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                              THE KACHÁRIS

                              BY THE LATE

                           REV. SIDNEY ENDLE

           For many years Chaplain of Tezpur and in charge of
                 the Kachári Mission of the Society for
              the Propagation of the Gospel at that place.

                        WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
                    J. D. ANDERSON, I.C.S. (Retired)



              Published under the orders of the Government
                      of Eastern Bengal and Assam

                       MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
                      ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON

                                  1911







N.B.--The Editorial Notes in this volume are from the pen of Colonel
P. R. T. Gurdon, I.A., Director of Ethnology to the Government of
Eastern Bengal and Assam.







CONTENTS


                                                              PAGE
    SECTION I

    Characteristics, Physical and Moral; Origin, Distribution
    and Historic Summary, etc.                                   1

    SECTION II

    Social and Domestic Life                                    11

    SECTION III

    Laws and Customs                                            24

    SECTION IV

    Religion                                                    33

    SECTION V

    Folk-lore, Traditions and Superstitions                     54

    SECTION VI

    Outline Grammar, Etc.                                       71


    Appendix I. Tribes Closely Allied to Kacháris               81

    Appendix II. Specimens of the Bodo Language                 97







LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS


S. Endle.
    From a Photograph by Messrs. Bourne & Shepherd         Frontispiece
Group of Meches (Goalpara District).
    From a Photograph by Mr. T. E. Emerson                 To face p. 5
Kachári Woman Weaving (Kamrup)                                 ,,    20
Kachári Clothes                                                ,,    21
Kachári Women Fishing (Kamrup).
    From a Photograph by Mrs. H. A. Colquhoun                  ,,    22
Kachári Girls Playing Jew's Harp (Gongina).
    From a Photograph by Mrs. H. A. Colquhoun                  ,,    30
Siju Tree (Euphorbia splendens).
    From a Photograph by Mrs. H. A. Colquhoun                  ,,    36
Kachári Village Interior (Kamrup District).
    From a Photograph by Mrs. H. A. Colquhoun                  ,,    56
Kachári Girl (Kamrup District).
    From a Photograph by Mrs. H. A. Colquhoun                  ,,    67
Gorge of the River Manás.
    From a Photograph by Mrs. H. A. Colquhoun                  ,,    96
Kachári Man (Kamrup District).
    From a Photograph by Mrs. H. A. Colquhoun                  ,,   105
Group of Kachári Men (Kamrup District).
    From a Photograph by Mrs. H. A. Colquhoun                  ,,   113



IN COLOUR

Kachári Man                                               To face p. 10
Kachári Girl Fishing                                           ,,    16
Kachári Woman                                                  ,,    60
Mech Girl                                                      ,,    82

Map Showing Area Occupied by the Bodo Races            At end of Volume







INTRODUCTION


It is with some diffidence that I comply with Colonel Gurdon's request
that I should add a few words of preface and explanation to the last
literary work of an old friend and pastor, whose loss will long be
lamented in the Assam Valley, where he laboured as a missionary and
planter's chaplain for upwards of forty years. Mr. Endle's interest
in his Kachári flock was that of an evangelist rather than that of a
linguist or ethnologist, and this preoccupation has coloured his style
and affected the matter of his book in a way that, however pleasant and
natural it may seem to those who had the privilege of his acquaintance,
may perhaps require a few words of explanation for the benefit of
those who look for anthropology only, or linguistics, in his pages.

My first duty, then, is to say a few words about the author's life
and character. Sidney Endle was born about 1840 at Totnes in Devon,
of sturdy yeoman parentage. His grandfather was, it seems, proud of
being an armiger, and it is a family tradition that many Endles figured
in the ranks of the Catholic clergy of the West country. Mr. Endle
was educated at Totnes Grammar School, under the Rev. James Powney,
and early conceived a wish to enter the ministry of the Church of
England, and serve abroad as a missionary. With this view he entered
St. Augustine's College at Canterbury. Unfortunately the College
seems to have kept no written record of the dates at which one of
the most distinguished and devoted of its pupils entered and left
its roof. It was in February, 1864, however, that he was sent by
the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel to Tezpur, in Assam,
to be the assistant of Mr. Hesselmyer, then in charge of the Kachári
mission at that place. In 1865 he was ordained deacon by the Bishop
of Calcutta, and in the following year he was admitted to priest's
orders. Soon after he was transferred to the independent charge of
the S.P.G. mission among the tea-garden coolies at Dibrugarh in Upper
Assam. In 1869, on Mr. Hesselmyer's death, Mr. Endle was made chaplain
of the important tea-planting district of Darrang, with the charge
of the Kachári mission in that district, having his head-quarters
at Tezpur. His pastoral duties were thus two-fold. On the one hand,
he became the pastor of an European community scattered over an area
some 100 miles in length by 30 or 40 in breadth. It was his duty to
gather his flock round him at some convenient tea-garden, or at the
pretty little rustic church at Tezpur itself, where his congregation
included the small band of officials. He was everywhere welcome, and
it was not long before he was as popular as he was respected. One
of the most unworldly and simple of men, almost an ascetic in his
personal tastes and habits, he could sympathise with and understand
men whose training and ideas were different from his. He had a
native shrewdness and quiet sense of humour which stood him in good
stead in his dealings with men probably as varied in their origins
and temperament as are to be found in any collection of Englishmen
beyond the seas. His sermons--and he could preach with equal ease and
eloquence in English, Assamese, and Kachári--were ever those of a man
who to shrewd observation of the various life about him, native and
European, added an unwavering devotion to the responsibilities of his
calling. Authoritative, and even stern, he could be when he thought
it needful to assert his responsibility as a priest. But, somehow,
the occasion rarely occurred, since his was not the disposition that
demands impossible perfection of ordinary human nature. There was
no touch of intolerance in his gentle and (there is no other word to
describe him) saintly nature. I think he would have liked to have it
said of him that, like Chaucer's Parson,


        He was a shepherd and no mercenerie,
        And though he holy were and vertuous,
        He was to simple men not dispitous,
        Ne of his speech dangerous ne digne,
        But in his teaching discrete and benigne.


Innumerable were the marriages and christenings he celebrated in all
parts of Assam, and it was characteristic of the man that he regarded
it as a duty to keep himself informed of the welfare, spiritual and
physical, of the children he held at the font. During his rare visits
to England he endeavoured when he was not busy preaching for his
mission, to visit those whom in their infancy he had admitted to his
Church. Few chaplains in India can have been so universally popular
and respected as he was, and this without in any way relaxing from
the dignity which, in his case, belonged rather to his sacred office
than to any consideration for his own person.

But he made no secret of the fact that his heart was chiefly in his
missionary work among his beloved Kacháris. The Bodos of the Kachári
dwars (the dwars or "doors" of the Kachári plains are the passes that
lead into the rough mountains of independent Bhutan) are, like most of
the aboriginal races of Assam, cheery, good-natured, semi-savage folk;
candid, simple, trustful, but incorrigibly disrespectful according
to Indian notions of good manners. To a casual observer, they may
well have seemed incapable of comprehending the gentle reserve
and unaffected unselfishness of their pastor's nature. Among them,
however, it was his delight to unbend, and give way to the almost
boyish simplicity and sense of fun which to the last were among his
most engaging traits. When Mr. Endle approached a Kachári village
during one of the prolonged preaching tours which were to him at once
a duty and the keenest of pleasures, he was always greeted with a
joyous and often noisy welcome. He travelled on foot, and the villagers
would turn out to see the gami-ni-brai, the "old man of the village,"
as they affectionately called him. He was often cordially invited to
share in the village festivities, and it was an interesting sight to
watch him seated in the midst of rough semi-savage folk, listening to
the tale of their simple joys and sorrows, enjoying their primitive
jokes, and, when occasion served, talking to them, as probably no one
else will ever be able to talk to them again, of the matters nearest
to the missionary's heart.

In all parts of the Kachári country, Mr. Endle established many
village schools, served by trusty converts. But his chief pride
was in the church he built at Bengbari, which, to his great joy,
was consecrated by Bishop Milman in person. Under its thatched roof
has now been placed a tablet to the memory of its founder.

No account of Mr. Endle's life, however brief, would be complete
without a mention of the fact that in 1875 he married Miss
Sarah Ewbank Chambers, who for twenty years shared his pastoral
anxieties. Mrs. Endle was much respected by the European community
throughout Assam, and her sudden death in Calcutta in 1895 was
universally regretted. How sorely her husband felt her loss, not even
those who knew him best were allowed to guess, but it was plain that,
from this time onwards, much of his old elasticity of mind and body
deserted him, and though he continued his work with unabated industry
the effects of age began for the first time to be apparent to his
friends. In 1884 Mr. Endle compiled his well-known manual of the
Kachári language, published by the Assam Secretariat Press. From time
to time he contributed papers on the subject of the Bodo people to the
Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. In 1891 he was elected
an Honorary Fellow of St. Augustine's College, in recognition of his
linguistic studies and of his eminence as a worker in the mission
field. In 1906 he was offered a canonry by the Bishop of Calcutta,
but characteristically refused a dignity which might have involved
absences from his missionary duties.

Such, briefly told, are the few outstanding events in a life wholly
devoted to pastoral work, of which little was known outside his native
flock. It was Mr. Endle's repeatedly expressed wish that he might end
his life and be laid to rest among his Kacháris. This wish was not
fulfilled. Towards the end of 1905 it was evident that his persistent
disregard of his personal comfort in an enervating climate had taxed a
naturally robust constitution. He was induced with some difficulty to
pay a brief visit to England for rest and change. He spent this holiday
chiefly in preaching for his mission and visiting old friends. He
was soon, perhaps too soon, back at his work. It could no longer be
hidden from himself or others that he had overtaxed his strength. This,
however, caused him no disquietude. He had done his day's work, and
was cheerfully ready to take his departure. In July 1907, he could
struggle no longer against growing weakness, and was placed on one
of the little mail steamers that ply up and down the Brahmaputra,
in the hope that river breezes, rest, and change of scene might bring
about some restoration to health. He himself, however, knew that his
end was near, and he passed away, painlessly and peacefully, on the
river bank at Dibrugarh, close to the scene of his first independent
missionary charge, entrusted to him more than forty years before.

So much by way of biographical introduction seemed necessary,
not only as an inadequate and too brief memorial of a singularly
unselfish and blameless career, but also as an explanation of some
features in Mr. Endle's book not usually found in anthropological
manuals. Of the subject of the book itself I may now be allowed to say
a few words, if only to show that it has an interest and importance,
from an ethnological point of view, which are perhaps disguised by
the author's characteristically modest estimate of his task and of
his power of dealing with it. The book is, primarily, a monograph
treating of that branch of the Kachári race which lives in scattered
hamlets along the foot-hills of the Himalayas in Northern Bengal and
Assam, intermixed now with Hindu people who have intruded into what
was once their undisputed home. In Assam proper the Hindus call them
Kacháris; in Bengal they are known as Meches. [1] Their own name for
their race is Boro or Bodo (the o has the sound of the English o in
"hot"). Among this northern branch of the race is embedded the tribe
of the Koch, whose name is pronounced locally as if it were Koss,
(to rhyme with our English "boss"). (Kachári, I may mention in
passing, is also pronounced as Koss-ari.) The Koch have gradually
become a semi-Hindu caste, most of whose members now talk the Indian
Bengali or Assamese. It also contains the surviving remnants of the
royal family of the great and powerful Koch empire, which, roughly,
covered the same area as the present province of Eastern Bengal and
Assam. It can be proved that the aboriginal members of the Koch caste
within quite recent times spoke the Boro language. In the East of the
Assam Valley was another powerful kingdom, that of the Chutiyas, whose
language was another branch of the speech described in this book. The
river names of the whole Brahmaputra Valley are Bodo names, and it is
demonstrable that the Bodos were the aborigines of the Valley. In the
great mass of hills, an outlying spur of the mountains of Upper Burma,
which divide the Brahmaputra Valley from that of the river Surma which
runs parallel to it from east to west are two more Bodo groups. The
most eastern of these comprises the Di-ma-sa, Great-River-Folk (di-
means "river" or "water,") people who were driven out of the valley of
the great river Brahmaputra in historical times, and finally became
rulers of what is now the great tea-planting district of Cachar or
Kachar. They either gave its name to or perhaps derived their Hindu
soubriquet of Kachari from this district. Of this branch of the race
an interesting description will be found in the supplement to this
book. At the western extremity of the range of hills is another group,
the Garos, of whom an excellent account has lately been published by
Major A. Playfair, I.A. (London, David Nutt, 1909). The Garos are of
peculiar interest as members of the Bodo family, because they were
head-hunters within the memory of men still living.

Finally in the range of hills in the south of the Surma Valley,
there are the Tipperahs whose language is obviously a branch of
the ancient Bodo speech; quiet inoffensive people, ruled over by a
semi-independent Raja who is also a great land-owner in the British
districts of Tipperah and Sylhet.

Now, the anthropologists rightly caution us against rashly concluding
that a common speech, where races are in contact, implies a common
origin, since everywhere, and especially among people who use an
unwritten language, nothing is more common than the borrowing of a
neighbouring tongue. But where, as here, we have five absolutely
separate communities of semi-savage people, who nowadays are not
so much as aware of one another's existence, and yet speak what is
to all purposes the same language, it is plain that they must have
been united at no very distant date by some common social bond. The
date cannot have been very distant, because in the unwritten speech
of semi-savage people phonetic decay acts very rapidly, and a very
few years may serve to disguise the relationships of adjacent and
cognate tongues. No one who has heard members of the five branches of
the Bodo race speak their respective languages can fail to recognise
that they belong to the same linguistic group. Moreover, this common
Bodo speech was, till within a few years ago, the language of the
Koches, the dominant and ruling tribe in the great Koch kingdom,
which survived, with something of its ancient prestige and power,
long enough to be visited by an Englishman, Ralph Fitch, in Queen
Elizabeth's time. It would seem, then, that the language spoken
in the ancient Koch kingdom, which extended from the Himalayas to
the Bay of Bengal, was the Koch or Bodo language, and the mass of
the people must have been of Bodo origin. In the Brahmaputra valley
these Bodos have survived in the midst of Hindu and Shan invaders and
settlers, of whom those who are interested in the subject may read
in Mr. E. A. Gait's admirable History of Assam, (Calcutta, Thacker,
Spink and Co., 1906). Here the anthropologist may come to the rescue
of the historian. The Bodo type of face and physical construction is,
as Mr. Endle says, of an Indo-Chinese kind, easily distinguishable
from the Arya-Dravidian type common in adjacent Bengal, and careful
measurements in the Brahmaputra and Surma Valleys ought to show how far
the old Koch element still persists, how far it has been obliterated
by inter-marriage with Indian immigrants.

It may, however, be assumed that the population of the Koch kingdom,
and therefore of its predecessor, the famous classical empire of
Kama-rupa, of which Sanskrit scholars may read in the Mahabharata
(perhaps in a late interpolation in the epic) was chiefly Bodo, of
the same type as the humble folk who are the subject of Mr. Endle's
book. Kama-rupa was visited in the first half of the seventh century of
our era by the famous Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang, whose interesting
account of the land and people may be found at page 22 of Mr. Gait's
History. "They adore and sacrifice," says the Chinese explorer,
"to the Devas and have no faith in Buddha."

It was apparently in the kingdom of Kama-rupa that there came into
being that form of Hinduism whose scriptures are the later Puranas
and the Tantras, the worship of Siva and his Sakti, that form of the
Hindu cult which, to this day and even in the temple of Kali-ghat in
Calcutta itself, is distinguished by sacrifice by decapitation. In
the earlier times of British rule, as readers of Mr. Gait's book may
find for themselves, the Hindus of Assam were much addicted to human
sacrifice by beheading, and, to this day, the appropriate method of
propitiating the terrible goddess Kali, the "dark one" (who is also
Dur-ga, "hard of approach"), is by bloody sacrifices. The Saiva or
Sakta form of Hinduism would therefore seem to be due to an engrafting
of Koch superstitions on the purer and humaner religious ideas imported
into India by the Aryan settlers to whom we owe the Vedas and the
religious literature based on those early pastoral hymns. From this
point of view, it is important to bear in mind that the Garos were
till lately headhunters, and that the Chutiyas were conspicuous,
even in North-Eastern India, for their addiction to human sacrifices.

How does it happen then, it may be asked, that the Bodos described
in this book are among the most innocent and kindly of semi-savage
people? The answer seems to be that the bulk of the inhabitants of
North-Eastern India were always simple inoffensive folk, and that it
was only the ruling tribes and families that were addicted to war,
rapine, torture, cruelty, and the religious developments that go with
these. If Assam is undoubtedly still the home of the Tantrik beliefs
which have their centre at the famous shrine of Kamaksa at the old
capital of the Koch monarchs (now known as Gua-hati or Gauhati),
Assam is also the home of the Visnu-ite reform, an attractive and
learned account of which will be found in a paper by Sir Charles
N. E. Eliot, published in the "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society"
for October, 1910. The common people in Assam, the rustic Hindus of
the Brahmaputra Valley, are in temperament and habits very like the
cheerful and smiling Bodo folk among whom Mr. Endle laboured, and of
whom he writes with such frank regard and appreciation. The climate
of the valley is enervating and soft, and any traveller in Assam
can see for himself how the once fierce and warlike Ahom invaders,
who gave its name to the country of Assam, have become as soft and
kindly in disposition as the Kacháris themselves. No more remarkable
instance of the effect of environment on national temperament could
be found anywhere, and the anthropological theories of Dr. Ridgeway
could hardly have a more remarkable support than he might find by
contrasting the semi-savage inhabitants of the Brahmaputra Valley
with the bloodthirsty and warlike tribes in the surrounding mountains,
their neighbours and relatives.

I have only to say, finally, that I have added, as an Appendix to my
old friend's book, a literal interlinear translation of three stories
from my little Collection of Kachári Folk-tales. In adding these I have
followed the example set by Sir Charles Lyall in his monograph on the
Mikirs. By means of this interlinear and word-for-word translation,
the comparative linguist may see for himself how far Kachári is still
a monosyllabic agglutinative language, and how far it has borrowed
the inflectional mechanism of Assamese and Bengali. There has, of
course, been mutual borrowing, and I, for one, do not doubt that the
syntactical peculiarities of Assamese are largely due to the fact
that it is a speech with an Aryan vocabulary spoken by a people who
are largely non-Aryan. Any careful reader of the stories in this book
can see for himself that the Bodo spoken in the Kachári dwars is the
language of a biglot people. Their picturesque agglutinative verb is
plainly a survival of days when the language was as monosyllabic as
Chinese. But the general structure of the language is now governed
by inflections obviously borrowed from Bengali and Assamese.


J. D. Anderson.

Cambridge,
December, 1910.







THE KACHÁRIS

SECTION I

Characteristics, Physical and Moral; Origin, Distribution and Historic
Summary, etc.



[Characteristics.]

I. 1. The people generally known to us as "Kacháris" differ in some
material ways from their Hindu and Musulmán neighbours alike in
things material and moral. They are certainly not a tall or handsome
race, and in general appearance bear some resemblance to the Nepáli,
being as a rule shorter and stouter than the people of North-west
India, though well fitted to bear up against physical fatigue
and hardship. [Physical] In face and figure they show a distinct
approximation to what is known as the Mongolian type, i.e., they have
square set faces, projecting cheek-bones, with almond-shaped eyes,
and scanty beard and moustache, the last-mentioned being often wanting
altogether. In this way they are well fitted for all forms of outdoor
(field and factory) labour that require strength rather than skill,
and may very reasonably be regarded as the "navvies" of Assam.



[Mental.]

2. In mental and intellectual power they are undoubtedly far below
their Hindu neighbours; for they possess neither the quickness of
apprehension, nor the astonishing power of memory, &c., characteristic
of the higher castes among the Hindus. On the other hand, what they do
succeed in mastering, often with much toil and painful effort, they
digest and retain with much tenacity. Among other social and mental
features of character there are two which are seldom wanting to the
"Kachári": (1) he is an intensely clannish being. A fine imposed
on one member of a village community is sometimes paid by the whole
body of villagers together. When employed in any considerable numbers
on a tea factory, the Kachári labourers so employed, resenting some
real or fancied wrong done to one of their number, will often leave
the garden in a body, even though there may be a month's pay due to
every one of them. Again they have (2) no small share of that quality
so powerful for good or evil, according as it is guided into right or
wrong channels, i.e., a certain strength of will, "what their friends
might call firmness, and their enemies might term obstinacy." If they
once make up their minds, and they are abundantly capable of doing
this, to act in a certain way, it is mere waste of time to attempt to
reason them out of their resolution, for nothing short of absolute
and overpowering physical force is of any avail to turn them from
the course they have once for all resolved to adopt and act upon.



[Moral.]

3. As regards the moral character of the Kachári race, those who know
them best will be the first to speak favourably of them. Like many of
the Sub-Himalayan hill tribes, they undoubtedly have a certain weakness
for what may be looked upon as their national beverage (Madh, zu), a
form of rice-beer. Of this, in itself a comparatively harmless liquor
when taken in moderation, they at times consume very large quantities,
especially at weddings, funerals, and at the January and April Bihu
festivals; and more particularly at what is known as the "first eating
of the new rice" (Nowán bhát khoa; Mikham gadàn zánai), which usually
takes place about the middle of December or a little earlier. At this
last-mentioned gathering the writer has sometimes seen well-nigh the
entire population of a Kachári village hors de combat from the effect
of over-indulgence in the national beverage. But they are certainly
not habitual drunkards, and in this matter Kacháris as a rule would
compare not unfavourably with the working man in more civilised lands;
e.g., in England. But apart from this particular failing, one almost
universal among hill tribes on this frontier, it is pleasing to be
able to say that among them are to be found many simple virtues of
great price, i.e., honesty, truthfulness, straightforwardness and a
general trustworthiness deserving of all honour. In illustration of
their simple truthfulness, even when involving serious consequences
to themselves, the writer recalls a story told him some years
ago by an officer in charge of the subdivision of Mangaldai, the
late A. J. Primrose, I.C.S. A Kachári of Sekhár Mauza was brought
before this magistrate on a charge (manslaughter) involving a
very heavy penalty, when he without hesitation admitted his guilt,
though the evidence against him was of the slightest, or at least
utterly insufficient to secure a conviction. The relations of the
sexes too are on the whole of a very sound and wholesome character,
far more so probably than in many countries boasting of a higher
civilisation. Infant marriage is as yet unknown among them, and
so far as the present writer has been able to ascertain during
the past forty years, the young people are as a rule chaste before
marriage and true to their marriage vows in after-life. But it must
be clearly understood that all this holds good of the Kachári in his
simple, patriarchal, village life, and there only. His innocence is
the innocence of ignorance, not the innocence of experience: and he
is as a rule free from certain forms of evil because in his village
life he has never come under any temptation to indulge in them. When
contaminated by civilization, e.g., when brought into contact with
our civil and criminal courts, much of this innocence must inevitably
disappear; and of this sad deterioration of character any man who
has been long in the country, and learnt to know the people well,
must have experienced many melancholy and painful illustrations.



[Origin, &c.]

II. The origin of the Kachári race is still very largely a matter
of conjecture and inference, in the absence of anything entitled to
be regarded as authentic history. As remarked above, in feature and
general appearance they approximate very closely to the Mongolian type;
and this would seem to point to Tibet and China as the original home
of the race. The Garos, a race obviously near of kin to the Kacháris,
have a tradition that in the dim and distant past their forefathers,
i.e., nine headmen, the offspring of a Hindu fakir and a Tibetan woman,
came down from the northern mountains, and, after a halt at Koch-Behar,
made their way to Jogighopa, and thence across the Brahmaputra to
Dalgoma, and so finally into the Garo Hills. It is not easy to say
what degree of value is to be attached to this tradition, but it
does at least suggest a line of inquiry that might well be followed
up with advantage. [2]

It is possible that there were at least two great immigrations from
the north and north-east into the rich valley of the Brahmaputra,
i.e., one entering North-east Bengal and Western Assam through
the valley of the Tista, Dharla, Sankosh, &c., and founding there
what was formerly the powerful kingdom of Kamarupa; and the other
making its way through the Subansiri, Dibong and Dihong valleys
into Eastern Assam, where a branch of the widespread Kachári race,
known as Chutiyás, undoubtedly held sway for a lengthened period. The
capital quarters of this last-mentioned people (the Chutiyás) was
at or near the modern Sadiya, not far from which certain ruins of
much interest, including a copper-roofed temple (Támár ghar), are
still to be seen. It is indeed not at all unlikely that the people
known to us as Kacháris and to themselves as Bada (Bara), were in
earlier days the dominant race in Assam; and as such they would seem
to have left traces of this domination in the nomenclature of some
of the physical features of the country, e.g., the Kachári word for
water (di; doi) apparently forms the first syllable of the names of
many of the chief rivers of the province, such as Diputá, Dihong,
Dibong, Dibru, Dihing, Dimu, Desáng, Diku (cf. khu Tista), &c., and
to these may be added Dikrang, Diphu, Digáru, &c., all near Sadiya,
the earliest known centre of Chutiyá (Kachári) power and civilisation.



[Distribution.]

III. But however this may be, there would seem to be good reason
for believing that the Kachári (Bada) race is a much more widely
distributed one than it was at one time supposed to be. They are
undoubtedly found well outside the limits of modern (political) Assam,
i.e., in North-east Bengal Koch-Behar, &c., and also in Hill Tippera,
where the language of the people gives decisive evidence that they
are of the Bada stock. But apart from these outlying members of the
race, there are within the limits of Assam itself at least 1,000,000
souls, probably many more, who belong to the Kachári race; though
many of the number have of late years become more or less Hinduised,
and have lost the use of their mother tongue. These may perhaps be
conveniently divided into a (1) Northern and (2) a Southern group,
the Brahmaputra being taken roughly as the dividing line, thus:--


    +------------------+--------------+---------------------------+
    |                  |  Approximate |                           |
    |      Name.       |   numbers.   |     Chief habitat.        |
    +------------------+--------------+---------------------------+
    |                                                             |
    |                    I. Northern Group.                       |
    |                                                             |
    |1. Bårå (Kachári) |   272,500    | Western Darrang, Kachári  |
    |                  |              |  Duars, and in North      |
    |                  |              |  Kamrup.                  |
    |2. Rábhá (Totalá) |    31,370    | Golpara.                  |
    |3. Mech (Mes)     |    93,900    |    Do.                    |
    |4. Dhimal         | (See Bryan   | North-east Bengal.        |
    |                  |  Hodgson)    |                           |
    |5. Koch           |    10,300    | On Northern Frontier from |
    |                  |              |  Jalpaiguri to North-west |
    |                  |              |  Darrang.                 |
    |6. Solanimiyas    |15-18 families| Only in Mangaldai         |
    |                  |    only      |  Subdivision.             |
    |7. Mahaliyas    } |              | Western Darrang. All      |
    |   Phulgariyas  } |              |  slightly Hinduised       |
    |   Saraniyas    } |              |  Kacháris.                |
    |                                                             |
    |                   II. Southern Group.                       |
    |                                                             |
    |1. Di-má-sá       |              |                           |
    | "big-water-folk" |    15,931    | North Cachar Hills.       |
    |2. Hojáis         |     2,750    |   Do.       and Nowgong.  |
    |3. Lálungs        |    40,160    | South-west Nowgong and    |
    |                  |              |  adjoining districts.     |
    |4. Garos          |   150,000    | On Garo Hills and at foot |
    |                  |              |  of same.                 |
    |5. Haijongs       |     8,766    | On plains adjoining       |
    |                  |              |  southern slope of the    |
    |                  |              |  Garo Hills.              |
    |6. Hill Tippera   |              |                           |
    | (Tripura) people |   105,850    | Hill Tippera, &c.         |
    +------------------+--------------+---------------------------+


To these may be added one or two smaller communities, e.g., the Moráns
and the Chutiyás in Upper Assam, whose language, not altogether extinct
as yet though apparently dying out rapidly, would seem to prove them
to be closely akin to the Kachári (Bada) race.



[Historic Sketch.]

IV. The only branch of this widely spread race that may be said to
have anything like an authentic history is that settled in what is
known as the once powerful kingdom of Kamarupa (Koch), the reigning
family of which is now represented by the Rajas of Koch-Behar,
Bijni, Darrang (Mangaldai) and Beltola. But on the history of this
(the Western) section of the Kachári race there is no need to dwell,
as it was very effectively dealt with some few years ago. [3] But
the earliest historical notices of the Eastern branch of the race
show that under the name of Chutiyás they had established a powerful
kingdom in the Eastern corner of the Province, the seat of Government
being at or near the modern Sadiya. How long this kingdom existed
it is now impossible to say; but what is known with some degree of
certainty is, that they were engaged in a prolonged struggle with
the Ahoms, a section of the great Shan (Tai) race, who crossed the
Pátkoi Hills from the South and East about A.D. 1228, and at once
subdued the Moráns, Boráhis, and other Kachári tribes living near
the Northern slope of these hills. With the Chutiyás the strife would
seem to have been a long and bitter one, lasting for some 150 or 200
years. But in the end the victory remained with the Ahoms, who drove
their opponents to take refuge in or about Dimápur on the Dhansiri at
the foot of the Naga Hills. There for a time the fugitives were in
comparative security and they appear to have attained to a certain
measure of material civilisation, a state of things to which some
interesting remains of buildings (never as yet properly explored)
seem to bear direct and lasting witness. Eventually, however, their
ancient foes followed them up to their new capital, and about the
middle of the sixteenth century the Ahoms succeeded in capturing
and sacking Dimápur itself. The Kachári Raja thereupon removed his
court to Máibong ("much paddy"), where the dynasty would seem to
have maintained itself for some two centuries. Finally, however,
under pressure of an attack by the Jaintia Raja the Kachári sovereign
withdrew from Máibong to Kháspur in Kachar (circa 1750 A.D.). There
they seem to have come more and more under Hindu influence, until
about 1790 the Raja of that period, Krishna Chandra, and his brother
Govinda Chandra made a public profession of Brahminism. They were both
placed for a time inside the body of a large copper image of a cow,
and on emerging thence were declared by the Brahmins to be Hindus of
the Kshatriya caste, Bhima of Mahabharat fame being assigned to them
as a mythological ancestor. Hence to this day the Darrang Kacháris
sometimes speak of themselves as "Bhim-ni-fsa," i.e. children of Bhim,
though as a rule they seem to attach little or no value to this highly
imaginative ancestry.

The reign of the last Kachári king, Govind Chandra, was little better
than one continuous flight from place to place through the constant
attacks of the Burmese, who finally compelled the unhappy monarch
to take refuge in the adjoining British district of Sylhet. He was,
indeed, reinstated in power by the aid of the East India Company's
troops in 1826, but was murdered some four years later, when his
kingdom became part of the British dominions. His commander-in-chief,
one Tulá Rám, was allowed to remain in possession of a portion of
the subdivision now known as North Cachar, a region shown in old maps
of Assam as "Tula Ram Senapati's country." But on the death of this
chieftain in 1854, this remaining portion of the old Kachári Raj was
formally annexed to the district of Nowgong.

As regards this last-mentioned migration, i.e., from Maibong to Kháspur
about A.D. 1750, and the conversion to Hinduism which soon followed it,
it would seem that the movement was only a very limited and restricted
one, confined indeed very largely to the Raja and the members of his
court. The great majority of his people remained in the hill country,
where to this day they retain their language, religion, customs,
&c., to a great extent intact. It is not improbable, indeed, that
this statement may hold good of the earlier migrations also, i.e.,
those that resulted from the prolonged struggle between the Ahoms
and the Chutiyás. When as a result of that struggle the defeated race
withdrew first to Dimápur and afterwards to Máibong, it is not unlikely
that the great body of the Chutiyás (Kacháris) which remained in the
rich valley of Assam came to terms with their conquerors (the Ahoms)
and gradually became amalgamated with them, much as Saxons, Danes,
Normans, &c., slowly but surely became fused into one nationality in
the centuries following the battle of Hastings. In this way it may
well be that the Kachári race were the original autochthones of Assam,
and that even now, though largely Hinduised, they still form a large,
perhaps the main, constituent element in the permanent population of
the Province. To this day one often comes across villages bearing
the name of "Kachárigaon," the inhabitants of which are completely
Hinduised, though for some considerable time they would seem to have
retained their Kachári customs, &c., unimpaired. It may be that,
whilst the great body of the Chutiyá (Kachári) race submitted to their
Ahom conquerors, the stronger and more patriotic spirits among them,
influenced perhaps by that intense clannishness which is so marked a
feature in the Kachári character, withdrew to less favoured parts of
the Province, where their conquerors did not care at once to follow
them up; i.e., the Southern section of the race may have made its way
into the districts known as the Garo Hills and North Cachar; whilst
the Northern section perhaps took up its abode in a broad belt of
country at the foot of the Bhutan Hills, still known as the "Kachári
Duars," a region which, being virtually "Terai" land, had in earlier
days a very unenviable reputation on the score of its recognised
unhealthiness. And if this view of the matter be at all a sound one,
what is known to have happened in our own island may perhaps furnish
a somewhat interesting "historic parallel." When about the middle of
the fifth century the Romans finally withdrew from Britain, we know
that successive swarms of invaders, Jutes, Danes, Saxons, Angles,
&c., from the countries adjoining the North and Baltic seas, gradually
overran and occupied the richer lowland of what is now England, driving
all who remained alive of the aboriginal Britons to take refuge in
the less favoured parts of the country, i.e., the mountains of Wales
and the highlands of Scotland, where many of the people of this day
retain their ancient mother speech: very much as the Kacháris of
Assam still cling to their national customs, speech, religion, &c.,
in those outlying parts of the Province known in modern times as the
Garo Hills, North Cachar and the Kachári Duars of North-west Assam.



