships, and two
college servants--twenty in all--and that to them be appointed those
who shall deserve it most and those of the highest rank, with the
beca and gown that shall be regarded as fitting, in order that they
may be recognized as such, and which shall be different from those
worn by the other students. For their support and clothing, a sum of
three thousand pesos shall be set aside annually." The graduates were
to succeed, after passing competitive examination, to the canonries
of the Manila cathedral.

Corcuera signed the decree founding the college, December 23, 1640,
and the direction of the same was given to the Jesuits. By that decree,
twenty fellowships were created, and six Pampango college servants
provided for. The turn of four thousand pesos was assigned for their
support, 3,000 being for the twenty fellowships, and the remaining
1,000 for one master and the six servants. Provision was made for
this sum from four hundred of the general licenses which were issued
to the Sangleys, granting them permission to remain in Manila.

January 19, 1641, Corcuera issued the rules and regulations for the new
college--thirty-three in number--after having conferred with Doctor
Diego de Rivera Maldonado; auditor of the royal Audiencia. These
rules and regulations provide as follows: [90]

1. There shall be twenty collegiates, "who must be the sons, grandsons,
or descendants of deserving persons who have served his Majesty in
these islands. The sons of the auditors of this royal Audiencia,
living or dead, and those of the royal official judges, and those
of all the war officers, great and small, shall always have the
preference; and in default of them, any others of these islands,
who possess the necessary qualifications. Said collegiates shall
be in the charge and under the care of the father rector, present
or future, of the said college; and no one shall enter the college
or be received therein unless he shall have presented a government
provision therefor to the said father rector."

2. The college servants shall be of influential Pampango families,
and they shall be taught "to read and write, and the Spanish language,"
and shall be given clerkships if they show aptitude therefor.

3. The collegiates must be of pure race and have no mixture of Moorish
or Jewish blood, to the fourth degree, and shall have no negro or
Bengal blood, or that of any similar nation, in their veins, or a
fourth part of Filipino blood.

4. The royal arms shall be placed above the principal door of the
college, and surrounding those arms the Latin words: Collegium regale
divi Philippi [Royal college of San Felipe].

5. The outside clothing worn by the collegiates shall be a gown of
blue and black silk, and a beca of purple velvet, and on the left
side an escutcheon with the arms of Castilla and Leon with the royal
crown above, and below, the fleece whence protrudes the cross of
Alcantara, edged at the points with gold. The sleeves and bonnet
shall be black. In the house they shall wear a garment of the same
silk and color in place of the gown. The college servants shall wear
a semi-cassock of the same silk material, with hat and girdle, with
the royal arms on the left side of the breast.

6. All that is necessary for the support and clothing of the
collegiates shall be given them, being paid for from the 150 pesos
assigned for each one. They shall each be provided with one silken
gown, one beca of purple velvet, one silken garment, one bonnet,
four pairs of sleeves of black taffeta, six shirts and six pairs of
linen breeches, twelve pairs of shoes, four pairs of cotton socks,
two pairs of breeches and two doublets, and one dozen linen collars.

7. Twelve of the collegiates shall be art students [pasantes de
facultad], and the other eight, grammar, but the governors may vary
the number of those in each branch at their pleasure.

8. The course shall take eight years, and shall comprise three in
arts and four in theology; and no collegiate may be more than seven
years in the said college and one year as a lodger, unless elected as
a conciliar the last year, after which he shall then be a lodger. Those
studying grammar shall remain nine years.

9. When there is a sufficient number who wish to be given a fellowship,
a competitive examination shall be held.

10. Until there are those who can compete for the fellowships, they
shall be appointed after taking an examination given by the three
fathers named by the rector.

11. All collegiates must take an oath of mutual defense in and out of
the college, and must defend the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin.

12. The collegiates must be given sufficient food, and on certain
feast days, viz., of Sts. Philip and James, St. Sebastian, and the
day of the Immaculate Conception, something extra.

13. The hours shall correspond to those of the university of San José.

14. The collegiates shall confess and take communion at least five
times per year, viz., on the three feasts of Christmas, Easter, and
Pentecost, and the days of Sts. Sebastian and Philip, under penalty
of a fortnight's seclusion every time they fail to observe it, and
loss of their college portion for that time.

15. The students of San José shall be preferred to all others in
competition for fellowships.

16. These shall be defended every Saturday when no legal obstacle
presents itself.

17. All the collegiates shall be obliged to attend vespers and mass
in the royal chapel on St. Sebastian's day, and on the feast of the
most holy sacrament held at the same place, and they shall have to
take part in the procession of the latter day as well as on the day
of Sts. Philip and James (May 2).

18. Gambling with cards, dice, or in other manner is forbidden, the
penalties being for the first time, seclusion for a fortnight and
deprivation of the college portion for that time; for the second,
that penalty doubled, and for the third, dismissal from the college.

19. The college shall be locked after the evening prayer, after time
has been allowed for the collegiates to arrive from the farthest part
of the city. The third time that any collegiate is late, he shall
be dismissed from the college. No collegiate may go into the city
without his gown and beca.

20. The library shall be open two hours in the morning and two in the
afternoon, but no book shall be taken from it, "under penalty that the
collegiate so doing, shall not enter the library for six months, and
shall pay the college for the book, unless he return it. The librarian
or attendant shall be the senior collegiate, and he shall be present
in the said library one hour in the morning and one in the afternoon."

21. Corcuera prescribes that he be advised of any case for expulsion
in order that he may give permission for such expulsion. Expulsion
shall take place if it is proved that any collegiate has obtained
the beca for sinister reasons, or is not of the proper purity of blood.

22. The collegiates shall live a good moral life under penalty of
expulsion.

23. Collegiates shall be preferred in all appointments to the beneficed
curacies and in the church dignities.

24. Every day the collegiates shall recite a prayer for the king,
besides a responsary for the deceased sovereigns. They shall assemble
(as is the custom at San José) twice in the chapel, once on rising
in the morning, and the second time at night, at which times the said
prayers shall be repeated.

25. The auditor Diego de Rivera shall be the protector of the
college, and in his absence, the one who shall be appointed by the
government. The governor shall inspect the college annually without
the intervention of any ecclesiastic, but he may delegate it to the
father provincial of the Society.

26. On the day of the patron saint of the college, the collegiates
shall assemble and three of the most capable shall be chosen as
assistants to the rector in matters of importance.

27 and 28. The college shall contain archives for the conservation
of important papers, and records.

29. The rector shall have especial care of the money assigned for
the support of the collegiates.

30. One of the art or theological collegiates shall be elected annually
as conciliar, when the number is sufficient to warrant it.

31. If the expenses of the degree of doctor or licentiate in any course
reach 400 pesos, counting the fees, theaters, gloves, collations,
and other things, the royal collegiates shall pay only half the fees
to the doctors and teachers.

32. The senior collegiate in any course shall be graduated before
the other students in that course.

33. The college is entrusted to the Jesuits as Corcuera has full
confidence in them.

The Dominicans asked that the twenty fellowships founded by Corcuera be
adjudged to their college, without any gratification or income. Their
request was made by the rector of that college, Fray Domingo Goncales,
and the other religious of the same, and they offered to take the
twenty students free of all charge to the king, as an appreciation
of the latter's many favors to their college. Corcuera answered the
request by a decree, November 23, 1640, in which he suggested that
the Dominicans might use the 3,000 pesos which they offered for the
support of the fellowships, for bringing over missionaries of their
order from Spain, thus relieving the king of that expense. But it
is not in accord with the greatness of the king to listen to such
a proposal. On August 8, 1641, Corcuera wrote to Felipe IV, stating
the reason which induced him to found the college. He cites therein
the request made him by the Manila cabildo, encloses the Dominican's
petition, and gives his reasons for refusing it. He also asks that
the college be exempted from the payment of the half-annats, as it
is a royal institution.

When Diego Fajardo took possession of the government, August 11,
1644, he ordered the assignments for the fellowships, amounting
now to 12,000 pesos, belonging to the college of San Felipe, now
received by the college of San José, to be returned, in accordance
with a royal decree dated June 16, 1643, ordering the former college
discontinued. The Jesuits urged against the measure "that his Majesty
did not order that the Society should pay the said sum, but that there
be given to the royal treasury what the Society had received, leaving
it to the decision of the royal official judges how it was to be paid
and by whom; that the seminary of San José was a distinct college,
and had made no use of what had been spent in the support of the royal
college; that it was only interested because it had given them a house
in which to live: consequently it was not right that it should pay from
the income which its founder had instituted, what they had not eaten
and drunk. As regards the embargo of property, we alleged immunity,
for it was proved that the incomes of the college of San José were
ecclesiastical." The sentence was given in favor of the Society by the
royal officials, but the governor would not listen. The Society were
ordered to pay the 12,000 within three days. The governor refused to
discount 8,000 pesos owed the Society by the treasury, and to take
4,000 pesos in cash, and hence, it became necessary for the Society
to seek a loan. The king on fuller information, ordered the Society
to be reimbursed to the amount of the 12,000 pesos, if it had been
collected from them, by a royal decree dated March 17, 1647. [91]







SECULAR PRIESTS IN THE PHILIPPINES

    Summary of a letter by Archbishop Pardo (dated June 6, 1680),
    in answer to a letter from the king and a royal decree of August
    22, 1077.


This decree ordained that the archbishop should make all the efforts
that he possibly could to maintain at their studies such Indians of
the islands as were inclined to that pursuit, and in due time should
promote them to holy orders, when he found them properly instructed;
and that for this purpose some boys should enter the colleges that
the Dominicans and Jesuits maintain, until a seminary be founded. The
archbishop stated the little inclination that the Indians have for
theological and moral studies, and that there was the additional
difficulty of their evil customs, their vices, and their preconceived
ideas--which made it necessary to treat them as children, even when
they were fifty or sixty years old. He considered even the sons of
Spaniards, born in the islands, unsuitable for priests, since they
were reared by Indian or slave women, because of their defective
training and education in youth. Finally, on account of the sloth
produced by the climate, and of effeminacy and levity of disposition,
it was evident that if they were ordained priests and made ministers
to the Indians when they were not sufficiently qualified therefor,
through the necessity there was for them, they did not again open a
book, and with their vicious habits set a very bad example to their
parishioners. That which should be done was to send from España those
religious who were most zealous for the conversion of souls. [92]







ROYAL DECREE CONCERNING NATIVE SCHOOLS


The King. Inasmuch as it is ordered by law v, título 13, book i, [93]
of the Nueva Recopilación de las Indias that all the archbishops and
bishops of the Indias give order in their dioceses to the curas and
missionaries to the effect that by using the most mild means, they
order and direct all the Indians to be taught the Spanish language, and
the Christian doctrine in that language, so that they may become more
proficient in the mysteries of our holy Catholic faith, gain profit
for their salvation, and attain other advantages in their government
and mode of living; and inasmuch as it is ordered by another law,
namely, law xviii, título i, of book vi, that schools be founded for
the Indians and teachers appointed to teach the Castilian language
to those who wish of their own free will to learn it, in the manner
that may be of least trouble to them and without cost to them; and
since it appears that the sacristans of the churches can do this well,
just as in the villages of these kingdoms they teach reading, writing,
and the Christian doctrine: [94] therefore, considering, in my royal
Council of the Indias, the great advisability of observing this in
the future strictly and inviolably, as it is inferred to be the most
efficient means for banishing idolatries, to which the Indians are for
the greater part addicted at present, as they were in the beginning of
their conversion, from this means also it follows that the vexations
which are practiced on them will cease in whole or in great part,
and the Indians will be able to make their complaints directly to
the superiors without making use of interpreters, who being bribed
change the translation, I have resolved to order and command, as I
do by this present, my viceroys, presidents, governors, corregidors,
and alcaldes-mayor, who hold office at present or shall hold office in
the future, of all the provinces of Nueva España, Guatemala, Filipinas
Islands, and Barlovento, and I ask and request the archbishops and
bishops of the metropolitan churches and cathedrals of those countries,
each one, so far as it concerns him, to watch carefully and strictly
over the observance of the laws above cited. They shall cause them to
be carried out strictly, without any opposition or interpretation, so
that the Indians may study the Castilian language and begin immediately
to learn it. I charge all to have especial care in this, and I warn
(as I do by this present) the viceroys, presidents, governors,
corregidors, and alcaldes-mayor of all the provinces and islands
above mentioned, that the non-observance of this shall be charged
against them in their residencias. [95] I also order and command
generally all the ecclesiastical and secular ministers mentioned in
this despatch, to report to me on all occasions when a fleet sails,
and on all other occasions that offer, that they have placed in
practice what is expressed and mentioned by the above-mentioned laws,
and of what they shall continue to do in their observance and punctual
performance, and the result thereof; for it is so important for the
end which is proposed and so to the service of God and myself, to be
informed of the results which I hope will follow from the observance
and fulfilment of the abovesaid laws. Given in Madrid, June 20, 1686.


I the King

By order of the king our sovereign:

Antonio Ortiz de Otalora







COLLEGE-SEMINARY OF SAN FELIPE

I



Decree of King Felipe V to the royal Audiencia of Manila, in regard
to a seminary which the king ordered to be founded in that city.


President and Auditors of my royal Audiencia of the city of Manila, in
the Filipinas Islands: By a despatch of April 28, of the former year,
1702, I ordered the master-of-camp, Don Domingo de Zabalburu, then
governor and captain-general of those islands, to order the foundation
in that city of a seminary with the number of eight seminarists; the
cost of its building and support to be met from the assets proceeding
from the vacant bishoprics of those islands. There was also to be
applied for this purpose what might be necessary from the tithes. In
case what was assigned for these expenses was insufficient, the sum
lacking was to be supplied by my royal treasury. I advised him of the
equity with which he was to work in this matter, which should be with
the advice of the archbishop of that metropolitan church (to whom
the same charge was made). He was to inform me of the advance made
in the foundation of the above-mentioned seminary. But not learning
from him what he has spent, the apostolic nuncio who resides in this
capital has informed me of the news that his Holiness possesses (by
report of Cardinal Tournon, [96] after conferring with the archbishop,
Don Diego Camacho y Avila, at present bishop of Guadalajara) of the
progress of the seminary founded by the above-mentioned archbishop
in that city, and that Abbot Sidoti [97] (one of the missionaries
who went to China) in the time when he was detained there [i.e., in
Manila] in order to pass to Japon, settled the differences existing
between the governor and archbishop, and that they had delayed this
foundation. That foundation was then much advanced by the means which
he applied therefor, and the copious alms which were contributed by the
faithful, especially by the inhabitants of the islands near that city,
who had given to the abovesaid abbot for that purpose, all the wood
which was necessary, and had paid seven hundred men for its cutting
and transportation. With that wood a large edifice was built near the
church and archiepiscopal palace. At the rate at which the work was
advancing, many were encouraged to enter the seminary in which were
more than eighty seminarists. Some of them were those appointed by the
above-mentioned my governor, as my vice-patron. Others were supported
by the assistance of their parents, and others by the piety of the
faithful. For that reason the archbishop needed teachers to devote
themselves to the education of that family, and his Holiness praising
the pious mind with which at my expense (as protector of religion)
its promotion has been begun in those islands, and desiring that the
gospel law be more defended in them every day, he had condescended,
at the instances of archbishop and governor, and had given permission
to Cardinal Tournon so that he might send to the assistance of the
above-mentioned seminary one of his apostolic men, of tried virtue and
ability, so that, it being my royal pleasure, he might be employed
in instructing those recently converted, and in educating all who
come from the neighboring kingdom in the gospel doctrine. Since that
intent is so pleasing to God (since its purpose is to extend His true
worship) his Blessedness trusted that it would be acceptable to me,
and that I would give order for the furnishing of the fitting means, in
order that so worthy an undertaking might be perfected and maintained,
since by means of it the rearing in my domains of apostolic men would
be obtained with the education of the greatest consideration, and the
veneration due my royal person. Without prejudice to the seminary,
and to the advantage of that city, very worthy subjects [it was
represented] would graduate therefrom for the ministry of preachers,
and for the office of parish priests, and those islands would be
provided with very worthy subjects who would perform the duties of
the apostolic institute, without there resulting to my royal treasury
the vast expense of their transportation to so remote provinces,
and of their maintenance therein. That representation having been
examined in my Council of the Indias, and they consulting with me in
regard to it, I have resolved to give notice of these things (as is
done by the despatch of this day) to my governor and captain-general
of those islands, telling him our great astonishment that that news
has arrived by the medium through which it has been received, without
his predecessor (in fulfilment of his first and due obligation) having
informed me of so unexpected an innovation as that of having admitted
into those islands foreign persons, to whose active effort the Roman
court has been able to attribute the progress of the conversions and
the propagation of our holy faith, when the principal consideration
of my Catholic zeal consists in the despatch and support (at so
great expense to my royal treasury) of the great number of learned
missionaries of the orders which are established in those islands;
that what the above-mentioned governor permitted is so contrary to
the obligation and fulfilment of that purpose, as is manifest in
the displeasure with which I view the fact that he allowed (with
so great offense to my service) the excessive number of seminarists
who have been received in the new college, many of them not being my
vassals, but foreigners, who are admitted without my express license;
that I should hear this great innovation and those harmful acts by
other medium than that of my vassals and ministers; and that the
conditions established in the foundation which I resolved with so
great anticipation should be made, were altered. I order and command
that, as soon as the despatch which is sent is received, without the
least delay, all the foreign seminarists in the said seminary shall be
immediately removed therefrom; and of those who shall be my vassals,
those in excess of the number of the eight whom I have preferred,
for whose support the calculation has been made, by settling the
suitable compensation with the teachers. Those who desire to be
admitted as boarders shall not exceed sixteen in number, because of
the inconveniences that would result from giving a greater extension
to their entrance into the territory where there are so few Spanish
inhabitants, in which it is necessary for the natives to apply
themselves to the cultivation of the fields and the industries of the
community without anyone being able to enter without your license,
as my vice-patron. Especial care shall be taken for the encouragement
and aid by all possible means for the progress and completion of the
seminary, which I have founded, so that it may exist in the form
and according to the laws established for that purpose, without
violating those laws in any manner. The persons who aided in the
building of the new seminary in good faith with edifices, incomes,
and other things, which they liberally applied and gave for it, shall
be petitioned to condescend to apply it all for the seminary which
I have ordered to be founded. That seminary is to be maintained in
the form abovesaid. In case that such persons do not agree thereto,
they shall be paid the just price of all that which shall be esteemed
useful and advantageous to the above-mentioned seminary. That which
shall be considered as useless for this purpose, shall be restored
to its own owners, in the manner which may be suitable, excepting the
edifices which might not be necessary and which must be destroyed. Not
less is the innovation and wonder that has been caused that, on your
part, I have not been informed of what was done in the above-mentioned
seminary, contrary to what I have determined and established for its
foundation, incurring also with your undue tolerance and forgetfulness
of the fulfilment of your obligation and ministry the same guilt as
the governor, and my displeasure. I have desired to inform you of
it and to order you (as I do) that in case the above-mentioned, my
governor and captain-general, does not fulfil the above expressed,
my resolution, with the exactness and in the form which has been
ordered him, you shall execute it without permitting the least delay,
because of its great importance to my service. You shall inform me
of all that may conduce to the success of this matter, in order that
I may be thoroughly advised of it. Given in Madrid, March 3, 1710.


I the King

By order of the king our sovereign:

Don Felix de la Cruz Haedo


Lower down are five rubrics.




II

[Concepción has the following in regard to this seminary and its
founding, in chapter xiii, vol. viii.]


12. Another matter even more delicate, and which irritated even more
the just annoyance of our monarch Phelipe Fifth, was that in which
Señor Tournon took part with even greater ardor, and the results
of which fell heavily upon the governor and the archbishop. April
twenty-eight, one thousand seven hundred and two, a royal decree
was sent to this government, in which was mentioned the receipt of
a letter from Don Juan Fausto Cruzat y Gongora, dated June thirteen,
seven hundred, in observance of a royal despatch of ninety-seven, which
ordered him to report as to whether there was a college seminary in
the metropolitan church of Manila, and in case there was none, what its
foundation and maintenance would cost. In the above-mentioned letter,
Don Fausto reported that such a foundation was unnecessary. However,
his Majesty, with a spirit of liberality and zeal, resolved upon
the foundation with the number of eight seminarists for the time
being. Its foundation and maintenance were to be paid from the
ecclesiastical incomes. The decree ordered that, after conferring
with the archbishop, the account of its cost should be made and the
necessary means should be applied for that purpose from what was
yielded by the vacant bishoprics. The amount that could be realized
from the tithes was also to be ascertained, and [it was to be stated]
whether they met the necessary expenses. For it was his royal intention
that they should be preferred rather than that it should be at the cost
of his royal treasury and estate. The king relied on the governor's
carefulness and accurate direction that he would treat discreetly and
economically concerning such expenses, which must be made with all
the advisable benefit and saving. Whatever he did, and what result it
had, was to be reported promptly. Another royal despatch was sent to
the archbishop. In it his Majesty orders and resolves that, inasmuch
as the sacred canons and pontifical briefs provide for a seminary
for young men in all the cathedral churches, in order that they may
become proficient in the sciences, and apply themselves to and assist
in divine worship, therefore in fulfilment of them, his Majesty having
been informed that there was no such seminary in Manila, he desired one
to be founded from his royal treasury in the metropolitan church. For
the time being it was to have eight seminarists, and the decree goes
on to repeat the orders communicated to the king's governor for that
purpose. These despatches gave advice of the preceding reports of
the government to the effect that no such seminary was necessary,
as well as of that of the archbishop who was of the opinion that
the cost should be met from the pensioned curacies, in proportion
to their ecclesiastical allowances. His Majesty determined that the
foundation and maintenance should be met not from the pensions of the
curas, as such was not stipulated by the Council of Trent, but from the
ecclesiastical incomes which the crown enjoys, by virtue of pontifical
bulls, the balance being supplied from his royal treasury. Inasmuch
as his immunity might be prejudiced, his Majesty advised his governor
of the communication with the reverend archbishop, thus avoiding
disturbances and litigations in regard to the net amounts [liquidus]
with the assignment in the ecclesiastical effects, such resolution
being merely informative and not executive. The execution is charged
only upon the governor, as is immediately inferred from what the royal
despatch says: "You shall give me information of what you shall do, and
its result." The decree addressed to the archbishop does not say this,
from which it is evidently deduced that his Majesty's wish is that the
communication to the archbishop is merely economic, in regard to the
savings of the royal treasury, and authoritative, in the application
of such ecclesiastical properties, so far as may be necessary.

13. The amount of the tithes and vacancies was, in fact, ascertained
in the execution of the decree with the aid of his Excellency, Don
Diego Camacho. It was found that the tithes, as a general rule, are
not collected in these islands; and that those which are received
regularly from some estates, do not exceed the sum of four hundred
pesos per annum, and they are received by the cathedral church
through a concession. The vacancies not proceeding from the products
of curacies, could only be in the allowances with which his Majesty
aids the bishops for their suitable support from the effects of his
royal patrimony, exempt from the obligations by which the tithes,
as ecclesiastical incomes, are accompanied, because of vacancies,
and are to be converted into benefit for the new prelate, church,
and pious uses. However, investigation was made of the vacancies of
such stipends, and it was found uniformly in the certifications of the
royal officials that they were converted as though they were tithes;
and that they were applied to the holy church for its building fund,
and for the aid of the archbishops and bishops who had come to these
islands, as an aid in the pontifical expenses, and to furnish their
household furniture and other things in a fitting manner. Only one
vacancy of one of the bishoprics was then found without pay warrant,
but its warrant was expected immediately. And although this and the
subsequent vacancies were obtained in three payments, those payments
were already applied to the expenses of the professors, both those
which came from the royal treasury and those of the church fund,
and maintenance of such college seminary, which necessarily became
perpetual without redintegration being made in whole or in part.

14. The conditions of the first foundation were changed, very much
against the intention of his Majesty, by the arrival at Manila of the
patriarch, Don Carlos Thomas Maillard de Tournon. The right reverend
Camacho came to terms with that gentleman, who took a hand in that
college, and altered its foundation, by increasing it with foreign
seminarists without the intervention of the vice-patron. Several
alms which had been collected were applied to the maintenance of
seventy-two collegiates who were to be of all nationalities. A new and
showy building was provided for on a site opposite the archiepiscopal
palace. For this enterprise was also applied a portion of certain
alms which had been collected by Abbot Sidoti, amounting to twelve
thousand pesos, which were given into the care of the financial board
of the Misericordia, in order that they might yield a suitable return,
and their products in the investments realized were applied by the
said abbot to various pious purposes, one of them being that of the
seventy-two seminarists. His consideration for the apostolic visitor
and patriarch, and for the powers promulgated for all by the Apostolic
See, reprehensibly restrained Señor Zabalburù in the performance of
his duties.

15. This was aided by seeing the archbishop so greatly in harmony
with the patriarch. This fact also intimidated the royal Audiencia,
so that they passed the matter by with most criminal carelessness in
so peculiar and irregular proceedings, and the rights so suitably
belonging to the monarch were violated very shamefully. With such
condescension, the archbishop passed to the remarkable audacity of
influencing Señor Tournon, to report by common consent all that had
been done to his Holiness, so that the latter might approve the
excesses independently of the royal patronage in the increase of
teachers because of the lack which he considered in the education
of the collegiates, and apply for their salaries the various alms
which he had gathered, and for the maintenance of seventy-two
seminarists who were to be of all nationalities, and for the new
building. The government and the royal Audiencia were so remiss,
that such information came to his Majesty's ears through the nuncio
of his Holiness who resided in his court, to whom the patriarch and
the archbishop had communicated it. His Majesty wondered that his
governor Zabalburù had not informed him of so weighty an innovation in
the progress of the seminary, and that he had not given information
regarding the observance of the royal decrees, in which his [i.e.,
the king's] watchful zeal had proposed the foundation of the seminary
college.

16. So angry was the court against the right reverend prelate Señor
Camacho, where his connivance with the patriarch was so displeasing,
that he was removed from this metropolitan see to the bishopric of
Guadalaxara in Nueva España. He went thither in the year one thousand
seven hundred and six, to take possession of his government. He was
a zealous and charitable archbishop. From the due salary of his
predecessor, Señor Poblete, from various alms given by the king,
and from those given by pious private persons, his zealous diligence
got together more than forty thousand pesos. He spent them in this
holy church of Manila in its decoration and ornament. He gilded the
reredos, beautified the choir, enriched the sacristy with chalices
and ornaments, and as well built the excellent steeple from its
foundations, and other things. More than twenty thousand pesos were
pledged in these expenses and in various alms. He was a vigilant
shepherd, and if the violent controversies above mentioned which
he had with the regulars occurred, he can very easily be excused
in what did not exceed the authority and dignity of his office. He
promoted the missions of Paynaan and San Isidro, where he went in
person to induce the Aetas or Negritos to become converted. [Other
facts concerning the life of Camacho follow.] [98]

18. No arbitrary measures were taken. His Majesty gave place to the
anger that had been conceived, and the representation of the nuncio was
examined in the royal and supreme Council. His royal Majesty having
been informed concerning the matter, resolved in his royal despatch
that the admission of foreign persons into these islands for such a
purpose was an unexpected innovation, and to whose active diligence
the Roman court might attribute the progress of the conversions. In
that his royal zeal might be seen to be corrected, since his principal
consideration in his Catholic zeal, was to send and to maintain at
so great cost, a great number of ministers chosen from the orders
which had been established in these islands. What had been permitted
by Governor Zabalburù was to the great violation of the obligation
and fulfilment of such a purpose, and the displeasure with which his
Majesty viewed the fact that so offensive an act had been allowed
against his royal service in the excessive number of seminarists was
harshly manifested; as was the fact that foreigners who were not his
vassals had been received in said college, and admitted without his
royal and express license; and the fact that he had heard that great
innovation and those prejudicial proceedings through other mediums
than those of his ministers and vassals: thus having altered the
conditions which he had resolved should be made so long before.

19. His Majesty orders and commands his [i.e., Zabalburú's] successor
in the government, Count de Lizaraga, as soon as he received this
despatch, and without the slightest delay, to immediately remove all
the foreign seminarists from such seminary; while of those who should
be his own vassals, all those in excess of the number of eight, whom
he had preferred, and for whose support the calculation had been made,
by deciding with the necessary teachers upon the suitable allowance,
if they desired to enter as boarders, they could not exceed the
number of sixteen. [This was done] in order to avoid the troubles
that might result if the privilege of admission were extended farther,
in a territory where there were so few Spanish inhabitants, where it
was necessary for the natives to apply themselves to the cultivation
of the soil, and the industries of the community. It was to be noted
that no one could enter without the permission of the vice-patron,
to whose activity he charges the especial care, and orders him to aid
by all means possible the progress and conclusion of the seminary,
which he had founded, in order that it might subsist in the manner
and according to the laws established, without transgressing those
laws in any manner. He was to arrange with the persons who with good
faith assisted in the said building fund, with incomes, edifices,
and other things, which they applied liberally, in order that they
might condescend to apply the whole to what his Majesty had ordered
to be erected. In case they did not agree thereto, the just price was
to be paid them, of whatever should be considered useful to the said
seminary, while what might be considered useless was to be returned to
its owners, in the best and most fitting form, except the buildings,
which were to be necessarily destroyed. His Majesty insists that he
be informed as quickly as possible, because of its great importance,
of the observance of his resolution. For the same purpose, he orders
the same of his royal Audiencia, by a despatch of the same day, and
orders that decree to be read annually at the opening [of the seminary]
in January (as is done), in order that it might be exactly observed
and in order to avoid such intrusions, to the great prejudice of the
supreme rights and privileges.

