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IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS

VOL. II.


Printed by
Spottiswoode and Co., New-Street Square
London


IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS

With a Succinct Account of the Earlier History

by

RICHARD BAGWELL, M.A.

In Two Volumes

VOL. II.







London
Longmans, Green, and Co.
1885

All rights reserved




CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.


CHAPTER XIX.

FROM THE ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH TO THE YEAR 1561.

                                                      PAGE

The Protestants rejoice at Elizabeth's accession         1
Dispute as to the O'Neill succession                     2
Sussex Lord Deputy--the Protestant ritual restored       5
Parliament of 1560--the royal supremacy                  6
Expectations of a Catholic rising                        7
Attitude of France, Spain, and Scotland                  8
Clearsightedness of Elizabeth                           10
Desmond, Ormonde, and O'Neill                           10
Reform of the coinage                                   12
Fitzwilliam Lord Deputy                                 14
Claims and intrigues of Shane O'Neill                   15
Conciliatory attitude of the Queen                      19
Shane O'Neill supreme in Ulster                         21


CHAPTER XX.

1561 AND 1562.

Sussex completely fails in Ulster                       23
He plots against Shane O'Neill's life                   27
A truce with Shane                                      30
Who goes to England                                     32
Shane O'Neill at Court                                  33
The Baron of Dungannon murdered                         38
Shane in London--he returns to Ireland                  40
Desmond and Ormonde                                     41
Official corruption                                     43


CHAPTER XXI.

1561-1564.

Grievances of the Pale                                  46
Desmond and the Queen                                   48
Projects of Sussex                                      49
Elizabeth attends to the Pale                           50
Shane O'Neill professes loyalty                         51
Shane oppresses O'Donnell and his other neighbours      52
Sir Nicholas Arnold                                     57
Failure of Sussex                                       58
He attempts to poison Shane                             64
Royal Commission on the Pale                            65
Desmond and Ormonde                                     66


CHAPTER XXII.

1564 AND 1565.

Great abuses in the Pale                                68
Extreme harshness of Arnold                             73
Shane O'Neill in his glory                              74
Shane's ill-treatment of O'Donnell                      76
Shane and the Scots                                     79
Nothing so dangerous as loyalty                         80


CHAPTER XXIII.

1565.

Desmond, Thomond, and Clanricarde                       82
Ormonde will abolish coyne and livery                   83
Private war between Desmond and Ormonde                 85
Shane O'Neill and the Scots                             89
Supremacy of Shane                                      90
Sidney advises his suppression                          91
Desmond and Ormonde--Sidney and Sussex                  92
Ireland is handed over to Sidney                        94
Failure of Arnold                                       98


CHAPTER XXIV.

1566 AND 1567.

Sidney prepares to suppress Shane                      102
Who thinks an earldom beneath his notice               103
The Sussex and Leicester factions                      105
Mission of Sir F. Knollys                              105
The Queen still hesitates                              106
Shane's last outrages                                  107
Randolph's expedition reaches Lough Foyle              108
Sidney easily overruns Ulster                          109
Randolph at Derry                                      110
Sidney in Munster--great disorder                      111
Tipperary and Waterford                                112
Horrible destitution in Cork                           113
Sidney's progress in the West                          114
Failure of the Derry settlement                        115
Defeat and death of Shane O'Neill                      117
His character                                          118
Sidney and the Queen                                   120
Sidney and Ormonde                                     121
Butlers and Geraldines                                 122
The Queen's debts                                      123


CHAPTER XXV.

1567 AND 1568.

Sidney in England--Desmond and Ormonde                 124
Cecil's plans for Ireland                              126
The Scots in Ulster                                    127
Massacre at Mullaghmast                                130
The Desmonds--James Fitzmaurice                        131
Starving soldiers                                      132
Miserable state of the North                           133
Abuses in the public service                           134
Desmond in London--charges against him                 134
Charges against Kildare                                138
Sir Peter Carew and his territorial claims             139
He recovers Idrone from the possessors                 144
James Fitzmaurice's rebellion                          145
The 'Butlers' war'                                     146


CHAPTER XXVI.

1568-1570.

Sidney's plans for Ulster                              149
Fitzmaurice and the Butlers                            150
Parliament of 1569--the Opposition                     152
The Bishops oppose national education                  155
Fitzmaurice, the Butlers, and Carew                    156
Atrocities on both sides                               161
Sinister rumours                                       161
Ormonde pacifies the South-East                        162
Sidney and the Tipperary gentlemen                     163
Sidney's march from Clonmel to Cork and Limerick       164
The Butlers submit                                     166
Humphrey Gilbert in Munster                            167
Fitzmaurice hard pressed                               168
Ulster quiet                                           169


CHAPTER XXVII.

1570 AND 1571.

The Presidency of Connaught--Sir Edward Fitton         170
Services of Ormonde                                    171
Thomond in France--diplomacy                           172
Session of 1570--attainders and pardons                174
First attempt at national education                    176
Commerce--monopolies--Dutch weavers                    177
The Presidency of Munster--Sir John Perrott            179
Fitton fails in Connaught                              182
Tremayne's report on Ireland                           184
Ormonde in Kerry--services of the Butlers              184
Perrott's services in Munster                          186


CHAPTER XXVIII.

FOREIGN INTRIGUES.

Fitzmaurice proposes a religious war                   190
Catholics at Louvain--suspicious foreigners            190
Archbishop Fitzgibbon and David Wolfe                  192
Fitzgibbon's own story                                 193
Philip II. hesitates                                   196
Thomas Stukeley                                        196
English and Irish parties in Spain                     199
Ideas of Philip II.                                    201
Fitzgibbon, Stukeley, and Pius V.                      202
Fitzgibbon negotiates with France and England          205


CHAPTER XXIX.

1571 AND 1572.

Want of money--Perrott and Ormonde                     207
Perrott will end the war by a duel                     209
Proposal to colonise Ulster--Sir Thomas Smith          211
Sir Brian MacPhelin O'Neill                            213
Want of money--the army reduced                        214
Fitton, Clanricarde, and Clanricarde's sons            216
Fitton driven out of Connaught                         219
Perrott's activity in Munster                          221
A mutiny                                               223
The Irish in Spain--Stukeley                           225
Effects of the day of St. Bartholomew                  227
Rory Oge O'More                                        227
Feagh MacHugh O'Byrne                                  228
Fitzwilliam cannot govern without men or money         229


CHAPTER XXX.

1572 AND 1573.

Smith's failure in Ulster                              231
Submission of James Fitzmaurice                        233
Treatment of the Desmonds in England                   234
Walter, Earl of Essex                                  239
Alarm at his colonisation project                      241
Essex proposes to portion out Antrim                   242
Smith is killed                                        246
Perrott's government of Munster                        248
Desmond escapes from Dublin                            252
Wretched state of King's and Queen's Counties          253
Fitzwilliam and Fitton quarrel                         254
Catholic intrigues                                     257
Failure of Essex                                       258
The Marward abduction case                             261


CHAPTER XXXI.

1573 AND 1574.

Threatening attitude of Desmond                        263
Fitzwilliam and Essex                                  268
Essex governor of Ulster                               269
Essex powerless                                        272
Troubles of Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam                    274
Evil condition of Munster                              276
Essex and Desmond                                      278
Ormonde solemnly warns Desmond                         281
Campaign in Munster--Desmond plots                     283
Essex struggles on in Ulster                           284


CHAPTER XXXII.

ADMINISTRATION OF FITZWILLIAM, 1574 AND 1575, AND
REAPPOINTMENT OF SIDNEY.

Essex wrongfully seizes Sir Brian MacPhelin            288
Violent disagreement of Essex and Fitzwilliam          290
The Essex scheme is finally abandoned                  294
Profit _versus_ honour                                 295
Official corruption                                    296
Arrest of Kildare                                      297
The revenue--a pestilence                              300
General result of the grant to Essex                   301
The Rathlin massacre                                   301
Ulster waste--Sidney's advice                          304
Bagenal's settlement at Newry                          306


CHAPTER XXXIII.

ADMINISTRATION OF SIDNEY, 1575-1577.

Sidney and the Butlers                                 307
Ormonde and his accusers                               308
Death and character of Carew                           309
Sidney's tour--Leinster                                310
Munster                                                312
Fitzmaurice in France                                  314
Sidney in Limerick, Clare, and Connaught               316
Sidney on the Irish Church                             319
Troubles in Connaught--Clanricarde's sons              321
Sir William Drury Lord President of Munster            322
Essex in England                                       324
His return, death, and character                       325
Leicester and Essex                                    326
Agitation in the Pale against the cess                 327
The chiefs of the Pale under arrest                    332
A composition agreed upon                              333


CHAPTER XXXIV.

LAST YEARS OF SIDNEY'S ADMINISTRATION, 1577 AND 1578.

Lord Chancellor Gerard's opinions about the Pale       334
Drury's opinions about Munster                         336
Maltby's opinions about Connaught                      338
Rory Oge O'More                                        340
Rory is killed by the Fitzpatricks                     344
Sidney's last days in Ireland                          347
Character of Sir Henry Sidney                          350


CHAPTER XXXV.

THE IRISH CHURCH DURING THE FIRST TWENTY YEARS OF
ELIZABETH'S REIGN.

The Queen aims at outward uniformity                   353
See of Armagh--Adam Loftus                             354
Papal primates--Richard Creagh                         356
See of Meath--Staples                                  359
Other sees of the Northern province                    360
Province of Dublin                                     361
Province of Cashel                                     364
Province of Tuam                                       367
Spiritual peers--Papal and Protestant succession       367
David Wolfe, the Jesuit                                370

INDEX                                                  373




_MAP._


IRELAND ABOUT 1570                 _To face p. 149._




_Errata._


Page 46, line 2, for 1561 _read_ 1562.
"    47, headline, for 1561 _read_ 1562.
"   156, _for_ Archbishop of Ross _read_ Bishop of Ross.
"   173, _for_ Henry III. _read_ Charles IX.
"   283, _for_ Thomas Butler _read_ Theobald Butler.
"   367, _for_ Dermot O'Diera _read_ Cornelius O'Dea.




IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS.




CHAPTER XIX.

FROM THE ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH TO THE YEAR 1561.


[Sidenote: Accession of Elizabeth. Joy of the Protestants.]

The proclamation of Anne Boleyn's daughter can hardly have caused general
satisfaction in Ireland, but it was hailed with joy by Protestant
officials whose prospects had been clouded during the late reign. Old Sir
John Alen was soon in Dublin, whence he wrote to congratulate Cecil on
his restoration to office, and to remind him of his own sufferings under
Queen Mary. Thomas Alen, when reminding the new secretary of his great
losses, rejoiced that God had sent light after darkness, and that he and
his friends were going to have their turn. A sharp eye, he said, should
be kept on Sir Oswald Massingberd, who was suspected of a design to pull
down Kilmainham, lest its beauty and convenience should again attract the
Lord Deputy. Massingberd should be sternly restricted to his revenue of
1,000 marks, and the great seal should be transferred to a lawyer of
English birth. The prior was so far successful that Kilmainham soon
afterwards ceased to be a royal residence. He probably sold the lead, and
the damage being aggravated by a great storm, the commandery was not
thought worth repairing, and the chief governor's abode was transferred
to Dublin Castle. Sir Ralph Bagenal, formerly lieutenant of Leix and
Offaly, had been dismissed for denying the Papal supremacy, and had been
forced to seek refuge in France, where he lived by selling at a great
sacrifice a property worth 500_l._ a year. Queen Elizabeth gave him the
non-residence fines of twelve bishoprics; but there were legal obstacles,
and he begged for something more substantial. Staples, the deprived
Bishop of Meath, pointed out his griefs to Cecil, and thinking, no doubt,
more of the Queen than of his correspondent, complained that Pole had
made it a grievous article against him that he had presumed to pray for
the soul of his old master. Pole probably hated Henry VIII. enough to
wish his soul unprayed for, but the complaint is a very odd one from a
Protestant divine.[1]

[Sidenote: The limitations of the Tyrone Patent are disputed. Shane
O'Neill.]

Sidney, whom most men spoke well of, was confirmed in the office of Lord
Justice, and had soon plenty of work in the North. The old Earl of Tyrone
was sinking fast, and the horrors of a disputed succession were imminent.
Henry VIII. had conferred the Earldom on Con O'Neill for life, with
remainder to Matthew Ferdorogh O'Neill and his heirs male for ever. The
Barony of Dungannon was at the same time conferred upon the remainder
man, with a proviso that it should descend upon the heir to the Earldom.
Matthew's mother was Alison Kelly, and at the time of his birth she was
the wife of a smith at Dundalk. He was reputed to be Kelly's son until he
was sixteen, when his mother presented him to Con as his own child.
'Being a gentleman,' said his eldest son, 'he never refused no child that
any woman named to be his,' and he accepted Matthew with a good grace.
There was a Celtic law or doctrine that a child born in adultery should
belong to its real father, but there is no evidence to show that the rule
was actually binding in Ulster in the sixteenth century. Shane, the
legitimate eldest son, made a plain statement to the contrary, and
illustrated it by an Irish proverbial saying that a calf belongs to the
owner of the cow, and not to the owner of the bull. Matthew became a good
soldier, and Con was willing to have him for a successor. But as Shane
grew up he learned to oppose this arrangement, and, having good abilities
and boundless ambition, he was designated by a great portion of the clan
as successor to the tribal sovereignty. Shane oppressed his father, and
perhaps ultimately induced him to acquiesce in the popular choice; but to
make all safe, he took the precaution of murdering the Baron of
Dungannon, whose prowess he had reason to remember, and whom he had no
wish to meet again in the field. He steadily maintained that his victim
was the smith's son, and no relation; but the Irish annalists lend him no
countenance, for they remark that the deed was 'unbecoming in a kinsman.'
The Baron had left a young son, on whom his title devolved, and the
government were bound by the patent to maintain his ultimate rights to
the Earldom. It is uncertain whether Henry VIII. knew that Matthew
Ferdorogh was born while his mother lived in wedlock with the smith, but
probably he may be acquitted of having encouraged one of the worst Brehon
doctrines.[2]

[Sidenote: Strength of Shane's position.]

Yet Shane's case against the Government was a strong one; for it was not
disputed that his father had known the facts, and he was thus able to
contend that the King had been deceived, and that the limitation in the
patent was void. Besides, it was asked, why was not the Earldom given in
the usual way to Con and his heirs male? Whether Shane knew of the
above-mentioned Brehon regulation or not, it was his interest to affect
ignorance, to represent both his father and King Henry as the victims of
deception, and to take his stand on strict hereditary right for the
title, and on tribal election for his personal supremacy. About strict
veracity he was no more scrupulous than Queen Elizabeth herself. The
dilemma was complete, for English lawyers could not for very shame deny
the moral claims of the legitimate heir, nor could politicians ignore
those Irish captainries which the Crown had acknowledged over and over
again. By Celtic usage Con had of course no power whatever to alienate or
transmit the property of the tribe: in that he had only a life interest.
Shane argued, moreover, that according to the law of the Pale no lands
could pass by patent without an inquisition previously taken. None could
be taken in Tyrone, for it was no shire. If the English law were
followed, there was, therefore, no power to divert the inheritance from
him as rightful heir; if the Irish law prevailed, then he threw himself
on the suffrages of the tribe.[3]

[Sidenote: Sidney visits Shane O'Neill.]

Shane O'Neill robbed his father and mother of all they possessed, and
drove them into the Pale, where the unfortunate Con died early in 1559.
Shane, who had recovered from his defeat by the O'Donnells, and secured
himself by assassination against his most dangerous rival, claimed both
the Earldom of Tyrone and the tribal sovereignty of the North. At first
the Queen was strongly inclined to admit his pretensions. The patent was
indeed fatal to them, but Elizabeth had an eminently practical mind, and
the fact that Shane was in quiet possession weighed with her more than
his legitimacy. In the absence of positive orders, Sidney did his best to
maintain peace in the North. He repaired to Dundalk, and summoned Shane
to attend him. The wily chief was loud in his professions of loyalty, but
feared possible loss of reputation among his own people, and refused to
go. Having less reason to regard appearances, Sidney visited Shane in his
camp, and consented to act as god-father to his son, and to enter the
mysteriously sacred bond of gossipred, or compaternity. O'Neill bound
himself to keep the peace until the Queen should have pronounced on his
claims, and Sussex, who hated him, expressed a belief that he would not
keep his promise. Sidney could obtain nothing more, and Shane's arguments
were indeed such as could not easily be refuted.[4]

[Sidenote: Sussex, Lord Deputy, 1559. His instructions.]

Sussex struggled hard to avoid returning to the hated Irish service, and
pleaded occupations public and private. He declared, with perfect truth,
that Sidney would govern Ireland much better than he could, and he was
doubtless unwilling to leave the field clear to Lord Robert Dudley. But
the Queen would take no denial, and he had to go. She was at this time
inclined to govern Ireland in her father's cheap and rather otiose
fashion, and the number of pardons granted during her first years shows
that she aimed at a reputation for clemency. She understood the magnitude
of the task awaiting her in Ireland, but declared herself unable to spare
the necessary forces on account of the huge debt bequeathed by her
sister, and of the expensive legacy of a Scotch and French war. The
exchequer of Ireland had been much mismanaged, and its reform was urged
on the restored governor, whose standing army was fixed at 1,500 men, 300
of them horse and 300 kerne. He was authorised to spend 1,500_l._ a
month, but urged, if possible, to reduce the expense to 1,000_l._ The
amount either of men or money was not to be exceeded, except under the
pressure of necessity. The first duty of the new Lord Deputy and his
council was to set the service of God before their eyes, and, pending a
Parliamentary inquiry, all English-born officials were, at least in their
own houses, to use the rites and ceremonies established in England.[5]

[Sidenote: Arrival of Sussex. The Protestant ritual restored.]

Sussex landed at or near Dalkey, and on the following day rode into
Dublin. He was received on St. Stephen's Green by the Mayor and Aldermen.
Shaking hands with the chief magistrate, the Earl is reported to have
said, 'You be all happy, my masters, in a gracious queen.' Three days
later he was sworn in at Christ Church, Nicholas Darton, or Dardy, one of
the vicars-choral, chanting the Litany in English before the ceremony,
and the choir singing the _Te Deum_ in English afterwards. Ormonde at the
same time took the oath as a Privy Councillor and as Lord Treasurer of
Ireland. Thus was the Protestant ritual quietly re-introduced, Sidney
having been sworn with the full Roman ceremonial. The work of painting
the two cathedrals, and of substituting texts of Scripture for 'pictures
and popish fancies,' had begun three months before.[6]

[Sidenote: The Queen is gracious to the Irish nobility.]

Many important men had hastened to offer their services and forward their
petitions to the new Queen. Conspicuous among them was Richard, second
Earl of Clanricarde, called _Sassanagh_, or the Englishman, of whose
loyalty the Queen had a very good opinion, but who in one important
respect fell short even of a Court standard of morals. The names of seven
of his wives and sultanas have come down to us, and of these at least
five were living at this time. He was acknowledged as captain of
Connaught, his Earldom was confirmed by patent, and he received other
marks of favour. The Queen also lent a favourable ear to Ormonde's uncle,
brother, and cousin, and to the new Earl of Desmond. Connor O'Brien, whom
Sussex had established in the Earldom of Thomond, and MacCarthy More,
were also well treated, and so were several of the corporate towns.[7]

[Sidenote: Parliament of 1560. The royal supremacy restored.]

The first Parliament of Elizabeth met on January 12, 1560, and was
dissolved on February 1. It was attended by three archbishops, seventeen
bishops, and twenty-three temporal peers, including all the earls then
extant in Ireland. Ten counties sent two knights each, and twenty-eight
cities and boroughs were represented by two burgesses each. Ten other
counties, King's and Queen's among them, are mentioned, Connaught
counting as one, and Down being divided into two; but they either
received no writs or made no returns, and the same may be said of the
borough of Kilmallock. James Stanihurst, Recorder of Dublin and member
for that city, was chosen speaker. The chief business was to establish
the Queen's title, and to restore her father's and brother's
ecclesiastical legislation. First-fruits were restored to the Crown, and
so was the commandery of St. John. Massingberd's alienations were
annulled, and, as he was suspected of secret dealings with the Irish, he
was attainted unless he should surrender within forty days.

[Sidenote: Variations from the Anglican theory.]

So far English legislation was closely followed, but in two important
respects the Church was made more dependent on the State than in England.
Royal Commissioners, or Parliament in the last resort, were to be the
judges of heresy without reference to any synod or convocation, and
_congés d'élire_ were abolished as useless and derogatory to the
prerogative. These matters having been arranged to his satisfaction,
Sussex again went to England, and Sir William Fitzwilliam, who had just
come over as Treasurer at War, was appointed Lord Justice in his room.[8]

[Sidenote: The Catholics will not yield.]

Fitzwilliam, who was new to Ireland, at first found the Irish pretty
peaceful, but admitted that the overtaxed people of the Pale were less so
than they were bound in duty to be. Causes of disturbance were not long
in coming. Old O'Connor escaped from Dublin Castle, and uneasiness was
immediately observable in the districts where he had influence. Calvagh
O'Donnell's wife, who was Argyle's half-sister, had brought over some
1,500 Scots, 'not to her husband's enrichment,' as the Lord Justice
supposed, but as a plague to Shane, who had married O'Donnell's sister
and ill-treated her. Shane had engaged a similar force, and all these
combustibles could scarcely be stored without mischief. The priests who
were beaten in England showed signs of an intention to transfer the
struggle to Ireland, where they had many partisans and might create more.
At all events, they were flocking across the Channel, 'not for any great
learning the universities of Ireland shall show them as I guess.' The
Government only was weak. There were but fifty hundredweight of lead in
store, and Fitzwilliam thought he might have to strip the material for
bullets from some house or church.[9]

[Sidenote: Intrigues of Kildare. Lord Justice Fitzwilliam expects a
general rising.]

Kildare, whose foreign education and connection made him more dangerous
than any of his ancestors had been, was undoubtedly playing with edged
tools. Desmond refused to pay cess. The two earls had met at Limerick,
and would certainly join Donnell O'Brien if he landed with the expected
foreign aid. There were rumours of French ships on the coast, and
frequent messengers passed between Kildare, Desmond, and Shane O'Neill.
Edmond Boy, a Geraldine who was usually employed on this dangerous
service, warned a relation who had married an Englishman to sell all and
fly the realm, for if all promises were kept, her husband would never
reap that he had sown. Kildare not only kept his followers under arms,
but declared that he and his friends would be slaves no longer, presided
at assemblies of Irishmen, and ostentatiously heard mass in public. Of
all this there was ample evidence, and in addition, Lady Tyrone had
sought interviews with the Lord Justice, and sworn the interpreter to
secrecy. Laying the Bible first on her own head and then on his, 'which
is the surest kind of oath taken with them,' she made a very positive
statement as to the alliance of her son Shane and the two Geraldine
earls. The Countess indeed, Fitzwilliam told Cecil, was 'something
busy-headed and largely-tongued, crafty and very malicious, no great heed
to be given to her, unless some other thing might lend credit to the tale
she telleth, as in this there is.' There was quite enough to cause
anxiety, and the Government were almost defenceless. 'Send us over men,'
the Lord Justice cried, 'that we may fight ere we die.'[10]

[Sidenote: Attitude of Spain, France, and Scotland.]

It was still the policy of Philip II. to appear as Elizabeth's protector,
anxious to save her from the consequences of her own rashness and to give
her time to repent. This half contemptuous patronage was the result of
mere statecraft, and the Queen gave no credit for kindliness to a man who
had no such element in his nature. The first sighs of the great storm had
been heard in the Netherlands. With France and Scotland united, and with
England crushed as Philip thought she might be, the power of Spain in
Northern Europe would be endangered. The Catholic King would therefore
give no help to Catholic Ireland. The Christian King could give none; nor
even maintain his ground in Scotland. The French fleet had been cast
away, and the Huguenots were at no pains to hide their sympathy with
English and Scotch reformers. The conspiracy of Amboise showed what might
be expected. Francis II. was nought, and the hatred of Catherine de'
Medici for her lovely daughter-in-law paralysed the efforts of the
statesmen who ruled about him. Brave and full of resource, but without
help or hope, D'Oysel was shut up in Leith, the national skill of his
followers making the best of rats and horseflesh while Winter's ships lay
off Inchkeith, the unchallenged tyrants of the sea. Mary of Lorraine died
with a Calvinist preacher by her bedside, and the power of Rome was for
ever broken in Scotland. Under such circumstances no outbreak in Ireland
could have a chance of success, and the plottings of the Geraldines with
O'Briens and O'Neills came for the time to nothing.

[Sidenote: Sussex made Lord-Lieutenant, 1560.]

Fortified by constant intercourse with the Queen and Cecil, Sussex
returned to Ireland with the title of Lord-Lieutenant, which had not been
conferred since the death of Henry VIII.'s son, and which was not to be
conferred again till it was given to the rash favourite whose fate
darkened Elizabeth's last days. He told the Queen that he was willing to
surrender his post to anyone who would go against Shane O'Neill on easier
terms. 'She seeth,' he said, 'that I affect not that governance.' He had
repudiated with scorn the accusation that he had put to death those who
surrendered under protection. 'If the cause,' he said, 'were mine own I
would ask trial like a gentleman, but it is the Queen's. My word is not
the Earl of Sussex's word but Queen Elizabeth's word, my lie her lie.'
Noble words: but too imperfectly remembered in the hour of trial.[11]

[Sidenote: Private and public instructions to Sussex.]

Sussex's written instructions show no apprehension of foreign enemies,
except that he was authorised to contribute a sum not exceeding 250_l._
to the fortification of Waterford. If Sorley Boy MacDonnell's profession
of loyalty were fulfilled, he might receive a grant of the lands he
claimed. But Shane O'Neill was to be curbed either by fair means or
force. There was no longer a disposition on the Queen's part to accept
him as an established fact, and the young Baron of Dungannon was if
possible to be maintained against him. Noblemen and gentlemen were to be
encouraged to surrender their estates and to receive them back by fresh
grants, while Sussex was urged to proceed with the settlement of Leix and
Offaly, which was visible only on paper. The garrisons were in fact the
only fixed inhabitants. The remaining instructions were such as were
generally given to Irish governors, and were chiefly concerned with
improvements in the revenue and with the satisfaction of private or
official suits.[12]

[Sidenote: The Queen sees the difficulty of Irish government.]

But in private conversation with her representative Elizabeth held
language of which her indefatigable secretary did not fail to make a
minute, and which showed how deeply impressed she was with the magnitude
of the Irish difficulty. The chief danger was evidently from Kildare's
dealings with the foreigners, and Sussex was to persuade him if possible
to go to England. It was the habit of Irish lords on such occasions to
plead the want of ready cash, and the Earl was to be authorised to draw
to any reasonable amount on London on giving his bond for repayment in
Dublin. Kildare would have been a gainer, and the Queen a loser by the
exchange. If he would not cross the Channel by this golden bridge Sussex
was authorised to use a letter written by the Queen herself to Kildare,
in which she commanded his attendance at Court. A date was to be affixed
which might make it appear that the royal missive had followed and not
accompanied the Lord-Lieutenant to Ireland. If this failed, Kildare and
his most prominent friends, including Desmond, were to be arrested at the
earliest opportunity. 'And for satisfaction of the subjects of the land
the Lord-Lieutenant shall cause to be published by proclamation or
otherwise the reasonable causes of his doings, leading only to the quiet
of the realm.'[13]

[Sidenote: Attempts to reconcile Desmond and Ormonde.]