[Final Separation of Northern and Southern]

V. It may perhaps be asked how a people so clannish and united as the
Kacháris are well known to be, should ever become so widely separated
as the Western (Bara) and Southern (Dimásá) sections now undoubtedly
are. The separation would seem to be almost final and complete. The
writer, e.g., has often tried [Sections of the race.]  to ascertain
if the Kacháris of the Northern Duars retained any tradition of ever
having been subject to the Raja of Dimápur; but up to the present time
no trace of any such tradition has come to light. Intermarriage between
the two sections of the race is apparently quite unknown; indeed, the
barrier of language would of itself probably go far to prevent such
intermarriage: for although the two languages have much in common,
yet in their modern form they differ from each other nearly as much
as Italian does from Spanish; and members of the two sections of the
race meeting each other for the first time would almost certainly fail
to understand each other's speech. Perhaps the following tradition,
[4] which apparently describes one of the closing scenes in the
prolonged struggle between the Chutiyá Kacháris and the Ahoms, may
go some way to account for the wide separation between the Northern
and Southern sections of the race. The story is as follows:--Long,
long ago the Dimásá fought against a very powerful tribe (the Ahoms),
and being beaten in a great pitched battle, the king with all his
forces retreated. But presently further retreat was barred by a wide
and deep river, which could in no way be crossed. The Raja, being thus
stopped by a river in front and an enemy behind, resolved to fight
once more the next day, unless the problem of crossing the river could
be solved. With this determination he went to sleep and had a dream
in which a god appeared to him and promised to help him. The god said
that early next morning the king with all his people must boldly enter
the river at a spot where he would see a heron standing in the water,
and walk straight across the river, but no one must look back. Next
morning a heron was found, sure enough, standing in the water near the
bank; and the king, remembering his dream, led his people to the spot
and went into the water, which they found had shoaled enough to form
a ford and allow them to wade across. In this way he crossed with a
great part of his people. But still all had not crossed. There were
some on the other bank and some in the middle of the river, when a
man among the latter wondering whether his son was following him,
looked back, with the result that the water at once got deep and
every one had to save himself as best he could; while the men on
the other bank, having no chance of crossing, dispersed. They who
were caught in the middle of the river had to swim for their lives,
and were washed down to different places. Some saved themselves by
catching hold of Khágris (rushes) growing on the bank, and are to this
day called Khágrábária. Others caught hold of nals (or reeds) and are
thus called Nalbárias. The Dimásá are the people who crossed in safety.

It is fairly obvious that the Oriental love for the grotesquely
marvellous has had no small share in the development of this tradition;
but whilst making all due allowance for this, the writer ventures to
think that the tradition itself is not altogether without a certain
historic value. It probably represents the closing scenes in the
protracted struggle for supremacy between the Ahoms and the Chutiyás
(Kacháris) when the latter, finally beaten, endeavoured to escape
their foes by crossing the Brahmaputra to the South bank, using for
that purpose whatever material was at hand, e.g., rude dug-out boats
(khel náu), extemporised rafts (bhel), &c. The student of Assam history
will remember that a like mishap befell Mir Jumla's expedition for
the conquest of Assam; Rangpur, Ghergaon, &c., when a violent storm
or sudden rise in the river carried away or sunk the boats containing
his ammunition and other stores, and he was compelled to come to terms
with the Ahom rulers. A sudden storm or rapid rise in the river may
have prevented many of the fugitives from crossing, and these would
perforce have fallen into the hands of the Ahoms. The latter, acting
on the principle "Divide et impera," may have forced their captives to
take up their abode in the unhealthy (Terai) country now known as the
"Kachári Duárs," and further may have prohibited any communication
between the two severed fragments of the conquered race, which would
thenceforth naturally drift further asunder, until the separation
became as complete as it remains to this day.







SECTION II

Social and Domestic Life


[Dwellings, houses, &c.]

In their domestic life, the Kacháris of this district (Darrang) do not
differ very materially from their Hindu neighbours, to the subordinate
castes of whom they are no doubt very closely allied. The houses are
of the usual type, one-storied only, the walls being of ekrá reed or
of split bamboo, and the roof of thatch fastened by cane. Each hut
commonly contains two rooms, one for eating, &c., and the other for
sleeping. There is no trace here of the practice which prevails among
some tribes of the Province who are undoubtedly very nearly related to
the Kacháris, i.e., the provision of bachelor-barracks (Dekáchángs),
where all the young unmarried men of the village have to sleep apart
from the dwellings of settled householders. It is probable, indeed,
that this custom formerly obtained here, but all trace of it seems
to have passed away long since.



[Villages.]

A Kachári village is as a rule much more compact than a Hindu one,
the houses being built more closely together. Usually, too, there is
comparatively little foliage in the way of trees, &c.; and occasionally
even something like a street separates the two or more lines of houses
which compose a village. One prominent feature in the typical Kachári
village cannot fail to strike the attention of any casual visitor at
first sight. Each house, with its granary and other outbuildings, is
surrounded by a ditch and fence, the latter usually made of ekrá reeds,
jungle grass or split bamboo, &c. The ditch, some three or four feet
in depth, surrounds the whole homestead, the earth taken from it being
thrown up on the inner side, i.e., that nearest to the dwelling-house;
and on the earthworks, some two or three feet in height, so thrown
up are firmly inserted the reeds or split-bamboo work forming the
fence itself, this latter often inclining outwards at a very obtuse
angle; so that the ditch and fence are not easily surmounted from the
outside by would-be intruders. A Kachári village usually abounds in
domestic live-stock of various kinds, e.g., ducks, fowls, goats, pigs,
cattle, &c.; and it can hardly be doubted that the fence and ditch
above spoken of are largely intended to prevent the cattle, pigs,
&c., from getting into the rice-fields at night, and so doing serious
damage to the paddy and other crops. With the abundance of live-stock,
especially hogs, reared and kept by the Kacháris, it need hardly be
said that the villages can scarcely be described as being cleanly;
though as a rule they do not differ so much as might be supposed in
this respect from their Hindu neighbours, separate buildings being
provided for the pigs, goats, &c., at an appreciable distance from
the family dwelling-house.




Furniture, Implements and Utensils

Little need be said under this head, as the equipment of the Kachári
householder for dealing with domestic or field work is almost identical
with that of his Hindu neighbours. But it may be stated that in a
Kachári house there will usually be found an exceptionally large
number of earthenware vessels (pottery, &c.) which are used freely
and frequently in the preparation and distribution of the much-prized
rice-beer (Zu).



[Occupation, crops, &c.]

Agriculture is still the great industry of the Kacháris of this
district, both the hot weather (áus) and the cold season (sáli)
varieties of rice being largely cultivated, especially the latter. In
carrying out this work the people show both application and skill,
so much so, that, failing some very overwhelming convulsion of Nature,
it would seem to be hardly possible that a famine could take place in
the Kachári Duars. This part of the district is abundantly supplied
with water by the numerous streams issuing from the lower spurs of
the Bhutan Hills, streams which for the most part flow in very shallow
beds, and therefore admit of being easily used for irrigation purposes,
whenever the seasonal rainfall may be at all scanty. Moreover,
the people are especially skilful in the construction of irrigation
canals and earthwork embankments for diverting water from river-beds
into their rice-fields: and their efforts in this direction are very
largely aided by their closely clannish organisation. Whenever the
rainfall threatens to be below the average, the village headman with
his associated elders fixes on the spot whence water is to brought
from the nearest river to the rice-fields. At this spot very rude and
primitive shelters of jungle grass, &c., are put up: and here all the
manhood strength of the village, each man armed with hoe, dao, &c.,
are compelled to take up their abode until the necessary work has been
fully carried out. In this way it will be obvious that the Kacháris
have a highly efficient and very inexpensive "Public Works Department"
of their own; and vigorous efforts of self-help of this character
would seem to be worthy of high commendation and hearty support.

But it is not only in constructing embankments and irrigation canals,
&c., that the people work together in this way. Very much the same
plan is adopted in carrying out other enterprises in the success
of which all are alike interested, e.g., in harvesting the great
cold weather rice-crop in December and January each year. When this
important work is in full swing, it is but rarely that the owner of
a rice-field is found cutting his paddy alone and single-handed. He
summons his neighbours to come and help him in this work--a summons
which usually meets with a ready and cheerful response. It is quite
common to see in December and January organised bodies of labourers,
varying in number from ten to fifty or more, all in line and busy with
the sickle in one man's field at the same time. Every man as a rule
works for the time being at high pressure, his toil being lightened
by much merry talk and laughter, and many jests and jokes--these last,
it must be admitted, not always of a highly refined character. There is
a pleasing absence of the mercenary element in the whole transaction;
for as a rule no money payments whatever are made to the workers. On
the other hand, the wife of the proprietor of the rice-field is almost
always present in person, and busies herself in keeping ever ready
an abundant supply of wholesome and highly appetising cooked food,
to be eaten on the spot, the nearest grove of plantain trees providing
ready-made plates and dishes. Her post is no sinecure, as the hungry
reapers make very frequent raids on the good things she provides; and
she has above all to be careful to see that the much prized rice-beer
(Zu) shall be at all times forthcoming in unstinted quantity. Her lord
and master is usually content to wield a sickle with the reapers,
like Boaz of old; and, of course, he holds himself ready to lend
a hand in the same unpaid fashion in carrying out his neighbours'
harvesting operations, whenever his services in this direction may be
called for. This whole system of mutual help in time of pressure is
a marked feature of Kachári social and domestic life, and tends in
no small degree to develop and strengthen that clannish temperament
of which it may be considered to be in some sense the natural outcome.



[Crops, &c.]

Rice, roughly classified as the larger and the smaller grains (maimá
and maisá), is here, as elsewhere, the chief object of the peasant's
skill and labour; but other crops are not wanting, e.g., pulse,
gathered in December, cotton, sugar-cane in limited quantities,
tobacco, &c. Of this last-mentioned article there are two distinct
varieties commonly grown, i.e., country tobacco and Burmese [5] (Mán)
tobacco, the latter commanding the higher price in the market. All
surplus produce finds a ready sale among the ever-growing numbers
of imported labourers on tea estates, many of whom are consumers of
Kachári rice-beer or less harmless liquors, and who in consequence
fraternise readily with their Kachári neighbours. In this way the
average Bodo peasant is a very well-to-do person in worldly things,
the more so because the Kachári labourer is in great demand as a
factory worker. Where there are three or four brothers in a family
in Western Assam, it is quite usual for one, perhaps two, of the
number to remain at home to cultivate the paternal acres, whilst the
other brothers make their way to tea estates in Upper Assam for the
manufacturing season, often doing double tasks day after day, and
returning to the family fold in the autumn with a large and liberal
supply of lightly earned rupees at each man's disposal.



[Food, &c.]

As regards his food, the Kachári is as a rule by no means limited and
restricted, like his Hindu and Musulmán neighbours. On the contrary,
he enjoys and practises a freedom in this respect which no doubt goes
far to account for his often magnificent physique. With the exception
of beef he denies himself almost nothing. His great delicacy is pork;
and a Kachári village usually swarms with pigs in almost every possible
stage of growth. These animals are often exposed for sale at fairs and
markets in the Kachári country. There is, however, one common article
of food, which no orthodox old-fashioned Kachári will ever touch, i.e.,
milk. When questioned as to the ground of his objection to milk as an
article of food, he usually says that he is unwilling to deprive the
calf of its natural support, though the real reason is probably of
another character. [6] This prejudice against the use of milk would
now, however, seem to be passing away; and some of the Kachári lads
attending the writer's Training Class at Tezpur now partake freely
of this natural and sustaining food.

Among other delicacies of the Kachári is what is known as dried
fish (na gran), [7] i.e., the very small fish left on the surface
of inundated land after the water has subsided. This is collected
in large quantities near the banks of the Brahmaputra, and carried
northwards to the Kachári Duars, where it is exchanged for rice and
silk (eri), &c. This small fish is not cured or prepared in any way,
but simply dried in the sun; and is very far from being attractive
to the eye or the nose, especially to the latter. Nevertheless, it
is greatly prized by the Kachári peasant as a welcome and savoury
addition to his somewhat monotonous daily fare; nor does the free
use of this hardly inviting article of food seem to be attended by
any very injurious results to the physical well-being of those who
largely and liberally use it.



[Hunting, fishing.]

The Kachári often varies his diet by adding to it the proceeds of
the chase and by fishing in the numerous shallow hill-streams in
which his country abounds. Deer and wild pigs are frequently caught,
sometimes by the use of large nets, enclosing a considerable extent
of grass land in which some keen eye has detected the presence of the
much-prized game. The net is gradually contracted until the prey comes
within the reach of some stout Kachári arm, when blows from club or dao
speedily bring its career to a close. In this, as in almost all else,
the Kachári is clannish and gregarious in what he does; and regular
hunting parties are duly organised to carry out the work in hand. Much
the same system is observed in conducting fishing operations, though
here the leading part is commonly taken by the women. On certain
prearranged dates, the women of a village, sometimes of a group
of villages, will fish a certain stream, or a number of streams,
for a distance extending over several miles. The fishing implements
used are of a very simple character, and are commonly prepared from
materials found in almost every village. Nets are but rarely employed,
as the water in these hill-streams is in the cold weather, i.e., the
fishing season, usually very shallow, rarely exceeding two or three
feet in depth. The implements commonly used are mainly two, i.e., (1)
the zakhái [8] and (2) the palha, the former being employed chiefly,
but not exclusively, by women; and the latter by men. Both implements
are made of split bamboo work fastened together with cane. The zakhái
is a triangular basket, open at one end, the three triangular sides
closing to a point at the other. The whole is attached to a bamboo
handle some three or four feet in length. Grasping this handle firmly,
the holder enters the river, usually only two or three feet deep, and
lowers the basket to the bottom, keeping the open end in front of her
person; and then making a splashing with her feet, she endeavours to
drive her prey into the open mouth of the basket, which is then quickly
lifted and its contents rapidly transferred to the fish-basket. The
system seems to be a very simple and even a clumsy one, but is far from
being wholly ineffective. Armed with this zakhái, a number of women,
sufficient to extend across the entire width of the stream, enter the
river together, whilst another party commence operations fifty or a
hundred yards away. The two parties work steadily towards each other,
so that such fish as are not caught en route are gradually driven
into an ever-narrowing stretch of water: and as a rule not many fish
would seem to escape. The whole scene is a very merry one, accompanied
with much laughter and pleasing excitement; and more particularly,
as the two parties of fish-catchers approach each other, and the fish
make frantic efforts to escape their doom, the fun becomes fast and
furious. A fish-catching expedition of this kind is invariably looked
upon as a village holiday, the entire population not infrequently
taking an active part in it.

A second popular method of catching fish is the use of the palha, which
is not very unlike an ordinary circular hen-coop. It is made of split
bamboo fastened together by cane-work, and is about 4 or 4-1/2 feet
in height and about 3 feet in diameter at the base. The upper portion
is drawn somewhat closely together, leaving an open space at the top
sufficient to allow the admission of a man's hand, the whole structure
being quite light and easily manipulated by one hand. Armed with this,
the fisherman quietly enters the shallow water at any likely spot,
and whenever his quick eye detects the presence of prey, the palha is
at once placed over it, the lower surface of the basket-work closely
clutching the ground, and the fish so enclosed are then withdrawn by
the hand through the opening in the upper part of the instrument. This
too, like the zakhái, seems a very primitive, unsuitable contrivance,
but in the hands of men trained to its use from earliest childhood
it is quite capable of being made to bring about very useful results.

A third instrument used by Kacháris in fish-catching is a small,
pointed, metallic spearhead attached to a light bamboo. This is thrust
rapidly and firmly into soft mud or other like places where eels,
&c., are supposed to be concealed; and the fisherman occasionally
succeeds in transfixing and drawing out one or more of these, which
form a welcome addition to his daily diet.



[Rice-beer (Zu), its preparation, &c.]

In common with many other non-Aryan tribes on this frontier, e.g., the
Nágás, &c., the Kacháris of Darrang habitually consume large quantities
of what is usually known as rice-beer (Zu, Záu). It can hardly be
said to be a beverage in daily use, for it is only prepared when
specially wanted for immediate consumption. An essential ingredient
in the preparation of this most popular form of refreshment is the
condiment known as emáo [9] which is usually composed of at least
three, and sometimes four, distinct elements. To a definite proportion
of husked rice is added (1) the jack-tree leaf and (2) that of the
jungle plant known as bhetai, and in some cases the poison-fern,
though this last-mentioned does not seem to be really necessary. All
these ingredients are vigorously pounded together into a powder,
which is then passed through a very fine sieve, at least once and
sometimes twice. The powder so prepared is then mixed with water so
as to make a more or less tenacious paste, and this again is divided
into portions sufficient to form solid discs, about three inches in
diameter, and one inch thick in the centre, with thin edges. These
discs are sprinkled freely with powder from similar discs of some weeks
standing, and are for a short time kept covered up in rice-straw. They
are then placed on a bamboo platform inside the house for some four
days, and are afterwards exposed freely to the hot sun for another
four or five days, so as to become thoroughly dry. Finally they find
their way into an earthenware water-vessel, which is kept suspended
at a distance of several feet over the fireplace though they would
seem to need no direct exposure to the action of fire-heat; and here
they remain until required for use.

As mentioned above, rice-beer is not used as a daily beverage, but
is prepared as required, especially for use at marriages, funerals,
harvest homes and other occasions that break the monotony of village
life. A common method of preparation is as follows:--A quantity of
selected rice, about 3 or 4 seers, is carefully boiled in an iron or
brass cooking vessel, the contents of which are then spread out on a
bamboo mat and allowed to become cold. Two cakes of the emáo described
above are then broken up into powder, which is carefully mixed with
the boiled rice; and the whole is then stored in a thoroughly dry
earthenware vessel (kalas). This vessel with its contents is then
placed upon a platform some five feet high over a slow fire, in which
position it is allowed to remain for some three or four days, the mouth
of the vessel remaining open for the first day or two, though it is
afterwards covered. It only then remains to add water ad libitum,
and to pour out the beer, after well shaking the vessel, through
a rude straining apparatus composed of rice-straw. It is said that
the direct action of fire is not really needed in the preparation of
this beer and that exposure to the sun is sufficient for the purpose,
though the application of fire undoubtedly quickens the process. Rice
prepared in this way may be kept in the earthenware vessel for six
or twelve months, a fresh supply of boiled rice and condiment (emáo)
being added to the old from time to time; but the beer is rarely kept
in this way for any very prolonged period, though its quality is said
to be improved by such keeping.

It may perhaps be added that the beverage so prepared would seem
to be a thoroughly wholesome or at least a comparatively harmless
one. Very large quantities are, to the writer's knowledge, sometimes
consumed at a sitting, the consumer's brain apparently remaining wholly
unaffected thereby. There is, however, a far less innocent beverage,
commonly known as phatiká, prepared from this rice-beer by a process
of distillation. This is a raw fiery spirit, somewhat resembling in
taste the crudest possible whisky; and its use might very fittingly
be put under severe restrictions by taxation [10] or otherwise, with
results most beneficial to the physical, mental and moral well-being
of this very interesting race.



[Eri silk culture.]

One of the chief industries, a very profitable one among the Kacháris,
is that of the culture of the silk-worm known as eri, and the
manufacture of the eri cloth. The eri cocoons, which are about 2-1/2
or 3 inches in length, may often be seen suspended, a few feet from the
ground, in long festoons, a thin cord being passed through the base of
the cocoons for this purpose. In this condition the cocoons remain for
some fifteen days, at the end of which period the insects make their
appearance in the butterfly stage. Before they are able to fly away,
they are collected with care and placed in a suitable receptacle;
and at the end of three or four days eggs resembling sago-grains make
their appearance in great numbers. It is said that one insect can
on an average produce from eighty to one hundred such eggs, or even
more. In a further period of fifteen days the eggs are duly hatched,
the new-born insect being at first almost black, from which colour
it passes to brown, and finally to white, at intervals of three or
four days; and at each change of colour the worm is said to cast its
skin in snake-like fashion. Some four days after the last stage is
reached, i.e., about fifteen days after being hatched, the insect may
be expected to set about the formation of its cocoon. To assist it
in this work, small bundles of plantain or mango leaves are loosely
tied together and placed within broad baskets or on bamboo platforms,
and the insects are then carefully placed within these bundles; and
under favourable conditions the cocoon should be fully formed in about
twenty-four hours. The actual formation of the cocoon is preceded
by certain signs, very significant to the Kachári, i.e., the insect
itself refuses food for a short time beforehand and becomes of a light,
brilliant colour; and on handling it gently, a soft, rustling sound,
proceeding from the insect itself, can be distinctly heard. After
being carefully cleaned in water and dried in the sun, the cocoons are
stowed away, usually in an earthenware vessel, until a fitting time,
generally in the dry, cold season, appears for reeling them off, a work
carried out by women and girls. It is said that a Kachári, working
steadily at this occupation, can on an average reel off some 150 or
200 cocoons in a day. During the fifteen days preceding the formation
of the cocoon, the insects' quarters must be kept scrupulously clean,
and food carefully and regularly provided. Its favourite viand is
the eri (castor oil) plant, [11] which gives its name alike to the
insect itself as well as to the silk prepared from its cocoons. But
it also feeds freely on the leaves of certain trees known in Assamese
as Kurungá, Gámári and Sangla, especially the first named of the three.

The loom employed for weaving the eri silk is of very simple
construction, and most, if not all, the material needed for the purpose
can be provided by the villagers themselves from local resources.

The market value of a loom of this character is said to be about five
rupees. It is usually set up on a shady side of the dwelling-house,
or, where this is impracticable, a rude structure of thatch and bamboo
work is provided to shield the weaver from the sun. The actual work is
always carried out either by the lady of the house, or by one of her
grown-up daughters; and it is in every way suitable to women workers,
as it requires very little exertion of physical strength, but only a
certain quickness and readiness of eye and hand. The conditions under
which the industry is carried on are in all respects pleasing and
satisfactory. Indeed, a Kachári woman working placidly and contentedly
at the eri loom, singing quietly to herself in sheer happiness of
heart, offers perhaps one of the most complete illustrations of the
benevolent influence of the Pax Britannica to be found in the wide
realm of India, especially when it is borne in mind that less than
seventy years ago these Kachári Duars were subject to the Bhutan Rajas,
who seem to have harried and plundered the people in the most cruel
and lawless way. Soon after the master of the house, with one or
more grown-up sons, has betaken himself to the rice-fields, and this
he does almost at sunrise, his goodwife seats herself at the loom,
and works away steadily until about 8 or 9 a.m., when she may be seen
carrying a well-cooked and appetising meal, carefully shielded from
rain and sun by plantain leaves, to her goodman, who from an early
hour has been toiling in the fields for the good of the family. This
duty discharged, she resumes her position at the loom for the greater
part of what may remain of daylight. Immediately in front of the loom
there are probably two or three small children (the Kachári race is a
wholesomely prolific one) gambolling and tumbling over each other in
high delight. To these the mother now and then devotes a word or two
of remonstrance, whenever their gambols seem to threaten an infantile
breach of the peace; and she may occasionally rise from her seat to
administer some little corporal chastisement, though always "more
in sorrow than in anger"; but otherwise she devotes herself steadily
and assiduously to the work in hand. It is said that a Kachári woman,
if not greatly or frequently interrupted in her work, can weave about
half a yard each day; and, as this eri cloth, woven in long strips
about two yards wide, can always command a ready sale at about Rs. 2/-
per yard, it will be at once evident that a good worker can in this
way, without neglecting other urgent domestic duties, easily make a
substantial addition to the family income.

The fabric itself (eri cloth), so produced, is one of great value,
especially for use in the cold season, being at once soft and warm
as well as remarkably strong and durable. Of its very great merit in
this last-mentioned respect (durability) the writer has good reason
to hold a very high opinion. Some twelve or fifteen years ago he was
presented with a piece of eri cloth by one Leah Khángkhuáh, a good
Kachári churchwoman, living not far from St. Paul's Mission Church,
at Bengbari, whose payment of her "Church dues" (tithe) took this very
pleasing and highly practical form. The quantity of cloth given (the
donor declined all money payment) was sufficient to make two ample
bed-sheets, and in this character they have been in use now for at
least a dozen years past. During that period they have of course been
subjected to many and frequent barbarous washings; but even the rough
treatment they have so often received at the hands of the Assamese
dhobi has as yet failed to make any impression for injury on the warp
and woof of this sound material; so substantial and conscientious is
the work done by this good Kachári churchwoman and gentlewoman.



[Position, social and domestic, of women.]

Among the Kacháris women do not perhaps occupy quite the same
influential position as seems to be enjoyed by their sisters in the
Khasi Hills, where something like a matriarchate apparently holds
the field of social and domestic life. Still, with this interesting
race the position of the wife and mother is far from being a degraded
one. The Kachári husband and householder has neither sympathy with,
nor tolerance for, that degrading and demoralising creed "which
says that woman is but dust, a soul-less toy for tyrant's lust." On
the contrary, he usually treats his wife with distinct respect, and
regards her as an equal and a companion to an extent which can hardly
be said to be the rule among many of the Indian peoples. Kachári women,
both in early life and as matrons, enjoy a large measure of freedom,
a freedom which is very rarely abused for evil purposes. On being
spoken to on the wayside, the Kachári woman will generally reply at
once with absolute frankness, looking the questioner straight in the
face and yet with the most perfect modesty. It has often happened to
the writer during the last forty years to enter a Kachári village for
preaching purposes, or with a view to opening a school. On asking for
the village headman, that personage is usually not slow in making
his appearance; and after a few friendly words he will, quite as a
matter of course, introduce his wife, and that with no small pride and
pleasure. In discharging this social duty, he will very commonly use
much the same language as may be heard among the working classes in
England. The phrase most common is "Be áng-ni burui," literally "This
(is) my old woman." The words are not used jeeringly at all, but with
much real respect and affection; and are obviously so regarded by the
speaker's life-partner, whose face and features, somewhat homely in
themselves, may often be seen to light up at once with a very pleased
and pleasing smile on hearing herself thus referred to by the sharer
of her life's joys and sorrows. There is, too, another consideration,
not perhaps altogether unknown in other parts of the world, which has
great weight with the Kachári paterfamilias, viz., that his goodwife
for the most part does not a little to provide for the family needs
in the matter of food and raiment. Her prowess at the loom has been
mentioned before; and besides this, the actual planting out of the
young rice-seedlings is for the most part carried through by the
women. And all this is habitually done without in any way neglecting
or slurring over the usual duties more strictly appropriate to the
goodwife and mother.

On the whole it may perhaps be safely said that the social and domestic
life of the Kachári is not without its pleasing and satisfactory
features. It is probably for the most part far sounder and more
wholesome than the life of great cities, whether in Asia or Europe;
and it is with no little dismay and sorrow that the writer would see
any hasty ill-considered attempts made to supplant or override this
simple, primitive, patriarchal life through the introduction of a
one-sided, materialistic civilisation.







SECTION III

Laws and Customs


[Internal Organisation.]

From such information as is available at the present day it a
seems fairly clear that the internal and tribal organisation of the
Kachári (Bara) race rested in early days, very largely at least, on
a totemistic basis, although it is only here and there that any real
regard for the totems can still be said to survive. In primitive
days these subdivisions, all at one time strictly endogamous,
[12] were probably very numerous. But in the case of many of these
sub-tribes all trace of their distinct existence would seem to have
passed away; and no restrictions on the intermarriage of members of
such sub-tribes as still survive are any longer recognised. Among
septs or sub-tribes whose names still to some extent hold the field
may be placed the following:--

1. Swarga-ároi (Swarga = heaven). The heaven-folk. This sub-tribe
is said to be the highest of all; none of its members ever worked
as cultivators, for as a rule all deoris, ojhas, and others who
took a leading part in religious ceremonials, were chosen from this
subdivision; and the offerings made by worshippers were held to be
sufficient for their maintenance.

2. Basumati-ároi (Basumati = earth). The earth-folk. This clan has a
certain privilege not possessed by any other, i.e., its members can
bury their dead without in any way purchasing ground for the grave
or for the erection of the funeral pyre.

3. Mosá-ároi (Mosá = tiger), otherwise known in Darrang as Bagh-l-aroi
(Bagh-l-aroi, the l is probably inserted for reasons of euphony). The
tiger-folk. The members of this sub-tribe claim kindred with  the
tiger, and all the inhabitants of a village peopled by them go into
mourning on hearing that a tiger has died in the neighbourhood.

4. Khángkhlo-ároi. The Khangkhlo-folk. Khangkhlo is apparently the name
of a certain jungle grass, used freely both at religious ceremonials
and at festive gatherings and merry-makings, of which the Kacháris
are very fond.

5. Sibing-ároi (Sibing, sesamum, the Assamese til). The
sesamum-folk. This sub-tribe is said to be the only one which in
olden time was allowed to cultivate sesamum plant, and its members
still hold this plant in special honour.

6. Gándret-ároi (Gándret, a leech or slug, Assamese Kumzeluka). The
leech-folk. This sub-tribe holds the leech in high regard and cannot
under ordinary circumstances kill it; though on occasions of certain
religious ceremonials, e.g., purification after a death in the family,
its members were required to chew a leech with vegetables for a
certain limited period, though apparently only once in a life-time.

7. Nárze-ároi (nárze = jute). The jute-folk. This sub-tribe held jute
in special honour, and on occasions of great religious ceremonials
its members were bound to chew a certain quantity of jute (see No. 6).

8. Doimá-roi (Doimá = a large river) (cf. Dimásá [doimá-sá], the
usual designation of the people of the North Cachar Hills). The
river-folk. These in olden time were the fisherman class, though
its surviving members are now merged among the mass of ordinary
cultivators.

9. Bibiziyá-ároi (Bibína = to beg). The begging-folk. Professional
mendicants having no fixed home or regular occupation, much like the
modern Fakirs, Vairagis, &c.

10. Bing-bing-ároi (Bing-bing, probably an onomatopoetic word
indicating a sound more or less musical). Itinerant musicians,
subsisting on the voluntary offerings of those to whom they
ministered. The writer has occasionally seen one or two members of
this class in Kachári villages.

11. Ding-ároi (dingá = a bamboo water-vessel [Assamese Chungá]). [13]
The dinga-folk. The members of this sub-tribe are said to have formerly
earned their livelihood by making, these bamboo water-vessels.

12. Goi-bári-ároi (goi = the areca-palm [14]). The areca-folk; formerly
devoted to the cultivation of the areca, of which they perhaps held
the monopoly.

In addition to the above sub-tribes, all at one time strictly
endogamous, though now no longer so, the following may be mentioned. It
may be noted that these are recognised, in Kamrup at least, mostly
to the north of the great earthwork embankment known as the "Gossain
Kamla Ali," though the writer has been unable to find any trace of
their separate existence in this (Darrang) district.

13. Rámshároi. Rámshá folk. Rámshá is said to be the name of a Mauza
in Kamrup. [15] It may be noted further that Rám-sá (?Ram's people)
is the name by which the Kacháris living in the plains are known to
their brethren in the North Cachar Hills.

14. Brahm-ároi. Brahma folk. Said to be a quasi-priestly class, found
chiefly in Upper Assam. This name, like the preceding, is obviously
of Hindu origin.

15. Bánhbárá-roi. [16] Bamboo-grove-folk. (Banhbari = Assamese) is
the sacred bamboo grove, found near many Kachári villages, where the
worship of the gods is carried on at certain seasons.

16. Dhekiábári-ároi. (Dhekiá fern), the fern-folk. The totem of
this sub-tribe was probably the fern, still sometimes used in the
preparation of the fatiká spirit.

17. Máómará-roi. The Máó-fish folk, perhaps originally the dwellers
near the Moamári bil. [17]

18. Kherkhathá-roi (Kerketuá, [18] squirrel). The squirrel-folk. Said
to be a low caste and more or less criminal. One of their functions
is to cut the horns of cattle.

19. Fadam-ároi. The fadam folk. The fadam is said to be identical
with the tree known as sáchi in Assamese.

20. Mohilá-roi. Mohilá folk. Mohilá is a word of uncertain origin
and meaning. It is said to be the equivalent of Maháldár, and to
be applied to fishery lessees, and petty traders in areca-nut and
betel-leaves and dried fish (na-gran).

It may perhaps be added that among the Meches in Gowálpárá some sixteen
of these subdivisions are recognised, all formerly exogamous. [19]
In designating these subdivisions the same suffix (ároi or roi)
is used as that characteristic of the Kamrup and Darrang Kacháris:
indeed, the names correspond closely in every respect, e.g.--


        Swarg-ároi,
        Masá-roi,
        Doimá-roi,
        Goibári-roi,


which seems to be practically identical with class-names Nos. 1, 3,
8 and 12, given above.

But it is among the Dimásá of the North Cachar Hills and the Hojais
of the Nowgong district that this minute subdivision of the clans
would seem to attain its highest development. In this portion of the
Bara race some eighty clans are recognised, of whom forty are known as
men's clans (sengfáng) and forty as women's (zulu). All the members of
these different clans eat and drink together freely, and are, or were,
all strictly exogamous. [20] The only exception to this strict rule of
exogamy is that of the so-called royal clan, known as Há-chum-sá, [21]
i.e., "black earth folk," all the members of which were compelled to
marry within their own sub-tribe, marriage with a member of a subject
clan being of old absolutely forbidden. (Cf. the analogous restrictions
enforced by various "Royal Marriage" Acts in other communities.)