20. In fulfilment of that royal decree, the investigation of the alms
gathered by Abbot Sidoti was made. The application of those alms, by
virtue of the conditions of the pious foundations, could not be used
for the support of the eight seminarists, who were appointed at his
Majesty's account; nor to aid the expenses of the royal treasury in
the new building of the college on the site of the houses sequestered
from [the property of] Licentiate Don Manuel Suarez de Olivera. The
inhabitants who had contributed to the building fund and incomes with
their alms were asked that such be allowed to be freely applied to the
college ordered to be erected by his Majesty. In such an innovation,
greater expenses were incurred by the royal treasury on the site
opposite to the archiepiscopal palace and solicited by the governor
and archbishop, because the purchase and expense of timber and its
haulage were effected at a cost of four thousand pesos which were
paid on the account of the royal treasury to General Don Miguel de
Eloriaga so that they might be spent with the intervention of the
said abbot. That is evident in the records of the account of said
general presented and sworn to, in regard to such expenses, with an
attestation from the said Sidoti that it was true. Thus that was a
superfluous expense on the royal treasury. For although a portion of
the timber bought for that money was used for the addition to the new
building on the site next the sequestered house of Licentiate Suarez,
in order to give greater extension to the college, very little of it
was useful, and did not amount, together with that which was sold, to
two thousand pesos in value. The remainder was lost with the purchased
and abandoned site which was used for nothing. That could have been
built with four thousand pesos if the building attempted opposite the
archiepiscopal palace had been left out of the question. In that the
cost to the royal treasury was about six thousand pesos, the annual
maintenance aggregating one thousand two hundred pesos, without noting
the necessary expenses for physician, apothecary, and other things,
plus two hundred pesos for two professors in philosophy and theology.

21. His Majesty also resolved to order and command his governor, as
soon as he received that despatch, to order and take measures, as was
most advisable and efficacious, to suppress the name of San Clemente
which had been given to the seminary by the abbot, and to change it
into that of San Phelipe, in order that no remembrance might be left
of the sinister reports of which his Holiness had been informed to
the discredit of the royal and earnest zeal in providing measures for
the advance of religion, without giving the slightest motive for so
peculiar and special influences. The fitting measures for the change of
name were really taken, and that fact was recorded in the books of the
accountancy and of the said college. The archbishop, dean, and cabildo
were informed thereof, in order that they might properly observe it.

[As punishment for his omission, Governor Zabalburú was dismissed,
although his term was already ended, as were also the auditors. The
governor was a just man, but his intimacy with the Jesuits caused
him to be distrusted.]

[Chapter xiv contains the following in regard to this seminary.]

2. During his government [i.e., of the new archbishop, Fray
Francisco de la Cuesta, of the Order of San Geronimo] arrived
the resolution regarding the seminary college of San Phelipe. Its
erection was entrusted to his Excellency, Señor Cuesta. He having
made the foundation, proceeded to draw up its rules, which being
milder for the seminarists, corrected those of the most illustrious
Camacho. However, most of them were not in accord with the royal
patronage, and its rights. His Excellency incurred the inadvertence
of prescribing in the second of his rules that the escutcheon of the
royal arms should be placed on a prominent spot, while in the interior
or in any other part of the said seminary, were also to be placed the
arms of the archbishop. In doing so, he said that he was in accord
with the second law of the first book and twenty-third título of the
Recopilación  [99] of these kingdoms. That would be allowable if the
seminary had been founded at his cost or at the cost pro rata given
by his prebendaries and others who are mentioned in the Council of
Trent. In that he claimed the right of private patronage, reserving
for his Majesty only the universal patronage. That was a surprising
resolution, since the archbishop himself confessed that the seminary
had been founded at the expense of the royal treasury, while the
placing of escutcheons and arms signifies one's private expenses and
special zeal; when his Majesty, without any controversy, is the sole
founder. Therefore its foundation was purely lay, and in such concept,
beyond any question the universal and private patronage belonged to his
Majesty, as it was founded at the expense of his royal patrimony. Still
more harmful were the fourth and fourteenth rules, in which it is
declared that the nomination and election of the collegiates is at
the disposition of the ordinary, after conferring and obtaining the
opinion of the prebendaries; as is also their expulsion in the case of
incorrigibles, after their rector has informed the ordinary of such:
although that nomination and expulsion belonged very properly (and
exclusively) to his Majesty, as its foundation was not couched in the
terms mentioned by the Council of Trent. To him could only pertain
by delivery and by royal disposition their spiritual government,
because of the greater care in investigating and restraining their
morals. The error of his Excellency was notable in this regard, for
although the governor petitioned that he be given possession of such
seminary, in the name of his dignity and of his church he declares
that the appointment of rector, administrator, and master is in the
first place, a right of the superior government by virtue of the
laws of the royal patronage, and that he deign to make provision of
such posts in persons justified and qualified as most fitting. For
being univocal and in accord with the doctrine, founded on laws,
the naming and disposition of the collegiates ought also to be private.

3. No measures were taken for the time being to revise the
rules, especially the ones mentioned, conforming them to the royal
patronage. The practice continued of the ordinary giving the despatches
and titles in his provision, until the report of Señor Cuesta to the
government asking that the two professors of philosophy and theology
might be removed, as he considered such chairs unprofitable. He
represented that as a charge on his conscience, asking that fruitless
expenses might not be continued for the royal treasury, thus opposing
the two professors at that time. The matter was given to his Majesty's
fiscal for examination, at that time Señor Vedoya. His reply was that
those professorships ought to be suppressed because of the reasons
alleged; namely, because they were costly to maintain and of none
effect. Thereupon, his Majesty's fiscal reported the special measure of
the royal decree of foundation, which provides that no one shall enter
the said college without the express license of the vice-patron; that
the rules cited were harmful to the universal and private patronage,
and that with the opinion of the assessor, an express clause should
be added to the above-mentioned fourth rule, by which in order to
be admitted into the seminary, the collegiates were to be presented
to the vice-patron, and the permission petitioned which is provided
by the royal decree. The government in accord with that opinion, and
with that of the assessor of the same tenor, informed the archbishop
of the measure. The latter replied that from the time of the receipt
of the decree, no nomination had been made, or any election of
collegiate or boarder of those who had been admitted, as no advice
of such circumstance of license for entrance into said college had
been given. In answer to his reply the fiscal insisted with strong
reasons that the royal patronage, both universal and special, be
put into due practice, without allowing errors in the appropriation
of the appointments and approvals in the entrance of collegiate
seminarists. To the ordinary was alone left, by virtue of his trust
from his Majesty, the government and administration of the collegiates,
for the greater security in the investigation of their qualifications
and morals. That was done, and the royal patronage was left in power.

[See also the fuller account given by San Antonio, in VOL. XXVIII,
pp. 117-123; Concepción's Historia, x, pp. 170-184; and Martinez
de Zúñiga's Historia, pp. 518, 519. Concepción says that the king
resolved, January 27, 1714, upon the erection of three chairs,
for laws, canons, and institute, respectively, to be appointed by
competitive examination. These were for the purpose of educating the
natives for the cathedral dignities. The despatch concerning this
matter was received in Manila, in August, 1717. With the decree of
July 26, 1730, the seminary virtually came to an end.]







COLLEGE OF SAN JUAN DE LETRAN

    Of the removal of the college of San Juan de Letran of Manila


On May 8 of this same year, 669, the college of San Juan de Letran
was moved to the site on which it is even yet located. It had
its first beginning in the house of a pious Spaniard, called Juan
Geronimo Guerrero, who had dedicated himself, with Christian piety,
to gathering orphan boys in his house, where he raised, clothed,
and sustained them, and taught them to read and to write, and much
more, to live in the fear of God. [100] His piety was aided by many
citizens, who offered him abundant alms. Especially was the governor,
Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, earnest in aiding him and helping
him by giving him, in the name of the king our sovereign, some portion
of the cost for so holy a work. Among other things, he gave him an
encomienda, [101] in order to sustain the orphans with its products;
and a bit of homestead or arable land, one hundred brazas long and
fifty wide in the alcaycería or Parián of the Sangleys, in order
that they might erect shops therein without paying any land tax to
the city. Both concessions were afterwards confirmed by the king our
sovereign and his royal Council. [102]

While that good man was employing himself in so holy a work, a
lay-brother religious, a porter of our convent of Manila, called
Fray Diego de Santa Maria, a man of example, virtue, and perfection,
was doing the same also. He gathered orphan and abandoned boys in
the said porter's lodge of the convent, and reared them in holy and
praiseworthy customs. He clothed and sustained them with alms, which
some devout persons gave him, and taught them their first letters;
and, if any were inclined to study grammar, he sent them to our
college of Santo Thomas which is very near the said convent. So many
were the boys who were gathered that a congregation was formed of
them. The said lay-brother religious gave that congregation the name
of San Pedro y San Pablo; for all were clothed in one single manner,
and all kept one form of life, with so great example to all the city
that the admiration of all its citizens was won. And this is not much,
since that work of charity was so agreeable to the eyes of God, who,
in order that one of His servants might see and wonder at it, worked
a prodigious miracle. It happened that a citizen of Manila made a
journey to the city of Lima, where resided the venerable brother,
Martin de Porres, in our convent of El Rosario; and as that servant
of God was so charitable, he was very much pleased to have others
so. That citizen of Manila, by name Francisco Ortiz, told him that he
knew a lay-brother religious, a laborer of this place of Manila, a man
of most holy life, who supported with alms twenty-four orphan boys,
whom he had gathered, and was teaching them to read and write. And
the most especial thing which was admired in him was that he never
went forth from the convent in search of those alms, but that our
Lord directed them to him in order that he might carry forward the
work of charity, which he was doing with the said poor boys. The
servant of God hearing that gave him to understand that he desired
greatly to know and to treat with that holy lay-brother, who lived in
this city of Manila at a distance of three thousand leguas from the
city of Lima. After three days, Francisco Ortiz returned to visit
the servant of God, whom he found very cheerful and happy. Smiling
the latter gave him to understand that he had already seen and talked
with the said lay-brother religious of Manila, and had encouraged him
to proceed in so pious a work. What most astonished Francisco Ortiz
was to hear the servant of God talk the Chinese language, which the
Sangleys of this country used, as will be related more in detail in
the life of the servant of God, Martin de Porres.

The pious Juan Geronimo Guerrero, founder of the college of San Juan de
Letran, reached old age, and even a decrepit old age. Consequently,
he became incapable of governing the orphan boys whom he had
gathered. For, lacking and fearing but little the punishment which
youth demands for its better direction, they took it upon themselves
to leave the house whenever they wished, and to run away, contrary
to the pleasure of their patron. Consequently, he was left finally
with only three, who either from love to their master, or because of
a better natural disposition, did not follow the others. In order that
they might not be lost, he entrusted them to our brother, Fray Diego de
Santa Maria, with whom he had a very close familiarity, inasmuch as he
saw him engaged in his same employment. In order that the brother might
take care of them, and of his own children, he gave him an allowance
and gift in the form of the concessions which the king, our sovereign,
had conceded to him. That cession was accepted by the governor of the
islands, and afterward confirmed by the king our sovereign. The same
favors were conceded to our order so that it might take charge of the
rearing of those orphan and abandoned boys. Juan Geronimo Guerrero,
finding himself free now and exempt from that occupation, thought
only of preparing himself for a good death, and accordingly begged
the father prior of our convent to receive him, and to take care of
him in his infirmary. Not only was that conceded to him, but, seeing
him with the desire to adopt the habit of our order, gave it to him
as lay-brother, and he died as a professed religious of our order.

This province finding itself pledged with the prosecution of the
rearing of those orphan boys, assigned for them some low quarters which
were near the porter's lodge of our convent of Santo Domingo. That site
already had the form and name of a college with the title of San Pedro
y San Pablo, which it had had from the beginning. Under this title
the college was confirmed by our most reverend father master general,
Fray Thomas Turco. But inasmuch as the concessions of the king our
sovereign were made under the title and name of the ancient college
of San Juan de Letran, founded by Juan Geronimo Guerrero, and had been
accepted under that title by the king our sovereign, who received it by
various royal decrees under his royal protection, on that account even
yet it has conserved the title of San Juan de Letran. [103] However,
it also recognizes as patrons the apostles St. Peter and St. Paul. For
the government and direction of this college, the venerable father,
Fray Sebastian de Oquendo, [104] prior at that time of the convent
of Santo Domingo, who had charge of the college then, made them some
very holy, but very strict statutes, for they were taken quite exactly
from the rule of our father St. Augustine. But, since they were not
obliged to attain so great perfection, and still being but boys,
were not able to show so much, after some years, the said statutes
were revised in a provincial chapter of this province. Thus did that
college maintain itself for some years in the low quarters of our
convent of Santo Domingo of this city. So greatly did the number of
those boys increase that they sometimes surpassed two hundred, and
since there were so many, and they were boys, one can understand the
racket that they must have made, which could not but be an obstacle
to the regularity of a religious convent. Consequently, the province
discussed the question of placing them in a separate house, which
was located opposite the church of the said convent. They arranged in
that house all the necessary rooms for a college, and its church, and
belfry, in order that they might there celebrate the divine offices;
for thus it was conceded expressly in the licenses of the ordinary,
government, and city, which were made for the foundation of that
college. [105]

They lived in it but for a short time, for some great earthquakes
happening in the year 1645, that college was entirely ruined, as well
as many other buildings of this city. The city conceived so great a
horror of those earthquakes that many of its citizens went to live
in the suburbs, where they feared less danger of their ruin. That
same reason was taken account of in the rebuilding of that college,
and it was moved outside the city near the alcaycería or Parián of
the Sangleys. With the alms that some benefactors offered, a college
was built out of wood, with its church also of the same material,
all very poor. At that site outside of the city the college was
maintained for about twenty years, with notable discomfort to the
collegiates, both because of the distance of the university where they
had to go to attend to their studies, and because of the dampness
and unhealthfulness of the land; and because of the nearness of the
Chinese, who were not very good neighbors, both for fear of their
insurrections, which were then very frequent, and because, being
idolaters and heathens, their nearness could, not but be the cause
of much scandal and a poor example to the collegiates. For these
and other like reasons, from the first years that they were there,
our religious began to discuss their removal and shifting. But,
although they called several meetings to discuss the matter, and
several plans were made for that purpose, they were never realized,
for the college was very much in need of funds, for it scarcely
had enough for its maintenance, until the seriousness of the harm,
which was feared from keeping the college outside the city obliged
the piety of this holy province to expend whatever was necessary for
its removal. On the occasion of the death of a lady, named Doña Maria
Ramirez Pinto, who had a new house inside the city back of the garden
of the convent of Santo Domingo, the province determined to buy it,
along with other houses which were near it. It gave those houses as
an alms to the college for that purpose, and arranging in them all
the rooms necessary for a community, with their church, choir, and
belfry; for the licenses which were taken out in the year 1668 for
that removal from the government, city, and ecclesiastical cabildo
expressed such permission. When all the building was arranged in the
form of a college on the above-mentioned day, May 8, of that year 69,
the collegiates were transferred to it, with great pomp and solemnity,
amid the joy and gladness of all the community. [106] For that was
a matter that all desired, as that college had always merited the
general esteem of this city.

And in fact, that college is of great use to this community, not only
as it shelters and rears therein all the orphan and abandoned boys, but
also because any well-raised youth leaves that college, or seminary,
for all walks of life in this community. Some adopt a military life,
others a sea-faring life, and others the ecclesiastical estate, both
monastic and religious, and from them are regularly supplied most of
the curacies of these islands, and other employments more noteworthy,
both in the ecclesiastical and in the political world. Excellent
students leave that college, many of whom graduate not only with
the degree of bachelor, but also with higher degrees. On the date of
this writing, four sons of the college are living with the dignity
of masters and doctors. They are occupied in honorable posts. Others
are also licentiates in the arts. Always in all times the college has
had worthy sons who have honored it, because in general they are very
attentive to study, and observant, of their obligation, and that fact
is well known and believed throughout this city. It is surely a matter
worthy of admiration that they make so great use of their studies,
as they have many other duties and occupations which scarcely allow
them time to study; for, besides some assistancies outside the college,
inside it they have duties and so many employments of devotion, that
one does not know when they study their lessons. In the morning, before
or after mass, they recite a portion of the rosary, and afterward they
go to the university. When they return thence they recite another
portion. Also when they return in the afternoon from the university
they recite the last portion of the rosary with a chanted Salve,
and litany. Later in the evening before supping they also have other
devotional duties. This is the ordinary employment every day. This
seems not only not a little troublesome for a college of students, but
also scarcely suitable for their studies; but this which apparently
would be a hindrance and obstacle to their studies, conduces in
reality to their application, or to the greater clearness with which
they study. For, according to the public understanding and report,
they graduate from that college better prepared than from others; and
although they are lads, they attribute it to the special protection
of the most holy Mary, because they recite to her every day in chorus
their whole rosary. All live under that impression, and accordingly,
although they petition for dispensation from other exercises, they
never ask dispensation from that exercise of the rosary, because they
have understood that that is what maintains them and keeps them in the
progress of their studies. As proof of that I shall relate an event
which was but lately told me by a doctor who was a collegiate of that
college. He says that when he left the college to take up a certain
employment, either with the liberty which is enjoyed outside it,
or because of the duties of his profession, he abandoned the custom,
which he had until then observed, of reciting the whole rosary daily,
contenting himself with reciting only a portion. He entered for the
degree in theology, and for the literary duties annexed to that degree,
applied himself very earnestly to his studies, but with so little fruit
of his application that he could scarcely understand anything that he
studied. "What is this," he said in surprise, "when I was in college
did I not grasp whatever I studied? But what is this that is happening
to me now that I can scarcely understand what I am studying?" Then
he bethought himself of the fact of his error, and he understood the
origin of his lack of intelligence. Consequently, he reformed his past
lukewarmness, and again began to recite the whole rosary daily. By
this diligence alone he found that he could grasp what before he could
not understand. Mary is the most holy mother, not only of the fear and
love of God, but also of learning and knowledge, as she herself says
by the mouth of the Preacher. Consequently, it is not surprising that
she communicates light for intelligence and for progress in their
studies to those who pray to her as her sons and venerate her as a
mother, and praise her in that devotion so pleasing to her. [107]







LAW REGULATING MARRIAGES OF STUDENTS


    Royal decree ordering that pupils, students, and members of the
    universities, seminaries, and colleges for the Indians, subject
    to the royal patronage and protection, may not contract betrothal
    without the permission expressed.


The King. Inasmuch as I was informed by my royal Audiencia of the
city of Méjico, in a letter of May twenty-seven, one thousand seven
hundred and eighty-eight, that the bachelor, Don Manuel Esteban Sanchez
de Tagle, collegiate in the royal college of San Ildefonso of that
city, having attempted to contract betrothal with Doña María Josefa
Barrera y Andonaegui, and his father, Captain Don Manuel Esteban
Sanchez de Tagle, having opposed it, it would be advisable for me
to deign to extend to those dominions the resolutions for these
dominions, ordering that collegiates who are pursuing their studies
may not marry without my royal permission, as their extravagance is
regarded as prejudicial to the state; and inasmuch as the same reason
militates there so that they may not take place without the permission
of the viceroy as vice-patron: I have resolved, after consulting my
full Council of the Indias of the three halls, on November six, one
thousand seven hundred and ninety, executed in view of that set forth
in the matter by my two fiscals, that law vii, título viii, book i,
[108] extended in the board of the new code be observed in those
dominions. The exact tenor of that law is as follows: "Since the
universities, conciliar seminaries, and other colleges of teaching,
erected with public authority in our Indias, are under our royal
patronage and protection; and since their students and pupils merit
the most careful attention, so that they may not disgrace themselves
in their courses and studies with prejudice to the state and their
own families: we order and command such pupils, students, and members
of said universities, conciliar seminaries, and other colleges and
houses, not to contract espousals without, in addition to the paternal
consent, or the consent of the person who ought to give it. According
to the first law of this título, they have the license, those of the
conciliar seminaries, of the archbishops and bishops and vice-patrons,
and those of the universities and other colleges, of our viceroys or
presidents of the respective audiencias, to whom they shall send their
petitions or requests by the hand of the rectors, with report of the
latter, since for this matter we delegate our royal authority to the
abovesaid. All of the abovesaid shall be understood as well in the
houses and colleges for women, which are under our royal protection
and patronage. We declare null and void of all value or effect,
betrothals which are contracted without this requirement, and no
judgment or suit can be admitted in regard to their non-fulfilment
in the manner and form prescribed by the preceding law." Therefore,
I order and command my viceroys, presidents, royal audiencias, and
the governors of my kingdoms of the Indias, Filipinas Islands, and
Windward Islands, and ask and request the right reverend archbishops
and reverend bishops of them, and their provisors and vicars-general,
to observe, perform, and execute, and cause to be observed, performed,
and executed exactly, the contents of the above-inserted law of the
new code, in so far as it concerns each one. Such is my will. Given
in Aranjuez, June eleven, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two.


I the King

By command of the king our sovereign:

Antonio Ventura de Taranco


Three rubrics follow.







ROYAL DECREE ORDERING THE TEACHING OF SPANISH IN NATIVE SCHOOLS


The King. Don Rafael María de Aguilar, whom I have appointed as my
governor of the provinces of the Filipinas Islands, in the district
of my royal Audiencia of Manila: My Council of the Indias having
conferred in regard to the measures which my royal Audiencia of
Charcas, [109] in a report of March 7, 1777, stated that it had given
for the establishment of schools for teaching the Castilian language
in the Indian villages of their district, and in regard to what my
fiscal declared in his report, resolved that when my royal titles are
delivered to the governors or corregidors of those my dominions, they
be advised in a separate despatch of what they are to do concerning
this matter. Consequently, I order you to strictly observe the royal
decrees, that have been issued in general on May 10, 1770, November
28, 1772, and November 24, 1774, in regard to the establishment of
schools for the Castilian language in all the Indian villages, so
that they may learn to read, write, and speak Castilian, prohibiting
them from using their native language, and appointing for it teachers
in whom are found the qualifications of Christianity, sufficiency,
and good deportment that are required for so useful and delicate an
employment. They shall be assigned the salary for the present from the
receipts of my royal treasury, by way of teaching fund [preceptoría] in
the villages where this contribution is current, while what is lacking
shall be paid from the communal properties and treasuries. You shall
propose to your superiors the means which you consider most fitting for
the solid establishment of the above-mentioned schools, and you shall
order that no other language be spoken in the convents, monasteries,
and in all judicial, extrajudicial, and domestic affairs than the
Castilian. The justices, prelates, masters, and patrons of the houses
shall keep watch over that. You are warned that if you do not perform
your duty in this regard, for every omission which you shall make in
the abovesaid, and in what pertains to the district of that province,
it shall be made a charge against you in your residencia; and for that
purpose, the advisable order is being communicated to the respective,
my royal Audiencia. [110] Given in Madrid, December 22, 1792.


I the King

By order of the king our sovereign:

Antonio Ventura de Taranco







CONCILIAR SEMINARIES


I

SUPERIOR DECREE IN REGARD TO THE THREE PER CENT DISCOUNT FROM THE
STIPENDS OF THE PARISH PRIESTS FOR THE SUPPORT OF SEMINARIES


A measure having been formulated, in accordance with the royal decree
of February 27, 1796, in regard to the exaction of the three per cent,
which is to be paid by all the parish priests of the stipends which
they enjoy in these islands for the foundation and support of the
conciliar seminaries, [111] according to the order of the Council of
Trent, I determined in consequence the following:

"Manila, July 30, 1802.

"By virtue of the fact that, with the order of the fiscal of civil
affairs, all the objections and obstacles which have been imposed in
behalf of the regular parish priests and devout provincials of the
religious orders in a meeting of other persons, to exact the payment
of three per cent of their stipends for the conciliar seminaries;
and by the royal decree of June first, ninety-nine, the door is shut
to all contradiction in so far as it declares that it must be paid
by the missionaries of the Order of St. Francis, [112] and that the
exaction shall be in money and not in kind, with warning that in
the city where there are no seminaries, the collection shall also
be made, and its result deposited in the cathedrals in a chest with
three keys, which shall be held by the vice-patron, the bishop of
the diocese, and another member of the cabildo: I have just resolved
in consequence of the definitive statement of my assessor-general
that the superior decree of November twenty-five, one thousand seven
hundred and ninety-nine, shall have its total and due effect. That
decree was communicated on the same date to the diocesans of Cebú,
Nueva Cáceres and Nueva Segovia, the venerable dean and cabildo of
this holy church, the provisor of the archbishopric, and the devout
provincials of the orders of St. Dominic, St. Francis, St. Augustine,
and the Recollects. It is modified to the effect that the above three
per cent shall be collected generally, not only in this capital and
the bishoprics of Cebú and Nueva Cáceres, but also in that of Nueva
Segovia, which had been excluded before. It must be established
immediately, and the sum derived from it must be deposited in the
above-mentioned chest with three keys, according to the terms of
the above-mentioned royal decree of June first, ninety-nine. It must
be satisfied with money and not in kind; and for that purpose, the
necessary official letters shall be sent with insertion of this decree
to the bishops, the venerable dean and cabildo, and the provisor
of Cebú in vacant see, and the devout provincials, this superior
government expecting that by reason of all the abovesaid fundamentals
other difficulties will cease to be offered in the future."

As thereafter fuller instruction was given because of what was shown
in the reply of his Excellency, the bishop of Nueva Segovia, in regard
to the building of the seminary of his diocese; and considering the
information given by the royal officials in regard to the method
to be observed for putting into practice the abovesaid exaction:
I have resolved in general upon the following, which I send to you
with that superior determination for its fulfilment and observance
in the part touching you.

Manila, March 26, 1803. Since the collection of the three per cent,
assigned to the seminaries in the manner prescribed by the royal decree
of February twenty-two, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six,
is now determined to include all the parish priests of these islands
with the exception of the hospitals, according to the declaration of
June first, ninety-nine; and that in the cathedral churches where said
seminaries are not established, they be founded, without prejudice to
the fact that the above-mentioned three per cent shall be collected
in the meanwhile, and deposited in a chest with three keys: it only
remains to advise that one of these keys shall be held in Nueva
Segovia, by the bishop of the diocese, another by the alcalde-mayor,
and the third by the father sacristan placed or appointed in
that church. It is to be noted that the chest shall be kept in
the episcopal palace, and when the see is vacant it will go to the
royal house, where the alcalde-mayor lives, for its due safety. This
same order must be kept in the bishoprics of Cebú and Camarines,
and information shall be given in this regard to the respective
bishops; although since the first see is vacant it shall be given
for the present only to his Excellency, Don Fray Domingo Collantes,
who has charge of its government; and in case anything inconvenient
is found in its execution, he shall have the goodness to inform this
superior government in regard to what he should esteem convenient
according to the situation of each church. The three per cent shall
be collected by the alcaldes-mayor of Ilocos, Camarines, and Cebú,
as subdelegates of the government, and the proper discount shall be
made for each of the parish priests at the time of paying them their
stipends, and the sum shall be placed in the above-mentioned chest
in the presence of the other keyholders. For that purpose they shall
send to them the proper advice, with the assignment of the day and
hour in which it must be done, at the disposition of his Excellency,
the prelate, and when the see is vacant, to those who shall have his
key. Inasmuch as the amount collected must be placed in said chest
with three keys, as ordered, a balance shall be struck at the end of
each year, in the presence of the three keyholders, and a copy of it
shall be sent by the subdelegates to the general superintendency,
with expression of the assets which are pendent. The governors,
corregidors, and alcaldes-mayor of the other provinces, shall send
the amount of their collections at the order of their respective
prelates, so that in the presence of the other keyholders, the same
deposit may be made. Since it was determined by the above-mentioned
royal decree, the persons who are to have charge of the three keys,
so far as this archbishopric is concerned, are this vice-patron [i.e.,
the governor], his Excellency the archbishop, and the member of the
cabildo who shall be elected; it is only to be noted, in order to
avoid any reason from which any doubt can result prejudicial to this
important object, that the peculiar provision for the collection of
the three per cent corresponding to the curacies of the district, is
comprehended in the preceding article; and by this methodical order,
all the governors, corregidors, and alcaldes-mayor, except those of
Cebú, Camarines, and Ilocos, must be guided. For the foundation of
the seminary of Nueva Segovia, the alcalde-mayor shall confer with
his Excellency, the bishop of that diocese, in order that they may
select a site fitting for the extension which should be given to it,
with respect to the number of persons whom it can maintain, and who
are necessary for the discharge of the duties of the bishopric. For
that purpose a plan of the work must be made by experts, and at the
same time its cost must be estimated, so that after it has been sent
to the superior government, with expression of the funds existing in
the three per cent, and of what it is calculated that those funds
will yield annually, the government may take the fitting measures,
in order that the construction may not be undertaken if it must be
suspended later through lack of funds. May God preserve you many
years. Manila, March 26, 1803.




II

MODERN CONDITIONS

[The following is taken from Archipiélago Filipino (Washington, 1900),
i, pp. 343, 344.]

There are five seminaries in Filipinas, corresponding to the
archdiocese of Manila, and to the four suffragan dioceses of Cebú,
Jaro, Nueva Cáceres, and Nueva Segovia, in which the bishops, in
accordance with the terms of the Council of Trent, have established
the training of the secular clergy. They cannot properly be said to
have begun to perform their functions until 1862, when the fathers of
the congregation of St. Vincent of Paul came to these islands. Those
fathers took said seminaries in charge and direct them at present,
with the exception of that of Nueva Segovia, which was in charge of
the calced Augustinian fathers. Before the year 1862, the majority of
the secular clergy was educated in the colleges of Manila, especially
in that of San Juan de Letran, and in that of San José....

In all these seminaries, except in that in Manila, which, because
of its proximity to the centers of learning, is limited to the
ecclesiastical studies, are taught Castilian and Latin grammar,
arithmetic and algebra, geometry and trigonometry, physics, logic,
psychology, ethics, metaphysics, and dogmatic and moral theology. They
possess a moderate library, some physical and chemical apparatus,
and a collection of solids for the explanation of mathematics. By
means of matriculation and the official examination, the studies of
the secondary education of the seminaries qualify the students to
obtain the degree of bachelor of arts, and admission to the studies
of the university. [113]

The expenses of the staff and those for material were paid from the
proceeds of the three per cent collected by the diocesans from the
allowances which a certain part of their clergy received from the
government. In the seminary of Nueva Cáceres alone, were the expenses
of the staff met by the royal treasury. According to the statistics of
the university, the students of secondary studies in the seminary of
Cebú, for the term of 1896-1897, numbered 504; those in that of Jaro,
211; those in that of Nueva Cáceres, 268; and those in that of Vigan
(Nueva Segovia), 201.