The death of the Regent and the expulsion of the French from Scotland put
an end for the time to any apprehensions from France. If Desmond and
Ormonde were once at peace the Lord-Lieutenant would have leisure to
settle Shane O'Neill's account. The manors of Clonmel, Kilsheelan, and
Kilfeacle had long been in dispute between the two earls, and a thousand
acts of violence were the result. The lawsuit was now about to be decided
in a pitched battle. Men came from the Lee and the Shannon on one side
and from Wexford on the other, and met near Tipperary, but separated
without fighting, probably owing to the efforts of Lady Desmond. Sir
George Stanley, Marshal of the Army, the veteran negotiator Cusack, and
Parker the Master of the Rolls, were sent to Clonmel to decide the most
pressing matters in dispute, which consisted chiefly of spoils committed
by the tenants and partisans of the two earls on each other. The White
Knight especially, whose lands bordered on Tipperary, was constantly at
war with his Butler neighbours. An award was given, on the whole
favourable to Desmond; but the peace thus obtained was not destined to
endure.[14]

[Sidenote: Shane O'Neill holds his own.]

Meanwhile Shane O'Neill, in spite of his 'misused' MacDonnell wife,
sought Argyle's sister in marriage; but that chief was engaged in the
English and Protestant interest, and sent the letter of proposal to
Elizabeth. So far from allying himself with the O'Neills, Argyle offered
to provide 3,000 Highlanders for immediate service in Ireland, if the
Queen would pay them, and 1,000 for permanent garrison duty on the same
terms. James MacDonnell was willing to serve in person. These were no
empty promises, for Argyle and MacDonnell had the men ready in the
following spring; and the Queen thought she saw her way to 'afflict Shane
with condign punishment to the terror of all his sept.' Gilbert Gerrard,
Attorney-General of England, who had been sent over to report on the
revenues, told Cecil that Ireland would be difficult to govern, and that
many people cared for nothing but the sword. O'Donnell, O'Reilly, and
Maguire might be induced to act loyally in hopes of throwing off
O'Neill's tyranny, and the MacDonnells from the fear of losing their
estates. All pointed to the necessity of vigorous action; but the summer
passed and nothing was done.[15]

[Sidenote: Reports as to the Queen's marriage.]

These were the days when everyone expected Elizabeth to marry. Cecil went
to Scotland, where the general wish was that the half-witted Arran
should unite the two kingdoms. On his return he found that his policy had
been thwarted by 'back counsels;' and he talked of resigning his place.
Sussex wrote in horror at the prospect, for he thought the Queen would be
but slenderly provided with counsel elsewhere, and under certain
circumstances, such perhaps as a Dudley ministry, he himself would not
serve ten months in Ireland--no, not for 10,000_l._ The dark tragedy on
the staircase at Cumnor left Dudley free, and for a moment most men
supposed that the Queen's partiality would end in marriage. Sussex did
not take so unfavourable a view of the match as the secretary. According
to his view the great national requirement was an heir to the Crown, and
there would be a better chance of one if Elizabeth married the object of
her affections. Sussex declared himself ready to serve, honour, and obey
any one to whom it might please God to direct the Queen's choice. Had
this advice been given to Elizabeth the writer might be suspected of
flattery, and of seeking friends of the mammon of unrighteousness; but,
spoken to such unwilling ears as Cecil's, it must be considered highly
honourable.[16]

[Sidenote: Reform of the coinage.]

In Ireland as in England, Elizabeth gained great and deserved credit by
reforming the coinage. From the time of John till that of Edward IV.
there had been no difference between the two standards; but in the latter
reign that of Ireland suffered a depreciation of twenty-five per cent. An
Irish shilling was henceforth worth no more than ninepence in England.
There must have been a loss to the public and a gain to the Exchequer at
first, but bullion finds its own level like water, and there were no
further fluctuations. Having become a settled and understood thing, the
difference caused little trouble. But when Henry VIII. began to tamper
with the currency great loss and inconvenience followed. The quantity of
silver--the common drudge 'twixt man and man--in any given piece of money
could scarcely be guessed at by the ordinary citizen. Barrels full of
counterfeit coin were imported, and added much to the confusion.
Tradesmen raised prices to save themselves. All good coin was exported
to buy foreign wares, and the course was continually downwards, as it
must inevitably be under similar circumstances. Inconvertible notes
proved highly inconvenient in America and in Italy; but they were nothing
to the metallic counters of the Tudors, which depended less upon credit
than upon uncertain intrinsic values. Communications were difficult,
there were no newspapers, and money dealers flourished. At every exchange
a burden was imposed on industry. Those who have been in Turkish towns,
and have seen a sovereign waste as it passes from one currency to
another, can form an idea of what Dublin and Drogheda suffered through
the ignorance and dishonesty of the English Government.

[Sidenote: Chaotic state of the currency.]

What Henry began Edward and Mary continued, and Ireland was deluged with
innumerable varieties of bad money. Some of Mary's shillings were worth
little more than the copper they contained. She also by proclamation
authorised the adulterated rose-pence of her father and brother to be
used in Ireland, though they were prohibited in England. In a paper drawn
up for Elizabeth's Council, five kinds of small coins are enumerated, of
every degree of baseness, and of values between 5-1/3_d._ and 1-1/3_d._
English. One of these, the old Irish groat, was worth threepence, but had
several varieties. Thus _Dominus_ groats were those struck before Henry
VIII. assumed the royal title, _Rex_ groats were those struck after; none
were of a good standard. The quantity of coin no more than three ounces
fine was estimated at from 60,000 to 100,000 lbs. To cleanse the Augean
stables it was proposed to restore the Irish mint, which had been
abandoned for want of silver at the end of Edward VI.'s reign. The repair
of the furnaces was begun, wood was cut, and the mixed money was cried
down for a recoinage. But the inducements offered proved insufficient,
and the merchants hoarded the Irish money instead of bringing it in. The
plan was then changed. A reward was offered for bringing in the bad coin,
and fresh money was struck in England on the basis of the practice which
prevailed from Edward IV. to Henry VIII. Ninepence sterling was fixed as
the value of an Irish shilling; some of the old money, particularly that
of the lower denominations, seems to have been put in circulation, but
it was used merely as counters and was not complained of. The currency
question slumbered until 1602, when Elizabeth fell away somewhat from her
early virtue, and partially revived the grievance which she had
redressed.[17]

[Sidenote: The O'Mores.]

Kildare had the wit to see that times were changed, and that the Crown
would be too strong for any possible combination; but others were less
well informed, or more sanguine. Some of the O'Mores held a meeting at
Holy Cross in Tipperary, where Neill M'Lice was chosen chief of Leix. The
object of this unfortunate clan was of course the retention of their
lands, to which they clung with desperate resolution. Shane sent a rymer,
one of those _improvisatori_ who were always at hand to carry dangerous
messages, bidding them to trust no man's word, but to wait for orders
from him. Desmond was also consulted. According to one account he offered
the conspirators a refuge in the last resort; according to another, he
had promised to send actual assistance. The matter came to Ormonde's
ears, and he appeared suddenly at Holy Cross, dispersed the meeting, and
took three of the principal men prisoners.[18]

[Sidenote: Fitzwilliam made Lord Justice. Shane O'Neill holds out.]

Elizabeth saw that nothing of importance could be done without an effort,
and being in one of her frugal moods, she was disinclined to make that
effort. She summoned Sussex over for a personal conference, reminding him
that she had formerly been charged with other items besides his salary,
and suggesting that part of it should now be devoted to the payment of a
Lord Justice, 'which, considering our other charges, we think you cannot
mislike.' As soon as Fitzwilliam's commission arrived, Sussex left
Ireland; but Shane O'Neill did not wish to let the Lord-Lieutenant have
the sole telling of the story. Shane was in communication with Philip,
who bade him not be discouraged, for that he should not want help.
Letters to this effect were brought by the parish priests of Howth and
Dundalk, and O'Neill then wrote to the Queen in a very haughty strain. He
asked leave to correspond freely with the Secretary, and solicited the
admission of his messenger to the Queen's presence. 'There is nothing,'
he said, 'I inwardly desire of God so much' as that 'the Queen should
know what a faithful subject I mean to be to her Grace.' For her
Majesty's information, he stated forcibly his case against the Dungannon
branch, invariably calling his rival Matthew Kelly, and laying great
stress on his own election by the tribe. 'According,' he wrote, 'to the
ancient custom of this county of Tyrone time out of mind, all the lords
and gentlemen of Ulster assembled themselves, and as well for that I was
known to be the right heir unto my said father, as also thought most
worthiest to supply my father's room, according to the said custom, by
one assent and one voice they did elect and choose me to be O'Neill, and
by that name did call me, and next under your Majesty took me to be their
lord and governor, and no other else would they have had.' The effect had
been magical. All the North for eighty miles had been waste, without
people, cattle, or houses, 'save a little that the spirituality of Armagh
had,' and now there was not one town uninhabited. If the Queen would give
Ireland into his keeping, she would soon have a revenue where she had now
only expense.

[Sidenote: Shane will not acknowledge 'Matthew Kelly.']

As to Matthew Kelly, he had tried to turn him out of lands which his
father had long ago given him, in which the bastard pretender was
'maintained and borne up by the chin' by Sussex. Had he not been wholly
occupied in hunting Matthew up and down, he would long since have
expelled the Scots, who had been reinforced by Lady Tyrone, and supported
by Sussex. The Lord-Lieutenant had given them MacQuillin's land, 'which
time out of mind hath been mere Englishman,' having held his estate since
the first conquest. The Queen was thus answerable for the strength of the
Scots, and without her help he could not undertake to drive them out.
Kelly had been killed in a skirmish by chance of war, and he was not to
be held answerable for so usual an accident. In fact, he was a blameless
subject, who had committed no fault knowingly; 'but through being wild
and savage, not knowing the extremity of her Majesty's laws, nor yet
brought up in any civility whereby he might avoid the same, having also
many wild and unruly persons, and hard to be corrected in his country.'
By a stretch of legal ingenuity their misdeeds might possibly be laid at
his door, and to avoid that, and 'not for any mistrust of his own
behaviour,' he asked for protection. Unable to trust Sussex, he had sent
over the respectable Dean of Armagh to bring a safe-conduct from the
Queen herself, which would enable him to lay his case in person before
the English Council, and to return safely. For his expenses he should
require 8,000_l._ sterling, which, with a fine irony, he declared himself
quite willing to repay in Irish currency. For fear of mischances, the
Earl of Kildare and other men of rank should be directed to put him
safely on board, and to deliver him at Holyhead into Sir Henry Sidney's
charge. After his return Sussex should not be allowed to molest him for
three months.

[Sidenote: Shane's grievances against Sussex.]

Besides the main grievance about Matthew Kelly, Shane had fault to find
with governors in general, and Sussex in particular. When a very young
man he had discovered a plot to attack the Pale, and having respect to
the common weal of his native country, he had gone boldly to Sir Anthony
St. Leger without any safe-conduct. St. Leger had been so much impressed
with his virtue that he and all his Council had signed a contract, 'which
I have to be showed,' to give him 6_s._ 8_d._ sterling a day. Since that
he had suffered much, but not a groat of the pension had ever been paid.
Still he bore no malice, and had offered his services to Sussex against
the Scots. The Lord-Lieutenant was nevertheless firmly prejudiced in
favour of Matthew Kelly, and determined that he, the legitimate chief,
should be no officer of his. He accused Sussex of putting innocent men to
death, and thus making it impossible for any one to trust him. Sussex
always indignantly denied this charge, and he was borne out by Kildare
and by the Irish Council.

[Sidenote: He compares Tyrone favourably with the Pale.]

Shane proudly contrasted the state of his country with that of the Pale,
and suggested that the Queen should send over two incorruptible men
joined in commission with the mayor and aldermen of Dublin and Drogheda,
'which are worshipful and faithful subjects,' to judge which country was
the better governed. They might hear the charges against him, and also
the complaints of the families of the Pale, 'what intolerable burdens
they endure of cess, taxes, and tallages both of corn, beefs, muttons,
porks, and baks.' Not only did the soldiers live at free quarters, but
they had 'their dogs and their concubines all the whole year along in the
poor farmers' houses, paying in effect nothing for all the same.' Not
less than 300 farmers had gone into Shane's county out of the Pale. These
men were once rich, and had good houses, but they dared not so much as
tell their griefs to the Queen, 'yet the birds of the air will at length
declare it unto you.' Shane considered it 'a very evil sign that men
shall forsake the Pale, and come and dwell among wild savage people.'

[Sidenote: Shane's legitimacy.]

Besides his pretensions to the Earldom, or to the captaincy of Tyrone,
Matthew Kelly also advanced a claim to the manor of Balgriffin, in the
county of Dublin, which had been granted to Con O'Neill, with remainder
to his son, Matthew O'Neill, and in default of him and his heirs, with
remainder to the right heirs of Con. Shane had taken legal opinions, and
was advised that he had a title to Balgriffin, because there was no
Matthew O'Neill at the time of the grant. 'It follows plainly,' he
argued, 'that I am my father's right heir, legitimate begotten, and
although my said father accepted him as his son, by no law that ever was
since the beginning, he could not take him from his own father and mother
which were then in plain life.' Besides which he had inherited the land
of 'his own natural father the smith.' If the premise that Matthew was
Kelly and not an O'Neill be admitted, the reasoning is irrefragable.

[Sidenote: He desires an English wife.]

Badly as he had been treated, Shane declared himself ready to make
restitution wherever anything could be proved against him. His savagery,
which he confessed again and again, he thought could best be eradicated
by an English wife, 'some gentlewoman of some noble blood meet for my
vocation, whereby I might have a friendship towards your Majesty.' This
impossible she would indeed be much more than an intermediary between him
and the Queen to declare his grief and those of his country. 'By her good
civility and bringing up, the country,' he hoped, 'would become civil,
and my generation so mixed, I and my posterity should ever after know
their duties.' Some educated companion was necessary to him; for the men
of the Pale would not even show him how to address his letters properly,
and he feared to offend, whereas he desired nothing so much as her
Majesty's approbation and favour. How Shane treated an accomplished woman
when he had her in his power will appear hereafter.[19]

[Sidenote: Shane threatens the Pale.]

To enforce his demands, and to show how disagreeable he could be, Shane
burned three villages on the borders of the Pale. Their crime was giving
asylum to Henry, son of Phelim Roe O'Neill, who had offended by his
loyalty. With much difficulty and many smooth words, the invader was
prevented from spreading his ravages further; but he went so far as to
threaten the town of Dundalk for sheltering his disobedient namesake, and
he demanded an authority equal to that which Desmond had over the western
seaports.[20]

[Sidenote: He proposes to go to England.]

Shane's proposal to go to Court was accepted in order to gain time. A
safe-conduct was sent, and Fitzwilliam was instructed to make his
departure easy. Either really suspicious, or anxious to make it appear
that he was ill-treated, the troublesome chief then began to make
excuses, the most valid being that he had no money. Fitzwilliam wrote him
a soothing letter, and Shane then said his retinue could not be ready for
nearly two months. He held out stoutly for 3,000_l._ at least, but it was
feared that he would rebel on receipt of it, 'conduct,' said the Lord
Justice, 'which to his kind best belongeth.' In the meantime he amused
himself by plundering the O'Reillys and those on the borders of the
Pale.[21]

[Sidenote: Intrigues with Scotland.]

While Fitzwilliam was temporising with Shane in Ireland, Sussex was
intriguing against him in Scotland. His messenger carried credentials to
the Ambassador Randolph, to Argyle, and to James MacDonnell. He was
directed to visit them all, and if possible to see O'Donnell's wife, a
sister of Argyle, who continually hovered between Ireland and Scotland.
He was then to cross the Channel, find his way to O'Donnell, and offer
him the Earldom of Tyrconnel in the Queen's name. To Argyle Cecil wrote
as to a friend whom he had learned to value when in Scotland, urging him
to 'use stoutness and constancy, or the adversary will double his
courage, where contrariwise the Papist being indeed full of cowardness
... will yield.' Large offers were made to James MacDonnell and his
brother Sorley Boy, and it was hoped that all the most powerful men in
the North might thus be united against the redoubtable Shane.[22]

[Sidenote: The Queen prepares for war, but endeavours to conciliate the
Irish nobility.]

Sir Henry Radclyffe, the Lord-Lieutenant's brother, thought Shane had
money enough if he would be contented with reasonable expenses, but that
he had sought counsel of those who were against the journey, and was
chiefly anxious to gain time. He daily muddled his 'unstable head' with
wine, and every boon companion could affect his judgment. That drunken
brain was nevertheless clear enough to baffle Elizabeth for a long time.
Perhaps Shane really expected help from Philip. Radclyffe thought him
hopeless, and quoted Ovid as to the desirability of cutting out incurable
sores before they had time to poison the blood. These opinions prevailed,
and warlike preparations were swiftly and silently made. Six hundred
additional men were sent to Ireland, and a general hosting was ordered.
O'Reilly was encouraged to hope for the Earldom of Brefny, and robes and
coronets for him and for O'Donnell were actually sent. O'Madden and
O'Shaughnessy in Connaught, were thanked for former services, and
exhorted to deserve thanks in the future. Shane, wrote the Queen, was the
common disturber. He had offered to go to Court and then drew back,
though she had with her own hands given the required safe-conduct to his
messenger. Conciliation had been tried in vain; and she was now obliged
to resort to force. They were directed in all things to be guided by
Sussex, whom her Majesty quite exonerated from Shane's slanders.[23]

[Sidenote: Fitzwilliam and Kildare.]

While his official superior was at Court, Fitzwilliam had no easy time in
Dublin. He disliked and distrusted Kildare, who declined all
responsibility for his bastard kinsfolk, the old scourges of the marches
living at free quarters and disdaining honest industry. The MacCoghlans
surprised one of the Earl's innumerable castles, in which they were
assisted by Ferdinando O'Daly, an Irishman in Fitzwilliam's service.
Kildare made a prisoner of O'Daly, and the Lord Justice thought his
position as the Queen's representative required his liberation. They were
'tickle times, and many evil and rude men depend upon his Lordship, who
with one wink might stir mischief.' The Lord Justice offered to make good
any harm that O'Daly might have done, but insisted on his enlargement,
because it did not stand with the credit of his office that any servant
of his should lie in gyves. Kildare at first refused to give the man up,
and on the Lord Justice persisting, said he was in the custody of his
captor, who had been promised a ransom of forty marks. O'Daly was
ultimately released, and probably Fitzwilliam paid the forty marks. In
the meantime Shane had been acting while his opponents talked.[24]

[Sidenote: Shane seizes O'Donnell and his wife.]

The O'Donnells, under a son of the chief, besieged an island in Lough
Veagh, occupied by one of those pretenders who were never wanting in any
Irish country. The chief himself lay at a Franciscan friary, eleven miles
from his son, and with only 'a few soldiers, besides women and poets.'
Among the women was his wife, by birth a Maclean, widow of an Earl of
Argyle, noted for her wisdom and sobriety, a good French scholar with a
knowledge of Latin, and a smattering of Italian, but at heart a rake who
had been dazzled by Shane's successful career. She contrived to let the
object of her admiration know her husband's defenceless condition, and he
was only too ready to take the hint. A meeting of the two chiefs was
arranged for May 15. O'Neill was not far off, and on the night of the
14th he appeared in force at the monastery gates. Had they been shut
defence might have been possible, for O'Donnell had 1,500 Scots
mercenaries within five miles; but they had been left open, probably on
purpose, and O'Donnell and his wife were carried off into Tyrone. The
night attack of four years before was thus amply avenged. Calvagh was
kept in close and cruel confinement, and as Shane's mistress the wise
countess soon had reason to deplore her folly and perfidy.[25]

[Sidenote: Shane is supreme in Ulster.]

A messenger whom O'Neill had sent to Fitzwilliam used very insolent
language, such as he had no doubt been accustomed to hear from his
chief's mouth. The Lord Justice complained, and Shane, whose cue was not
to offend the Queen or her representative, said that his envoy was a
scamp who had exceeded his instructions, and that he had tortured him and
slit his ear. But the Government thought Shane incorrigible, and in this
at least they were supported by Kildare. O'Neill was proclaimed a rebel
and traitor. Either on this or some later occasion an Irish jester
remarked that, except traitor was a more honourable title than O'Neill,
he would never consent to Shane's assumption of it, a joke which gained
point from the feebleness of the proceedings against him. In the eyes of
the Lord Justice he was the bully of the North; in the eyes of the Irish
he was King of Ulster from Drogheda to the Erne, with power very little
diminished by the opposition of the English.[26]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Sir John Alen to Cecil, Dec. 16, 1558; Staples to same, Dec. 16; T.
Alen to same, December 18. Harris's _Dublin_, chap. ii.

[2] _Ancient Laws and Institutes of Ireland_, vol. iii.; Preface to _Book
of Aicill_, p. cxlviii.; Shane O'Neill to Queen Elizabeth, Feb. 8, 1561;
Campion's History; _Four Masters_, 1558. Maine's _Early History of
Institutions_, chap. ii.

[3] See the arguments in _Carew_, 1560, vol. i. p. 304.

[4] There is an account of the interview in _Hooker_.

[5] Instructions to Sussex, 1559, in _Carew_, pp. 279 and 284.

[6] Mant from Loftus MS.; Ware's _Annals_.

[7] Memorial of answers by the Queen, July 16, 1559, and Instructions to
Sussex, July 17, both in _Carew_; note of the Earl of Clanricarde's wives
and concubines now alive, Feb. 1559 (No. 18).

[8] The list of this Parliament is in _Tracts relating to Ireland_, vol.
ii., Appendix 2; _Printed Statutes_, 2 Elizabeth; _Collier_, vol. vi. p.
296 (ed. 1846); Ware's _Annals_; _Leland_, book iv. chap. i.

[9] Fitzwilliam to Sussex, March 8 and 15, 1560.

[10] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, April 11, 1560; Advertisements out of Ireland,
May (No. 15), and many other papers about this time.

[11] Memorial by the Earl of Sussex for the Queen, May 1560 (No. 21).

[12] See the two sets of Instructions in _Carew_, vol. i. May 1560, Nos.
223, 225.

[13] Memorial of such charge as the Queen's Majesty has given by her own
speech to the Earl of Sussex, &c., May 27, 1560, in _Carew_.

[14] Orders taken by the Lord-Lieutenant and Council, Aug. 1, 1560. Award
for the Earl of Desmond, Aug. 23.

[15] The Queen to Sussex, Aug. 15, 1560, and Aug. 21; list of plain
rebels, July 19. Gerrard, A.G., to Cecil, Sept. 5.

[16] Sussex to Cecil, Oct. 24 and Nov. 2.

[17] Ware's _Antiquities_, by Harris, chap. xxiii.; 'Le case de mixt
moneys' in Davies's Reports. There are a great many letters on this
subject in the R.O., 1560 and 1561. See particularly the valuation of
silver coins, &c., Dec. 1560 (No. 62), several of Feb. 23, 1561;
Fitzwilliam to Cecil, May 4; to the Queen May 5; and the Queen's letter
of June 16. See also Queen's Instructions to Sussex, May 22, 1561, in
_Carew_, and the proclamations near the end of the last volume of that
collection.

[18] Queen to Sussex, Dec. 15; to Ormonde, Dec. 16, 1560. Examinations of
Donell MacVicar, Jan. 14, 1561.

[19] The whole of Shane's statements are from his letter to the Queen,
Feb. 8, 1561. For the refutation of his charge against Sussex, see the
Queen to the Nobility and Council of Ireland, May 21, and the Council's
answer, June 12.

[20] Lord Justice Fitzwilliam to Cecil, Feb. 8, 1561; Jaques Wingfield to
Sussex, Feb. 23.

[21] Protection for Shane O'Neill, March 4, 1561; Fitzwilliam to the
Queen, April 5, 8, and 26.

[22] Sir William Cecil to Argyle, April 2, 1561 (not sent till the 27th);
Instructions by Sussex to William Hutchinson, sent into Scotland, April
27.

[23] Sir Henry Radclyffe to Cecil, May 3. The lines from Ovid are:--

    Cuncta prius tentanda, sed immedicabile vulnus
    Ense recidendum est, ne pars sincera trahatur.--_Met._ i. 190.

They were quoted by Sir Edward Dering in his speech against Bishops, &c.,
in the Long Parliament. The Queen to the Nobility and Council of Ireland,
May 21. Sussex to Cecil, July 17.

[24] Wingfield to Sussex, Feb. 23; Fitzwilliam to Cecil, April 5, and the
enclosures.

[25] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, May 30, 1561, and to Sussex same date. The
_Four Masters_ incorrectly place the event under the year 1559.

[26] Shane O'Neill to the Lord Justice, June 8. He calls his messenger
'nebulo,' and says 'diversis torquidibus torturavi eum et auriculam ejus
fidi.' Campion. _Four Masters_, 1561.




CHAPTER XX.

1561 AND 1562.


[Sidenote: Sussex returns and invades Ulster.]

Sussex landed on June 2, and advanced within three weeks to Armagh, where
he fortified the cathedral and posted a well-provided garrison of 200
men. Shane could do nothing in the field, but withdrew with his cattle to
the border of Tyrconnel. Calvagh O'Donnell was hurried about from one
lake-dwelling to another; and Hutchinson, the confidential agent of
Sussex in Scotland and Ulster, retired to Dublin in despair. Believing
that the possession of Armagh would give him an advantage in negotiation,
Sussex made overtures through the Baron of Slane; but O'Neill refused to
come near him until he had seen the Queen, who had given his messenger a
superlatively gracious answer. In the meantime he demanded withdrawal of
the garrison, maintaining that the war was unjust and unprovoked. He had
not, he said, libelled the Lord-Lieutenant, and had he done so he would
have scorned to deny his authorship. He professed great readiness to go
to London, but repeated that money was necessary, and laid upon the
Viceroy the whole responsibility of nullifying the Queen's good
intentions. In future, he grandly declared, he would communicate only
with head-quarters, and he hoped that her Majesty would support his
efforts to civilise his wild country. He was not such a fool as to put
himself in the power of an Irish Government, and he gave a long list of
Irishmen who had suffered torture or death through their reliance on
official promises. Sussex replied that the money was ready for Shane if
he would come for it before the campaign began, and he issued a
proclamation calling on the O'Neills to support the young heir to the
Earldom of Tyrone. Shane merely warned the Baron of Slane to look out
for something unpleasant; for Earl of Ulster he intended to be. That
great dignity had long been merged in the Crown, and the Baron could
hardly fail to see what Shane was aiming at.[27]

[Sidenote: Shane surprises the Viceregal army.]