In partial explanation of the terms used (their number might probably
be largely added to on further inquiry), it will be observed that
the first two are obviously of Hindu origin, the Kachári affix
ároi (people, folk) being attached to the Sanskrit words Swarga and
Vasumati respectively. Most of the designations applied to the other
sub-tribes merely indicate the occupation, probably hereditary, by
which the members of these sub-tribes obtained their livelihood. But
in almost every case, in these modern days, any special reverence
for the totem has very largely become a thing of the past. There is,
perhaps, one exception to this rule, that of the tiger-folk (Mosároi
or Baghlároi). (The l in this latter word is probably merely euphonic,
so that the two words have exactly the same meaning). Kacháris of the
old-fashioned conservative school still think it a duty to show respect
to their totem (the tiger) by formally going into mourning whenever
they learn that one of these animals has died in the immediate vicinity
of their village. The period of mourning is indeed but a short one,
seldom exceeding twenty-four hours; but during this brief period the
sorrowing would seem to be very real, and not a little material loss
is sometimes involved. No solid food whatever must be taken, in itself
no slight privation to the Kachári, who is as a rule provided with
an ample appetite. At the end of the mourning the floor and walls of
each house must be carefully smeared with a freshly prepared compost
of mud and cow-dung, a work usually carried out by the women. All
articles of clothing, as well as all household utensils made of brass,
must be thoroughly cleansed in running water, whilst all earthenware
vessels except those which are quite new and have never yet been used
for cooking purposes, must be broken up and thrown away. Then one
of the elder members of the community, acting as Deori (minister),
solemnly distributes the "water of peace" (Sánti-Jal) [22] to be
drunk by all in turn; and the buildings themselves and all articles
of clothing, &c., are freely sprinkled with this preparation. The
service is finally consummated by the sacrifice of a fowl or pig,
to be partaken of by all in common; after which relations of ordinary
social intercourse with the neighbours may be quietly resumed.




Marriage, Endogamy, Exogamy

It is said that each of the sub-tribes mentioned above was in early
times strictly endogamous; for though members of all these subdivisions
might freely eat and drink together, intermarriage between them was
absolutely forbidden. But all such restrictions on marriage seem to
have passed away long since, so that the whole subject has nowadays
little more than an antiquarian interest.

No formal hypergamy is recognised, though Kacháris occasionally
take wives from the cognate tribes known as Rábhas (Totlás), Koches
(Madáhis), and Saraniyas, &c. But such alliances are as a rule
not looked upon with favour, and the bridegroom in such cases has
generally to make his peace with his fellow-villagers by providing
them with a feast in which rice-beer (Zu) and pork are certain to
take a prominent place. Children born of such mixed marriages become
in all cases members of the father's subdivision of the Bodo race.

There is little or nothing specially distinctive in the laws
of consanguinity or affinity in their bearing on the marriage
relationship. A widower may marry his deceased wife's younger sister,
but not the elder, whom he is taught to regard conventionally in
the light of a mother. Much the same principle holds good in the
case of the re-marriage of widows, which is freely permitted, the
one limitation being that a widow may marry her deceased husband's
younger brother, but not the elder.




Polygamy

As a rule the Kacháris are a strictly monogamous race, though cases
of men having two wives have occasionally come under the writer's
notice. These cases are, however, almost invariably limited to men of
a somewhat high social position or great wealth, such as Mauzadárs,
Mandals, &c. Where, too, a first wife proves childless, Kachári custom
sanctions the taking of a second, mainly with a view to handing down
the father's name to posterity. On the other hand, polyandry would
seem to be absolutely prohibited, though it is known to prevail in
the adjoining regions of Bhutan, Tibet, &c.




Adoption

Children, more especially orphans, are occasionally adopted, usually
by near relatives, but sometimes by absolute strangers. In such cases
the children so adopted are treated as full members of the family,
and the foster-parents are considered by the community to have done
a highly meritorious act. Several pleasing instances of adoption of
this character have come under the writer's notice, and in all such
cases the adopted children seem to have found a very happy home.




Female Chastity

As stated above, the standard of chastity among the Kacháris,
both men and women, is by no means a low one. As a rule the young
people, in the villages at least, lead pure lives before marriage,
and are faithful to their marriage vows in after-life. In cases where
there are several unmarried girls in a family, and one of them is
suspected of having broken the law of chastity, the following plan for
detecting the offender is sometimes adopted. The whole family gathers
in the evening around the sacred siju tree (Euphorbia splendens),
which is often to be seen growing in the court-yard, surrounded by a
fence of split bamboo. At the foot of this revered tree a quantity
of rice (uncooked) is solemnly buried and allowed to remain there
over night. Early next morning this rice is carefully disinterred,
and a certain quantity given to each grown-up girl (sikhlá) to be
masticated. The offender, under the pressure of the fear of imminent
detection, is unable to masticate her portion of rice, the faculty of
secreting saliva failing her in her terror of discovery and disgrace.

She is then made to disclose the name of her paramour, whom Kachári
public opinion compels to marry his victim forthwith, the bride-price
(pan: see below) being in this case considerably enhanced as some
slight compensation to the girl's parents for the injury done to
the honour of the family. A similar procedure is sometimes resorted
to in cases of suspected theft or other like misdemeanours in the
family circle.

In some cases where the parents are unwilling to part with their
daughter to a prospective son-in-law of somewhat objectionable
character, the matter is referred for decision to the village elders,
who impose a fine of Rs. 20/- to Rs. 25/- on the offender. But whenever
pregnancy follows offences against the law of chastity, marriage
becomes absolutely compulsory, and the seducer is made to feel that
he has brought disgrace upon the village, and is distinctly under a
cloud. In this way a wholesome respect for chastity is maintained,
and Kachári domestic life is kept comparatively pure.




Divorce

Divorce sometimes takes place by mutual consent, but cannot be effected
without a certain formality. Man and wife appear before the village
elders and state their case, concluding by tearing a pan-leaf into
two pieces, fáthoi fesínai, (K.) pán chirá (Assamese), a symbolic act
indicating that, as the sundered leaf can never reunite, so their own
married life is severed for ever. Should the husband divorce his wife
for causes which seem to the village elders inadequate or capricious,
he forfeits all claim to reimbursement of his marriage expenses, and
even when the divorce is approved of, he must pay a certain small sum
(Rs. 5/- to 10/-) for his freedom, the amount being divided between
the village pancháyat and the divorced woman. On the other hand,
if the woman is divorced for just and sufficient reasons, e.g., for
unfaithfulness to her marriage obligations, the injured husband is
entitled to recover whatever he may have expended at his marriage, a
sum amounting sometimes to Rs. 140/- or upwards to Rs. 200/-. The man
who may afterwards marry the divorced woman is held to be responsible
for the payment of this money; and so long as this latter condition
is duly fulfilled, the divorcée is fully at liberty to live with a
second husband.




Inheritance of Property

Among the Kacháris the laws and customs relating to the inheritance of
property seem to be very vague, and it is not at all easy to obtain
any definite information on the subject. Generally speaking, on the
decease of the head of the household the eldest son takes charge of
all property, making a home for the time for his widowed mother and
his brothers and sisters. In this way the family may be kept together
for some years; but eventually it breaks up as the children grow
up and marry, in which case the father's property is broken up into
equal shares, the eldest son taking one share and a half, while what
remains is divided fairly among the other brothers. The daughters,
especially if married, can claim nothing. When a man dies without
sons, the property usually passes to his eldest surviving brother,
who generally makes some provision for the deceased man's widow
and daughters.

Disputes, whether matrimonial or otherwise (e.g., inheritance of
property, &c.), are almost invariably referred to the council of
village elders, whose members are not necessarily limited to five or
other definite number; and the decision of this rural council is very
rarely questioned or opposed in any way. It might be well to develop
and enlarge this simple and very effective way of settling disputes,
so that the villagers may be to a great extent saved from the necessity
of coming under the contaminating, demoralising influence of our civil
and criminal courts. As all the Kacháris of this district (Darrang)
are ordinary cultivators, holding land directly under Government like
their Hindu and Musulman neighbours, no remarks are needed under the
head of "tenure of land, and laws regarding land." So too with the
sections dealing with "war, and head-hunting," it is only necessary
to say that the latter practice (head-hunting) is quite unknown here,
though it would seem to have been very common in earlier days among
the closely cognate race known to us as Garos.







SECTION IV

Religion


[General character of popular beliefs.]

The religion of the Kachári race is distinctly of the type
commonly known as "animistic," and its underlying principle is
characteristically one of fear or dread. The statement "Timor fecit
deos" certainly holds good of this people in its widest and strictest
sense; and their religion thus stands in very marked, not to say
violent, contrast [23] with the teaching of the Faith in Christ. In the
typical Kachári village as a rule neither idol nor place of worship
is to be found; but to the Kachári mind and imagination earth, air,
and sky are alike peopled with a vast number of invisible spiritual
beings, known usually as "Modai," all possessing powers and faculties
far greater than those of man, and almost invariably inclined to use
these powers for malignant and malevolent, rather than benevolent,
purposes. In a certain stage of moral and spiritual development men
are undoubtedly influenced far more by what they fear than by what
they love; and this truth certainly applies to the Kachári race in
the most unqualified way. The Kachári Duars of this district (Darrang)
were in earlier days looked upon as being especially unhealthy, and to
some extent they retain that character still. It has repeatedly fallen
to the lot of the writer, when entering a Kachári village to find one
or more of its inhabitants prostrate with malarial fever of a virulent
type; and on asking what was wrong the reply has very commonly been
"modai [24] hamdang," i.e., an (evil) spirit has got hold (of me). And
this reply may be looked upon as typical and characteristic, and as
accurately expressing the very spirit and true inwardness of Kachári
religion. Of sin, i.e., the conscious violation of the moral Law of
a righteous God, the Kachári has of course no idea whatever. But he
does believe in the existence and active interference in the affairs
of men of certain invisible spiritual beings who are the authors
of sickness, famine, earthquakes, &c.; who are for the most part
influenced by malevolent motives, and whose ill-will towards mankind
must be propitiated and bought off by frequent offerings of rice,
plantains, pigs, goats, poultry, &c., in ways regarding which some
little information is given below.



[Worship of ancestors.]

1. Ancestor-worship would not seem to be in vogue to any extent among
the Kacháris of this district, though perhaps it is not altogether
unknown; e.g., when the head of a family or other man of note passes
away, it is not unusual at certain festivals to place on a platform
a small quantity of the viands of which the deceased was known to
be fond during his lifetime on earth, presumably for his use and
behoof. No adult members of the village community will ever presume
to touch these viands, though the village children are apparently at
liberty to consume them at their pleasure.



[Worship of natural forces.]

2. The worship of natural forces also would seem to be not at all
common, though some traces of it may perhaps be noted here and
there. For instance, (A) in connection with the popular festival
known as the April (Vaisákh) Bihu, there takes place what is called
the "Parwa" show or bhotheli, a festival apparently common to Hindu
and Kachári alike. The parwa is a tall bamboo pole draped with rags,
flags, &c., taken from the village on the last day of the Bihu, and
put up in a field alongside a tree, where the people amuse themselves
by dancing, wrestling, and tom-toming, &c., around it. It is possible
that this may be a relic or survival of phallic worship, the parwa
taking the place of the lingam or phallus. (B) Again, water would seem
to have about it something of a sacred character in the mind of the
average Kachári. The dead are often buried or cremated on or near the
banks of running streams, which are also favourite localities for the
celebration of the greater pujas. This reverence for water is perhaps
specially marked among the Kacháris of North-east Bengal (Jalpaiguri,
&c), in which part of the Province, Mr. Bryan Hodgson informs us,
all the smaller streams are regarded as a kind of lesser deities (dii
inferiores), whilst the Brahmaputra is looked upon as the mother of
them all (mater magna). It may be noted also in this connection that
one of the principal branches of the widely spread Bara race, i.e.,
the people of the North Cachar Hills, still speak of themselves as
Di-má-sá, i.e., "sons of the big river," or "children of the great
water," even though none of them would seem now to dwell anywhere near
a large river or lake, &c. It may therefore perhaps be safely inferred
that the element of water, though now apparently not often actually
worshipped, has ever been held in special regard by the Kachári race.



[Worship of deities.]

The Kachári Pantheon is a very extensive one, though it seems probable
that only a comparatively small number are strictly of tribal or
national origin, many having obviously been borrowed from their
Hindu neighbours. The popular Kachári deities fall naturally into
two classes, i.e., (1) household gods (na-ni madái); (2) village gods
(gámi-ni madái). [25] The former are worshipped inside the house, or
at least in the homestead (compound); the latter by the whole village
collectively, outside the house, and usually near the sacred grove of
trees or bamboos, often to be seen some fifteen or twenty yards from
the village, and known as the thansali. A long list of these gods
is given in an interesting paper by Maulvi Mahibuddin Ahmed, some
nineteen names of household gods being therein enumerated, whilst the
village gods number no fewer than sixty-five. Only a small proportion
of these deities would, however, seem to obtain recognition in this
district (Darrang), and it hardly seems necessary to mention by name
more than a few of them.




A. Household Deities.

Among the household deities may be placed the following:--


    1. Bátháu brai, old Bátháu.
    2. Maináo, otherwise known as Bhulli Buri, and looked upon
       as Bátháu's wife.
    3. Ásu Maináo.
    4. Sáli Maináo.
    5. Song Rájá.
    6. Song Brái.
    7. Burá Bágh Rájá, &c., &c., &c.



1. Bátháu (Siju, i.e., Euphorbia splendens).

Of these household gods by far the most important is the
first-mentioned, i.e., Bátháu, who is pre-eminently the guardian of
the family interests and family honour. He is never represented in
idol form, but is well in evidence through his living symbol, the
siju (hiju) tree (Euphorbia splendens), which is often to be seen
in the Kachári homestead surrounded by a circular fence of split
bamboo. Among the Meches of Goalpara, almost every home, it is said,
has its Bátháu (siju), though in Darrang it is less frequently met
with. Bátháu is said not to be worshipped separately, but always in
conjunction with Ai-Deo. Inside the house a slightly raised altar,
called dhám, is often erected in honour of Song Rájá, and at this women
especially pay their devotions and make offerings, particularly at the
monthly periods (menses). All offerings, however, made to Song Rájá
are finally brought outside the house, and laid at the foot of Bátháu;
and the writer has often seen such offerings in the form of heads of
goats, pigs, fowls, &c., as well as plantains, támul-nuts, pán-leaves,
gazi (i.e., a mixture of rice and pulse), &c., humbly laid down for
Bátháu's acceptance. In this way it is held that disease, famine,
and misfortunes of all kinds may be kept at bay, through the influence
of this powerful guardian of the family interest and well-being.

It may be added that it is apparently only among the northern section
of the Kachári race that the siju tree is regarded with special
reverence. The Garos are said to know this tree and to use certain
parts of it for medical purposes e.g., the preparation of poultices,
&c.; but to them it is never an object of worship. The Dimásá of the
North Cachar Hills, on the other hand, seem to have no special regard
for the siju or any other tree.



2. Maináo (Ceres).

Only second to Bátháu is his good consort, Maináo, though, unlike
her husband, she has no special emblem visible to the human eye. Her
special function is that of "Guardian of the rice-fields"; [26]
and among a purely agricultural community like that of the Kacháris,
she of course is held in very high regard. She is, in short, to the
Kachári peasant very much what Ceres was to the old heathen Roman
cultivator. Eggs are the offering that finds most favour in her eyes,
and these are presented to her in unstinted quantity. She is apparently
especially worshipped at the period of harvesting the ásu and sáli
crops; hence the twofold designation given above (Nos. 3 and 4,
household gods), Ásu Maináo, and Sáli Maináo.

Of the other domestic deities above mentioned, it is not necessary
to say much. Nos. 5 and 6 (Song Rájá and Song Brái) seem to be the
especial objects of devotion to women, worshipped for the most part
inside the house, whilst No. 7 (Burá Bágh Rájá) is apparently merely
the name of the tiger, often spoken of with bated breath as the
"monarch of the woods" (banar-rájá), especially by men travelling at
night, when danger from the tiger may well be apprehended.




B. Village Deities.

There would seem to be little need to dwell much on the village
deities; for no small proportion of them have evidently been adopted
from the Hindu Pantheon, as will be obvious from the names given
below. Some sixty-five such names are given in the valuable paper
above mentioned of village deities recognised in Kamrup, though the
writer only knows of some three or four of these gods as reverenced
in this district (Darrang). Among these may perhaps be mentioned
the following:--


     1. Mero rájá.
     2. Burá Mahádeo.
     3. Burá gosain.
     4. Jal Kubér.
     5. Thal Kubér.
     6. Ih Kubér.
     7. Bih Kubér.
     8. Kuber brai (masculine).
     9. Kuber brui (feminine).
    10. Sila Rai, &c., &c., &c., &c.


It is needless to continue the list, for almost all the names
are obviously borrowed from popular Hinduism; e.g., Kuber is
almost certainly the Hindu god of wealth and of the lower regions
(Pluto). Others are in all likelihood merely names of deified mortals
of some pre-eminence above their fellow men; cf. Ram, Krishna, &c. A
notable illustration of this principle of deification is probably
that given as No. 10 in the above list, i.e., Sila Rai. [27] This is
almost certainly the name of the well-known Commander-in-Chief of the
most famous of the Koch Kings, Nar Narayan, in whose time the Koch
kingdom reached the zenith of its power. As a soldier and commander
this man (Sila Rai) seems to have been the foremost captain of his
time in North-east India; and his striking personality would seem so
to have impressed the minds and imaginations of his contemporaries
as to lead to his apotheosis after death.

As might be expected among a purely agricultural community, the great
annual pujas, which are three in number, are directly connected with
the ingathering of the three chief rice crops of the year, i.e., the
Áhu, Pharma, and Sáli crops. The dates for these annual pujas do not
seem to be at all rigidly fixed, but are apparently settled by the
village elders to meet the public convenience. There is no prescribed
form of religious worship; indeed, the whole gathering is rather of
the nature of a village merry-making than a religious service; and
there is invariably a very large consumption of the national beverage
(rice-beer) at all these gatherings.

There is said to be another puja known as morong-puja, of which the
special object is to propitiate the cholera demon, to whom are made
offerings of he-goats, pigeons, fowls and betel-nuts, &c. In addition
to these, flowers, eggs, pounded rice-flour, &c., are sometimes
placed on rafts and set afloat on a river; and occasionally animals
(goats, &c.) are exposed in this way on rafts as an oblation to the
river god (doi-ni madai). [28] It may be taken for granted that,
whenever these rafts are found on streams in the Kachári country,
cholera or other malignant disease is or has been doing its deadly
work among the people. In addition to the pujas above mentioned,
which are more or less of a general character, offerings of goats,
chickens, and a mixture of pulse and rice known as gazi, are often
placed at the foot of certain trees, usually old trees, and finally
left there. As a rule, only the heads of the goats, chicken, &c.,
so offered will be found at the foot of such trees, the bodies of the
slaughtered animals being consumed by the offerers. These oblations
are made, not by the village community as a whole, but by the heads
of individual families, some one member of which is in severe trouble
from sickness or other like cause. The money value of such offerings
is sometimes not inconsiderable.




Priesthood

There is no authorised priestly caste among the Kacháris, nor are
Brahmins ever employed in their religious ceremonies, these latter
indeed being generally of a social, and even festive, rather than
a religious character. In Kamrup, however, one of the recognised
sub-tribes is, or was, known as "Brahmaroi," a name which seems
to point to Brahmins as having a certain standing in the Bådå
community. All religious offices are now discharged by Deoris or
Deodáis, who are usually men of a certain age and recognised social
position in the village community; village elders in fact. The office
is not hereditary, and any one versed in the usual forms of exorcism,
&c., can discharge it. Another class of persons employed in religious
ceremonies is known as the Ojhá or Ojhá-Burá, who is generally armed
with shells, cowries, &c., by the manipulation of which he professes
to be able to foretell prosperity or the reverse to those who consult
him. These officials are supposed to be competent to deal with the
ordinary ailments of village life by indicating the approximate method
of propitiating the offended deity (modai), whose anger is held to
be the cause of all the ills that flesh is heir to.

But in times of special emergency, e.g., plague, pestilence, famine,
&c., the services of the "possessed" woman, [29] the Deodáni, are
called into action for a special puja organised on a somewhat large
scale. These gatherings are not very common, but when they do occur
the order of the proceedings is something as follows, as occasionally
witnessed by the writer. A piece of ground about fifteen or twenty
yards square, usually on the bank of a running stream, is selected for
the purpose. The surface of the soil is carefully removed, and a rude
screen of cotton cloth some six or eight feet high erected on bamboos
at the western side of the cleared ground. At the eastern side a slight
earthwork embankment, some three or four inches high and about a foot
broad is thrown up; and on this a number of figures, usually seven
or nine, but always an odd number, bearing a rude resemblance to the
outlines of the human form, are placed in an upright position. These
figures are roughly made of jungle grass twisted together, and are
about one foot in height. Before each figure is placed a layer of
the plantain tree with its concave side upwards, and in this are
deposited the heads of slaughtered goats, pigeons, chickens, with
salt, sugar-cane, plantains, gazi (a mixture of rice and pulse),
&c., the whole being freely sprinkled with blood and pounded rice
flour (pitháguri). The Deodáni, a somewhat weird-looking figure,
with dishevelled hair, and vermilion-stained forehead, wearing a
long petticoat, dances up and down to and fro before these figures,
keeping time roughly with the music of cymbals and tom-toms played
by four or five men, who act as her assistants. The ceremony is a
prolonged one, often extending over many hours: and the Deodáni,
whose faculties are apparently quite absorbed in what she is doing
and who seems for the time to be lifted above the world of time and
sense, gradually works herself up to a state of excitement bordering
on frenzy. At this stage, which is only slowly attained, a goat is
brought forward and taken up before one of the figures above mentioned,
when the Deodáni, with one stroke of the long sacrificial sword, known
as the imfi and reserved exclusively for such purposes, severs the
victim's head from the body. Most of the blood is held to be offered
in sacrifice to the madái, before whose emblem the animal has been
slaughtered; but some part is said to be sprinkled on the persons of
the assembled worshippers. It is at this climax of the puja, i.e.,
at the sacrificial slaughtering of the goat, that the Deodáni is
supposed to become possessed of the knowledge she is in search of,
i.e., the name of the offended deity who has brought about the plague,
&c., and also the best method of propitiating his anger; which usually
involves an offering of pigs, goats, &c., to the angered god, and the
giving of a feast to the whole village community, the expense being
defrayed by a general contribution.




1. Ceremonies Attending Birth.

In a Kachári village community there would seem to be no formally
recognised midwives (dháis), any respectable and competent matron
being at liberty to give attendance and assistance to the patient
in such cases. In severing the umbilical cord no scissors, knife,
or other implement of steel is ever used, nor is the severance
effected at one stroke, but in a succession of slight cuts, seven
such cuts being made in the case of a girl, and only five in that of
a boy. The cutting instruments consist of thin hard strips of bamboo,
[30] shaped roughly into the form of a knife; and a separate bamboo
knife must be used in making each slight cut, seven such knives being
thus made use of for a female child and five for a male. It is not
unusual for one of the bystanders to give a name to the newly-born
child at the severing of the umbilical cord. The good matron who
officiates as midwife receives no money payment for her services,
but on the  mother becoming convalescent a feast is given at the
parent's expense, in which pork and other flesh meat is always present
in abundance; and at this feast the officiating midwife is accorded
the place of honour, as some recognition of the value of her kindly
ministrations in her neighbour's hour of trial and need.

For about a month or six weeks, (the period seems to vary within
these limits) after giving birth to a child, the mother is held
to be technically "unclean," and is subjected to certain social
and religious limitations; e.g., she may not approach the dhám or
domestic altar commonly found inside a Kachári's dwelling-house,
and on which she is ordinarily in the habit of making offerings of
eggs, chickens, &c., in times of trouble. This period of ceremonial
uncleanness is usually terminated by the use of the water of peace
(sánti-jal). The deori freely sprinkles the mother as well as the
house and its contents with this holy water, after which she is fully
at liberty to resume social intercourse with her neighbours. [31]




Naming.

There does not seem to be any special principle underlying the giving
of names to children, nor do such names as a rule resemble those
of their fathers. Like some of the lower castes among their Hindu
neighbours, children often take the name of the day or the month in
which they were born. [32] Hence we often find such names as Deobar,
Mangal, Budhu, as also Mághuá, Pháguná (names of months), &c., in use
among the Kacháris. Other names are obviously adopted from the Hindus,
e.g., Gangá Rám, Sáti Rám, &c. Others, again, were probably given by
the mother in infancy expressive of some peculiarity in the new-born
child's mental or physical temperament. Of this type, probably,
is a very common name, "Khángkhoá," i.e., the "voracious one," the
"great eater." [33] Another illustration is the name Gáb-grá, i.e.,
the weeper, the crier, &c., &c. In short, any unusually prominent
physical peculiarity is often seized upon to become the name by which
the child is known throughout his whole after-life.




3. Marriage.

[A. The marriage contract.]

From certain scattered scraps of information on the subject that
have incidentally come to the writer's knowledge during the past
forty years, it would seem that marriage by capture was largely, if
not universally, in vogue among the Kacháris in earlier days. Some
traces of this practice would seem to survive in the ordinary marriage
ceremonial which still to a large extent holds the field. A case
somewhat of this character came to the writer's knowledge some
twenty-five or thirty years ago. A young Kachári, employed as a
village pandit some thirty miles from Tezpur, carried off a girl
from the house of her parents some ten miles away. No actual violence
apparently occurred in the matter, and very likely there had existed
for some time previously a private understanding between the two young
people concerned. But what was done clearly had not the approval of
the girl's parents; for these latter laid a complaint on the subject
before the writer, and claimed redress for the wrong done to them. When
the offending pandit was called to account for his conduct, he simply
pleaded in defence that what he had done was quite in accordance with
the time-honoured custom of his forefathers: and on payment of the
usual bride-price, at a somewhat enhanced rate, the parents raised
no further objection to their daughter's union with the pandit.

But in modern times "marriage by capture" is rapidly passing out of
vogue, if indeed it be not already absolutely a thing of the past;
and the marriage contract is usually entered into in one of the four
following ways:--

(a) The young people occasionally take the matter into their own hands,
as in the case above mentioned, ignoring the wishes of their parents
on either side. This procedure is looked upon by the community as
blameworthy and irregular, but not invalid. The bride's parents claim
an immediate payment of Rs. 5/- from the bridegroom, and also exact
the bride-price at a higher rate than usual. But if these conditions
are duly complied with, no further objections are as a rule made to
the union.

(b) The more usual practice is as follows. When the son of the
house attains a marriageable age, i.e., from fifteen to twenty
years, his parents at once set to work to find a suitable bride for
him. Having made their choice, they pay a visit to the prospective
bride's parents, taking with them certain presents in the form of rice,
liquor, betel-nuts, &c., and formally ask the daughter's hand for their
son. If the presents are accepted by the girl's parents, it is assumed
that the proposal is favourably received, and the respective parents
at once proceed to settle the amount of the bride-price (gádhan),
[34] which is always paid by the bridegroom's family to the parents
of the bride. In Darrang the amount so paid rarely exceeds Rs. 40/-
to Rs. 60/-, though in Kamrup and Goalpara it is said to be often
double these sums; and even larger still among the Rábhás, Saraniyás,
&c. In paying this formal visit to the prospective bride's parents,
those of the bridegroom are always accompanied by some of the elders
or leading men of their own village, these latter acting as witnesses
of the marriage contract, and so constituting in their own persons
a very effective, if irregular, system of marriage registration. The
stipulated "bride-price" need not be paid at once, nor does the actual
union take place for some months after the marriage-contract has been
entered into. And in no case does the bride leave her parents' home
until puberty has been attained; so that the manifold and obvious evils
inseparable from the system of infant betrothals, and the prohibition
of the marriage of child-widows among the higher castes of Hindus,
happily find no place whatever in the more wholesome domestic life
of the Kacháris.

(c) In cases where the bridegroom or his parents are unable to pay
the bride-price demanded by the girl's parents, it is usual for
the young man to give the equivalent in personal service in the
house of the bride's parents, much as Jacob [35] served in Laban's
house seven years for Rachel. The period of service is a matter of
arrangement between the parents of the parties concerned, and seems
to vary greatly, i.e., from three or four to upwards of twelve or
fifteen years. Cohabitation, however, is allowed after about twelve or
eighteen months' service, and at the conclusion of the full period,
the young people are free to depart whithersoever they will, though
they usually return to the house of the bridegroom's parents. This
form of service is known commonly as "Olaó ghar-jiyá."

(d) A modification of the above form of service is that which is
known as "mál ghar-jiya" (Darrang) or "Khasrot-tháka ghar-jiya"
(Kamrup). In this case the prospective bridegroom severs all connection
with his own family, and identifies himself completely with that of
his bride, in whose house he serves until the death of her parents,
when with his wife he is entitled to the whole or the usual share of
their property. On that of his own parents or relatives he retains
no claim whatever.

The actual ceremony of marriage among the Kacháris can perhaps hardly
be looked upon as of a religious character, but must be regarded
as more of the nature of a social and festive gathering. The order
of proceedings is somewhat as follows:--On a fixed day a party of
the bridegroom's friends, numbering some four or five women and
thirty or forty men, set out for the house of the bride's parents or
guardians. The bridegroom may himself accompany the party but more
frequently does not. The immediate object of the journey is to bring
the bride to the bridegroom's house. The party take with them nine
loads of viands, i.e., two men carry a pig, other two a large jar
containing rice-liquor, four men carry loads of támal-pan, whilst the
last man carries a quantity of eatables meant for the men and cowherds,
who, it is supposed, might otherwise attempt to prevent the marriage
party from reaching the bride's house. Two women called bairati are in
charge of these materials for the wedding feast. [36] On reaching the
bride's house her people pour freely on the whole party an irritating
liquid known as kachu páni (water mixed with the juice of the kachu
plant) and to this somewhat rough welcome the bridegroom's party are
bound to submit without complaining, although the liquid causes much
irritation to, and even blisters, the skin. Finally the good things
brought by the bridegroom's party are taken charge of by the bride's
people, and the wedding feast is forthwith duly prepared. The village
elders sit in front of the assembly, often a large one, and the younger
people behind, each guest having in front of him either a brass plate
or (more usually) a plantain leaf. On each of these plates the bride
places a quantity of rice and curry, serving the elders first; and when
all are duly provided for she makes obeisance to the assembled company,
and sometimes kneels in their midst for their sanction and approval
on entering upon the duties of married life, her husband when present
kneeling with her. Then one of the village elders, acting as Deori,
makes a short address on the obligations of the married state, ending
by wishing every blessing, &c., to the newly wedded pair, the whole
assembly joining in at the end with one voice "eroina záthang," i.e.,
"so may it be," (Amen). The rest of the day is spent in feasting and
merry-making, but towards evening the bride is formally taken to the
bridegroom's house. If on the journey she has to cross a river, road,
or embankment (áli), &c., she is given at each such crossing nine areca
nuts and nine pan-leaves as presents to overcome her assumed reluctance
to proceed further. (Perhaps another relic of the "marriage by capture"
practice.) Before the bride enters the bridegroom's house, those who
bring her are entitled to receive a jar of molasses as well as one of
rice-liquor, and are hospitably entertained for the night. It is said
that Kachári custom sanctions a certain interval of time, sometimes
amounting to five days, between the bride's entering her husband's
house and the consummation of the marriage. All expenses attending
the marriage festival, which may extend to Rs. 200/- and upwards,
are borne by the family of the bridegroom, the bride's people as a
rule contributing nothing.




4. Death.

Immediately after death occurs, the corpse is carefully washed by
the nearest relatives, the arms and legs straightened out, the head
anointed with oil, and the hair reverently combed. A fowl or a pigeon
is killed, and from its flesh a curry is prepared with vegetables
and condiments. A portion of this food is then placed close by the
deceased's head, and the act of feeding him with a little of it is
carried out up to a certain point, though no food is as a matter of
fact actually placed within his lips. This act is repeated some ten
or twelve times, and what remains of the curry, &c., is then thrown
away, no one being allowed to consume it. The dead man's body is
then clothed with the best garments he owned in his lifetime, and
the whole covered with a perfectly new cloth; and in this condition
it is taken outside the homestead for final disposal.



[Disposal of the dead.]

There are two recognised way of disposing of the dead, i.e., (1) Burial
and (2) Cremation. The latter is looked upon as the more correct and
respectable, though from motives of economy the former is by far the
more common. [1. Burial] When burial is decided upon the corpse is
carried to its last resting place, which is often but not always on
the banks of a running stream, by the nearest surviving relatives,
no women being permitted to attend. Should it be necessary for the
burial party to cross a river or irrigation canal, a cord is usually
stretched from bank to bank at the crossing place, either above or
below the water, to serve a kind of bridge for the spirit (jiwa),
should he be at any time disposed to revisit the scenes amid which
his earthly life has been passed. [37] Arrived at a suitable place
(there are no recognised cemeteries for the interment), some pice are
thrown on the spot, to purchase the ground from the deity (madái) to
whom it is supposed to belong. The body is laid on the ground and the
grave duly dug, but before placing the corpse therein, the friends and
relatives make a solemn procession around it, five times in the case
of a man and seven in that of a woman. The body is then placed in the
grave, a somewhat shallow one, and the nearest relatives proceed to
fill it with earth. In carrying out this process a certain precaution
is taken, i.e., a hollow reed or a stalk of jungle grass (kher) is
placed perpendicularly in the grave extending from the nose of the
deceased to a point somewhat above the natural level of the ground;
and in filling the grave with earth, great care is taken not to injure
or displace this reed, so that the deceased's spirit may be able to
breathe should he so desire. After filling the grave four posts are
erected over it, one at each corner; and threads passed around them,
in order to prevent the spirits of other men from interfering with the
repose of the deceased. In the case of well-to-do people a certain
number of rupees are usually buried with the corpse, and even the
poorer classes make offerings of pice, &c., for this pious purpose;
whilst brass and other utensils needed in every-day life are almost
always left on the grave, it being supposed that the deceased may
require the use of these things in the new state of existence on which
he has recently entered. Finally, a rough shed of thatch is put up
close by the grave to shelter the deceased's spirit from rain and sun.