[We add the following from Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 611, 612.]

In order that the branches taught herein, as well as those taught in
private schools, should be considered valid and be recognized by the
university of Santo Tomás, it was necessary that the pupils pay the
enrolment and examination fees prescribed by said university.

The report submitted at the exposition of Amsterdam in 1883, says of
these conciliar seminaries:

"... The administration of the property is under the charge of the
vicar general of the archbishopric of Manila, and of the district
vicars of the respective rectories, under the supervision of the
bishops. The seminary of [Nueva] Segovia has been in charge of the
Recoletos since the middle of 1876, when the Augustinian friars left
it, and who also had charge since 1882, the Paulist fathers having
the honor of having inaugurated the studies now given. These zealous
priests are those at present in charge of the other seminaries."

From statistical tables on file at present in the archives of Manila,
the following facts concerning two of these conciliar seminaries may
be gathered. The enrolment for the seminary of San Carlos, of Manila,
from 1863 to 1886 was 971. The enrolments for the seminary of Nueva
Segovia from 1882 to 1886 were: dogmatic and moral theology, 171;
philosophy, first year, 181, second year, 99, and third year, 93;
Latin grammar, first year, 317, second year, 301, and third year,
256; Spanish grammar, 275.

Prior to the supervision by the Paulist fathers, the studies
of secondary instruction, which were given in the conciliar
seminaries, were identical with those given by the friars in their
other educational institutions, in substance as well as in form,
as the purposes were the same--that is, to give education to
Filipino clerics, [114] whom they always considered their rivals
and political enemies.... For this reason the instruction given to
the Filipinos, who aspired to a sacerdotal career, was incomplete,
being reduced exclusively to rudiments, if they can be so called,
of logic, psychology, ethics, metaphysics, and dogmatic and moral
theology. In so far as political and social studies were concerned,
absolutely nothing was given, and clerics were even forbidden to
acquire knowledge of this character. Social education was unknown in
these seminaries; no consideration was given to the fact that clerics,
on account of their obligations and the constant intercourse they are
obliged to have with their parishioners, should be the best educated
men, with great knowledge of the ways of the world and of the human
heart. The moral education of the Filipino people, especially that
of the women, often retrogressed, and made absolutely no progress on
account of the influence caused by the status of the Filipino clerics
in the popular mind.

After the conciliar seminaries passed to the charge of the Paulist
fathers, affairs continued in the same manner, because these priests
were subject and subordinate to the rigid tutorship of the monastic
orders and the universitarian feudalism which the Dominican friars
exercised in the Philippine Islands, and it was not possible for them
to develop their own initiative, or to explain their own opinions....

[Doctrina y reglas constitucionales de la iglesia Filipina
independiente [i.e., "Doctrine and constitutional rules of the
independent Filipino church"] [115] (Manila, 1904), pp. 14, 15,
contains the following in regard to seminaries, which are analogous
to conciliar seminaries.]

The first duties of our bishops consist in establishing a good seminary
in their respective dioceses, which may serve as a training-school
for new priests, educated according to the new doctrines of the
independent Filipino church.

They shall exercise their whole care in seeking a suitable although
modest locality, and in catechising as many young men as possible,
who are fit for the lofty ministry of God. We desire that not only our
church, but more than anyone else the most reverend bishops themselves
recognize the great necessity for these seminaries. Consequently, their
negligence in this particular will be very fatal, and merit censure.

The effort shall be made to give the young men a complete instruction,
one concise and more nutritive than that of the interminable years
of unnecessary dissertations and fruitless "therefores," with which
the Roman priests feed the best years of our youth.

The plan of studies shall be based on the principle that we must begin
to learn the most necessary, secondly, the most useful, and thirdly,
the sciences that ought to always adorn the worthy priests of God. The
plan recommended in the fourth epistle of our church shall be followed.

But knowledge will be vain and useless in a priest, if he is not
adorned with the Christian virtues of holiness, altruism, obedience,
and zeal for the greater glory of God. Consequently, the young men
shall be instructed in the practice of an ascetic and disciplined
life, and they shall become accustomed to prayer, the sacraments,
and the exercises of evangelization.

Adjoined to the seminaries, the effort shall be made to create Catholic
schools and colleges for both sexes. Thus the selection of priests
will become more easy; and furthermore, [this shall be done] inasmuch
as it is of great importance for us to teach the divine teachings of
Jesus Christ and the redeeming doctrines of our church to the children.

[Pp. 42, 43, of the same rules, contain the following:]

The chief bishop shall contrive ways and means, now by imposing a
tax among the parish priests, now by begging alms for the support
and creation of Catholic seminaries and colleges, which are very
necessary for the propagation and defense of our church; as well as
to comply with our most sacred obligation of evangelizing the heathen
tribes, and satisfy other considerations of the subsecretaryship of
the propaganda of the faith.

In all other things not covered by these rules, the chief bishop shall
have power to decree, provided that he do not violate the spirit of the
same, after obtaining the opinion of the superior economical Council.

[The plan of studies above-mentioned is found on pp. 67, 68, of the
same book, and is as follows:]

5. The diocesan committees shall exert their efforts very earnestly
in creating with all haste, seminaries, in order to be able to
provide all the parishes with young and learned priests, since the
scarcity of priests is the principal pretext of the Roman priests,
in order that they may introduce foreign priests here. They shall
endeavor to attract as great a number of students as possible, with the
assurance that in two years' time only they will be given a complete,
concise, and more nutritive instruction than the interminable years
of unnecessary dissertations and fruitless "therefores" with which
the friars feed the best years of our young men, in order by that
method to hinder the multiplication and true education of our priests.

The plan of studies which shall be followed for the present shall be
as follows:


Baccalaureate

If the students are very young, they shall have to pass in all the
courses of secondary instruction. But if they are twenty years old,
only the following courses shall be demanded of them:

English or Spanish, geography, history, arithmetic, natural sciences
(natural history, physics, and chemistry), and rhetoric.


Priesthood

1st year: Bible and theology simplified.

2d year: Amplification of the preceding course, and application of
the Bible to all the problems of life, social and private, to the
ceremonies and to the priestly life, and to ecclesiastical discipline.

By simply passing these courses, and if the good deportment of the
students be proved, they shall be ordained as presbyters and placed
in the parish churches.

But not on that account shall they cease to continue their studies,
and as is now the custom among the Roman priests, they shall be
examined annually, to determine whether they are fit to continue the
duties of priest, in the following manner.

1st year: History of religions.

2d year: Study of the distinct philosophical and theological systems.

3d year: Canons.

4th year: The studies of the baccalaureate which they have not passed.

Those who shall have studied theology already in the Roman seminaries,
shall be ordained as soon as possible as sub-deacons, deacons, and
presbyters, successively.







NAUTICAL SCHOOL


I

    Royal order approving the new regulations for pilots in Manila


Ministry of the navy, commerce, and government of the colonies:

Your Excellency:

Her Majesty, the queen governess, in accordance with the opinion
of the admiralty board, and with that of the General Division of
Studies of the kingdom, has considered it fitting to approve, in all
its parts, the new regulations for the academy for pilots in Manila,
which your Excellency's predecessor sent to this ministry for the
fitting resolution in his letter of July 20, 1837, number 157. By royal
order, I communicate this to your Excellency for your knowledge and
for the corresponding results. May God preserve your Excellency many
years. Madrid, May nine, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-nine.


Chacon




II

[Concerning the professional nautical school, Archipiélago Filipino
says:]

This school, which was created at the instance of the consulate of
commerce, by command of his Majesty, dated January 1, 1820, was ruled
by the regulations of 1837, which were modified by the royal order
of October 19, 1860. In this school was studied the profession of
pilot of merchant marine. The theoretical teaching was given in it
in four years' time; [116] while the practical teaching was given in
vessels on the high sea, after the pupils had received, by virtue of
examinations, certificates as deserving persons.

The total number of pupils was usually fifty or sixty. They were
mostly Indians, who, as they did not master the Spanish language,
did not derive all the profit which would have been reported under
other circumstances, and many of them after the knowledge acquired
in the first two courses, chose a more lucrative profession.

At first it was supported with its own funds and under the direction of
the Board and Tribunal of Commerce, but later, upon the suppression
of the Board and Tribunal, the school and its funds passed under
the control of the state, which furnished its expenses, and gave
the administrative direction to the commandant-general of the naval
station and its immediate director. [117]

[Regarding the same school, Census of Philippines, iii, p. 613 says:]

As a consequence of the abolition of the tribunal of commerce existing
in the city of Manila, which had charge of the school, the government
undertook the supervision of it, by superior order, which provided
that the personnel thereof should be considered as public officials,
and that the funds on which it depended for its support should be
turned into the treasury....

The nautical school [118] was not very well attended by the young
Filipinos, the cause for which is not understood in view of the
fact that this is a country in which navigation is one of the most
powerful mercantile resources, and whose inhabitants have special
and exceptional qualifications therefor. The lack of interest shown
in studies of this character can be attributed only to the little
protection, lack of means and of opportunities, afforded upon the
conclusion of the course.







BOYS' SINGING SCHOOL


This school, whose chief end was to furnish good soprano voices for the
singing in the holy cathedral church of Manila, was founded in 1742
by the right reverend Señor Rodriguez, archbishop of these islands,
and it has subsisted and still subsists with the same property from
the pious bequest of its foundation.

It consists of a director and a teacher of primary instruction,
both priests; one teacher of singing, chanting, and vocalization;
another of the piano, organ, and composition; and another of stringed
instruments. The children sopranos number eighteen, though at times
there have been more, and all have been supported, clothed, and,
as well, frequently assisted in the career which they have desired
to adopt.

The musical instruction given to those boys is according to the methods
pursued in the conservatory of Madrid; for singing and harmony,
Eslava; for the piano, Aranguren; for the organ, Gimeno; for the
violin, its method and studies, Alard; and for vocalization, Romero.

Because of the tender age of these boys, since they enter at the age
of six or eight years, and remain until that of fourteen, they are not
permitted, except in rare exceptions, to play wind instruments. The
gain due to this institution is public and well known to all who
have heard the harmony produced by those sopranos in the churches of
Manila, and the skill demonstrated by the same in instrumental music
for almost three centuries past. Not few of them have been justly
praised and rewarded in musical contests where they were presented,
for example, in the Liceo Artístico [i.e., Artistic Lyceum] later the
Sociedad Musical Filipina de Santa Cecilia [i.e., Filipino musical
society of St. Cecilia]. [119] This institution has contributed not
a little to the propagation of musical art and good taste.







PUBLIC INSTRUCTION


Primary instruction cannot be considered in a backward state, and,
indeed, I believe that, in proportion, there are more persons who can
read and write in these islands than in España, and in some [other]
civilized countries. [120] In each village there is a suitable
building for the use of a school, to which all the children must go
except during the months of sowing and of harvest. The master, and
other expenses, are paid from the communal fund. In view of this I
have wondered at seeing in many foreigners the strange belief that
the government does not permit the learning of reading and writing;
for I can assert that, in the archives of Manila I have found many
old and recently-dictated decrees, with a spirit diametrically
the contrary, which repeatedly enjoin the teaching of the Castilian
language. Women also share in this benefit, and I have found girls who
lived not only far from the capital, but in an isolated house distant
from the village, and, notwithstanding, they had learned to read and
write. One must confess, however, that they scarcely know other books
than those of devotion, especially a poem entitled the Pasion de Cristo
[i.e., Passion of Christ]. Besides the said schools, which are equal
in number to the villages and the schools of some private masters,
[121] both in the chief cities of the provinces and in the capital
where their number is very considerable (there being among them not a
few of music and drawing), there are found in Manila various public
institutions of education for men and women. In regard to them one
can form a correct judgment by the following explanation.




UNIVERSITY OF SANTO TOMÁS

This college was founded at the beginning of the seventeenth century;
their Excellencies, Benavides and Soria, the one archbishop of Manila,
and the other bishop of Nueva Segovia, giving their libraries for
that purpose, and, in addition, the former giving 1,000 pesos and
the latter 1,800. Already finished in 1619, it was admitted as a
house of the province of Preachers in the islands, as appears from
the records of the intermediary chapter celebrated in Santo Domingo,
April 20, with the suitable license of the superior government and of
the ordinary. In 1620 it already had lecturers and masters for public
teaching, and November 27, 1623, his Majesty admitted it under his
royal protection. It was erected into a university at the instance
of the said monarch Felipe IV, by a bull of Innocent X, November 20,
1645, which was passed by the supreme Council of Indias July 28,
1646. By a decree of May 17, 1680, the university was received under
the royal protection, his Majesty declaring himself its patron. In
consequence of another decree of December 7, 1781, the rules were
made, which, approved by the superior government October 20, 1786 as
they were prepared are those which are in force at present. Their
cloister is composed of various doctors, licentiates, and masters,
although in reality only twenty-one of the first and second kinds
form it. The number of collegiates is ruled by circumstances, and
the college supports them, for they have to dress and provide shoes
for many. Their funds are ministered by lay-brother religious. This
college and royal university is in charge of the Dominican religious,
who teach Latin, logic, physics, metaphysics, moral and canon law,
and theology. In addition there is a chair of institute, and another
of native law. In this university 581 students are studying, who are
classified thus:


                          Collegiates       61
                          Capistas [122]    15
                          Day Pupils       505
                                           ---
                             Total         581




COLLEGE OF SAN JOSE

By a decree of June 8, 1585, his Majesty ordered the establishment
of a college to be attempted in Manila, in which the sons of the
Spanish inhabitants might be instructed in virtue and letters under the
direction of the Jesuit fathers. But, although the governor Dasmariñas
enacted an edict for that purpose, it was not fulfilled until the
year 1601 when the college of San José was instituted in some houses
next to the house of the Jesuits. There were thirteen collegiates
when it was first opened, but in a short time their number reached
twenty. Among the first was a nephew of Governor Tello, a son of
Dr. Morga, senior auditor, and other sons of influential citizens. At
the beginning the collegiates contributed a certain sum for their
own support, but soon there were greater means. One of the most
considerable was the endowment left in his will by the illustrious
gentleman, Don Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, governor of Mindanao,
who was recognized as patron of the college. In 1605, Father Pedro
Montes became rector, he founded the chair of scholastic theology,
and promoted those of philosophy and Latin, selecting to take charge
of them the most pronounced men of talent of his Society. During the
reign of Felipe IV, the latter obtained from his Holiness, Gregory XV,
authority to concede solemn degrees in philosophy and theology. The
latter's bull and the royal decree of concession were celebrated in
Manila by a public procession, and when they were presented to the
most illustrious Serrano, then archbishop, he offered obedience and
observance on his part. February 18, 1707, his Majesty continued for
six years the assignment that had been made to the college of 400
pesos, and 400 fanegas of rice. May 3, 1722, the title of "Royal"
was conceded to the college. November 15, 1747, the enjoyment of
an encomienda in the villages of Sulát and Tavig, in the province
of Samar, was also continued for ten years. February 3, 1748, his
Majesty confirmed in favor of this college the lands of the estates
of Mariquina and San Pedro Yunasán. At present it possesses that
estate and the estate of San Juan de Lian, which are administered by
the rector. With their products the college takes care of the support
of twenty-two collegiates, the house and food of the vice-rector and
masters, and the annual pay given to them and to the rector. They
also admit capistas who pay fifty pesos per year, and receive public
teaching therein in philosophy, rhetoric, and Latin. From the expulsion
of the Jesuits until the year 1777 this institution was closed.




COLLEGE OF SAN JUAN DE LETRAN

It owed its foundation to the charitable zeal of Juan Gerónimo
Guerrero, who in the year 1630 dedicated himself to gathering orphan
boys, to whom he taught reading and writing and the Christian doctrine,
paying for their support and clothing from the abundant alms with
"which the citizens of Manila aided him." This institution was
recommended to the supreme Council of the Indias by the government
of these islands, and later his Majesty recommended it to Governors
Fajardo and Corcuera. Before dying, the aged Guerrero took the habit
as lay-brother in [the convent of] Santo Domingo, and made that order
a formal bequest of his advanced charitable work. Later it was erected
into a college and received under the royal protection, his Majesty
conceding it some encomiendas, or annuities for its support. At
present it maintains at its own cost twenty-one Spanish orphan lads,
with the 600 pesos to which amounts the product of the annuities which
are collected from the alcalde-mayor of Pangasinan by a Dominican
religious. It also receives Indian and mestizo collegiates who pay
fifty pesos per year apiece for their support. Their number is not
fixed. Under the title of sacristan, porters, librarians, and other
mechanical trades, there are various people who pay nothing. Their
studies are carried on in the university of Santo Tomás, except
that of grammar. At the present time this college has 239 students,
counting orphans, capistas and others.




CHARITY SCHOOL [ESCUELA PIA] OF MANILA [123]

Don Pedro Vivanco having begun to promote its establishment in 1803,
it was installed in 1817 under the direction of a special assembly
composed of distinguished citizens, among whom was a member of
the ecclesiastical cabildo, and another of the tribunal of the
consulado. The citizens gave the funds which were to maintain so
useful an institution, but being drawn upon, as was the general rule,
those funds had the same fate as other large sums of the commerce
and charitable funds of this capital, and were lost through the
political happenings of the kingdom of Mexico. The assembly having
been extinguished for lack of funds, the city took under its charge the
charity school. Reading, writing, Christian doctrine, Spanish grammar,
and slate-work arithmetic are taught there. The pupils must be Spanish;
the children of rich people pay two pesos per month; those of the
second class one; and the poor nothing. For admission, a ticket
from the president of the dissolved assembly was sufficient. Now
it is given by the regidor, who is serving his turn in governing
the institution. In that school, there are at present 50 pupils,
of whom 26 receive their teaching gratuitously.




NAVAL ACADEMY

Through the repeated instances of the consulado, this school was
established in Manila by royal permission in the year 1820. Arithmetic,
elementary geometry, plain and spherical trigonometry, cosmography,
and piloting are taught by their respective professors; and in addition
practical geometry applied to the construction of hydrographical maps
and plans, with the method of drawing them. Everything is according
to the course of study of the navy, written by royal order for the
teaching of said schools by the chief of squadron of the royal fleet
Don Gabriel Ciscar. It is directed by special rules. The expenses of
that institution have been met hitherto from the funds of avería. Its
conservation was committed to the consulado, but since the extinction
of that tribunal, it has been given ad interim to the present
tribunal of commerce by the ruling of the management, inspection in
the scientific or teaching portion being reserved for the chief of
the military marine. At present it has 51 students in its halls.




COMMERCIAL SCHOOL

The establishment of this school was discussed by the assembly
of its name October 1, 1839, approved by the superior government,
January 15, 1840. Its inauguration took place, July 15 of the same
year. Bookkeeping, and commercial correspondence, the French language,
and also the English, when a suitable professor is to be had, are
taught in that school. [124]




SCHOOL OF SANTA POTENCIANA

It was erected by Governor Dasmariñas, by virtue of an express royal
mandate contained in the instructions which were delivered to them
August 9, 1589, [125] in which section 27 reads: "Upon your arrival
at the Filipinas Islands, you shall ascertain how and where, and with
what endowment, a convent for the shelter of girls may be founded,
so that both those who should come from here and those, born there,
may live in it, so that they may live modestly and after being well
instructed may go out therefrom to be married and bear children." That
zealous governor, with the efficacy and activity which distinguished
his government, did what his Majesty ordered him; for, in a royal
order of January 27, 1593, the measures which had been taken with
the city are approved and ordered to be continued, namely, that the
said convent should be founded in the church of San Andres. Shortly
afterward that pious institution must have been completed, as is
inferred from another royal order of June 11, 1594: "The rules and
regulations," says his Majesty to the governor, "which you have made
for the girls' school have been examined and are approved, and thus
you shall have them observed." It was further provided how they were
to act at the wheel, or in the parlor. The chaplain was also to be
the manager and he was to be an approved person of forty years old
or upward. The clothing of the collegiates, of the mother superior,
and the teacher, was to be modest and cheap, and was sent by his
Majesty. The governor was authorized to name the sum which was to
be paid annually by any other woman who wished of her own accord to
enter the institution, in order to take shelter therein, provided
that such sum should be moderate. [126]

There is no copy of the first rules of this school in existence, for
they probably perished with its archives, and ten or twelve inmates
in the awful earthquake of 1645, which overthrew the edifice and
destroyed the greater part of the city. In fulfilment of a royal order
of November 27, 1686, and superior rulings of March 15, 1691, Doctor
Silva, then chaplain of said school, published, in the following April,
the ordinances of Santa Potentiana, which merited royal approbation
November 14, 1825, in which year the newly printed rules were ordered
to be observed.

In 1736 the free inmates were the daughters of Spaniards who had
served his Majesty in the islands. They were aided with what was
necessary for their support and clothing, and the physician and the
medicine for the sick were paid for them, besides a suitable funeral
for the dead. The funds of the college did not permit, in case one
married, to give her a suitable dowry, but such a one received two
hundred pesos from the charitable fund which was established for
that purpose in 1686 by Don Cristóbal Romero, castellan of the fort
of Santiago, and in the time of Governor Tamon, fifty pesos more,
which he gave from his own purse, to each one of the inmates when she
was married. In 1729, Auditor Don José Antonio Pabon founded for the
same purpose another charitable fund by giving 2,823 pesos, which the
royal treasury owed him on account of pay, but that foundation had no
effect until 1749. The funds were in charge of the managers, who very
commonly were the royal officials, and were increased by investing
them suitably, until the time when they entered the royal treasury
with the other incomes of the school. At present that school occupies
a house which was bought at the royal account, for its ancient site
has been destined for the building of a fortification. From the same
treasury, the expenses of a small chapel, a physician, apothecary shop,
infirmary, clothing for the pupils, and six servant girls are met,
which are estimated at 700 pesos annually; and those of a sacristan,
four faginantes [i.e., fagot-gatherers], and one purchaser. By a
provision of the Superior Board of the royal treasury of September
22, 1808, money was subscribed for the maintenance of a rectress,
a portress, and twenty-four inmates at the rate of one and one-half
reals per day to each one, and monthly from the royal magazines,
46 baskets of pinagua [127] rice of 15 gantas, 25 quintals of wood,
and 17 gantas of cocoanut oil for their light.




SCHOOL OF SANTA ISABEL

Since the foundation of the confraternity of the Santa Misericordia,
their financial board maintained the management of many poor Spanish
orphan girls who were reared in Santa Potenciana, and in private
houses; but having bought an edifice in which to gather them, the
foundation of this school was accomplished at the end of the year
1632. It is in the immediate charge and care of the purveyor. The first
rules for its government were made in 1650, and they were retained
with some slight alterations until 1813. In that year they were
entirely revised, and these latter are the ones which are observed
at present. It has a chapel which is kept very neat and clean, which
is dedicated to the Lord of the treasury.

The girl pensioners contribute sixty pesos per year for their fees. In
addition, there are some poor young women who are known under the name
of supernumeraries [agregadas], who are maintained through charity.

The rectress is the superior of the school, and is subordinate to
the purveyor. In grave cases which arise, she consults the financial
board, and if that board is not created with power to take action, she
convokes the brotherhood and in general council the advisable action
is agreed upon with the assistance of theologues and jurists. This
school contains:


                        Scholars with beca    51
                        Free orphan girls     18
                        Idem boarders         14
                        Abandoned              7
                        Supernumeraries       12
                                             ---
                            Total            102


There are also at present for the interior service of the house one
chaplain, one physician, twelve maid servants, and eight man servants;
these last do not live in the school.




BEATERIO OF SANTA CATALINA DE SENA

It was founded in 1696 by Mother Francisca del Espíritu Santo, a
Spanish woman born in Manila, and by the very reverend father, Fray
Juan de Santo Domingo, provincial of the Dominicans. Its object is to
teach Spanish girls how to read, write, reckon, the Christian doctrine,
to sew, etc. In that duty the necessary beatas are occupied. They
obey a superior whom they appoint from their own number, and such
person takes the title of prioress. At present this school has 26
Spanish girls and 60 supernumeraries and servants. [128]




BEATERIO OF SAN SEBASTIAN DE CALUMPANG

It was begun in 1719 by four Filipino girls, who gave themselves
exclusively to the service of God, and that of the Virgin of Carmel. In
1735 the beaterio was given form at the petition of the Recollect
provincial, Fray Andres de San Fulgencio. The beatas were permitted
to take the habit as manteletas of the discalced Augustinians. Their
number was not to exceed twelve, and the institution was to remain
subject to the vice-patron. In 1754, a measure was started as to
whether the beatas ought to pay tribute or not, and the custom
which favors the negative was ordered to be followed. They live in
community without any vow. Each year they nominate one prioress. They
are sustained by alms and by their own work. The priorate of San
Sebastian contributes 100 cavans of palay, and 300 pesos annually,
because the beatas sew the scapularies of Carmel, wash the clothes of
the Church, and of the religious resident therein; and the convent of
Manila 200 cavans and 300 pesos more for the washing of the clothes
of the sacristy and of the religious. Orphan girls are received and
are taught reading, writing, the Christian doctrine, sewing, etc. For
the very little girls the beaterio receives what their relatives care
to give. Those who can work pay nothing if they work; but if they do
not work they pay three or four pesos per month according to their
circumstances. Some Spanish women also enter for the [religious]
exercises. At present this beaterio has 12 beatas, 24 larger girls
who are being educated, 16 smaller ones, and one little girl boarder,
with some other widows and married women who also live in this retreat.




BEATERIO OF SAN IGNACIO

It was founded in 1699 under the direction of the Jesuit fathers. Its
benefactress and first beata was Mother Ignacia del Espíritu Santo,
a native of Binongo, who died in 1748, at the age of eighty. It has
25 beatas, 59 servants, and 55 wards, [some of] whom pay four pesos
monthly for their support, and some two or three pesos, but these
latter assist in the kitchen and washing once a week. This institution
is supported by the alms and by the products of some sewing and by the
washing of clothes. Every year there are exercises held there which
begin in October; those who attend it are Filipino women. They are
divided into three shifts, and about 300 of them assemble, each of whom
pays two pesos. From that sum they meet the expenses of preachers,
confessors, and their support. Since the expulsion of the Jesuits,
this beaterio has been under the direction of the provisor of the
archbishopric, and for lack of a shelter-house, it supplies its
place. The object of the foundation was that Filipino girls might be
reared in it and taught embroidery, sewing, reading, and writing.




BEATERIO OF SANTA ROSA

Mother Paula de la Santísima Trinidad, native of Cataluña, had
scarcely arrived at Manila in 1750, when she dedicated herself to
the education of girls and was the origin of this foundation. By
a royal decree of September 22, 1774, his Majesty ordered that the
house or beaterio founded by this good woman should take care of the
education of every class of girls. It is maintained by alms, by the
work of their hands, and by the few small fees which some girls pay
for their support therein, where they are taught reading, sewing,
etc. Neither their number nor that of the servants is fixed. His
Majesty has taken it under his protection, and entrusted it in his
name to the regent of the Audiencia, with the fitting powers.




BEATERIO OF PASIG

In this village there is a house of teaching, or a beaterio entitled
Santa Rita, which was founded in 1740 with the necessary licenses
by the calced Augustinian, Fray Felix de Trillo, then parish priest
of Pasig. Its primary object is to provide shelter for Filipino
orphan girls, and to teach them reading, writing, Christian doctrine,
sewing, embroidery, and other employments fitting for their sex. They
dress when they go to the parish church in the habit of mantelates of
St. Augustine, but they take no vow or obligation. Those educated and
sheltered dress as in their own homes. This beaterio is sustained by
the work of their hands and by alms, under the care and solicitous
management of the parish priests. The latter are not those who give
the least alms for its useful preservation, and that from the product
of some estates which they have rented out, and which they acquired
by their economy. Furthermore, the young women who enter as wards
pay when their relatives are able, according to their wealth, up to
the sum of two pesos per month. That is the greatest fee, but it is
more usual for each one who is educated to contribute a few cavans
of palay per year--generally about ten or twelve. But those who are
quite poor and orphans pay nothing. This retreat has at the present
time sixteen beatas.







EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS AND CONDITIONS

    Public instruction; condition of the sciences of letters and arts


At the head of the public instruction in the Philippines, one finds
the university of Manila, called La Real y Pontificia Universidad
de Santo Tomas [i.e., the royal and pontifical university of Santo
Tomás]. Its foundation as a college goes back to the first year of the
seventeenth century. Its first benefactors were Archbishop Benavides
of Manila, and Bishop Soria of Nueva Segovia. Both of them made it a
gift of their library, and, in addition, the first one gave it 1,000
pesos and the second 1,800. In 1619, the house was entrusted to the
religious of the Order of St. Dominic. The following year the courses
of public instruction were opened there. Finally, on November 27,
1623, King Felipe IV took it under his special protection. In the year
1645, the same monarch obtained a bull from Pope Innocent X, which
erected the college of Santo Tomás of Manila into a university. The
statutes governing that institution today were not drawn up until a
long time after, that is to say, in the year 1781. Instruction there
is entrusted to the doctors, licentiates, and masters (maestros). At
the present time there are 21, both doctors and licentiates, and no
masters. Latin, logic, physics, metaphysics, ethics, canon law, and
theology are taught there. In addition to that, some time afterward
there was founded a chair of Roman law and one of Spanish law. The
number of students who attend that university is now 581, namely,
sixty-one collegiates, fifteen capistas, who are maintained at the
expense of the college, and 505 day students. [129] The costume of
the collegiates is a long robe of green silk with black, sleeves,
a beca, a kind of red scarf folded in two parts and crossing over
the breast and drawn up behind the shoulders, a black collar with a
white border and a cap like that worn by the law advocates of Spain.