When all was ready the army encamped near Armagh, which it was proposed
to make a store-house for plunder. Five hundred cows and many horses were
taken in a raid northwards; but the Blackwater was flooded, and nothing
more could be done for several days. Not to be quite idle, Sussex sent
Ormonde to Shane, who offered worthless hostages for his prompt departure
to England, but refused to give up O'Donnell. An attempt was then made
against some cattle which were discovered on the borders of Macmahon's
country. In compliance with a recognised Irish custom, Macmahon was
probably obliged to support a certain number of his powerful neighbour's
stock. Sir George Stanley, with Fitzwilliam and Wingfield, went on this
service with 200 horse, seven companies and a half of English foot, 200
gallowglasses, 100 Scots, and all the kerne in camp. Ormonde was ill, and
Sussex in an evil hour, as he himself says, stayed to keep him company.
The cattle were driven off, and no enemy appeared. On their return Shane
overtook the troops with twelve horse, 300 Scots, and 200 gallowglasses.
Wingfield, who commanded the rear guard of infantry, allowed himself to
be surprised, and for a time all was confusion. The column was long, and
some time passed before Stanley and Fitzwilliam knew what had happened.
They at once attacked the Irish in flank, and Shane in turn suffered some
loss; indeed, the annalists say, with a fine rhetorical vagueness, that
countless numbers were slain on both sides. But the cattle, the original
cause of the expedition, were not brought into Armagh. The moral effect
of the check was disastrous, and Sussex, though he put the best face on
the matter when writing to Elizabeth, exaggerating Shane's losses and
making light of his own, did not conceal the truth from Cecil. 'By the
cowardice of some,' he wrote, 'all were like to have been lost, and by
the worthiness of two men all was restored.' Wingfield was chiefly
blamed, but the Lord-Lieutenant bitterly reproached himself for remaining
behind when so large a force was in the field. Fifty of his best men were
killed and fifty wounded, and it was impossible to take that prompt
revenge which alone can restore the reputation of an army when defeated
in a hostile country by a barbarian enemy. 'This last July,' said the
unhappy Viceroy, 'having spent our victuals at Armagh, we do return to
the Newry to conduct a new mass of victuals to Armagh.'[28]

[Sidenote: Anger of the Queen.]

When Cecil heard the evil tidings he says himself that he was so appalled
that he had much ado to hide his grief, the rather that Lord Pembroke
being away there was no one with whom he could share it. To the Queen he
spoke as lightly as he could of a little bickering in which Shane had the
greater loss, which to the letter was true. For the benefit of the
general public Cecil gave out that Shane had been overthrown with the
loss of two or three captains. Privately he urged Sussex to use strong
measures with those who had shown cowardice. But it was seldom possible
to hide the truth from Elizabeth, and she soon knew all. She gave orders
that Wingfield should be deprived of all his offices, and dismissed her
service with ignominy. But the wrath of Sussex soon cooled, or perhaps
his conscience made him generous. It was discovered that Wingfield's
patent as Master of the Ordnance could not be voided, because he had
acted only as a simple captain. His services among the O'Byrnes were
remembered, and both Sussex and Ormonde interceded for him. At his own
urgent request he was summoned to Court, when he probably succeeded in
rebutting the charge of actual cowardice, and he remained Master of the
Ordnance till his death in 1587.[29]

[Sidenote: Shane again proposes to go to the Queen.]

Having driven the English out of his country, Shane O'Neill proposed to
treat with Ormonde, no doubt with the deliberate intention of insulting
Sussex. To Ormonde accordingly he sent his messenger, Neal Gray, with
power to make terms. Shane was ready to go to the Queen, and to repair
the church at Armagh. But he would not make peace while the soldiers
remained there, and he declared that no one in his senses would believe
in the peace while such a sign of war remained. To show his own idea of
peace and friendship he asked Sussex to be his gossip, and to give him
his sister's hand. The Lord-Lieutenant declined to withdraw the garrison
until the Queen's pleasure should be known. Fitzwilliam had gone to her,
and Ormonde, knowing that nothing would be done till his return, had gone
home. If Shane hurt any of his neighbours in the meantime, he was warned
that he could never hope to see the Queen's face. Sussex marvelled at the
constant changes in Shane's answers. 'O'Neill desired me to procure the
Queen's pardon and protection, for the which at his request we have
already sent Mr. Treasurer, and now he desireth to send his own
messengers, whereby it seemeth he should seek delays, for that his
messengers cannot go and return with such speed as Mr. Treasurer will do.
And we know not to what other purpose he should send his messenger
thither. Therefore we will him to send us word by writing directly
whether he will go to the Queen's Majesty, according his oath taken, if
Mr. Treasurer bring him the Queen's pardon and protection.' To this Shane
haughtily answered that he would make no peace with any of his vassals
(urraghs) but at his own time and in his own way, and that he would
receive neither pardon nor protection from the Queen unless they were
delivered to his own messenger. In his natural anger at such an answer,
Sussex called loudly for strong measures: 'if Shane be overthrown, all is
settled; if Shane settle, all is overthrown.' It was no fault of his that
the arch-rebel would not go to the Queen. Indeed, it was well known that
Kildare had first advised that step to gain time, and then prevented its
being taken for the same reason.[30]

[Sidenote: Renewed preparations.]

Fitzwilliam was instructed to ask for an immediate aid of 200 men, and
3,000_l._ The men were ordered from Berwick, and 2,000_l._ of the money
was sent. Transports were pressed upon the Lancashire coast, and the
Queen wrote in her best style to encourage Sussex. His ill success, she
was sure, had come from no want of goodwill, and the chances of war were
to be borne patiently; but she marvelled that the General had not
punished those who showed cowardice. Traitors and cowards were to be sent
to gaol without favour or affection. The Queen impressed the value of
patience upon Sussex, her own principle being rather to recover the
subject by persuasion than force. She was willing to give Ormonde a
reasonable sum for Shane's expenses, leaving the question of security to
Sussex. She would not withdraw the garrison, but would undertake that it
should molest no one except notorious traitors proclaimed before last
March. In the meantime Sussex was to prepare for war by discharging
unserviceable men, and by withholding the pay of runaways. The
Lord-Lieutenant was required to forget his private dislike to Kildare,
and to work with him loyally for the good of the service.[31]

[Sidenote: Sussex proposes to have Shane O'Neill killed.]

Stung by failure, and fearing to be outwitted after all, Sussex now
devised a safer and surer method than either war or diplomacy. There had
perhaps already been one attempt to stab O'Neill, which he attributed to
Sussex; but we are not bound to believe this, for a chief who punished
unsuccessful agents by torturing them and slitting their ears was not
likely to gain much affection. Neill Gray now declared that he was ready
to serve the Queen, if Sussex would write to her on his behalf. The
nature of the service required was not such as could be publicly avowed,
and Gray swore on the Bible to keep it secret, on pain of death, if it
became known during the continuance of the Earl's government. 'For the
benefit of his country and his own assurance,' he agreed to do whatever
Sussex wished, and 'in fine I brake with him to kill Shane, and bound
myself by my oath to see him have 100 marks of land by the year to him
and his heirs for his reward. He seemed desirous to serve your Highness,
and to have the land, but fearful to do it, doubting his own escape
after. I told him the way how he might do it, and how to escape after
with safety;' and at last Gray promised to do it if he saw a prospect of
security. Sussex assured the Queen that his accomplice might do it
without danger if he chose, 'and if he will not do what he may in your
service, there will be done to him what others may. God send your
Highness a good end.' To hire a man to murder your enemy, and to
determine to murder that hireling in the event of failure, are hardly
matters deserving of divine favour, and it is deeply to be regretted that
no letter is extant from Elizabeth expressing horror at the scheme. Such
a letter may nevertheless have been written, for it would have been the
interest of Sussex to destroy all evidence of the contemplated crime. On
the same day that the Lord-Lieutenant attempted to make his sovereign an
accessory before the fact, he informed her of the way in which he had
received Shane's matrimonial proposal. 'I told him he should at his
coming find my sister at the Court, and if I liked the other, I would
further it as much as I could.' The treachery of Judas was hardly more
dramatically complete. It must not, however, be forgotten that Shane was
a proclaimed traitor, and that the political morality of the day was very
different from ours. Sussex may have thought he was doing little more
than putting a price upon an outlaw's head.[32]

[Sidenote: General disaffection.]

Nothing came of the plot; but Neill Gray was too deeply implicated to
venture on a double treason, and the Lord-Lieutenant's secret was kept.
But 'slanderous bruits' against him were rife on other accounts; for the
feeling on the border was in Shane's favour, and there was a general
hesitation about putting him down effectually. It was said that Sussex
would be superseded, and the date of his intended departure was named
positively. The hundred tongues of rumour were busy in giving the sword
to one man to-day and to another to-morrow. Everything was believed but
the truth, and as a natural consequence orders were badly obeyed. Sussex
urged strongly that the campaign must be prosecuted, or that everything
must be left to Shane, who claimed jurisdiction over all inhabitants of
the northern province, including those who held direct of the Queen, and
had never been subject to any O'Neill. 'So as we see, Ulster is the scope
he challengeth,' and if he once gained that there was no reason why he
should not shoot even higher. Amid the general disaffection Sussex was
afraid to carry out the Queen's orders about punishing Wingfield and the
other delinquents in the affair of July, when, as common report affirmed,
the army was overthrown with small loss to Shane.[33]

[Sidenote: Sussex again takes the field.]

With a heavy heart the Lord-Lieutenant led an unusually large force to
Armagh. The magnitude of the effort may be estimated from the fact that
four out of the five earls then in Ireland took part in the expedition,
Thomond and Clanricarde being left to defend the principal camp, eight
miles north of Dundalk. From Armagh Sussex made a rapid march across
Slieve Gullion to the head of Glenconkein, a wild forest tract near the
southern boundary of what is now the county of Londonderry. No resistance
was offered, and 4,000 head of cattle, with many ponies and stud mares,
were driven back, 'so that they might see them who would otherwise have
been hard of belief.' Knowing by experience how hard it was to progress
when thus encumbered, the Lord-Lieutenant ordered all the beasts to be
slaughtered, except a few which were kept for provisions. All the country
between Armagh and the mountains was destroyed, and the army then
proceeded to Omagh, and thence to Lough Foyle, where Con O'Donnell and
others were expected to appear, and where a victualling fleet was
supposed to be in waiting. But the ill fortune which attended Sussex in
Ireland did not desert him here. The ships, which had been forty days at
sea, were not to be seen, and the Earl, having had the poor satisfaction
of seeing Lough Foyle, returned to Newry with 500 cows which he picked up
on the march. 'Man,' he said, 'by his policy doth propose, and God at His
will doth dispose.' Con O'Donnell and Maguire, who were already well
affected, had been sworn to continue so; but no general confederacy had
been formed against Shane, and the impotence of the military
administration had been demonstrated once more. Yet Sussex thought
himself justified in saying that the credit of the army had been
restored, though no enemy had been seen, because Shane had lost 5,000
cows, and had been forced to fly from wood to wood. The cunning chief was
only waiting till the transient effort of civilisation was exhausted, and
he soon attacked Meath, in fulfilment of his promise to Lord Slane. Some
villages were burned, and Sir James Garland, a gentleman of importance
who had ventured to stray from his armed company, was taken prisoner. A
brother of Macmahon was with Shane, and we are told that 1,000 cows were
taken from his tribe in revenge; but the result of all the operations was
to prove that Sussex could neither conquer Ulster nor even defend the
Pale.[34]

[Sidenote: Kildare makes a truce with Shane.]

When Shane was returning practically victorious to Tyrone, Kildare
brought a letter authorising him to treat and coax O'Neill to visit
England. Fitzwilliam had already brought a conditional pardon. Sussex was
ordered to co-operate cordially with the Earl, who lost no time in
seeking a meeting with Shane. Accompanied by Lords Baltinglass, Slane,
and Louth, he came to Carrickbradagh, the usual place of meeting; but
Shane was in bad humour, and would listen to nothing. Next day he proved
more amenable, and the conversation resulted in his making a written
offer of terms, to which Kildare agreed with a readiness for which he was
afterwards blamed. The arrangement was generally condemned in official
circles, and was, with difficulty, accepted by the Lord-Lieutenant and
Council. Yielding everything and suggesting nothing, it was said that
Kildare had shown no regard for the Queen's honour, taken no pains to
fight her battle, and consented to abandon Armagh, for the retention of
which he should have held out to the last. The Earl merely answered that
the thing was done and could not be undone, and he had certainly full
power to treat.[35]

[Sidenote: Arrangement for Shane's visit to England.]

It was agreed that Kildare and Ormonde should meet Shane, and remain in
his company till he came to the Queen's presence. His passport to go and
return safely was to be signed by the five Irish Earls, who were to
undertake for the safety of his dependents in his absence. Kildare in
particular undertook that the soldiers of Armagh, upon whose immediate
withdrawal Shane did not insist, should do no harm until after the
appointed meeting. A sum of money was to be advanced by Ormonde and
Kildare, and paid through the latter. No Irishman owing Shane allegiance
was to be maintained against him, and if such a person drove his cattle
into the Pale it was to be restored. In return he was to go to the Queen,
giving the very hostages which had been before rejected, and to forbear
taking vengeance on Maguire and others. Shane refused any alteration in
these terms; what he had written he had written. It was retorted that
'seeing he would put no more in writing than was in writing already, he
should look for the performance of all things written and of nothing
else.' Shane's own terms were granted, but there was little goodwill or
sincerity on either side.[36]

[Sidenote: Shane sails for England, 1561,]

Having practically humiliated the Lord-Lieutenant, Kildare had enough
address to give the Queen the appearance of a diplomatic triumph. It had
been agreed that the garrison should be withdrawn from Armagh, but the
Earl persuaded Shane that by not insisting strictly on this article he
would put her Majesty in good humour and make her favourable to his
suits. After expressing some indignation that any attempt should be made
to vary the written letter, Shane was at last graciously pleased to
humour the Queen, 'but as to th'erle of Sussex he would not molefye one
yoote of his agrements; and hereupon sent his man the garison to
remaynge.' Five hundred pounds were paid over to Shane before starting,
1,000_l._ awaited him at Chester, and a second 500_l._ in London.

[Sidenote: visiting Sussex on the way.]

Shane came to Dublin and waited upon Sussex, who received him graciously;
but this outward politeness scarcely concealed the real feelings of the
two men. Shane perhaps feared that the Lord-Lieutenant, who now had him
in his power, might after all send him over as a prisoner. For the same
reason an encouraging letter from Mary Stuart, which only reached him in
Dublin, had not the desired effect of preventing his journey. And thus,
accompanied by Kildare and Ormonde, without whose escort he had
positively refused to stir, and with a train suitable to his pretensions,
the uncrowned monarch of Ulster took ship to visit that great princess
whose authority even he was ready to acknowledge, upon the sole condition
that she should never exercise it. Shane afterwards complained that he
was treated as a prisoner on the journey, and that Sussex had charged the
Earls on their allegiance to secure him by handcuffs.[37]

[Sidenote: Unpopularity of English rule.]

Sussex did not conceal from the Queen his mortification at the treaty
which he had been obliged to sign, at the powers given to Kildare, and at
the abandonment of the campaign, from which so much had been hoped, and
for which such great preparations had been made. Her Majesty's letters
had contained expressions of disgust which not only reflected on himself,
but discredited the whole English interest of which he was the head, and
he bitterly resented the small thanks given him for five years of arduous
service. 'Our nation in this realm,' he said, 'is likened to the French
in Scotland. We be railed on at tables with terms not sufferable. The
people be incensed to wax mad, and this is hoped to be the jubilee year.'
He complained that the Queen's Irish policy was as useless and
unprogressive as Penelope's web, woven by one governor only to be picked
to pieces by the next. It would be for the Queen's honour either to
support her representative cordially, or to recall him honourably and
employ him in some other place, 'where I can do her better service than I
can now do here.' These criticisms were well deserved. The peace with
Shane was of Elizabeth's own making, and yet, with that want of
generosity which she sometimes showed, she tried to make out that its
terms were not sufficiently favourable to her. Sussex showed conclusively
that he had done the best thing possible under the circumstances which
the Queen had thought proper to create.[38]

[Sidenote: Shane O'Neill at Court, 1562.]

No sooner was Shane gone than Sussex obtained leave to follow him. The
Government was left to Fitzwilliam, whose expenses were to be borne out
of the pay and allowances of the absent Lord-Lieutenant, and who was
directed to give all possible help to Brian O'Neill. It was perhaps
thought profound policy to support the boy's claim to the Earldom of
Tyrone while the real chief of Ulster was out of the way. Sussex rightly
observed that if the Queen wished to support the young Earl she could
best do so by treating Shane coldly at first, and by keeping him at arm's
length till he himself arrived. This advice, which was not only sound in
itself but calculated to restore the credit of Sussex in Ireland, came
too late to be of much use; for Kildare had already presented Shane to
the Queen. The bare rough heads of his gallowglasses, who did not lay
aside their axes, their long curls, their wide-sleeved saffron shirts,
their short tunics, and their shaggy cloaks of fur or frieze, which in
Ireland covered a multitude of sins, made Englishmen stare; not less,
says Camden, than they now stare at Chinamen or American Indians. The
Ambassadors of Sweden and Savoy were present, and doubtless shared in the
general astonishment created by her Majesty's distinguished subject.
Shane prostrated himself before the Queen, and then on his knees
'confessed his rebellion with howling,' and made his submission in Irish,
which few or none could understand. The language was perhaps less humble
than the posture. But Cecil was not to be put off thus; the supposed
meaning of the speech was engrossed in English, and two days afterwards
was signed and sealed by Shane. 'For lack of education and civility,' he
is made to say, 'I have offended.' He thanked the Queen for his pardon,
promised to deserve well for the future, begged her favour for the
gentlemen of his company, his kinsmen and friends, and admitted in
writing that he had done homage on his knees to Elizabeth as Queen of
England, France, and Ireland. Shane's pretensions were so extraordinary
that the courtiers exercised their wit in inventing a style for him, and
they dubbed him 'O'Neill the great, cousin to St. Patrick, friend to the
Queen of England, enemy to all the world besides.'[39]

[Sidenote: Negotiations with Shane in England.]

Sussex received a copy of Shane's submission at Holyhead, forwarded it to
Fitzwilliam, and then went on to London; a journey which bad weather and
bad roads extended to about ten days. On his arrival he had to defend
himself against those who had tied his hands by the commission to
Kildare, and who now blamed him for not using them more vigorously
against Shane. He showed very conclusively that he had done his best
under the circumstances, and threw the blame on the Irish Earl, who was
entirely responsible for the terms of the treaty. Either Kildare made
good his case, or it was not thought prudent to follow the matter up
closely; for there seems no reason to suppose that he was censured. With
the help of Sussex, Cecil immediately set himself to discover the points
on which Shane differed from the Government. Written interrogatories were
drawn up and answered by Shane; and then the Lord-Lieutenant replied. The
nature of the controversy will be best understood from an abstract of the
papers, which bring out very clearly how entirely different were the
English and Irish points of view.

[Sidenote: Interrogatories administered.]

1. What petitions did Shane intend to make to the Queen when he first
proposed to come over?

_A._ To acknowledge my duty, to become known to her Highness as a
protection against unjust Governors, and to become civilised by the sight
of her Majesty's nobility.

_R._ The implied accusation is too vague.

2. Shane has been profuse in offering his services--what are they?

_A._ To help the Governor in preventing foreign enemies from landing in
the North. Sussex has brought in the Redshanks 'to the great danger of
the Crown of Ireland.' Their lands should be restored to loyal subjects
such as me, O'Neill, and my friends.

_R._ Judging from Shane's antecedents, is he likely to perform such a
promise?

3. Why should not the Baron's son be Earl according to his patent?

_A._ That Kelly was born in wedlock and reputed the son of John Kelly and
Alison his wife until sixteen. He was adopted by my father 'contrary to
all order of law and to the old proverb "who bulleth my cow the calf is
mine."' Matthew Kelly was then a trader in Dundalk called 'Matthew the
seller of salt.' My father rechristened Matthew, 'Ferdoragh,' who then
tried to usurp the headship of the O'Neills. Even if I were out of the
way there are one hundred of my name who would not allow Matthew's
pretensions.

Any patent must be void, for Con had no estate in the country, which was
held only by consent of the Lords and inhabitants.

By the law of the Pale no letters patent took effect without inquisition,
which could not be held in Tyrone because it was no shire. If 'the
Queen's law' is to prevail, then I am heir-at-law.

_R._ The Baron's son claims by letters patent, not by legitimation, and
the freeholders were consenting parties. Shane's Pale law is 'used in
shire-ground and not in the Irishry, where the Prince holdeth by
conquest, and ever hath done, and the breach thereof overthrows all the
new Earls' states in Ireland.'

4. How he proves his title to be O'Neill, having never been admitted by
the sovereign?

_A._ In Tyrone and most Irish countries the people assemble on the death
of a chief and choose 'the most ablest and the worthiest of the headmen.'
Shane was so elected without the usual contest. His ancestors never used
to be confirmed by the Crown, 'yet none the less do I mean to be as good
and true a subject as though any such confirmation were had in that
behalf.'

_R._ The eldest is not accounted the worthiest, but the strongest. Shane
forced the country to elect him. There are many precedents for the
admission of captains of countries by letters patent, and the practice
should of right be universal.

5. What authority and jurisdiction does Shane claim by virtue of tribal
election?

_A._ What my ancestors have always claimed and no more. Most of them have
held the pre-eminence by indenture, and the old men of the country will
not deny the extent of the jurisdiction.

_R._ The claim is bad, and more particulars are required.

[Sidenote: Shane's 'Urraghs,' according to himself.]

6. What countries doth Shane claim to rule thereby?

_A._ Magennis, MacMahon, Maguire, O'Kane, O'Hanlon, MacCartane, Dufferin,
the Savages, and many O'Neills are under my rule. Clandeboye and the
Rowte should belong to me, 'which the Scot engageth by the means
aforesaid.' I have also ancient rights over O'Reilly's country, and
rents out of 'other lords of small reputation which it were prolix to
write.' The old black rent of 40_l._ out of Louth was remitted by my
father. Whatever men may say, I mean to spend all my power in the Queen's
service.

_R._ Fuller particulars are required, and records are extant to disprove
all these claims.

7. What obedience and service hath O'Neill hitherto borne to the Crown of
Ireland?

_A._ Bare allegiance only to the Lords of Ireland, and peace with the
Pale. My father first acknowledged Henry VIII. King of England, France,
and Ireland; I do the same 'with a more perfection' to serve her Majesty
than my ancestors. When I undertook to come I fully knew what influence
the Earl of Sussex had with the nobility. Nevertheless, I had 'hope in
the Queen's Highness and the uprightness of her honourable Council, and
my own truth.' I now crave favour and despatch.

_R._ All this is false. O'Neill owes great service to the Crown of
Ireland as appears by record.[40]

[Sidenote: Personal differences between Shane and Sussex.]

Other controversies there were of a more personal character between Shane
and Sussex; a study of which shows how hopeless it was to suppose that
they would ever act together, or be anything but enemies to each other.
Shane declared truly enough that Sussex had designs on his life. His
charges may be summed up in the statement that he thoroughly mistrusted
the Lord-Lieutenant, 'by reason of which mistrust he hath escaped his
traps, by the help of God and grace of the Queen, and now at length come
to her gracious presence, which he hath long wished.' Refuting some
charges and denying others, the Earl concentrates his wrath in the
supposition 'that Shane's nature is so accustomed to lying, as after her
Majesty's gracious dealing with him he is not ashamed to show the same
now in her presence;' and is therefore much less to be trusted when
absent.[41]

[Sidenote: Consequences of Shane's detention.]

That Cecil was anxious to do right in O'Neill's case may be inferred from
the great labour which he evidently took to understand both the legal and
moral aspect of the question. The 'Tower Records' were searched for
precedents as to the Earldom of Ulster, through which Edward IV. and all
his successors were entitled to Tyrone, and as to the relations of the
Crown with Irish captains. Inquiries into Irish customs were also set on
foot with special reference to Shane's claims under them. His proved
rights there was clearly no intention of withholding. But there was
culpable procrastination, a hope that something might turn up, and an
idea that it was well to keep Shane away from his own country and to
accustom his country to do without him. O'Neill clamoured for his
release, and produced evidence of the distractions of his country in his
absence. Many spoils were taken to the Pale, and many disturbances raised
by the Baron of Dungannon's sons and by other enemies. Tirlough Luineach
took too much on himself; 'and the sept of the Neills,' said the chief's
correspondent, 'do not maintain one another but are scattered abroad,
every one doing for himself, and the "kereaghts" of the country (the
nomad herdsmen of Ulster) in every side are dropping away to eschew the
trouble of the country ... every man spake largely for the defence of the
country at your being with them, yet is the country now evil defended. It
is easier to redress now than hereafter, therefore come in haste and do
as the proverb says, "Principiis obsta; sero medicina paratur," come with
haste and you shall be welcome.'[42]

[Sidenote: Murder of the Baron of Dungannon.]

The Queen not unreasonably declared that she could not decide fairly in
the young Baron's absence; but this should have been thought of before.
About the time the order to send him reached Ireland the question was
settled as between Shane and his nephew, or supposed nephew, by the
murder of the younger claimant to the Earldom of Tyrone. Tirlough
Luineach, who was probably tanist, and was certainly the second man among
the O'Neills, waylaid the unfortunate boy before daybreak with 100 horse
and 200 foot, somewhere between Carlingford and Newry. The victim had no
more than twenty with him. He hid in a thicket, and stripped off his
clothes, intending to swim the river, when the pursuit slackened. But one
of his followers who was taken offered, to save his own life, to betray a
better person. His hiding-place was soon found, and he was killed, 'not
far, as I think,' said Fitzwilliam, 'from the spot where his father had
the like friendship of his men.' Brian O'Neill left a brother behind him,
who was neglected on account of his youth, but who lived to be the most
formidable of all Elizabeth's Irish enemies. The murder could not be
traced to Shane; and indeed Tirlough, as his presumptive successor, had
an interest of his own in getting rid of a pretender who relied on
letters patent. Under Tirlough's leadership the O'Neills did nearly as
much harm as when Shane was present, and the last crime was considered
evidence that no one but the latter could keep order.[43]

[Sidenote: What Shane did in London.]