[2. Cremation.]

Very much the same procedure is in vogue in the case of cremation,
which is looked upon as the more respectable method of disposing
of the dead among the wealthier members of the community. Cremation
usually takes place on or near the banks of running streams, and is
prefaced by the formal buying of the land from the deity (madái) of
the locality. Here too a certain difference is made in disposing of
the corpse of a man and of a woman respectively; for in the case of a
woman seven layers of wood are placed under the body and seven above
it, whilst in dealing with a man's corpse five such layers under and
five above the body are held to be sufficient. After placing the body
on the funeral pile, the deceased's friends and relatives pass round
it in procession, five times in the case of a man and seven in that
of a woman (see above). The funeral pile is then set on fire on all
four sides at once, and the fire carefully fed until every vestige
of the deceased's body is consumed. The ashes are not carried away,
but four posts are usually placed in the ground enclosing the oblong
space on which the cremation has been carried out; and on the tops
of these a cloth is spread, which is held to shelter the spirit of
the deceased from sun and rain.



[Indications of belief in life after death.]

From what has been written above, it would certainly seem that the
Kachári has some idea, however vague and unsatisfactory, of a life
prolonged after the great change we commonly call "death," though
his notion of the future life is merely that of the "first (earthly)
life renewed." It has obviously little or nothing in common with
the hope of life eternal in Christ, i.e., life in God, life with
God, life like God, given us in the New Testament (see 1 Cor. xv.;
Phil. iii. 20, 21; 1 John iii. 2).



[Festivities. 1. Domestic.]

From such information as the writer has been able to ascertain,
there would seem to be few well-marked domestic festivities among
the Kacháris, though the race is a very sociable and hospitable one,
and the people entertain each other freely and frequently.

The two following may perhaps be mentioned:--

A. "Mikham gadán zánái," i.e., the "eating of the new rice." This is
a feast held about December 10th (there is apparently no fixed date),
in celebration of the commencement of the cutting of the great rice
crop of the year (sáli dhán). It is on this occasion that the proceeds
of the newly harvested rice are first partaken of as an actual article
of food. There is perhaps nothing of a religious character about it,
its main feature being a very free consumption of rice-beer, often
resulting in much drunkenness.

B. "Mahu hanai" (or thàmfoi hasa-nai K), i.e., "the driving away
of mosquitoes." This is a form of merry-making got up mainly by
the young people of a village about the latter part of November
or early in December, to celebrate the departure of the mosquito
plague for the cold season. Some twenty-five years ago the writer
was passing the night in a school-shed, and was aroused from sleep
by much shouting, dancing, &c., just outside the door. On looking out
into the moonlight he saw a group of fantastic figures, some of them
clothed in dry plantain leaves, and wearing a head-dress made of thatch
of preposterous proportions resembling an enormous conical-shaped
"dunce cap." On inquiring the reason of the gathering, he was told
that the performers were "driving away the mosquitoes." No doubt
this is an amusement got up by the younger members of the community,
who are sometimes rewarded for their efforts by small gifts of money,
food, &c., from their elders (cf. "Guy Fawkes," at home).



[2. Tribal.]

There would seem to be no distinctively tribal festivals characteristic
of the Kacháris of this district (Darrang), unless the January and
April Bihus can be regarded as such. The origin of these two festivals
is still somewhat obscure and uncertain, and further light on the
subject is greatly to be desired. Certainly they are not exclusively
Kachári festivals, for they are observed by the Hindus in this
neighbourhood as well as by the Kacháris. [38] Among the latter the
January Bihu is usually celebrated about the 12th of that month. For
weeks previously the young people have been busy building "Bihu huts"
of jungle thatch; also in erecting tall bamboos, sometimes surmounted
by ragged flags, &c., while straw, thatch and other combustibles
are piled up around these bamboos to the height of many feet. On the
appointed Bihu night these sheds, &c., are all set fire to amid much
rejoicing, dancing, singing, &c., and of course there is, as on all
like occasions, a liberal consumption of the national rice-beer. For a
month or two previously to this festival, the village boys and young
people have had to guard the growing and ripening rice crops night
and day; and in all likelihood this merry-making, which is very much
of the nature of a "Harvest home," is largely an expression of their
joy and gladness at being relieved from this hard and irksome duty.

The April Bihu, the origin of which it is not so easy to account for,
seem to be a "Saturnalia" of much more objectionable character. The
people abandon themselves freely both to drunkenness and other forms of
licentiousness, and cases of serious assault and riot have been known
to accompany and follow these gatherings. Among the Darrang Kacháris,
this festival lasts for seven days, during which little or no work
is done, the whole period being given up to merry-making, dancing,
feasting, &c. As is the practice among their Hindu neighbours,
on the opening day all cattle are taken to the nearest river or
tank, and there formally bathed, and afterwards sprinkled with a
preparation compounded of rice-beer (zu), tomatoes, and turmeric. The
horns are smeared with oil, and occasionally oil, ashes, and pounded
rice-flour are applied in patches to the bodies of the cattle. This
duty discharged, the people abandon themselves to sheer merriment,
the younger folks especially giving themselves up to dancing and
singing, &c. The verses sung at these festivals seem for the most
part to be little better than mere meaningless jingle-jangle rhymes,
made up on the spur of the moment, though occasionally some of them
give an insight into the peculiar humour of the Kachári character and
temperament. One or two samples of what is sung at these gatherings
are given below:--


    1. Agoi, Boisági, faidá nang.
       Dána bathar jánai-khai rang zágan zang.

    2. Adá Puá Rám, laga laga thángdang;
       Gámsá hádang, fáli hádang, mána brábdang?

    3. Ádá Ráguna, fáriyá, ai fáriyá,
       Námoisa, gunoisa, fáriyá, ádá fáriyá;

       Áma máseyakhosa zuriyá, ádá zuriyá;
       Dáosá máseyá-khosa zuriyá ádá zuriyá,
          &c.       &c.       &c.


The above represents an exchange of playful banter between two members
(brother and sister) of a Kachári family who are about to take part in
a Bihu festival or some similar merry-making. The brother, Puá Rám,
with all a young man's impatience and eagerness to enjoy the fun,
calls to his sister, Boisagi, to come out from the house and join
him at once, while she from within (couplet two) pleads womanlike for
a few minutes longer grace to complete her personal adornment. Both
brother and sister then join in calling on a near relative, a mauzadár,
not to shirk his social responsibilities, but at once to provide the
ways and means for a plentiful Bihu feast. The general sense of the
three couplets, somewhat freely translated, is given below:--


    1. Sister Boisagi, come out and play;
       This is our Bihu holiday;
       Don't move inside the house all day.

    2. Dear brother mine, I'll come anon
       I'm putting my best sari on;
       Five minutes' grace; don't harshly press;
       We ladies must have time to dress.

    3. Uncle's a wealthy mauzadár;
       Long has he served the great Sirkar;
       He'll gladly give a bounteous feast,
       A round half-dozen pigs at least.
          &c.        &c.        &c.




II

The following couplet, which is not connected with the foregoing, calls
perhaps for some explanation. The words, of which a free translation is
appended, are supposed to be uttered by a Kachári damsel, the village
belle, to a fickle lover, who, after paying court to her for a time,
deserts her and marries another. The faithless swain is a man of
some little importance in the village community as a dang daliya, or
drum-major, one of his functions being to beat the big drum (madal)
at all festivals, marriage processions, &c. He has the misfortune
to lose his wife after a month or two of wedded life, and then would
fain return to the "old love."

Armed therefore with his big drum of office and apparelled in his
gayest attire, he presents himself before the Kachári belle and renews
his suit for her hand. Now the average Kachári maiden has a wholesome
sense of her own value (in married life she is not unfrequently the
"better man" of the two), and no more relishes being "jilted" than
her sisters in other and more civilised parts of the world. She
at once, therefore, repels his advances in the most positive and
unqualified way; and not only so, but in the presence of a large bevy
of scornful village maidens, all highly resentful of the faithless
lover's fickleness, she proceeds to pour contempt on his suit in the
following severely sarcastic couplet ("facit indignatio versus"):--


    Dáng-dáliyá, dángdáliyá.
    Mozáng mozáng gán-blá-ba
    Náng-kho náng-li-yá; nang-li-yá

    Handsome raiment though you wear,
    I'm not for you, I do declare.


(The original Kachári verse is singularly emphatic.)

Or


    "You come to me in bright array:
    I'm not for you; be off, I say.
    This dandy swain my mate would be?
    No 'second-hand lover,' girls, for me."


The above couplets may perhaps be fairly looked upon as typical
illustrations of the Kachári temperament and character, and it may
be inferred from them that human nature among this interesting race
does not greatly differ from human nature in other and more civilised
countries of the world.

It may perhaps be added that whilst the Garos living in the plains
observe both the January and the April Bihus, their brethren in the
Hills ignore both, though they would seem to have certain special
harvest festivals of their own. The people of the North Cachar
Hills, on the other hand, seem to observe only one annual Bihu,
of the nature of a harvest home, at any time between October and
December. These Kachári festivals are almost always attended by an
immoderate consumption of the national rice-beer, not to say by actual
drunkenness in not a few cases. On the other hand, they have their
good side in that they help to keep the people to some extent beyond
the influence of the destructive vortex of Hinduism, in which their
simple primitive virtues might otherwise be so readily engulfed, and
the adoption of which in whole or in part is invariably accompanied
by a grave and deep-seated deterioration in conduct and character.







SECTION V

Folk-Lore, Traditions and Superstitions


On this section of the subject there is no need to dwell at any length;
indeed, materials for the purpose are to a great extent wanting. Of
traditions, properly so called, whether historical or otherwise,
the Kacháris of this district would seem to be almost absolutely
destitute. Nor can they be regarded as a superstitious race, for it
is only when suffering from a serious outbreak of cholera, Kálá-azár,
or other like public calamity, that they make frequent, and sometimes
costly, offerings to their deities as shown in some detail in the
preceding section. As a rule the people are of a bright, cheerful
disposition; and as a planter friend once remarked to the writer,
of all the various races employed on his extensive tea estates the
Kacháris were the only people who might be frequently heard whistling
merrily as they went to and from their daily toil. Moreover, the
subject of Kachári folk-lore has already been effectively dealt with
by a writer fully competent to do it ample justice; and perhaps the
objects aimed at in this section will be best attained by re-issuing
three or four of the more characteristic and typical of the interesting
series of Kachári folk-tales collected by this writer, some fifteen
years since, from an intelligent member of the Kachári race still
(1906) resident in this district (Darrang). [39]




I

In Section IV some reasons have been given for the view that the
Kachári race has a special respect, if not reverence, for the
element of water, especially perhaps for flowing water, rivers,
&c. And the latter part of the following folk-tale furnishes some
sort of explanation of this presumed respect and reverence.



DÙIMA DÙISÁ NI KHORÁNG.

Sánùi brai burui man. Pháre unau bisur gothai brai-burui zálangbá,
buruiá zingásínánai brainu khithánaise, "Brai, zangfurhá zi danai
fisáfur dang, bísùr má zánánai thánggan?" Erui bungbá braiá mai hu
khàmnu lági Khuberniáu thángnánai, mai sobai bisor áru lai-megong,
láfá megong, bifùr máni-ni bígot-zului bínánai nå-i-au lábonánai sànsni
sànzàt lámáibau hor thánánai, nå man-fai-nánai buruinu khithánaise:
"Áng gásenu bigot-zului lábobai." Pháre nå-i-au sànne-su thánánai, khet
khàmnu lági sorai fithá-gúndui lánánai há nainu lági tháng-naise. Pháre
gahàm há datse nai-ui frábui fátbrui-thing-bu zurá khánánai dinnánai
nå fainaise. Unau sànse-ni-kháli khodál sekhá bifur máni lánánai
thángnánai hágrá eonánai áru bi hágráfurkho saunánai hákho mazáng
khámnaise. Binifrai, sànzá sànàp áru sà khlá fàtbruithing khulumnánai
khoná bruithing phongse phongse záunaise.

Biaunu há gásenu mannaise. Pháre baidi baidi mai áru fifáng megong
thaigong boikhobu funánai hunaise. Pháre hábá zapbá braia nåi-au
thángnánai zirai-nánai thánaise. Obásu ázibu dang khalibu dang sànse
buruiá mai nainu lági braikho lugu homnaise. Khintu braiá bungnaise
"Lamáiau dui guiá. Nangha dui gángbá áng maunifrai hunu?" Theobu
bi brai-ni khorang khnásongálábá embrábrá braikho homnaikhai
lángnáng-naise. Pháre thángui thángui maini há man-si man-si zábá,
burui-há dui gángnánai brainu khithábaí, braiá bungnaise, "Áng nangnu
duhui-nu khithádangman, nongga? Theobu ángni khoráng khná-i-álábá
fainanai ángkho dukhu hùiù." Ereùi bungbá, buruiá bungnaise, "Dini áng
dùi manlángábá thoi-si-gan. Nang áng-nu dui hunu-nánggo." Pháre unau
braiá mungbu upai mane zánánai, dùi namai-nángnaise. Namaiè namaiè
fukurimanse nubá bi buruini megonkho hí zang khánánai be fukuri-hálági
lángnaise. Aru braiá bungnaise "Nang be fukuri kho naiálábá dùi
láng." Khintu dùi lángbá-rù mábá mábá dùi ni dau áru hángsufrá
birlai-bá, bikho khnánánai, bikho nainu lubuinánai nai-naise. Beaunu
daufurni gelénai áru rong zlainai nunánai bihábu brai zang rong zlainu
mon zánaise. Obásu braiá khàmá, buruiá ágárá. Pháre braiá, buruini
khoráng lánu gnáng zánaise. Obásu bisurhá áji-bu-thaiu kháli-bu-thaiu
gåthå gáthai zánaise. Zábá, bisurkho fisínu háekhai braiá bisurkho
buruini khoráng-zang Hem-ni házo-au lángnánai beaunu fukuri manse
khamnánai baidi baidi ná khàmnánai dùiau hogàrnánai dinbunaise.

Pháre unau Sri braiá suimá fudrun máse lánánai mùi sessá áru
khusung námaibaie námaibaie dùi gángsu dangman. Ereaunu Sri braiá
be fukuriau tháng-fnáng-naise. Beaunù dùi nunánai lángnu namaibá,
náfrá bikho raidaunaise, "Áfá, nang beni dùi langbá, zangfurkho
gahàm khamnánggan." Beaunu bi sumai lánánai, dùikho lángbá, náfrá
bungnaise, "Dá nang zangfurkhu Loitho hálági láng." Beaunu Sri braiá
gaigainu lauthi zang dru-dru bu-bu-bá khithu khithu dùi bù-hùi bùnai,
aru náfrá bu fainaise. Bibaidinu dùisá zánaise. Obásu unau náfra
Sri brai-nu láo thaise áru khumrá thaise hotnaise. Pháre bikhonu
lábonánai sáse khurmá-ni nå-i-au hápfaibá binu zo mikhàm áru omá máse
buthátnánai hùnaise. Pháre okhá naibá Sri braiá be khumrá-kho bini
khurmánu hunaise. Hubá bi khumrákho dànkhaubá tháká gazá, mannánai áru
báti-se khàm záhùnù lági omá buthátnaise. Áru omá bikhau [40] man-se
dinnaise. Zákháng-ùi-frábui fainu námáibá omá bikhaukho Sri brainu
hùnaise. Hùbá áru braiá laukhobu khurmánu hùnaise. Bi lau-au darbi
gazà dangman. Khintu be khorángkho braiá mithiá. Áru bini khurmaiá-bu
bi-nu khithá-i-a-khùise. Unau braiá nåi-au fainaise. Áru bihá nå-i-au
bini fisázu-kho zábrá zánanai thánai nunaise. Bi láo aru khumrá-kho
khurmá-kho hùláng-naikhai bibaidi zabrá zánai áru bini khurmaiá-bu be
lao áru khumrá-kho lákhman-aikhai zabrá gabràp zánánai thánáise. Obásu
bini unau náfrá ozá zá-thí-nánai bisur-ni nå-i-au thángnánai gadán
nai-hùi-nánai [41] khithánaise "Nang-sur zusá mairong áru goe zoráse
áru dau màse lánánai duisá-i-au hùnánai khulumbá, nang-sur-há zabrá
zágan. Besur bibaidi-nu khámnánai zabrá zanaise. Binikhai dá Båråfrá
duisá duimá-furkho khulumu. Zapbai.



HOW THE RIVERS WERE MADE.

Once upon a time there lived a man and an old woman. And when they
were quite old, the old woman said to her husband, "How shall these
our children get food when we are gone?" So the old man travelled afar
to the great god Kuvera, [42] the god of riches, and taking from him
seedlings of paddy, pulse, mustard, and gourds, journeyed for eight
days and so reached his home. And after staying a couple of days he
set forth to cultivate, taking dry food with him. And first he marked
out a piece of rich land by placing boundaries on all four sides of
it, and so came home. And again he set out another day with hoe and
axe, and cut and burned the jungle, and cleaned the soil, and after
worshipping on each side of his field--on the east and on the west,
on the north and on the south--he struck one blow with his hoe on
each side.

And when all was ready, the old man planted his seedlings of various
sorts, and finally went home and rested. And so, as time went by,
the old woman desired vehemently to see how the crops were getting
on. But the old man said, "There is no water on the road, and if you
grow athirst you will get no relief." But she persisted and prevailed,
and made her husband take her along. And as they went and were now
quite close to her husband's field, behold, the old woman began to
be very thirsty. And the old man, being enraged, cried "What did I
tell you? There is no water and yet you would come." But she, being
a woman, said "If you do not give me to drink I shall die. So water
you must procure as best you can." So the old man, seeing no other
way, went to seek for water. And after long search, seeing a tank,
he bound the old woman's eyes with a cloth and dragged her to the
water's edge and said to her, "Drink if you will, but look not upon
the tank." Now the ducks and other water-fowl were playing in the
water, and were making a merry noise, clacking and quacking. And,
the old woman being curious, like all her sex, peeped at them. And,
seeing them at their play, she too desired to be happy in her husband's
society, and, though he was very loth, prevailed with him. And so in
due course there were born to them many sons and daughters. And then,
in order to provide for their food, he journeyed to the Himálayas
and digged a great tank, stocked with many kinds of fishes.

Now, one day the god Sri, the god of good luck, came that way with
his white dog, a-hunting for deer and hares and tortoises. And when
he came to the margin of the tank, behold he was very thirsty. But
when he stooped to drink, the fishes said to him eagerly that he must
grant them a boon in return for their water. To which he assented;
and when he had satisfied his thirst, the fishes said, "Take us to the
great river, the Brahmaputra (or Lohit)." So the god Sri tied them
to his staff, and drew them after him, making runnels of water. And
that is how the rivers were made. And the fishes in return gave him a
pumpkin and a gourd. And, taking these with him to a friend's house,
his friend regaled him with rice-beer and pig's flesh; and in the
morning he gave his friend the pumpkin. But when his friend cut open
the pumpkin, it contained nothing but pure silver. So he bade the
god Sri stay another day, and brewed fresh beer and killed another
pig, and when he was going away gave him a flitch of bacon to take
with him. So the god Sri gave him also the gourd. But when he cut
open the gourd, it contained nothing but pure gold. And so the god
Sri journeyed to his home. And when he got there, he found that his
little daughter was very ill. And that was because he had given away
the presents which the fishes had made him. But the fishes took pity
on him, and came to him in the guise of physicians, and told him
that if he would worship and do sacrifice on the banks of rivers,
then his daughter would be healed; which he did. And that is why we
Kacháris worship rivers. And that is all.




II

The moral of the following story is a thoroughly sound one. It is
obviously a kind of sermon on such familiar texts as "Procrastination
is the thief of time," "Never put off to to-morrow what you should
do to-day," &c. Its teaching is clearly the same as that which finds
expression in the well-known words:


    "There is a tide in the affairs of men
    Which taken at the flood leads on to fortune:
    Omitted, all the voyage of their lives
    Is bound in shallows and in miseries."



SÁSÈ OLSIÁ GÅTHÅ NI KHORÁNG.

Sásè olsiá gåthå dangman. Bi málai háli oinánai mai gai zap-bá, obásu
bi mámmár dubliau háli oi-hùi-dang. Pháre Buthur [43] braiá olsiá
gåthå-kho háli oinai nunánai bi thángnu haekhai, bungnaise, "Helùi
gåthå, nanglai dá má háli oidang-ùi, buthurá mobábá-nu thángbai. Dá
mai gaibá má zá-bau-nu?" Theobu bi bikho nai-finá, mosokno buá dhum
dhum dhàm dhàm bunánai, natzret nat-flet háli oibai tháiù. Unau
braiá khonle khonle sungnaikhai gåthåá bràp-nánai nai-gedau-nánai
bung-naise, "Nanglai máuni brai lùi? Áng kho háli oinaiau be baidi
sungbai tháiu? Ángha má zádang, áng su mithidang." Beaunu braiá
bungnaise "Nonggá, lui áfá, áng nangkho gahàm khoráng-sù khithánu
námaidang." Beanu gåthåá bungnaise "Má khoráng dang? Mámár kithá. Ángha
háli oinu sàn zolángbai." Obásu braiá bungnaise "Dá háli oinánai
má zánu? Buthur thángbai," hanbá, gåthåá bungnaise "Bi bobething
thángkhu? Mau thangkhu, nang ángnu kithánánai hu. Áng mai gainu
manábá, ma zánánai tháng-gan?" Obásu braiá bungnaise "Nang aglánù
málai zang luguse háli oinánai mai gaibá hàmgauman, dálai buthurkho
sùr nunù hágo, áru mábrui bikho  laifin-nu?" Beaunu gåthåá  bungnaise
"Nang khithínánai hunu hábá, áng bikho zeruibábu lábonu hágan." Hanbá
bikho braiá bulu haekhai khithánaise "Nang bething thángui thábá
khårå phut-thru-thru brai sáse thokon thunánai dubli gezer gezer
thángnai nugan. Obániá nang bikhonu hom. Áru bi zere khíthá-i-u, nang
bebaidinu khàmdui" hannánai, buthur braiá thángnaisei. Obásu gåthåá
háli hogàrnánai nåiau fainánai bima buruikho mámár khàm songnu hùnánai,
zaùi lángùi bimánù kithánaise "Ai, nang gábun fungzáni khàm songnánai
hù, áru mairong khotháse bunnánai hù. Ang buthur braikho husu-láng-nù
nánggo. Maná-thu dini áng háli oinaiau brai sáse fainánai mai gainaini
Buthurá tháng-bai hannánai kithánái, áru bikho hùsù-lángbá mangan, áru
bi zere khámnu thinu, bebaidi-nu khàm, hannánai kithalángnai." Obásu
buriá okhá naibá khàm songnánai gåthåkho zá-hù-ùi làng-hù-ui mairong
khotáse bunnanai hunánai gåthå-kho hogárnaise. Gåthåá thángui
thángui zaikhonu lugù manù, bikhonù sungù, bisur bungù: "Buthur
thángbai hannanai mithigo. Bi mábrùi áru bobething thángkhu, bikho
zangfur khithánu haiá." Beaunu gåthåá gadau-srau zánánai bobething
thán-gan hannánai zerenu manu erenu dubli gezer gezer thábai-baibá
gazànau brai sáse nu-hotnaise. Nuhotbá binu buthur zánù nánggo
nungnánai, bikho bungnaise "Áfá råthå; dase råthå. Áng nang-ni-au
manse khoráng sungnu námaidang." Theobu braiá khnásonglábá thángui
tháiù. Gåthåá-bu khithu khithu thángui thángui khithálangu. Gabauzang
braiá nai fafinnanai bungnaise "Má hekhong hekhong sùr gåthålùi
mauni lùi nanglai?" hannánai sungbá gåthåá bungnaise "Áfá brai, dá
braplùi. áng manse dukhuau gaglainá-nai, nangni kháthiau faidang,"
hanbá braiá "Mámár khithá; mámár khithá; áng thángnu nánggo, ánghá
nåá gazàn, hor-tho-hùi-gan;" hannaise. Obásu gåthåá khithánaise,
"Áfá, áng nangkho buthur brai baidi nuïù. Binikhai nang ángkho dá
buthàt. Málaiá boibu mai gaithrå-bai; áng un zánánai dase-bù gainu
há-e-khuise. Binikhai nang dase tháng-fáfin-bá ángha mai zágan"
bungnaikhai, braiá binu khithá-naise, "Áng dá faibai, tháng fá-finnu
háliá, nang benifrai mámár tháng-nánai, zese háiu gatháng-gabrám háli
oinánai mai gaihùitháng." Obásu gåthåá fainánai zerenu manu erenu
khothia [44]-khini-kho gaibrop-nánai dinnaise. Zapbai.



THE STORY OF THE LAZY BOY.

There was once a very lazy boy. And when everybody else had planted
out his paddy, he was only setting forth to plough. But the old man
of the season, seeing him, said "The season has gone; what are you
ploughing for now? The paddy is all planted out, and it is late." But
the boy would not listen to him, and ploughed sturdily ahead, beating
his cattle soundly as he went. And when the old man again and again
questioned him, he cried "What sort of old man is this? Can he not
see that I am busy? I know very well what I am about." But the old
man said gently, "Nay, my son: but it is for your good that I would
speak to you." And the boy said "Speak quickly then, and have done with
it." And the old  man said, "My son, the season is gone; what avails
it to plough now?" And then the boy cried "Where has it gone? And
when has it gone? And why has it gone? And how shall I find it?" But
the old man of the season said, "You should have ploughed when others
did. The season has gone, and no man can bring it back." But the boy
said, "I must bring it back; else, how shall I eat, and how shall I
live? Do tell me where it is gone." And as he would not let the god go,
finally, losing patience, he said "You go over there, and you will find
an old man with a snow-white head ploughing in a field. You get hold
of him and do as he tells you." So saying, he made his escape. Then
the lad hastened home to his mother and bade her cook supper quickly,
and tie him up some rice to take with him on the morrow, for he was
going to bring back the departed season for ploughing.

"For," said he, "when I was ploughing to-day, an old man told me that
the season was gone, and that if I went after him and pursued him I
would find him, and that I must do as he would tell me." So she rose
very early in the morning, and, giving him to eat and drink, sent him
on his way. And as he went, he asked all he met "Can you tell me where
the old man of the season has gone?" But they said, "Everyone knows
that the season is gone, but where it is gone, or why it is gone, who
can say?" At last, when he was nearly in despair, he saw an old man
ploughing afar off, and shouted to him "Stay a moment, father, stay;
I want to ask you a question." But the old man was busy, and went
his way. Then the lad pursued him and never ceased calling after him
till at last the old man losing patience, turned upon him, and said,
"What pertinacious noisy lad is this, who won't leave me alone?" But
the lad said, "Be not angry, my father; I am fallen into great trouble,
and it behoves you to help me." "Speak quickly, then," said the old
man. And the boy said, "I take you to be the old man of the season,
and I pray you not to slay me. All the others have planted out their
paddy, and I have fallen behind, and have planted nothing. Therefore,
unless you turn back, I cannot hope to get any harvest." But the old
man said, "It is too late for me to return. Go you back, and plant
your paddy as best you can." And so the lad hastened back and planted
out his seedlings in such heedless haste as became him. And that's all.




III

By his Hindu neighbours the Kachári is often looked upon as a Boeotian,
a simpleton from whom little in the way of intelligent action is to
be expected. And undoubtedly in the matter of mere book-learning he
is never likely to take a very high place, nor will he shine brightly
in the examination-room as an ordinary competitor. On the other hand,
he is often endowed with certain practical qualities which are of
great value to him in the battle of life. He usually has no small
share of what is well called "the saving sense of humour," which
prevents him from taking himself too seriously, and does not a little
to lighten for him the cares and toils of life. Of his possession of
this invaluable endowment many illustrations will be found in the
collection of Kachári Folk-tales, &c., referred to above, a volume
which the curious in such matters will do well to consult. And in
addition to his sense of humour, he has often a goodly supply of sound
homely mother wit, which stands him in good stead when brought into
relations with other men, who from a merely intellectual point of
view are undoubtedly his superiors. These, and other like endowments
of great price, often enable him to seize with unerring instinct on
the weak points of an opponent's position and to avail himself of them
with no little dexterity and success. In the following amusing story,
for instance, the simple (?) Kachári servant completely outwits his
astute Bráhmin master, turning the tables on the latter to his no
small dismay and discomfiture.



BÁMUN ÁRU BINI SÁKOR NI KHORÁNG.

Sáse Bámun dangman, áru bihá sákor sáse dangman. Sànse sáne zang
Bámun ni bi-hau-bikhunzu-ni nåiau thang-nù-lági thálit gur gákhir
sorai lánánai sákhor-kho bán hùná-nai, bikho khithánaise "Nang be
thálit-furkho dá zá. Zábá, ánghá khithu fàtse bù megon dang." Eru
hannánai thángui thánaise. Pháre unau boi sákhorhá mikhàm ukhuibá,
thálit-kho lánánai, thaise thaise binu un-phat-si khithinánai bebaidinu
boibò-kho-bù zà-thro-lángnaise. Pháre unau bisur dàpseau zirai-hùibá,
Bámun bibànkho nueákhai, sákhor-ni sigáng-au sungnaise "Bibáná má
zákhu?" Oba sákhorá bungnaise, "áng duk-hui-nù nángnu khithinánai bi
thálit-furkho zábai. Áru dá nang mánu sung-dang?" Bebaidinu Bámuná bolo
[45] háekhai sri sri thánaise. Pháre besur beaunu khàm song-zá-nu-lági
zothon khàmnaise, áru beaunu ná khawai má-ne-sù mandang-man. Bini
sákhornu máse buá hunánai, gásenu Bámuná lánaise. Pháre zeblá
khàm man-naise, sàne-bù zánu lági zodangman. Ereaunu sákhorá
sungnaise "Bámun gohain, ná khawaaiá máse buá daugaiù, ná dulù dulù
daugaiù?" Beaunu Bámuna bungnaise "Dulu dulu daugiaù." Obà bi bini ná
másekho bini khàm-au khubui-hot-detnaise, "Maná-thu be hàtsing dauganu
háià, nang-ni zang dulùse záthang." Beaubu gaigai-ni khoráng-zang-nu
zennánai bikho mung-bá bung-nu haiá-khuise. Unau khàmkho sákhorá
hàtsing manzánaise.

Pháre binifrai thángui thángui simli bifáng dulùse nunánai, Bámun-kho
sungnaise "Bámun gohain, be nunai bongfáng-frá má bongfáng?" Bámuná
khithánaise "sirmolu." Sákhorá bungnaise: "Sirmolu nunggá. Bikho
hirmolu hanu." Pháre obásu phong-bá phong-bá sonu lági khoráng
khálai-naise. Pháre gurkhiá dulùse lugù mannánai, bisurkho sung-bá,
"himulù" hannánai bisur bungnaise. Obánu sungá-hoá-lábá Bámunkho
phongbá, sonaise.

Áru bebaidi thángui thángui burmá dulùse nunánai sákhorá Bámunkho
sungnaise "Bámun gohain, boi gángsu zábai thánai zanthu-fur má,
bungo?" Bámuná khithánaise "Bifur ság." Sákhorá bungnaise "Nunggá,
bifur ságoli." Beaubu bibaidinu Bámuná phongbá so-zá-naise. Áru
binifrai thángnánai dáu-ba dulùse nunánai sungnaise. "Bámun gohain,
befur má dáu?" Bámuná bungnaise "Nang bifurkho mithiá? Bifurkho bog
hanu." Bi bungnaise "Má bog hanu? Nunggá. Bikho boguli hanu." Beaubu
bebaidinu Bámuná phongbá sozá naise. Unau bi manse slok hannaise:


           "Ság sirmolu bog ba-káran
            Tini pánch panra kil sudá akáran."


Phá binifrai thángnánai bihaibikhunzu ni nå kháthi manbá, sákhorkho
thin-hot-gru-nánai khithanaise "Nang thángnánai mámár khàm songnu thin;
manáthu ángha mikhàm ukhui-su-dang." Pháre bibaidi-nù bi thángnánai,
Bámun-ni bikhunzunu hángsu buthàtnánai sobai kháre zang mikhàm
songnánai dinnu khithánaise, áru bungnaise, "Nangni nángzá-madùiá
megongau gabàp nunggábá zaiá." Obásu bi songnánai dinnaise. Pháre unau
bizámádùiá so-fai-bánù, mamárui khàm khutnánai hunaise. Bizámádùiá
ukhui-su-naï-khai, khàm megong mungbo básiá-lábá zánu gnáng zánaise.