If the university of Manila is the chief institution of public
instruction, it is not the most ancient. From June 8, 1585, the
king had ordered the foundation of a college, in which the sons of
the Spanish inhabitants of the archipelago might be reared in the
love of virtue and letters under the direction of the fathers of
the Society of Jesus. But it was only in 1601 that that order could
be carried out by the institution of the college of San José. The
first collegiates numbered 13, but that number was soon raised to
20, all of whom were the sons or the near relatives of the first
authorities of the country. Pope Gregory XV granted that college the
right of conferring degrees of philosophy and theology. The funds
of that institution are drawn from several estates, which have been
conceded to it at different times. They are sufficient to provide for
the maintenance of the vice-rector and of the masters, in the annual
pay which is granted to them, as well as to the rector, and for the
maintenance of 22 free pupils. Some pay students are also admitted
there at the rate of 50 piastres [i.e., pesos] per year. Philosophy,
rhetoric, and Latin are taught there. Upon the suppression of the
Society of Jesus, that college was closed until 1777. The costume of
the students is a red gown with black sleeves and a black cap.

The college of San Juan de Letran commenced by being a primary school,
founded in 1630 at the expense of a charitable man, whose name,
Juan Gerónimo Guerrero, deserves to pass to posterity. He consecrated
himself to gathering together in that institution young orphan boys,
and to teaching them reading, writing, and the Christian doctrine. He
was also able, thanks to the abundant alms which the inhabitants
of Manila put into his hands, to provide for the maintenance and
clothing of all those children. Before dying that kind-hearted man
took the habit of St. Dominic, and entrusted the pious foundation
which he had undertaken into the hands of that order. The latter
erected it into a college, for which it obtained the protection of
the king and some funds for its support. By means of a sum of 600
piastres which the alcalde of Pangasinan is charged to give annually
to a Dominican who collects it, that college supports gratuitously
25 orphan boys. It also admits an unlimited number of boarders,
both Indians and mestizos, who pay 50 piastres per year. It finally
receives under the name of sacristans, porters, librarians, etc.,
several young students who do not pay anything. The total number of
those who receive education in that college under different titles
is today 239 persons. Their costume is blue with black sleeves. A
maltese cross is placed at the right on their beca.

The charity school (escuela pia) of Manila was established in 1817
under the direction of a special assembly composed of distinguished
inhabitants, in the number of which there was a member of the chapter
of the cathedral, and one of the tribunal of commerce. The inhabitants
who had assembled supplied the funds which were to serve for the
maintenance of that useful establishment. But those funds having been
used in trade according to custom they had the same fortune that
so many other considerable sums and charitable foundations of that
capital have had, namely, they were lost because of the revolution
of Mexico. The assembly, being dissolved on account of lack of funds,
the city took the charity school under its charge. Reading, writing,
Christian doctrine, Spanish grammar, and slate arithmetic, are taught
there. The pupils must be Spaniards; the sons of well-to-do parents
pay 2 piastres per month; those who are less well-to-do, 1 piastre;
and the poor pay nothing. In order to be admitted there a ticket from
the president of the dissolved assembly was sufficient. At present the
regidor is charged in his turn with the management of the establishment
which delivers the ticket. The number of pupils at the present time
is 50, of whom 26 receive instruction free.

In pursuance of reiterated instances from the tribunal of
commerce a marine school was opened in Manila in 1820, by royal
authorization. Arithmetic, the elements of geometry, rectilinear, and
spherical trigonometry, cosmography, and piloting, besides practical
geometry applied to the making of hydrographical maps and plans,
with the manner of designing them, were taught there. The whole,
conformed to the course of study for the navy, was composed, according
to the order of the king, by the chief of the royal fleet, Don Gabriel
Ciscar. The expenses of the institution are supplied by the funds
called avería. The tribunal of commerce decides as to the admission of
pupils and those who distinguish themselves on graduating to become
captains of trading ships, making the voyage to China and India, and
even going as far as America and to Europa. This proves that, whatever
the Spaniards say of it, the young men of Manila are as susceptible
to instruction as those of the mother country. In fact, there is no
doubt that if the studies of this school were more solid and less
theoretical, most remarkable persons would be seen to graduate from it.

Finally, in 1840, a commercial school has been established, which
is held in the rooms of the tribunal [of commerce]. Bookkeeping,
commercial correspondence, and the living languages are taught there
free of charge. By a choice quite extraordinary, a marked preference
is given to the French language, although that language is one that
is spoken the least in that part of the world; since unfortunately
our relations there are very few, as we have no longer any need to
go there after sugar.

Very well equipped libraries exist in all the convents, and those of
the university and of the colleges offer resources to the students
who receive their education in those establishments.

This is all we have to say in regard to the institutions consecrated
to the education of the young men. That of the young women has not
been forgotten.

The seminary of Santa Potenciana was founded in the year 1589 by
Governor Dasmariñas, by virtue of a royal order. Article 27 of that
ordinance contains the following: "Upon arriving at the Filipinas
Islands you shall ascertain how and where, and with what endowment, a
convent for the shelter of girls may be founded, so that both those who
should come from here and those born there may live in it and so that
they may live modestly, and after being well instructed, may go out
therefrom to be married and bear children." [130] The worthy governor
was so zealous in carrying out the wishes of the king that, in the
year 1593, the convent was established in the church of San Andres. A
new royal ordinance of June 11, 1594 approved the regulations of it,
which bore on the conduct to be observed in the parlor, on the duties
of the chaplain, who was to be more than forty years old, and who was
to be, at the same time, the manager of the house, on the customs of
both pupils and the superior and mistress. It was to be suitable, but
modest. The king took charge of the furnishing thereof. The governor
was authorized to fix the sum which was to be paid by the women who
desired to enter the convent in order to be cloistered there. That
sum was to be very moderate.

There exists no longer any copy of the first rule of that house,
whose archives perished in the terrible earthquake of 1645, when
ten or twelve pupils lost their lives. New rules were drawn up and
approved in 1696, and remained in force until 1823, at which time
they were revised.

The school is established at present in a house which was bought for
its use by the public treasury, namely, the ancient locality of the
arsenal. The treasurer also furnishes the expenses of a small chapel,
those of their medical service, of pharmacy, of the infirmary, of
the clothing of the pupils, and of six serving girls, the total sum
amounting to 700 piastres per year, besides the support of a sacristan,
four fagot-gatherers, and one woman to go for provisions. The treasury
pays for the support of one superior, of one portress, and twenty-four
collegiates, 1 1/2 reals (one franc) per day for each one. And they
are given besides, from the royal magazines, 46 baskets of pinagua
rice, of 15 gantas per basket, 25 quintals of wood, and 17 gantas of
cocoanut oil for lights.

After the foundation of the confraternity of the Santa Misericordia,
the latter also supported many poor Spanish orphan girls. It caused
those girls to be reared either at Santa Potenciana or in private
houses. But in 1632, a house having been bought in order to gather
them all there together, the confraternity founded the school of
Santa Isabel. The rules drawn up in 1650 were entirely changed in
1813. The number of the pupils in this institution is at present 105,
who are admitted under divers titles and conditions. The boarders pay
60 piastres annually. The others get their education free. Day pupils
are also admitted there, but they are not allowed to communicate with
those who live in the house. The teaching is quite elementary. The
service is furnished by twelve servant girls for the interior, and
eight men for the outside work.

In the preceding chapters, the description of the beaterios [131]
has been seen, of which the majority are dedicated to the education
of poor young girls.

One can see, after what we have just said, that education in the
Philippines, both of the children of the country and of the mestizos
and Indians of both sexes, is not so greatly neglected as certain
persons pretend, and that the colony has made, on the contrary, from
the earliest times the greatest efforts for the instruction of the
people. Even in the smallest villages the Indians find facilities
for learning to read and write. For everywhere one finds primary
schools which are supported by the people. On the other hand, the
aptness of the Indians is quite remarkable. From the most tender age
they can be seen trying to draw their letters with a sharpened bamboo
either on the sand or on the green banana leaves. Also many excellent
copyists can be found among them, who are skilful in imitating any
kind of writing, designs, or printed characters. Among others, there
is mentioned a missal book which was copied by an Indian and sent to
one of the Spanish kings. It is asserted that it was impossible to
distinguish it from the original. They also copy geographical maps
with rare exactness.

It follows, then, that the instruction of the Indians is far from
being backward, if one compares it with that of the popular classes in
Europe. Nearly all the Tagálogs know how to read and write. However,
in regard to the sciences, properly so called, very little progress has
been made in them among the Indians of the Philippines. Some mestizos
alone have a slight smattering of them, and those among the Indians
who have received orders know Latin. The most erudite are without
doubt those who, having studied at the university of Santo Tomás,
have embraced the career of the bar. Among them are counted advocates
worthy of being placed by the side of the most celebrated in Spain.

In regard to what concerns literature, there is a Tagálog grammar and
dictionary, as well as a work called arte, which is a kind of polyglot
grammar, of the Tagálog, Bicol, Visayan and Isinayan. All these works,
and in general everything that appears in one of the languages of the
country, are published by the care of the religious, who have at their
disposition the printing house of Santo Tomás, and who have the means
of meeting the expenses of the printing, which the Indians could not
do. Both at Manila and in its environs there are several printing
houses for the use of the public. They are the presses of Nuestra
Señora de Loreto at Sampaloc, which issues grammars, dictionaries,
works of history, etc. There was formerly published at Manila a
newspaper called El noticioso Filipino. Today it appears there only
as [a paper of] the prices current in Spanish and in English. At our
departure the establishment of a new newspaper was beginning. [132]

The literary works consist of pieces in verse, sometimes on very
weighty subjects. Thus, for example, the "Passion of our Lord" has been
translated into Tagálog verse. Then there are tragedies, which as we
have mentioned above are excessively long. [133] They often contain
the entire life of a king. There are, furthermore, little poems,
corridas, epithaliums, and songs. These last especially are very
numerous and have special names, such as comintang de la conquista,
the sinanpablo, the batanguiño, the cavitegan. [134] Not only are
the words of these songs, but also the melodies, national, and the
Indians note the music of them with prodigious cleverness. All the
Indians, in fact, are naturally given to music and there are some of
them who play five or six instruments. Also there is not a village,
however small it be, where mass is not accompanied by music for lack
of an organ. The choice of the airs which they play is not always the
most edifying. We have heard in the churches the waltzes of Musard,
and the gayest airs of the French comic opera.

Thus, as we have just said, the Indians are born musicians. Those who
before knew only the Chinese tam-tam, the Javanese drum, and a kind
of flute of Pan, made of a bit of bamboo, today cultivate the European
instruments with a love which comes to be a passion. They are not, for
the most part, very strong in vocal music, for they have very little or
no voice. Nevertheless, their singing offers in our opinion a certain
character of originality which is not unworthy of attention. [135]

Scarcely had the Spaniards conquered that archipelago than its
inhabitants tried to imitate the musical instruments of Europe,
and the viguela, a kind of guitar having a very great number of
strings, but which is not always the same, soon became their favorite
instrument. They manufactured it with a remarkable perfection. And
besides, they themselves made the strings.

The bandolon is another guitar, but smaller; having twenty-four
metallic strings joined by fours. They are very skilful in playing that
instrument, and they make use either of one of their finger nails,
which they allow to grow to a very great length, or of a little bit
of wood. We do not know from what nation they have borrowed that
instrument, which we have never seen in Spain.

The music of the villages of which we have spoken is generally composed
of violins, of ebony flutes, or even of bamboo in the remote provinces,
and of a bajo de viguela, a large guitar of the size of a violon-cello,
which is played with a horn or ebony finger expressly made [for
that purpose]. They draw from it very agreeable sounds. That music,
somewhat discordant, is not often wholly without something agreeable
in it. We cannot help admiring men who can reach that point without
having taken lessons, and of whom the majority have perhaps never
had occasion to meet an artist.

The military music of the regiments of the garrison at Manila,
and in some large villages of the provinces, has reached a point
of perfection which is astonishing. We have never heard better in
Spain, not even in Madrid. It is at the square of the palace that, on
Thursdays, Sundays, and fête days, at eight o'clock in the evening,
at the time when the retreat is beaten, the society of Manila and
the foreigners and travelers, assemble to hear the concert. The
Indians play there from memory for two or three hours alternately,
from great overtures of Rossini and Meyerbeer, or contradances, and
vaudevilles. They owe the great progress which they have made for
some time in their military music to the French masters who direct
them. These same musicians are also summoned to the great balls, where
they execute pieces among the contradances played by other instruments.

We have stated that the vocal music of the Indians is not equal to
that of their instrumental music, which is especially true of the
quality of their voice, which is sharp and shrill. All their airs are
applied to words of love; they are regrets, and reproaches, addressed
to a faithless swain, and sometimes allusions drawn from the history
of the ancient kings, or from holy Scripture.

Sometimes a number of Indians gather in the house of one of them and
form a concert of amateurs. At that time they sing the Passion to
the accompaniment of a full orchestra. At other times five, seven,
or nine bagontaos (young bachelors) assemble at night in the beautiful
clear moonlight and run about the villages in the vicinity of Manila,
where they give serenades to their sweethearts, their dalagas, or
donzellias [i.e., doncella (maidens)], whom the Tagálogs who are
of more distinguished rank and who speak Spanish call their novias
[i.e., sweethearts]. One could imagine nothing more singular and
more picturesque than to see during those brilliant nights of the
torrid zone, when the moon sheds floods of silver light, and the
balmy breeze tempers the burning heat of the atmosphere, to see,
we say, the Indians crouched en cuclillas for entire hours without
getting tired of that position, which we would find so uncomfortable,
singing their love under the windows of their mistresses.

Numerous orchestras of musicians are summoned at any hour of the day
to the houses of Manila in order to have all sorts of ancient and
modern dances there: the old rigodons, [136] quadrilles, the English
contradances, waltzes, gallops, and without doubt the polka will not
be long in penetrating there also. It is rare among the Indians,
and especially among the mestizos, that a baptism, marriage, or
any ceremony is celebrated without music and dancing. The burial of
children (criaturas) is always accompanied by music.

One further word on the extraordinary talent of the Indians for musical
execution. One day we accompanied Monsieur Auguste Barrot, our worthy
consul, the alcalde of the province of Laguna, on a tour which he
was making for the election of gobernadorcillos. We reached Calaüan,
where we stopped to sup and sleep at the house of a respectable cura
whose house, like that of all ecclesiastics, was open to all travelers
without exception. Travelers are there fed and lodged as long as
they please to stop and without any cost to them. Now, at the house
of this cura we heard an Indian who played with equal perfection on
seven different instruments, on which he executed the most difficult
pieces. When he had finished, the good cura, in order to amuse us,
performed some sleight of hand tricks and juggling, and showed us a
theater of marionnettes, which he had himself mounted.

The comintang, which we have before mentioned as a national song, is
also a dance. While the musicians are playing and singing it an Indian
and an Indian woman execute a pantomime which agrees with the words. It
is a lover who is trying to inflame the heart of a young girl, about
whom he runs while making innumerable amorous movements and greetings
in the fashion of the country, accompanied by movements of the arms
and of the body, which are not the most decent, but which cause the
spectators to break out into loud and joyous laughter. Finally, the
lover, not being able to succeed, feigns to be sick and falls into a
chair prepared for him. The young girl, frightened, flies to his aid
but he rises again very soon cured, and begins to dance and turn about
with her in all directions, to the great applause of those present.

The pampamgo is another dance which is especially remarkable by the
movements of the loins, and the special grace which the women show
in it. It is accompanied by very significative clapping of the hands.

In the Visayas they dance the bagay, the music and song of which are
langorous and melancholy, like that of the comintang. It is also a
lover and a mistress who dance, the while they mingle their motions
with cries.

The Montescos of the provinces of the north of the island of Luçon
also dance to the sound of their bamboo flutes, but their gestures
and their postures are so indecent that for shame a woman never dances
except with her husband.

The Negritos in their dances hold in their hands their bow and arrows
and utter horrible cries. They make frightful contortions and leaps to
which in the country one has given the name of camarones, comparing
them to those that the sea-crabs make in the water. They end their
dance by shooting their arrows into the air, and their eyesight is so
quick that they sometimes kill a bird on the wing. Their ouroucay,
or song of the mountains, is a very pleasing melody consisting of
six measures which are repeated time and time again, which if it were
arranged for chorus, would make a fine effect.

The fandango, the çapateado, the cachucha, and other Spanish dances
have been adopted by the Indians, and they do not lack grace when
they dance them to the accompaniment of castinets, which they play
with a remarkable precision. They also execute some dances of Nueva
España, such as for example the jarabès, where they show all the
Spanish vivacity with movements of their figure, of their breasts,
of their hips, to right and left forward and backward, and pirouettes,
whose rapidity is such that the eye can scarce follow them.

Drawing and painting are much further advanced than one would believe
among the Indians of the Philippines. Without taking into account
the fine geographical maps of Nicolas de Ocampo, we can cite the
miniatures of Denian, and Sauriano, the pictures of churches, and the
oil portraits of Oreco. Those works are indeed far from being perfect,
for the artists to whom they are due have never had any masters,
but they present marks of great talent, and the portraits have a
striking resemblance [to the original]. We seize this occasion to
testify all our gratitude to the two mestizo designers, Juan Serapio
Transfiguracion Nepomuceno, and his son, for the services which as
artists they have been pleased to render us with so much kindness.







PRIVILEGES GRANTED TO STUDENTS

    Royal order dictating rules for the incorporation, in the
    universities and audiencias of the colonies, of the studies and
    titles obtained in those of España, in the course of jurisprudence,
    and vice-versa.


Ministry of Grace and Justice:

Your Excellency:


Some doubts having been occasioned by the difference existing
between the plan of studies in force in the Peninsula, and that
which is observed in the islands of Cuba and Puerto-Rico, in regard
to whether those youth, who have devoted themselves to the career of
jurisprudence, may utilize, in one of these points of the monarchy,
the courses taken and the titles obtained in the other; and the queen
(whom may God preserve) desiring while the government is bringing
to a head the fitting reforms, [137] to give the advisable harmony
to the above-cited systems of education, to avoid the difficulties
and prejudices caused by this uncertainty, has deigned to resolve,
after hearing the opinion of the royal Council, that the following
orders be observed in regard to this point.

[Points 1 and 2 refer to Cuba and Puerto-Rico.]

3. Students, licentiates, or advocates of the Peninsula who go to
continue their career or exercise their profession in the domains of
the colonies shall receive credit for the courses which they shall
have taken, and the degrees which they shall have obtained shall be
recognized whenever they prove them legally, as well as the titles
which shall appear to be proved by the competent decision of the
supreme Tribunal of Justice or the Ministry of Public Instruction,
according to their origin, and derivation.

4. The courts in the Antillas and Philippinas shall continue to
observe the present practice of not admitting to the exercise of the
profession of lawyer any Peninsular lawyer, unless he first makes the
presentation of his titles, before the respective royal Audiencia. But
when this legal requirement is observed, the assembly shall have
no further power to submit the interested person to any exercise or
examination with the object of assuring themselves of his fitness,
but shall, on the contrary, consider their powers of intervention
limited to declaring the legality of his title, once it has been
proved according to the ruling of the preceding disposition, and to
order that it be recognized and respected throughout their territory.

5. If, because of the distance or inclemencies of the navigation,
considerable harm should come to licentiates, who, when going to the
Peninsula, should lose their diplomas and documents, the Audiencia,
opening an informatory writ, shall be able to allow them to exercise
their profession for a determined period until the presentation of
the documents in fitting form.

I write this to your Excellency by royal order, for your information
and the advisable results. May God preserve your Excellency many
years. Madrid, December 2, 1847.


Arrazola


[Addressed: "Regent of the royal Audiencia and Chancillería of
Manila."]







SUPERIOR SCHOOL OF PAINTING, SCULPTURE, AND ENGRAVING


Drawing and painting, for which the natives of the Filipinas show
remarkable aptitude, began to be taught in the Sociedad Económica de
Amigos del País [i.e., Economic Society of Friends of the Country],
[138] and in a more ample and official manner in the old School
of drawing and painting created in 1849. Some notable artists have
graduated from that school, who have, by their productions, honored
their country in España and other nations, and obtained prizes in
various contests. [139]

By royal decrees of August and December, 1893, this institution was
reorganized. The section of the fine arts was separated from the
professional school of arts and crafts, and the superior school of
painting, sculpture, and engraving was created. Teaching was amplified,
and instruction given in various art subjects, including color
composition modeling, and drawing from the antique and from nature,
including figure drawing. [140] This academy was supported from local
funds, a small part being contributed from the general budget. There
were no enrolments or academic courses, and hence, no examinations. The
pupils could attend as many years as they wished. [141] After its
reorganization in 1893, the general attendance was from 200 to 300,
and in spite of the poor instruction, some good work was done. [142]







ATENEO MUNICIPAL


In 1859, the fathers of the Society of Jesus came anew to these islands
to evangelize the savage tribes of Mindanao. [143] While they were
preparing for that enterprise, they were given control (December 10)
[144] of the Escuela pía (charity school) of Manila, which then
contained 33 pupils under the auspices of the municipality and the
protection of the captain-general, then Fernando Norzagaray. By
January 2 of the following year the pupils numbered 124. All the
elementary primary studies were taught, as well as most of those of
secondary instruction, and superior education, in accordance with
the regulations then in force. In 1865 it was declared a college of
secondary instruction under the title of "Ateneo Municipal [i.e.,
Municipal Athenaeum] of Manila," by the Madrid government. Some years
later it had 200 boarding pupils and a large number of day pupils,
and it was impossible to accommodate all those who wished to enter
from all parts of the archipelago. In addition to the studies which
constitute the course leading to the degree of bachelor of arts,
studies of application, to agriculture, industry, and commerce were
given, and titles of commercial experts, agricultural experts, and
later, mechanical experts were issued.

There were also classes in drawing, vocal and instrumental music,
and gymnastics. Expenses were defrayed by the municipality. Statistics
show that between the years 1865-1882, a large per cent of those who
have entered for the various branches have graduated, the per cent of
those graduates studying agriculture being the lowest. In that period
173 A. B. degrees, 40 titles of commercial expert, and 19 titles of
agricultural expert had been conferred. The year 1896-1897 showed
a total enrolment of 1,176, of whom 510 belonged to the department
of primary instruction, 514 to the general studies of secondary
instruction, and 152 to the studies of application. The school enjoyed
great prestige from its foundation to the close of the Spanish régime,
as the methods followed there were better and more modern than any
other in the archipelago. [145] It had a faculty of 24. [146]







EDUCATIONAL SUGGESTIONS


SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION [147]

University of Manila. Naval School.

The university has many enemies and some arguers who do not oppose it
because it is directed by Dominican friars, but because they believe
the study of law inadvisable. This opinion is anti-liberal and does
not merit refutation. Even if it did merit it, the moment would
never be opportune for a democratic revolution, which even runs the
danger of going too far in its generalizations, as we have already
stated. The greater convenience of a school of medicine and surgery,
professions in which the Indians would probably give better results
than in the forum, might be maintained. But since true progress does
not consist in destroying, but in reforming and improving gradually,
we are inclined as the generality of those who have been in Filipinas,
to the realization of the secularization which is demanded in regard
to superior public instruction, and which appears to be the desire
of the government at this time, by means of the establishment in the
university itself of that school, to which the Dominican fathers,
who have made the greatest sacrifices for their country, would not
hesitate to offer themselves. And even if the study of pharmacy were
added to it, it would also be convenient. That science must adjust
itself to the conditions of the Indian, and there is an unquestioned
need for it there; for, although its principal subdivisions have
been studied by some religious, such as botany, mineral waters,
etc., there is still much to do. It is the general opinion that the
Philippine fields with their innumerable and unknown herbs offer
remedies for all diseases, but the science is given up to chicanery,
and the empiricism of the mediquillos. The Indians accept Spanish
medicines under no consideration. Therefore, it is necessary to
regenerate the class of the former by prohibiting intrusions into
the field of the profession, and by obliging them to study it from
its beginnings in the university of Manila under Spanish professors,
who ought to be those of military health [Sanidad militar]--men who
acquire great skill in the hospitals and come to be specialists in
the diseases of the country. The suppression of some obstacles which
still exist in regard to the admission of foreign professors will
also be an excellent measure. In regard to pharmacy, of which there
exist no regular establishments outside of Manila, Cavite, Cebú,
and, I believe, Cagayán, great rigor must be exercised in removing
from it abuses and ignorance which give place to the most grave
consequences. As there exists no authoritative personnel, wandering
peddlers easily obtain a permit from the superior government to add
to their work the sale of drugs. At times they are subjected to light
examinations by the subdelegate. The consequence is that the provinces
are swamped with counterfeit and dangerous products when they are
not objects of perfumery, which the poor natives swallow as chemical
products. In Pampanga we have seen a preparation of lettuce or of some
similar vegetable sold as a tailor's chalk [jaboncillo de sastre],
which was of more use for washing the hands than for modifying the
nervous contractions of the muscles.

Hence, the intrusions of the mediquillo and of the matandá (the old
man) who with true enchantments and superstitious remedies cures
the poor sick people, cannot be combated with efficacy. In Batangas
dead flies that were killed by the fresh paint of a saint have been
prescribed, and brick dust where the mark of a foot had appeared to
the native curas as a miraculous thing imprinted by the Virgin who
was coming to adore a cross near by. The pills of Holloway and the
products of foreign charlatanism reap their harvest.

Hence also, the poor parish priests have to serve as physicians and
apothecaries in extreme cases. Very frequently the mediquillo when
he sees that it is a case of exhaustion, absconds or disappears,
and then what can a poor friar do at the bedside of a sick person who
dies without human aid? Consequently, the literature of the convents
has produced many [medical] works, some of them of merit, destined
to be used as a vade mecum in these ordinary cases. Even notions of
obstetrics (the science of childbirth) are given in some of those
books, since there are theologues who counsel proceeding to the most
risky operations in order to be able to baptize the fetus. In the
Embriologia [i.e., Embriology] of Father Sanz, [148] one reads of
cases truly inconceivable, and in the Ilustracion filipina, [149]
a periodical which was published in our time, appeared articles in
regard to the mediquillos and midwives, which by themselves alone
would authorize a reform of those professions so interesting to
humanity. In difficult childbirth it is very common for the operator
to press down on the abdomen of the sick woman, and to have recourse
to other proceedings similar to it. The first month after birth the
Indian children pass in a perpetual martyrdom, for they are rubbed
hourly with very hot cocoanut oil, a custom doubtless preserved from
the woods, where in their savage state they make of the children a
flexible serpent which escapes from the hand.

Since surgery, in spite of being an almost useless science in
Filipinas, where the great agricultural and industrial works which
cause mutilations and accidents do not exist, for the Indian when he
works never does it with the enthusiasm and abnegation which we see
in Europa, but very tranquilly and carefully looking out beforehand to
what he exposes himself--surgery, we repeat, properly so called--does
not exist where there are no Spanish operators. For the bite of a
monkey, which would disappear in a fortnight by cauterization, we
have seen so many plasters applied and so many waters from miraculous
springs (among them a bandage soaked in holy water) that they have
very likely killed the sick person, since he had suffered two long
years when we left the province. If the oils and balsams from those
oleaginous plants (and among them there are some truly wonderful)
produced no effect, the mediquillo, losing his bearings, soon has
recourse to the charms and devilments which bring a sick one to
the grave.

There is another educational institution in Manila which is susceptible
of great development and of producing vast advantages for the
country, namely, the naval school. Poorly organized and almost always
worse directed, it only graduates pupils with great pretentious,
who aspire from the first moment to posts in the warships, where
they are quickly confounded with the very least predicaments. If
this institution on the other hand were well organized as a school
of pilots, it could supply useful men to the great number of boats
engaged in the coasting trade. The native sailor is bold even to folly
in the ordinary accidents of navigation, but timorous and irresolute in
exigencies, and absolutely lacks means to escape from them. Hence they
go with the greatest impassiveness through those labyrinths of hidden
rocks and reefs, which fill the sea of Mindoro and the Calamianes
in pancos and paraos which scarcely can be used for the navigation
of rivers and creeks. But at the first puff of a strong wind, which,
although it does not break it, tears the helm from their hands at the
first movement of that stormy sea where cataclysms are more frequent
than ashore, the poor arraez [i.e., master] as the captain there is
still called, harassed and disturbed, either kneels down with all
his crew to invoke God, placing on the helm his antin-antin (amulet,
a kind of scapulary which no Indian is without during these voyages,
and which has more of paganism than Christianity), or takes refuge in
the hatchway in order not to behold the dangers that he is running. If
any Spaniard is in the boat, the command is assuredly given to him,
although he understands less of sea-affairs than the said captain. That
has happened more than once to all of us who have traveled much from
one island to another, and surely not even in boats of a certain
importance, almost brigantines, when the master is a Tagálog, have
we ever met with sea-compass, barometer, or glass, or any other of
the instruments most indispensable for navigation.

This is enough to prove the importance which ought to be given to
the naval school, whose organization must be very imperfect, since
even yet its results are almost nil. It depends provisionally on the
superior civil government, a circumstance which appears absurd to
us. Like this there exist many things which we have neither time nor
scientific capacity to unfold. It belongs to the government to do now
what is proposed, namely, reform the public instruction of Filipinas.




SCHOOLS OF PRIMARY LETTERS

The primary school, the most interesting among all peoples, and more
yet among backward peoples, was found in our time in an incipient
condition, if one considers it as the government desires it, and
as a great number of royal decrees resolved. Primary instruction in
Castilian was alone known in Manila and some suburbs of the capital,
but in the dialects of the country there existed boys' schools in all
the villages, and in the majority of them, also schools for girls. It
is a fact that such schools did not count on more elements than the
pay assigned by the government for the teachers, [150] and the parish
priests together with the provincial chiefs had to decide on the means
for the construction and conservation of the edifices and furnishings,
the former paying in addition their salaries to the teachers of the
girls, or paying them from the funds of the churches according to
the wealth of each one.