We have but scanty information as to how Shane spent his time in London.
He was present at a Court hunting party, where he saw a brother of Guise,
who was on his way home from Scotland, kill two stags with a single
arrow. A diarist of the time has recorded that one day 'John O'Neill, the
wild Irishman, came riding into Cheapside, and dined at St. John's Head,
at Master Daniel's, the goldsmith;' and that on another day he ran at the
ring beyond St. James's in the field. No doubt Shane rode well enough in
the field; but probably he did not shine in the tilt-yard; for he asked
the Queen, until she had found him an English wife to amuse him, to
appoint him 'to attend on the Lord Robert, that I may learn to ride after
the English fashion, to run at the tilt, to hawk, to shoot, or use such
other good exercises as I perceive my said good lord to be meet unto.'
This may not have been unpleasing to the Queen, and was certainly not so
to the favourite, who afterwards corresponded with Shane. O'Neill sent
him hawks, horses, and greyhounds, and thanked him for his gentle and
loving letters. Shane did not get the wife 'to be chosen by the Queen
such as she and I may agree,' and he may have ceased to press the matter
when he found that he might be expected to 'change his garments, and go
like an Englishman.' Nothing was further from his thoughts than to
conform to English customs, either in dress or religion, and he was in
constant communication with the Spanish ambassador De Quadra, who
encouraged him to hope for Philip's favour, and took care that he should
not want the means of confession and absolution, which he must have
required pretty often. The interpreter at these interviews was an Irish
priest, who afterwards went to Louvain, and thence to Spain or Rome. One
supposed consequence of his journey was that the Holy See gave Shane all
the ecclesiastical patronage in his country.[44]

[Sidenote: Shane returns to Ireland.]

Shamed or frightened by the death of the young Baron, the Queen at last
let her barbarous subject go. He was acknowledged, with a formal
reservation of young Hugh O'Neill's claims, as actual captain not only of
Tyrone, but of O'Cahan's county, and of the greater part of what is now
the county of Antrim; but with a proviso that he should not levy Irish
exactions outside of his own proper district. He promised to do his best
to persuade the chiefs thus placed under him to come to Dublin and do
homage, and to support those who thus evinced their loyalty against those
who refused to do so. Shane agreed to attend all general hostings in
Ulster, and to keep the peace with O'Donnell, O'Reilly, and the rest for
six months, during which a board of arbitration, consisting of the Earls
of Kildare and Ormonde, and of four members of the Irish Privy Council,
two named by himself and two by the opposite party, should sit and
determine all differences. O'Neill promised to retain no mercenaries
born out of Tyrone, and to take no pledges beyond the same limits.
Phelim Roe's sons, and others in Tyrone who had done the Queen service,
were not to be molested, and internal disputes were to be settled by
arbitrators; the powers of an umpire being retained by the Council, who
might send Commissioners to the border. Shane covenanted not to molest
the garrison of Armagh, on condition that they were victualled out of the
Pale. He consented to bring Calvagh O'Donnell into the presence of the
Earls of Ormonde, Kildare, Thomond, and Clanricarde, and to submit to
their decision as to Calvagh's liberation, and as to other matters in
dispute. Such was the general tenor of the treaty: it was one which could
not work well without complete good faith on both sides. The Queen
probably acted under the advice of Sidney and of his brother-in-law
Dudley, and this may have laid the foundation of the bad feeling
afterwards existing between Sidney and Sussex. Shane was indeed
completely triumphant. He left three hostages in London, but as they were
all persons of no importance, he probably made the sacrifice with great
equanimity.[45]

[Sidenote: The Queen puzzled.]

Unfortunately, good faith existed on neither side. Elizabeth dismissed
Shane with honour because she knew not what else to do, and Shane agreed
to her terms because he was in the net and saw no other means of escape.
Three hundred pounds certainly, perhaps more, was lent, or rather given,
for the return journey, and the Queen issued a proclamation declaring
Shane's virtues, and appointing Commissioners to determine his
controversies with the Pale.

[Sidenote: Desmond and Ormonde.]

Shortly before Sussex left Ireland Munster was disturbed by the chronic
jealousy between Butlers and Geraldines. Desmond accused Ormonde of
waylaying him on his return from the great hosting, and thereupon invaded
his country; but a peremptory order from the Lord-Lieutenant averted a
collision for the time. Ormonde went to Sussex when sent for, but
Desmond, while professing his readiness to obey, kept out of reach, and
made Lord Roche and Lord Barry swear allegiance to him. Sussex
recommended that both the Earls should be sent for to England as the only
means to save the whole South-West from disorder, which nothing short of
a regular campaign could repress. Ormonde was willing to incur the
expense of the journey, for he was in an awkward dilemma. Either he must
allow his country to be wasted with impunity, or he must incur the
Queen's displeasure by attempting to defend it.[46]

[Sidenote: Desmond shows signs of insubordination.]

On receiving his patent as Lord Justice, Fitzwilliam was able to say that
Shane's departure had made an instantaneous peace. Ormonde had shown
extraordinary obedience and forbearance, or his rival's wilfulness and
pride would have made great work. The usual causes of disturbance were
still present, and the vacillation of the English Government confirmed
the evil disposition of a people who, in Sir H. Radclyffe's opinion, were
naturally 'addicted to sedition, desirous of alteration, contented with
nothing but will and liberty.' Desmond was at war with all the gentlemen
of the West, and they with him. The outlaws maintained by him burned
towns and carried all their plunder into his country, where there was no
danger of rescue. Ormonde had been ready to accompany Shane O'Neill to
England, but the Queen had ordered him to wait for Desmond, lest he might
leave his country exposed. The Geraldine Earl urged as a reason for
staying at home that he was at war with his uncle Maurice, who bore the
significant title of 'na totane,' or the incendiary, and whose
propensities age had not tamed. The pretext was taken away by Thomas
Fitzmaurice, who went to England and promised for himself and for his
father to keep the peace during Desmond's absence. The Earl was reported
to have said that he would never be in England at the same time with
Kildare and O'Neill, the inference being that they had all an interest in
disorder. Summoned by a letter from the Queen herself, Desmond did not
answer for nearly a month, and then put in mere dilatory pleas, while he
burned villages and robbed Ormonde's people of 500_l._ collected for his
expenses in England. The two Earls met Fitzwilliam at Waterford, and
Desmond dared the Lord Justice to interfere with the pirates who infested
the Blackwater. He promised, however, that they should do no harm, and
the Corporations of Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal declared that he was their
only defence. The Lord Deputy and Council, said the Kinsale people, were
so far off that they would rather lose their rights than hazard their
lives to maintain them, and they made this their excuse for addressing
the Queen directly. Desmond promised to go to England at Easter, and with
this Fitzwilliam had to be content. Like Shane O'Neill, the Geraldine was
willing to keep some order, provided he was not interfered with when he
proposed to build a castle in Lord Roche's country. Fitzwilliam could see
only rebellious intentions, but the people probably preferred one tyrant
to many, and the known shortcomings of Desmond to the fluctuating policy
of Lords-Lieutenant and Lords Justices. Determined to show no politeness
to Fitzwilliam, Desmond slipped away at last without his knowledge, and
Ormonde went over about the same time. In spite of his professions of
poverty, Desmond was accompanied by an immense retinue.[47]

[Sidenote: Fitzwilliam's gloomy view of Ireland.]

Fitzwilliam took a very gloomy view of the country committed to his
charge. He was, he said, a banished man wearing himself out among unkind
people, a people most accursed, who lusted after every sin. Murder and
incest were everyday matters, and a lying spirit brooded over all the
land. It was difficult to make out any man's pedigree or title; for
heraldry was discountenanced, records destroyed or embezzled, and
everyone greedy for the reputation conferred by rhymers, whose trade was
to set forth 'the most beastliest and odious parts of men's doings and
their own likewise, for whom the rhymes be made; such be cherished,
defended, and rewarded with garments till they leave themselves naked,
besides the best piece of plate in the house, and chiefest horse away
with them, not altogether departing empty-handed when they come among the
Earls and others the nobility of English race.' The English Pale was,
indeed, in a dreadful state, every one prophesying a total change of
policy, and refusing to obey any law. Pirates infested the sea,
blockading Cork and Kinsale, and even lying openly under Lambay, while
the Queen's ships were nowhere visible. Robbery and arson were commonly
committed with impunity. Thus Richard Keating, whose family had for
generations given their service as swordsmen to the Earls of Kildare,
amassed great wealth by preying on the property of the English settlers
in Wexford. No one exerted himself to make the Keatings disgorge their
ill-gotten gains, fearing the vengeance of their great patron, and even
Ormonde was unwilling to press them hard. 'There be such with us,' said
Fitzwilliam, 'as can serve two masters, and neither truly.'[48]

[Sidenote: The Irish lawyers. Jobbing.]

Most important families had friends in official circles, and among the
lawyers the jobbing was frightful. Records were made away with or
altered, so that of seven attainders affecting the Crown's title to land,
not one could be proved by documentary evidence. The judges were not
above suspicion, and public justice had little chance against
well-connected individuals. 'There is,' said the Lord Justice, 'neither
judge, counsellor-at-law, nor any gentleman who is not by blood or
marriage very near linked together, and though I cannot accuse any for
doing things contrary to their conscience or corruptly, yet have I seen
such things pass, whether for kindred's sake or neighbourhood I know not,
but sure I am no man out of Ireland in the like case but would have made
some stay for colour sake at least.' Where private interests were to be
forwarded, decisions were given with indecent haste, while Crown business
was systematically delayed. Fitzwilliam saw and described abuses clearly,
but he had too much experience of Ireland to dream of a speedy reform. He
had come with sanguine expectations, but had learned that a man may wear
to skin and bones without effecting anything. The English Government had
aggravated the difficulty by sending over officials of small parts or
credit, far inferior to those born in Ireland. 'Let those sent
hereafter,' he said, 'be as good as the best here,' and let 'every one
that comes bid farewell to peace and quiet.'[49]

FOOTNOTES:

[27] Sussex to the Queen, July 16, and the enclosures there; to Cecil,
June 23. In his letter of June 28 to Sussex, Shane talks of the Queen's
'suavissima et benevola et gratiosa responsio;' as to the libels he says,
'si scriberem non renuntiassem meæ sententiæ.' Fitzwilliam to Cecil, June
22. _Four Masters_, 1561.

[28] Lord-Lieutenant and Council to the Queen, July 31, the official
account for Elizabeth's eye. The fuller and truer account is in a letter
of the same date from Sussex to Cecil. _Four Masters_, 1561.

[29] Instructions to Sussex in _Carew_, July 4, 1562. Sussex to Cecil,
Aug. 23, 1562, and Jan. 11, 1563; to the Queen, Aug. 23, 1562; Ormonde to
Cecil, Jan. 11, 1563. Sussex was much blamed for not punishing Wingfield
himself, but in the end his view prevailed, for the disgraced officer
carried confidential instructions on his return to Ireland. See the Queen
to the Lord-Lieutenant, July 19, 1563. See also two letters from Cecil in
Wright's _Queen Elizabeth_, Aug. 21 and Dec. 18, 1561.

[30] Shane O'Neill to the Lord-Lieutenant, Aug. 9, 'from his
woods:'--'Pacem tractare non queo modo solidarii manebunt in aliquâ parte
terrarum mearum, nam nemo sanæ mentis intelligat tranquillam pacem esse
inter me et amplitudinem vestram si dicti solidarii manebunt in patriâ
meâ.' The 'Urraghs' whom Shane claimed as vassals were in fact all the
chiefs of Ulster except O'Donnell. The word is given in O'Reilly's
Dictionary as 'a chief next to a king;' as used by Shane O'Neill, it
means any chieftain over whom he claimed jurisdiction. Memorial for an
answer to Shane's letters, Aug. 12.

[31] The Queen to Sussex, Aug. 20.

[32] Sussex to the Queen, Aug. 24. In his answer to Cusack, dated Sept.
10, 1563, Shane talks of an attempt to kill him 'tempore parliamenti.'
The Parliament was in 1559, but the words may mean merely 'in a time of
negotiation.' 'Parliament' was sometimes so used even in English.

[33] Lord-Lieutenant and Council to the Queen, Sept. 1.

[34] Lord-Lieutenant and Council to the Queen, Sept. 21; Sussex to Cecil,
Oct. 3 and 6. Kildare did not land in Ireland till Oct. 5.

[35] Sussex to the Queen, Nov. 21; to Cecil, Oct. 23, Nov. 3, 16, and 21;
Kildare to Cecil, Dec. 3. Shane was persuaded to let the garrison of
Armagh remain, though against the treaty.

[36] Sussex to Cecil, Nov. 21.

[37] Articles whereupon the Earl of Kildare is to be spoken with, Feb. 1,
1562 (in Cecil's hand); Kildare to Cecil, Dec. 3, 1561; 'Causes and
matters moving Shane O'Neill' in 1565, in _Carew_ (No. 248). Ware says
Shane sailed Dec. 3, 1561; he was at Court by Jan. 6. The terms virtually
granted are in Shane's letter to Sussex of Oct. 18, 1561. For the
intention of Sussex to interpret them literally and narrowly, see his
letter to Cecil, Nov. 21. For Shane's fears, see Arnold to Cecil, Sept.
23, 1562, and Ware's _Annals_.

[38] Sussex to Cecil, Oct. 19 and 23, and Nov. 3; to the Queen, Oct. 23,
and Nov. 21.

[39] For Shane's reception at Court, see Machyn's _Diary_, Jan. 4,
1561-2; his submission, with the names of those present, Jan. 6; Camden;
and Campion. Spenser afterwards characterised the Irish mantle as 'a fit
house for an outlaw, a meet bed for a rebel, an apt cloak for a thief.'

[40] Articles to be answered by Shane O'Neill, Feb. 7, 1562. His answers,
same date. The Earl of Sussex's reply, Feb. 14.

[41] Shane's answers to the Articles of Treason, &c., of June 8, 1561;
Feb. 7. Confutation of same, Feb. 14.

[42] Brief collection of material points, Feb. 14; Private Memoranda by
Cecil, March 1562 (No. 43); nameless correspondent to Shane O'Neill,
March 21, with a note by Shane for the Council referring to other
letters.

[43] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, April 23, 1562. The murder is not mentioned by
the _Four Masters_.

[44] Machyn's _Diary_, Feb. 13 and 14; Shane's complaints to the Queen,
March 13; Private Memoranda by Cecil, March (No. 43); Shane O'Neill to
Lord Robert Dudley, Nov. 2, 1562; to the Cardinals of Lorraine and Guise,
Feb. 1, 1567; Sir Nicholas Arnold to Cecil, Nov. 23, 1562. See Froude's
_History of England_, Elizabeth, chaps. v. and vii. The 'Marquis' alluded
to by Shane, in his letter to the Cardinals, would seem to be
D'Elboeuf; but was he in England with Shane?

[45] Indentures between Queen Elizabeth and Shane O'Neill, April 30,
1562; Sidney's opinion, April 11, substantially agreeing with the above.
In his letter of Jan. 2 to Cecil, Sussex wrote that no man of credit
accompanied Shane to England. Shane was back in Ireland by the end of
May.

[46] Lord-Lieutenant and Council to the Queen, Oct. 23 and Nov. 23, 1561;
Sussex to Cecil, Dec. 20, 1561, and Jan. 2, 1562; to the Queen, Jan. 2.

[47] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, Jan. 15, Feb. 13, April 23, May 4; to the
Queen, March 13 and 27; Sir H. Radclyffe to Cecil, Jan. 12; Ormonde to
Sussex, Feb. 2; Kinsale, Cork, and Youghal to the Queen, April 8, 10, and
18; the Queen to the Lord Justice and Council, March 20.

[48] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, April 14 and 29; Lord Justice and Council to
the Queen, April 17.

[49] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, May 13, with the enclosures; Matthew King to
Cecil, May 7. King was Clerk of the Check, and of course saw a good deal.




CHAPTER XXI.

1561 TO 1564.


[Sidenote: State of the Pale. Memorial of Irish law students.]

Queen Elizabeth might show clemency or policy by her treatment of Shane
O'Neill, by ignoring Kildare's intrigues and utilising him in her
service, and by summoning Desmond and Ormonde to submit their
controversies to her personal arbitrament; but she could not close her
ears to the complaints which reached her as to the state of the English
Pale. It was then, as it still is, the custom for Irish students to keep
some terms in London, to study the common law at head-quarters, and to
carry back legal traditions and modes of thought to their own country.
The bar was the recognised road to power and influence, and young men of
family chose it almost as a matter of course. Twenty-seven of these
students signed a memorial specifying the miserable state of the Pale,
and this document was delivered to the Privy Council. Among the names of
the signataries we find Talbot, Bathe, Dillon, Barnewall, Burnell,
Fleming, Netterville, Wesley, or Wellesley, and others scarcely less
known. The complaints were arranged under twenty-four heads, and
interrogatories were delivered to Sussex, who made the best answer he
could to each. The first article set forth that the whole expense of the
Government and forts was nominally borne by Dublin, Kildare, Meath, West
Meath, and Louth; but that West Meath and Louth hardly paid anything, and
that the real weight rested on the three first only. To this it was
answered that Carlow and Wexford were contributory, and that there was
also some help derived from Irish countries: poverty there might be, but
not caused by the soldiers; otherwise why should West Meath, where there
were seldom any troops, be the least peaceful county of all? The
rejoinder was that Wexford and Carlow sometimes paid a trifle under
protest, that the Lord Deputy sometimes lived at Leighlin Bridge, with
the express object of getting something out of the country irregularly,
and that West Meath suffered from Irish exactions, to which the Marshal
and Cowley, the Governor of Philipstown, were parties. Forced labour for
insufficient pay, free quarters for soldiers, goods taken far below the
market price, coyne and livery, private jobbing under colour of the
public service--such were the principal heads under which the law
students arranged their heavy indictment. No doubt there was
exaggeration, and in some cases Sussex was able to give a conclusive
answer; but the students admitted that writing at a distance they made no
claim to infallibility, and craved indulgence for mistakes, preferring to
incur blame rather 'than that the miserable estate of our poor country
should not be known to our gracious Queen.' They courted the fullest
inquiry, and they certainly made a case strong enough to startle a
sovereign who could never be justly accused of neglecting her subjects'
welfare. Lord Robert Dudley, glad no doubt of an opportunity to annoy
Sussex, and perhaps supplied with information by Sidney, supported the
students; but the general official voice was loud and confident against
them, and a rumour reached Ireland that the Queen gave no heed to their
complaints. Thereupon twenty-seven gentlemen of the Pale addressed
Elizabeth directly, supporting the original charges, protesting that
their poverty and not their will made them impatient of taxation, and
confiding in the Queen's readiness to learn the misery of her subjects,
'yea, from the basest sort.' They demanded an independent commission of
inquiry, and begged that their interests might be represented by Lord
Baltinglass and John Parker, Master of the Rolls in Ireland, himself an
Englishman, but a bitter critic of Sussex and his government, and in
their estimation a just and upright man.[50]

[Sidenote: Martial law.]

One complaint of the students deserves special mention. They alleged
that martial law interfered with the regular tribunals, and being pressed
for particulars they stated positively 'that Sir Ralph Bagenal, being
lieutenant of the army, was for killing of a soldier arraigned at the
King's Bench, who pleaded his pardon. Whether justice hath been done by
the Marshal of soldiers complained on to that we say that the man before
mentioned to have been arraigned at the King's Bench, and attempted to be
taken thence by the Marshal, but upon resistance of the judges stayed and
committed to gaol, was after by the Marshal taken from thence, and had
none other punishment than put on the pillory, muffled, as it should
seem, lest he might be known, which we count rather a mockery than
execution of justice.' No answer in effect was given to this heavy
charge, but that the Marshal had authority over the military, and that
the Governor had orders to maintain him. If the lawyers in Dublin were
guilty of factious opposition to the Government, they were not altogether
without excuse.[51]

[Sidenote: Desmond in London.]

Encouraged probably by the success of Shane O'Neill, Desmond behaved in
London very much as he had behaved at Waterford. Being charged before the
Council with openly defying the law in Ireland, he answered
contumaciously, and when called to order refused to apologise. He was
accordingly committed to the custody of the Lord Treasurer, on hearing
which Fitzwilliam expressed an opinion that Desmond lacked both education
and wit, and that the effect of bringing him to such senses as he had
would be most beneficial in Ireland. 'The news,' he said, 'made some not
only to change colour, but greatly sigh, whose nature God amend, make
them banish flattery, malice, and other misdeeds.'

[Sidenote: The Queen's views about him.]

The Queen wrote to Lady Desmond to complain of the Earl's inordinate
conduct, and to state her conviction that a little gentle imprisonment
would do him good. Unheard-of favour had been ill requited; nevertheless,
the royal patience was inexhaustible. No harm was intended to Desmond,
and his wife was charged to keep order until his return. Between her son
and her husband, the position of the countess was not pleasant.
Fitzwilliam thought she did her best to hold the balance, and keep the
peace between them; but her husband's friends accused her of unduly
favouring Ormonde, an imputation which she indignantly denied. 'I
always,' she declared with a certain pathos, 'wished them to be perfect
friends, as two whom I love as myself.'[52]

[Sidenote: Projects of Sussex.]

Sussex followed Shane O'Neill back to Ireland, taking with him his
sister, Lady Frances, the dainty bait at which it was supposed that wary
fish might rise. During his stay at Court he had taught the Queen to see
Ireland partly with his eyes. About the desirability of abolishing
illegal exactions there could of course be no difference of opinion; and
Elizabeth was now further inclined to divide the country into
presidencies, to persuade the principal chiefs to take estates of their
lands and accept titles of honour, to hold a Parliament, and to establish
a Star Chamber. On other points she was at issue with her
Lord-Lieutenant. Thus Sussex wished to expel Shane O'Neill absolutely
from Ulster, to divide Tyrone into three districts, to encourage and
flatter the Scots as long as their help was wanted, and then, with a
refined duplicity, to drive them out in their turn. Elizabeth was for
making the best of Shane, alluring him, if possible, to keep his
promises. The Presidency Courts when established were to administer both
law and equity. Sussex wished to acknowledge what was good of the Brehon
law, and by systematising it gradually to accustom Irishmen to written
and settled forms. The Brehons he proposed to admit, not as arbitrators,
but as counsel entitled to receive fees; and by empanelling juries to
find the facts, he hoped in time to fuse the two systems together. It is
much to be regretted that this really statesmanlike idea was not allowed
to bear fruit. The difficulty of getting juries to find verdicts against
the members of powerful factions was great in Elizabeth's time, as it is
now. Sussex proposed to meet it by freely changing the venue from one
county to another, an obvious expedient which has only very lately and by
a subterfuge been partially introduced. The constitutional pedantry of
lawyers often stands in the way of justice, for the furtherance of which
they are themselves supposed to exist.[53]

[Sidenote: The Queen sends Commissioners to report on the Pale.]

The Queen's evident readiness to hear the complaints of the Pale
encouraged William Bermingham, who had his own ideas of reform, and who
was in correspondence with the Irish law students. He went to London, and
his representations perhaps decided Elizabeth to send over a Commissioner
with authority and ability to discover the truth, and to report it
fearlessly. The person selected was Sir Nicholas Arnold, Wyatt's
fellow-conspirator, a man of resolution and industry, who cared little
for popularity, and who might be trusted to carry out his orders. Arnold
was instructed to confer with Lord Baltinglass and three others as to the
county of Kildare, with Lords Dunsany, Howth, and three others as to
Meath and Louth, and with Talbot of Malahide and three others as to
Dublin. Notwithstanding this success, Bermingham complained bitterly that
he had been ill-treated and his advice slighted. If he had had full and
favourable hearing he would have showed how the Queen might save
30,000_l._ He was 45_l._ out of pocket by his journey, and had gained
little or nothing for the public. 'I shall be the last of my country,' he
said, 'that shall come hither again to complain or to declare anything
for the Prince's commodity, although the occasion be never so vehement.'
Anxious to get home for the harvest, Bermingham left London soon
afterwards, overtook Arnold at Harlech, where he was waiting for
shipping, and presented him with a long string of interrogatories proper,
in his opinion, to be administered to the Queen's subjects in Ireland.
The insinuations were that martial law was grievous to the innocent, and
no terror to evil-doers, that officers and soldiers oppressed the people,
that false musters were habitually taken, and that the Queen was kept in
ignorance of the real state of Ireland. There were many covert
insinuations against Sussex; and Arnold, when he reached his
destination, was thus forewarned against official statements, and perhaps
slightly prejudiced against the officials themselves.[54]

[Sidenote: Burdens of the Pale.]

The payment of cess for maintaining soldiers was the most grievous of
burdens. It was impossible to dispense with it altogether; but Sussex
suggested that a more economical management of the Crown lands might
furnish the means of lightening it considerably. The Queen acquiesced,
suspended the granting of leases, and invited the Lord-Lieutenant to
consult with his Council as to the redemption of those which were still
unexpired. Commissioners were instructed to summon the landowners, and to
inform them that the Queen was most anxious to lighten the cess; but that
the monastic lands had been improvidently leased, and that she had
therefore no sufficient revenue. If the country was inclined to buy out
some of the lessees, their farms might be re-let at such a profit as to
reduce the cess materially. The Commissioners, who were chosen from among
the chief families, reported adversely to the scheme. The inhabitants of
the Pale could not afford money for such a small and uncertain benefit.
If they could be for ever relieved of all military burdens by letters
patent, confirmed by Parliament, then they would make an effort, but for
nothing less. This could not be done, and the matter dropped.[55]

[Sidenote: Shane O'Neill professes loyalty.]

Back in Ireland, with the consciousness that he had gained a substantial
victory, and that his most dangerous enemy was dead, Shane O'Neill was at
first in high good humour; and he wrote courteously to the Lord Justice
saying that the Queen had enough men to inhabit her land, and that his
must go with himself. Fitzwilliam, who thought he had not learned much in
England, was glad that he showed his hand so openly. Very soon the
wording of the letters became warmer. Shane set up a claim to correspond
in future directly with the Queen, and there were signs that he was
already weary of well-doing, or rather of doing nothing. When Sussex
landed he found that there was but little chance of the London articles
being fully carried out. A meeting was appointed at Dundalk, and Sussex
began to cast about for means to get Shane into his power by straining
the language of the safe-conduct, which was nevertheless full and plain
to every commonly candid understanding. The Dean of Armagh, the
intriguing Terence Danyell, went to confer with Shane, and on his return
dined with the Lord-Lieutenant. After dinner he talked freely, advising
his host not to trust Shane, who would now be worse than ever, having
rejected the advice of all his principal clansmen to attend Sussex at his
landing. Shane complained with some reason of his treatment in England,
said he went there to get and not to lose, demanded the withdrawal of the
garrison from Armagh, threatened to take back his MacDonnell wife and
make friends with the Scots once more, and nevertheless clamoured for the
hand of Lady Frances Radclyffe. Dean Danyell thought Shane would not
appear on the appointed day. Meanwhile, at least 20,000 head of cattle
belonging to the O'Donnells were driven into Tyrone, and the O'Mores and
O'Connors, the miserable remnant of two powerful clans, hung upon Shane's
words and waited for him to give the signal of revolt.[56]

[Sidenote: The loyal people of Ulster complain of being deserted.]