Abásu unau bebaidinu baidi baidi lázi mannai zánaikhai, Bámuná
bidánulági sitti gangse lit-nánai sákhorni ákhai-au hunánai
nå-i-au hotnaise. Lámá sáse thángbá, beaunu litnu-gráng sáse mànsui
lugù man-nànai, binu sitti khithinaise. "Beau má litdang, ángnu
khithá." Obásu, mànsuiá sitti-kho nainánai, "Nangkho dànnu láge Bámun
ni bidá-kho thindang" erui bungbá, bi sitti-kho phisinánai bungnaise
"Áfá nang ángnu gubun sitti gángse litnánai hù." Áru be sittiau
erehai lit, "ádá, nangni fisáhingrzauzang be sákhorá man-hui-bá-nù
hábá khàmnánai hù. Áng benifrai thángnánai bisur-ni hábá nunu nánggá"
Bebaidinu be sittikho langnánai Bámun-ni bidánu hùnaise. Khintu bi
sittikho nunánai, monau dukhu man-su-naise. Theobu, bigùi-ni khoráng
gárnu háekhai, fisázù zang mámár hábá khàmnánai hunángnaise.

Pháre sànse thánánai bi fainanai bidá-kho sungbá, gásenu khoráng
khnánai, bi sákhor kho dánnùlági sri sri upai khàmnaise. Be upaikho
sákhorni hingzauá mithinánai, bekho onnánai binu khithánaise. Khithábá,
hingzau zang horau uduniau mosofisá máse khá-khrop-nánai futhunánai
dinnaise. Pháre Bámuná fisázu zang udubai thádang mon khàmnánai,
sri sri thangnánai mosofisákho dànnaise. Sàn-so-ba mosáfisákho
dánfnáng-nai nunánai mámárùi bizámádui sákhor-kho gárhùinù lági
thinnaise. Khintu bizámáduiá bisurni bariau lángnanai, lànzai
dihonnánai, fopnánai dinnaise. Unau Bámuná mosá buthàtnai-ni
nungge sri sri uddhar zánu lági gámini mànsuifurkho lingnánai phozu
hudangman. Pháre mánsuifur zánu zobá, sákhorá báriau thángnanai moso
lànzai-kho bunanai bungnaise "Bámuná mosobù buthárá-khùi phozù-bù huá
khùi, hùi-sù." Bebaidi bungbai-thábá, phozuni mànsuifrá khnánánai,
phozu zaiákhùise. Bebaidinù bisùr ud dhár manákhuise. Zapbai.



THE BRÁHMIN AND HIS SERVANT.

There was once a Bráhmin who had a servant. And one day when they were
going to the house of the Bráhmin's mother-in-law, the Bráhmin gave his
servant a bunch of plantains and other things to carry, and said to
him, "Now, mind you don't eat those plantains, for I can see just as
well behind as I can in front." And, so saying, he marched ahead. And
presently the servant, getting hungry plucked one of the plantains from
the bunch, and, holding it out to his master's back, ate it. And this
he did again and again till all the plantains were gone. And when the
Bráhmin presently asked what had become of the load, the servant said,
"You told me you could see behind as well as in front. So I showed
you each plantain before I ate it. And you never said anything."

So the Bráhmin went his way speechless. Presently they stopped
to cook their midday meal, and they had got with them a few khawai
fish. But the Bráhmin gave only one to his servant, and kept the rest
himself. And when he was about to eat, the servant asked innocently
"Oh! Bráhmin, do khawai fish swim about singly or in shoals?" To which
the Bráhmin said, "Why, in shoals, of course." So the servant said,
"Then my fish had better go with yours." And, so saying, he threw his
fish on the Bráhmin's mess, which was defiled. So the Bráhmin got no
dinner, and the servant ate the whole.

A little later they came across a number of simul trees. Seeing them,
the servant asked his master, "And what do they call these trees,
master?" And the Bráhmin (being an educated man) said, "These are
sirmolu." But the servant said, "Not so, not so. These are himulu,"
and offered to bet five blows that it was so. And, meeting some cowherd
boys, he asked them what the trees were. And when they said "himulu,"
he gave the Bráhmin five blows without further question.

Next they met a drove of goats. "And what may these be, Bráhmin,
these animals that are grazing?" And the Bráhmin said, "These be
called chág." But the servant cried, "Not so, not so. These are
chágali." And the result, as before, was that the Bráhmin was worsted
and got five blows. And next they came across a flock of paddy-birds,
which the Bráhmin called "Bog," but the servant "Boguli." And again
he was worsted and got his five blows. On which he consoled himself
by reciting an Assamese saying, to the effect that it is ill arguing
with a fool:


           "Ság sirmolu bog ba-káran
            Tini pánch panra kil sudá akáran."


And when they were now come near the Bráhmin's mother-in-law's house,
and the Bráhmin was become very hungry, he sent his servant on ahead
to beg them to get supper ready. So the servant went on ahead and bade
the Bráhmin's mother-in-law cook a duck and put in lots of plantain
ashes, which the Kacháris use for salt, well knowing that his master
disliked its acrid taste. So the duck was cooked with plenty of alkali.

And when the Bráhmin arrived, his meal was set before him, and he
was so hungry that he had to eat it whether he liked its savour or no.

And so in various ways the Bráhmin was put to shame by his servant. So
he wrote a long letter to his brother, and putting it in his servant's
hand, bade him deliver it. But he went a little way, until he met
a man who could read and write, and he bade him tell him what was
written in the letter. And the man read him the letter, which was
to the effect that the brother was to kill the servant. On this,
the servant tore up the letter and bade his friend write another one,
saying: "Dear brother, on receipt of this letter marry my servant to
my niece without delay. I shall not be able to come to the wedding."

Taking this letter, the servant went to his master's brother, who was
much vexed, but dared not disobey. Accordingly, though reluctantly,
he married the servant to his daughter.

And, when the master came to see if his servant had been disposed
of, and heard what had happened, he set about to kill him. But his
niece got to know of the matter and told her husband, who got a calf,
and, binding it hand and foot, put it by her in her bed. And in the
night the Bráhmin came, and thinking the calf was his niece's husband
sleeping by her side, killed it. And when he found out his mistake
in the morning, and learned that he was guilty of cow-killing, he
bade his niece's husband go and bury the calf in all haste. And the
servant dragged the calf into the garden and buried it with its tail
sticking out of the ground. Meanwhile, the Bráhmin set to work to
get himself purged of the offence of cow-killing, and summoned the
villagers to a feast without telling them why. And when they were all
seated,the servant ran out into the garden and hauling at the calf's
tail, called out, "The Bráhmin didn't kill a cow, Oh, no. And that
isn't why he gives a feast, Oh, no." So the feast broke up, and the
Bráhmin was not absolved. And that's all.




IV

KACHÁRI THEORY OF THUNDER AND LIGHTNING [46]

Aglaiau sáse rázá dangman, áru bihá hoásá sáse, hingzhausá sáse,
dangman. Hoasáni nau Ráoná, hingzhausáni náu Ráoni, dangman. Láse
láse bisur gaded záabá Ráonaiá gagai binánaukhonu hábá khàmnu
namainai. Sànse Ráonaiá runùiau tháhoinai. Amphára bini bifaiá
ikham zánu namaibá manákhuise, mánathu bi runuiau thánákho bifaiá
mithiákhauman. Amphá bini sáse bandiá runuiau nunánoi rázáni
sigángau khithánaisui; abánu razaiá thangnánoi sanghoinaisui,
balui "Áfá, nangnu má nánggo? Háthi nánggobá, háthi hùgan; gorai
nánggobá, gorai hùgan; theobo nang manau dukhu dá khàm," hannanoi
khithánaisui. Abá Ráonaiá hannaisui, "Ángnu mungbo nánga; nang sumai
lábasu áng khithágan." Ámphá bifaiá mungbo uphai manikhai sumai lánánoi
khithánaisui, "Nangnu zikhonu nanggo, bikhonu hùgan." Hanbá Raonaiá
bungnaisùi, "Ángnu Ráonikho hábá khàmnánoi hù; abásu áng mikhàm dùi
lánggan." Abá bifaiá bibaidi khoráng khnánánoi manau zabrá-sin dukhu
mannaisui. Ampháre bifaiá guninánoi sumai lánai-khai hába khlàmnánoi
hùnù zathan khlàmnaisui; khintu be khorángákha Ráonini sigángau
khithánu bádá hùnai; binikhai raubo khithai-a-khuise. Amphá Raoniá
mairang sunù thángbá dùigá-thánau sáse buruiá Ráoniniau sangnaisùi,
balùi, "Nangsurhá má záadang?" Abá Ráoniá khithánaisui, "Zangfrá ádáhá
hábá záagan." Áru buruiá hannaisui, "Maunithu hingzhausá zang hábá
záanu?" Ráoniá bungnaisùi, "Áng khithánu haiá." Abánu buruiá hannaisùi,
balùi, "Ai, nang zangsù hábá záanunù." Áru Ráoniá hannaisùi, "Ai, be
khoráng thik ná?" hannánoi sangbá, buruiá sumai lánaisùi. Abá Ráoniá
akhrángsau birláng-naisùi, áru Ráunikho birlangnai nunánoi Ráonaiábo
guzarinánoi hasu-lángnaisui. Bikhonu mànsuifrá ákhá khrumniákhonu
"Ráoná guzaridang" hannánoi bungù; áru Ráoni khàtlángnánai thap
naifinbá bini makhángá at baidi nuiù, bikhonu akhá mablíbnai hanù;
Båråfrá eroi bhábiù.



There was once a king who had one son and one daughter. The son's
name was Ráoná and the daughter's Ráoni. As they gradually grew up
together, Ráoná wished to marry his sister. One day Ráoná remained
alone in an outhouse unknown to his father; and when the latter wished
his son to come to dinner, the young man could not be found. However,
a servant saw the youth in the outhouse and told the king, who going
to the boy asked him what was the matter. "If," said the king, "you
want an elephant, I will give you an elephant; if you want a horse,
I will give you a horse; but do not abandon yourself to sorrow in this
way." And then Ráoná replied, "I am in no special want of anything,
but if you give me a promise on oath, I will tell you what is the
matter." Thereupon, the king, seeing that there was no help for it,
took an oath saying, "Whatever you want, I will give it to you." And
then Ráoná said, "Give me permission to marry Ráoni, and then I will
eat my food." On hearing this the king was sorely troubled in his mind;
but remembering the terms of his oath, he took steps to bring about
the marriage, at the same time forbidding anyone to mention the matter
to Ráoni, who, therefore, heard nothing about the proposed marriage
with herself. But one day Ráoni went to the village stream to clean
the rice for the daily meals, when an old woman met her and inquired,
"What is going on in the palace to-day?" And Ráoni replied, "The son
of the house is to be married to-day." And when the old lady asked
further "But to whom is he to be married?" Ráoni replied, "Mother,
I cannot say." And then said the old dame, "Ráoni, it is you that
he is going to marry." And when Ráoni inquired, "Mother, can this be
true?" the old woman took an oath to confirm what she had said. And
then Ráoni at once flew right away up into the sky, and when Ráoná
saw Ráoni thus flying away, he shouted after her, doing his utmost
to catch her. It is these loud shouts and threats of Ráoná that men
call "thunder"; and when Ráoni occasionally looks back to see if her
pursuer is gaining upon her, she in so doing reveals for an instant the
brightness and beauty of her face, glowing like fire; and it is this
bright, dazzling beauty of her countenance that men call "lightning."



Hence during a thunder storm may sometimes be heard the words "Ráonikho
Ráonaiá hasùdang," i.e. "Ráoná is chasing Ráoni."

It is not impossible that the foregoing story may be a Kachári
version, greatly altered, of a well-known episode told at length in
the Rámáyana, i.e. the abduction of Sitá by Rávana the demon-king
of Ceylon. The name Rávana in a slightly altered form (Ráoná) is
not unknown among the Kacháris of this district (Darrang). About
four or five miles south-west of the Událguri Tháná there are still
existing the remains of a very fine earthwork road, known to this day
as "Rowana's embankment" (Rávanagarh), which gives its name to the
Mauzá in which it is situated. The construction of this earthwork must
have involved a large outlay of labour, but the tradition about it is
that it was thrown up in a single night by Rávana and his followers,
the Rákhshases, Asurs, &c.

N.B.--Among the Kacháris of the North Kachár Hills, the mode of
accounting for thunder and lightning is very different from that
given above, though towards the end of the account given by the late
Mr. Soppitt [47] certain statements are made which would serve to
show that the two theories have something in common.







SECTION VI.

Outline Grammar, Etc.


The mother tongue of the Bårå race at least as spoken in this (Darrang)
district undoubtedly belongs to the "Agglutinative" as distinct
from the Inflexional family of languages. Here and there, perhaps,
certain slight traces of inflexion may be found, but even these are
doubtful and in any case very rare, indeed where they exist at all it
may perhaps be assumed that they have been adopted with some obvious
modifications from the speech of their Assamese and Bengali neighbours.

In the following pages only a very slight outline sketch of Kachári
Grammar is attempted, as the writer has already dealt with the subject
at some length over twenty years ago, [48] and most of the conclusions
then arrived at still hold good, so far as the Kacháris of Darrang
are concerned. But it is hoped that what little is given here may be
of service to those who may have occasion to learn and make use of
this language in after years. No attempt is made to draw any clear or
well defined line between Accidence and Syntax, for these two closely
allied branches of the subject may be best studied together by the
use of certain illustrative sentences which to the attentive reader
will give an insight into the structure of the language, whilst at
the same time doing something to supply him with a useful vocabulary
of words and phrases.




I. NOUNS.

1. Gender.

A. Nouns denoting inanimate objects have no formal distinction of
gender as Oá, a bamboo, mai rice (paddy).

B. In the case of animate objects, the gender of the noun is indicated
by a separate qualifying word, placed usually after the noun, e.g.

(a) Hóa, man (male); Hingzhau, woman (female) used only of human
beings.

(b) "Zalá," zo' used of birds, e.g. Dau zalá, a cock; dau zo, a hen.



2. Number.

Plurality (there is no dual) is indicated by adding fur, frá, or far,
to the singular as


    masá, a tiger.
    masá-fur (-frá or -far), tigers.



3. Case.

The case endings, which hold good of nouns, pronouns, and adjective
are given below:--


SINGULAR.                            PLURAL.

Nom.        masá         a        }
Obj.        khó          a        }
Instru.     zang         by a     }
Dat.        no           to a     }           masá-far, tigers, &c.
Abl.        ni-frai      from a   }  Tiger.   (case-endings identical
Poss.       ni           of a     }           with those in singular
Poss.       há           of a     }           number).
Loc.        au (iau)     in a     }
Voc.        Heloi mosá   O        }


(a) The possessive case has two signs, the former (ni) being by far
the more commonly used.

(b) The ablative case ending is a compound one, as its proper sign
(frai) is preceded by that of the genitive, ni. The same remark holds
good sometimes with the locative case.




II. ADJECTIVES.


1. Many adjectives begin with the letter g, to which a very short
vowel is attached, so short indeed that in rapid speaking the vowel
of the first syllable may not be heard at all, whilst in composition
this first syllable is sometimes omitted altogether, as


       "mánsoia gahàm ná?"      Hám-go.
        man     good  (is he?). Good (he) is.


2. In composition the adjective usually, though not invariably,
follows the noun it qualifies, as


        Doima ga-súm.
        (The) water black = (kálá páni).



3. Comparison.

This is effected by appending the syllable "sari" or "khri" (= than)
to the word with which comparison is made, this word being always in
the dative case. The superlative degree is denoted much in the same
way, the noun being preceded by some word signifying "all," thus

(a) Bi áng-no-khri ga-zau--he (is) taller than I (comparative).

(b) Bi boi-na-sári ga-zaú-sin--he is the tallest of all (superlative).

In making these comparisons the first syllable (ga) of the adjective
is often omitted: as

        nang áng-no-khri zaú  (ga-zau)
        you  I than      tall (are)

        i.e. zau = (ga) zau, tall.



4. Numeral Adjectives.

The numerical system in this District is very defective, only seven
digits, i.e. sè, nè, thàm, brè (broi), bâ, rå (då), sni (sini),
being generally used, though the remaining three, skhó, zàt, zi
(zu), are occasionally recognised. There is also a useful collective
word za-khai = four, which when followed by two numerals is to be
multiplied by the former whilst the latter is to be added to the
product so obtained; thus


    zakhai-thàm sà thàm,
    Four × three + three = fifteen (men).
    Burma zakhai-brè má-nè,
    Goats four × four + two = 18 goats.


Before the second numeral are always inserted certain monosyllables,
which classify the noun referred to, e.g. as above, sá (human beings)
and má (irrational animals). This classifying syllable always indicates
the point at which the multiplication ends and the addition begins.




III. PRONOUNS.

(a) The personal pronouns which undergo no change of form to indicate
gender are:--


            1.   Áng    I.             Záng-fur       we.
            2.   Nang   thou.          Nang-sur       you.
            3.   Bi     he, she, it.   Bi-sur (fur)   they.


The possessive pronoun is expressed simply by putting the personal
pronoun in the possessive case, as--

Bé áng ni no, this (is) my house. This me of house (is).

To nouns expressing close family relationship, pronominal prefixes
of possession are commonly added, e.g.--


                      Father.             Mother.

               My     Áng-ni á-fá.        Áng-ni á-i.
               Your   Nang-ni nam-fá.     Nang-ni nam-má.
               His    Bi-ni bi-fá. [49]   Bi-ni bi-má.


Interrogative pronouns in common use are--


    1. Sur (sar)--who?
    2. Má--what? Plural má-fur.
    3. Bå-bê--which (of two or more)?


The demonstrative pronouns are:--


    1. Bé--this (near).
    2. Boi--that (far).
    3. Bí--that (of remote distance).


Properly speaking, there are no relative pronouns, though a form zi,
borrowed from Assamese, is sometimes heard. The place of the relative
pronoun is usually supplied by a participle, e.g.--


        Mi-á nu-nai masá thoi-bai.
        yesterday seen tiger died has.




IV. VERBS.

1. The verb substantive is dang-a, is, dang-man, was, zá-gan, will be;
this last being apparently formed from the root, zá-no, to become. The
negative forms are

(1) goi-á (emphatic goi-li-á) and (2) núng-á, it is not.

A very useful word is náng-go (Assamese lá-ge), to express necessity,
the negative form is náng-á, needless, in emphasis, náng-li-á,
altogether needless. This root náng is often appended to nouns to
form adjectives, as


    Be budhi-gnáng (or náng).
    He is possessed of sense.



2. Conjugation.

In Kachári the verb undergoes no change to express number or person,
which are indicated by the subject alone. But a slight trace of
inflexion (euphonic) is perhaps found in the fact that when a
verbal root ends in a vowel and the termination begins with one,
a disagreeable hiatus is avoided by inserting the letter i between
the two, thus:--


    Tháng-a--I go.
    Nu-i-o--I see.


Taking the verb, Bu-no, to beat, as an illustration, the various
tenses, moods, &c., of the Kachári verb may be thus indicated:--


    Present indefinite, Ángbú-i-u--I beat.
    Present definite, bú-dang--I am beating.
    Imperfect, Áng bú-dang-man--I was beating.
    Past, bú-bai--I beat (did).
    Pluperfect,   {   bú-dang-man--I had beaten (some time ago).
    bú-nai-se     {
    Future, bú-gan--I shall beat.
    Future (early paulo post), { bú-si-gan--I shall beat (very soon).
                               { bú-nu-soi
    Subjunctive mood   {   Ang bú-bá   If I   beat
                       {   bú-blá             had beaten.
    Potential, Áng bú-no há-gô--I may (or can) beat.
    Imperative, 1. Bú--beat thou.  2. Bú-tháng--let him beat.
    Participial forms:--
        Bú-ni--beating.
        Bú-na-noi--having beaten.
        Bú-nai--beaten.
        Bú-oi--while (on) beating.
        Agent:--
        Bu-grá.
        Bu-nai-á--a beat-er.


3. The Passive voice is not very frequently used. Its tenses, &c.,
are expressed by conjugating the verb zá-no, to be, with the past
participle of the verb, e.g.--


    Ang bú-nai zá-gan--I beaten be-shall.


4. The causal verb is formed in two ways. The more idiomatic method
is to prefix the letter f (with any euphonic vowel) to the principal
verb, e.g.--


    Ang          { rang-dang   --I understand,
                 { fa-rang-dang    cause to understand, I teach.

    Ang          { si-gan   --I   become wet,
                 { fi si-gan      shall make wet, soak, immerse.


In the above it will be observed that the causal force lies in the
letter f, its vowel (always a very short one) being drawn by attraction
(euphonic) from that of the principal verb.

A second way of expressing causation is to combine the verb ho-no,
to give, with the infinitive mood of the principal verb, e.g.--


     Ang         { rang-a           I learn,
                 { rang-no ho-i-o   I cause to learn, teach.


5. The distinctive vowel of the negative verb is á, which in some
cases gives place to i or e, probably for reasons of euphony. Its
chief forms of tense and mood, &c., may be shown thus:--


    Present, Bú-á--(I) am not beating.
    Imperfect, Bú-á-khoi-man.
         {  Bú-á-man
    Past {  Bú-á-khoi-no
         {  Bú-á-khoi-se.
    Future, Bú-á.
    Imperative.  {  --2 Dá bú--beat thou not.
                 {    3 Dá-bú-thang--let him not beat.
    Subjunctive   {  Bú-á-bá
                  {  Bú-a-blá
    Potential, Bú-no hai-á
    Participial forms:--
    Present, Bú-i--not beating
    Past, Bú-á-lábá--not having beaten, without beating
    Past, Bú-e--not beaten.




V. INDECLINABLE WORDS (AVYAYA).

Very little need be said on this part of the subject, because the
work of qualifying words (adverbs, &c.,) is very commonly done by
means of infixes following the verbal stem which is in many cases,
though not in all, monosyllabic. Thus the root hàm (be) will,
becomes (1) an adjective by prefixing ga, ga hàm, good; and (2) an
adverb, by affixing oi; gahàm-oi in a good manner. So, hàm-á--bad;
hàm-á-oi--bad-ly. Further the adjective thus formed may be duly
conjugated as a verb by combining it with the different tenses, &c.,
of the substantive verb, thus:--


     Bi   {   hàm-dang                 he is   {   good
          {   hàm-á-dang (good-not-is)         {   bad
              hàm-gan                  he will be   {   good
              hàmá-gán                              {   bad
                 &c.                       &c.


In the same way the passive participle in nai can be (1) declined
as a noun, or (2) used as an adjective, or (3) take the place of a
relative pronoun; e.g.--

    1.  Zang thoi-nai-kho fóp-bai--we (the) dead (man) buried-have.
    2.  Miá nu-nai gathai-á thoi-bai--(the) yesterday-seen-girl,
        died-has.
    3.  Tezpur-na, tháng-nai-au áng bi-kho nu-bai--Tezpur to
        going-in I him see-did.
                         &c.                   &c.




VI. SYNTAX.

The great and characteristic feature of the Syntax of the language is
the remarkable way in which verbal roots, mostly monosyllabic, are
combined together to form a very large and useful class of compound
verbs. In this way the use of conjunctions &c. is very largely avoided,
and the language becomes possessed of a vivid force and picturesqueness
often wanting in more cultivated tongues. These compound verbs may
perhaps be roughly classified under two groups, e.g.--

I.--Those in which each verbal root has a distinct meaning and may
be used separately;--

II.--Those in which one or more of the verbal roots is never used
separately but in combination only. As illustrations of class I. the
following may be mentioned:--


    1.  Lai-no--to bring.
        Tháng-no--to go.
        Åt lai-tháng       }   (in combination)
        Fire bring-go      }

    2.  Há-no--to cut (paddy, &c.)
        Zap-no--finish.
        Zang mai há-zap-bai         }   (in combination).
        We paddy cut-finished-have  }

    3.  Tham-no--catch; lábo-no--bring; gorai-kho tham-labó--those
        horses catch bring.
                &c.                 &c.


The compound verbs of Class II. are very numerous and in frequent
use. A few illustrations only can be given here, which may serve
to show that the second and subsequent members of the agglutinative
verb, while they have no independent existence, yet serve to enrich
and expand the meaning of the primitive root in a very remarkable way.


    1.  Bai, denotes continuous action.
        Bí = to beg; bi-bai-no          }               { begging
        Bráp = to be angry; bráp-bai-no } = to continue { being angry
        Namai = to seek; namai-bai-no   }               { seeking

    2.  Láng implies completion.
        Bát (jump)  }      {  jump across
        Udu (sleep) }      {  sleep heavily
        Thoi (die)  } láng {  die outright
        Bir (fly)   }      {  fly away
        Zá (eat)    }      {  eat up

    3.  Su      }   are intensitives greatly strengthening the
        Thrå    }   meaning of the first verbal root.

        On (love)        }        {   love much
        Ukhui (hunger)   }   su   {   hunger greatly
        Mini (laugh)     }        {   laugh heartily
        Gai (plant)      }          {   plant completely
        Ga-glai (fall)   }   thrå   {   fall heavily
        Thoi (die)       }          {   die outright


In not a few cases several, sometimes as many as five or six, of
these infixes are combined with the original verbal stem, each one
materially contributing to enlarge and enrich its meaning. A few
illustrations are here supplied.


    1.  Dáo-frá bír-láng-thrå-bai.
        The birds flown completely away-have.
    2.  Áng bi-kho bai-nái-thá-bai.
        I him continue-watching-did.
    3.  Nu-zá-nai-soi-lá-tháng.
        See-become-watch-much-take-go, i.e. go and see and take and
        observe carefully.
                     &c.                    &c.


From what little has been here stated it would seem to be fairly
obvious that the language in its original form is strictly an
agglutinative one. But a gradual process of deglutinisation has for
some time been going on, no doubt originating through intercourse with
neighbours speaking languages of quite another type, e.g. Assamese,
Bengali, &c. Most Kacháris (Bårå) in this district are quite familiar
with Assamese; indeed, it is very rarely that the writer has met
with men who did not know this form of Aryan speech. Now a Kachári in
the habit of speaking Assamese will, even when using his own mother
tongue, to which he is strongly attached, not infrequently resort to a
partially inflected form of expression instead of restricting himself
to the use of infixes, &c. This gradual change in the language is
especially brought out in the usage of the participial forms of the
verb. It has been shown above, e.g. that the past participle (passive)
can be declined like a noun. Again, in expressing a simple sentence
like the following:--


    I ran and caught and brought the horse


an Assamese speaking Kachári would probably make use of the active
participle in ná-noi; whilst his more primitive brother, who might
be less familiar with Assamese, would confine himself to the more
idiomatic use of infixes. Thus the sentence given above might be
expressed in two ways:


    Áng gorai-kho   {   Khàt-nanoi ham-nánoi   }   lóbo-bai.
                    {   Khàt-ham               }

    I the horse   {   running catching   }   bring-did.
                  {   run-catch          }


It would seem to be not improbable that the language may gradually
lose its agglutinative character, and approximate to the inflected
type, though the process most likely will be but a slow one, owing
to the very clannish temperament of the people which makes them
cling strongly to anything they regard as their very own, e.g. their
language (cf., a somewhat similar state of things in Wales and the
Scottish Highlands). But in its present stage the language is one of
no small interest to the student of comparative philology, because
it is an apt illustration of a form of speech which, once strictly
agglutinative, is now in process of learning inflexion through the
pressure of contact with the speakers of Aryan tongues. [50]







APPENDIX I


I.--TRIBES CLOSELY ALLIED TO KACHÁRIS.

In a former section, something has been said in favour of the idea
that the Kachári race is a much more widely distributed one than was
supposed to be the case some years ago; and members of this race under
different names still occupy large areas in north-eastern India. It
may be useful to add a few brief notes on some of the principal of
these closely cognate tribes, confining our notice mainly to those
points and details wherein they differ more or less from the Kacháris
of Darrang, whose language, habits, religion, etc., as described above,
may perhaps be provisionally taken as a standard.

1. Garos.--One of the most important of these allied races is
undoubtedly that known to us as the Garos, dwelling in what is
called the Garo Hills District. This tribe, like the people of the
North Cachar Hills, has until recent years been largely confined to
the part of Assam which bears it name, and has not come into contact
with Hinduism to any great extent, and hence it has in all likelihood
preserved its aboriginal manners and customs almost intact. But it
is not necessary here to do more than merely mention the name of this
interesting people, as their whole manner of life has been sufficiently
dealt with elsewhere by a highly competent hand. [51]

2. Mech (Mes). 70,000.--Nor is it necessary to do much more for the
people known as Mech (Mes) who are undoubtedly merely a branch (the
western one) of the Bårås of Darrang. The name is almost certainly a
corruption of the Sanskrit word mleccha, i.e., an outcast from the
Brahmin point of view, a non-observer of caste regulations; such
persons being in the light of modern Hinduism very much what the
barbarian was to the Greek, or the "Gentile" to the Jew, some twenty
centuries ago. This term mlech (mech) is not in use here (Darrang)
or in Kamrup.



[Subdivision.]

The uncomplimentary epithet "mlech padre" has sometimes been hurled
at the writer when preaching to Brahmins or other high caste Hindus,
though it would seem to be the recognised name for the Bårå race from
the Manás river westwards to the neighbourhood of Jalpaiguri. They
would seem to be especially numerous in Goalpara district, where one of
the principal landholders is known as the "Mech-párá zamindár." Some
sixteen exogamous septs are recognised among the Meches, of which
the most important would seem to be the following:--


    1. Meshá-ároi--the tiger folk
    2. Bánsbár-ároi--bamboo folk
    3. Doim-ároi--water folk
    4. Goibár-ároi--betelnut folk
    5. Swarg-ároi--heaven folk.


Of these the last-mentioned, which is obviously of Hindu origin, is
looked upon as the highest, whilst the names of the remaining four
are apparently of totemistic origin. The first on the list, Mashá-aroi
(tiger folk; Mashá, tiger), still retains a certain hold on the regard
of the members of its sept, all of whom go into a kind of mourning (see
above) when a tiger is found lying dead near one of their villages.



[Origin.]

Nothing definite is known as to the origin of the Meches; by some
they are said to be descended from Bhim and Hidamba, whilst others
maintain that they are the descendants of Turbasu, son of Raja Jajáti,
who fell under his father's curse, his children thus becoming outcasts
(Mlecchas).



[Religion.]

Their religion is distinctly of the Animistic type with a tendency
towards Hinduism, Batháu being replaced by Siva in some cases. The
siju tree is regarded with much reverence, and is to be seen in
the courtyard of most Mech houses, much more frequently than among
the Kacháris of this district. This sacred tree is sometimes used
as a means of divination or detecting crime or other misdoings in
domestic life.



[Marriage and funeral ceremonies.]

In all ceremonies relating to marriage and funerals, what has been
already said of the Kacháris holds good almost word for word of
the Meches. But speaking generally it may be said that the marriage
rites among the Meches are more simple than among the Kacháris, the
essential features being the exchange of betel-leaves and areca-nuts
between bride and bridegroom followed by the offering of a cock and
hen in sacrifice to Batháu or Siva. The funeral ceremonies, on the
other hand, among the Meches are perhaps somewhat more elaborate than
is the case with the Kacháris (Bårå), as an informal Shrádh has to
be performed by them, by the son or daughter of the deceased Mech,
seven or nine or eleven days after death, and sometimes on the day
of the funeral itself, an indication that Hindu customs are creeping
in among this portion of the Bårå race.



[3. Rábhás (70,000).]

The name of this tribe (Rábhás) is of uncertain derivation and in this
district (Darrang) the people themselves are sometimes called Totlás,
which may perhaps be a nickname. Another term used in designating
them is Datiyál Kachári, i.e. Borderer Kacháris (dáti--border,
edge, boundary); and it is held by some that their original home and
[Habitat.] habitat was the region bordering on the northern slopes of
the Garo Hills. This supposition is partly confirmed by the fact that
the only words in their language to express (1) north and (2) south,
respectively, are (1) Bhotá hi-chu, Bhotan Hills, [52] and (2) Tura;
their physical horizon being apparently absolutely limited by the two
localities thus designated; moreover, Rábhás in somewhat large numbers
are still to be found at the base of the northern slope of the Garo
Hills. Some 30,000 have their home in Goalpara district, whilst others
are located in Kamrup, north-west Darrang, and among the Garos in their
hills. [Origin (traditional).] Their origin is but imperfectly known,
but they are said to be descended from a Hindu father who lost caste by
marrying a Kachári woman. Their [Language.] language, which would seem
to be rapidly dying out, forms a very interesting link between Garo
and Kachári, having much in common with both, but with some special
features peculiar to itself. Like the tongue of other branches of the
Bårå race, the Rábhá language, at one time undoubtedly agglutinative,
seems to be in process of becoming inflexional, through contact and
intercourse with the speakers of more or less broken-down Sanskritic
languages, e.g., Bengali, Assamese, etc. Some [Subdivisions.] seven
sub-tribes are said to be still recognised among the Rábhás, i.e.,
Rangdaniya, Maitariyá, Páti-Koch, Bitliyá, Dáhuriyá, and Sanghá. The
members of the three sub-tribes first in this list occupy a position
of some eminence above the others, and are at liberty to intermarry
among themselves. They are, however, so far "hypergamous" that if any
one of their members should marry into any of the last four sub-tribes,
the person so marrying would have to pay a fine of Rs. 100, or upwards,
to the members of the lower sub-tribe concerned. As regards [Social
(caste) status.] caste-position and status, the Rábhás hold themselves
to be slightly higher than the pure Kacháris, e.g., the Rábhá will
not eat rice cooked by a Kachári, though the latter freely partakes
of food prepared by a Rábhá. On the other hand, the Rábhá eats and
drinks quite as freely as does the Kachári, and intermarriage between
the two branches of the race is not very uncommon, a young Kachári
bridegroom selecting a Rábhá bride having to make his peace with her
people by giving them a feast and paying a bride-price (gá-dhan) on a
somewhat enhanced scale. The children born of such a "mixed marriage"
belong to the father's tribe. Kacháris sometimes formally enter
the Rábhá community, though it is not necessary for them to do so,
on their way to Hinduism. A Kachári wishing to be received into the
Rábhá sub-tribe has to pass through a somewhat elaborate initiation,
which may be briefly summarised as follows:--



[Admission of a Kachári convert into the Rábhá community.]