This system gave the consequent result of there not being any suitable
directors for complete primary instruction. But in reading, writing,
and religion, in the majority of the villages of the archipelago,
there was found a greater number proportionally than in España,
for the missionaries always considered that education as the first
element of civilization and adhesion of those inhabitants to the
crown of Castilla.

The government tried to improve and make general that education, but
in the Spanish language. [151] For that purpose the assembly appointed
in 1861 made some regulations, taking as its base the creation of
a normal school, which has had realization, and according to Señor
Barrantes, in the above-cited work, it seems that instruction has
improved somewhat in what relates to the Spanish.

The question of whether the parish priests or missionaries have opposed
those rules is of little importance to us. As in all disputable
cases there are partisans who favor and those who oppose--not the
advantage which the generalization of the Spanish language might
be, for all people recognize and admit this hypothesis, but only
the results which the generalization of the Spanish language would
produce, reckoning on the slight capacity of the natives to utilize
the good that they might read in the idiom of Cervantes, and bearing
in mind the political make-up of that country and the evil effects
which would be produced by the daily publications which would arrive
[from España], and which are incapable of enlightening the little but
submissive intelligence of those inhabitants, yet always sufficient
to excite the passions of men who would easily confuse rights with
individual duties, giving a worse result than that which the history
of our ancient colonies registers.

As we do not know of this department in the present circumstances
more than that which the above-cited work brings to light, we shall
limit ourselves to calling the attention of the government so that
it may introduce in that department all the improvements possible,
extending the normal school, which gives very slight results for
a people of five millions, and proving whether this normal school,
organized with a mixture of the language of the country and of the
Spanish and by creating one school in each group of provinces belonging
to the same language, would give a more positive result in regard to
instruction, and one even more efficacious for the propagation of the
Spanish by printing works in two columns in the two languages. [152]

What the archipelago lacks are men and women teachers to give
instruction in the primary schools. Industrial teachers, professorships
for foremen and assistants for public works and master masons would
produce a great result in that country. Lastly, let all the generals
bear in mind what the various ancient decrees rule to the effect that
a charge shall be made to them in their residencias for their neglect
in public instruction.







PUBLIC INSTRUCTION


Public instruction is sufficiently far advanced in Filipinas,
especially in what refers to primary instruction.

It is strange to see that in the most remote villages, the majority of
the Indians know how to read and even to write, having learned without
teachers, and solely through the strength of their inclination and
extraordinary patience.

The public schools are better organized today, and have in charge of
them teachers who have graduated from the normal school of Manila. It
cannot fail to be worthy of striking the attention that almost all
the boys and girls who attend the schools read Spanish without
understanding it, and write our language by drawing the letters
materially.

Secondary education is studied in the college of San Juan de Letrán,
created into an institute in 1820, in that of Santo Tomás, in charge
of the Dominican fathers; in the Ateneo Municipal, under the direction
of the Jesuits; in the college of San José, directed by the secular
clergy; and in various private schools.

Superior branches are studied in the royal and pontifical university of
Santo Tomás, of Manila, founded at the beginning of the seventeenth
century. It was erected under the name of College of Santo Tomás
de Nuestra Señora de Rosario of Manila, August 15, 1619. Felipe IV
approved it by a decree of November 27, 1623. Pope Innocent X conceded
to this college on November 20, 1645, the title of university,
and Clement XII extended its studies to civil and canonical law,
and the other subjects that are studied in universities.

It is pontifical, for the degrees which are conferred in it have
canonical effect and supply ecclesiastics for determined charges,
according to the bulls of Innocent X and Clement XII.

It is in charge of the illustrious Dominican fathers, its founders,
who fill the greater number of its chairs.

With reference to the reform introduced by royal order of October 29,
1875, the studies necessary for the professions or jurisprudence and
of the Church, and of medicine, pharmacy, and notary, are given in
this institution.

Manila has a seminary, called San Carlos, and the same is true of
Cebú and Iloílo.

The seminary in Camarines Sur is called Nuestra Señora del Rosario,
and that of Ilocos Sur is entitled Nuestra Señora de la Concepción.

Furthermore, there is a naval academy in Manila, another of drawing
and painting, a normal school for men teachers, chairs of bookkeeping,
languages, and history, and a meteorological observatory. [153]

The naval school was established in 1862, at the instance of the
consulado of commerce. In it are taught arithmetic, elementary
geometry, plane and spherical trigonometry, cosmography, pilotage,
practical geometry applied to the construction of hydrographic maps
and plans, and methods of drawing them, etc., etc.

The academy of drawing and painting was instituted by the Hoard
of Trade, March 1, 1849. Its classes consist of figure drawing,
ornamentation, and modeling, both in nature and in colors.

The normal school for the training of men teachers of primary
instruction was created by royal decree of December 20, 1863, and was
inaugurated January 23, 1865, under the direction of the fathers of
the Society of Jesus.

For young women, Manila has the beaterio of Santa Catalina de Sena,
instituted in 1696 for the general instruction of girls, and ruled
over by a prioress chosen by the mothers; the beaterio-college of
Santa Rita, created in 1740, for the education of Indian orphan girls;
that of Santa Rosa, founded in 1750, for the purpose of educating
poor girls; the college of La Concordia; that of Santa Isabel; and
the municipal school for girls, directed by the sisters of charity.




STATISTICS CONCERNING PRIMARY INSTRUCTION

According to the Manual del viajero, [154] published in 1877, there
are in all Filipinas, at the account of the State, 1,016 schools of
primary instruction for boys, and 592 for girls, 98,761 attending
the former, and 78,352 the latter, as follows:


                         Schools               Pupils who attend
                         Boys      Girls       Boys     Girls

    In Luzón               599        244      44,416   28,805
    Adjacent islands        49         28       3,934    1,970
    Visayas                302        284      43,281   41,193
    Mindanao                66         36       7,070    6,384
                         -----        ---     -------   ------
                         1,016        592      98,761   78,351
                         ----------------     ----------------
                         1,608                177,113


According to data sent to the Statistics Board of Filipinas, and
compiled by Señor Cavada, [155] the condition of public instruction
in 1870 was as follows.




PRIMARY INSTRUCTION

Island of Luzón

Boys.--Schools, 657; attendance, 118,652; read, 34,119; write, 25,374;
talk Castilian, 2,165; ignorant, 56,994.

Girls.--Schools, 439; attendance, 76,773; read, 19,447; write, 7,924;
talk Castilian, 1,940; ignorant, 47,462.

Visayas Islands

Boys.--Schools, 325; attendance, 98,687; read, 28,003; write, 23,518;
talk Castilian, 3,062; ignorant, 44,104.

Girls.--Schools, 317; attendance, 84,357; read, 25,978; write, 12,817;
talk Castilian, 979; can sew, 22,380.

Island of Mindanao

Boys.--Schools, 22; attendance, 4,769; read, 1,547; write, 1,064;
talk Castilian, 114; ignorant, 2,044.

Girls.--Schools, 19; attendance, 2,669; read, 763; write, 130; talk
Castilian, 58; ignorant, 1,718.




INSTRUCTION

Island of Luzón

Males.--Read, 183,394; read and write, 194,628; ignorant, 1,051,823;
talk Castilian, 48,206; ignorant of Castilian, 1,381,639.

Females.--Read, 174,516; read and write, 50,082; ignorant, 1,119,994;
talk Castilian, 26,844; ignorant of Castilian, 1,314,748.

Visayan Islands

Males.--Read, 109,373; read and write, 125,187; ignorant, 628,960;
talk Castilian, 21,466; ignorant of Castilian, 842,054.

Females.--Read, 89,558; read and write, 49,681; ignorant, 731,240;
talk Castilian, 9,019; ignorant of Castilian, 861,460.

Island of Mindanao

Males.--Read, 8,169; read and write, 5,733; ignorant, 62,534; talk
Castilian, 76,436; ignorant of Castilian, 4,994.

Females.--Read, 6,160; read and write, 1,510; ignorant, 60,721;
talk Castilian, 68,391; ignorant of Castilian, 3,934.




SECONDARY EDUCATION

Academic course, 1883-84


                                Registration of   Studies of
                                matriculation     application

   College of Santo Tomás,            3,561           274
   Idem of San Juan de Letrán,
   Ateneo Municipal,                    665            84
   Private schools (general
   studies),                            614




SUPERIOR EDUCATION

Academical course for 1883-84


                                    Registration of matriculation

       Theology,                                   65
       Canon law,                                   3
       Jurisprudence                              232 [156]
       Notary,                                     15
       Medicine,                                  395
       Pharmacy,                                  102
       Practitioners of medicine,                  72
       Practitioners of pharmacy,                  19
       Midwives,                                   12


By means of the incomplete data which precede, and it is a fact that
they do not exist in more exact form or of more recent date in the
Ministry of the Colonies, it is easy to recognize the great results
which can be obtained in regard to making reading and writing general
among the Indians, and in seeing that they learn the Castilian
language, for only a very small fraction of them know it very
superficially.

Some advance has been made since the establishment of the normal
school. But there is still much to do, and it is necessary that so
crying a need be considered with the haste and decision that this
important matter demands.

The establishment of schools of arts and crafts will also be very
convenient and useful, and truly they will be productive of great
results. Everything which contributes to the propagation of the
teaching of industries, to the creation of superintendents and
assistants of public works, master-masons, and all that relates to
these matters, ought to be encouraged, and must be an advantageous
and efficacious blessing to the natives of that country, who are
extremely skilful in all the imitative arts and crafts, rather than
for the studies which demand the employment of the superior faculties
of the intelligence. [157]







GIRLS' SCHOOLS IN MANILA AND THE PROVINCES


There are four colleges for the education of girls without taking into
consideration the municipal school of Manila, [158] and the college
of Santa Isabel, of Nueva Cáceres. [159] These are the college of
Santa Isabel, that of Santa Rosa, that of Santa Catalina, and that of
La Concordia, also called college of the Immaculate Conception, all
located in the capital of the archipelago. Of all these institutions,
the oldest is the college of Santa Isabel, founded in 1632 for the
education of Spanish orphan girls by a pious foundation called the
Santa Misericordia. In 1650, the first regulations for the government
of the same were issued, which continued in force until 1813, when
they were revised. The college is supported from part of the interest
derived from the Misericordia legacy, administered by a board, of
which the civil governor of Manila is the president. It also enjoys
a grant of land in Tagudín, province of Pangasinán, by a royal cedula
of March 14, 1680, which produces an income of 600 pesos per annum.

Until the beginning of the present century, nearly 13,060 girls had
been educated in this institution.

In 1861, the governor-general of the archipelago added the royal
college of Santa Potenciana to the college of Santa Isabel. [160]
The former was composed of the orphan daughters of military men, and
was a most ancient and beneficent institution, founded about the end
of the sixteenth century by Perez Dasmariñas. It afforded shelter and
protection to the orphan daughters of military men who had succumbed
to the climatological influences of this country, or had died in the
defense of their country.

The colleges were under the protection of private ladies and afforded
quite sufficient instruction. In 1863, the sisters of charity assumed
charge of the same, to the great advantage of the college and of the
morality of the pupils.

In 1879, the college underwent a considerable reformation by order
of Governor-general Moriones, who gave the college a new set of
regulations and opened its doors to day pupils and half-boarders,
and in 1880 the board of directors established new chairs, which
make this establishment one of the most complete for the education
of European young ladies.

Girls admitted are given a dowry of 500 pesos, but under the condition
that they must first secure the title of teacher, without which
requisite, even though they get married, they are given nothing. When
they have concluded their studies, they engage in work, and the college
reserves to them one-half of what they earn, which is added to their
dowry. [161]




Retreat and college of Santa Catalina

The college of Santa Catalina follows next in order of antiquity to
the college of Santa Isabel. It was founded in 1696 by the provincial,
then belonging to the Dominican order, the very reverend father,
Juan de Santo Domingo.

There were purchased for the purposes of the college, at the account of
the province of Santísimo Rosario, some houses adjoining the convent
of Santo Domingo, to serve as an asylum to the young ladies who desire
to consecrate therein their virginity to the Lord.

The institution was inaugurated on the day of St. Ann, of the
year mentioned, after the approval of the rules to be observed,
in conformity with the spirit and statutes of the Tertiary Order of
St. Dominic, with some modifications for the proper interior régime,
based upon the principal laws and ordinations of the province of
Santísimo Rosario. On this day some ladies who had long before adopted
the dress of the Tertiary order, took the vows, binding themselves
to the strictest observance of the new rule, and taking the three
religious vows with all the necessary formalities.

Among the new nuns was the sister of Mother Francisca, who, in order
to adopt the Dominican vestments, left the rectorate of Santa Isabel.

The new retreat was given for a patron, the seraphic mother, Santa
Catalina de Sena. It was also ordered that there should be only
fifteen choir nuns, in honor of the mysteries of the rosary, with
some lay sisters to attend to the material service.

The foundation of this retreat was approved by a royal despatch signed
February 17, 1716, which put an end to the various petitions which
had been submitted to the court against its installation. In 1732, a
new cedula granted the retreat the right to have a church with a bell,
and prescribed, at the same time, that the inmates were not required
to observe retirement by a rigid vow, but only for the purposes of
good administration.

The practice observed is that the sisters never pass through the
inside door of the convent, which is in charge of one of the gravest
sisters, but any person can enter it with express permission from
the provincial.

Although in the beginning, the college of Santa Catalina was nothing
but a house, to which Spanish ladies, desirous of renouncing the
vanities of the world and of devoting themselves entirely to the
service of God, retired, the Dominican order did not long delay in
assigning some of the sisters to instruction in a college. From that
time, the retreat took the character of a college, where the pupils,
at the same time that they were instructed in reading, writing,
Christian doctrine, and other work suitable to their sex, learned to
practice virtue.

In 1865, it was deemed proper to increase the number of sisters
fixed when the retreat was established, in order to be able to extend
instruction further, and thus place the college on the same level as
the best equipped colleges of the same class in this capital.

The inmates of this institution are not permitted to leave it without
good cause.

They may be visited by their parents and other friends and
acquaintances in a reception room located near the door of the college.

After the earthquakes of 1880, notable improvements were made in
the material part of the building; [162] and at the present time,
in the departments necessary for the good service of the college,
this establishment has a spacious working-room, large class-rooms,
well-ventilated dormitories, a beautiful bathroom, and an ample and
capacious dining-hall.

The retreat is managed by a prioress, elected every three years by
the sisters, who acts, at the same time, as the mother superior of
the college; at the head of the latter, nevertheless, there is a
directress in charge of the instruction.

The spiritual direction of the retreat and college is in charge of a
father of the order, appointed by the corporation for the charge of
vicar. [163]




College of Santa Rosa

This establishment was founded in 1750 by the Paulist Mother de la
Trinidad, a nun of the Tertiary Order of St. Dominic. She arrived
in Manila the preceding year, whither she had resolved to come
from the Peninsula, desirous of consecrating herself to the good of
others. Being convinced that the greatest service she could render the
public was to establish an educational institution, she immediately
took steps to carry out her holy work, and in a short time by her
ardent zeal she secured sufficient funds for the establishment of a
retreat, where she supported on charity a certain number of native
young women for the purpose of educating them in the fear of God, in
Christian doctrine, and in all exercises suitable for a woman. This
was done so that, whether they left the retreat of their own will
and married or remained therein, they would develop strong moral
principles.

His Majesty has taken this college under his royal protection,
and the regent of the Audiencia supervises it in his name, with the
corresponding powers.

The spiritual direction is, at the present time, entrusted by the
archbishop to the very reverend Fray José Corujedo, former provincial
of the corporation of St. Augustine.

Up to January 26, 1866, the education of the girls was in charge
of elderly ladies, of well-known education and virtue, who acted as
teachers; but, on this date, by superior order, the sisters of charity
undertook the direction of the institution, which they discharged to
the satisfaction of all. [164]




College of La Concordia or of the Immaculate Conception

In the town of Paco, a suburb of Manila, there is a college, which
was inaugurated May 3, 1868, ordinarily called the college of the
Concordia. The entire grounds and part of the building, which now
serves as a college, were piously donated to the sisters of charity by
a charitable lady named Margarita Roxas, whose picture is exhibited
in the reception room. Five-sixths of said college have been built
since its foundation.

This college is the exclusive property of the sisters of charity,
who act at the same time as teachers therein. It occupies a very
picturesque and open position on a beautiful plain between the towns
of Paco and of Santa Ana, and has very capacious and well-ventilated
rooms.

It is the central building of the sisters of charity of the
Philippines, and usually a priest of the congregation of the mission,
entrusted with the spiritual direction of the college, lives therein.

The studies and work in this college and the distribution of classes
are identical with those of other colleges.

From the date of the foundation of the college, up to the present
year, 62 pupils have been examined for teachers, of whom 35 were
classed as excellent, 17 as good, and 10 passed. [165]




Asylum of St. Vincent of Paul

This institution is situated in Paco, a suburb of Manila, in the
barrio of Looban. The building and its grounds, belong to Sister
Asunción Ventura, a sister of charity, who, being anxious for the
welfare of poor girls, donated it to the congregation of the sisters of
charity, in order that said building should be used as an asylum for
the education of about 30 poor girls. The institution was inaugurated
on November 26, 1885. Pay pupils are also admitted for the moderate
fee of 6 pesos per month.

The sisters of charity of this institution number 5.


                         Boarding pupils,   37
                         Poor pupils,       45
                         Servants,           9
                         Total,             91


The pupils are taught Christian doctrine, reading, writing, Spanish
grammar, and the four rules of arithmetic. They are also instructed in
the work of their sex--sewing, embroidering, the making of artificial
flowers, and some in housework, such as cleaning, cooking, washing
clothes, etc.




College of San José de Jaro

On May 1, 1872, the sisters of charity opened, with the permission
of the vice-royal patron, the college of San José, in Iloílo, for
the instruction and education of girls. In doing this, they acceded
to the wishes expressed by some good Spaniards and some principal
citizens, and supplied a want in that capital. This college continued
in existence until 1877, when it was closed on account of the lack
of funds, as it had no funds but those derived from the fees of the
pupils, who were very few toward the end.

Fray Mariano Cortero, bishop of Jaro, availed himself of the
opportunity to call the sisters to his city, and placed the school
in their charge. A house was leased, and beside it a frame building
was constructed for school purposes, able to accommodate about 200
girls. Up to 1881, no boarding pupils were accepted, on account
of the lack of room; but later, at the request of some families,
some girls were admitted, the number of whom gradually increased to
50--too large a number for so small a house. This led to the necessity
of enlarging the building, which was done by raising the school roof,
and making an upper story, by which means a large and spacious room
was scoured as a dormitory for the girls, besides a beautiful chapel.

Instruction is divided into three classes--superior, secondary,
and primary. In the lowest class, reading and Christian doctrine
are taught. In the secondary class, Christian doctrine, reading,
writing, sacred history, and arithmetic are taught. In the superior
class, the reading of printed and written matter is taught, as well
as the writing of Spanish and English characters, geography, sacred
and profane history, and arithmetic, as well as piano for those who
wish. They are also instructed in the work of their sex--sewing,
embroidering, artificial flowers, etc.




Convent of San Ignacio

Its foundation dates back to the year 1699, and it was directed
by the fathers of the Society of Jesus until they were expelled in
the last century, when it passed to the charge of the provisor of
this archbishopric. Its original object seems to have been that of
educating native girls in the fear of God, and to give them primary
instruction and instruction in the work of their sex. This retreat
serves as an asylum for devout women.

Since 1883, a school has been established in this retreat, with
three teachers. They teach reading from the first letters, Christian
doctrine, compendium of morals, sacred history, courtesy, arithmetic,
Spanish grammar to the analysis of analogy, and in addition they
have every week an explanation of the gospel, in charge of a priest
of the secular clergy.

Needle-work is taught from the first stitches to the finest embroidery.

Oil painting is also done in this institution, and we have a teacher
of embroidery, who is an expert in this art, and whose work is much
applauded." [166]

[The following girls' schools are noted also by Archipiélago Filipino,
i, p. 353.]

Schools for the education of girls, which, without having the rank
of normal schools, exist outside the capital of the archipelago,
are principally the four following, the first three of which are in
charge of the Dominican nuns.

That of Nuestra Señora del Rosario, founded in Lingayén (Pangasinán),
in 1890, with 60 pupils; that of Santa Imelda, founded in Tuguegarao
(Cagayán de Luzón), in 1892, with 81 pupils; that of Nuestra Señora
del Rosario, in Vigan (Ilocos Sur), with 90 pupils; and finally, that
of San José de Jaro, under the direction of the sisters of charity,
with 116 resident pupils, 160 day, and 14 half-boarders.

Lastly, centers also devoted to the instruction of girls are the
Real Casa de Misericordia in Cebú, the beaterio of the Society of
Jesus in Manila, and those of Santa Rita in Pasig, and San Sebastián
in Calumpang. However, we shall not review them here, as they are
chiefly religious institutions.







SCHOOL OF AGRICULTURE


The Manila school of agriculture was created by royal decree of
November 29, 1887, and established at Manila, July 2, 1889. [167]
The objects of the school were: the theoretical and practical
education of skilled farmers; the education of overseers; the
promotion of agricultural development in the Philippines, by means
of observation, experiment, and investigation. In order to enter
officially into the study of scientific agriculture, it was necessary
to be vouched for by a valid certificate, to be of good health, and
to have studied and have passed examinations in some institution of
secondary education, or other properly accredited institution. It
opened with 82 students, but in the following year there were only
50. Agricultural stations were established in Isabela de Luzón,
Ilocos, Albay, Cebú, Iloílo, Leyte, Mindanao, and Joló. Those of
Joló and Leyte were abolished by royal decrees, dated September 10,
1888, and December 7, 1891, respectively. The course of studies was as
follows: First year--elements of agriculture; mathematical problems;
practical work in topography; linear and topographical drawing. Second
year--special methods of cultivation; elements of stockbreeding;
agricultural arts; practical work in cultivation and the industries;
setting up and management of machines; drawing applied to machines
and to plants. Third year--elements of rural economy; accounts and
agricultural legislation; general practical work in cultivation,
stockbreeding, and industry; drawing of plans. The education of the
overseers was carried on in the agricultural stations, which have
been created for the purpose of doing technical work in analyses of
earth, systems of irrigation, studies of seed, acclimatization of
vegetables and animals, study and treatment of epizootic, epiphysis,
etc. The professors in the school were agricultural engineers and their
assistants skilled farmers. The expenses were defrayed entirely by the
government, but the direction was in the hands of the priests. The
university of Santo Tomás, both of itself, and through the Ateneo
Municipal, issued certificates to skilled farmers and surveyors, for
which it required mathematics, physics, chemistry, natural history,
agriculture, topography, and linear and topographical drawing. The
government school cannot be said to have been a success, for the
Filipinos, while inclined to readily adopt the professions, have
never shown any marked inclination for industrial pursuits.

Since American occupancy. By section 19 of act 74 of the Philippine
Commission it was provided that there should be established and
maintained a school of agriculture in the island of Negros, and by
section 24 of the same act, the sum of $15,000 was appropriated out
of any funds in the insular treasury not otherwise appropriated for
the organization and maintenance of the school for the year 1901. It
was suggested that such a school be established on the government
plantation at La Carlota, but it is an inaccessible place, and it
was proposed to find a more convenient place. The organization of
the school was delayed in order to bring it into connection with the
proposed experimental sugar plantation in Negros. By act no. 512,
passed November 10, 1902, the work of establishing an agricultural
college was transferred from the bureau of public instruction to the
bureau of agriculture, and the government farm at La Granja in western
Negros was set aside as a site for this school, and for an experiment
station to be conducted in connection with it. After a long delay,
plans were submitted for a main building to contain laboratories,
class-rooms, offices, and also a dormitory. Twenty-five thousand
dollars were appropriated for its construction. Arrangements were
made, however, by which certain teachers in the provinces were to
be employed to coöperate with the bureau of agriculture in making
various experiments and in gathering such information as might be
useful in promoting knowledge of the agricultural conditions of the
islands. At the same time the law establishing secondary instruction
in provincial schools provided for the extension of the curriculum
beyond the ordinary course of high-school instruction and instruction
in agriculture, which meant that the provincial schools might, on
a larger or smaller scale, as the authorities of the province might
determine, carry on instruction and experiments in such branches of
agriculture as might be supposed to be adapted to the conditions in
the province in which any provincial school was established. March 25,
1903, a director of the experiment station was appointed in order
that he might take charge of the government property on the estate
and begin the work of getting land under cultivation. [168]







GOVERNMENT REORGANIZATION OF EDUCATION IN THE UNIVERSITY OF SANTO TOMAS

    CONFERENCE ON THE COLLEGE-UNIVERSITY OF SANTO TOMÁS OF MANILA,
    AND THE DECISION RENDERED BY SEÑORS MONTERO RIOS, GAMAZO, AND MAURA


Conference

1. Whether in view of the writ of foundation of the college-university
of Santo Tomás, which is enclosed, the ministry has the right to
reorganize education therein, without taking account of the religious
corporation of the Dominicans.

2. Whether, in case of a ministerial resolution, contrary to the
native autonomy of the said college, the latter may offer opposition
by legal means, and what would be the most efficacious method.




Decision

The foundation of the college of Santo Tomás, which seems to have been
commenced under the advocacy of our Lady of the Rosary, in Manila,
was ordained by a writ of April 28, 1611, before the notary of his
Majesty, Juan Yllán, in order to observe the last will of the deceased
archbishop, Fray Miguel de Benavides; and to the new institution were
applied besides, the few resources which the latter left, and others
also modest, which proceeded from the estates of Pablo Rodriguez de
Aranjo and Anfrés de Hermosa. There were hopes that new liberalities
would augment the capital of so useful a work. Its origin is, then,
entirely private.

Section 1 of the said foundation spiritualized the properties and
their future increases, so that use might be made of them under such
concept for the ministry of the college, and the welfare of the souls
of the three deceased testators, and of future benefactors. Section
2 entrusted the management to the then or future father provincial of
the Order of Preachers of St. Dominic. Section 3 gave the government
correction, and instruction of the college to the prior of the
convent of that order in Manila. Section 4 allowed the provincial,
as patron, to appoint the lecturers who were to give the instruction,
and the workmen and helpers necessary for the good administration
and for the temporal government, except that if any ecclesiastical
or secular person were to endow the college with a large sum, the
chapter of the province could give him the patronage, provided that
he did not introduce any innovation, contrary to the authority of
the father provincial in respect to the provision of lectures, or
withdraw the college from the Order and province [of the Preachers],
or deprive the prior of the management. Section 5 established that
the arts and sciences should always be read and taught in the college
by the religious of the province and Order [of the Preachers], and
not by any other order, or by seculars. The same was true in regard
to the religious pupils, and for the secular collegiates. Section 6
permitted the admission of bequests, gifts, and other aids weighted
with charges of piety, which the convent was to fulfil and observe
[levantaria]. Section 7 gave to the provincial chapter the power to
make new rules and regulations, both in regard to the distribution
and administration of the properties, and in what related to the
ministry and instruction, and to appoint a rector. Those rules once
made were not to be changed without the special authority and order
of his Holiness. Section 10 says: "If at any time, any ecclesiastical
or secular prince should try by act and right to exercise any power by
way of patronage or in any other manner, in order to try to dispose of
the properties and incomes of the said college, or to meddle with the
administration and government of it, or hinder and disturb its effect
in any way and manner whatever, and by means of any judge or powerful
person, or by any other person who may do it, from that time and
thenceforth, we apply the said properties and estates with which the
said college is founded, and all the others which shall be augmented
and applied, and which it shall receive in any manner, to the said
province and to the religious of the said order, so that the latter
may possess and enjoy as its own properties, acquired by just and
right title, all of that property with the said houses and college,
and their increases and improvements. We consider this foundation
[under such circumstances] as null and void, and as if it had never
been made. The said order is charged to be careful to say masses and
other benefices and suffrages for the souls of the said archbishop
and the others with whose alms and properties this foundation is
begun, and all of those who, in the future, in any time and manner,
shall leave and apply any other properties to it, so that by this
way satisfaction may be given on the part of the said province,
for the said alms, to the givers of those alms."

Although the writ of 1611 does not indicate that its signers thought
of it, the royal license was inexcusable. According to law i, título
iii, book i, of Recopilación de las leyes de Indias, it was ordered
from the time of Felipe II that permission should be petitioned before
the building of a church, convent, or hospice, for the conversion and
instruction of the natives, and the preaching of the holy gospel. Law
ii of título vi, devoted especially to the royal patronage, ordered
that no cathedral or parish church, monastery, hospital, or votive
church, should be erected, instituted, founded, or constructed in
any other pious or religious place, without the express permit of
his Majesty. However, law xliii, of the same título, rules that when
any person wishes to found a monastery, hospital, hermitage, church,
or other pious and charitable work in Indias, from his own property,
the will of the founders shall be observed, and the persons appointed
and summoned shall have the patronage. The attributes of the royal
patronage which declare that "our permission shall be received
beforehand for whatever is needed," shall always be reserved.

Royal permission, beyond any doubt, was obtained, although by an
indirect method. For law liii, of título xxii, [book i] (which treats
of universities and general and private studies in the Yndias) declares
that "by the license of the ordinary and governor of the Filipinas
Islands, and the decision of the royal Audiencia of those islands,
the religious of the Order of St. Dominic in the city of Manila,
founded a college where grammar, arts, and theology were read, in
which they placed two religious of each branch, and twenty secular
collegiates. Great gain resulted therefrom," and it is ordered that
for the present and so long as his Majesty orders no other thing,
"the religious make use of the license which the governor gave them
for the foundation." That was not to be understood "to the prejudice
of what was ordained in regard to similar foundations, so that they
should not be instituted or commenced without express permission"
from the king.