On the day fixed for the execution of the indentures made in England, the
Lord-Lieutenant and Council repaired to Dundalk; but no Shane appeared.
Letters from him came in plenty. He complained of hurts done during his
absence, asserted his right over Maguire, MacMahon, Magennis, and others,
and refused to come to Sussex if those rights were to be disputed.
Kildare, Clanricarde, and Thomond were deputed to meet O'Neill, and to
insist in temperate language upon the performance of the articles. If the
worst came to the worst, they were to procure a truce for six months
between him and his neighbours, and an open market for the garrison of
Armagh. The meeting led to nothing, and Shane withdrew to his woods in
high disdain. Maguire, O'Reilly, and the rest, who, on the faith of
English promises which could not be performed, had hoped in vain for
protection and peace, 'seeing him so proudly departed and not having
received that which they long had hoped on, for two or three years
depending continually on the Queen's Majesty, did forthwith burst out in
so large, unseemly, and also lamentable talk, yea, in effect cursing him
that would believe any promise from the Queen's Highness, either by mouth
or letter.... Old O'Hanlon openly swore it were better to serve the worst
Irishman of Ulster than to trust unto the Queen. MacRandal Boy, a Scot,
who is as wise and subtle an Irishman as any among them,' spoke to the
same effect, and Maguire complained bitterly of his losses, 'both at the
coming in of the tide and going out of the same.' Sussex was almost ready
to advise that the loyal chiefs should be allowed at once to submit to
Shane, as the likeliest way to save some part of their property.[57]

[Sidenote: Ill-treatment of O'Donnell.]

The Pale was not less hostile to Sussex than Tyrone itself, and his
policy was constantly counteracted from behind. Robert Fleming, attorney
of Drogheda, who had been employed by Shane to bring his letters to
Dundalk, sought a private interview, and on being admitted to the
Lord-Lieutenant's presence looked in every corner and under every hanging
to see that no one was listening. He declared that if his evidence were
known it would cost him his life. Sussex gave him his word of honour not
to disclose it, and he begged the Queen to keep the secret. Fleming then
said that Shane, who had daily information out of the Pale, had heard of
Sussex bringing over his sister only to entrap him, and that 'if he came
to any governor he should never return.' According to Fleming, most of
the nominally loyal Irish had a secret understanding with Shane, who had
agreed to keep Calvagh O'Donnell a perpetual prisoner, and to make his
son Con chief. Con was to marry Shane's daughter; the Macleans were to
give their services in ransom of the unfortunate countess; O'Neill
himself was to take back MacDonnell's daughter and marry her openly; and
Sorley Boy was to seek a foster-mother for his children among the
O'Neills, to give Shane great gifts, and to furnish a contingent of 400
or 500 men. Whether Fleming was intentionally deceiving Sussex, or
whether he really believed what he said, it is impossible to say; but the
Earl evidently gave him no credit as against Con O'Donnell, whom he
reported to be 'the likeliest plant,' as he thought, that ever sprang in
Ulster to graft a good subject on. Con himself wrote to the Queen begging
for help in earnest language, and telling her that he would rather give
himself up than see his father and mother in such miserable captivity.
The treatment of Shane's prisoners was indeed frightfully cruel. Calvagh
had to wear an iron collar round his neck fastened by a short chain to
gyves on his ankles, so that he could neither stand nor lie by day or
night. 'Afterwards,' he said, 'Shane thought to torment me after another
manner, to the intent that he might have all my jewels, and so he caused
the irons to be strained upon my legs and upon my hands, so sore that the
very blood did run down on every side of mine irons, insomuch that I did
wish after death a thousand times.' Shane demanded Lifford as a ransom.
This was the stronghold which old Manus had built in his best days, in
spite of the O'Neills, and its surrender would lay Tyrconnel at an
invader's feet. Shane could not be trusted, for he had already plundered
the O'Donnells treacherously of 20,000 kine; nevertheless, it would be
necessary to try the 'loathsome' experiment, unless the Queen could help
her own. Con spoke for himself, and for Maguire, O'Reilly, MacMahon,
Magennis, and O'Hanlon. The misery of the loyal tribes could not be
exceeded, and Con's own people were dying of starvation on the highways.
Shane was the tyrant of the North, inordinately ambitious, devoid of
truth, and stained with every vice. If only the Queen would bestir
herself, 'his pride,' said Con, 'I hope shall have a sudden fall.'[58]

[Sidenote: Shane's violence. Maguire.]

While the Government hesitated O'Neill acted. He attacked O'Reilly, swept
10,000 more cattle out of Tyrconnel, though he had sworn to keep the
peace, procured the escape of his hostages from Dublin Castle, took away
cattle from Armagh and then contemptuously restored them, and threatened
the garrison itself. The MacDonnells were forced for safety to make an
agreement with Shane, and Sussex returned to Dublin and wrote an official
letter to Elizabeth. This humiliating despatch was in fact dictated by
Shane to the Queen's representative, whom he had outwitted, and whom he
now forced to write in his favour. It was followed by another letter, in
which Sussex advised Elizabeth to show no mercy to the rebel: he had only
written to stop Shane's mouth, and to gain time. Maguire described in
piteous language the outrages to which he was subjected, only for being a
loyal subject. Shane had crossed the Erne at Belleek and burned corn and
houses, falling upon the harvest people and killing 300 men, women, and
children. 'I am,' Maguire had written to Sussex, 'upon my keeping every
day since his coming to Ireland. In his absence I might do him much hurt,
if it were not for fear of your Lordship's displeasure. Shane made offers
to me, but my answer was that I will never forsake your Lordship, till
your honour do forsake me. Except your Lordship will see to these matters
Shane will come to destroy my country, and I shall be cast away, or else
I must yield myself unto him.' The invasion had now taken place; and Hugh
O'Donnell, to whom Belleek belonged, was afraid to offer any resistance.
He thought it safer to join Shane, and Fermanagh was at the mercy of
these two. 'I told Shane,' said Maguire, 'that I would never forsake you
till you had forsaken me first; wherefore he began to wax mad, setting
all on fire, and did never spare neither church nor sanctuary. He could
not pass westward where my cattle were, because I stopped the passage
with the help of certain hagbuteers that I have. Shane O'Neill should
never have the power to banish me, except it had been through Hugh
O'Donnell's castles, that stand in the borders of my country. I desire
your Lordship to see to my great losses, which is innumerable to be
reckoned. For I promise you, and you do not see the rather to Shane
O'Neill's business, ye are likely to make him the strongest man of all
Ireland, for everyone will take an example by my great losses. Wherefore
take heed to yourselves betimes, for he is likely, with the help of Hugh
O'Donnell, to have all the power from this place till he come to the
walls of Galway, to rise against you.'[59]

[Sidenote: Ulster at Shane's mercy.]

O'Neill's tyranny was certainly hateful to his neighbours, who protested
their loyalty and prayed earnestly for help. Maguire begged Sussex to
write only in English, for clerks, 'or other men of the country,' might
know his mind if he used Latin. The poor man seems not to have had a
horse left to ride, and was fain to beg one of the Lord-Lieutenant, who
sent him an animal for which he had given the high price of twenty-four
marks sterling. The prevalence of official corruption is seen here, for
the horse actually delivered was worthless. A similar mishap seems to
have befallen four hand-guns. Nothing was left in Fermanagh, Shane's
machinery for robbery and murder being perfect, except in some islands in
Lough Erne, and Hugh O'Donnell was preparing a flotilla to harry these
also, while the O'Neills lined the shores. 'I cannot,' said Maguire,
'scape neither by land nor by water, except God and your Lordship do help
me at this need; all my country are against me because of their great
losses and for fear, and all my men's pleasure is that I should yield
myself to Shane.' It was a far cry to Lough Erne, and Sussex could only
enlarge upon the value of patience. To Shane's violence he could oppose
nothing but intrigues. The most brilliant expedient which occurred to him
was to go to Armagh during the moonlight nights, and there parley with
the enemy, so that he might not use them to plunder his neighbours. A
State policy which depends upon the phases of every moon is really
beneath criticism. January had been marked by the wild man's appearance
at Court. December left him with Ulster at his mercy, the Government
baffled, and all those who adhered to the Queen fugitives, prisoners, or
at the very least robbed of their goods, and hourly expecting a worse
fate.[60]

[Sidenote: Arnold and Sussex.]

Like everyone who visits Ireland to learn the truth, Sir Nicholas Arnold
found there was a general desire to throw dust in his eyes. The business
of the musters proceeded very slowly. Bermingham was unable to prove his
allegations, or many of them, and the gentry of the Pale began to think
that Sussex would, after all, come well out of the inquiry. Sir
Christopher Cheevers and others, who in the spring had taken an active
part in denouncing abuses, were in the autumn anxious to persuade the
Lord-Lieutenant that they had no hand in Bermingham's doings. Bermingham,
said Sussex, was Bermingham; the knave might do his worst, but his
instigators were better known than Sir Christopher and his friends
supposed. The musters were but a cloak for intrigue, and he hoped the
Queen would 'command Bermingham's ears to the pillory for example, for
the Earl of Sussex himself (so much more being the Queen's Lieutenant)
was no person to suffer to be threatened by a varlet to be touched in
word, and not to be touched in deed.'[61]

[Sidenote: Recriminations.]

Parker, the Master of the Rolls, who had strongly advocated the cause of
the Pale, was suspected of compiling libellous pamphlets against the
Lord-Lieutenant, and was subjected to interrogatories on the subject.
After much unseemly wrangling at the Council Board in the presence of
Arnold, Parker at first refused to answer, and, being outvoted on that
point, asked a delay of two days, and then put in merely a general
denial, requiring special orders from the Queen before proceeding
further. Had the Master of the Rolls been his equal, Sussex told the
Queen he would have taken personal satisfaction, at the risk of his life
and goods. He could forgive plots against his life, 'but he that seeketh
falsely to procure me to live discredited with you, and defamed with the
world, doth, I confess, touch me so near at the bottom of the heart, as I
may without offence, I trust, of conscience, pursue the party to the
uttermost by my own truth and discover his falsehood.... The malicious
practices of Ireland seek first by secret and sinister means to utter
matter of slander, thinking that the same going without punishment from
hand to hand will breed to a common rumour, and so (holpen with time)
endure credit, whereby, excepting indeed without punishment, they bring
their intent to effect and leave the honest slandered, which danger I
most humbly crave your Majesty to avoid from me, by open purgation in
this and in all other like matters.' It is true that public men in
Ireland have been at all times peculiarly subject to baseless and
self-seeking calumnies, and Sussex may be freely acquitted of any
dishonesty in his office; but his indignation would better become him did
not his own letters convict him of the grossest treachery against an
Irish enemy. Was not Queen Elizabeth in truth far more deeply disgraced
by the conduct of her Lieutenant than by any slanders which might pursue
him in the fearless discharge of his duty? It is evident that Cecil did
not share the Lord-Lieutenant's feelings against Parker, for he continued
to consult him, and the Queen granted his suit for a lease of certain
lands.[62]

[Sidenote: Evident unfitness of Sussex for his work.]

Among the many pie-crust promises of Shane O'Neill was one not to attack
Dundalk, and on the faith of it the townsmen left their cattle in the
fields, and lost them. Sussex feared for the safety of the town, and
offered a garrison of 400 foot and 100 horse, to be victualled at the
Queen's prices. This was refused, the chance of losing all by Shane
appearing a less terrible alternative than the support of 500 soldiers
for three months. As the townsmen well knew, Sussex would be obliged to
do his best for them, whether they helped or not. Nor were the Dundalk
people altogether without excuse. The best men in Ireland, even Ormonde
himself, were loth to incur expense which was almost sure to be followed
by failure. Sussex had shown too clearly that the Irish problem was
beyond his powers. He murmured at the general remissness. 'I pray God,'
he exclaimed, 'to rid me from serving with such as speak with their
mouths what they mislike with their hearts, and put forth with their
words that which they overthrow with their deeds, of which mischievous
and direful practices I fear I shall hereafter bear the blame.'[63]

[Sidenote: Great preparations to attack Shane.]

Great exertions were made to collect two months' victuals in the Pale,
and in Wexford, Carlow, and Westmeath; and to do it in the way least
burdensome to the country. A general hosting was ordered, but to avoid
the cost of cartage the bulk of the stores were sent by water to Newry
and Carlingford, and thence to Armagh by country ponies requisitioned for
the purpose. Five hundred labourers were taken out of the Pale in the
same way, to cut a pass in the woods between Dundalk and Armagh. The
season was a bad one, but great hopes were excited, and the people
professed willingness to exert themselves to the utmost. A general
hosting was ordered. The Irish chiefs who were already committed against
Shane promised to do their best, and there were even hopes of Tirlough
Luineach, the second man in Tyrone.[64]

[Sidenote: Small results.]

At last the army moved. Its composition was so heterogeneous that only a
general of exceptional powers could hope to lead it to advantage, and
Sussex was not such a general. The Keating kerne, the scourges of
Wexford, did not agree with their Northern congeners: an affray took
place, and blood was shed. There were small skirmishes with Shane's men.
The soldiers chased a party to the edge of some bog or wood; then the
wild horsemen appeared suddenly on all sides, or shots were fired from
behind turf-ricks, and a retreat was beaten, seldom without loss. One
day's work was exactly like another's. A few cows were taken, but no real
service was done. For the first week the army lay encamped outside
Armagh, and one dark night, while the rain was falling in torrents, a
gang of thieves crept up to the lines and stole 300 pack-horses. This
shameful negligence Sussex excused only by the fact that it was Easter
Monday, and that it had been devoted to prayer, Sunday having been spent
on the march. He forgot the natural connection between watchfulness and
prayer. St. George's Day was spent by the Lord-Lieutenant in his tent,
keeping the festival of the Garter; but the saint seems not to have been
propitiated. Perhaps he thought the red cross should have been exhibited
in the field. Three inglorious weeks passed away, and at the end the
provisions were gone. The Blackwater had been crossed only for a few
hours, and the baffled Viceroy returned to the Pale to bemoan his hard
fate, and to lay the blame of failure upon every head but the right
one--namely, his own.[65]

[Sidenote: Treachery of Andrew Brereton against the MacDonnells.]

Notwithstanding the perfidy of his own intentions towards them, Sussex
expected the Scots to keep their promises made through Hutchinson and
Randolph. Piers, the indefatigable constable of Carrickfergus, went both
to Cantire and Red Bay. At the latter place he made an arrangement with
James MacDonnell, by which the latter bound himself and his brother
Sorley Boy to send a contingent to Armagh. Sussex had succeeded in making
peace between the Scots and Andrew Brereton, the turbulent farmer of
Lecale, who had called Tyrone traitor at the Council Board fourteen years
before. Alaster MacRandal Boy, the acknowledged chief of the MacDonnells
in that district, was a tried friend of the English, and willingly
accepted Brereton's invitation to sup at Ardglass. That same night a
number of Scots, including the chief and his brother Gillespie, were
killed in their beds by Brereton's orders, and a third brother underwent
the same fate in another village. These murders of course destroyed all
hopes of help from the MacDonnells, and Scots and Irish alike called
loudly and justly for vengeance. 'The voice is common,' said Sussex,
'that every Irishman that cometh to the Queen's service is either left
undefended or murdered by treason, which toucheth as much the surety of
the Queen's order in this realm as the breach of my "slantie" toucheth me
in honour.' Brereton fled, having first sold his interest in Lecale to
the Earl of Kildare. It does not appear that he was ever punished, and
ten years afterwards we find the Lord Deputy recommending him for a good
service pension. Such things did indeed touch the honour both of Queen
Elizabeth and of her most distinguished servants.[66]

[Sidenote: Sussex can obtain no decisive success.]

After a fortnight's rest Sussex again took the field. Led by an O'Neill,
his army crossed the Blackwater at Braintree, and penetrated to Clogher.
Some cattle were taken, but the majority were driven off into Fermanagh,
which was now quite under Shane's control. Provisions were short, and the
raid, for it was nothing more, was supported by the beasts taken.
Tirlough Luineach and the unfortunate Maguire met the Lord-Lieutenant,
but the former did not, and the latter could not offer any effectual
help. A general hosting was ordered, but the overtaxed and desponding
Pale scarcely answered the call. The summons was repeated, and the Earls
of Ormonde, Desmond, Clanricarde, and Thomond, were directed to meet the
Lord-Lieutenant at Dundalk on June 14. In the meantime Sussex collected a
small force at Armagh, and advanced to Dungannon. Tirlough Luineach was
sent for; but he had not been favourably impressed by his last interview,
and he did not come. A few O'Neills and a few soldiers, including one
English captain, were slain in skirmishes, some cows were captured, and
many ponies ham-strung. Shane hovered in the neighbourhood and prepared a
Caudine ambuscade for Sussex near Lough Neagh. The Lord-Lieutenant
escaped by taking another road, and returned to Armagh to find that
MacMahon's hostages had flown. On the way back to Dundalk some plunder
worth noting was taken, 3,000 kine and 1,600 stud mares belonging to the
O'Neills, which had purposely been mixed up with the MacMahons' property.
MacMahon sent to ask for peace. His request was granted, and he was
invited to attend the Lord-Lieutenant; but, like Tirlough Luineach, he
declined to respond. Sussex returned to Drogheda, and on the same night
Shane's people plundered Henry O'Neill's property close to Dundalk. Such
was the usual, almost the inevitable end of these expeditions.[67]

[Sidenote: Negotiations.]

The preparations of Sussex for a new invasion of Tyrone led to nothing of
importance. Negotiations were again tried, and Ormonde and Kildare were
sent to argue the point with Shane. He agreed to a conference without
listeners; there to make only such proposals as in matter and manner were
worthy of a loving subject, and in sworn secrecy. The Earls offered not
to divulge his statements, except to the Lord-Lieutenant and such of the
Council as he should name. The desired conference took place, but Shane
stiffly declared that he was not such a fool as to treat with the Scots
without proper securities from the Government. He again demanded all that
could be claimed by an O'Neill, and hinted to Ormonde that he had some
understanding with the southern Geraldines, and that he might be worth
conciliating.[68]

[Sidenote: Cusack makes a virtual surrender to Shane. Mortification of
Sussex.]

While Shane was defying the State in Ireland, Sir Thomas Cusack was at
Court advocating a conciliatory policy. In desperation the Queen sent him
back with large treating powers. How much she felt the humiliation may be
inferred from her thinking it necessary to apologise to Sussex. While
sweetening the pill thus, she told him plainly that he had failed, that
his failure had been a direct encouragement to the disaffected, and that
he had confessed himself powerless to carry matters with a high hand.
Under the circumstances there was nothing for it but to temporise. The
mere form of a submission was the best that could be looked for. Cusack
and Kildare accordingly met Shane, who descanted largely on his losses,
on the attempts made to assassinate him, and on the persistent enmity of
the Lord-Lieutenant towards him. He was, however, brought to consent to a
treaty, by which he gained everything and yielded nothing. He was
acknowledged as O'Neill, with all the powers ever exercised under that
name. The Earldom of Tyrone was again dangled before his eyes, but the
Queen said that for her own honour she could not go far into the matter
until she had scrutinised the patents. With characteristic frugality she
asked about the robes and collars sent to Sussex when he purposed to make
O'Reilly and O'Donnell Earls, so that they might be available in case of
a new creation. By the treaty concluded, Shane's differences with Maguire
and O'Reilly were reserved for Commissioners, but they were to have no
power to enforce their award. Chiefs who had committed the crime of
loyalty were abandoned, and Shane was released from all obligations to
appear in person before the Viceroy. His former promises to the Queen
were cancelled, and he was exonerated from all responsibility for the
murder of the Baron of Dungannon's son. Armagh Cathedral was to be
restored to him, and he agreed to use it as became the Metropolitan
Church of Ireland. Some trifling alterations were made in the treaty
before ratification, but the surrender on the Queen's part was complete.
Sussex felt this bitterly, but put a good face on the matter, and wrote
to Shane in a conciliatory tone.[69]

[Sidenote: Shane again desires an English wife. Lady F. Radclyffe for
choice.]

Shane still professed much anxiety to live clearly after the English
fashion. An English wife was the best means to that end, and of all
eligible persons he preferred Lady Frances Radclyffe. In this he had
probably no other design than to humiliate Sussex, but he suggested that
the Queen should give Mellifont as a dowry. If her Majesty would not make
a match, then he begged leave to seek a foreign alliance; but he greatly
preferred an English woman--Lady Frances above all others--to increase
his civil education, and to make his followers acknowledge their duties
to the Queen. In any case he was determined to be good in future, to be
the 'plague of all rebels in those parts,' and to do all more cheaply for
his sovereign than she could do it for herself. Elizabeth prudently
answered that the question of an English wife must be adjourned until
Shane had proved his love of civilisation by deeds as well as words.[70]

[Sidenote: Attempt to poison Shane.]

Just before the peace or truce an attempt had been made to poison O'Neill
in wine, of which he was accustomed to drink a great deal. He and his
servant suffered from the dose; but no one died. It is not disputed that
the guilty man was John Smythe, who appears to have been a foot soldier
of Irish birth, one of a company in the Queen's pay of which Ormonde had
the command. O'Neill demanded redress, and the Queen, when she heard of
the affair, wrote with becoming indignation and horror. If there was any
difficulty about getting a fair trial in Ireland, the accused man was to
be sent to London. Elizabeth declared her willingness to bear with much
that was disorderly in Shane, and to trust him more for the future on
account of this great provocation. Smythe was arrested and examined, but
no punishment followed. Whether Sussex or other great men were
implicated, or whether Ormonde wished to screen his man, will never now
be known, and Shane was induced to forgive Smythe. The suave Cusack
pointed out that he could not be hanged for a mere attempt, and O'Neill
despised any other punishment. Cusack advised Cecil to let the thing blow
over; and no doubt this suited the Queen, who could not have forgotten
the Lord-Lieutenant's plain-spoken letters in that other affair of Neil
Gray.[71]

[Sidenote: New Royal Commission on the Pale, 1563.]

Having pacified Ulster, or rather shut her eyes to its true state,
Elizabeth turned her attention to the state of the Pale. The complaints
of the Irish law students in London, of Parker, of Bermingham, and of
Shane O'Neill himself, had been partially investigated by Arnold. Matthew
King, Clerk of the Check, was found to have been very remiss, and
declared that some of his gravest misdeeds had been done under direct
orders from the Lord-Lieutenant. Nothing could much exceed the
ill-feeling shown by Sussex to the party of inquiry, though he did not
actually obstruct Arnold, who, on his return to London, made out a case
too strong to be safely neglected. Parker and Bermingham were consulted
again, and Arnold received a new commission. To make the investigation
thorough, all members of the Irish Council who had no men in the Queen's
pay under them, and most of the principal gentlemen of the Pale, were put
into the Commission. Sir Thomas Wrothe was associated with Arnold, and
William Dixe, a professional auditor, was afterwards joined to them.
Their instructions involved inquiry into almost all civil and military,
and into some ecclesiastical affairs. The Queen notified her intention of
establishing provincial presidencies, and suggested a plan for a
University in Dublin, to be endowed out of the revenue of St.
Patrick's.[72]

[Sidenote: Cusack and Desmond.]

The indefatigable Cusack, whose great idea was the conciliation of
Ireland by arrangements with the native nobility, was as anxious to
obtain terms for Desmond as for Shane. The Earl was tired of his
detention in England, where he was hard pressed for so moderate a sum as
4_l._ He agreed to be responsible for order in Munster, to see that the
Queen got her feudal dues, and to pay her a tax of 4_d._ a year on every
cow. He promised to put down the Brehon law, as well as the bards or
rhymers who seem to have been thought still more important; 'for that
they do by their ditties and rhymes made to divers lords and gentlemen in
Ireland, in the commendation and high praise of extortion, rebellion,
rape, raven, and other injustice, encourage those lords and gentlemen
rather to follow those vices than to leave them.' For every shilling paid
to these men, two were to be forfeited to the Queen, whose Commissioners
were to have power to fine the rhymers at discretion.[73]

[Sidenote: Desmond and Ormonde.]

It is probable that neither Cusack's intercession nor Desmond's promises
would have prevailed, had not the Earl's enforced absence left Munster in
confusion. A dispute about the title to Kilfeacle was one difficulty, and
the legal question cannot have been very hard to decide. But Desmond may
have distrusted the impartiality of lawyers rather than the justice of
his cause, and he preferred the old way of deciding lawsuits. His brother
John spoiled the Butlers, while Ormonde, who was forbidden to retaliate,
poured forth his griefs to Sussex. With just pride he dilated upon the
loyalty of his ancestors, who had always been able to defend themselves,
and to take and keep the Desmond's goods. His own services were not
small, but for fear of disobeying orders he had to stand by, while he and
his suffered more in two or three years than his forefathers had in two
centuries. Towns were burned, women and children murdered, half Kilkenny
and Tipperary lay waste. 'All this spoil, I assure your lordship, doth
not so much grieve me as that the Earl of Desmond with his evil doings is
like to speed as well as I that with my service have deserved at least to
be restored to my own.' In trying to defend his property, Ormonde's
brother John had been dangerously, if not mortally wounded. The Earl was
forced to see all this, and do nothing. 'My lord, you see what I get by
sufferance; my brother left as dead, and mine enemies living upon the
spoil of my goods. My lord, who shall render my brother his life if he
die? Shall I live and suffer all this? If I may not avenge my brother on
these disobedient Geraldines, as you are a just governor lend your force
against them, and let not my obedience be the cause of my destruction.'
He begged that in case of Desmond being sent back to Ireland, he might at
least be detained in Dublin until restitution should be made, and the
rebels delivered to Sussex to be 'justified.' Ormonde threw out the
significant hint that, failing this, he would leave his estate to take
care of itself, and go to the Queen, 'like some other private men.'[74]

[Sidenote: Desmond is restored.]

Desmond's head was in the lion's mouth, and he professed loyalty, while
doubting the capacity of the Munster chiefs for civil life. If he was
expected to do anything he must have guns and gunners to take castles,
and have the right to arrest malefactors in the corporate towns. The
Queen was silent on these points, but urged Desmond to put down private
war, 'which hurts the innocent, to the great displeasure of Almighty God,
and to our dishonour, whereof we pray you to have due regard.' She
ordered him to wait at Dublin for Cusack, whose help he had himself
asked. 'The Queen's sword,' she said, 'shall touch the guilty, and no
other shall be drawn.' Brave words! but much belied by facts.[75]

FOOTNOTES:

[50] Book by twenty-seven students of Ireland, March 21, 1562, and the
documents arising out of it (52 to 59). Sir Oliver Plunket, of Rathmore,
and twenty-six others to the Queen, May 27, and their letter of the same
date to Lord R. Dudley.

[51] Interrogatories by the Earl of Sussex, &c., March 21, and the
answer, same date.

[52] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, June 19, 1562; the Queen to Lady Desmond, June
7, 1562; Joan, Dowager Countess of Ormonde and Countess of Desmond, to
Cecil, July 22, 1563.

[53] Instructions to the Earl of Sussex, July 4, 1562; Report of the Earl
of Sussex, 1562 (No. 236). Both in _Carew_.

[54] Instructions for Sir N. Arnold, July 7, 1562; W. Bermingham to
Northampton, July 16; Arnold to Cecil, Aug. 13.

[55] Instructions for Sir N. Arnold, July 7; W. Bermingham to Northampton
and Cecil, July 16; Arnold to Cecil, August 13; Instructions for the Earl
of Sussex, July 3, the original in _Carew_; Sussex to Cecil, Aug. 23.