"A deori (Priest) divides a pig into seven pieces in front of the
convert's door, and disposes of them by throwing away one such piece
towards each of the four cardinal points; while of the remaining
three pieces one is thrown skywards, a second earthwards, and the
last Patálwards. [53] At the same place he then proceeds to cook
a fowl and prepares therefrom a curry, which he divides into seven
equal parts; and arranging these portions on the ground he leaves
them there, after sprinkling them with pad-jal. [54] This part of
the ceremonial is known as chíládhar, or báodhar katá, i.e., forms
of making práyas-chitta (reconciliation). The deori then lays down
a plantain-leaf on the courtyard and places on it a lighted lamp,
a handful of rice, a betel-leaf, and an areca-nut, together with
some tulasi leaves and a few copper coins. The convert is then made
to drink pad-jal in public, and after this he must pay at least one
rupee to the assembled people, and treat them to two vessels full
of rice-beer (mådh). He is further required to entertain liberally
the members of his newly-acquired brotherhood for three successive
evenings, pork and mådh forming the principal materials of the feast."



[Religion.]

Very little need be said under the head of religion; for in this
respect they are but little separated from the closely-cognated Kachári
(Bårå) race. The general type of the Rábhá religion is distinctly
animistic; but one or two of the higher subdivisions, especially the
Pátis, are said to show a leaning towards Hinduism of the Sákta form,
the deity chiefly worshipped being known as Bhalli (? Bhareli), to
whom puja is done in Kartik, Magh and Baisakh. There are no temples or
fixed places of worship, nor are Brahmins employed; the deori (deosi)
doing all that is deemed necessary in public religious ceremonies.



[Relations of the sexes.]

Marriage is almost invariably adult, and is usually entered into
by payment to the bride's parents, or by servitude as among the
Kacháris. Cases of ante-nuptial unchastity would seem to be rare;
but when an unmarried girl does become pregnant, she is compelled
to disclose the name of her lover, often through the siju-ordeal
process (see above), and public opinion forces the seducer to marry
his victim, paying a somewhat higher bride-price (gá-dhan) than he
would otherwise have done. Monogamy is the rule in marriage, but
public opinion permits the taking of a second wife when the first
proves childless. Divorce is permitted for adultery, but would seem
to be comparatively rare: widows are at liberty to marry whomsoever
they will, except the deceased husband's elder brother, a second
bride-price being sometimes paid to the bride's parents. The marriage
ceremony itself is very simple, the essential features being (1) the
exchange of betel-leaves and areca-nuts by bride and bridegroom, and
(2) the formal sacrifice of a cock and hen, the latter being made into
a curry of which bride and bridegroom partake together. The dead are
disposed of generally by cremation, though in cases of destructive
epidemics, e.g., cholera, kálá-azár, etc., known as "sirkári rog,"
the bodies of deceased people are either hastily buried, or simply
thrown into the neighbouring jungle. [55]



[4. Hajongs--Haijongs. (8,000).]

About the small tribe (8,000 souls) known as Hajongs or Haijongs
only very little definite information can at present be obtained;
but it seems probable on the whole that they are a branch of the
widely spread Bårå race. The tribal name is of uncertain derivation,
but it is not unlikely that it is connected with the Kachári word for
mountain or hill (ha-jo); and this supposition receives, perhaps,
some little confirmation from their present known habitat, i.e.,
the southern slope of the Garo Hills, and the sub-montane tract
immediately adjoining it. It is possible that these people may be
the modern representatives of the inhabitants of the old kingdom
of Koch Hajo, which corresponds roughly with the present district
of Goalpara. It is known that during the period 1600-1700 this
part of the country was overrun by Musalmán invaders, when many of
the inhabitants probably took refuge in the Garo Hills, returning
therefrom, and settling in the adjoining plains at the foot of these
hills, when the pax Britannica gave them a certain amount of security
for life and property. In appearance and dress the people are said
to have a close resemblance to the well-known Kachári type, but this
resemblance hardly holds good of their language as now spoken, for
this is little more than a medley of Assamese and Bengali.



[Religion.]

There are said to be two recognised subdivisions among them, i.e.,
(1) Byabcháris and (2) Paramárthis. The latter are largely Hinduized
(Vaishnabs) and abstain from pork and liquor, etc.; whilst the
former, who are Sáktas to a large extent, follow the practice of
their Garo neighbours in matters of diet, etc. In spite, however,
of this distinction of meats, it is said that members of the two
sections of the tribe freely intermarry with each other. No Brahmins
seem to be employed among them, any leading member (adhikári) of the
village pancháyat doing what is customary at all marriages, etc. It
may be added that the siju tree (euphorbia splendens) which occupies
so important a place in the social and religious life of the Bårå,
Meches, etc., on the north of the Brahmaputra does not seem to enjoy
any special regard or respect among the cognate tribes (Haijangs,
Dimásá, etc.) who have their homes on the south and east of that
great river.



[Relations of the sexes, marriage, &c.]

As among other members of the Bårå race, the relations of the sexes
are on the whole sound and wholesome; ante-nuptial unchastity is but of
rare occurrence, but when it does take place and pregnancy follows, the
seducer is compelled to marry the girl, and to pay a certain fine of
no great amount to the village elders. This form of union is known as
a dái-márá marriage. But generally, as among the Kacháris of Darrang,
the parents of bride and bridegroom arrange for the marriage of the
young people, which always includes the payment of a bride-price (pån)
of from 20 to 100 rupees to the bride's parents, or the equivalent in
personal service. It is said that among the "Paramárthi" subdivision,
who are largely Hinduized, the betrothal of children is coming into
vogue, but as a rule marriage is still adult, and for the most part
monogamous. A second wife is allowed when the first proves to be
childless, but polyandry is quite unknown. Divorce is permitted for
adultery but is very rare, and under no circumstances can a woman be
divorced when in a state of pregnancy. The divorce itself is effected
in the usual way by the husband and wife tearing a betel-leaf in the
presence of the village elders, and formally addressing each other as
father and mother, showing that the relation of husband and wife has
ceased. Widows can marry again, and do so freely, the one restriction
being that no widow can marry her deceased husband's brother, whether
older or younger than her first partner. Here again, too, it would seem
that Hindu influence is making itself felt, for it is said that the
remarriage of widows is looked upon with growing disfavour. Property,
both movable and immovable, is usually divided equally among the sons
of a family (cf. the old Saxon law of "gavelkind"), anything like
primogeniture being unknown. In a formal marriage among well-to-do
people a certain ceremonial is observed. A square enclosure is formed
by planting a plantain-tree at each corner, and within this enclosure
are placed sixteen lighted lamps, and sixteen earthenware pots full of
water, the bridegroom taking his stand in their midst. The bride then
formally walks around him seven times, and then finally takes a seat
at his left side, her face being turned towards the east. No mantras,
etc., are recited, nor is any Brahmin present; but some village elder
(adhikári) sprinkles water over the couple from one of the water pots,
and the ceremony is held to be complete.



[Disposal of dead.]

The bodies of the dead are occasionally buried or committed to
the jungle, but this is done but rarely, probably only under the
pressure of panic during an epidemic of cholera, etc. Cremation is
almost universal, the head of the deceased being placed towards the
north, the face looking upwards in the case of a man, and downwards
in that of a woman. A Sráddha usually follows  either on the tenth,
or the thirtieth, day after the cremation.



[5. Moráns (5,800); Animistic, 100; Hinduized, 5,700.]

Not much is definitely known about this small tribe, whose numbers do
not exceed 6,000 in all; but although they are said to repudiate all
connection with the Bårå race, it may be safely inferred that they do
in reality belong to it; for on this point the evidence of language
is fairly conclusive. [56] They are sometimes known as [Names.] (1)
Morán Kacháris and (2) Kapáhiyás (kapáh--cotton), the latter name
being due to the fact that in early days one of their chief duties was
to grow cotton for the use of Áhom princesses, at Kákatal, Moriáni,
Jhánzi, Hologápár, etc. Their present [Habitat.] habitat may be
roughly described as the country lying between the Buri Dihing and the
Brahmaputra in the north-eastern part of the Province at least one-half
of their number being located in the district of Lakhimpur, and the
remainder in the adjoining portions of the Sibsagar district. Their
chief centre is said to be a place known as Kákatal, the residence
of the Tiphuk Gosain, the head of the Matak clan, with the members of
which the Moráns are said to fraternize and even to intermarry freely.



[Origin (traditional).]

The original home of the Moráns is said to have been at Mongkong
(Maingkhwang) in the Hukong Valley at the upper reaches of the
Chindwin river, where some centuries ago resided three brothers
Moylang, Morán, and Moyrán. Of these, Moylang, the eldest, remained
in the Hukong Valley, whilst the youngest, Moyrán, migrated into
Nipál, and was there lost sight of; and Morán, the second brother,
passed the Patkoi range into Assam and, settling on the Tiphuk river,
became the ancestor of or at least gave its present name to the Morán
tribe. But however this may be, it is fairly certain that, when the
Áhoms passed into Assam about the middle of the thirteenth century,
they at once came into conflict with the Moráns, whom they seem to
have subdued with but little difficulty. By their Áhom conquerors
the Moráns were employed in various menial capacities, as hewers of
wood and drawers of water, and were sometimes known as Hábungiyás,
[57] earth-folk, or true autochthones, "sons of the soil," though
they seem to have intermarried freely with their Áhom rulers. But
in spite of their subordinate position in political life the Moráns,
like other branches of the Bårå race, have sturdily maintained some
of their national characteristics to this day, e.g., their language,
though apparently doomed to early extinction, is still to some extent
retained by members of the clan.



[Religion.]

In the census of 1891 only 100 Moráns are returned as animistic,
the great bulk of them being described as Hindus of the
[Vaishnab.] Vaishnab type. Their Hinduism, however, would seem to
be of a somewhat lax character; for though they do not eat beef,
pork, or monkeys, or drink madh and photiká, yet they freely partake
of all kinds of poultry and fish, with the tortoise, grasshopper,
etc. No social stigma, too, attaches to the catching and selling of
fish to others. No idols are to be seen in their villages, nor are
Brahmins ever employed in religious ceremonials, certain officials
known as Medhis and Bhakats doing all that is deemed necessary
on these occasions. On certain great social gatherings known as
Sabhá (Samáj), which are apparently not held at any fixed periods,
there is much singing, beating of drums (Mridang) and cymbals (tál)
in honour of Krishna, to whom offerings of rice, salt, plantains,
betel-nuts, are freely made. In earlier times it is said that there
were three chief centres (satras) of the religious life of the Moráns;
each presided over by an elder known as the burá or dángariyá. These
were the (1) Dinja (Kachári burá), (2) Garpará (Áhom burá), and
(3) Puranimáti (Khátwál burá). These dángariyás are said still to
retain a position of some spiritual influence among the Moráns, all
religious teaching being in their hands. Each family may freely choose
its own dángariyás, but followers of one dángariyá will not eat food
cooked by those of another, even when the worshippers are closely
connected with each other by family ties, as father, son, brother, etc.



[Marriages, etc.]

Infant betrothals would seem to be absolutely unknown, all marriages
being restricted to adults, as a rule monogamous, though a second
wife may be taken when the first proves childless. Occasionally the
bridegroom carries off his bride by force, especially during the April
Bihu, the union formed in this way being afterwards recognised by the
girl's parents. Sometimes the bride goes to her lover's house of her
own free will, without payment of the usual bride-price (pån). But as a
rule as among other portions of the Bårå race, matrimonial engagements
are entered into after negotiations between the parents of the persons
concerned. The essential elements of a marriage in this case are (1)
the payment of a bride-price (pån) of some Rs 20-100 to the girl's
parents, and (2) the giving of a feast at the bridegroom's expense
to the parents, relatives, and friends of the bride. The marriage
ceremony is always non-Shástric, nor are Brahmins present, a Bhakat
or dángariyá doing all that is deemed necessary. The ceremony itself
may perhaps be described as "semi-chacklang," some, though not all,
of the rites practised among the Áhoms at what is called a chaklang
marriage being frequently carried out.



[Divorce.]

Divorce is permitted occasionally, but only when the wife is guilty
of adultery with a man of lower caste-standing than her own. In
these cases the husband brings back the erring wife to her father's
house with some betel-nuts and one rupee in an earthenware sarái;
the father receives her and gives back a portion of the betel-nuts to
the husband, and the woman is at once free to marry again. Widows are
at liberty to remarry, but not with the deceased husband's brother;
but little or no ceremonial is observed at such a remarriage, a widow
taking a substantially lower position than a virgin bride.



[Disposal of dead.]

The dead are usually disposed of by burial, but the bodies of old
Bhakats are sometimes cremated, the ashes being afterwards buried under
a high earth mound known as a "moidám." On the third day after death
takes place the ceremony known as telani, when the near relatives
are anointed with mustard seed oil (tel). This is followed ten days
later by the dahá, [58] when offerings of rice, salt, betel-nuts,
etc., are offered by the relatives, and finally, after an interval
of twenty days, the dahá káj is celebrated, when a general feast
takes place both day and night. These observances have perhaps more
in common with funeral wakes than with what is known among Hindus as
a shráddha; no Brahmins are present.



[6. Chutiyas (87,691). Deori Chutiyas, 4,000. Habitat.]

This once very powerful race, which still numbers almost 90,000
souls, has its chief home and habitat in the districts of Lakhimpur
and Sibsagar, though a not inconsiderable number are found in the
Darrang district (Mangaldai  subdivision). Their general appearance
and physical and mental characteristics prove clearly that they belong
to the widely spread Bårå race, and this view is borne out by the
language still spoken to some extent by one of the subdivisions of
the race (the Deoris), which has very much in common with the Kachári
of Darrang, and still more with the speech of the people (Dimásá)
of the north Kachar Hills.



[Traditional origin and history.]

Their origin is far from being clearly known. According to one
tradition--probably the outcome of Hindu imaginativeness--they claim
to be descendants of Khetrias who fled into Assam for refuge from
the destroying arm of Parasu-Ram (battle-axe Ram). But according to
a tradition embodied in an old Assamese chronicle of uncertain date,
the founder of the Chutiya kingdom, for some 200 years a very powerful
one, was one Bihar (? Virapála), who is said to have had his home on
"Golden Hill" (Suvarna-giri) in the mountains to the north of the
modern Sadiya, which place was for a lengthened period the centre of
Chutiya power, before the advent of the Áhoms in the 15th century. It
is said that Kuvera (the Hindu Pluto) appeared to this Bihar, who was
simply an ordinary peasant, and urged him to be reconciled to his wife
(Rupavati), with whom he had quarrelled, as she was about to present
him with a son who should make a name in history. Moreover, he was
directed to make search under a certain tree where he would find a
shield, a sword, and a spear; and underneath the shield a golden cat,
which latter he was to preserve with the utmost care, as it was to be
the talisman of his family's fortunes. Kuvera's instructions were duly
carried out by Bihar, to whom a son was born, named Ratnadhwaj, who
through force of character established his influence in the mountains;
and then descending to the plains established a powerful kingdom at
Sadiya which maintained itself there for over two centuries, when it
fell before the rapidly growing influence of the warlike Áhoms. In
order finally to break up the power of the Chutiyas their Áhom
conquerors are said to have distributed the subjugated race over Assam
and north-east Bengal. One not inconsiderable portion of the Mangaldai
subdivision is still known as Chutiya des; otherwise Kaupáti. To this
Machiavellian policy of the Áhom rulers is perhaps due the present
widely scattered condition of the once powerful Kachári race.



[Subdivisions (modern).]

There are four subdivisions of the Chutiya race still recognised, viz.:


    1. Hindu Chutiya.
    2. Áhom Chutiya.
    3. Deori Chutiya--the Levite or priestly clan.
    4. Baráhi Chutiya--the pig-eating clan.


Each of these subdivisions is said to have been in early days
endogamous, though this is hardly so now, for members of the two upper
clans can intermarry, and the same statement holds good of the two
lower (Deori and Baráhi); but outside these limits marriage is said to
be prohibited. The Hindu and Áhom Chutiyas have very largely adopted
Hinduism of the Vaishnava type; but it is said that occasionally
they indulge in secluded midnight revels known as "ráti soá khoá,"
at which almost all kinds of food (beef alone excepted) are very
freely consumed. The Deoris and Baráhis, however, still follow largely
certain animistic rites; so far as they have adopted Hinduism at all,
it would seem to be of a depraved type, Tantric rather than Vedic.



[The Deoris.]

By far the most interesting, because the most primitive, characteristic
of the four subdivisions of the Chutiya race mentioned above, is
that which holds the third place in the list; i.e., the Deoris. It
has been stated before more than once that this term Deoris is thus
used to designate the recognised ministers of religion throughout
the Bårå race; and this points to the fact that they are essentially
what indeed their tribal name implies, a Levite or priestly body,
and one in earlier days possessed of large influence which even yet
has not been wholly lost. In point of mere numbers they are certainly
not a powerful body, somewhat less than 4,000 all told. Their chief
habitat is on and near the Dikrang river some thirty miles west of the
subdivisional station of North Lakhimpur, while other villages may be
found in the Májuli, the "Holy Land" of the modern (Hindu) Assamese,
where they would seem to lead a very simple primitive life. A Deori
Chutiya village has been well described as follows:

"It consists of some thirty houses built on bamboo platforms raised
about five feet from the ground. A single house will often contain
a family of forty persons, living in one great room without any
compartments, though with separate fireplaces, with a verandah in
front where visitors are entertained. The villagers are a tall, large,
well-nourished folk, with features bearing a strong resemblance to
that of the Kacháris. They drink strong liquor (home-made) and eat
all kinds of flesh except beef."



[Language.]

There are two things which give a certain interest and importance to
the Deoris in spite of the paucity of their numbers, i.e., (1) their
language and (2) their religion. Like other members of the widely
spread Bårå race, the Deoris are bilingual, speaking both Assamese
and their own tongue, but giving a distinct preference to the latter,
of which they are said to be not a little proud. [59] The language
itself is obviously very closely allied to that of the Kacháris of
Darrang and still more so to the speech of the people of the North
Kachár Hills (Dimásá), who, being more isolated from the plains than
are the Kacháris, have no doubt preserved their mother tongue very
largely in its primitive form. In all likelihood the language of the
Deori Chutiyás gives us the purest and most archaic form of the Bårå
speech, and there can be little doubt that in earlier times it was
the dominant language of Eastern Assam.

The religion of the Deori Chutiyás is still largely animistic. There
are a number of domestic gods, who hold a prominent place in family
worship, and puja is often performed under big trees and by the side
of rivers, as among the Darrang Kacháris. The Brahmaputra is held in
special reverence and is spoken of as the mother of water (ji chimá,
or chimá jimá) much as the Darrang Kacháris regard this huge volume
of water as "Mater magna" (Hodgson).

Unlike the western Kacháris, however, the Deori Chutiyás pay no special
regard to the 'siju' tree (Euphorbia splendens), a peculiarity which
they share with the Dimásá, Lálungs, Gáros, [60] and other members of
the Bårå family who have their home mostly on the south of the great
river. They have four great annual festivals, two of which correspond
in some respects to the Assamese Mágh and Baisák Bihu, though not held
exactly on the same dates. They have a great reputation as wizards,
etc., and are supposed to have the power of causing their enemies to
die mysteriously of slow occult wasting diseases, and in this way they
are often consulted by their neighbours in cases of loss of cattle
or undetected robberies. There would seem to be three principal gods:--

(1) Girasi-girá (Burá-buri), i.e., "the old ones," always spoken of as
a wedded pair (cf. the "Bathau and the Mainau" of the Darrang Kacháris
and the "Warang-Berang," 'the old one' of Hodgson's  Dhimals); they
are specially worshipped by the Dibongiá khel, and their original
temple was on the Kundil river, a little east of Sadiya.

(2) Pisha-dema (Bohza-hemata), "the elder son" worshipped by the
Tengá pániya khel. His temple stood on Tengápáni river.

(3) Pisha-si, "the daughter," known as (1) Támeshwari mái, the "mother
of the copper temple," and (2) Kechá-kháti, the "raw-flesh eater," to
whom human sacrifices were offered. She was worshipped by the Bargaya
(Borgoniya) khel and her temple stood somewhere near "Chunpura"
('lime-kiln') on the Brahmaputra a few miles east of Sadiya.

In addition to these a fourth khel, Pátorgiya, is said to have once
existed, but its status was inferior to those of the other three,
and it has consequently become extinct. To each of these khels and
temples four priests (pujáris) were attached, i.e., (1) a Bor Deori
(Deori Dima) and (2) a Saru Deori (Deori Sarba); and (3) a Bor Bharáli,
and (4) a Saru Bharáli. [61] It is the former two (the Deoris),
who alone perform the sacrifice, enter the temple and sing hymns,
etc., which are hardly now understood by the laity. The office of
the Bharális was an inferior one; it was their duty to collect all
temple-offerings and to provide animals for sacrifice. They are also
privileged to hold the head of the victim, which is nowadays usually
a goat. As a rule no images, etc., are to be seen in the temples,
though such images would seem to be provided from time to time as
needed for purposes of public worship.



[Human sacrifices (Narabali).]

Of the Deori temples mentioned above the oldest and most noteworthy
is undoubtedly that known as the "Támar ghar" or copper temple,
at Chunpura, the ruins of which are, it is said, still to be seen
some miles east of Sadiya. It is described as a small stone building
nearly square, built without cement, the stones joined by iron pins,
not clamped. The roof, now fallen in, was of copper; hence the
temple's name. The interior is eight feet square; and the whole is
enclosed by a brick wall 130 feet by 200. Near the grand entrance in
the western wall is a small stone tripod. Here from a period unknown
down to a comparatively recent date human sacrifices were offered
year by year. It is said that latterly the Áhom kings gave up for this
purpose malefactors who had been sentenced to capital punishment; but
as suitable victims of this type were not always forthcoming, a certain
special tribe (khel) of the king's subjects were held bound to provide
one and in return the members of this tribe were entitled to certain
privileges, e.g., exemption from payment of ferry dues and market
tolls, etc. It was necessary in all cases that the victims should be
of high caste and "without blemish," [62] the slightest mutilation,
even the boring of an ear, rendering them unfit to be offered.

All Brahmins and members of the royal family were exempted as a
privilege; whilst Domes, Haris, Musalmáns and women were excluded
as unfit. For some time preceding the sacrifice the victim to be
immolated was detained at the temple and sumptuously fed there, until
he attained a sufficiently plump condition to suit the assumed taste
of the flesh-eating goddess. On the appointed day he was led forth,
magnificently attired and decorated with gold and silver ornaments,
to be shown to the crowds assembled for the occasion. He was then
led away and taken, by a private path trodden only by the officiating
priests and their victims, to the brink of a deep pit, where he was
divested of his gay attire and decapitated so that the body fell
into the pit. The head was added to a heap of ghastly skulls that
were piled up before the shrine. The exact date when these fearful
sacrifices ceased does not seem to be definitely known. Lieutenant
(afterwards Colonel) Dalton, from whose highly interesting paper
most of the above details are taken, states that they were in vogue
down to the time when the Áhom Government was superseded by that of
the Burmese, when the Deoris finally withdrew from the neighbourhood
of the "copper temple." Mr. Brown, on the other hand, tells us that
these human sacrifices were abolished at a somewhat earlier date by
Raja Gaurinath, who, also being unable to protect the Deoris from the
Mishmis and other tribes, removed them to the Majuli, [63] where some
of their villages are still to be found.



[Marriage, etc.]

As among other branches of the Bårå race, infant betrothal is unknown,
no marriage being permitted until puberty is attained. Monogamy is
the rule among Deoris and Baráhis; but a second wife is allowed
where the first proves childless. Polygamy is common among Hindu
and Áhom Chutiyas, but polyandry is quite unknown. Marriages are
generally planned and arranged by the parents of the young people
concerned, a bride-price varying from Rs. 10 to Rs. 100 being paid
to the bride's parents by those of the bridegroom, or an equivalent
given in service in the bride's household (cf. Genesis, xxix. 15-20:
Jacob serving Laban seven years for Rachel).

The actual marriage ceremony seems to vary considerably in the four
different clans (khels) which compose the Chutiya community. With
the two lower sections, i.e., the Deoris and Baráhis, it consists
in a feast given by the bridegroom's people to the friends and
fellow-villagers of the bride, accompanied by much singing of songs,
etc., in honour of the clan gods and goddesses, whilst with not a
few even this simple ceremonial is dispensed with, and the young
man claims his bride by merely placing bracelets on her wrists and
a string of beads, etc., on her neck (Kháru and mani pindhoá). [64]
But among the Áhom and Deori Chutiyas, who claim a somewhat higher
position than the other two sections, a more elaborate ceremonial is
observed. The Áhom Chutiyas to some extent still observe the form
of marriage characteristic of their race, i.e., that known as the
Chaklang. There is an exchange of temi and katári between bride and
bridegroom, who are made formally to inhale the smell of turmeric
together, and this is followed by the tying of the nuptial knot
(lagun gáthi), and the distribution of simple refreshments (jal-pán)
among the assembled friends and relatives; and finally the bridegroom
is said to carry off his bride through a hole cut in the corner of
the house, this last proceeding being perhaps a survival of the time
when marriage by capture or stealth was not unknown. With the Hindu
Chutiyas there is a still more elaborate ceremonial in vogue, one
which approximates somewhat closely to the orthodox Hindu ideal. The
chaklang form is superseded by that of the 'hom,' i.e., libations of
clarified butter (ghi) are formally poured in sacrifice on the sacred
fire, and certain special mantras are recited by the officiating
priest in the presence of the bride and bridegroom, who are formally
seated by his side, and formally united by the tying of the nuptial
knot (lagun-gáthi). It is said, further, that matrimonial etiquette
requires postponement of consummation of the marriage for a week or
so after the completion of the wedding ceremonial.



[Divorce, widow, remarriage, etc.]

Divorce, which would seem to be not very common, may and usually
does follow adultery on the part of the wife, the adulterer paying a
fine of Rs. 500 to the injured husband, and further being compelled
to provide a home for the erring woman, whom no respectable man of
the tribe would consent to marry. The form used in cases of divorce
is the usual one of tearing a betel-leaf (pán-chirá) together by the
husband and the wife. The remarriage of widows is permitted with few,
if any, restrictions; but as a rule the full marriage ceremonial,
whether 'hom' or 'chaklang,' is not observed in such widow remarriages.



[Disposal of the dead.]

The bodies of the dead are usually disposed of by burning, except
in cases of epidemics, when, through panic or like cause, they
are thrown into the jungle, or left to perish where they fall. The
cremation is generally followed by a funeral feast, lasting for a
period of from five to nine days, either at the deceased's house or
at the river-side where the body was burnt. A shrádh with feasting of
the dead man's relatives takes place usually at the end of a month
after the cremation. This shrádh marks the closing of the period of
mourning, which in the case of an adult extends over about thirty days,
during which period no flesh or fish may be eaten, though rice, ghi
and potatoes are allowed. In the case of those who die in childhood
no shrádh is observed, though the bereaved family usually go into
mourning for some three days.







APPENDIX II [65]


To the stories taken by Mr. Endle from my little collection of Kachári
folk-tales, I have ventured to add the following three tales, with an
interlinear literal translation and some brief linguistic notes. This
I have done in order to follow the example set in Sir C. J. Lyall's
edition of Mr. Edward Stack's work on the Mikirs. A transcription
followed by a loose translation is not of much use to linguistic
students unless they have already some knowledge of the language. I
ought to explain that I have not followed Mr. Endle's system of
transliteration. In a language which has no written character, it is
best to trust to one's own ear. In such languages dialect springs
up quickly and local differences of pronunciation abound. I have
merely tried, therefore, to record what I have myself heard. With
the aid of the literal versions I now give, and by carefully reading
Mr. Endle's Grammar, anyone who wishes to compare Kachári with other
Bodo languages, such as Garo and Tippera, ought to be able to make
out the remainder of the stories in my little collection without
much difficulty.

The vowels are recorded as follows:--


         a    is pronounced like   u    in English   hut
         a           ,,      ,,    a        ,,       father
         e           ,,      ,,    a        ,,       mason
         i           ,,      ,,    i        ,,       fit
         i           ,,      ,,    ee       ,,       green
         o           ,,      ,,    o        ,,       hot
         o           ,,      ,,    o        ,,       lo! alone
         u           ,,      ,,    u        ,,       pull
         u           ,,      ,,    oo       ,,       school
         ai          ,,      ,,    i        ,,       bite
         au          ,,      ,,    ow       ,,       how.


The sound represented by u is rather difficult to describe to
Europeans. To my ear, it seems rather guttural, something like the u in
"ugh!" or the vulgar pronunciation of girl as "gurl." Or, again, it
may be said to be like the French eu in peu, as pronounced by English
people. Or perhaps a still nearer approximation is the Englishman's
"er" when he pauses in making an after-dinner speech. The sound is of
some importance, as -ui is the suffix by which the adverb in modern
Kachári is formed from the adjective. Thus ga-ham, good; gaham-ui,
well. Also the continuative participle, as, thang-ui, thang-ui; going,
going--as he went.

When a is added to a noun, it is, as in Assamese, the sign of the
nominative. If the word ends in a vowel, and especially in the vowel a,
an euphonic i is inserted between the two vowels. Thus hingzau-sa, is
"woman." Hingzau-sa-i-a is "the woman," in a narrative. Similarly -au
is the inflexion marking the locative case. If the word ends in a,
this letter is divided from au by an euphonic i.

Words borrowed from Assamese or other Indian languages are printed
in Roman letters. Some such may have escaped me. If so, they have
probably been so transmuted by Bodo habits of pronunciation as to
have become completely naturalised.

A inserted or "infixed" in the middle of a verb (between stem and
inflexion) is the sign of the negative. Sometimes the euphonic i
precedes it. Sometimes, especially before a guttural sound, it is
converted into e.

No other supplementary explanations beyond those given in Mr. Endle's
note on grammar seem required here.





(I) ABRA-NI KHORANG.

SIMPLETON-OF STORY.


Sa-se brai    burui dangman.  Bi-sur-ha sa-se gotho dangman. Bi
One   old man old woman were. Them-to   one   boy   was      He

san [66]-se brai-burui-ni-au     moso    bai-nu lagi thaka bi-naise.
day-one     old-man old-woman-to bullock buy-to for  money beg-ged.

Khintu brai    burui     gotho-kho azla  nu-nanui thaka hu-a-man.
But    old man old woman boy-to    silly see-ing  money give-not-did.

Gotho-a em-bra-bra      bi-nai-khai        thaka zakhai-brui [67]
Boy     again and again begging-because-of money four-fours

hu-naise. Phare gotho-a moso    bai-nu lagi thang-ui thang-ui man-tham
give-did. Then  boy     bullock buy-to for  go-ing   go-ing   three

ali-ni   khathi-au ga-ham moso    ma-se nu-nanui, be   ali-au  thaka
roads-of near-at   good   bullock one   see-ing,  that road-on money

din-nanui, moso-kho   kha-nanui labo-naise. Thang-ui thang-ui bi-ha
plac-ing,  bullock-to bind-ing  take-did.   Going    going    he

khi-nu          on-khat-nanui moso-kho ha-gra [68] dai-se-au
to ease himself depart-ing    bullock  forest      branch-one-to

kha-nanui din-nanui khi-hui-ba [69]        moso-a  be-thing
bind-ing  plac-ing  to ease himself go-ing bullock that-way

khat-lang-naise. Phare be khi-nai-ni-frai fai-nanui, moso-kho
run-away-did.    Then  he easing-from     com-ing    bullock

nu-e-khai       ha-gra ha-gra namai-bai-naise. [70] Aru bi mui  zonthra
see not-because forest forest seek-wander-did.      And he deer male

nu-nanui, bi-kho-nu bi-ni  moso    han-nanui, husu-baie husu-baie un-au
see-ing,  it-indeed him-of bullock say-ing,   hunt-ing  hunt-ing  after

ha-gra zethap-au  gonga nang-nanui [71] thap-tha-nanui  tha-naise. Obasu
forest thicket-in horns stick-ing       caught-stay-ing stay-ed.   Then

bi mui-kho godo-i-au didung-zang kha-nanui no-ha-lagi  didung zorai
he deer-to neck-on   cord-with   bind-ing  house-up-to string ty-ing

zorai  no    man-fai-naise.  Beau-nu bima   bifa-i-a sung-naise, "nang
ty-ing house reach-come-did. Then    mother father   ask-ed,     you

moso    bai-nu thang-nai-a, huru?" [72] Obasu bi bung-naise, "be
bullock buy-to go-did-not,  eh?         Then  he say-did,    this

didung-kho bu-ba-nu, zang-fur moso    man-gan." Erui han-nanui,
string-to  tug-see,  you      bullock get-will. Thus say-ing,

sa-tham    zang     didung-au hom-nanui bu-ba-naise. Bu-i    bu-i
they-three together string-on seiz-ing  haul-ed.     Hauling hauling

mui-a no    man-fai-ba;     boibu gi-khrong-naise.   Phare bima bifa-i-a
deer  house reach-come-did; they  all fear-much-did. Then  mother-father

mui-kho bu-that-nanui s'lai-nu [73] lagi gami-ni    mansui-nu bangan
deer-to beat-slay-ing exchange-to   for  village-of men-to    loads

hu-naise.
send-did.