With such requirements, respect for the foundation is declared not
only by the judicial force of the foundation itself, but also by
the above-cited law xliii of título vi; for that respect is equally
capable of being required from persons and authorities who are
strange to the institution, and from the patrons, administrators,
and ministers of the institution itself. The will of such patrons
would have no power against the fundamental law whence proceeds their
authority. Their end is to preserve and obey that law strictly, and
to cause it to be respected by others without any change or violation
of it by them. The admissible innovations in the institutions under
discussion have the limit and form which were laid down by the
foundation. Consequently, therefore, those innovations which might
have been made in the patronage, in the administrative management, or
in the academical order, provided that they respected that limit and
observed the jurisdiction and formality laid down by the writ of 1611,
could not be considered as violations, but as faithful applications
of the peculiar law of the college.

The first part of the conference admits only the following categorical
reply: "In the college-university, the ministry has no right to
reorganize the instruction." It has a right, beyond any doubt, to
organize the public instruction in Manila, in the manner which it
considers most adequate for obtaining the ends of the same. One of the
fundamentals which it may adopt could be the elimination [as teachers]
of the fathers of the said order. But that will not fall within
the college whose foundation we have before us, and the funds and
properties of the same cannot be applied totally or partially to the
university or college which the government may erect in such manner.

The section of reversion, literally copied above, will have its desired
effect fully, in the case under consultation (unless permission is
given to reconstitute the private institution in regard to the ruling
of the writ of 1611), with entire independence of the academical
institutions of the state. The disagreement [disyuntiva] would be
between this and the reversion of the properties. Therefore, it is
sufficient to call to mind the succinct but faithful review which has
been made of the cardinal fundamentals of the foundation, in order to
have proved that the reorganization of education, which the ministry
of the colonies, laying aside all consideration of the community
[i.e., of the Dominicans], might order, would wound and destroy in
an essential manner, the will of the founders. If that should happen,
the province of Santísimo Rosario and the Dominican religious of the
province, would not only have the right to recover the properties,
and give them the pious application assigned by the section, but also
would not have the power to refrain from it, and consent that such
properties remain applied to the needs of the teaching institution
reorganized by the government. The patrons of a charitable fund, or
any other permanent foundation, can never convert the authority of
such contrary to the observance and purity of the institution confided
to their care. The acts of the patrons, contrary to the foundation,
possess the vice of nullity.

The lawyers undersigned have no exact and minute information of the
vicissitudes which the college-university has experienced from 1611
to the present day. Comparing alone the royal decree of October 29,
1875, which reorganized the instruction of the said college with the
writ of its primitive foundation, it appears that some rulings of
the former are at variance with the latter: for example, article 3,
which declares that the orders, plans, programs, and regulations, which
emanate from the ministry and in that case from the governor-general,
are obligatory for the organization and rule of education; article 6,
and the following ones which allowed entrance to secular professors
and defined their emoluments and fees; article 11, which reserved to
the ministry the power of fixing the fees of matriculation, degrees,
titles, and certificates; and article 13, which obliged the rector to
render an annual account to the royal vice-patron of the emoluments
and expenses of the university, the order supplying the deficit
resulting. But we are not consulting as to the greater or less legal
stability of the present condition of the institution or if we were
treating of it, it would not be within our province to disavow that in
other things of great importance, the government still respected the
fundamentals of the foundation, and that the concessions which were
made in 1875 in exchange for obtaining by entreaty the abolition of the
decrees of November 6, 1870, [169] appeared practically corroborated
by the lasting agreement of the patrons and of those summoned to
obtain the properties by virtue of the clause of reversion, although
in strict rigor of law the document of the foundation ought to take
precedence over any act and any submission of its natural guardians.

For the concrete matter of our opinion, we have only to declare that
we do not believe that the former more or less extreme mildness of
the patrons in the presence of the interference, which rejected the
foundation, weakens the actions of the patronage of the college and
of the ecclesiastical province favored by the clause of reversion
in order to demand the observance of the foundation, if, perchance,
the ministry of the colonies, exercising powers which indubitably
belong to it, reorganize the instruction of the university without
considering the religious community of the Dominicans. Even in the
hypothesis of considering as illegal the tolerances or concessions
of former times, the foundation, pure and simple, is the criterion
and only norm with which the dispute can be adjusted.

The second point of the conference offers no difficulty in whatever
concerns the existence of a legal means for opposing a resolution of
a government contrary to the native autonomy of the college. Leaving
aside the attributes of the ministry to direct the services of
education as it deems most suitable, whenever they are sustained by
the public funds, the opposition, if it limit itself to the use of
the properties and funds from private origin, which today endow the
institution, would have a legal mean beyond any doubt, to demand the
strict observance of the law of foundation.

What would this mean be, or which of the two possible means appears
more efficacious? Would it be by bringing the complaint before the
court of contencioso-administrativo [170] or before the ordinary
justice?

The law of September 13, 1888, applicable to Filipinas, according
to article 4 of its transitory rulings, marks the bound of the
jurisdiction of the court of contencioso-administrativo. Perhaps
the generic notes of article 1 of the said law would be found in a
manner suited to the resolution of the ministry. That article would
occasion a report [estado]. In what concerns the application of
the properties and the incomes of the institution, it would emanate
from powers subject to rule, and not discretional, and would wound a
preëxisting right of a certain administrative character. For, besides
the original royal permission and that of the protectorate general in
regard to the foundations, the public administration has intervened,
intertwining the public service of the instruction of that university
with the private foundation. But article 4 of the law excepts the
questions of a civil nature, and of the competency of the ordinary
jurisdiction, the questions in which the right violated may be of a
civil character, and also those which emanate from acts in which the
administration has taken part as a legal person, or as one subject to
rights and obligations. Of a character essentially civil would be the
right violated by the hypothetical ministerial decision of which we
are treating, reducing to accidental mixtures the ancient connections
of the college founded by private persons, with the administration,
which was advantageous to the opportunities which the college offered
for the service of education. In strict terms one might add that the
government, although it would perform judicial acts as a public power,
in determining the future system of education, in exchange ought to be
considered as a legal person, in so far as it should attempt to obtain
by entreaty from the patrons of the college, the aid of the properties
and incomes of the legal person incarnate in them. But the notoriously
civil character of the laws which are involved in the observance of
the foundation of 1611 are sufficient so that we might consider as
definitive that the courts of justice would be those summoned to
impose on the government respect for the will of the institutors,
the owners of the properties with which the college is endowed.

But not because we do so understand it (as without vacillation we
do understand it), can we advise that the contencioso-administrativo
demand be left out of the claim. Action must be begun in its proper
time and manner before the special court, with the intention that on
that court rejecting the demand, as outside its peculiar jurisdiction,
it would leave out of all doubt the jurisdiction of the common
court. In this manner, it is probable that the attempt would be made
to take advantage of the ambiguity, and maintain that the result of
the deliberation had been consented to because of the lack of the
other appeal, confusing with episodical and accidental discussions
the controversy over the substantial and fundamental matter. The
preliminary attempt of contencioso-administrativo appeal causes no
disgrace to civil actions which have a longer life.

In conclusion then, the undersigned believe:

1. That, although the ministry of the colonies can alter at its
discretion the system of public education in Manila, it has no right
to apply the funds and properties of a private origin, today assigned
to the college-university of Santo Tomás, to the establishment which
it organizes, without considering the religious corporation of the
Dominicans, or by infringing in any other manner on the foundation
of the said college. Consequently, it cannot make any similar
reorganization in that college.

2. That, if a ministerial decision shall be dictated contrary to
the sacred and inviolable law of the foundation of the college,
the most efficacious legal means to oppose the violation of the same
and obtain its observance by entreaty would be to bring an ordinary
civil suit before the courts of common law, but in order to free the
road of the difficulties of this suit it would be advisable to try
previously the contencioso-administrativo appeal, in the time and
manner assigned by the law of September 13, 1888.

This is our opinion, but we will give place to any other that is
better founded.


    Madrid, October 29, 1890.

    Doctor E. Montero Rios
    Doctor German Gamazo
    L. A. Maura







NOTES


[1] "All the New World was subjected to the alcavala. This is a tax
levied only upon whatever is sold at wholesale, and does not extend to
the articles for daily consumption; it is derived originally from the
Moors. The Spaniards adopted it in 1341, and established it at the
rate of five per cent. It was finally placed at ten, and forced up
even to fourteen per cent; but in 1750 arrangements were made which
brought the rate back to what it was at first. Philip II, after the
disastrous end of that fleet so well known under the pompous title of
'invincible,' in 1591 resolved, on account of his needs, to exact this
aid from all his possessions in America. At the outset, it was only
two per cent; in 1627, it rose to four." (Raynal, Histoire ... des
établissemens et du commerce des Européens, ii, p. 310.)

[2] The italics in this and a few other sentences are the same as in
the printed text of the Extracto.

[3] "This new despatch threw into consternation the commercial
interests here." The governor asked advice from the fiscal, who, as
the order came not as a formal royal decree, thought that it might be
regarded as only the viceroy's expression of opinion, and the governor
might take such measures as he deemed best. The citizens were informed
of the viceroy's requirement, and asked the governor to investigate
the foreign trade then carried on at Canton--saying that they were
informed that "toward the end of the preceding year, 1731, various
large vessels--French, English, and those belonging to the companies
of Olanda and Ostende--entered the port of Canton in China with more
than three millions in wealth, in silver and other commodities; and
the presumption was that those goods [which they bought] could have
no other destination than the Americas, to be introduced there by
way of the Northern Sea [i.e., Atlantic Ocean]." Such investigation
was accordingly made by official authority, and thirteen witnesses
were examined--Armenians, French, and Portuguese. These agreed in
their testimony, as eyewitnesses, that "in the city of Canton, in
the kingdom of China, the French had maintained a factory for the
space of seven years, as also had the English during two years; but
these had been suppressed in the preceding year of 31 by the governor
of Canton, on account of a controversy which the French and English
had with the Chinese traders. Nevertheless, many of their ships, and
[others] from Europa, remained there; and accordingly the witnesses
had seen in the preceding year two French ships, four English, three
Dutch, and one from Denmark, all of great burden and capacity, which
carried thither a great amount of wealth in silver of Mexican and
Peruvian coinage, and some small quantity in bullion. With this the
foreigners bought silks--raw, in bundles, quiña, and others in colors,
and woven fabrics--gold bullion, porcelain, and tea; and the witnesses
were certain that they bought these commodities for the commerce with
Perù and other parts of the Indias, as was evident from the money
[that they used], and as the witnesses knew by having heard it from the
foreigners themselves." The citizens also represented to the governor
their objections to the proposed restriction on their commerce; they
declared that it was not the Acapulco trade which was injuring that
of Spain in America, as Cadiz had claimed, but the importation of
Chinese goods by the European countries--fifteen or more ships at a
time, with more than four millions of pesos, buying these at Canton,
"with no other object than to introduce these into the Americas by
the agency of the Spaniards themselves." "The truth was, that this
complaint did not begin until the foreign ships found their way to
Canton." The Spanish merchants ought not to complain of the small
quantity of Chinese silk traded by Manila, when they themselves formed
the channel for the far greater commerce therein of the other European
nations, "in which the Chinese goods, made in imitation of the European
goods, and folded double like them, occupy the same place." Moreover,
the money returned to the Filipinas Islands did not all go, as Cadiz
claimed, to foreign countries; but the greater part of it was invested
in the obras pias, and in the fortunes of the citizens. It must also
be noted that the Chinese champans carried home considerable cargoes
of sibucao, sugar, and other products of the islands, in exchange
for their stuffs. The royal officials at Manila, consulted by the
governor, declared that the customs and other duties on the commerce
would be greatly diminished by the prohibition of Chinese silks to
the Acapulco trade--to the extent of more than 31,000 pesos a year,
as was the case in the years 1719 and 1720, when the champans failed
to arrive at Manila; besides which, the treasury lost 12,000 pesos,
in the license-fees paid by the Chinese merchants who came to reside
in the islands and sell their wares, and 6,000 more from other incomes
dependent on the Chinese. The governor called together a conference of
the religious superiors and the leading citizens; at which the matter
was discussed pro and con; the sense of the meeting was expressed by
the Dominican Fray Juan de Arrechedera, commissary of the Inquisition,
who was asked to place his opinion in writing, and this was signed
by those present, and attested by the governor, as president of the
assembly. Arrechedera took the ground that the viceroy's notification
was not a formal royal decree; that if carried out it would mean the
ruin of the islands, which surely the king could not intend or mean;
that the matter should properly be decided by the king himself, after
Manila had opportunity to be heard before him; and the viceroy could
only regulate the commerce according to the royal orders, and had no
authority to change the present conditions without those orders. The
Jesuit provincial did not sign this opinion, but rendered his own
separately, warning the Manila merchants that the viceroy might be
offended at their attitude, and confiscate their goods if they did
not obey him. The royal officials advised the governor to allow the
silks to be sent to Acapulco, and meanwhile to secure the good-will
of the viceroy for intercession with the king in Manila's behalf. The
matter was finally settled, however, by the royal decree of 1734,
obtained through the efforts of the Manila agents at the court,
which revoked the viceroy's orders and permitted the silk trade to
continue. (Concepción. Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 254-303.) Cf. the
sketch of the Manila-Acapulco trade by Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero
in his Libertad de comercio en las islas Filipinas (Madrid, 1872),
pp. 39-96. Malo de Luque outlines the subject briefly in his
Establecimientos ultramarinos, v, pp. 217-234.

[4] "Although the silks which Spain furnishes are in general very
choice, those of Valencia are far superior [to the rest]; and both are
suitable for all uses. Their only defect is that they are a little too
oily, which causes much difficulty in dyeing them." "The diversity of
silks which Europe produces has not enabled us to dispense with that
from China. Although in general it may be of heavy quality and uneven
staple, it will always be in demand for its whiteness." "The whiteness
of the Chinese silk, to which nothing else can be compared, renders it
the only suitable kind for the manufacture of blondes and gauzes. The
efforts that have been made to substitute our silks for it in the
manufacture of blondes have always been fruitless, although not only
dressed but undressed silks have been tried for this purpose; but the
results have been somewhat less unsatisfactory in regard to gauzes."

"In the last century, the Europeans brought from China very little
[raw] silk; ours was sufficiently good for the black or colored gauzes,
and for the catgut gauzes [marlis] which then were worn. The taste
which has prevailed during the last forty years (and more generally
during the last twenty-five) for white gauzes and for blondes has
gradually increased the consumption of this Oriental product; the
amount of this rose in modern times to eighty thousand pounds a year,
of which France always used nearly three-fourths; and this importation
has so greatly increased that in 1766 the English alone took a hundred
and four thousand-weight of it. As the gauzes and blondes could not
consume that amount, the manufacturers used part of it in making
watered silks [moires] and hose.... Besides this silk of unique
whiteness--which is chiefly produced in the province of Tche-Kiang,
and which we know in Europe under the name of Nankin silk, from the
place, where it is especially made--China produces ordinary silks,
which we call Canton silks. As these are suitable for only the wefts
of some silk fabrics, and are as expensive as those of Europe which
serve for the same uses, very little of them is imported; and what
the English and Dutch carry away of this Canton silk does not exceed
five or six thousand-weight." (Raynal, Établissemens et commerce des
Européens, i, pp. 660-662.)

"The Chinese are no less skilful in working up their silks than in
producing them; but this praise ought not to extend to those of their
stuffs in which gold and silver are woven. Their manufacturers have
never known how to draw these metals into thread, and their ingenuity
is always confined to rolling their silks in gilded papers, or in
pasting [appliquer] the stuffs to those same papers; both methods
are equally faulty." (Raynal, Étab. et com. des Européens, i, p. 662.)

[5] At the end of the atlas volume of Raynal's Histoire ... des
établissemens et du commerce des Européens (ed. of 1780, Geneva)
are various supplementary sheets, containing tabulated summaries of
the kinds and amounts of trade carried on by the leading European
nations with their colonial possessions, chiefly those of America;
from some of these we abstract items of interest which have some
relation to the scope of our work. The first of these shows the
amount and value of the commerce of the Company of Holland in the
East Indies from 1720 to 1729 inclusive. In these ten years they
sent out an average of 37 or 38 ships each year, manned by about
7,000 men; of these, 30 returned to Europe. The merchandise sold by
the company amounted, in round numbers, to an average of 18,859,000
florins yearly, and the dividends distributed among the partners to
23 3/5 per cent (ranging, in different years, from 12 1/2 to 40 per
cent); the amount of money sent to the Cape of Good Hope and to the
Asian Islands averaged 6,560,000 florins. The average sales of spices
yearly were as follows: Pepper, 4,500,000 pounds, at 11 sols, 2,475,000
florins; cinnamon, 400,000 pounds, at 5 3/4 florins, 2,300,000 florins;
cloves, 400,000 pounds, at 4 1/4 florins, 1,700,000 florins; nutmegs,
250,000 pounds, at 3 3/4 florins, 937,500 florins; mace, 90,000 pounds,
at 6 1/2 florins, 585,000 florins--a total of 7,997,500 florins. The
original capital of the Dutch East India Company was 6,459,840 florins;
about 57 per cent of this was held in Amsterdam, and about 21 per
cent in the province of Zeeland. The number of shares was 2,153,
each of 3,000 florins. During the period 1605 to 1777, the dividends
annually distributed ranged usually from 12 1/2 to 40 per cent; in
the following years they exceeded the latter rate--being in 1606,
75 per cent; in 1610, 50; in 1612, 57 1/2; in 1615, 42 1/2; in 1616,
62 1/2; in 1671, 45 and 15. During 1771-77, they were uniformly 12
1/2 per cent. These were paid usually in money; sometimes, in the
earlier years, in cloves; and, in 1673, 1679, and 1697, in bonds or
in contracts. In the period 1723-74, the prices of shares ranged from
788 per cent (in 1733) to 314 (in 1771).

Another table shows similar figures for the years 1679 to
1774--apparently for the new organization of the company in 1674. The
capital is stated at 8,071,135 florins; there were 1,345 shares, of
6,000 florins each. The dividends, during the above period, ranged from
10 per cent to nothing, the yearly average being 1-21/32 per cent;
neither these figures nor the prices of shares agree with those of
the first table, but the reason for the discrepancy is not obvious.

[6] In 1731 and 1733 Sevilla and Cadiz "both imagined (and it is rather
surprising that this had not been sooner evident) that it would be
an advantage to Spain to take part directly in the commerce of Asia,
and that the possessions which it had in that part of the world would
be the center of the operations which it would conduct there. In vain
was the objection made against them that, as India furnished silk and
cotton fabrics that were superior to those of Europe in their finish,
in their colors, and (above all) in their cheapness, the national
manufacturers could not support competition with those goods, and
would infallibly be ruined. This objection, which might have some
weight among certain peoples, seemed to them utterly frivolous, in
the position in which their country stood. As a fact, the Spaniards
use for both their clothing and their furniture foreign stuffs and
cloths; and these continual needs necessarily increase the industry,
the wealth, the population, and the strength of their neighbors--who
misuse these advantages, in order to keep in dependence the very
nation which obtains these for them. Would not Spain behave with
more wisdom and dignity if she would adopt the manufactures of the
Indias? Resides the economy and satisfaction which she would find
therein, she would succeed in diminishing a preponderance [of other
nations] of which she will be, sooner or later, the victim." (Raynal,
Établissemens et commerce des Européens, i, p. 606.)

[7] "The settlements, commerce, and conquests of the English in the
East Indies" are related by Raynal in his Établissemens et commerce
des Europeens, i, pp. 261-398. The English East India Company was
founded in 1600, and made a promising beginning in the Oriental trade;
but the opposition of the Dutch and Portuguese, already intrenched
therein, was so great and persistent that the English company--which
was compelled to encounter also, in turn, competition from other
English traders, hindrances arising from the duplicity and avarice
of Charles II of England, losses arising from the civil war in that
country, hostilities (originating from the greed and treachery of one
of the company's own directors) with the Mogul emperor Aurungzebe, and
the capture of many English trading vessels by French privateers--was
several times almost ruined, and all English commercial prestige in
the East was greatly injured. Finally, in 1702, the two rival East
India companies in England united their funds and enterprises, and
thereafter the affairs of the new organization prospered, in the main;
and in 1763 the French were driven out of Asia, leaving the English
masters of both political and commercial interests in India. In 1774
the latter drove out the Mahrattas from Salsette Island, and founded
Bombay, which, although at first an insalubrious locality, on account
of its fine harbor soon became the emporium of English commerce and
center of that nation's power.

[8] Formerly the fardo was 1 1/3 varas long, 3/4 vara high, and
3/4 vara less one pulgada (nearly one English inch) wide; but for a
long time previous to 1726 the bale of this size had not been used,
because it became necessary to break it open at Acapulco, in order to
transfer the goods from the ship to the land, and it was replaced by
the half-bale and half-chest, in order not to break open the package
before selling it or transporting it across the country. These smaller
packages were then called "bales" and "chests" (fardos and caxones);
their dimensions are given in the decree of 1726 (fol. 118 verso
of Extracto, or VOL. XLIV, ante, p. 311). This information appears
in the informatory report furnished by Gabriel Guerrero de Ardila,
accountant of the bureau of accounts in Mexico, to the viceroy,
on March 6, 1730. (Extracto historial, fol. 193 verso, 194.)

[9] Perhaps alluding to the Ribera (i.e., "shore") or navy-yard of
Cavite--that is, the standard of measure used in shipbuilding and
other industries there.

[10] "With this, it may be said, finally came to an end the
celebrated controversies which so persistently and for so long
a time were waged by the merchants of Cadiz against the commerce
of Filipinas, the standard of the [permission of] 500,000 dollars
[duros] remaining permanent until the emancipation of the Americas
[from Spanish rule] put an end to that traffic. It had the same
effect on all the restrictions which for the space of almost three
centuries had weighed down the Filipino commerce--for even in the
year 1810 (as Comyn tells us in his Estado de las islas Filipinas,
speaking of the Acapulco galleon) only one ship, commanded by an
officer of the navy, could make these expeditions, once a year;
and in order to share in that commerce a merchant must have a vote
in the consulate, which presupposed property to the amount of 8,000
dollars and several years of residence in the country. He was [also]
obliged to contribute, in the same proportion as the other shippers,
to the allowance of 15,000 or 20,000 dollars made to the commandant
of the galleon, besides paying 25 to 40 per cent for freight charges,
according to circumstances. [Meanwhile,] the shippers were not able
to make any examination of the condition of the ships in which they
risked a great part of their fortunes; and there were many other
impediments, which now we would suppose could not possibly have ever
existed, if we were not so habituated to stupid proceedings of this
sort." (Azcarraga y Palmero, Libertad de comercio, pp. 64, 65.)

When the galleon of Acapulco ceased its voyages--the last one sailed
from Manila in 1811, and returned from Acapulco in 1815--the commerce
fell into the hands of individuals, to whom in 1820 permission was
granted to export merchandise from Filipinas to the value of 750,000
pesos a year; and their voyages were extended from Acapulco to San
Blas, Guayaquil, and Callao. (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de Filipinas,
i, p. 462, note.)

See Raynal's account of the policy pursued in the New World by Spain,
its results on both that country and the colonies, and the elements
of weakness in it, in Etab. et com. des Européens, ii, pp. 290-356.

[11] Spanish comercio, a word which has numerous meanings, according
to the context; here evidently meaning a chamber of commerce, or an
executive committee to look after the interests of the shippers.

[12] At the outset, Pintado makes some statements to the effect that
the Council of the Indias had taken the action which led to the decree
of 1734, without consulting Cadiz, and had made certain inquiries
and consultations with the Manila deputies alone. A marginal note by
Abreu corrects this, saying, "Not only with the deputies; for the
fiscal of the Council was heard [on the subject], who is impartial
between the two commercial bodies."

[13] The Manila deputies, however, claimed that the decree of 1726
did not reach the islands until 1730, so that it was first put into
practice in that year, the five years' term, therefore, including
the shipment of 1734. (Extracto, fol. 150, 185 and verso, 190 verso.)

[14] One of the tables at the end of Raynal's atlas volume gives
an itemized list of the cargoes carried by the "last eight Spanish
trading-fleets to Vera Cruz"--that is, the last eight preceding
Raynal's work. Their cargoes were of the following amounts: in 1733
(under command of Torrez), 618,595 cubic palmos; 1735 (Pintado's),
620,000; 1757 (Villena's), 618,557; 1760 (Reggio's), 841,717; 1765
(Idiaques's), 486,943; 1768 (Tilly's), 452,282; 1772 (Cordova's),
914,807; 1776 (Ulloa's), 934,366. But one of these fleets carried
cinnamon, that of 1735; and cloves appear only in the trifling amount
of 50 quintals, in 1768. The chief articles enumerated--which appear in
every year's list--are paper, wax, iron, steel; brandy, wine, and oil;
and unbleached stuffs [linens?] from Brabant. Quicksilver was carried
in only 1765 and 1768, 7,506 and 8,000 quintals respectively. Wrought
iron was sent in five of these shipments, but in no considerable
quantity except in 1765, when also was sent 2,724 barrels of tin-plate
(in other cargoes, in but trifling amounts). Silk ribbons made
a solitary appearance in 1757, to the extent of 1,000 pieces--as
did 1,000 "swords to be mounted with hilts," in 1765. The last two
fleets carried consignments of gun-flints, respectively 650 and 386
thousand-weight.

It is evident, however, from another table (which follows the above),
that Spanish commerce had much activity outside the trading-fleets;
this shows the amounts of "merchandise which left the ports of Spain
each year from 1748 to 1753 for its colonies on the continent of
America; duties which they have paid; their current value in the
New World; expenses which they have borne; their net product for the
metropolis [i.e., Cadiz]." Of these goods, the only one monopolized
by the crown was quicksilver, to the amount of 3,600,000 livres'
worth. The greater part of this merchandise consisted of cloth and
stuffs, of silk, linen, and wool; there was a considerable amount
of iron, paper, wax, brandy, wine, and oil; and to Nueva España
was sent 1,000,000 livres' worth of cinnamon, and to Caracas 10,000
barrels of flour. Of the goods sent to Nueva España (not counting the
quicksilver), 6,367,297 livres' worth were of Spanish production,
and 14,401,815 of foreign. The import duties levied on the latter
at Cadiz amounted to 1,185,343 livres, and the export duties on
both Spanish and foreign to 1,245,059; and admiralty and avería
duties besides came to 419,623. The goods on board, then, cost
23,619,137 livres, to which must be added the following charges:
transportation to America, 3,617,623; import duties and alcavala
in America, 4,327,473; commissions on sales and return freight,
3,231,296--a total of 34,795,529 livres. The value of this merchandise
in America was arbitrated at 43,274,787 livres; deducting the above
costs, a profit of 8,479,258 livres remains from the merchandise sent
from Spain to Nueva España. On the return voyage, the main part of
the cargoes was in gold and silver--6,480,000 livres' worth for the
king, and 37,716,047 for the merchants; the crown monopolized copper
and cacao, 259,200 and 12,960 respectively; the cochineal was worth
6,426,000 livres, and the indigo 4,160,160; and various drugs, dyes,
etc. made with these a total of 56,216,533 livres (all these values
being those estimated in America). To this cost must be added freight
charges, 1,491,543 livres; and various duties to the crown (including
customs, admiralty, church, etc., the largest being for "indult and
coast-guards"), amounting to 6,428,987. Consequently, when the ships
arrived at Cadiz the value of the gold and silver had been reduced
to 5,625,607 livres for the king, and 32,775,345 for the merchants;
while the cost of the other commodities had increased from 12,020,486
livres to 14,145,922. The current value in Europe of these goods (not
including the gold and silver) was 18,465,419 livres, a gain over the
entire cost of 4,319,497 livres (30 1/2 per cent)--of which 124,527
belonged to the king, and the remainder to the merchants, as the net
proceeds on the commerce between Spain and Nueva España, outside of
the precious metals, in both the outward and return voyages each year.

[15] Churlo (or churla; from the Latin culeo, ablative of culeus):
a sack made of pita (i.e., agave) fiber-cloth, covered with another
sack of leather, for carrying cinnamon and other articles from one
region to another without losing their strength (Echegaray).

[16] Palmeo: measure by palmos; evidently referring to the usual
estimate of lading-space in a ship by cubic palmos.

[17] That is, the spice trade with Nueva España, offered by Cadiz to
Manila as an equivalent for the latter's traffic in Chinese silks.

[18] This letter appears to have been directed against the Jesuits,
who founded their college of San José in 1601, through the efforts
of Diego Garcia, their visitor. See post.

[19] See also Colin's statement regarding the college for 1656,
VOL. XXIII, pp. 83, 84; and San Antonio's brief remarks on the college,
in the same volume, pp. 134, 135.

[20] The congregation of the Virgin, which was promoted by the visitor,
Diego Garcia. It was formed from six students on St. Francis's day,
1600. So many people soon joined that it became necessary to split the
congregation into two parts, one of students and the other of laymen,
the latter of which had one hundred members in two years. Their objects
were charity and devotion. The first to initiate the congregations
of the Virgin in the Jesuit order was Juan de León, a Flemish priest,
who established the first in the Roman college in 1563, giving it the
title of Anunciada. It was given papal approval in 1564. See Colin's
Labor evangélica, pp. 411-413; and Pastells's Colin, ii, pp. 243-246.

[21] See VOL. XI, p. 225, note 44.

[22] See VOL. XIII, pp. 64-71.

[23] Luis Gomez, S.J., was born at Toledo, in 1569, and entered upon
his novitiate in 1588. In 1598 he reached the Philippines, where he
professed theology, and became rector of the college of San José,
and afterwards of the college of Cebú and Antipolo. He died at Manila,
March 1, 1627, or 1628, according to Murillo Velarde. See Sommervogel's
Bibliothèque.