[56] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, June 13 and 19, and Aug. 31, 1562; Sussex to
Cecil, Aug. 1; Sussex to the Queen, Aug. 27, with the enclosures. The
words of the safe-conduct are, to come and go, 'absque ulla perturbatione
sive molestatione nostra, sive alicujus subditi Dominæ nostræ Reginæ.'
Sussex reached Ireland on July 24.

[57] Lord-Lieutenant and Council to the Queen, Sept. 20, with enclosures;
Fitzwilliam to Cecil, Sept. 20; Arnold to Cecil, Sept. 23; Sussex to the
Queen, Sept 29.

[58] Con O'Donnell to the Queen, Sept. 30, 1562; Calvagh O'Donnell to
Sussex, Oct. 29; Sussex to the Queen, Sept. 29 and Oct. 1.

[59] Extracted from three letters of Shane Maguire to Sussex, printed in
Wright's _Queen Elizabeth_, Aug. 15, Oct. 9 and 20, 1562, from the Cotton
MSS. The last is also in the R.O. collection. The letter written to
humour Shane, by the Lord-Lieutenant and Council to the Queen, is dated
Oct. 20, and the Lord-Lieutenant's corrective, Oct. 26.

[60] O'Reilly and others to the Queen, Nov. 6, 1562, against 'illum
nepharium Johannem.' Shane Maguire to the Lord-Lieutenant, Nov. 25;
Sussex to Maguire, Dec. 15, and to the Privy Council, Dec. 28.

[61] Lord-Lieutenant to Cecil, Sept. 29.

[62] Sussex to the Queen, Sept. 6; Abstracts of Letters, Sept. 8;
Calendar of Patent Rolls, Nov. 9, 5th Eliz. An anonymous duodecimo
pamphlet of 29 pages calendared under June, 1562 (No. 37), is not in
Parker's hand, and he denied having written anything of the kind.

[63] Sussex to the Privy Council, Feb. 5 and Feb. 19.

[64] Lord-Lieutenant and Council to the Privy Council, Jan. 26; Sussex to
the Privy Council, Feb. 5 and 19, 1563.

[65] Sussex left Dundalk on April 5, and returned to it on the 25th. St.
George's Day was the 22nd. Many particulars in _Carew_, under June 7,
1563.

[66] Shane O'Neill is the authority for the details, but they do not seem
to have been disputed; see his memorial in _Carew_, 1565, p. 369. Sussex
to the Queen, April 24, 1563. Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam to Cecil, Feb. 20,
1573.

[67] Sussex to the Privy Council, May 11, and to his own Council, May 20;
and see his Journal in _Carew_, June 1 to 7.

[68] Instructions for Ormonde and Kildare, July 26. Memorial of parley,
July 30.

[69] See the treaty in _Carew_, Sept. 11, 1563; Sussex to Shane O'Neill,
Sept. 16.

[70] See four letters from Shane O'Neill to the Queen, to Cecil, and to
Cusack, all calendared under Nov. 18, 1563; also Terence Danyell to the
Queen, Nov. 28.

[71] Shane O'Neill to Cusack, Sept. 10, 1563--'Per potionem vini in quo
clam venenum, &c.' Memorial for Cusack, Oct. 20, 1563; for Wroth and
Arnold, same date. Cusack to Cecil, March 22, 1564. There was an
apothecary named Thomas Smythe in Dublin about this time, and he was
probably a relation of John, and may have got the poison for him. The
would-be assassin was afterwards known as 'Bottle Smythe;' see _Irish
Archæological Journal_, N.S., vol. i. p. 99.

[72] Notes for musters, Sept. 8, 1563; Instructions to Arnold, Wrothe,
and Dixe, Oct. 20, 1563, and Jan. 5, 1564, in _Carew_.

[73] Orders for Desmond, Dec. 20, 1563.

[74] Ormonde to Sussex, Dec. 10 and 17, 1563.

[75] Desmond to the Privy Council, Dec. 20, 1563; the Queen to Desmond,
Jan. 15, 1564.




CHAPTER XXII.

1564 AND 1565.


[Sidenote: Difficulties of Wrothe and Arnold.]

The trouble which it cost Wrothe and Arnold to reach Ireland pretty
accurately foreshadowed the trouble which awaited them there. After
waiting a long time at Holyhead they at last ventured to sea, but were
taken aback before they gained mid-Channel, and had to choose between
scudding under bare poles towards Ulster, or returning to Wales. They
chose the latter course, but failed to make the harbour. They lay for a
time under the shelter of some rocks, and were glad to scramble ashore at
three o'clock on a February morning, wet and sick, but safe. Nine days
later they were more fortunate, and reached Dublin to find that Leix and
Offaly were again in rebellion, and that the financial confusion had not
been exaggerated. All captains, castellans, sheriffs, and municipal
officers were at once called on to produce accounts. The inquiry into the
musters was begun by demanding an accurate return of all changes and
vacancies in the Lord-Lieutenant's own company. Sussex said he was ready
to obey the Queen in all things, but that this had never been required of
any chief governor, and was, in fact, out of his power. The debts to the
Crown were great, and many of them desperate. There was not one groat in
the Treasury, and the 11,000_l._ which the Commissioners brought was
quite inadequate. The Pale and the wild Irish were at daggers drawn, for
the former clung to their own customs and bye-laws, and looked for the
Queen's protection in their attempts at self-government. The Church was
in no better case than the State, but there was a pretty general wish to
have St. Patrick's turned into a University. The Commissioners
recommended that the judges should put the Act of Uniformity generally
in force, 'not meddling with the simple multitude now at the first, but
with one or two boasting mass men in every shire, that it may be seen
that the punishment of such men is meant.'[76]

[Sidenote: Wrothe's horror at the general corruption.]

It soon became clear that Wrothe was not exactly the fittest man for the
work. He was anxious to do right, but very nervous about exceeding the
letter of his commission, and from the first wishing to be recalled. He
fell into a fever which he felt certain would be attributed to riotous
living, and he assured Cecil that he seldom took more than one meal in
twenty-four hours, which was not the way to preserve health. His sense of
the general corruption made it hard for him to gain friends, though he
was generally praised for his willingness to work hard. The whole
rapacious pack of jobbers longed to be rid of him, for he was bent on
even-handed justice, a scarce commodity, and not in demand with any
party. The Queen was considered fair game for every robber. Arnold, a man
cast in a much rougher mould, had little regard for his colleague's
feelings, and a coolness soon sprung up between them. On Sussex obtaining
sick leave, the general government was entrusted to Arnold, and the new
Lord Justice expected Wrothe to do the business of the Commission
single-handed. He was willing enough to take routine work on himself, but
declined to be responsible for any matter of moment unless Arnold was
joined with him in it. 'God deal with me,' he wrote, 'as I have meant to
serve the Queen here. My mind is troubled and my conscience, for God's
sake help me.... Our bowls here be so much biassed, and I have no skill
but with upright bowls, and therefore unfit for this alley.'[77]

[Sidenote: Great abuses.]

After a partial examination of the public accounts, Auditor Dixe
estimated that the Queen's debts were between 30,000_l._ and 40,000_l._
The victualler and the officers engaged on fortifications gave in their
accounts, but they were full of mistakes. The cessors of the Pale, who
were very numerous and often very incompetent, were slow to produce their
books. Captains of companies delivered muster-rolls from May 1560, when
they had been fully paid off by the Lord-Lieutenant's warrant, but
declined to do so for the previous year on the ground that it was
contrary to custom. In many cases the books were not forthcoming, but
this was not unnatural in the case of officers who constantly changed
their quarters, and who did not expect any further question to arise. The
real fault was in the Government. We are accustomed to clock-work
regularity, and can scarcely imagine the loose way in which things were
done even much later than Elizabeth's days. When Lord Shelburne joined
Colonel Wolfe's regiment, the future hero of Quebec told him that he must
not draw his pay, but let it accumulate for the benefit of deserving
officers. But it was not only in money accounts that Wrothe and Arnold
found the army in Ireland defective. There was an old order that every
captain should find pay for his Irish soldiers if he thought proper to
have more than five in his company. As a matter of fact many companies
were half Irish, and this had long been winked at. The captains were now
told that the Queen wanted no Irish soldiers. Wild Irishmen could not be
trusted, and tame Irishmen were necessarily a deduction from the strength
of the Pale. It was not for the Queen's interest that the rebels should
know all the secrets of the service and all the art of war. Irish
soldiers would take less pay than Englishmen, and it was therefore for
the private interest of officers to enlist them. The captains pleaded the
Lord-Lieutenant's orders to make up their strength. Englishmen could not
be had, and they threw themselves on the Queen's mercy; they were ready
to serve her while life lasted.[78]

[Sidenote: Harsh proceedings of Arnold.]

But Bermingham, who was Arnold's principal adviser, understood the duties
of the Commission differently. According to his view every officer, from
the Lord-Lieutenant downwards, was to be visited with extreme penalties
for every technical error. No allowance was to be made for men who were
irregularly and not highly paid, and who had too often to make her
Majesty's bricks without straw. It was hard in Queen Elizabeth's time--it
is hard enough in Queen Victoria's--to apportion the blame between the
English Government and its servants in Ireland, but the irregularities
themselves were scandalous enough. Even Bermingham had some doubts about
the policy of employing anyone living in Ireland to inquire into matters
personally affecting the Queen's representative, but the Commissioners
were peremptory, and he had to deliver a book of exceptions to the
Lord-Lieutenant's muster. A roll of his own, accompanying this document,
contained 213 names, but of these twenty-five were holders of other
offices, thirty were occasionally employed by other captains, and
sixty-four were of Irish birth, though by rights all but eight should
have been Englishmen. Of the Englishmen born ten were no soldiers, but at
best retainers. A soldier's pay was drawn in the name of the clerk of
Christ Church, and still more strangely in the name of Adam Loftus,
'primate and bishop of Armagh, almost these two years.' Sussex could
muster 155 men, but no more than forty-three were really fit for service,
and of these twenty-eight were officers. Thomas Smythe, the apothecary,
who probably kept drugs for poisoning as well as for healing, was borne
on the strength, and so were butchers, carters, woodcutters, scullions,
makers of arras, musicians, a mariner, an old fisherman, a blind man, and
a dead man. Brian Fitzwilliam's company should have mustered 200,
exclusive of officers, whereas the rank and file in reality only numbered
128. Captain Fortescue's followers were found to be nearly all Irish;
they were disbanded, and as Fortescue declined to account, he was
committed to prison.[79]

[Sidenote: Wrothe is recalled, 1564. Irregularities in the army.
Proceedings against the officers.]

When the Commission had been at work for a year, Elizabeth found out that
it was very slow and very expensive. She recalled Wrothe, much to his own
delight, but to the despair of Dixe, who was left single-handed to cope
with Arnold and Bermingham. Unrestrained by an English colleague, the
Lord Justice now proceeded to extremities, a course in which he was
encouraged by the local magnates joined with him in the Commission. The
captains were required to enter into recognizances, binding themselves
under penalties to give a detailed account of all they had received, and
to make good deficiencies. The captains were willing to bind themselves
to account for all the money or value which they could be proved to have
received, and confessed that they had been negligent about the
preservation of books, but refused to admit the evidence of private
soldiers instead of documentary proofs. Any one who has had anything to
do with paying troops will know that they were amply justified in the
refusal. The Commissioners proceeded in the most arbitrary way, refusing
to make any allowance for men employed as servants, and proposing to pay
all according to the roll, and without the knowledge of the captains. All
Irishmen above six in each company were to be peremptorily disallowed,
without considering the explanations offered on this head. The
Commissioners swore in twelve soldiers from each company, and encouraged
them to say all they could against their captains; and having thus
collected much hostile evidence, they refused copies to the officers
concerned. Captain George Delves having declined to submit to the
requirements of the Commissioners, though he offered to give all
reasonable security, was sent to prison. Sir Henry Radclyffe, the
Lord-Lieutenant's brother, and Sir George Stanley, the Marshal, 'seeing
their staves to stand next the door,' as they themselves expressed it,
protested strongly against the 'opening of matters, we do not say the
forging of matters,' to their prejudice. They significantly added that
all the Commissioners were blood-relations to each other and to
Bermingham. Auditor Dixe, who seems to have been really anxious to do
right, heard the Lord Justice talk much of the 'exactions, impositions,
cessings, and cuttings,' of Sussex and the captains, to the
impoverishment of the Pale, and warned him that he would be considered
partial if he did not report the same of the native nobility, who
extorted twice as much. The auditor reminded Cecil that he was but one
man against fourteen. The jobbing of family parties, as they have been
called, has indeed been for centuries one of the chief difficulties of
ministers who have been successively charged with the government of
Ireland.[80]

[Sidenote: Arnold is too harsh and too zealous. Sir Henry Radclyffe's
case.]

[Sidenote: Arnold imprisons the Lord-Lieutenant's brother].

Sir Henry Radclyffe, the most highly placed and best connected officer in
Ireland, was summoned before Arnold to give fuller answers to
Bermingham's charges. He refused to go back to a period before the last
general payment, but offered to wait on the Commission at any time after
one hour's notice, and begged that his soldiers might not be paid in his
absence. Well might Radclyffe exclaim, 'fiat justitia,' when this common
measure of justice was denied to him. Dixe was ordered to settle with Sir
Henry's company according to their own report. He obeyed; but took the
precaution to have some of the Commissioners present, and declined to be
bound by the results of such a monstrous order. It was hardly worth while
to brand the character of the Queen's officers, and to destroy the
discipline of her troops for the sake of 10_l._, saved in the payment of
a company of fifty. Radclyffe asked for a passport, and even offered to
be tried by his own soldiers. Both requests were refused, and the
Commissioners, who seem to have surrendered themselves to Bermingham's
guidance, declared that if fraud appeared on the face of the
incriminating document drawn up by him, they would force Radclyffe to
give the details which he had already refused. He was made to appear
about 6,000_l._ in debt, nearly half of which was on account of Irishmen
enlisted above the number officially allowed. The accused officer was
then committed to prison, and Arnold, having undertaken to see his men
paid, refused to settle the tradesmen's bills for necessaries, alleging
that all should fall on the captains. There may have been great
negligence, but the Lord Justice did not venture to accuse Radclyffe of
any false statement; and it must be admitted that, whatever his faults,
he had managed to keep Leix and Offaly quiet. As much could not be said
for Arnold, whom the English Council gently rebuked for taking such an
extreme course with an officer of high rank, a Privy Councillor, and a
man of family. There could be no objection to detaining him in Ireland if
necessary, but he might have been left at liberty. Cecil and Leicester,
after privately examining the voluminous and contradictory reports,
declared themselves puzzled in some things, and advised Arnold to take a
good many of the Irish Council into his confidence. They reminded him
that Dixe, with whom he appeared unable to agree, was chosen for a man of
honesty and ability. What Leicester and Cecil could not fully understand
at the time, we shall hardly be able to clear up now. That Radclyffe had
committed irregularities was not denied, that they were much smaller both
in amount and in kind than Arnold supposed may be gathered from the fact
that he was afterwards allowed to give a bond for 600_l._ to repay all
moneys overpaid to him, if the balance should be against him at a final
closing. Sir George Stanley gave a similar bond for 300_l._ Nicholas
Heron, another captain whom Arnold treated with great rigour, was
afterwards knighted, and died in the enjoyment of the Queen's favour.[81]

[Sidenote: 'Sir Thomas Cusack's peaces.' Shane in his glory.]

While Arnold was occupied in exposing, and perhaps exaggerating the
defects of military administration, the optimist Cusack was trying to
keep Shane O'Neill in good humour. 'Sir Thomas Cusack's peaces' became a
byword in official circles. The last was made on the basis of leaving
Shane all the glories of the O'Neills until the Queen gave him his
father's title. He was not to be brought before the chief governor
against his will, and the disputes between English and Irish in the North
were to be referred to arbitration. The Queen had made up her mind to
brook the fact of a great O'Neill; but she positively refused to confirm
the articles exempting him from attending on the Viceroy, and referring
all to arbitration. Shane then declared that he would have all or none;
but he signed a temporary agreement for the pacification of the borders,
and he appears to have kept it for a time. Cusack, who was never tired of
singing Shane's praises, wished to have the Great Seal affixed to the
original treaty; but the Privy Council dared not mention it to Elizabeth,
the alterations being deemed necessary for her honour. That saved, there
was every desire to humour the tyrant of the North. Elizabeth said she
thought she had yielded enough, but was willing to have Shane's disputes
with the Baron of Dungannon's sons decided in the next Irish Parliament.
Shane dared to claim Lady Frances Radclyffe as having been 'appointed to
him by the Queen's Majesty,' and the Privy Council were afraid to say
more than that the question must be left till Sussex reached the Court.
How Lady Frances would have fared as Shane's wife may be inferred from
the way in which he treated his mistress. The Countess of Argyle, the
accomplished lady who had left her husband for his sake, was chained by
day to a little boy, and only released when wanted to amuse her master's
drunken leisure.

[Sidenote: Shane's offers of service.]

Lord Robert Dudley, mindful of their old sport together, advised the
chieftain to do some notable service, and thus deserve the royal favour.
He answered that the Scots were rebels and traitors, who usurped the
Queen's lands and revenues in the North, and that he would drive them all
out of Ireland for no greater reward than the pay of forty men. In other
words, he would gladly have had the Queen's help in adding the MacDonnell
lands to his own.[82]

[Sidenote: Ill-treatment and torture of O'Donnell.]

Cusack's anxiety to please Shane was so great that he had no feeling left
for O'Donnell, whose fate might well have moved the hardest heart. Seven
years before, he told the Queen, O'Neill when hard pressed by the
Government had been glad enough to take refuge in Tyrconnel, to marry his
daughter, to profess loyalty to the Queen, and to swear eternal
friendship to his hospitable host. O'Donnell had been glad to hear his
son-in-law talk so, and said that he would befriend him only as long as
he was loyal. Then Shane had taken to intriguing with his clansmen, and
probably, if we may judge by the sequel, with his father-in-law's wife.
After his treacherous capture O'Donnell was bound hand and foot, an iron
collar round his neck being tightly chained to the gyves on his ankles.
Night or day he could neither lie down nor stand up. 'When he perceived,'
said the victim, 'that I could not be undone after this manner, he
thought to torment me after another manner, to the intent that he might
have all my jewels, and so he caused the irons to be strained upon my
legs and upon my hands so sore that the very blood ran down on every side
of mine irons, insomuch that I did wish after death one thousand times.'
No Christian or Turk, he thought, had ever been treated worse, and
besides his personal wrongs not less than 500 people of some condition,
and at least 14,000 of the poor, had lost their lives through O'Neill's
cruelty. His son Con, whose cousins delivered him to Shane, had been
induced by torture to promise the surrender of Lifford. The tribesmen
refused to give it up, and Shane threatened to strike off his prisoner's
leg. While Con daily expected death, his tormentor blockaded Lifford with
earthworks, and his cattle ate down the green corn for miles round. The
castle was taken, and all Tyrconnel was then at Shane's mercy.[83]

[Sidenote: Release of O'Donnell. He goes to Dublin, where he gets scant
comfort, and thence to England, where]

O'Donnell himself was released after a captivity of two years and nine
months, partly perhaps because he had been a troublesome prisoner.
According to Cusack, or rather to Shane, who was his informant, he had
given up Lifford, promised many kine and much plate and jewels, and
released his ancient claim to the suzerainty of Innishowen. In the
absence of documentary evidence no one is bound to believe this, and in
any case, promises extracted by torture could hardly be thought binding.
O'Donnell was indeed in no condition to pay such a ransom, for he had
lost all control over his country. He had incurred unpopularity by paying
a pension to Argyle as the price of his faithless wife. O'Neill had,
however, seized Con in revenge for the alleged breach of contract. 'Con,'
said Sir Thomas Wrothe, 'is as wise and active an Irishman as any in
Ireland:' he was married to an O'Neill, and there was a suspicion that
the lady favoured her father rather than her husband. Cusack advised
Arnold to give O'Donnell nothing but fair words, and a letter to Shane
bidding him use his prisoner well. On reaching Dublin O'Donnell was
accordingly received with outward marks of respect, but Arnold refused to
give him any help or to allow him to go to England. He was reminded that
his grandfather, who was 'the honestest O'Donnell that ever was,' never
came to the governor but to ask aid when banished by his son, and that
son was in turn banished by his son the present suppliant. Calvagh was
told that he came not now for service but for help, for which he would go
to the Turk, and that no O'Donnell ever did come for service, nor was
able to hurt the Pale, except when allied with O'Neill, Maguire,
Magennis, O'Rourke, and O'Reilly. The family quarrels of the O'Donnells
could not be denied, but they might at least be matched by those of the
O'Neills, and there was something savouring strongly of meanness in the
rest of the answer, when we reflect that Calvagh had been in alliance
with the English Government at the time of his misfortune. The cause had
been determined against him beforehand, but he came before the Lord
Justice and Council to hear his statement read, and to add what might be
required by word of mouth. 'Hearing his bill read,' says Wrothe, 'he
burst out into such a weeping as when he should speak he could not, but
was fain by his interpreter to pray license to weep, and so went his way
without saying anything. Sure it pitied me to see him, and more because
his present help is doubtful, for although it may be said that the wisest
to win peace will take war in hand, and that it is likely Shane will not
be reformed but by war,' yet the poverty of Ireland and the occupation of
England made war well-nigh impracticable.[84]

[Sidenote: the Queen receives him kindly, but he fears Arnold, and
withdraws to Scotland.]

Arnold seems to have thought himself bound to do in all things exactly
the opposite of Sussex, and he accepted Cusack's rose-coloured view of
Shane's intentions. But Wrothe's reasoning was more dispassionate. He saw
the danger of letting O'Donnell's country come under the power of
O'Neill, who gave good words but went his own way nevertheless. If
possible he was to be pacified, but war might prove inevitable, and to be
successful it would have to be conducted in a new way. He saw that
O'Donnell was determined to go to the Queen with or without license, and
if necessary by way of Scotland. The Queen said she would willingly see
O'Donnell at Court if it would do him any good, but that the causes
between him and Shane would have to be tried in Ireland, and she did not
see what he could gain by the journey. She saw Arnold's bias clearly
enough, and said plainly that the Dean and Chapter of Armagh, who had
been named, were no fit Commissioners to judge of this matter. Terence
Daniel and his colleague had a too natural affection towards O'Neill. As
Wrothe had foreseen, O'Donnell, who feared that chains and torture
awaited him in Ulster, would not be denied, but took the first
opportunity of slipping over to England during Arnold's temporary
absence, and he made his appearance at Court, where he told his griefs to
the Queen, and to Leicester, Winchester, and Cecil. Elizabeth evidently
felt much for the unfortunate chief, gave him money, and sent him back to
Ireland, directing Arnold to make him some allowance until his causes
were decided. 'We are not,' she said, 'without compassion for him in
this calamity, specially considering his first entry thereto was by
taking part against Shane when he made war against our good subjects
there.' No one was ever able to resist Elizabeth when she spoke
graciously, but O'Donnell's experience of Arnold had not been
satisfactory, and he thought it prudent to withdraw for a time to the
Scottish Court, where he was sure of sympathy from the relations of his
foolish and guilty wife, the daily victim of Shane's brutality.[85]

[Sidenote: Shane attacks the Scots.]

His hereditary enemies having been reduced to a harmless state, Shane
proceeded, with the full approval of the Government, to attack the Scots,
who prevented him from doing as he pleased in the North. But Arnold was
not so completely blinded by his professions as to make him free of
Carrickfergus, which he claimed as of ancient right. Neither was it
thought convenient to withdraw Kildare from the defence of the Pale, as
Shane urgently desired. Eight or nine hundred Scots, under the command of
Sorley Boy, lay near the left bank of the Bann, opposite Coleraine, where
Shane had made the old castle tenable. His object being to get complete
command of the estuary, he sent over a small party in the country boats
or 'cots,' which were his only means of transport, and having posted them
strongly in the Dominican Friary, withdrew to his main body. The Scots
attacked the outpost like madmen, as Dean Danyell expressed it, and lost
many men, but succeeded in killing all the defenders except the mounted
men, who were seized with a panic and swam their horses over the flooded
river. Neither party had much to boast, but Shane could point to the
affair as a test of his sincerity. He bragged about what he would do next
time, when there might be no flood, and he again suggested that he might
be allowed to make Carrickfergus his base until preparations for renewing
the war were complete. Arnold yielded so far as to sanction his entry
with some of his chief followers. Captain Piers was to show the
formidable visitor every civility, but for sparing of the poor town was
to keep the multitude of his company as far off as possible. Shane's
views changed, or the policy of Piers was successful in keeping him at
arm's length, but he plundered the town of Carlingford before doing any
further service against the Scots, burned the country all about, and
ravished the women far and wide, up to the walls of Dundalk. More damage
has been done, said Fitzwilliam, 'than seven years of such profit as is
from Shane.'[86]

[Sidenote: Nothing so dangerous as loyalty. Calvagh O'Connor.]

When Sussex left Ireland Leix and Offaly were pretty quiet, but his
departure had been the signal for disturbance. Arnold was accused of
oppressing the remnant of the O'Connors, and by his own account he cared
little for peace. Ormonde's brother persecuted the O'Mores, who were
reduced to a state not much above brigandage. He killed a dozen kerne
near Castle-comer, and apologised for not doing more: 'if we had any
ground for horsemen we should have made a fair haul.' Arnold praised Sir
Edmund's activity, but looked forward to general disorder as soon as the
long nights, which are still dreaded in Ireland, should give better
opportunities to the disaffected. By way of precaution he imprisoned
Calvagh O'Connor, as some said, with little or no cause, but, as Arnold
maintained, for intriguing with tribes on both sides the Shannon, and for
engaging Scots mercenaries. Yet there is good ground for believing that
this poor O'Connor tried to be a loyal subject, with the result of being
mistrusted by both parties. 'When I was a rebel,' he said, 'I had friends
enough, but now I serve the Queen's Majesty I am daily in fear of my
life.' Unable to get a hearing, Calvagh, though heavily ironed, managed
to break prison, and having been treated as a rebel became one in
earnest. Great preparations were made on the borders of the Pale. Arnold
demanded help from all the Irish clans in the central parts of the
island. The Earl of Kildare was ordered to assemble his people, and
letters were sent to the gentlemen of the Pale and to the settlers in the
King's and Queen's counties. Wexford and Carlow were not forgotten, and
Ormonde, who received a special commission and pay for 200 kerne for
three months, was directed to watch the rebels, who were proclaimed by
name, and to attack them if they came near his border. These tremendous
preparations for the hunt, for it was little more, were crowned with such
success as was possible. Calvagh O'Connor was killed by a near kinsman,
and his head presented to the Lord Justice. Sir Barnaby Fitzpatrick,
Edward VI.'s old companion, dutifully attacked the O'Mores. But Sir
Barnaby himself was little better off than an outlaw, for his father, the
first Baron of Upper Ossory, had but imperfectly laid aside Celtic usages
when he accepted an Anglo-Norman title; and under the influence of a
wicked second wife, he persecuted his loyal and civilised heir. The
O'Connors were dispersed into little parties of eight or ten, who lived
as best they might in the bogs. The O'Mores had wider contiguous wastes,
and managed to keep better together, but they were glad to sue for peace.
It was an inglorious campaign, which only served to show how completely
the settlement of the country had failed to reconcile the native
population.[87]

FOOTNOTES:

[76] Wrothe and Arnold to Cecil, Feb. 5, 1564, and to the Privy Council,
March 14.