Be-au-nu gotho abra-i-a "ai    afa-i-a moso    bu-that-nanui   zabai"
Then     boy-foolish    mother father  bullock beat-killed-did ate

han-nanui malai-ni     game    game    khitha-bai-naise. Khintu bi-kho
say-ing   strangers-of village village say-continue-did. But    him

abra    nu-nanui mansui-fra bi-ni khorang-kho fathi-a-khuise. [74]
foolish see-ing  men        his   word        believe-not-did.

Bi-ni    unau,  aji-bu tha-i-u kali-bu   tha-i-u, abra-i-a bangai
There-of after, to-day staying to-morrow staying, fool     somewhat

det-bu-nanui [75] gagai-ni   hingzau namai-nu lagi aru,
big-grow-ing      himself-of wife    seek-to  for  more

brai-burui-ni-au  thaka      bi-naise. Be-au-bu  hu-a     gar-a,
old-man old-woman from money ask-did.  Thereupon give-not escape-not,

thaka zokhai-brui brai-ni-frai la-nanui hingzau namai-nanui thang-naise.
money four-fours  old-man-from tak-ing  wife    seek-ing    go-did.

Thang-ui thang-ui gami    mansui-ni dui   gathan-au zombai tha-naise.
Going    going    village men's     water ghaut-at  hiding stay-ed.

Phare unau  sase mazang hingzausa dui   lang-nu fai-nai nu-nanui, dui
Then  after one  pretty girl      water draw-to com-ing see-ing,  water

gathan-au bi dui-lang-nai   hingzausa-kho hom-nanui labo-naise. Phare
ghaut-at  he water-draw-ing girl-to       seiz-ing  take-did.   Then

fai-ui fai-ui nama-i-au meng-nanui  bong-fang-fang-se-ni [76] sing-au
coming coming road-on   tired-being tree-one-of               under

zirai-naise, aru moso-halwa         ma-se la-nanui, mansui sase bu
rest-ed,     and bullock plough(er) one   taking,   man    one  also

be-au-nu zirai-dangman. Bi-baidi bi-sur zirai-ba tha-ba, hom-nai
there    resting-was.   This-way they   resting-staying, seiz-ed

lang-za-nai [77] hingzau-i-a zingasi-nanui gab-ui  gab-ui
abducted         girl        lamenting     cry-ing cry-ing

megong-dui-i-a ha-ha-lagi         78] [buhi-lang-naise. Bi-kho nu-nanui
eye-water      earth-to-as far as flow-down-did.        This   see-ing

moso    la-nai  mansui-a abra-nu khitha-naise, "nang be   hingzausa-kho
bullock leading man      fool-to say-did,      you   that girl-to

mau   79] [man-nai? Aru nang bi-kho nai-nanui  labo-dang, na
where get-did?      And you  her    observ-ing take-did,  or

nai-i-a-la-ba labo-dang?" Oba  abra-i-a bung-naise "ang bi-kho mazang
see-not-doing took?       Then fool     say-did    I    her    pretty

nu-nanui bi-sur-ni dui-gathan-ni-frai thaka  zokhai-brui din-nanui
see-ing  them-of   water-ghaut-from   rupees four-fours  plac-ing

labo-dang." Oba-nu bi   buddi-grang-a [80]    bung-naise, "nang khana
take-did.   Then   that wisdom-possessing-one say-did,    you   blind

dang. Be   hingzausa mazang-ba-bu [81],   bi-ni  megong thai-ne-a
were. That girl      pretty-being-though, her-of eyes   two

bet-nai.   Nang nu-a-khui-nu? Ho,  nui, dui-a so-so   buhi-lang-dang.
burst-are. You  see-not-did?  Nay, see, water rushing flow-down-is.

Bi-baidi  hingzausa-kho, nang ma   kham-nu?" [82]
This-kind woman-to       you  what do-will?



Be   khorang khna-nanui abra-i-a bi-ni moso    zang s'lai-nu
That word    hear-ing   fool     his   bullock with change-to

namai-naise. Khintu bi   mansui-a misai-nu hu-nu   namai-i-a.   Theo-bu
wish-ed.     But    that man      false-ly give-to wish-ed-not. Yet

embra-bra       bi-nai-khai,        "la, le, la,"       han-nanui,
again and again begging-because of, "take, then, take," saying,

moso-zang    mansui-zang s'lai-nanui, gagai gagai mon-au  ga-ham [83]
bullock-with mortal-with exchang-ing, own   own   mind-in well

man-nanui, azang [84] sa-se azang      sa-se mamar   thang-lai-naise.
find-ing,  one-person one   one person one   quickly went-away.

Be-baidi-nu    thang-ui thang-ui [85] abra-i-a bong-fang fang-se sing-au
This-manner-in going    going         fool     tree      one     under

burma la-nai   mansui sa-se zo-bai  tha-nai [86] nu-nanui, bi-bu
goat  lead-ing man    one   sitting stay-ing     seeing,   he-too

be-au-nu     zo-naise. Be-baidi zo-bai   tha-ba,   moso-a
there-indeed sit-did.  This-way sit-ting stay-ing, bullock

ha-su-dangman. Phare bi   burma lanai   mansui-a bung-naise, "be
defecated.     Then  that goat  leading man      said        that

moso-ni   udu-i-a gob-long-bai, aru  san sa-se [87] thaba   be
bullock's belly   is burst,     more day one        staying it

thoi-si-gan."    Be-au-bu bi   abra-i-a goma nung-na=nui, moso-kho bi-ni
die-perish-will. Then     that fool     true thinking,    bullock  his

burma-zang s'lai-naise. Be-baidi thang-ui, aru  sa-se thalit la-nai
goat-with  exchanged.   This-way going,    also one   banana bearing

mansui lugu    man-nanui, abra-i-a bu   zo-dangman. Khintu burma-i-a
man    meeting getting,   fool     also sit-did.    But    goat

gangsu [88] ukhui-nanui ba-brap  bai-nai-au [89] bi zo-nu  sukhu
grass       hungering   restless wandering-on    he sit-to pleasure

man-e-khai,         burma-kho buba,     burma ba ba  han-naise. Obanu,
get-not-because of, goat      beat-ing, goat  ba-baa say-did.   Then

"ese mengnai-i-au ang nang-kho ma-brui  ba-gan?"     han-nanui,
thus tired-being  I   you      what-way carry-shall? saying,

brap-nanui,   gar-nu [90] lubui-ba, be   thalit la-nai    mansui-a,
angered-being to get rid  wishing,  that banana carry-ing man

thalit-kho abra-nu hu-nanui, bi burma-kho lang-naise. Bi-baidi-nu
bananas    fool-to giv-ing,  he goat      take-did.   This-way-indeed

bi-sur bi-ni-frai thang-lai-naise. [91] Ere-au-nu  sa-se mansui bi-ni
they   there-from go-away-did.          There-upon one   man    his

sigang-thing    asi    khrep-khrep dam-nanui fai-dang. Oba-su khathi-au
front-direction finger snap-snap   sound-ing come-did. Then   near

lugu    man-ba, abra-i-a bung-naise, "ang burma ma-se mani  hu-nanui,
meeting getting fool     said        I    goat  one   up-to giv-ing,

be    thalit-kho labodang.     Theo-bu ang-ni-au thalit       bi-u!"
those bananas    carried-away. Yet     from-me   banana (you) beg!

Erui han-nanui, "nang  thalit za-nu  lubui-dang-ba, [92] nang-ni
So   say-ing,   you    banana eat-to wish-do-if          your

bidya-kho ang-nu hu,"  han-nanui, bi bi-au-nu hura-se  mani
skill     me-to  give, say-ing,   he there    hour-one till

sulung-nanui, zenthen-ui  ha-nanui,  thalit-kho bi-nu  hu-nanui, asi
teaching,     as best     able-being bananas    him-to giving    finger

khrep-khrep dam-nanui thang-naise. Thang-ui thang-ui, mai  gezer
snap-snap   sound-ing depart-ed.   Going    going     rice tall

dap-se-au    khi-nu      onkhat-nanui khi-nai-au       bi-ni bidya-kho
field-one-in defecate-to going-out    (in the process) his   leaving

bau-gar-naise. Aru be   mai-gezer-au-nu gama-bai [93] han-nanui, mai-kho
forgot.        And that rice-tall-in    lost-is       saying,    rice

thema nai-nai-baidi [94] nai-naise. Be-au-nu mai-ni  girima-i-a [95]
lice  seeking-like       searched.  Then     rice-of owner

mai  ha-bai-tha-dangman [96] nu-nanui, bi-kho sung-naise, "nang-ha be-au
rice was broken down         seeing    him    asked       you      there

ma   gama-dang? Ang-ni mai-fur-ha  ham-a  zo-thro-bai." [97]     Abra
what have lost? My     rice plants ruined flattened-utterly-are. Fool

bung-naise, "ang-ha thaka  zokhai-brui-ni bidya man-se be-au-nu
say-did,    I       rupees sixteen of     skill one    there

gama-bai. Nang-bu ang-zang namai-pha-ba, ang nang-kho ga-ham
lost.     You-too me-with  seek-come-ing I   you-to   well

man-gan," [98] han-nai-khai,     bi-bu  namai-ui namai-ui
meet-will,     saying-because-of he-too seeking  seeking

man-e-khai [99]    brap-nanui, "nang-ni khorang-a misa," han-nanui,
get-not-because of angry-being your     tale      false, saying,

asi     dam-ba,   "afa,   da  ang man-bai!" han-nanui abra-i-a
fingers sounding, father, now I   get-have! saying    fool

khat-lang-naise. Aru be-baidi-nu      thang-ui thang-ui fukuri man-se
ran-away.        And that-way-exactly going    going    pond   one

man-hui-ba [100] be-au-bu  bi khi-nanui,  bi-ni bidya-kho baugar-naise.
meet-ing         there-too he defecating, his   art       forgot.

Phare bi namai-e [101] namai-e man-a-khui.  Ere-au-nu sa-se mansui
Then  he seeking       seeking get-not-did. There-on  one   man

lugu    man-nanui sung-naise, "nang-ha be-au ma   gama-dang?" hanba,
meeting getting   ask-ed      you      there what lost-have,  saying,

"afa,   ang-ha be-au ga-ham basthu man-se gama-bai; nang-bu namai-ba,
father, I      there good   thing  one    lost;     you too seeking,

ang gaham man-go,"   bung-nai-au [102] bi-bu  bi-zang  namai-fai-naise,
I   well  meet-will, saying            he-too him-with search-come-did,

aru un-au   namai-ui namai-ui ha-bru    zang musunla-musunli za-nanui,
and then    seeking  seeking  earth-mud with hugger-mugger   becoming

theo-bu man-e-khai,        bi   mansui-a brap-nanui  asi     dam-naise.
yet     get-not-because of that man      angry-being fingers sounded.

Oba  bi, "O afa,   da-su,    ang be-kho man-bai," han-nanui, rong
Then he, O father, now-inded I   it     got-have, saying,    happy

za-nanui, no-ha-lagi  khrep-khrep dam-nanui, no    man-hui-naise.
becoming, house-up-to snap-snap   sounding   house went and reached.

Bi-kho nu-nanui brai    burui-a   mini-su-naise.  Agla  bi-kho
Him    seeing   old man old woman laugh-much-did. First him

sinai [103] man-a-khui-man, unau  sung-nanui mithi-naise. Aru thaka-fur
recognition get-not-did     after ask-ing    knew.        And rupees

ma   kham-khu?" "han-ba, bung-naise, "ang hingzau sa-se labo-dangman.
what did?       saying   (he) said,  I    girl    one   take-did.

Be-ha megon thai-ne bu   bet-nai.    Bi-ni-khai aru  moso
Her   eyes  two     also were burst. Therefore  also bullock

s'lai-naise. Bi-bu  ang-kho ba-nu    thin-nai-khai brap-nanui, thalit
exchanged.   It-too me      to carry ordering      being angry bananas

s'lai-naise. Thalit-kho nu-nanui, sa-se mansui-a bi-nai-khai,    be
exchanged.   Bananas    seeing    one   man      begging-because of that

mansui-ni-frai be   bidya-kho sulung-nanui thalit  hu-nanui labo-dang.
man from       this skill     learning     bananas giving   took.

Aru ang ma   kham-nu nang-go?"     Zap-bai!
And I   what to do   was obliged?" Ended!





FREE TRANSLATION.

THE STORY OF THE SIMPLETON.

There was once an old man and an old woman, and they had an only
son. One day he begged rupees of the old people to buy a bullock, but
they, seeing the lad was an innocent, refused his request. However,
on his importuning them, they gave him sixteen rupees. On which he
marched off to purchase his bullock, and finding a fine one where three
roads met, he put down his money on the road and led the beast away,
but as he was going, he tied his new acquisition to a branch, and, as
he was looking another way, it escaped. On which he started in search
of it, and seeing a stag, hunted that, until by chance its horns stuck
in a thicket. Thereon he tied a cord round its neck, and joining other
cords to the first, finally reached his home. On which his father and
mother asked, "Did not you set out to buy a bullock?" "To be sure I
did," he replied, "and if you help me to pull this cord, you will see
the bullock I have bought." So they all three tugged, and presently
the stag appeared, kicking and struggling, to the great fear of the
old people. They killed it, nevertheless, and sent its flesh round to
the adjacent villages for sale. After which the boy went about saying
that the villagers had eaten cow's flesh. But seeing him to be a fool,
no one paid much attention to what he said.

Another day, some time after, when the silly boy was rather bigger,
he asked for money again to buy a wife with. And again, overcome by
his obstinacy, they gave him sixteen rupees, taking which he set out in
search of a maiden, and, after going some distance, took up his station
at a place where the villagers draw water from the river. Presently
a pretty girl came tripping down to get water, on which, as before,
he put down his money and seized and carried off the girl. And since
she was plump, he soon grew tired and rested under a tree. Presently
a man leading a plough ox came that way, and he too joined the party
and sat down. But the girl sat weeping and lamenting and crying her
eyes out. Seeing which, the man said to the simpleton, "Where did you
get that girl? And did you have a good look at her before you took
her?" "Yes, I did," said the lad, "I saw that she was a pretty girl,
so I put down sixteen rupees at the village watering place and carried
her off." On which the cunning fellow said, "You must be blind, my
friend; she may be a pretty girl, but both her eyes are burst. Did
you not see that? Why, look at them now. The water is running from
them in streams. What are you going to do with a girl like that?"

On hearing that, the lad wanted to exchange the girl for the plough
ox, and the man cunningly pretended to be unwilling, but was finally
persuaded by the simpleton's importunacy, and said, "There, take it,
and begone." So the exchange was effected, and each quickly went his
own way, mightily pleased with his bargain.

After going some way, the boy met a man with a goat. This man too
sat down. After a while the ox eased itself, and the man with the
goat said, "That beast's belly is burst, and in a day or two it will
die." The simpleton, believing every word he said, exchanged his ox
for the goat, and went his way. Presently he met a man carrying a
bunch of bananas, and sat down beside him. But the goat was hungry
for grass and kept wandering about and crying "Ba! ba!" so that his
master got no peace. Now the word "ba" in Kachári means "Carry me on
your back." So the boy was vexed, and crying "How shall I carry you
on my back when I am so tired?" exchanged the goat for the bunch of
bananas. And again each went his way.

By chance there came a man that way snapping his fingers. And he
asked for the bananas. But the simpleton said, "I got those bananas in
exchange for a goat, and you ask me for them! However, if you really
want to eat the fruit, teach me the art of snapping the fingers,
and you shall have them." After an hour's teaching, he had learned
the difficult art, more or less, and, giving up the bananas, departed
snapping his fingers.

Presently he came to a fine field of rice, and there forgot his new
art. Fancying he had lost it in the rice, he began searching for it
in the crop as women search for lice in one another's hair, and the
rice-field was all trodden down. And then the owner of the field came
up and asked, "What are you looking for there?" The simpleton said,
"I have lost something for which I gave sixteen rupees. If you will
join me in my search, I shall be greatly obliged." So the man searched
too, and the crop suffered greatly. But finding nothing, the man,
in pure vexation, snapped his fingers. On which the lad, crying,
"That is just what I lost!" danced away gaily.

Soon after he paused on the bank of a pond, and again forgot his art,
and began wading about in the mud looking for it. And a man asked him,
as before, what he had lost. So he replied, "Something for which I gave
sixteen rupees." And the man joined him in the search, and both became
covered with mud from head to foot. And, since they found nothing, the
man grew angry, and snapped his fingers. On which the boy cried in joy,
"Good sir, that is what I lost!" and danced away to his home. And when
his old parents saw him covered with mud, they burst out laughing,
and, until they heard his voice, did not know who he was. And when
they asked what he had done with his money, he explained that he
had bought a girl, whom he had exchanged for an ox, which he gave in
exchange for a goat, which angered him by ordering him to carry it
on his back, so that he exchanged it for a bunch of bananas, which
he gave in exchange for the art of snapping his fingers. "And what
else did you expect me to do?" said the simpleton! And that's all!





II. MUKHRA ARU SESSA-NI KHORANG.

THE TALE OF THE MONKEY AND THE HARE.


Ma-se sessa aru mukhra zang     fisikhi [104] man. Bi-sur sa-nui
One   hare  and monkey together friendship    was. They   two

zang     ozai-nu [105] lugu se  tha-i-u, lugu se  za-i-u, aru
together ever          together stayed,  together ate,    and

lugu se [106] tha-baa-bai-i-u. Obasu san-se  sa-se Darrang-arui mansui
together      wandered about.  Then  day-one one   Darrang-ite  man

goe   thalit la-nanui, alasi za-nu  thang-nai nam-au  lugu    man-nanui,
betel banana bringing, feast to eat going     on road meeting obtaining,

bi-sur rai-lai-naise, [107] "be  mansui-ni goe   thalit-fur-kho za-nu
they   speaking-exchanged,  this man's     betel bananas        to eat

lagi zang-fur buddi  man-se kham-nu nang-go," han-nanui, sessa-kho
for  we       scheme one    to make must,     saying,    hare

namau   tha-nu  thin-nanui, mukhra-i-a ha-gra-i-au hakhmanai tha-naise.
on road to stay sending,    monkey     forest in   hidden    stay-ed.

Phare mansui-a man-fai-ba, sessa-kho nu-nanui, bi-ban din-nanui,
Then  man      reaching,   hare-to   seeing,   load   placing,

hu-su-naise. Hu-su-ba, mukhra-i-a hagra-ni-frai mamar   on-khat-nanui,
hunted.      Hunting,  monkey     forest-from   quickly emerging,

thalit-fur-kho la-nanui, bong-fang-au ga-khu-hui-naise. [108] Aru "sessa
bananas        taking,   in tree      clambered.              And "hare

fai-gan"   han-nanui, thalit  goe-fur-kho mamar   za-gru-naise. Aru
will come" saying,    bananas betel-nuts  quickly eat-gobbled.  And

thalit bigur bua  sessa-nu din-naise.
banana skins only for hare placed.



Emphare unau  sessa-kho mansui-a hom-nu   ha-i-a-khuise aru un-au
Then    after hare-to   the man  to seize was-not-able  and after

no-i-au [109] thang-pha-phin-naise. [110] Obasu sessa-i-a gabzri-ui
to house      go-away-back-did.           Then  hare      shouting

gabzri-ui thang-nanui, fisikhi-kho lugu    man-hui-nanui, gur
shouting  going,       friend      meeting obtaining,     molasses

thalit  bi-ba,      thalit bigur bua  hu-naise. Bi-ni-khai sessa-i-a
bananas on begging, banana skins only gave.     Therefore  hare

brap-nanui,  "be-kho bangai dukhu   hugan,"   mon-au  nung-nanui,
being angry, to him  some   trouble will give in mind thinking,

thaso-bare [111] sing-au tha-hui-naise.   Un-au mukhra-i-a
Kachhu plants    under   went and stayed. After monkey

bong-fang-ni-frai on-khat-nanui, "sikhi-lui, sikhi-lui!" han-ui han-ui,
from tree         descending,    oh, friend, oh friend,  saying saying,

gabzri   gabzri   thang-ba, sessa-i-a brap-na-nui bung-naise,
shouting shouting going,    hare      being angry said,

"ma-thu [112] sikhi   sikhi    lui?##### Ang be-au-nu raza-ni
what's this   "friend friend," eh?       I   here     king's

khuser [113] ne-fai-dang.      Nang-nu ang-kho ma-nu nang-go?" Oba-su
sugar-cane   am come to watch. You     of me   what  want?     Then

mukhra-i-a nu-za-hui- nanui [114] bung-naise, "he sikhi,  khuser-kho
monkey     going and  looking     said,       oh, friend, sugar-cane

ang-nu tho-se  hu,   hera! Bese gathau ang za-nai ni," han-ba, sessa
to me  one bit give, do!   How  sweet  I   eating see, saying, hare

bung-naise, "Ang nang-nu hu-nu   ha-i-a.      Raza khna-ba    ang-kho
said,       I    to you  to give am not able. King on hearing me

bu-gan."   Theo-bu, bi embra-bra       bi-nai-khai,        "za, lui,
will beat. However  he again and again because of begging, eat, there,

za, [115] ang nang-zang ha-lia,"     han-nanui, za-nu  hu-naise. Phare
eat,      I   with you  am not able, saying,    to eat gave.     Then

bi za-nanui, sala-i-au man-ba,   "sikhi, ang thoi-naise," han-nanui,
he eating,   on tongue catching, friend, I   am killed,   saying,

babrap-bai-ba,          sessa bung-naise, "nang gagai-nu dukhu
wandering distractedly, hare  said,       you   your own trouble

man-dang. Ang da  nang-kho ma   kham-gan?" han-nanui, bere-jotha-ni baha
procured. I   now to you   what shall do?  saying,    hornets of    nest

sing-au tha-hui-naise.   Mukhra-bu  un     un     gabzri-nanui
under   went and stayed. Monkey-too behind behind shouting

thang-nanui, aru  nu-za-hui-nai-sui-la-i-u. [116] "Sikhi, nang ma
going,       also went and watched him with care. Friend, you  what

kham-dang?" bung-ba,   sessa khitha-naise, "ang raza-ni zotha
are doing?  on saying, hare  said,         I    king's  drum

ne-dang,"    han-ba, "Sikhi, ang-nu bangai   dam-nu  hu,   hera!"
am guarding, saying, friend, to me  a little to play give, do!

Sessa-i-a bung-naise, "uh! ang ha-i-a, hera;  raza khna-ba    ang-kho
Hare      said,       oh!  I   cannot, truly, king on hearing me

bu-that-gan,"      bung-ba bu,  embra-bra       "ang lasui-su
beating will kill, saying even, again and again I    very lightly

dam-gan,   hera,"  han-nanui, bere     baha-kho akhai-phat-ne  zang
will play, really, saying,    hornets' nest     hand-palms-two with

bu-zap-naise.   Obanu bere-fra mukhang, [117] megon, modom, gasenu
beat and broke. Then  hornets  face,          eyes,  body,  all

ot-phop-ba       mukhra-i-a gap-khrau gap-si  ba-brap-bai-naise. [118]
stinging-hurting monkey     howling   yelling wandered about.

Obania sessa-i-a bung-naise, "ang du-hui-nu  nang-nu khitha-dangman,
Then   monkey    said,       I    repeatedly to you  said,

theobu nang khorang la-i-a.      Ang ma   kham-gan?" han-nanui, aru
yet    you  word    accepted-not I   what shall do?  say-ing,   and

dap-se-au    zibo-gowal-ni   khathi-au tha-hui-naise.   Azang-ha
field-one-in a kind of snake near      went and stayed. Accordingly

mukhra bu  khi-thu khi-thu thang-nanui bung-naise, "aru be-au lai nang
monkey too behind  behind  going       said,       and  there eh? you

ma   kham-dang, hera?" Sessa bung-naise, "ang raza-lung-ha-ni [119]
what are doing, say?   Hare  said,       I    king-people-of

sama-lauthi ne-dang,     hera!" bung-ba, "Sikhi, ang-nu-bu hu,   hera!
sceptre     am watching, sir!   saying,  friend, to me to  give, do!

ang bangai   dang-nai-ni."  Bi "hu-a"     han-ba-bu   embra-bra
I   a little wield and see. He "not give" saying-even again and again

dang-nai-nanui be-au-bu  bi zibo-zang ot-za-naise. [120] Bi-ni-frai
wielding       then-also he snake-by  bitten be-came.    There-from

sessa thang-nanui photo-bare-au tha-hui-naise.   Mukhra bu   gabzri
hare  go-ing      marsh-in      went and stayed. Monkey also shouting

gabzri   thang-nanui, aru lugu    la-hui-nanui      sessa-kho sung-ba,
shouting go-ing       and meeting going and getting hare-to   asking,

bi bung-naise, "be-kho-nu raza-ni dola      han-nanui bung-u." Mukhra
he said,       This       king's  palanquin saying    call.    Monkey

bung-naise, "Sikhi, ang bangai   uthi-nai  ni,  hera!"  bung-ba, "uh!
said,       friend, I   a little ascending see, please! saying,  oh!

ang hu-nu   ha-i-a.      Raza khna-ba ang-kho ma   bung-gan? Nang
I   to give am not able. King hearing to me   what will say? You

ma-ba     abra mansui, hera! Khorang khitha-ba-bu khna-song-a,"
what sort fool man,    eh!   Word    saying-even  not heed,

bung-ba-bu,  mukhra-i-a, "nong-a, hera sikhi,  do-se   bua  uthi-gan,"
saying-even, momkey,     no, no,  oh   friend, one bit only will ascend,

han-nanui, photo-bare-au bat-drum-ba, godo-ha-lagi thrup thang-naise.
saying,    on marsh      jumping,     neck-up too  flop  stuck.

Obasu sessa khitha-naise, "duhui thalit  za-nanui bigur hu-nai-a,
Then  hare  said,         "now   bananas eating   skin  giving-(person),

be-nu, hera sikhi,  nang be-au-nu   tha-du! Ang nang-kho
here,  oh   friend, you, there-even stop!   I   you

khulum-bai!           Ang thang-naise," han-nanui, bi mukhra-kho
pay you my reverence! I   am going,     saying,    he the monkey

be-au-nu gar-lai-naise.
there    left behind.



Obasa unau  bi-thing       ganda      ma-se fai-nai nu-ba,  bi-kho
Then  after that-direction rhinoceros one   coming  seeing, to him

mukhra-i-a dikhang-nu   thing-dangman. Ganda-i-a  bung-naise, "ang-ha
monkey     to extricate was ordering.  Rhinoceros said,       I

ukhui-sui-dang aru dui-gang-sui-dang;     ang nang-kho dikhang-nu
hungry-very-am and water-thirsty-very-am; I   you      to extricate

ha-i-a,"     han-nanui, bi thang-naise.
am not able, saying,    he went away.



Bi-ni un-au aru  moesu   ma-se fai-nai-au, bi-kho-bu   khitha-dangman.
There after also buffalo one   on coming,  to him also said.

Bi-bu   khna-song-a-la-ba blot thang-naise. Boi-nu-khri khi-zap-au [121]
He also not attending     pop! went away.   Than him    tail-end-at

mosa  ma-se ukhui-su-nanui    bi-thing       thang-dangman. Mukhra
tiger one   hungry-very-being that-direction was going.     Monkey

nu-nanui bung-naise, "he afa,    nang ang-kho be   dukhu-ni-frai
seeing   said,       Oh  father, you  to me   this trouble-from

dikhang-a-ba       aru   raubo  dikhang-lia,"       "han-nanui, gaham-ui
if (you) extricate other anyone extricate will not, saying,     well

khulum-nu  hom-naise. Theo-bu bi, "ang nang-kho dikhang-nanui ma
to worship began.     Still   he, I    you      extricating   what

man-gan?"  han-nanui, khozo-ne-su     thang-ba, mukhra-i-a bung-naise,
shall get? saying,    paces-two-about going     monkey     said,

"afa,   nang ang-kho be   photo-bare-ni-frai dikhang-nanui
father, you  me      this marsh-from         extricating

ha-bru-fur-kho          su-sra-nanui, ang-kho nang za," han-ba, bi,
muddiness (lit. "muds") cleansing     me      you  eat, saying he

ukhui-su-nai-khai     be   khorang-au khna-song-nanui, bi-kho
hungriness-because-of that word       hearkening       to him

bung-naise, "ang nang-kho za-nu  mon  gui-a,    manathu, be-baidi
said        I    you      to eat mind have not, however, that sort

dukhu-au   gaglai-nai-kho     dikhang-a-ba,     ang-ha gaham za-gan.
trouble-in fallen (person) to extricate-not-if, I      good  will-be.

Theo-bu gaigai-nu zasi-nanui hunai-i-au, ang za-nu  hago,"   han-nanui,
However yourself  beseeching on giving   I   to eat am able, saying,

bi-ni lanzai-kho phol-au  hot-ba, [122] mukhra-i-a bi-ni lanzai-au
his   tail-      in marsh sending,      momkey     his

hom-ba, dikhang-bu-naise. Mukhra khitha-naise, "afa,   nang ang-kho
seizing dragged him out.  Monkey said          Father, you  me

da-nia modom-fur-kho gaham-ui su-sra, emphare ran-ba za," han-nanui
now    body (plural) well     dry,    after   drying eat, saying

san-dung-au  do-se zo-bai      tha-dangman. Ere-au-nu mosa-i-a
sun-shine-in one   bit sitting remained.    Then      tiger

phat-se-thing       nai-ne-au, bi bong-fang-au fat-drap
one other direction on looking he in tree      helter-skelter

ga-khu-naise. Mosa  be-kho nu-nanui, brap-nanui,  bongfang guri-au-nu
clambered.    Tiger him    seeing,   angry-being, tree     root at

san-ne   san-tham   ne-bai    tha-naise. Be-baidi tha-nanui, khuga
days-two days-three watch-ing stay-ed.   This-way stay-ing,  jaws

si-nanui, hathai hazizi  kham-nanui, thoi-thi-nanui   tha-naise, aru
gap-ing   teeth  display making      dead-pretend-ing stay-ed,   and

thamfai-fra khuga-i-au brung-brung han-lai-nu          hom-naise.
flies       mouth in   buzz buzz   to continue to stay began.

Be-au-nu mukhra-i-a ose ose     thoi-mat-bai   nung-nanui, bongfang
Thereon  monkey     by  degrees dead-verily-is thinking,   tree

bizo-ni-frai lase   lase   onkhat-bu-nanui, agla  lase-i-hai lanzai
top-from     slowly slowly descending,      first carefully  tail

khugau su-nai-gru-ba-bu              mosa  mung-bo  kham-a-khuise. Aru
in jaw insert-examine-feel-ing-e ven tiger anything did not do.    And

un-au atheng thang-se su-nanui  hu-nai. Be-au-bu mungbo   kham-a-khuise.
after leg    one      inserting gave.   Thereon  anything did not do.

Obasu mukhra bung-naise, "nang ang-ni atheng-fur-kho khrem-khrem
Then  monkey said,       you   my     legs--         crunch-crunch

ot-nanui za-gauman,        lanzai-kho khrem-khrem   ot-nanui
biting   would have eaten, tail       crunch-crunch biting

za-gauman,"       han-nanui, rong  za-nanui, "da-nia ang-ni
would have eaten, saying,    happy becomimg, Now     my

khoro-kho-nu za," han-nanui, khug-au  su-nanui  hu-ba,  obanu mosa-i-a
head-also eat,    saying     in mouth inserting giving, then  tiger

khrem   ot-khrep-naise.  Thoi-bai. Zap-bai!
scrunch bite-crunch-did. Died!     Finished!





FREE TRANSLATION.

THE MONKEY AND THE HARE.


A monkey and a hare were great friends. They ever lived together,
ate together, and went about together. One day meeting a man from
Darrang going to a feast with a load of bananas and other delicacies,
they said to one another, "We must get what that man is carrying by
some trick or other." Whereupon the monkey bade the hare stay on the
road, while he himself hid in the forest. Presently the man, seeing the
hare, put down his load and ran after it. On which the monkey, coming
out from the jungle, carried off the bananas and other things. And for
fear the hare should come and ask his share, the monkey hastily gobbled
up the bananas and betel-nuts and kept the skins only for his friend.

The man, not being able to catch the hare, went home, and then the
hare, shouting aloud, searched for the monkey, and, when he found
him, demanded his share of the spoil, and only got the skins. So,
being vexed, he determined to have his revenge. And first he went and
hid under some acrid kachu plants. And when the monkey came and asked
what he was doing, he replied, "My friend, I have the honour to be in
charge of the king's sugar-canes." So the monkey said, "Ah, give me
just a bit, do." But the hare replied, "And what do you suppose the
king will say?" But the monkey was importunate. So the hare gave him
a stalk of kachu to chew, and when the acrid juice stung his tongue,
the monkey began dancing about howling. But the hare coolly said,
"It's all your own fault! You would have a stick of the king's
sugar-cane, and what could I do?"

Then the hare went and took up his post under a hornet's nest, and the
monkey came along, shouting for his friend, and, finding him asked,
"What may you be doing there?" And the hare replied, "I am guarding
the king's drum, so there!" "Ah," said the monkey, "do let me beat the
king's drum!" "Oh, but I cannot," said the hare, "the king will be
angry." But the monkey insisted, and said, "I will play on the drum
very gently; you see!" So the hare consenting, the monkey clapped
his two palms on the hornet's nest and broke it, so that the hornets
emerged, and stung him sore, so that he screamed with pain. But the
hare only said, "You would have your way, and what was I to do?"