[24] See VOL. XXXIV, pp. 366, 367. This refers rather to what became
known afterward as the San Ignacio college than to the college of San
José. Of the so-called Jesuit college of Manila, known as Colegio
Máximo [i.e., Chief college] de San Ignacio y el real de San José,
Archipiélago Filipino says (i. p. 346): "In the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries there also existed in Manila the university
directed by the fathers of the Society of Jesus, who had arrived in
Filipinas for the first time in 1581. It was elevated to a pontifical
institution by a bull of Gregory XV in 1621, and given the title of
"royal" by royal decrees of Felipe IV the same year, and in 1653. It
conferred degrees on the pupils of the colleges of San Ignacio and
San José; and there was also in it, in addition to the school for
reading and writing, two chairs of theology, one of philosophy, one of
rhetoric and the Latin language, one of canons, another of civil law,
and from 1740, one of mathematics. It existed until May 21, 1768,
when the Jesuits were expelled from these islands by a royal decree
of Carlos III, which placed the edifice and the furnishings at the
disposal of the State." See also VOL. XXVIII, pp. 123, 131-134.

[25] Original decree in Calderon's El Colegio de San José (Manila,
1900), appendix, document no. 1, pp. vii, viii.

[26] Nozaleda's Colegio de S. José, p. 43.

[27] See this will in Pastells's Colin, ii, pp. 483, 484, note;
Nozaleda's Colegio de S. José, appendix, document no. 1, pp. iii-v;
and Senate Document, no. 190, 56th Congress, 2d session, p. 29. The
portion of this document (pp. 26-46) treating of San José college has
been reprinted in pamphlet form under the name San José College Case.

[28] Nozaleda's Colegio de S. José, p. 44, and appendix, document
no. 2, pp. v, vi; and Pastells's Colin, ii, pp. 482, 483, note.

[29] Pastells's Colin, ii, p. 253, note; Nozaleda's Colegio de S. José,
p. 45; and Senate Document, no. 190, pp. 29, 30.

[30] This decree is given by Colin; see ante, pp. 108-110.

[31] See this confirmation, ante, pp. 105-107; see also Pastells's
Colin, ii, pp. 482, 483, 486; and Senate Document, no. 190, p. 30.

[32] Pastells's Colin, ii, pp. 254, 255, note.

[33] Pastells's Colin, ii, p. 487.

[34] Nozaleda's Colegio de San José, p. 46.

[35] See post, pp. 170-181.

[36] Nozaleda, ut supra, pp. 48, 49.

[37] See also Concepción's Historia, vi, pp. 282-293.

[38] Pastells's Colin, ii, pp. 494-496.

[39] Nozaleda's Colegio de San José, pp. 49, 50.

[40] See Pastells's Colin, iii, pp. 759-763.

[41] Nozaleda's Colegio de San José, p. 53.

[42] Nozaleda, ut supra, appendix, document no. 6, pp. xi, xii.

[43] This decree is taken from Nozaleda's Colegio de San José,
appendix, document no. 7, pp. xii, xiii. It is also given by Pastells
in his Colin, ii, pp. 496, 497.

[44] Pastells's Colin, ii, p. 496.

[45] Census of Philippines, iii, p. 610, an extract from the report
submitted by the Dominican friars at the exposition of Amsterdam, 1883.

[46] Pastells's Colin, ii, pp. 491, 492.

[47] Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 163.

[48] Montero y Vidal, ut supra, p. 185; Nozaleda's Colegio de San José,
pp. 53, 54.

[49] Nozaleda, appendix, document no. 9, pp. xiv, xv; and Senate
Document, no. 190, p. 30.

[50] A document in the Archivo-historico Nacional, Madrid, bearing
pressmark, A. 18-26-8, from the archbishop of the Philippines, Basilio
Sancho de Santa Justa y Santa Rufina, dated Manila, January 1, 1770, is
as follows: "Sire: Although I have recounted to your Majesty in extenso
the measures which I have considered most suitable for the erection of
a general conciliar seminary for all these most excellent islanders,
and of such seminary being in the college called San Joseph which was
under the charge of the now expelled Jesuits, provided that I could
incline the superior government of these islands to allow me to go
ahead with it, until your Majesty ordered otherwise; and although
hitherto seventy and more seminarists have been supported in this
college, which is elevated to a seminary ad interim, who are being
reared and canons for the exercise of the parish ministry, in addition
to the not small number of those who have already gone forth from it
to occupy themselves in that ministry, with manifest profit even in
the short space of two years since its creation: yet although today,
according to the new measures and plan approved by your Majesty for
the fortification of this place, it is indispensable to demolish,
if not entirely, yet in a very considerable part, the above-mentioned
college, since its location is next the walls and in a district where,
as it is more suitable and better defended, the principal gate of
this city is to be opened; and in order that there may be an open
and free passage to it, as it is the place of most traffic and trade,
nothing else can be done than to level the site occupied by the said
college. On this account, the grace which I have implored from your
Majesty will be frustrated. In consideration of this, I have recourse
a second time to the charity of your Majesty, and humbly petition,
that since the college called San Ygnacio is left alone in this city,
which belonged also to the above-mentioned expelled ones, that your
Majesty will deign to admit my first petition as it was directed for
this end; or should it, perchance, be your royal pleasure that the
said college of San Ygnacio become a public university, which has
been, until the present, maintained in the college of Santo Thomas,
under the direction of the religious of Santo Domingo, those religious
passing to the college of San Ygnacio because of its greater size
and its better arrangement for a public university, and that of
Santo Thomas be used as a conciliar seminary. The consideration that
the college of Santo Thomas, besides being suitable for a seminary,
is almost at the very doors of this holy church, and, consequently,
best suited for the assistance of the seminarists at the choir and
functions of the altar, moves me to this petition. May God our Lord
preserve the holy Catholic person of your Majesty the many years that
I petition, and that Christendom finds necessary."

[51] The Order of the Piarists or Fathers of the Pious Schools, was
founded in 1597 by San José de Calasanz. Their schools resemble those
of the Jesuits, and many of the latter entered the Piarist order on
the suppression of the Society of Jesus. See also VOL. XLVI, note 49.

[52] Nozaleda, ut supra, p. 55; and Senate Document, no. 190, p. 31.

[53] Calderon's Colegio de San José, appendix, document no. 3,
pp. ix-xiii.

[54] Nozaleda's Colegio de San José, appendix, document no. 10,
pp. xv-xix.

[55] Nozaleda, ut supra, pp. 61, 62; and Senate Document, no. 190,
pp. 31, 32.

[56] Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 610, 611.

[57] See post, pp. 163-165, note 81.

[58] Senate Document, no. 190, p. 32, and Montero y Vidal, iii,
pp. 542-547.

[59] Census of Philippines, iii, p. 611.

[60] James A. LeRoy writing in the Political Science Quarterly (p. 674)
for December, 1903, says: "The Dominicans promised to devote the income
of this endowment [i.e., of San José college] to courses in medicine
and pharmacy, never before taught in the islands. In a report on the
medical college made to the American authorities last year, a German
physician of Manila stated that it had no library worth considering,
that some textbooks dated back to 1845, that no female cadaver had
ever been dissected and the anatomy course was a farce, that most
graduates never had attended even one case of confinement or seen
a laparotomy, and that bacteriology had been introduced only since
American occupation and was still taught without microscopes."

[61] Calderon's Colegio de San José, appendix, p. vi; and Senate
Document, p. 34.

[62] Senate Document, no. 190, pp. 27, 28.

[63] St. Joseph's College (Statement of Most Rev. P. L. Chapelle),
p. 50.

[64] Colegio de San José, p. 3.

[65] Ut supra, p. 5.

[66] Senate Document, no. 190.

[67] Two pamphlets, each entitled: El Colegio de San José (Manila,
1900).

[68] See a concise statement of the arguments of each side in Senate
Document, no. 190, pp. 34-39.

[69] See Senate Document, no. 190, pp. 41-46.

[70] We are indebted for considerable material regarding the San
José College case to James A. LeRoy, now (1906) United States consul
at Durango, Mexico, formerly secretary to Hon. Dean C. Worcester
in Manila, and a notable worker in modern Philippine history and
conditions.

[71] See also San Antonio's sketch, VOL. XXVIII, pp. 136-139.

[72] Signatura: a tribunal of the Roman court, composed of several
prelates, in which various matters of grace and justice are
determined. See Novísimo Diccionario.

[73] Hernaez (Colección de bulas, pp. 471, 472) prints a bull by
Clement XII, dated September 2, 1734, granting authority for the
teaching of both canon and civil law to the university established in
the college of Santo Tomás of the Order of St. Dominic at Manila, in
which portions of Innocent's bull are inserted. This bull (translated
by Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.) is as follows: "Clement XII Pope. In
future remembrance of the affair. Long ago at the instance of Philip
IV, of renowned memory, and during his life Catholic King of the
Spains, letters in the form of a brief, of the following tenor, were
issued by our predecessor, Innocent X, Pope, of happy memory, to wit:
[Here follow the portions of Innocent's bull which are quoted, and
Clement continues:]

"Since moreover, as has been represented to us lately on the part of
our very dear son in Christ, Philip, also Catholic King of the same
Spains, in the academy or university of general study of the said
college, two new chairs have been erected, one indeed of the canons,
to be held by a religious of the said order, the other, however,
of the institutes of civil and canon law, to be held by a doctor in
both laws, the afore named King Philip desires very earnestly that
the letters above inserted be extended by us ... to the two chairs
just erected as said....

"Accordingly as requested, by the said authority, in virtue of these
presents, the form and arrangement of the same letters inserted above
being maintained however in the others, we extend ... the letters or
indult above inserted to the above-named two new chairs also, until in
the said city of Manila another university be erected. Given at Rome,
at St. Mary Major's under the seal of the Fisherman, September 2, 1734,
the fifth year of our pontificate." A note by Hernaez reads as follows:

"Pope Clement XII conceded authority to grant academical degrees in
the college of the Society of Jesus in Manila, December 6, 1735, as
is mentioned by Father Murillo [Velarde] in his Cursus juris canonici
(Madrid, 1763), book v, título v, no. 62."

[74] The position of these two Latin clauses (Proverbs, xvii, 6) is
reversed in the Vulgate edition. The translation, according to the
Douay version, is: "Children's children are the crown of old men:
and the glory of the children are their fathers."

[75] See VOL. XXXV, pp. 203-208.

[76] Perhaps a reference to the Jesuits, who were expelled in 1768.

[77] See also the following documents regarding the college and
university of Santo Tomás: Foundation of the college, April 28, 1611,
VOL. XVII, pp. 155-171; Royal permission, November 27, 1623, VOL. XX,
pp. 260, 261; and University of Santo Tomás (royal letters in regard
to its elevation into a university), November 9, 1639, VOL. XXIX,
pp. 175-177.

[78] See this brief, ante, pp. 146-147, note 73.

[79] Bowring (Visit to the Philippines, p. 194) says of the condition
of Santo Tomás: "In the university of St. Thomas there are about
a thousand students. The professorships are of theology, the canon
and civil law, metaphysics and grammar; but no attention is given to
the natural sciences, to the modern languages, nor have any of the
educational reforms which have penetrated most of the colleges of
Europe and America found their way to the Philippines."

[80] Of the college of Santo Tomás, the report of the Dominican friars
in 1883 to the colonial exposition of Amsterdam says: "The building
occupied by the university of Santo Tomás has contained since 1611
the college of the same name, which is under the direction of the
Dominican friars, who gratuitously educate therein from 30 to 40
youths, the children of poor families, generally providing all the
expenses for their career, and preparing them so that in the future
they can fill an unembarrassed and suitable place in society. Many of
these youths have become distinguished in scientific circles, and for
their honesty in the legal profession, while others have been honored
with the miter of a bishop, and have occupied venerable positions in
ecclesiastical chapters. The youths educated in this college were not
only Spaniards, but included also natives and mestizos, some of whom
entered as servants, which was an honor solicited by many; and on some
occasions four large dormitories of this college have been completely
filled. There was a period when some entered and paid a moderate
amount, according to the archives in the college, but this period
was a very short one, because the documents on file in the archives
show that at the beginning and at the middle of the seventeenth
century, and during a greater part of the eighteenth century, no
free pupils were admitted, and the few who were admitted paid a
moderate tuition fee in proportion to the means of the family. In
the beginning the only branches of secondary instruction taught in
the college were the so-called philological or grammatical studies,
and after proficiency therein any of the careers established in the
university was followed." See Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 596, 597.

[81] Of the Moret decree, Tomás G. del Rosario, writing on education
in the Philippines, in Census of Philippines, iii, p. 637, says:
"This decree, countersigned by the eminent colonial minister,
Don Segismundo Moret, introducing modern advances in Philippine
legislation, secularizing instruction and giving it all kinds of
guarantees and liberties, this long-awaited provision, caused a great
outburst of enthusiasm throughout the archipelago, as it signified the
manumission of the popular conscience from a slavery bound with the
chains of fanaticism and inimical irreconcilability. In many provinces
and in the city of Manila, this never-to-be-forgotten resolution of
the Spanish government was received with signs of evident joy. Later,
under various pretexts, all those who had expressed joy were cruelly
persecuted, and put in jail, or deported as insurgents, masons,
filibusters, etc., these measures extending even to those who were
merely suspected. This is the history of all theocratic or despotic
governments. It is true that some residents and parents of families
protested against this provision, together with the corporations,
the bishops, and the clergy, but these residents and fathers of
families did so either through fear or because they were debtors to or
members of the families of the friars. Some did so for fear of being
discovered, but most of them to carry out ambitions; no one made a
protest with sincerity and in good faith. Everything was hypocrisy,
as is the case, and must be the case, among all nations oppressed by
absolutism." R. L. Packard's article, "Education in Cuba, Porto Rico,
and the Philippines" included in the Report of the Commissioner of
Education 1897-98, i, pp. 909-983, gives (pp. 976, 977), the plan
of studies of the Moret decree of November 6, which is as follows:
Spanish and Latin grammar; elements of rhetoric and poetry; elements
of physical geography; elements of descriptive geography in general
and the Philippines in particular; universal history--history of
Spain and the Philippine Islands; arithmetic and algebra; geometry
and plane trigonometry; elements of physics and chemistry and of
natural history; psychology, logic, and moral philosophy; general
outline of anatomy, physiology, and hygiene. The studies for the
industrial profession included: mercantile arithmetic; bookkeeping
and accounts; political economy and mercantile and industrial
legislation; geography and commercial statistics; French, English,
Tagálog, and Visayan; surveying; spherical trigonometry; cosmography,
pilotage, and maneuvers; theoretical and applied mechanics; physics and
chemistry applied to the arts; topographical drawing and hydrography;
lineal and ornamental drawing--landscape, figures, and painting. The
university of Santo Tomás, which changed its title to that of the
university of the Philippines by this decree was organized as to its
faculties of law and medicine, and the latter contained the following
studies: descriptive and general anatomy, two courses; exercises
in osteology and dissection, two courses; physiology, one course;
public and private hygiene, one course; general pathology, with
clinics and pathological anatomy, one course; therapeutics, materia
medica, and writing prescriptions, one course; surgical pathology,
with operations, bandaging, etc., one course; medical pathology,
one course; obstetrics and special pathology of women and children,
with clinics, one course; medical and surgical clinics, two courses;
legal and toxicological medicine, one course. The pharmaceutical
course was also reorganized by this decree. The same minister had
proposed October 2, 1870, "that instruction should be given at the
university of Madrid in Tagálog and other studies which would give
information about the Philippines and the English and Dutch East India
possessions and their methods of government, especially for the benefit
of those who intended to enter the colonial service." December 5,
1870, in an exposition of the history, conditions, and needs of public
instruction in the Philippines, he recites the early activity of the
Augustinians, Dominicans, and Jesuits, in education. He points out
that by the process of absorption by the religious orders, education
became concentrated in their hands, and while they had done much
good in early times, their narrowness and conservatism rendered
secularization of instruction necessary.

[82] October 29, 1875, a royal order was issued regulating the courses
in the university, and prescribing courses of study. Packard, ut supra,
p. 977.

[83] Of the studies of secondary instruction given in Santo Tomás,
San Juan de Letran, and San José, as well as the private schools, the
Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 601, 602, says: "They had the defects
inherent in the plan of instruction which the friars developed in
the Philippines. It suited their plans that scientific and literary
knowledge should not become general nor be very extensive, for which
reason they took but little interest in the study of those subjects or
in the quality of the instruction. Their educational establishments
were places of luxury for the children of wealthy and well-to-do
families, rather than establishments in which to perfect and develop
the minds of Filipino youth. It is true that they were careful to give
them a religious education, tending to make them respect the omnipotent
power of the monastic corporations, at least three certificates being
required every year, proving that the pupil had gone to confession, in
order to permit him to stand the examination at the end of the term."

[84] See the courses of study for the schools of jurisprudence,
theology, and canons, medicine, pharmacy, and the notarial profession,
in accordance with the royal decree of October 29, 1875, and the
studies given in the school for practitioners in medicine and
practitioners in pharmacy, approved by the general government of
the Philippines on March 4, and December 29, 1879, and afterward
confirmed by the supreme government, in Census of Philippines, iii,
pp. 627-629. A course was also given under the same authority for
midwives. According to a Dominican report submitted at the Exposition
of Madrid, in 1887, the university of Santo Tomás conferred degrees
upon 957 bachelors, 132 licentiates, and 97 doctors in philosophy,
theology, canonical law, and civil law from 1645 to 1820. The
graduations from 1820 to 1850 were as follows: theology, 457; canons,
325; institute, 748; civil law, 203; philosophy, 2,173. From 1850
to 1870, the graduations were: theology, 822; Roman and canonical
law, 1,540; civil law, 658; philosophy, 3,405. The graduations from
1871 to 1886 were as follows: preparatory course in theology and
jurisprudence, 745; preparatory course in pharmacy and medicine,
660; dogmatic theology, 406; moral theology, 104; canonical law,
36; jurisprudence, 1,904; pharmacy, 356; medicine, 1,029. The
report of 1887 contains the following in regard to the university:
"The university of Manila has the titles of royal and pontifical,
which reveal its glorious destiny of propagating in this archipelago
religion and love for Spain. It is under the most special patronage
of the angelical doctor [i.e., St. Thomas Aquinas], presenting in its
name of royal and pontifical university of Santo Tomás the ideals
which have prompted its foundation and directed its development
for a period of almost three centuries. Its organization is simple
without being rudimentary. Having for a basis religious education,
at the same time that it avoids the danger of professors expounding
more or less advanced theories, which in practice sooner or later,
are reduced to moral ruins, both public and private, it contains the
pupil within the circle of a severe discipline, in which, if some
apparently see oppression and a suppression of spirit, this apparent
oppression is softened by the paternal affection which the priests
in charge of the instruction know how to bestow upon the natives of
this archipelago. A constant encouragement to the young, directed by
prudent and affectionate discipline; that is the standard observed by
the university of Manila as to its pupils." It was impossible for the
friars to extend this purely religious education to university studies,
as the persons devoting themselves to such studies were already adult
persons. Graduates from the university, although officially recognized
by the Spanish government, rarely received official aid. The few
Filipinos who were appointed to the notarial and law positions,
received such appointment only temporarily. The same is true also
regarding physicians. This condition was one factor in the development
of the last revolution against Spain. The Dominican report of 1887
also says: "Both secondary and higher instruction cost nothing to
the treasury in the Philippines. The colleges of Santo Tomás and of
San Juan de Letran are supported from the funds of the corporation to
which they belong. The expenses of the university are defrayed with
regard to the studies of medicine and pharmacy by the revenues of the
college of San José, devoted to that purpose by several royal orders,
the balance in the treasury of the college last year [i.e., 1886],
after the deduction of all expenses, having been only $173.94. The
other expenses of the university are defrayed by the Order of
St. Dominic, which has assigned for this purpose, a large personnel
serving without charge. Furthermore, the building of the college of
Santo Tomás, its library, museum, cabinet, and other equipment, are
devoted to educational purposes, with all the personnel and supplies
necessary for its preservation and improvement. The only university
receipts are those from the payment of matriculations, examination
fees, and diplomas. The average receipts, deducting therefrom what
corresponds, according to law, to professors, the secretary, etc.,
amount to $14,000, and the expenditures to $30,000. The latter figure
does not include the cost of repairs, the support of the building,
cabinet, museum, and library, and other dependencies of Santo Tomás,
religions feasts, and other expenses which are not defrayed from the
treasury of the university." See ut supra, pp. 626-635.

See also J. Valinau's La universidad de Manila, in La politica de
España en Filipinas, a periodical published for eight years, under
the directorship of José Feced, and the editorship of Pablo Feced and
W. E. Retana, for the year 1891, pp. 26-29, 38-41, 50-52, 62-64, 74-76,
88-90, 98-100, 110-112, 122-124, 134-136. On pp. 122, 123, is given
the number of professors in the various faculties in 1887, as follows:
theology and canons, 8, all religious, except one in charge of the
class of Roman law, which is taught by an advocate; jurisprudence,
14 professors, 7 of whom were religious and 7 jurisconsults of
Manila; medicine, 15 professors, the 3 in charge of the preparatory
course being religious, and the other 12 physicians; pharmacy, 8
professors, 3 (the same as those in the preceding) being religious,
and the remainder, pharmacists of Manila; 11 professors in charge of
commerce, agriculture, and industry, all religious except one--in all
a total of 56 professors, of whom 27 were religious. The library of
the university contained about 12,000 volumes, and the physics cabinet
about 300 instruments. Valinau, a former student of the university,
and in civil life, defends the rule of the friars against detractors.

[85] The original is asi bonetes como capillas. Bonetes refers
to the secular priest who wears a bonnet, in contradistinction to
the regular, who wears a hood or cowl, capilla. See Appleton's New
Velázquez Dictionary.

[86] Concepción says (vi, pp. 190, 191) that a house was bought for
the new college next to the college of San José; and January 20, 1641,
the first becas were given. Some of the Jesuits did not approve the new
college, and sighted the fatal results from afar, "from taking so great
a sum from the royal treasury, without sufficient authorization." "But
the fathers in power trampled everything under foot, for they were
quite confident in its introduction, and thought that if those powers
had no effect, no harm would come from its results, while the present
gain was very great and constant."

[87] "The Society alleged that the decree was obtained on false
representation and contained falsehoods in its narration; that its
execution should be suspended, until truer reports were given to the
sovereign; that, even laying aside this vice, the Society, against
whom the execution was to be made, was not a party; that the royal
decree did not order it, nor did law declare it, because neither the
Society nor the college of San Joseph was interested in such sum,
which at best ought to be collected from the collegiates, for whose
use it had been spent, or from the governor, at whose order the money
had been paid out; and that the embargo was an excess on laymen,
since it was in ecclesiastical incomes." On this account the royal
officials decreed in favor of the Society. See Concepción's Historia,
vi, pp. 191, 192.

[88] "The Society continued its demands at court, and gained
their plea, and the governor was ordered, in case that sum had been
collected, to restore it to the Society. If that sum had not been paid,
no further effort was to be made to collect it. Seemingly this order
had no effect, for the king gave them as recompense an encomienda,
in which the Society were to make good their losses." Concepción's
Historia, vi, p. 193.

[89] See post, pp. 187-192.

[90] We present these regulations for the most part only in abstract.

[91] This decree is given by Fray Bernardino Nozaleda de Villa,
the last Spanish archbishop of Manila, in his Colegio de S. José,
(appendix, document no. 5, pp. x, xi), a pamphlet presenting the Church
side in the recent controversy of San José College, argued before the
Philippine Commission; and also by Pastells, in his edition of Colin,
ii, pp. 493, 494. See also various documents treating of this college
presented by Pastells, ut supra, iii, pp. 763-781.

[92] See LeRoy's Philippine Life in Town and Country (New York
and London, 1905), pp. 120-122. See also various estimates on
the capacities of the Filipinos in LeRoy's article "Friars in the
Philippines," in Political Science Quarterly, xviii, pp. 675-678.

[93] This law, given by Felipe IV at Madrid, March 2, 1634, and again,
November 4, 1636, is as follows: "We ask and request the archbishops
and bishops to take measures and give orders in their dioceses for
the curas and missionaries of the Indians by the use of the mildest
means, to order and direct all the Indians to be taught the Spanish
language, and to learn in it the Christian doctrine, so that they
may become more capable of the mysteries of our holy Catholic faith,
may profit for their salvation, and obtain other advantages in their
government and mode of living."

[94] This law was given by "Carlos I and the sovereigns of Bohemia,
governors in Valladolid," June 7, and July 17, 1550; and is as follows:
"Having made special investigation as to whether the mysteries of our
holy Catholic faith can be thoroughly and properly explained even in
the most perfect language of the Indians, it has been seen that it
is impossible without committing great discords and imperfections;
and although chairs are founded, where the priests, who should have to
instruct the Indians, may be taught, it is not a sufficient remedy, as
the diversity of the language is great. Having resolved that it will
be advisable to introduce the Castilian, we ordain that teachers be
assigned to the Indians, who may teach them what they wish to learn
of their own accord, in the manner that will be of least trouble
to them and without expense. We have considered that this might be
well done by the sacristans, just as they teach reading, writing,
and the Christian doctrine in the villages of these kingdoms."

[95] Barrantes (Instrucción primaria) remarks that this penalty
was always a dead letter, whenever such a charge was made, it being
only formal.

[96] See VOL. XXVIII, p. 118, note 56.

[97] See VOL. XXVIII, p. 118, note 57.

[98] See documents concerning the Camacho controversy, in VOL. XLII,
pp. 25-116.

[99] This título, containing fifteen laws, is entitled, "Of colleges
and seminaries." Law ii dated Segovia, June 8, 1592, reads as follows:
"Our royal arms shall be placed in college seminaries, and shall have
the most prominent place, in recognition of the universal patronage
which belongs to us by right and apostolic authority throughout the
state of the Indias. We permit prelates to place their arms in an
inferior location."

[100] A petition from Guerrero (see VOL. XXII, pp. 108-111) for royal
aid shows under his charge more than fifty boys in August, 1626. It
was accepted by the Dominicans, June 18, 1640. Hence the statement
of Census of Philippines, iii, p. 599, that it was founded in 1640
is not strictly correct.

[101] The encomienda of Bignotan, in Ilocos. See Archipiélago Filipino,
i, p. 343; and VOL. XXVIII, p. 139.

[102] See also VOL. XXVIII, pp. 139, 140.

[103] Census of Philippines, iii, p. 599, says that the college
retained the name of "Seminary for orphan children of Saint Peter
and Saint Paul," until 1706, when it adopted its present name by
virtue of a provision of the provincial chapter of the Dominicans;
but as seen here it was known under its present name very early,
and probably the name was only fully legalized by the provision.

[104] Fray Sebastián Oquendo was a native of Oviedo, where he
professed. He became lecturer in philosophy and theology in the Manila
convent. In 1637 he was vicar of the Parián, and in 1639 prior of the
Manila convent. He was twice definitor, minister of the natives in
the Manila convent, and lastly vicar of the hospice of San Jacinto
in Mexico from 1645 until his death in 1651. See Reseña biográfica,
i, p. 375.

[105] Natives were admitted to the college some time after its
foundation (1640, when the Dominicans took charge of it) upon the
payment of certain tuition fees. See Census of Philippines, iii,
p. 599; and Archipiélago Filipino, i, p. 343.

[106] The present building is situated within the walled city, and
covers a large area of ground. It is one of the best for this purpose
in the islands, and is ample and well constructed. Formerly the pupils
wore a habit consisting of a blue mantle and black sleeves. Since the
beginning branches of primary instruction have been taught. At the
beginning of the eighteenth century two courses of grammar studies
were added, the college being declared one of secondary instruction in
1867. At the present time the first four years of secondary instruction
are given there in accordance with the regulations of the university of
Santo Tomás, to which all institutions in which secondary instruction
was given were subject. Lessons are also given in music, drawing
and gymnastics. The statistics of the university of Santo Tomás and
San Juan de Letran showed 1,447 pupils in all for general studies,
and 337 pursuing courses in secondary instruction. The latter is
under the direction of the Dominicans. See Census of Philippines,
iii, p. 599; and Archipiélago Filipino, i, p. 343.

[107] By the Moret decrees of 1870, San Juan de Letran was to be made
a part of the Philippine Institute.

[108] Perhaps the Nueva Recopilación of Spanish laws, published
in 1567. This law is not to be found at the location mentioned in
Recopilación de las leyes de Indias. See Walton's Civil law of Spain
and Spanish America (Washington, 1900), p. 21.

[109] A royal decree given first to the Audiencia of Charcas
(January 28, 1778), was extended to the Philippines, November 5,
1782 (See Barrantes, pp. 68-73). The latter decree provides for the
establishment of schools for the teaching of Spanish, the expense to
be met from the proceeds from foundations, and from communal property.

[110] On the teaching of Spanish in the Philippines, see Patricio de
la Escotura's Memoria sobre Filipinas y Joló (Madrid, 1882, pp. 1-30).

[111] Law xxxv, título xv, book i, reads as follows: "We order that,
in accordance with the holy council of Trent, the missionary religious
pay contributions for college-seminaries, as the other clerics,
beneficed persons, prebendaries, hospitals, and confraternities do,
and are bound to do, in the manner that is and shall be assigned. We
ask and request the secular prelates to have it obeyed exactly and
punctually, and to warn the religious that if they do not observe it,
they shall be removed from the missions." It is dated May 1, 1609.

[112] Law vii, título xxiii, book i, dated El Pardo, Nov. 8, 1594,
reads as follows: "We order our royal officials of Peru to discount
three per cent of the stipends given to the religious missionaries of
the Order of St. Francis, which in accordance with law xxxv, título
xv, of this book the seminaries are to have, in money and not in kind,
and to give the remainder to the religious."