[77] Wrothe to Cecil, July 13, 1564; see also same to same, March 16,
April 7, 16, and 26.

[78] Wrothe and Arnold to the Privy Council, April 7, 1564; Dixe to
Cecil, May 10.

[79] Bermingham's Book of Defects in the Lord-Lieutenant's band, July
1564 (No. 23), and other papers (Nos. 24 and 25); Memorandum in Cecil's
hand on Sir T. Wrothe's letter of July 30; Dixe to Cecil, Nov. 22.

[80] The Queen to Wrothe, Oct. 4, 1564; Dixe to Cecil, Nov. 22 and Jan.
26, 1565; Wrothe to Cecil, Nov. 14; Sir Henry Radclyffe, Sir George
Stanley, and Captain George Delves to the Privy Council, with enclosures,
Jan. 10, 1565.

[81] For Radclyffe's case, see his letter to Cecil, Jan. 31, 1565, and
the memorial of his other letters, Feb. 4; Bermingham to Cecil, Feb. 24;
Answer to the Commissioners by the Earl of Sussex; Auditor Dixe to Cecil,
Jan. 17 and 26. Dixe says he was not disliked, because he kept himself
'in a mean and quiet state.' See the Queen's letter to Lord Deputy
Sidney, July 22, 1567.

[82] Articles between Cusack and O'Neill, Nov. 18, 1563. The following is
the article struck out by the Queen:--'Non est habendum pro violatione
pacis si non accedat personaliter ad gubernatorem, antequam intelligat an
is est illi amicus et favorabilis an non, et si aliqua contentio oriatur
inter Angliam et Hiberniam a boreali parte, quod probi viri eligantur ab
utraque parte ad dirimendum has controversias sine pacis violatione.'
Truce between Cusack and O'Neill, March 1, 1564; the Queen to Cusack,
June 24, 1564; Privy Council to same, April 2; Cusack to Cecil, March 22;
Randolph to same, Dec. 24 (S.P., _Scotland_); Cusack to Dudley, June 9;
O'Neill to Lord Justice and Council, Aug. 18, 1564:--'Ipse autem et mei
non intelleximus in hac boreali parte majores rebelles et proditores
Celsitudini Reginæ quam Scotos qui absque Suæ Celsitudinis consensu
usurpant.'

[83] O'Donnell to the Queen, May 14 and Oct. 24, 1564; Wrothe to Lord R.
Dudley, July 23. The deed for the surrender of Lifford is dated July 12.
Old O'Donnell was released before April 17.

[84] Wrothe to Lord R. Dudley, July 23, 1564; Cusack to same, June 9, and
a paper dated June 13, which summarises his case against O'Donnell;
Cusack to Cecil, June 9, and to Arnold, June 13. The _Four Masters_ say
Con O'Donnell was taken by Shane O'Neill, May 14, but they have not a
word of the alleged breach of contract: they are, however, partial to the
O'Donnell family.

[85] Wrothe to Cecil, June 18; the Queen to Lord Justice and Council,
July 15 and Dec. 13; Randolph to Cecil, Dec. 24, 1564 (S.P., Scotland).

[86] Lord Justice and Council to O'Neill, Aug. 22 and Sept. 14; Terence
Danyell to Lord Justice, Aug. 21 and Sept. 10; Shane O'Neill to Lord
Justice and Council, Sept. 5--'Non est opus nunc habere me suspectum
quantum ad servicium impendendum contra Scotos.' This did not prevent him
from clamouring for aid at the Scotch Court; see Randolph's letter before
cited. Randolph had seen two of Shane's letters. Lord Justice and Council
to Piers, Sept. 17; Fitzwilliam to Cecil, Jan. 17, 1565; and the
Declaration of Sussex, Jan. 29.

[87] Wrothe to Cecil, Oct. 21 and Nov. 2, 1564; Lord Justice and Council
to Ormonde, Nov. 21. Some thirty years before Sir Barnaby's father had
assumed the character of an independent prince, when complaining to Henry
VIII. of his sufferings at the hands of Ormonde's grandfather. The story
is that his messenger stood among the crowd of courtiers assembled to see
the King pass, and called out 'Sta pedibus, Domine Rex. Dominus meus
MacGillapatricius misit me tibi dicere ut si non vis castigare Petrum
Rufum, ipse faciet bellum contra te.'




CHAPTER XXIII.

1565.


[Sidenote: Desmond, Thomond, and Clanricarde.]

After his return from England, Desmond kept quiet for a time. The
indefatigable Cusack visited Waterford for the purpose of settling his
dispute with Ormonde, but had to leave his work unfinished so as to
proceed with the more pressing business of O'Neill. But Desmond's men
were not idle, for they were allowed to interfere in the affairs of
Thomond, taking part with Sir Donnell the tanist against the Earl. The
help of Clanricarde, whose interests inclined him to the side of the
latter, alone prevented him from being driven out of the country.
Clanricarde expressly says that Desmond himself crossed the Shannon, and
set on him by surprise, killing 30 men, and taking 800 cows, which helped
to pay the intruder's gallowglasses. They were indeed well paid, for they
received more than half the cattle of Thomond. There was some talk of
giving Clanricarde cannon to take the castle of Inchiquin, and Desmond
was straightly charged by Arnold to abstain from further interference.
Royal Commissioners, of whom Parker was one, visited Cork, and the
gentlemen of the county appeared, offering to hold their lands by knight
service, and to give security for good behaviour. Desmond described the
proceedings in glowing language, but did not recall his gallowglasses
from Thomond, whence the Earl continued to beg earnestly for help.
Ormonde was directed to give such help as he could spare from pursuing
the O'Mores, and Cusack, the general pacificator, again made his way to
the South, when it was agreed that Manus Oge O'Sheehy, with his 400
gallowglasses and 200 musketeers and horsemen, should be withdrawn, and
that those who ferried them over Shannon should be punished. Differences
were to be settled by arbitration, and all were to live happily ever
after. Thus, to borrow the contemptuous language of Sir George Stanley,
'did Sir Thomas Cusack conclude according to his accustomed manner a
fyckelede peace.'[88]

[Sidenote: Ormonde resolves to put down coyne and livery.]

Ormonde had been brought up in England. He was a personal favourite with
the Queen, and there can be no doubt that he was sincerely anxious to
live the life of a civilised nobleman rather than that of a barbarous
chief. Money rents, which he might spend at Court or at home in building
such houses as Carrick, had a greater attraction for him than the ancient
habit of eating up the country with turbulent soldiers and useless
horse-boys, three or four to every horse. Perhaps too he longed to boast
that, while an Earl of Desmond had been the first to bring in the curse
of coyne and livery upon Ireland, an Earl of Ormonde had been the first
to take it away. He accordingly issued a proclamation which throws much
light on the state of the country. Reciting his right to regal power and
jurisdiction in Tipperary, he confessed his obligation to see it properly
governed. War and disorder had hitherto forced him and his ancestors to
exact coyne and livery, necessarily showing a bad example to others who
had not the excuse of responsibility. He spoke of 'the poverty, misery,
and calamity whereunto the poor subjects be brought by the licentious
multitude of Irish rascals which be bred and maintained by the said coyne
and livery.' The Earl's officers could not do their duty, the Queen was
defrauded of her revenue, and it was therefore agreed 'by the consent and
assent of all the lords and gentlemen of the same county, that no coyne
or livery or Irish exactions should be thenceforth levied.' This
extended to the possessions of all the Butlers, of the Prendergasts, and
of the Archbishop of Cashel, north of the Suir, and within the bounds of
Tipperary. Proclamation was to be made in all market towns that severe
penalties would be incurred by levying the said exactions after August 1,
every one being licensed to resist by force. But there was danger lest
this godly victory over the horrible and devouring monster should leave
the country defenceless, and therefore a quarterly muster of the
able-bodied people was to be taken. Every landowner was to furnish a
certain fixed quota of horses, harness, and men ready for any sudden
emergency. It was hoped that the towns would then increase, and that
their inhabitants would supply no mean force. In case it was absolutely
necessary to bring strangers into the county, they were to be regularly
waged, the Earl being authorised by the freeholders to exact a fixed sum
of money for the purpose. Every strange soldier was to pay for all he had
at the rate of 2_d._ a meal for himself and 1_d._ for his boy, and
similar payments were to be made when it became necessary to move the
local militia. The lords and gentlemen of Tipperary subscribed this
treaty.[89]

[Sidenote: His reforms interrupted by threats from Desmond.]

Ormonde, however, was not able for this time to carry out his good
intentions. Desmond attacked his tenants, and he was forced to 'continue
one disorder to withstand another.' The cheerful views of Cusack, who
believed that he had really pacified Munster in a manner redounding to
his own and the Queen's honour, were soon woefully belied. The real
pacificator had been Lady Desmond, and her death at this juncture removed
the last restraint from her husband, and cured her son of his last
compunction. Sir Maurice Fitzgerald of the Decies, who lived at Dromana
on the Blackwater, and who was descended from the second son of the
seventh Earl, possessed part of the original Desmond estate, which he
claimed to hold of the Crown by feudal tenure. But Desmond preferred to
regard him as a subordinate Irish chief, liable to the payment of various
Irish dues and exactions. Sir Maurice, who was Ormonde's first cousin,
appealed to him for protection against distraint, and requested him to
take charge of his cattle until the storm had blown over. Desmond alleged
that distress had been taken time out of mind in the Decies, but Ormonde
held that it was part of the county of Waterford, and that all such
pretensions were therefore void in law. Having also good reason to
believe that an attack upon Tipperary was meditated, Ormonde led a force
to Clonmel, and encamped at Knocklofty, near the foot of the mountain
pass leading into Sir Maurice's country. In due course came a special
messenger to say that Desmond was already on his way, and Ormonde lost no
time in obeying the summons. With 100 horse and 300 or 400 foot, and
accompanied by his brothers Edmund, James, and Edward, he hastened across
the mountains, and found that Desmond was already collecting rents in the
familiar fashion of his House.[90]

[Sidenote: Desmond attacks the Decies. Ormonde goes to the rescue.]

From the preparations made, it can hardly be supposed that the Geraldine
chief had no design beyond the avowed one of making Sir Maurice pay his
dues. Some of the O'Connors, proclaimed traitors, were with him, and he
went to Clare to summon those O'Briens who were in the same case. The
White Knight came to Lismore with an armed party, and the Knight of
Kerry, with MacCarthy More, and O'Sullivan Beare were reported to have
come as far as Conna. The Earl himself was accompanied by his brother
Thomas, by John FitzEdmund, seneschal of Imokilly, a valiant man, who
afterwards gave much trouble, and by the White Knight's eldest son. His
force consisted of 80 or 100 horse, 300 or 400 foot, and several hundred
of the mixed camp followers and plunderers, comprehensively described as
'rascally.' Desmond was intriguing among such of the Butlers as were
inclined to oppose the head of their House. Sir Piers Butler, of Cahir,
who complained that he was oppressed by Ormonde, was with the White
Knight at Lismore, and Desmond, though his wife was only just buried,
already sought the hand of Lord Dunboyne's daughter. The marriage
eventually took place, and was not destined to bring good fortune to the
Geraldines.

[Sidenote: Attitude of Desmond.]

Desmond left Lismore with the first light of a winter's morning, and
marched to a place called Bewley, where there is now a bridge over the
Finisk, near the highest point to which the tide comes. He sent Lord
Power and one of his captains to demand Irish service from Sir Maurice,
who rode with them towards Desmond, and offered to abide by the order of
the Lord Justice and Council, or by the award of four lawyers, two to be
chosen by either side. He professed himself willing to do as his
ancestors had done. Desmond insisted that all should be left to the
decision of 'his own judge,' probably a Brehon, and in any case a partial
person. He prepared to encamp in the neighbourhood, killed sixty head of
cattle, and sent to Dungarvan for wine. Sir Maurice rode back, without
having met the Earl, and saw three houses on fire, one of them being that
in which the invader had rested during the forenoon. Sir Maurice and two
of his men then went to watch his progress from a neighbouring hill,
whence they espied Ormonde and his men coming down the opposite mountain.

[Sidenote: The fight at Affane. Desmond is taken prisoner.]

The Butlers rested on the hill side. Their horses were scattered about at
grass, and a countryman galloped off to Desmond, offering himself as
guide, and advising an immediate attack. Desmond inquired eagerly whether
my Lord of Ormonde were there himself, and on receiving an incorrect
answer in the negative, exclaimed, 'Let us go upon them, for they are but
young boys, and rascally, and we shall take them grazing their horses.'
Lord Power advised him not to meddle with the Butlers, who were perhaps
in superior force, but to retire to his house at Curraghmore, where they
could not harm him. Desmond's road to Youghal was also open, but he
preferred the middle course of returning to Lismore, where his
auxiliaries were, with whose help he might hope clearly to outnumber the
Ormondians, who refreshed themselves, and continued the even tenor of
their way southwards to the ford at Affane. The Geraldine foot went on in
advance, and no collision seems to have been at first intended, for they
passed Ormonde's main body at the cross roads; but as soon as their
leader saw his hated rival, he put spurs to his horse like Cyrus at
Cunaxa, and some of his men discharged their pieces. Ormonde seems to
have been still unwilling to fight, for he allowed the hostile foot to
recross him. Being actually charged, the Butlers stood on their defence,
and soon proved the wisdom of Lord Power's advice, for Sir Edmund Butler
broke Desmond's thigh with a pistol shot, and some 300 of his men fell.
Desmond afterwards said that many of his people tried to escape by
swimming the Blackwater, where they were intercepted by armed boats; and
he offered this as a proof that the fight resulted from a plot hatched
between Ormonde and Sir Maurice. But this was strenuously denied. The
wounded Earl was carried to Clonmel, and thence to Waterford, and his
adherents withdrew to their own homes.[91]

[Sidenote: The Queen's anger. The Earls are summoned to England.]

[Sidenote: Ormonde charges his rival with high treason.]

The battle or skirmish at Affane seems to have been the last on English
or Irish ground in which two noblemen without any commission made private
war upon each other. Sir Maurice Fitzgerald says that banners were
displayed on Desmond's side, and that Ormonde 'staying still at the
beginning of the conflict, did suddenly put up a thing of red silk upon a
staff.' It was probably intended as a rallying point for his men, but
Ormonde himself denied that a flag had been displayed. The Queen had
declared that no sword but hers should be drawn, and angrily summoned the
two Earls to her presence. Both letters are guarded in expression, but
that to Desmond is rather the more severe of the two. With the
consideration which she often showed to old and tried servants, she
wrote very graciously to Cusack, the failure of whose policy was now
apparent to all. 'He had done his best,' she said, 'but the enmity
between the two Earls was greater and deeplier rooted than could be
reformed by any but her own princely directions.' Arnold came to
Waterford soon after the arrival of Ormonde and his prisoner, and
interrogatories were administered to the persons principally concerned.
To do the legal business, the Lord Justice took with him Mr. Justice
Plunkett, who was married to Kildare's daughter, and thus, in the
language of the country, 'ajainte and follower to the garontynes.' Sir
George Stanley, Marshal of the Army, who had no reason to love Arnold,
declared that it was as much as he could do to prevent the Lord Justice
from prejudging the case in a sense unfavourable to Ormonde. Arnold began
by demanding the custody of the prisoner, as no doubt he had a right to
do; but he did it in such a way as to make it appear a slight to the
captor, who demanded an order in writing. At last he was promised a copy
of the entry in the Council Book, and he then brought Desmond himself.
'My Lord Justice,' he said, 'hither have I brought to you my Lord of
Desmond, according to your straight commandment given me, which in no way
I meant to disobey. And I deliver him unto you as the Queen's Majesty's
prisoner, being taken in the field by me with his banner displayed,
burning and spoiling the Queen's Majesty's good subjects within shire
ground, with sundry traitors in his company.' He then charged him with
high treason, and earnestly besought that he might be kept securely, and
not allowed to communicate with anyone till the Queen's pleasure should
be known. 'And seeing,' he continued, 'you have thus taken him from me,
if men's mouths be stopped, as I fear they will, and by means thereof
some part of his heinous treason come not to light, I trust therein I
shall be discharged to her Majesty.' The policy of isolating Desmond had
indeed been approved at the Council table, but Arnold nevertheless
allowed all men free access to him. The Council were inclined to have the
interrogatories administered to the two Earls answered by counsel, but
Stanley refused to agree to this on the technical ground that Desmond
was accused of treason. In law he was right, but morally wrong, and had
Arnold dealt the same measure to both sides, little could have been said
against him. But Ormonde was required to answer at once in his own
person, while Desmond was allowed several days, during which he had
answers drawn in writing by a lawyer. Stanley again objecting, the Lord
Justice told him that he was a wilful man, and affectioned to my Lord of
Ormonde. But Vice-Treasurer Fitzwilliam, who had some experience of
Desmond and his doings, took exactly the same view as Stanley. 'So good
an offer given of God, and so overthrown, I will not judge too far, hath
not lightly been seen, but 20,000_l._ will not buy out that which (if he
had been honourably kept, so it had been with restraint from common
speech) might have been had.' Arnold stayed seven weeks at Waterford
without much furthering the business, and Ormonde soon went to England.
Desmond, accompanied by MacCarthy More and O'Sullivan Beare, was sent
over in the custody of Captain Heron, who records that his distinguished
prisoner was very sea-sick. Arnold borrowed 200 marks to defray expenses,
but Heron, writing from Liverpool for orders, complained that he was not
furnished with money. The Earl's long halt at Chester may have been
caused less by sickness and fatigue than by a wish to hear the last news
from Ireland. The Queen wrote strongly to Lords Roche, Barrymore, Power,
and Dunboyne, urging them to maintain order during Desmond's absence, and
the amiable Cusack doubtless felt that under his skilful management all
would still go merry as a marriage bell.[92]

[Sidenote: Shane O'Neill attacks the Scots,]

After his exploit at Carlingford, Shane O'Neill lay quiet for a long
time, watching the Scots, to whom he had lately done much damage. These
hardy warriors were over confident. They neither took the trouble to
negotiate with Shane, nor abstained from saying that Englishmen had no
right to Ireland; boasting that they had already 70 miles out of the 120
between Coleraine and Dublin, and that they would soon have the rest.

[Sidenote: and gains a complete victory.]

After Easter Shane quietly collected a strong force at Edenduff Carrick,
or Shane's Castle, and having cut passes to secure a retreat, marched
rapidly by Broughshane and Clogh to the North. The warning fires went up
from the hills about Fair Head, and James MacDonnell, who was in Cantire,
came at once to the rescue. He landed at Cushendun only to find that his
castle on Red Bay was already burned and dismantled. Sorley Boy had
suffered severe loss while trying to stop O'Neill in the pass of
Knockboy, but he effected a junction with the new comers. Sorley had a
fortified residence at Ballycastle, on the north coast, and thither
Alexander Oge was expected to bring a strong reinforcement. The brothers
retreated towards Ballycastle, but for some unaccountable reason did not
occupy it. Perhaps it was held by a hostile garrison. Shane followed to
the castle, the islemen, who numbered about 1,000, lying in Glenshesk,
and having thus some advantage of rising ground. No help came, and very
early the next morning Shane made his attack. The O'Neills, who were more
than two to one, gained a complete victory. According to Shane and his
secretary, the Scots lost some 700 men, but other eye-witnesses reduce
the number by one half. James MacDonnell was dangerously wounded, and
taken prisoner. Sorley Boy was also taken, and a third brother, Angus,
was killed. Two chiefs of the Macleods, with many other men of note, fell
into the victor's hands.[93]

[Sidenote: Shane supreme in the North, 1565.]

On the following day Alexander Oge brought 900 men to Rathlin, but
returned to Scotland on hearing the bad news. Dunseverick and other
MacDonnell castles at once surrendered. Dunluce, which was nearly
impregnable by an Irish army, held out for three days; but the garrison
opened their gates when they heard that Sorley Boy had had no food during
that time, and that his gentle captor would give him none as long as the
place held out. Shane remained the unchallenged master of the North, and
had the satisfaction of bragging about the obligations under which he
had placed the Queen. His secretary, in a letter written some weeks
afterwards, said that O'Neill had exhorted his men before the battle to
be true to their Prince, that is, Queen Elizabeth; but Shane, who wrote
on the day of the fight, says nothing of this, and his worthy secretary's
correspondent was Sir Thomas Cusack, perhaps the only man living who
would have believed such a story.[94]

[Sidenote: Sidney advises the Queen to put him down.]

Cusack was much delighted at Shane's services against the Scots, and
continued to write in glowing terms of his good conformity. But others
could tell of his twice plundering Dundalk, and the Queen had already
decided in her own mind that Ireland could not be governed any longer by
accommodation, and had determined to send over Sir Henry Sidney, cheaply,
if possible, but if necessary, at any expense. Sidney's advice was plain.
Leix and Offaly must be pacified by a general pardon, followed by gentle
dealings, or else the people must be extirpated. The former would be the
easier course, the latter the more thorough. Munster might best be
managed by keeping the nobles at Court, and by appointing a President and
Council to rule it: 200 foot and 100 horse would be a sufficient force.
Thomond should be divided among as many men as possible, supreme military
command being given to the Earl. The Scots should have no grant of land,
which would only be a back door for the Queen's enemies. They might be
winked at until Government was strong enough to expel them thoroughly; in
the meantime all ports should be held, so that the fleet might cut off
access to the isles. As for Shane, he was a common robber, never to be
reformed unless by force; O'Donnell should be restored, and Newry,
Dundalk, and Carrickfergus made thoroughly defensible, with as little
noise as possible. Shane O'Neill knew that he could neither hoodwink
Sidney nor hope to defeat him openly, and he began a new correspondence
with Scotland. He refused to give up his prisoners to their Queen or to
the Earl of Argyle, until he knew the will of his own Queen; and in the
meantime he talked about enormous ransoms. Secretary Fleming says James
MacDonnell offered O'Neill all his property in Ireland and Scotland for
bare liberty, but that Shane declined on the ground that he was the
Queen's officer, and that the quarrel was none of his. Treated with
cruelty or neglect, MacDonnell died of his wounds, and Shane, who
retained Sorley Boy by his side, soon began to talk about marrying the
widow, Lady Agnes Campbell. So matters rested; while Sidney, among bitter
recriminations, was forging a sword for his old gossip's destruction.[95]

[Sidenote: Desmond and Ormonde.]

The war of the two great Houses did not end with Ormonde's victory at
Affane, but was carried on vigorously in London. Ormonde hated Leicester,
and it is easy to see that there was a certain difference of opinion,
corresponding in some degree to the Butler and Geraldine factions,
between the parties of Sussex and Leicester, both in England and Ireland.
Sussex, being interrogated, stated of his own knowledge that Desmond had
harboured proclaimed traitors whom he refused to surrender, while Ormonde
was always ready to obey the Government in such matters. Desmond had
maintained the rebels in Thomond, and about this there could be no doubt.
Sussex showed by records that Sir Maurice Fitzgerald's lands were in the
county of Waterford, and that Desmond had no legal right there. Desmond,
in short, had been a disobedient subject, and an oppressor of his
neighbours, both Anglo-Norman and Celtic. Desmond kept Sussex waiting
three weeks at Waterford, and refused to come to Dublin at all, though an
ample escort was offered him; while Ormonde was always ready to obey the
summons of the Government and Council. Sir Henry Radclyffe and Francis
Agarde, both of whom had good opportunities of judging, spoke to the same
effect.[96]

[Sidenote: Sidney inclines to favour Desmond,]

Sidney preferred to dwell on the services of the late Earl of Desmond.
The present man had never refused to come to him, and had come readily
even to Drogheda, 'a place to him and all his county most odious for that
his great grandfather upon a like letter sent from a governor was there
put to death as they constantly affirm.' Desmond had offered to stand or
fall in his suits on trial either by the common law or by the Governor
and Council; and if Sidney had stayed in Ireland he would have been taken
at his word. As to Ormonde, Sidney 'never saw a more willing man to serve
the Queen, and during the time of my being there he went in more journeys
and saved more to his charge than any man of Ireland birth.' As to
Desmond's rights in the county of Waterford Sidney expressed himself very
cautiously, merely noting that several Earls of Desmond had claimed
supremacy over the Decies, and had levied grievous distresses there.[97]

[Sidenote: and maintains this position against Sussex.]

Six weeks later, the controversy having waxed hot in the meantime, Sidney
was more decidedly favourable to Desmond. The Earl's entry into the
Decies was indeed not justified by law, but still less was Ormonde's
interference justifiable. Both deserved punishment for unlawful assembly,
but Desmond's should be the lighter, for that he had better colour of
distress than Ormonde of rescue. Desmond had but followed the custom of
his ancestors up to the time of the fight, and whoever made the first
onset should be answerable for the slaughter. Both Earls should be made
to contribute to the support of a Presidency intended to bridle both, and
in future to obey, and to make others obey, as if they lived within the
Pale. Both should be bound in great sums to stand to the decision of the
Governor, Chancellor, and three Chief Justices as to the lands in dispute
between them. Sussex, who fortified his argument by many references to
Acts of Parliament, urged that Desmond had committed treason by his
invasion of Waterford, and that Ormonde in resisting him had done no
more, or at least very little more, than became a loyal subject of the
Queen.[98] But these statutes were confessedly obsolete, and the Crown
had winked at similar irregularities too long and too often to insist on
rigid adherence to written law.

[Sidenote: The two Earls submit.]

Desmond submitted to the Queen to abide her judgment concerning the many
treasons, murders, burnings, and other such things objected to him by the
Privy Council since he last received pardon. Ormonde did the same,
protesting his peaceable intention in entering the Decies. Both Earls
entered into recognizances in 20,000_l._ to abide such orders as her
Majesty might prescribe. With a view of bridling Desmond, MacCarthy More
was created Earl of Clancare, and Sir Owen O'Sullivan received a grant of
his country subject to such rents and services as the new-made Earl could
prove himself entitled to.[99]

[Sidenote: Sidney will not go to Ireland unless his demands are granted.]

The general voice both of England and Ireland pointed to Sidney as the
fittest man to govern. But he knew well that he was more likely to lose a
great reputation than to gain fresh laurels, and he determined not to go
unless treated fairly. He declined to be responsible for any debts
contracted by his predecessors, and required a clear balance-sheet to
start with. Stores must be put in decent order, and at least 200 horse
and 500 foot given him over and above the usual establishment. Every
captain should have the pay of eight dead men borne on the books, so as
to enable him to reward deserving soldiers. It was desirable that St.
Patrick's should be turned into a military hospital. Dublin Castle,
Kilmainham, Leighlin Bridge, and Carlow must be put in repair. The Great
Seal should be given to a good English lawyer, and Archbishop Curwen
should be suitably provided for in England.[100]

[Sidenote: Some of his conditions.]