Next the hare went and sat down near a gowal snake. And the monkey
came shouting, and asked, "What are you about now, my friend?" The
hare replied, "I am now in charge of the king's sceptre!" On which
the monkey said, "Ah, let me just wield the king's sceptre for a
moment!" But the hare answered, "I cannot do that, for the king will
be angry." But the monkey being importunate, he consented. Whereupon,
of course, the snake bit him, and he howled with pain.

Then the hare went and sat in a marshy place, and the monkey came
shouting in search of him, and asked what he was doing. And the hare
told him he was sitting on the king's litter. "Ah," prayed the monkey,
"let me too sit on the king's litter." But the hare said angrily, "And
what do you suppose the king will say? It strikes me you are a fool,
my friend, and listen to no warning!" But the monkey, insisting, leaped
into the marsh, sank up to his neck, and stuck there miserably. On
which the hare leaped out and cried, "Now, my kind friend, you who
eat bananas and give me the skins, you can just stay where you are! My
compliments! I am off!" So saying, he left him to his fate.

Presently a rhinoceros came that way, and the monkey begged him
to extricate him. But the rhinoceros remarked that he was hungry
and thirsty and on his way home to dinner, and went his way. And a
buffalo also passed by and refused to help. Finally a tiger came,
extremely ravenous. And the monkey entreated him respectfully to pull
him out; but the tiger said he did not see how it would profit him to
come to his rescue. But when he had gone some two paces, the monkey
called after him, "Look here, if you will drag me out of the marsh,
you can clean me of the mud, and eat me!" And since the tiger was
extremely hungry, he consented and said, "It is not that I have any
particular desire to eat you, but if I do a good deed, I shall get
virtue. However, as you are good enough to insist, I am willing to
make a meal of you." So saying, he put his tail into the marsh, and
the monkey, catching hold of it, was slowly dragged forth. On which
the monkey said, "Now let me dry myself in the sun, and when the mud
is dry you can scrape it off and eat me." So he sat in the sun, and
the tiger waited hungrily. But the monkey seized the opportunity when
the tiger chanced to look another way, and clambered up a tree. At
that the tiger was very angry, and waited two or three days at the
foot of the tree. Finally he pretended to die of starvation and lay
there with his mouth open and his great teeth showing. So the monkey
climbed down, slowly and cautiously. And the tiger lay quite still,
so that the flies came and buzzed in his mouth. And first the monkey
carefully put his tail in the tiger's mouth. But he never stirred. Then
the monkey thrust his leg in the tiger's mouth, and still he did not
move. "Ah," said the monkey, in great glee, "you would have gobbled
up my tail, and scrunched up my limbs, would you?" And so saying,
the silly creature thrust his head in the tiger's mouth. And the jaws
closed with a scrunch, and the monkey died, and that's all!





III.--SA-SE PHALANGI GOTHO-NI KHORANG.

THE STORY OF THE MERCHANT LAD.


Sa-se udu-i-au-nu  bifa   thoi-za-nai   gotho dangman. Phare azi
One   womb-in-even father dead-becomimg boy   was.     Then  to-day

azi    khali     khali     bi ge-det za-ba    san-se  bima-ni-au
to-day to-morrow to-morrow he big    becomimg day-one mother's to

sung-naise, "ai,    agla   zang-fur-ha   afa-i-a, lai, ma   mau-nanui
ask-ed,     mother, before us peoples-'s father,  now, what labouring

za-dangman?" han-ba, bima-i-a hama   su-nanui khitha-naise, "nam-fa-i-a
eat-did      saying  mother   breath sighing  said,         your father

desu    desu    falangi kham-nanui za-dangman.  Bi tha-bla,    da
country country hawking doing      used to eat. He remained-if now

zang-fra ese-bu dukhu   za-i-a-man,"   han-ba, bi bung-naise, "uh, oba
we       thus   trouble should not eat saying  he said,       Eh,  then

ang bi   haba-kho ha-i-a      na? bese    thaka  dang, ang-nu
I   that work for able-am-not eh? as many rupees are.  to me

dihon-nanui hu,"  han-ba, bima-i-a bung-naise, "afa, [123] nang bi-baidi
producing   give, saying, mother   said,       father      you  this-way

kham-nu nang-a,   ang bi-ui    gap-ui  nang-nu za-hu-gan.        Nang
to do   must-not, I   beg-ging weeping you     to eat-give-will. You

malai-ni dekhu-au thang-nanui ma-brui-ba    thoi-ba bet-ba    ang
foreign  land-in  going       what way-ever dying   perishing I

ma-brui  tha-gan?"  Theobu gotho-a khna-song-a-laba, embra-bra
what way stay-will? Still  boy     not hearing       again and again

bima-ni-au  thaka  bi-nanui la-nanui bastu       bai-naise, aru nau
mother-from rupees begging  taking   merchandise bought     and boat

gong-se namai-nanui, la-naise, aru gasenu zo  za-ba,    mansui sa-nui-su
one     seeking      took      and all    fit becomimg, men    about two

hom-nanui bima   burui-kho    khulum-nanui malai-ni dekhu-au nau  zang
seizing   mother old woman-to worshipping  foreign  country  boat with

thang-naise. Be-baidi-nu    thang-ui thang-ui gami    dot-se
went.        This-manner-in going    going    village one

dui-gathan-au  nau-kho kha-nanui, gami    gami    basthu
water-ghaut-at boat    binding,   village village merchandise

phan-hu-naise,   Bi gagai   nau  ne-u.    Be-baidi-nu tha-ui   tha-ui
hawking-send-did He himself boat watched. This-way-in stay-ing stay-ing

be-au-nu sur-ba  brai    burui     sa-nui-ha     hangsu gafut ma-se
there    certain old man old woman two-people-of swan   white one

dangman. Bi-nu bi-sur-nu dui la-ui    mikham song-ui hu-gra-man.
was.     it    they      water-giving rice   cooking gave and cherished.

Bi-kho-nu san-se  bi   gotho-a dui-gathan-au  gagai-ni hangsu-bigur-kho
It-itself one day that boy     water-ghaut-at its own  swan-skin

khu-nanui din-nanui aru mazang sikhla-sa za-nanui dugui-nai nu-naise.
shedding  placing   and lovely girl      becoming bathing   saw.

Bi-ni-frai-nu         boi  hangsu-ni girima brai-burui-kho
From-that (time) even that swan's    owners old man old woman

on-su-nanui thau aru bi-ni nau-au  zi   zi   basthu      dang, ozai-nu
loving      oil  and his   ship-in what what merchandise was,  always

bangai bangai hu-nu   hom-naise. Bi-baidi-nu basthu-fur-kho fan-ui
some   some   to give began.     This-way-in merchandises   vending

fan-ui  fan-zap-ba          no-i-au  fai-nai so-nai-khai           bi
vending sale-finished-being to house come    concluding-because of that

brai    burui-ni    no-i-au  thang-nanui, thaka zabra hunanui,
old man old woman's house-to going        money much  giving

hangsu-kho bi-ba,  brai    burui      "ere-nu   lang," han-nanui
swan       begging old man old woman, "as it is take"  saying,

bung-dangman, khintu bi fafu-nang   za-nu     gi-nanui, brai-ni
said          but    he sin-smitten to become fearing   old man's

gnang     basthu-khai         embra-bra     thaka  hu-nanui, hangsu-kho
belonging property because of importunately rupees giving    swan

labo-naise.
took away.



Bi-ni-frai  nau  la-nanui, fai-ui fai-ui, no    man-fai-nanui azi-bu
There after boat taking,   coming coming, house reach-comeing to-day-too

tha-i-u khali-bu      tha-i-u bi hangsu mansui za-i-e      nu-nanui,
staying to-morrow-too staying he swan   man    becomes-not seeing,

san-frim-bu ham-lang-naise. Bi-kho-nu nu-nanui bima   burui-a
day-each-on sick became.    To him    seeing   mother old woman

malai-ni-au    sung-ba   bai-ba      rau-bu mung-bu  khitha-nu
strangers-from on asking frequenting anyone anything to say

ha-i-a.     Khintu bi-au-nu burui     sa-se dangman. Bi-ni-au sung-ba,
was unable. But    there    old woman one   was.     Her      on asking,

bi  bung-naise, "agui,  nang bi-kho-nu mithi-a-khui   na? Bi   falangi
she said,       sister, you  that      understood-not eh? That hawking

kham-nai thang-nai-au ma-ba     man-se    za-dang.  Nang bi-kho buddi
doing    going-in     something one thing happened. You  to him trick

kham-ba, mithi-nu      ha-gan,"      han-ba, bima   burui-a
doing,   to understand will be able, saying, mother old woman

bung-naise, "khitha-hor [124]-hai, ai     burui,     dhorom man-gan,"
said,       speak-out-do,          mother old woman, virtue get will,

han-ba  bi  khitha-naise, "nang san-se  sa-se sikhla-sa labo-nanui
saying, she said,         you   one day one   girl      taking

nang-ni gotho-ni thema nai-nu    thin.  Aru thema naibai
your    boy's    lice  to search order. And lice  searching

tha-nai-au-nu gap-thi-nanai    sung-thang,  "nang ma-nu san-frim-bu
in staying    weep-pretend-ing let her ask, you   why   day by day

ham-lang-dang?" Obanu bi bi-kho on-khang-nanui    bi-ni mon-au  zi
waste away?     Then  he to her feeling affection his   mind-in what

khorang dang, bi khitha-gan," han-ba, bima   bi-baidi-nu kham-naise.
word    is,   he say-will,    saying, mother that-way-in did.

Hingzausa-i-a thema nai-nai-au-nu   gap-thi-nanui    gongrai surukhu
Girl          lice  while searching weep-pretend-ing snottle snuffle

surukhu sung-naise, "ada-lui,     nang-ha-lai ma   zadang?       Nang
snuffle ask-ed,     brother-mine, to you      what has happened? You

be-kho khitha-i-a-ba, ang bu  kham dui   za-i-a,"      han-nai-khai
that   if do not say  I   too rice water will not eat, because of saying

gotho-a, hama   su-nanui, bi-nu  lase   lase   khitha-naise, "ang
boy,     breath sighing,  to her slowly slowly said,         I

falangi kham-nu thang-nai-i-au da     ang-ni nau-i-au zi    hangsu gafut
trading to do   on going       indeed my     boat in  which swan   white

ma-se dang, bikho mansui za-nai   nu-dangman. Khintu bi da
one   is,   it    man    becoming saw.        But    it now

baidi-sui-ui-nu tha-bai. Bi-ni-khai      [ang] ere-baidi   za-dang."
manner-same-in  stays.   Because of that I     this manner am become

Thema nai-khang-ba           be    gasenu khorang hingzausa-i-a bi-ni
Lice  seeking-finished-being those all    words   girl          his

bima-nu   khitha-naise. Be-kho bima-i-a khna-nanui boi  burui-nu
mother-to said.         To her mother   listening  that woman-to

khitha-hui-naise la-i-u.  Burui-a   bi-kho khna-nanui buddi  hu-naise
sent and said    exactly. Old woman to her listening  wisdom gave

la-i-u, "nang dini   boi  hingzausa-kho labo-nanui khitha-nanui hu,  bi
verily, you   to-day that girl          bringing   saying       give he

dini   hor-au   udu-lang-thi-nanui      tha-thang.  Hor   gezer-ba
to-day night-in sleep-deep-pretend -ing remain-let. Night much-being

hangsu-a mansui za-nanui gagai-ni modai-fur-kho khulum-bai-tha-i-u.
swan     man    becoming own      gods          is wont to worship.

Be-au-nu bi   hangsu bigur-kho zuzai-mu-au su-nanui  hu-ba,   obania
Thereon  that swan   skin      hearth-on   thrusting placing, thereon

mansui-nu  tha-si-gan."          Be   buddi  hu-nai-baidi-nu  bima-i-a
man-indeed stay-altogether-will. That wisdom giving-like-even mother

hingzausa-nu khitha-naise, aru hingzausa-i-a bu   gotho-nu khitha-nanui
girl-to      said          and girl          also boy-to   saying

hu-nai-khai,       san-se  gotho-a khurui gong-se-au khare-zang
because of giving, one day boy     vessel one in     ashes-with

thau-zang golai-nanui din-nai, aru songor     man-se din-naise. Hor
oil-with  mixing      placed   and yak's tail one    placed.    Night

za-ba    bi udui-thi-lang-nanui        tha-ba,  hangsu-a si-khang-nanui
becoming he sleep-pretend-slu mber-ing staying, swan     emerging

akha-i-au atheng-au modom-au-bu  khepthu-bai-dang. Theobu li khet-khut
on hand,  on leg    on body also felt (with beak). Still  he stirring

khama-khuise. Bi-ni-khai bi udu-lang-mat-bai     nung-nanui, gagai-ni
made not.     Therefore  he asleep-deep-truly-is thinking,   her own

hangsu bigur-kho lase-hai khu-nanui   din-nanui gagai-ni modai-fur-kho
swan   skin      slowly   unfastening placing   her own  gods-to

mon  hu-nanui, khulum-bai-tha-dangman.  Ere-au-nu sri-sri     lase-hai
mind giving,   worshipping-staying-was. So        still-still slowly

si-khang-na-nui boi  hangsu bigur-kho thapne-hai zuzai-mu-au e-fop-nanui
emerging        that swan   skin      suddenly   in hearth   thrusting

din-naise. Unau bigur-a kham-nanui, manam-khang-ba, bi-kho manam-nanui
placed.    Then skin    scorching,  smell-emerging, that   smelling

man-nanui, "ang-kho ma   kham-khu,  ma   kham-khu?" han-nanui,
obtaining, To me    what have done, what have done? saying,

fat-drap-do    gaglai-nanui,  khang-grang-nanui, thoi-hap-nanui
hither-thither falling about, rolling about,     half dead becoming

tha-naise. Obasu gotho-a mamar   fai-nanui khurui-ni thau-kho
stayed.    Then  boy     quickly coming    vessel-of oil

khoro-modom-atheng-akhai-au hu-nanui, songor     zang sip-bai-tha-naise,
head-body-leg-arm-on        giving,   yak's tail with continued to fan,

aru, bi-baidi-nu sip-ui  sip-ui  tha-bla,    gabau-zang hama
and  that-way-in fanning fanning on staying, with delay breath

sukhang-naise, aru thang-khang-naise. Bi-baidi-nu mansui za-nanui,
sighed-forth   and alive-became.      That-way-in man    becoming,

sa-nui-zang       haba     kham-lai-nanui zabra din-ha-lagi fi-sa fisu
they-two-together marriage do-exchang-ing many  days-up-to  boys  girls

zang rozo-ru-man-za-lai-bai-tha-naise! Zapbai!
with "lived happily ever after."       Finished!





FREE TRANSLATION.

THE STORY OF THE MERCHANT LAD.

There was a certain lad whose father died before he was born. And,
one day, when he had grown a big boy, he asked his mother, "What did
my father do for his living?" And his mother, drawing a long breath,
said, "Your father used to travel about selling things. Ah, if he were
alive we should have no trouble to endure!" But the boy replied, "Do
not you think that I too could earn money in that way? Bring out what
money there is, and let me see what I can do." But his mother said,
"Ah, my son, you must not talk like that! If you go away into foreign
lands and die there, what will become of me?" But her son would not
listen to her, and by importunity induced her to give him money,
with which he bought goods, and procured a boat, and hiring two or
three men, took leave of his mother, and went into a far country to
trade. Finally he came to a certain place where he moored his boat, at
the place where men draw water, and sent his men to hawk his wares from
village to village while he himself stayed in the boat. It happened
that there lived hard by an old couple who possessed a white swan,
which they fed and tended as though it were their own child. One day,
the lad saw this swan strip itself of its swan plumage and become
a beautiful maiden, and bathe. From that time forth he paid great
attention to the owners of the swan, and gave them presents of the
oil and other things he had in his boat. And when the merchandise had
been sold and the time was come to go home, he went to the old people's
house and offering much money begged them to sell him their swan. But
they were for giving him their swan for nothing. He, however, feared
to commit a sin if he took it as a gift, and, because it was the old
man's property, compelled him to take much money in exchange for it,
and went away.

But when he came home with his boat, behold, the swan remained a swan,
and, for disappointment, the lad pined and wasted away. Seeing which,
his old mother consulted various people, but got no help. Finally,
she went to a certain wise woman, who said, "Sister, do not
you understand? Something has happened to him while he was away
trading. You must use a device to find out what it is." To which the
mother replied, "Tell me plainly what it is, and you will do a good
deed." So the wise woman gave this advice. "Some day do you direct a
maiden to search for lice in his hair. And while she is doing this,
let her pretend to be mightily grieved, and let her ask him what is
the matter. And he will feel flattered and will open out his heart to
her." And the mother did as the wise woman directed her. The girl she
sent wept and snuffled as she tended the lad and said, "Tell me why
you pine and grow thin; else I too will give up food and drink." And
so he, heaving a sigh, explained thus: "While I was away trading,
I saw the white swan which is in my boat turn into a maiden. But now
she remains a swan, and for her love I am pining."

When her task was done, she told the lad's mother, who sent word to
the wise woman. The wise woman said, "Let the girl tell him that the
swan maiden worships her own gods in the dead of night. Let him pretend
to lie asleep, and when she divests herself of her swan plumage, let
him seize it and thrust it into the hearth, and then she will always
remain a girl." The old mother directed the girl accordingly, and
the girl told the lad. One day he mixed ashes and oil in a vessel,
and procured a yak's tail, and, when night was come, he lay down
and pretended to be fast asleep. Presently the swan crept out, and
feeling his hands, feet, and body with her beak, was satisfied that
he slept. Then slowly taking off her swan skin, she became absorbed in
the worship of her country's gods. And the lad seeing his opportunity,
grasped the swan plumage and thrust it into the hearth, so that it
was singed, and the smell of the feathers filled the place. And
the maiden, smelling the burning feathers, cried, "What have you
done to me? What have you done to me?" So saying, she fell down in a
faint and seemed as one dead. But the lad, taking his vessel of oil,
anointed her with it, and fanned her gently with the yak's tail, till
she came to. And so they married, and begat many sons and daughters,
and lived happily ever after. And that's all!







NOTES


[1] Mech, sc. Mleccha, barbarian, one who is ignorant of civilised
speech.

[2] Some interesting remarks on this subject will be found in the
Garo monograph.--[Ed.]

[3] See "Koch Kings of Kamrup," by E. A. Gait, Esq., I.C.S., Assam
Secretariat Press P.O., 1895.

[4] Extracted from a most interesting and valuable letter from
Mr. Dundas, kindly forwarded for perusal to the writer by B. C. Allen,
Esq., I.C.S.

[5] The Assamese habitually speak of the Burmese people as Mán.

[6] This prejudice is shared by the Garos and by many other members
of the Mongolian race.--[Ed.]

[7] Cf. the Burmese nga-pi. Query, is the name a corruption of
na-ghran, in allusion to the powerful odour of fish thus dried?--[Ed.]

[8] Assamese, jakái.--[Ed.]

[9] This is what Bengali distillers call bakhar. It is usually
purchased by them from hill-men.--[Ed.]

[10] Possession, manufacture, and sale of phatiká is prohibited
by law.--[Ed.]

[11] Eranda; Ricinus communis.--[Ed.]

[12] On this point Col. Gurdon, Hon. Director of Ethnography, Assam,
writes as follows:--"I entertain grave doubts as to the correctness of
the author's remark that the Kachári totemistic clans were originally
endogamous. If it had not been for the most unfortunate death of the
author before this work went to press, we might have hoped to have had
some light on this obscure point. Amongst the Mech, who are the first
cousins of the Kacháris, and who live alongside of them, marriage is
exogamous, vide page 124 of the Monograph, so also amongst the Garos,
who may be described as second cousins of the Kacháris. Mr. Friel,
Sub-Divisional Officer of Mangaldai, which division of the Darrang
district contains a large number of Kacháris, met an old Kachári who
stated quite positively that 'before the Dewangari war, Kacháris were
not allowed to marry within their own sub-tribe.' It is true that
Mr. Friel's informant afterwards contradicted himself, but I think
it is quite possible his first statement was the correct one. On
the other hand, it should be stated in favour of Mr. Endle's theory
that three men were found in Sekhar mauza of Mangaldai who stated
that in former days 'a penance had to be performed if one married
outside one's own kur.' My own view, however, is that stated above,
and I do not think the statement that the Kachári totemistic clans
were endogamous should be accepted without further investigation."

[13] In the Dhubri subdivision there is a place called
"Ding-dinga." Perhaps this takes its name from the sept.--[Ed.]

[14] Cf. Assamese, gua, betel, to which Gua-hati, the capital of Assam,
is said to owe its name.

[15] Ramsha is one of the old Mauzas of Kamrup. It is situated close
to Gauhati.--[Ed.]

[16] Sanskrit, vamsa, bamboo; vams-vari is the Assamese word for a
bamboo grove.--[Ed.]

[17] The Moámári or Máomári bil is said to have given its name to
the Moamaria faction which gave so much trouble in the time of the
Assamese king Gaurinath Singha.--[Ed.]

[18] In adopting a word from the language of their Hindu neighbours
(Assamese), the Kacháris often use an aspirated letter where none
exists in the original.--S. E.

[19] It is certainly strange that amongst the Meches, who are
kinsmen of the Kacháris, the sub-tribes are exogamous, whereas the
Kachári sub-tribes are said by the author to have been originally
endogamous.--[Ed.]

[20] Cf. the case of the Mech sub-tribes.

[21] Há, earth; chum (-ga-chúm), black (cf. Dimá gá-chum, black-water);
sá, folk, people.

[22] "Sánti-Jal," water of peace (reconciliation), usually prepared by
immersing in water leaves of the Tulsi plant, Dub grass, cow-dung,
rice, &c. Money is sometimes added in the form of small silver
coins (four-anna bits) or even rupees; and rings, or other personal
ornaments, are sometimes thrown into this "Sánti-Jal."

[23] See S. Matt. xxii. 37,  or (what was written many centuries
earlier) Deut. vi. 5, "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all
thy heart."

[24] Modai (Assamese: deota, devta), a god, spirit, &c. Ham-na
(Hindustani pakar or Assamese dharna): to catch, lay hold of, &c. Hence
"Modai hamdang, an (evil) spirit has seized (me)," "got hold (of me)."

[25] Na, house (ghar). Gámi, village (gáon).

[26] It is probable that her great function, i.e., guardianship of the
paddy field, is indicated by her name; for mai = paddy (Assamese dhán);
and na (náo) = to watch over, keep (Assamese rakha); hence mai-náo =
"the protector of the rice-fields."

[27] See "The Koch Kings of Kamrup," by E. A. Gait, Esq., I.C.S.

[28] I have seen such a puja on the Manas river. The principal offering
to the river god was a duck.

[29] Cf. St. Luke's account of the "Pythonissa," Acts xvi. 16-18.

[30] Cf. Khasi birth custom, p. 124, "The Khasis."--[Ed.]

[31] Cf. the Jewish ceremonial described in Leviticus, xii.

[32] Cf. the well-known instance of "man Friday" in Robinson Crusoe.

[33] It will be remembered that the Kacháris are sometimes spoken of as
"Children of Bhim" (Mahabharat), who is said on one occasion to have
eaten up unaided the meal provided for himself and his four brothers.

[34] Assamese, ga-dhan, body-price.--[Ed.]

[35] See Genesis, xxix. 20. Very eloquent in their simplicity and
straightforwardness are the words in which the sacred writer describes
this "tale of true love" in the days when the world was young. "And
Jacob served seven years for Rachel and they seemed unto him but
a few days, for the love he had to her." "The labour we delight in
physics pain."

[36] This may be a survival of the old practice "marriage by capture."

[37] Another instance of the prevalence of a belief that spirits
cannot cross running water without assistance. (Cf. The Khasis,
pp. 135, 141.--Ed.)

[38] The interesting thing is that a Visu festival is also in use in
Eastern Bengal. The matter is one which might be investigated, say,
by the Vangiya Sahitya Parisat.--[Ed.]

[39] See A Collection of Kachári Folk-tales, &c., by J. D. Anderson,
Esq., I.C.S. (retired). Assam Secretariat Press, Shillong, 1895.

[40] = a "side" of pork.

[41] Gadán nai-hùi-nai means "observing omens."

[42] The hideous Kuvera, god of wealth. He was a white man with three
legs and eight teeth. Apparently, the same as the Hindu Pluto; and
lord of the shades as well as of wealth.

[43] I.e., the season personified.

[44] Assamese.

[45] Assamese.

[46] From the writer's Outline Grammar of the Kachári (Bårå) Language,
pages 80-82. Shillong, 1884.

[47] See Soppitt's Historical and Descriptive Account of Kachári
Tribes in the North Kachar Hills, pages 52 (foot) to 55.

[48] He may perhaps venture to refer the curious in these matters
to his Outline Grammar of the Kachári (Bårå) Language. Shillong,
1884. An admirable summary of the leading features of this form of
Non-Aryan speech is given in the Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. III,
Part II, by Dr. Grierson, Calcutta, 1903, pages 1-17 and ff.

[49] A very similar construction in Assamese may be compared with
this, viz:

                            Father.

                 My     mór bópai
                 Your   tór baper
                 His    tár bapek--[Ed.]

[50] The writer would again refer the student to Dr. Grierson's work,
part 7-15, where the whole subject of the agglutinative verb with its
stem and infixes, &c., is dealt with with admirable force, clearness
and knowledge of the subject.--[S.E.]

[51] See The Garos, by Major A. Playfair, David Nutt. 1909.--Ed.

[52] Hi-chu, i.e., hi earth, chi high: cf. Kachári há-jo, i.e.,
há earth, gajo, high.

[53] "Patál," one of the seven regions which Hindus believe to exist
under the earth.

[54] Pad-jal, i.e., pad a foot, and jal water, "foot-water"; water
in which a Gosain has dipped his foot, or (at least) his great toe,
and which is therefore looked upon as sacred. It is otherwise known
as charanámrita, i.e., charan foot, and ámrita, umtal ambrosia.

[55] For other information about Garos, see Garo Monograph, pp. 17,
19, 21.--Ed.

[56] See paper by Major P. R. T. Gurdon, in Journal of A. S. B.,
Vol. LXXIII., Part I, No. 1, 1904.

[57] Hábung-iyá, perhaps from há earth, bung for su-bung men; hence
hábung-iya, autochthones, adscripti gleboe, something like the serfs
of the old feudal system in Europe.

[58] I.e., dasa, the tenth.--Ed.

[59] See Outline Grammar of the Deori Chutiya Language, by W. B. Brown,
B.A., I.C.S., Shillong, Assam Secretariat Press, a scholarly work to
which the writer gladly takes this opportunity of acknowledging his
manifold obligations.

[60] But the Gáros plant either a mandal tree or a Euphorbia cactus
near their Kosi or sacrificial stones, hence recognising the sacred
character of the siju tree (see Gáro Monograph, p. 97).--Ed.

[61] Bar = big, saru = small.--Ed.

[62] Cf. the old Jewish law regarding animals for sacrifice being
"without blemish," Exodus, xii. 5; Leviticus, xxii. 19-21.

[63] A long island in the Brahmaputra.--Ed.

[64] I.e., the putting on of kháru (bracelets) and mani
(necklace).--Ed.

[65] This Appendix is written by Mr. J. D. Anderson, the compiler of
the little work on Kachári folk-tales mentioned on p. 54.--Ed.

[66] San = literally, the sun.

[67] Zakhai = a group of four, like the Hindi ganda.

[68] Ha-gra; ha = earth, cf. ha-zo, high earth, mountain; ha-bru, dirty
earth, mud. So also dui-bru, dirty water, whence we get Dibrugarh.

[69] The infix hui conveys a sense of "at" or "from a
distance." v. Mr. Anderson's account of the 'agglutinative' verb;
vol. III, part II, pp. 7-15 of the Linguistic Survey of India.--Ed.

[70] The infix bai signifies continuance.

[71] Nang, gnang are very like the Assamese lag and the Bengali lag
in the double sense of "sticking" and necessity.

[72] Huru. Kacháris, like Assamese, are very fond of such expletives,
which though they have little, if any, meaning, add to the liveliness
of narration. Many others will be found later on.

[73] S'lai, or z'lai, implies mutual action, exchange.

[74] A good instance of the characteristic double negative of Kachári,
or, rather, of the fact that the inflexion khuise is only used with
the negative verb.

[75] Det, which by a common idiom can be made adjectival by adding
the usual prefix, thus, ge-det = big.

[76] Bongfang = tree, fang-se = one, ni = sign of the genitive. As
to fang-se, see many other instances of the Kachári generic way
of counting; e.g., mansui sa-se, one man; mosa ma-se, one tiger,
etc. There are several instances in these stories.

[77] Lang-za-nai, the curious "passive" or "middle" participle. Perhaps
the most characteristic instance of its use I have come across is
in another story not given here, where a giant insults the Kachári
Jack-the-giant-killer by calling him a "godo-i-au set-ba gakhir
on-khat-nai gotho," literally a "on-throat-squeezing-milk-exuding-boy,"
i.e., a babe in whose mouth is still his mother's milk.

[78] Ha-ha-lagi. The first ha is the word for "earth," the second is
the same word used as a datival affix = "up to," while lagi is the
common Assamese word repeating the idea of the second ha.

[79] Mau of course = ma-au, the locative of ma = what.

[80] Grang = an affix commonly used to indicate the possessor of a
quality. a = sign of nominative.

[81] Ba is the sign of the conditional tense, and the adjective mazáng
is turned into a verb by its use.

[82] Ma kham-nu (in the infinitive) is curiously like the French use of
"que faire?"

[83] Ga-ham = good; ham-a = not good, bad; ham-dang = is good;
ham-a-bai = was not good, etc.

[84] Azang is simply the Assamese e jan, used distributively by
repetition and heightened by the indigenous sa-se, which means the
same as Assamese e.

[85] Thang-ui is the adverbial participle, something like
"going-ly." Gaham-ui = well.

[86] Zo-bai-tha-nai = sit-continue-stay-ing.

[87] San sa-se = lit. "sun one."  Sa is usually the distributive word
used in counting humans. I imagine its use here is not to indicate
personification, but for euphony, as a jingle to san. Man-se would
be the normal construction.

[88] I have not marked gangsu as an Assamese word, but it is probably
a Kachári version of ghas.

[89] Ba-brap-bai-nai-au; this is the locative case of the "passive"
participle in nai of the "agglutinative" verb, ba-brap-bai. The infix
brap signifies anger, restlessness, and bai means wandering about.

[90] Gar = to lose.

[91] Thang = go; lai = severally, the same root as occurs in s'lai
= exchange.

[92] Lubui-dang-ba, a rather rare case of a double inflection. Lubui-ba
would have sufficed. Much the same difference as between "if you wish"
and "if you are wishing."

[93] Ga-ma, adjectival form conjugated with the verbal inflexion
-bai. Cf. Lakh-ma = hide.

[94] Nai-nai, root repeated to signify continuous action.

[95] Girima is plainly from Sanskrit grihasta.

[96] Ha-bai-tha-dangman = fall-continue-stay-was.

[97] Thro = a common infix commonly used to express completeness of
action. E.g., Thoi-thro-bai = was utterly slain.

[98] Ga-ham man-gan = will get advantage, good.

[99] Man = get; e (euphonic for a) = not; khai = by reason of.

[100] Hui is an interesting infix, and implies "went and did," or "did
from a distance." Man-hui-ba = although he went and got; man = get.

[101] Namai-e = euphonic for namai-ui.

[102] Bung-nai-au, an interesting idiom; bungnanui, the present
participle, apparently imitated from the Assamese, when the
agglutinative verb began to decay, would have done as well; bung-nai-au
is the locative of the "middle" participle; bung-nai = "on saying."

[103] Sinai is evidently chini (Assamese).

[104] Fi-sikhi; sikhi = friend; fi is the causal prefix which also
occurs in the word fi-sa, a son; i.e. a made person, "the being you
cause to exist."

[105] Ozai = the Assamese hadai, with the intensive nu added.

[106] Luguse = evidently, the Assamese lagat.

[107] Rai = converse; lai = mutually; naise is the inflection.

[108] Gakhu = climb; gakhu-hui = went and climbed.

[109] No = house; au = datival inflection; the i is inserted for
euphony.

[110] Pha-phin; an infix implying "returning."

[111] Thaso may perhaps be a corruption of Assamese kasu.

[112] Thu and lui are examples of idiomatic expletives which are
practically untranslatable. So also hera.

[113] Khuser is of course Assamese khusiyar.

[114] Nu = see; za = be, become; hui = going.

[115] Za = eat (the imperative is always the bare root, as in so many
other languages). The word reminds me of a little story which shows the
perplexities of bilingual people. A Kachári went to see his Assamese
mother-in-law, who provided food and hospitably said (in Assamese)
"Kha, kha." On which her son-in-law, obeying her injunction in Kachári,
bound her hand and foot. Seeing his mistake, she laughed and said,
in Kachári, "Za, za." On which he, much puzzled, went away!

[116] A good example of the agglutinative verb, for which in Hinduised
Kachári would be substituted a long succession of participles, such
as nu-nanui, za-nanui, thang-nanui, etc. It is impossible, of course,
to translate all the infixes severally.

[117] Perhaps mukhang is Assamese, as well as atheng which occurs
elsewhere, and modom may be badan.

[118] Ba-brap-bai-naise = wandered distractedly about. The infix bai
signifies wandering, and babrap being in pain or wrath.

[119] Raza-lung-ha-ni = a literal translation of Assamese raja-hatar.

[120] An instance of the rare passive, a manifest imitation of the
Assamese idiom ot-za-nu, "bit-become-to," to be bitten.

[121] An expressive phrase for "last of all."

[122] Lit. "throwing."

[123] "Father" used affectionately for "child."

[124] Hor = hot = "throw."