[113] This seminary was founded in 1870 by the very reverend Fray
Mariano Cuartero, the first bishop of the diocese. The building is of
stone with a galvanized iron roof supported by 160 beams. There are six
Paulist priests, and two lay-brothers in charge of the institution,
who are aided by three native clerics--pupils in the same seminary,
who teach the Latin classes under the direction of the rector. The
following fees are charged: matriculation, four pesos; boarding pupils,
nine pesos per month, payable quarterly; and the three per cent of
the stipend of the priests of the diocese. Instruction is divided
into four years of Latin, and three of philosophy. The total number
of pupils enrolled without distinction of courses or studies, from
1870 to 1885 inclusive, was 5,344; the total number of graduates,
4,397. Of those enrolled under secondary instruction, 86.1 per cent
graduated; under philosophy, 85.9 per cent; under dogmatic theology,
85 per cent; and under moral theology and liturgy, 82.5 per cent. See
Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 598, 599.

[114] Blumentritt says of the relations between the religious orders
and the Philippine clergy: "They [i.e., the orders] won for themselves
in early times, great gratitude from the natives by protecting them
from the government officials, which was increased by admitting
them to religious orders. But this happy condition was changed in
the present century, for when the orders were abolished in Spain,
the Philippines offered an asylum to the crowd of European novices,
whose numbers soon barred further admission to the natives. Since that
time the Philippine friars have been European Spaniards, who are often
the only white men in the country districts, and who, being the only
representatives of the ruling race, have made use of that position,
in fact, if not with right, and constituted themselves the rulers of
the land. In the fear that a liberal government might deprive them
of their last refuge--the Philippines--by handing the parishes over
to the (native) secular clergy, the Spanish friars began to pose as
the only reliable support of Spanish rule in the archipelago, and to
throw the suspicion of independence upon the secular clergy. So great
is the ignorance of the Spaniards of the affairs of the archipelago,
that this suggestion was easily entertained, although all insurrections
have been suppressed, not by the friars, but by the government. Their
power was further increased by the money they circulated in Spain,
and the fear of the Spanish government that they might place their
wealth at the disposal of the Carlists.

"These friars have been the enemies of every administrative reform
which the colonial ministers have promised or effected from 1868 until
the present time, and they have consequently and naturally appealed
as the enemies of all progress and improvement in their country, not
only to the secular clergy, but also to all the other inhabitants of
the islands.... What kind of a spirit actuated them is best shown by
the fact that they accused the Jesuits, who are highly esteemed, of
liberalism, and so brought suspicion and distrust upon the teachers
who were educated in the Jesuit teachers' seminary." See Census of
Philippines, iii, pp. 612, 613.

[115] Gregorio Aglipay, the founder of the new Filipino Church, is an
Ilokano by birth and is about forty years old. He was educated for the
priesthood in a Catholic seminary, and ordained about 1890. His rise
was rapid, for he was well looked upon by Spanish ecclesiastics. In
the early pair of American occupation, however, he was excommunicated
for some Church irregularity, "an action ... glaringly unjust and
entirely irregular," says Stuntz. Thereupon he joined the insurgents
and was made vicar-general by Aguinaldo. Shortly after the proclamation
of April 4, 1899, by the Schurman commission, he took the oath of
allegiance to the United States. In August, 1901, he had private
conferences with several Protestant ministers regarding the religious
condition of the Philippines, and declared his intention to head a
movement for an independent church, asking the coöperation of the
Protestants. The constitution was adopted in October, 1902, at a
convention of the priests and laymen who had joined the movement,
and Aglipay was elected archbishop. The movement spread rapidly. In
north Ilokos but three priests with their churches remained loyal
to Rome. Various estimates place the number of adherents to the new
faith at 1,500,000, or 2,000,000, although they themselves claim
3,000,000. The question of their right to hold church property
came up early, and Governor Taft ruled that the party which is in
peaceful possession of any house of worship shall be deemed to be
the rightful occupant, and the contrary must be proved in the courts
before ejection can take place. More than 200 priests have joined
the movement, and young native priests are being ordained with
somewhat startling ease and carelessness, in the seminaries which
the new Church has opened. The foremost priests and laymen have been
open enemies of the United States, and some of them still advocate
independence. Isabelo de los Reyes, a politician of the demagogue
type, is one of the active leaders of the movement. A weekly paper is
published in the interests of the new Church. Patriotism rather than
religion is the reason for its rapid growth, so that its basis with
many is political. The fear of the return of the friars was seized
upon by the schismatics to gain new adherents. Homer C. Stuntz says:
"Its easy program of religious reformations attracts thousands. It
promises a better order of things, but makes no spiritual or moral
demands. Priests may come into the movement, and keep their mistresses
and continue their gambling. Aglipay himself has never been accused
of immorality or gaming, but he sets up no standard of purity in his
priesthood or among his people. The cockpit, games of cards and dice,
the bino habit, and all other national vices come into the new Church
without direct rebuke. This, its real weakness, gives it apparent
strength. Because of this it is enabled to count its members by
the million within less than two years from its birth." Protestant
influence is seen on every hand. Protestant missionaries congratulate
themselves that the Catholic front of the islands is broken by
this movement. The office of bishop is elective, Aglipay himself
being included by this rule. Stuntz's conclusions are as follows:
"The Independent Filipino Catholic Church has come to stay. Just
how strong a hold it will be able to keep over the multitudes which
have flocked to its standard of revolt against the pope cannot be
foretold. But it may be reckoned with as a permanent factor in the
religious future of the Philippines." See LeRoy's Philippine Life,
pp. 163-171; Homer C. Stuntz's The Philippines and the Far East
(Cincinnati and New York, 1905), pp. 488-496; and Report of Philippine
Commission, 1904, i, pp. 19, 20.

[116] See the program of these theoretical studies, in Census of
Philippines, iii, p. 613.

[117] There was also at Manila, for many years, a military academy for
the education of the sons of military men residing in the colony, as
well as for soldiers and non-commissioned officers who desired to fit
themselves for promotion. The son of a native needed great influence
to enable him to enter, and such had generally to enlist as a soldier,
more especially since the age-limit was lowered. Formerly, when the
scale of ages was different in the colonies from the scale in Spain,
officers graduated from this academy, but later when the scales were
made uniform, this academy was closed, and opened again afterward
under different conditions. Its candidates were eligible candidates
for admission to the general military academy of Spain at Toledo,
which annually gave notice to the academy of the number of scholars
which it could accommodate. Many Filipinos took advantage of this and
became efficient military men. The instruction given in the academy
seems to have been superior to that afforded in many of the other
institutions, and examinations were comparatively strict. Annual
attendance was generally about 100. Since American occupation a
military academy has been suggested for the Filipinos. See Report of
Philippine Commission, 1900, i, p. 40, 1900-1903, p. 128; and Report
of Commissioner of Education, 1899-1900, ii, pp. 1627, 1628.

[118] This is the oldest educational institution of the Philippines
under the supervision of the Bureau of Education. The building
of the school was destroyed by the earthquake of 1863. A nautical
school was opened by the American government in Manila, December 15,
1899, with an enrolment of 22 pupils, and under the superintendency
of Lieut. Commander V. S. Cottman, U.S.N., who was assisted by three
instructors. He was relieved by Lieut. George F. Cooper, December 25,
1899. The course of instruction was at first for three years. At the
beginning of the new term in June, 1900, four more instructors were
appointed. There were five instructors at the opening of the first
term in 1901. The instruction was first in Spanish, but for the
sake of greater efficiency English was substituted. In July, 1901,
the school opened with 83 pupils. In October, 1901, the course was
extended to four years. The studies include English, mathematics,
history, drawing, mechanics, and practical seamanship. The method of
instruction and discipline are based upon those of the United States
Naval Academy. The building, although well equipped in many ways,
is not itself adequate for the purpose for which it is used. The
school has not attained the excellence desired, due in part to the
irregular attendance and lack of discipline, although attendance
continues to increase. See Report of the Commissioner of Education
(Department of the Interior), 1901, ii, pp. 1421-1423, and 1902, ii,
pp. 2244-2246; Report of the Philippine Commission, 1900, i, p. 39,
ii, p. 473, 1900-1903, p. 271, 1904, iii, pp. 826, 827, and 888, 889;
and Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 663, 664.

The Philippine budget for 1880-81 included 4,397.33 pesos for the
staff of the nautical academy, and those of painting and designing,
history and bookkeeping, and the botanical garden; and 7,786.32 pesos
for equipment. See Sanciano y Goson's Progreso de Filipinas (Madrid,
1881), pp. 23, 24.

[119] This society was founded in Manila in 1876 under the name of
Liceo Artístico, which it changed in 1889 as above. Its purpose was
to protect the moral and material interests of the Filipino musicians
resident in the Philippines, and advance the musical progress and
education of the natives. It gave with some irregularity a private
monthly concert and three public concerts per year. It began to decline
in 1891 and perished amid the political upheaval. See Archipiélago
Filipino, i, p. 354.

[120] Semper, writing in 1869, says of education among the
natives. "The Christian Spaniard has not been able to exert much
more influence of a spiritual than of a political nature upon the
character of the natives. Popular education was formerly, and is now,
entirely in the hands of the priests. Excepting the professors of
common and Roman law all the chairs of the University of Santo Tomás
of Manila are in the hands of the priests, who naturally arrange not
only the theological lectures, but those upon metaphysics, physics,
and logic, as well, according to the principles of the Catholic
Church. In the provinces every village has its public schools in
which instruction is obligatory; but, besides reading and writing,
only Christian doctrine and church music are taught. This instruction,
moreover, is by no means generally given in Spanish; at least, the
general introduction of Spanish is still so recent that it will be
long before the Spanish officials will be able to converse, even
with their subordinates, in Spanish. On the east coast of Mindanao,
one of the oldest and most settled provinces, the native dialect was
exclusively used until forty or fifty years ago, and the priests used
the old Malay alphabet until the beginning of the century, even in
their official business. The number of natives--the Spaniards call
them 'Indians'--who can read and write is tolerably large, but owing
to the total unreliability of all statistics on the subject, nothing
accurate can be stated. In 1863 the Government attempted to make an
enumeration of the population, and, incidentally, to note the number
of those who could read and write. The fact that the result was never
published seems to confirm the opinion that an unsatisfactory condition
of things was found." See Census of Philippines, iii, p. 577.

[121] Under late Spanish domination, there were 67 private Latin
schools in the archipelago, of which 23 were in the province of Manila,
and nearly all the others in Luzón. In the term of 1886-87, there were
41 private schools, of secondary instruction, twelve of which were in
the suburbs of Manila, two in the walled city, and the rest in the
provinces of Luzón and the Visayas. Of the 41 professors in charge
thereof, only one had the degree of doctor, eight were licentiates,
and the rest held the degree of bachelor of arts. The course of
study in these schools included Latin and Spanish grammar, Christian
doctrine and sacred history, general geography and geography of Spain
and the Philippines, Latin translation and analysis, elementary Greek,
general history and history of Spain and the Philippines, arithmetic
and algebra, rhetoric and poetry, geometry and plane trigonometry, and
French. The attendance in 1895-96 was 1,915. They were under the charge
of licentiates, in philosophy or science, or bachelors of arts who
must have passed a teacher's examination, and were under inspectors,
one of whom was appointed by the rector of the university, who was
ex-officio head of all the schools of the islands. Some of the schools
had a one-year course, others two, and others three. The teachers
were Filipinos. The supervisors of public instruction had the power to
visit the schools, and recommend their establishment or removal. The
pupils were required to enrol and be examined in the university,
except those in distant provinces, who could be examined by a board
composed of the alcalde-mayor, the parish priest, and the respective
professor. The result of the examination was sent to the secretary
of the university. The Dominicans had one private school at Dagupan
(Pangasinán), founded 1890-91; the Franciscans, that of Guinobatan
(Albay), founded 1894-95; and the Recollects that of Bacólod (Negros
Occidental), founded 1895. There are still a number of private schools
in the archipelago. During recent years many have sprung up in Manila
and the provinces which give primary and secondary education, although
the instruction is generally poor. Some of them have been started in
answer to the complaint of some Filipino parents that the American
schools are godless; some have been started by Roman Catholic priests
for the purpose of combating purely secular instruction; and some
are the expression of Filipino nationality and independence. Within
ten months, since June, 1901, 29 new private schools were opened in
Manila alone. They are generally patterned after the old method, and
are either teaching in Spanish or the vernacular. The popular demand
for English has compelled many of them to make a show of teaching it,
but it is generally being attempted without adequate teachers. It was
suggested that the curriculum in such schools, except in matters of
religious instruction, conform to the course of the public schools,
and that they be under the official inspection, such a course making
it possible to have a real compulsory school law. The Liceo de Manila
is a school organized and run by Filipinos. The late C. J. Zulueta
was professor of history in this school and read an address at its
opening, June 19, 1902. See LeRoy's Philippine Life, pp. 223, 224;
Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 599, 600; Report of Commissioner
of Education, 1899-1900, ii, p. 1622, 1901, ii, pp. 1437, 1438;
and Archipiélago Filipino, i, pp. 344, 345.

[122] i.e., Those wearing the cape or cloak.

[123] Later transformed into the Ateneo Municipal, q.v., post.

[124] This school was located in the same building as the nautical
school, and was established July 15, 1839 at the request of the
board of trade, which had presented its petition to this effect,
October 1, 1838. The report of 1883 shows a total enrolment of 562
pupils in double entry bookkeeping for the years 1866-72, with a
graduation of 91; and an enrolment of 228 for the study of English,
with a graduation of 57. See Census of Philippines, iii, p. 614;
and Montero y Vidal, Historia, iii, p. 30.

[125] See these instructions, in VOL. VII, pp. 141-172.

[126] See VOL. XVIII, pp. 282-288 for documents of 1610-19 regarding
the grant of an encomienda made to this school or seminary.

[127] Perhaps for pinaua, which signifies "half-pounded rice," or
"rice without the husk, but not bleached."

[128] Its foundation was approved in 1816, and endowed with the
fitting rules and vocations, it had for some time only the character
of a beaterio. In 1865 it was elevated to the rank of a school of
higher grade. See Archipiélago Filipino, i, pp. 352, 353.

[129] These statistics show that Mas has been the chief authority
followed by Mallat.

[130] Inasmuch as this citation was translated from Mas by Mallat,
we have used Mas's words in preference to retranslating Mallat.

[131] See Mallat, i, pp. 367-369.

[132] Retana mentions a paper, El Noticiero Filipino, which he
conjectures to have been founded in 1838, following Francisco Diaz
Puertas, who mentions it. Retana refers to this passage of Mallat. See
his Periodismo filipino (Madrid, 1895), for data regarding the various
newspapers and periodicals of the Philippines. This also appeared in
instalments in Retana's magazine La Política de España en Filipinas.

[133] See "Drama of the Filipinos" by Arthur Stanley Riggs in Journal
of American Folk-Lore, xvii, no. lxvii; and Barrantes's El teatro
tagalo (Madrid, 1889). Mr. Riggs has ready for the press also a book
on the drama of the Filipinos.

[134] "In the atlas is found the Comintango de la languista, noted
with the accompaniment of piano and guitar, to which we have joined
the words." (Mallat, ii, p. 247, note). Bowring reproduces this music
at the end of his Visit to the Philippines.

[135] In regard to the musical ability of the Filipinos, see the
slightly adverse comments of Archbishop Nozaleda, in Senate Document,
no. 190, 56th Congress, 2d session, 1900-1901, pp. 98-100.

[136] A dance allied to the quadrille, but with different and more
graceful figures.

[137] See notes from Barrantes, in VOL. XLVI; and the decree of
December 20, 1863.

[138] The Sociedad Económica de Amigos del Pais was founded in 1813 for
the purpose of encouraging interest in the arts, sciences, commerce,
and industries. Alexander A. Webb, former American consul at Manila,
says of it. "It is claimed on its behalf that it has accomplished
a vast amount of good, but there is not that degree of energy and
activity manifested in its work to be seen in similar organizations
in some other countries." It had a library of about 2,000 volumes on
the arts and sciences, natural history, and agriculture. See Report
of Commissioner of Education, 1897-98, p. 980.

[139] The Filipino artist, Juan Luna y Novicio was a pupil of this
academy. He also studied in Madrid, Paris, and Rome, and some of his
paintings are conserved in the largest galleries. The total number
of pupils enrolled in this academy from 1872 to 1883 was 5,485. See
Census of Philippines, iii, p. 615.

[140] Archipiélago Filipino, i, p. 349; Census of Philippines, iii,
p. 614.

[141] Census of Philippines, iii, p. 614.

[142] See Report of Philippine Commission, 1900, i, pp. 39, 40. Drawing
was introduced into the Philippine schools in 1903 upon a systematic
basis. The Filipinos are interested and apt in this work, and show
talent in original conception and artistic execution. The work is
carried on by a staff of nine Filipino drawing teachers, one American
teacher for the secondary and American schools, and a supervisor. The
Filipino teacher is as competent as the American in this work. See
Report of Philippine Commission, 1904, pt. 3, p. 890.

[143] The first band of Jesuits who arrived in the middle of 1859,
consisted of six fathers and four brothers, their superior being José
Fernandez Cuevas (see Montero y Vidal, iii, p. 272). The royal decree
readmitting them was dated March 21, 1852 (Barrantes, Instrucción
primaria, p. 103).

[144] That charge was approved by a superior decree dated December
15 of the same year (Montero y Vidal, iii, p. 272). Examinations were
in charge of the Dominicans (Ed. Report for 1899-1900, ii, p. 1621).

[145] The work of the Jesuits in this school is praised highly by
Tomás G. del Rosario in the Census of Philippines, iii, p. 596.

[146] See Report of Commissioner of Education, 1899-1900, ii, p. 1621.

[147] Edmond Plauchut, writing in Revue des Deux Mondes for 1877,
xx, p. 910, says: "The history of superior instruction, like that of
primary, is only the dry relation of a furious struggle between two
religious orders, that of the friars, and that of the Jesuits."

[148] The Embriologia sagrada (Manila, 1856), by Gregorio Sanz.

[149] The first number of this fortnightly paper appeared in Manila,
in March, 1859, and its last issue, December 15, 1860. It is but
rarely found complete. Retana praises it highly. See Politica de
España en Filipinas, iii, pp. 103-105.

[150] Schools exist in all the villages. The teacher is paid by
the government, and usually receives two dollars [i.e., pesos]
per month without either lodging or board. In large villages,
the pay is as high as three and one-half dollars, but he must pay
an assistant out of that. The schools are under the supervision of
the parish priests. Reading and writing are taught, the instruction
being in Spanish. The teacher is properly required to teach his
scholars Spanish, but he himself does not know it. On the other hand,
the Spanish officials do not understand the native languages. The
priests, moreover, have no inclination to alter these conditions,
which are very useful for their influence. Almost the only Indians who
know Spanish are those who have been in the service of Europeans. A
sort of devotional primer is read in the native speech (Bicol) at
first, and later the Christian doctrine. The reading book is called
Casayayan. On an average, half of the children attend school, usually
from the seventh to the tenth year. They learn to read somewhat, and
some learn also a little of writing, but they forget it soon. Only
those who later enter service as clerks write easily, and most of them
have a good hand. Some pastors do not allow boys and girls to attend
the same school, in which case they also pay a special schoolmistress
at the rate of one dollar per month. The Indians learn to reckon
with great difficulty. They generally rake shells or stones to help
them, which they heap up and then count. See Jagor's Reisen in den
Philippinen (Berlin, 1873), pp. 128, 129.

[151] "The Spanish government was really anxious that all Filipinos
should speak the Spanish language, as it is understood that the use
of a common language is the manner of forming a national spirit and
sentiment, the only thing that can preserve and unite in constant
friendship people of different races. Nevertheless, the monastic
orders were always decidedly opposed to the Spanish language being
spoken in Philippine territory, because their interests would have
been greatly injured if such language had become general throughout
the archipelago, as from that time they would have ceased to be the
intermediaries between the people and the authorities and would
no longer be required by either, which would reduce their great
influence with both parties.... As a consequence of all this the
Spanish language did not become general, and due to the diversity
of dialects in the country and the lack of books in these dialects,
education went along a hard and difficult path. Some officials of
the Spanish government assisted the friars in this work." See Tomás
del Rosario's article in Census of Philippines, iii, p. 594. For the
friar side of this question, see the statements of Fathers Navarro
and Zamora, which will appear in the appendix to our VOL. XLVI.

[152] See appendix to VOL. XLVI for the regulations of the government
normal school.

[153] The meteorological observatory was founded by the Jesuits
in 1865, its main object being the discovery of the laws of the
typhoons that rage in Oriental seas. Its other departments--seismatic,
magnetic and astronomic--were added later. For the first five years
the apparatus was very scarce, and most of that was lent by the Ateneo
Municipal, but notwithstanding that, some excellent work was done
in those early years. In 1870, the publication of a bulletin was
begun, and new apparatus began to be installed. The first typhoon
was forecast and notice of its coming given in 1879. Finally the
government authorities made the observatory a central institution and
placed it officially in charge of the Jesuits. In 1898, through the
influence of the British meteorologist at Hongkong, the United States
government ordered the coming of typhoons not to be announced, but the
order was speedily revoked. Of this observatory Packard says in the
Educational Report for 1897-98, pp. 973, 974: "The latest fruit of the
scientific activity of the Jesuits, and the most important and best
known scientific institution in the Philippines, and perhaps in the
whole east, is the famous meteorological observatory of Manila, which
was founded in 1865, and now has one of the most complete equipments
for meteorological observations in the world. An important practical
service which the observatory renders shipping is the warning of
approaching hurricanes, which it is enabled to give by means of its
branch stations at different points in several of the islands. The
Jesuit father Faura, who is so well known for his meteorological work,
has been for a long time in charge of the observatory, and began
forecasting the weather as early as 1879. Expeditions have been made
under his direction all over the archipelago, with a view to making
magnetic and other observations." See also Archipiélago Filipino,
ii, pp. 5-16.

[154] "Manual for the traveler:" a guide book, in which various
interesting statistics are published.

[155] Historia geográfica, geológico y estadistica de Filipinas
(Manila, 1876), by Agustin de la Cavada y Mendez de Vigo. This author
was for many years a State official in the Philippines. He died in
Spain in 1894. See Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca filipina, p. 96.

[156] The Indian and mestizo advocates, too abundant in that country,
are a real calamity to it, and the same thing may be said of them as
of the Indian secular clergy. They do not know the law, nor do they
ever come to understand what they have studied. They obtained their
certificate, thanks to the excessive tolerance of their professors, and
once converted into licentiates and even doctors, they pay for their
benefits and the honor which they have received by becoming outrageous
anti-Spanish. They believe themselves superior to the latter, and dream
of republics in which they can figure and strut. Their ridiculous
hopes, and their vanity and deficiency would be excusable, if they
did not deceive their simple countrymen in a nursery of litigation
with their eagerness of defending evil causes. Such is, although
it be a cause for regret, the general rule. See Montero y Vidal,
Archipiélago Filipino, pp. 192, 193, note.

[157] This is one of the needs that has been most apparent to the
American authorities since 1898. The stress laid upon industrial
training is evident from the many Filipinos among the government
pupils now in the United States, who are being trained especially
in agriculture and the various forms of engineering. Regarding
trade schools and industrial instruction, see Report of Philippine
Commission, 1905, iv, p. 412.

[158] See VOL. XLVI, appendix, for the regulations of the municipal
school for girls.

[159] See ut supra.

[160] The school or college of Santa Potenciana was suppressed in
1865, and its building became the provisional palace of the governor
general. Its collegiates reduced to twelve were transferred to the
school of Santa Isabel. See Barrantes's Instrucción primaria en
Filipinas (Manila, 1869), pp. 17, 18, note.

[161] See an account of this school in Archipiélago Filipino, i,
p. 352.

[162] See Archipiélago Filipino, ii, pp. 280 et seq., for data
regarding earthquakes in the Philippines. A number of shocks are
recorded for 1880, but none especially disastrous.

[163] See also Archipiélago Filipino, i, pp. 352, 353.

[164] See also Archipiélago Filipino, i, p. 353.

[165] See also Archipiélago Filipino, i, p. 353.

[166] The following results of a table show the following statistics
in regard to girls' schools between the years 1864-1883. Santa
Catalina: boarding pupils, 1,617; teachers, 7. Santa Rosa: boarding
pupils, 2,959; teachers, 23. Concordia: boarding pupils, 2,103;
day pupils, 623; teachers, 32. Santa Isabel: free boarding pupils,
475; pay boarding pupils, 149; day pupils, 112. Municipal school:
day pupils, 5,163; teachers, 74; awards conferred, 332; accesit,
1,058. The instruction given in these institutions was always under
the immediate direction of the friars, and was consequently of a
religious character. Some of them were known as beaterios or retreats,
institutions devoted primarily to religious practice. Primary and
secondary instruction were both given. In some of them the instruction
was very poor, as many of the scholars graduated without knowing how
to speak Spanish. It was only in the college of Santa Isabel, in the
municipal school, and in some private schools that adequate instruction
was given. Some of these colleges were houses of recreation or of
rest rather than educational institutions, where not only girls,
but women, both married and single, went to pass some time, for
the purpose of change or to renew their clothing. Girls from the
provinces often attended the schools in Manila to learn the social
manners and polish of the capital, but they often failed of their
purpose, for social education was frequently neglected in them. The
class distinction between Spanish, mestizo, and Filipino girls was
unfortunately inculcated. The principal ends of the sisters of charity
being the care of their convents and hospitals, they could not obtain
as good results in education as if their time had been spent entirely
in that field. See Census of Philippines, iii, pp. 620, 621.

[167] This school must not be confused with the Agricultural Society
of the Philippines, an institution created November 15, 1881, and
a dependency of the department of general inspection of forests,
especially as the separation of these two institutions was effected
in July, 1884. See Report of Commissioner of Education, 1899-1900,
ii, pp. 1625, 1626.

A school of botany and agriculture was ordered created in Manila by
royal decree of May 29, 1861, under the dependency of the governor
of the islands and the immediate supervision of the Sociedad
Económica. The site called Campo de Arroceros was set aside as a
botanical garden for the practical exercises of the school. The
school was to be composed for a time of one botanical professor,
director at the same time of the botanical garden, with a salary of
2,000 pesos; of two teachers of horticulture, at salaries of 500
pesos; of ten workmen chosen from the pupils, who being relieved
at three year periods, were to receive 100 pesos apiece annually;
while the municipalities could name certain pensioners to study
in the school. The sum of 2,000 pesos annually was set aside for
the material expenses of the garden and school, and the purchase of
plants and tools. The total expense of both institutions was fixed at
6,000 pesos--3,000 being paid by the public treasury, 1,500 by the
communal treasuries of the Indians, and the remaining 1,500 by the
funds of ways and means of the Ayuntamiento of Manila. In 1894-95,
the staff of the school of agriculture was allowed 23,794 pesos, and
the equipment of the same, including the rent of a house for workrooms
of the school, Board of Agriculture, Industry, and Trade and office
of the agronomic service, 9,900 pesos. The subaltern staff of the
botanical garden cost, according to the same budget, 2,600 pesos,
and the equipment for the same, 1,000. See Montero y Vidal, Historia,
iii, pp. 317, 318, and note.

[168] See also Report of Philippine Commission, 1902, ii, p. 499.

[169] See ante, pp. 132, 133, also pp. 163-165, note 81.

[170] Concerning this court, the first report of the Philippine Taft
Commission, Historical resumé of the administration of justice in
the Philippine Islands, by Cayetano S. Arellano, chief justice of the
supreme court, pp. 228-230, says: "This court--in English, Contentious
Court--arose from the establishment of a council of administration
in these islands under the provisions of a royal decree of July 4,
1861, which surrounded the governor-general of these islands, who was
president of the court, with prominent men who advised him by their
votes on consultation. This contentious court consisted of three
officials of judiciary, the president and two magistrates appointed
by turn among those constituting the personnel of the Audiencia, with
the exception of the presidents of the branches and two officials of
the administration, who were known as the administrative magistrates;
subsequently, by royal decree of the third of June, 1866, the court
was reduced to a president and three magistrates. This court took
cognizance of suits brought by private persons against the State,
whenever they were litigated. Complaints of private individuals
against the administration of the State, if not subject to litigation,
could, after presentation of appeals to the governor-general of
the islands, be taken upon a recourse of complaint to the colonial
office in Spain if no relief was obtained under the decision of the
governor-general." A decree of February 7, 1869, provided that the
"contentious administrative jurisdiction, which was exercised by the
councils of administration of the provinces of the colonies should
in the future rest in the territorial audiencias of those provinces;
that, for the exercise of this jurisdiction, there should be organized
in each Audiencia, as is done here, a department composed of the
president of the same and the two presidents of the branches, the
representative of the State being the attorney-general. The theory
upon which the former organization of this contentious administrative
tribunal rested was the administration of the State in respect to
its litigation with subjects. The judge-advocate was both judge
and litigant at the same time. However, the decree of the seventh
of February, 1869, inspired by the principles proclaimed by the
revolution, was that these questions should be decided in the same
manner as any other issue between private individuals. These suits,
as has been seen, were brought in first instance before the Audiencia
of the territory; consequently, appeals in second instance lay before
the supreme court of justice of Spain. But by the other theory the
first instance pertained to the contentious tribunal of the council
of administration, and second instance of the council of State of
Spain, to which appeals might be taken against decisions of the
former court. But this reform, well received, both in Spain and in
the colonies, was of short duration, for one of the first acts of the
government of the monarchical restoration was the reëstablishment
of the contentious court in the same form in which it had existed
prior to the reform of the royal decree of the nineteenth of March,
1875." This court lasted until the end of the Spanish régime.

Act 136, enacted by the Philippine Commission June 11, 1901, and in
effect since June 16, 1901, provides for the organization of courts in
the Philippines. Article 38 of that act reads as follows: "All records,
books, papers, causes, actions, proceedings and appeals lodged,
deposited, or pending in the existing Audiencia or Supreme Court,
or pending by appeal before the Spanish tribunal called 'Contencioso
administrativo' are transferred to the Supreme Court above provided
for, which has the same power and jurisdiction over them as if they
had been in the first instance lodged, filed or pending therein, or,
in case of appeal, appealed thereto." See Public Laws and Resolutions
of the U. S. Philippine Commission, for quarter ending August 31, 1901.