By serving the Queen Sidney complained that he was 3,000_l._ poorer. His
plate and his wife's jewels were in pawn. To secure him from further
impoverishment he asked for an ample commission, to be continued Lord
President of Wales for life or during good behaviour, and to have the
right of going to the Queen at all times without license. The privilege
of making steel, and the right to export 6,000 coarse-dressed cloths and
corn for his own household, were the other means by which he proposed to
stave off financial ruin. 'If you will not grant these things,' he said
to the Queen, 'give me leave to serve you anywhere except in Ireland, or
to live private shall be more joyous to me than all the rest and to go
thither.'[101]

[Sidenote: The terms actually granted.]

Sidney's demands were only partially granted. He was allowed to retain
the presidency of Wales. His salary was the same as his predecessors. He
had license to export provisions for his household, but nothing was said
about the coarse-dressed cloths. Some of the ruined castles were to be
restored, Kilmainham at the expense of the lessees, Dublin and
Carrickfergus at that of the Government. The military force was not to be
increased, and Sidney was expected to heal the distracted land with 882
soldiers and 300 kerne. It was even supposed that he could put down
piracy, for though the Queen was willing to lend a ship and a pinnace,
she refused to give a single sailor, and coolly told her representative
that he might man them out of his ordinary garrison. The captains were
allowed six 'dead pays' instead of the eight which were asked for. All
ecclesiastical patronage was vested in the new Governor, except
archbishoprics and bishoprics, and he had the appointment of all civil
officers except the Chancellor, the Treasurer, the sub-Treasurer, the
Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench, the Chief Baron, and the Master of
the Rolls. The powers given to Sidney were almost identical with those
which Sussex had enjoyed. It was at first intended to give him the title
of Lord-Lieutenant also, but either because his importunities annoyed the
Queen, or to lessen the mortification which the Earl may be supposed to
have felt, Sidney was obliged to be content with the lower title of Lord
Deputy.[102]

[Sidenote: Sidney's instructions.]

Sidney received minute instructions as to the principles on which he was
to conduct the Government. He was to make close inquiry as to the best
available means for establishing the 'Christian religion' among the
people, and St. Patrick's was to be at once surveyed, with a view to
founding a college. The judicial bench was to be purged of partial men;
and if necessary, lawyers with increased stipends would be sent from
England. The jurisdiction of the courts was to be extended as much as
possible in the Irish districts. Sheriffs were to be regularly appointed
for Leix, Offaly, and for what is now the county of Wicklow. The Celtic
countries between the Shannon and the Pale were, if possible, to be
joined to Meath, or to the King's and Queen's Counties. Besides the five
shires of the Pale, Carlow, Wexford, Kilkenny, Waterford, Tipperary,
Cork, Kerry, and Limerick were, as a matter of course, to be considered
under the law; and Desmond and Ormonde were to protect sheriffs and
coroners in the execution of their duties. A Presidency would be
established for Munster, and perhaps another for Connaught; and in the
meantime every means was to be taken to substitute English manners for
Irish customs, fixed payments for arbitrary exactions, and estates of
inheritance for tribal chiefries. Many existing statutes were unknown,
because they had never been printed, and Sidney was directed to send
exemplifications of such as appeared fit to be published and
observed.[103]

[Sidenote: Revenue.]

The finances were to be reformed, if possible, without further charge to
the Queen, and with greater ease to the subject, an impossible task,
which Sidney well knew that he could never perform. Many of the rules
laid down were, however, very good, and it was clearly seen that much of
the financial confusion arose from private jobbing, and from a faulty
system of public accounts. What Elizabeth would not as yet see was that
the first and greatest irregularity consisted in leaving soldiers unpaid,
and in fixing salaries at rates which would not support the incumbents.
In order to keep the reforming spirit alive, the Lord Deputy and Council
were ordered to read their instructions over every three months, and to
report progress to the Queen. 'How strange a thing it may seem to be,'
says her Majesty in Council, 'that such a realm as that is, where no just
cause is to fear invasion of any other prince, where any person dwelling
in that land has never directly or indirectly denied the sovereignty of
that Crown to belong to the Crown of England, yet nevertheless to remain
so chargeable to the Crown of England for the governance thereof only,
and the revenues thereof to be so mean as the like burden and charge is
not found in any place of Christendom, where commonly though the
countries be subject to titles of other princes, or full of rebellions
even for the sovereignties, yet the same do contribute sufficiently to
the charge for their own government.'[104]

[Sidenote: Private instructions.]

Besides the public instructions, Sidney received others for his own use
only. Elizabeth had evidently still some hope of Shane, and desired to
temporise with him, and with the Scots; in the meantime extending the
rule of Carrickfergus as far as possible, and perhaps fortifying
Carlingford and other coast towns. Shane's claims were to be strictly
scrutinised in Parliament, and Sidney was to confer personally with him,
and to give him a safe-conduct if he demanded it. If still undutiful, he
was to be left to his fate, which could not but overtake him at
last.[105]

[Sidenote: Treatment of certain Irishmen. Sir John of Desmond to be
security for his brother.]

O'Donnell was to go back to Ireland, to be supported by the Government in
Dublin, and restored, if possible, by policy and not by war. Yet war
would be preferred to Shane's holding Tyrconnel. The O'Reillys were to be
persuaded into holding their lands of the Crown, and into making their
country as obedient to law as those of Desmond and Ormonde were supposed
to be, but were not. Sir John of Desmond was to be sent to England as a
sort of hostage for his brother's performance of promises lately
made.[106]

[Sidenote: The Queen writes a private letter to Sidney.]

Even more interesting than these private instructions is a letter which
Elizabeth herself wrote to Sidney. It is in her usual involved style, and
must be read over and over before it yields its full meaning. The Queen's
chief object seems to have been to make Sidney take a view favourable to
Ormonde in his controversy with Desmond. Too many, she said, were partial
to the latter. 'If I did not see the balances held awry, I had never
myself come into the weighhouse.' 'Make some difference,' she said,
'between tried, just, and false friends. Let the good service of well
deservers be never rewarded with loss. Let their thank be such as may
encourage more strivers for the like. Suffer not that Desmond's "denyinge
dedes," far wide from promised work, make you trust to other pledge than
either himself or John for gage; he hath so well performed his English
vows, that I warn you trust him no longer than you see one of them.
Prometheus let me be, and Prometheus hath been mine too long ... then are
we ever knitting a knot never tied, yea, and if our web be framed with
rotten hurdles, when our loom is well-nigh done, our work is new to
begin.... Let this memorial be only committed to Vulcan's base keeping
without any longer abode than the leisure of the reading thereof, yea,
and with no mention made thereof to any other wight. I charge you as I
may command you. Seem not to have had but secretaries' letters from me.'
The letter nevertheless was kept safely at Penshurst, where Arthur
Collins found it in the reign of George II.[107]

[Sidenote: Arnold's policy not successful.]

Like many who have tried their hands at the Irish problem, Sir Nicholas
Arnold began with great professions, and after much disturbing men's
minds showed that he was no cleverer than those who had gone before him.
Great as his failure had been in dealing with Shane, Sussex had at least
kept tolerable order in the districts which paid some regard to law.
Arnold was accused of caring little whether there was war or peace. His
harsh treatment of the O'Connors has been already noticed, and the
O'Reillys were handled in much the same way. They had plundered on the
border of the Pale, and Shane O'Neill, anxious to assert his power,
offered to compel restitution. Arnold preferred to make Kildare the
instrument of punishment. A parley was first held, and promise of
restitution made by old Malachias O'Reilly and his sons, Hugh and Edmund.
Cahir O'Reilly, the chief offender, was to be punished. It soon appeared
that Cahir was out of reach in Shane's country, and that some of the
hostages demanded were also there. The camp was the scene of much
confusion, Kildare's men threatening and even throwing stones at Sir
George Stanley, the Marshal, and raising the ominous cries of 'Cromaboo!'
and 'Down with the English churls!' The Earl with difficulty pacified his
men, but Arnold, who all along showed the most extraordinary subservience
to Kildare, and was on the worst terms with Stanley, declined to notice
the outrage.[108]

[Sidenote: The O'Reillys.]

A remarkable conversation took place between Arnold and Hugh O'Reilly,
whom he urged to take the government of the country on himself. Hugh
answered that O'Donnell was evil spoken of for assuming the government
while his father lived, and that he saw not those punished who killed the
Queen's subjects. Shane O'Neill murdered his father, and procured the
murder of his brother, who was five times as valuable to the Crown as any
O'Reilly could be. The politicians of the Pale would maintain his half
brother against him, and perhaps seek his life. If O'Neill ceased to
protect Cahir, 'then,' said Hugh, 'I say for O'Reilly, your prisoner, and
for his eldest son, if any of them receive men or meat from O'Reilly's
country, I will die but they shall be delivered to your governor, or all
their hurts past be paid for presently.' He was quite willing to give
hostages, but not to undertake to give those beyond his reach. According
to Fitzwilliam Hugh meant well, and in any case the original aggressor
was not Cahir O'Reilly but Kildare himself. Any damage done to the Pale
had been more than paid for already. 'Arnold,' he said, 'means well, but
Ireland, in my opinion, though it be brute and rude, is not known to
every man for a year or two's trial.'[109]

[Sidenote: Mistakes of Arnold.]

No doubt Arnold had a hard task, but it is clear that he was not the man
to make it easier. The Queen's best officers in Ireland were slighted
daily. The Lord Justice treated Archbishop Loftus with marked rudeness at
the Council Board. The Irish service had so completely bewitched him that
no Englishman could look for favour. Everything was hoped for from Shane,
whom he praised continually to the Queen, though obliged to remind
O'Neill himself that his deeds were not so very laudable. Seeing that the
men who opposed him favoured Ormonde, Arnold was in all things partial to
Kildare, and to the Geraldine party generally. The irregularities which
he found in every branch of the public service were really matters of
long standing, hardly to be visited on individuals, and largely the fault
of the Home Government. Arnold insinuated many things against
Vice-Treasurer Fitzwilliam; but when Fitzwilliam's accounts were produced
they were found to be quite correct. Stanley was recalled less because of
Arnold's accusations than because he was disliked by Sidney, and the
Queen particularly stated that she did not despise the Marshal's service,
nor credit the reports against him. The difficulty of finding out the
exact truth was no doubt very great. Even Cecil was not always well
served, for portions of a letter addressed by Fitzwilliam to him were
copied out, and transmitted to Arnold. Excuses may be made for a man who
with good intentions had raised a hornet's nest about his ears; but he
was evidently quarrelsome, arbitrary, credulous, and deficient in
personal dignity, a quality which probably carries as much weight in
Ireland as in any country in the world.[110]

FOOTNOTES:

[88] Cusack to the Privy Council, June 8, 1564; Clanricarde to the Queen,
April 12, 1565; Lord Justice and Council to Desmond, July 1, 1564; to
Thomond, July 2; Desmond to Winchester, July 26; to Cecil, July 27;
Wrothe to Lord R. Dudley, Aug. 16; Orders taken by Sir Thomas Cusack and
others between the Earls of Desmond and Thomond; Desmond, Dunboyne,
Curraghmore, and others to Cusack, Sept. 11. Stanley's letter is in the
_Arch. Journal of Ireland_, 3rd series, i. 405; _Four Masters_, 1564, who
say Corcomroe Abbey, with its church patronage, was given to Donnell
O'Brien as an equivalent for surrendering his claims by tanistry.

[89] Earl of Ormonde's proclamation, July 1, 1564. The copy in the R.O.
is by Sir T. Wrothe's clerk, and the signatures are not given.

[90] Ormonde to Cecil, Nov. 22, 1564; Cusack to same, Jan. 12, 1565;
Desmond's petition to the Queen, June 1, 1565 (No. 53), and Ormonde's
answer, June 6.

[91] The official correspondence about this affray is among the S.P.,
_Ireland_, Eliz., vol. xii. It is printed in the _Irish Arch. Journal_,
3rd series, i. 394. Russell, the _Four Masters_, O'Daly, and O'Sullivan
Beare all say Desmond was outnumbered, and Ormonde treacherous. I see no
reason to believe either statement. Desmond's own account is certainly
incorrect. Lord Power's is unfortunately missing. The best is Sir George
Stanley's, who took the trouble to visit the place, and to make a sketch
or plan; he is perhaps rather partial to Ormonde. The 'ford' of Affane
was perhaps that over the tributary river Finisk. I have inspected the
ground carefully. The Blackwater itself is mentioned by Desmond as being
passable only by swimming or in boats. It is, on the other hand,
generally believed that the ford in question was over the great river,
and arms and spurs have been found near the bank. The Finisk, however,
was on Ormonde's direct road to Dromana, and the Blackwater was not.

[92] Sir George Stanley and Sir W. Fitzwilliam to Cecil, April 3, 1565;
Cusack to same, April 22; Lord Justice and Council to the Privy Council,
April 23; Captain Nicholas Heron to the same, April 27.

[93] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, May 17, 1565. The fight was on May 2.

[94] Shane O'Neill to the Lord Justice, May 2; Gerot Fleming to Cusack,
June (No. 82).

[95] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, June 8, July 13, and Aug. 23; Gerot Fleming to
Cusack, already cited. Sir Henry Sidney's articles for Ireland, May 20,
1565.

[96] Answers of Sir H. Radclyffe, F. Agarde, and the Earl of Sussex, Aug.
8, 1565. Fitzwilliam and Stanley generally supported Sussex. Arnold,
Cusack, and Sidney inclined to Leicester's side.

[97] Answer of Sir H. Sidney, Aug. 8, 1565.

[98] Sir H. Sidney's simple opinion, Sept. 16, 1565; Opinion of the Earl
of Sussex, Sept. 22. The twenty-seventh clause of the Statute of Kilkenny
seems to the point:--'Item ordonne est que si debate soit entre Englois
et Englois par quoi les Englois dune parte et daultre ceillent a eux
Englois et Irrois en pais illeque a demourer pour guerre et greves aultre
a grande domage al destruction de liege pouple du Roy, Accorde est et
assentu que nule Englois soit si hardide mener guerre entre autre damener
nuls Englois ny Irrois en paix desormais par telle a chescun, et si les
faict et de ces soit atteint soit jugement de vie et de membres leur
terres forfaitz.'

[99] Submission of Desmond, Sept. 12, 1565, and of Ormonde, Sept. 24.
Both recognizances are dated at Westminster, Nov. 22.

[100] Curwen became Bishop of Oxford as Sidney advised.

[101] Sir H. Sidney's suits, May 20, 1565.

[102] The Commission, dated Oct. 13, is in _Sidney Papers_, p. 86. Even
the last draft of the instructions, dated Oct. 5, has the higher title,
for which Lord Deputy was substituted on revision.

[103] Instructions for Sir H. Sidney.

[104] Instructions for Sir H. Sidney, Oct. 5, 1565.

[105] The Queen to Lord Deputy Sidney, Nov. 12, 1565.

[106] Instructions for Sir H. Sidney, Oct. 5, 1565.

[107] _Sidney Papers_, vol. i. p. 7.

[108] Shane O'Neill to the Lord Justice and Council, June 30, 1565;
Fitzwilliam to Cecil, Aug. 23.

[109] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, Aug. 23, 1565.

[110] In his 'articles,' Dec. 2, 1565, Oliver Sutton accuses Arnold of
frequenting low haunts. Writing to Shane, Aug. 27, Arnold says, 'facta
tua non quadrant cum meis laudibus' Yet Fitzwilliam says the Council were
not allowed to write the truth about Shane's doings (to Cecil, Nov. 28).
The Queen to Sir George Stanley, Oct. 23.




CHAPTER XXIV.

1566 AND 1567.


[Sidenote: Sidney arrives in Ireland, 1566.]

Sidney was wind-bound for nearly two months in Wales and Cheshire. He and
his wife were forced to flit about the coast, staying sometimes in places
where food, drink, and lodging were alike bad, weary of their lives, and
with no news more cheering than that one vessel carrying their horses and
furniture had foundered with all hands, and that the cargo of another had
been much damaged, though the men were saved. 'God send me a better
proceed,' said he, 'and a good end of this froward beginning.' He lost
all his wine and other property, worth 1,500_l._, and was inclined to
attribute to witchcraft an extraordinary series of storms which shattered
nearly all the ships between Liverpool and Chester. William Thwaites, a
faithful and useful servant, perished, and Sidney mourned his loss more
than any quantity of property. The Lord gave, he said, and the Lord hath
taken away. The stone pier at Chester was ruined, and Sidney, not
forgetting that he was Lord President of Wales, declared that the city
would be irreparably damaged unless the Queen sent help. Yet great as the
storm was, he feared lest his jealous mistress should accuse him of
loitering, and begged the Vice-President of the Welsh Marches to
corroborate his accounts of the weather. He wished Cecil a long life, and
himself a speedy departure from 'this hungry head.' Elizabeth afterwards
expressed sorrow for Sidney's losses, but it does not appear that she did
anything in the way of compensating him. At last the wind changed, and
Sidney found himself in charge of a country as unquiet as the sea that
washed her shores.[111]

[Sidenote: Sidney and Shane O'Neill.]

Sidney's first care was to let Shane O'Neill know of his arrival, and to
urge him to appoint a meeting at Drogheda or Dundalk. Shane answered by
praising Arnold's government, and proposed that his successor should be
at Dundalk on February 5, which he thought would be conducive to
business. Sidney thought the date too early, especially as Cusack was not
at hand, and suggested that if O'Neill were sincere he might fix a better
day, promising, in the meantime, to punish a satirical versifier who had
offended him. Shane then declined a meeting until his latest suits were
favourably determined, but promised to wait on the border for seven days,
during which he hoped the Lord Deputy would come to Dundalk. To this it
was answered that the treaty of Nov. 18, 1563, had not come to hand, that
Cusack, who knew all about it, was sick in Munster, and that in the
meantime Shane might as well come under safe-conduct. The slippery chief
was kind enough to say that he took the Lord Deputy's delay in good part,
and that Sidney could not desire his presence more than he desired
Sidney's. He knew the latter's sweet nature and readiness for all good
things, and reminded him of their former friendly relations. His people,
he said, would not allow him to come to the Lord Deputy's presence, on
account of the many hurts done by official people to the O'Neills during
the last twenty years. The imprisonment of his father, the handcuffs
which secured his own safety on the way to Court, the two attempts of
Sussex to murder him, were duly recapitulated, as well as many outrages
upon Irishmen of less importance.

[Sidenote: Sidney pronounces Shane hopeless.]

Sidney could only say that Shane ought to know him better, and that he
was quite willing to meet him at Dundalk. But he declined to enter any
house or town, desiring the Lord Deputy to meet him at a bog-side where
he had 1,000 men with him. Sidney could not bring half as many men, and
he did not think such a meeting for the Queen's honour. Shane stickled
for the old treaty with Cusack, who was absent, and Kildare, who was
present, remembered nothing about it. It had never been on record in
Ireland, and the copies produced by O'Neill and by Leicester agreed, 'as
well as Luke the Evangelist and Huon of Bordeaux.' Lucifer was never more
puffed up with pride and ambition than O'Neill, who was the only strong
and rich man in Ireland, able to bring 4,000 foot and 1,000 horse into
the field. If he did not come to Sidney, he would come to no Englishman,
and since the first conquest there had not been any man in Ireland more
likely to bring it under the dominion of a foreign prince. 'In the
morning he is subtle, and then will he cause letters to be written either
directly otherwise than he will do, or else so doubtfully as he may make
what construction he likes, and ofttimes his secretary penneth his
letters in more dulled form than he giveth him instruction, but in the
afternoon when the wine is in, then unfoldeth he himself, _in vino
veritas_, then showeth he himself what he is, and what he is likely to
attempt.'

[Sidenote: Shane's pretensions to be greater than any earl.]

Formerly he had condescended to request that his parliamentary robes
might be sent into his own country. 'Now he cares not to be an Earl
unless he can be something higher and better. "I am," he said, "in blood
and power better than the best of them. I will give place to none but my
cousin of Kildare, for that he is of my House. You have made a wise Earl
of Macarthy More, I keep as good a man as he. For the Queen, I confess
she is my sovereign lady, yet I never made peace with her but by her own
seeking. And whom would you have me trust, Mr. Stukeley? I came unto the
Earl of Sussex upon the safe-conduct of two Earls and protection under
the Great Seal, and the first courtesy that he offered was to put me in a
handlock and to send me into England. When I came there upon pardon and
safe-conduct, and had done my business and would have departed according
the same, the Queen herself told me that indeed safe-conduct I had to
come safe and go safe, but she had not told me when, and so there held me
till I had agreed to such inconvenience against my honour and profit as I
would never perform while I live, and that made me make war. If it were
to do again, I would do it, for my ancestors were kings of Ulster, Ulster
was theirs, and shall be mine. And for O'Donnell, he shall never come
into his country if I can keep him out of it, nor Bagenal into the Newry,
nor the Earl of Kildare into Dundrum or Lecale. They are mine; with this
sword I won them, with this sword I will keep them. This is my answer,
commend me to my gossip the Deputy. God be with you, my masters." "Nay,"
said the envoys, "we brought you letters, and by letters we look for
answer." "Well, letters you shall have," said he, and he caused his
secretary to write. We send a true copy, so that you shall see how well
speech and writing agree.'[112]

[Sidenote: Sidney is obliged to temporise.]

Persuasion had failed, as Sidney doubtless foresaw, and he was in no
condition to carry things with a high hand. He reiterated the demands he
had already made in England, and declared he could do nothing till they
were granted. A competent Chancellor, a President for Munster, money to
pay off the demoralised soldiers and get new ones who had not graduated
in idleness and extortion; these were the most pressing wants. 4,000_l._
should be spent out of hand in fortifications, and means should be given
to victual all garrisons at once, instead of waiting till the last moment
and then paying double. The Lord Deputy had not even a good clerk whom he
could trust to copy despatches, still less could he do good service with
soldiers who lived by plunder and were everywhere allied with the Irish.
With 500 well-paid and well-appointed men he would chase Shane before him
within forty-eight hours, or be accounted a traitor. Otherwise he might
come to the walls of Dublin and go away unfought. Ulster was ready for
the foreigner to seize, and a whole province would be worse to England
than the single town of Calais had been to France. He had rather die than
have the name of losing Ireland, and yet he could do nothing without
proper tools. Six thousand times a day did he wish himself in any part of
Christendom, so that he might escape from the Irish purgatory, with its
endless and thankless toil.[113]

[Sidenote: The Sussex and Leicester factions.]

The presence of Sussex at Court was not favourable to his successor's
efforts in Ireland. Smarting under the sense of failure, he was ready to
find fault, and he or his friends accused Sidney of using improper
language. The party opposed to Leicester, including Ormonde, whose favour
with the Queen was such as to cause some slight scandal, eagerly welcomed
rumours unfavourable to the favourite's brother-in-law. Sidney denied in
vigorous language that he had slandered Sussex in any way, though he knew
him to be his enemy. 'That evil,' he said, 'come to me and mine, I pray
God, that I wish to him.' At last Elizabeth confronted Sussex and
Leicester at the Council Board, and the result was a complete vindication
of Sidney. But the unconciliatory tone of Sussex made the scene painful,
and such as Cecil would have given much to avoid. Though angry with
Sidney for his coldness to Ormonde, for the favour shown to Stukeley, and
above all, for his financial importunities, the Queen pacified him by a
graceful letter, and his credit seems to have been fully re-established
at Court.[114]

[Sidenote: Elizabeth sends Sir F. Knollys to discover the truth. He
supports Sidney.]

Like every English ruler before and since, Elizabeth found it very hard
to get at the truth about Ireland. She now sent her Vice-Chamberlain, Sir
F. Knollys, with large powers, and with directions to keep the chief part
of the information he might acquire for her own ear. It was now evident
that no good could be expected of Shane, and the question was how could
he best be subdued. Cecil wrote privately to Sidney, advising him to
speak favourably of Ormonde when conversing with Knollys. Whether he
followed this prudent counsel or not, it is clear that the Lord Deputy
succeeded in impressing his views on the special commissioner, who was
much struck by his powers of work. That the Queen lost great sums by the
system of long credits, and that discipline suffered by irregular
payments, may seem elementary truths, but her Majesty was slow to receive
them. She was startled by the proposal of a winter war, upon which Sidney
and Knollys insisted, and of which St. Leger had demonstrated the value.
Hitherto the usual plan had been to begin campaigning in spring, which is
often a cold season in Ireland. The horses which had been kept in during
the winter could not bear the exposure nor the green food. Little harm
could be done to the young crops, and the Irish horses, which had been
out all the winter, improved daily. There was plenty of milk and butter,
and the cattle could find food everywhere. The true plan was to begin
about harvest, to destroy as much ripe corn as possible, and to drive the
Irish herds into flooded woods and bogs. Armed vessels should be provided
to prevent the entry of Scots, 300 of whom Knollys believed to be more
formidable than 600 Irish kerne.[115]

[Sidenote: The Queen hesitates.]

Though believing at heart that Shane would have to be subdued by force,
Elizabeth hesitated to act on her conviction. Sidney implored Cecil to
persuade her at least to spare her own purse, 'though there be little
care of this country and less of me.... I will give you all my land in
Rutlandshire to get me leave to go into Hungary, and think myself bound
to you while I live. I trust there to do my country some honour, here I
do neither good to Queen, country, nor to myself.' Cecil worked hard to
persuade his mistress, and at last she yielded, slowly and ungraciously,
grumbling at the expense, and magnifying the objections to the course
which she knew to be inevitable. To avoid the difficulty of provisioning
an army in winter, it was resolved to make a permanent settlement in the
extreme North. Three hundred seasoned soldiers from Berwick, 100 men from
London, and 600 more from the Western counties, were to be placed under
the experienced guidance of Colonel Randolph, and furnished with proper
supplies. O'Donnell should be replaced in his country, and a naval
expedition should secure the coast against any invasion from Scotland.
All this was in strict accordance with the advice of Sidney and Knollys.
An agent was sent to Scotland with friendly messages to Mary, and
complaints of aid given to Shane. He was directed to sound Argyle, and to
impress him and his friends with the idea that the Papists were Shane's
real supporters. This was true enough, for he had begged for French
troops, styling himself defender of the faith in Ireland, and offering
the Crown of Ireland to the most Christian King, when the English
schismatics should be driven out. Nor had he omitted to send a
representative to the Scots Court, impudently informing Sidney that he
had sent him at the request of Argyle, and that he had gone thither only
'to show the monstrous glibbe that he wore upon his head.'[116]

[Sidenote: Insolence of Shane. Mission of Randolph.]

While a weapon was being slowly forged for his destruction, Shane assumed
the offensive and threatened the Pale. He refused to treat unless his
servant, as he called Maguire, should be given up to him. Sidney faced
him for two days near Dundalk, and was then forced to retire for want of
provisions, first advising the inhabitants to place their goods in
safety--a precaution which many did not or could not take. No sooner was
his back turned than Shane advanced and burned Haggardston and most of
the villages in the north part of Louth. He then attacked Dundalk, whose
walls were ruinous enough, but John Fitzwilliam, with a small number of
soldiers, made so good a stand that the Irish were driven off with great
loss, though they had actually penetrated into the streets. Twenty-six
heads, representing but a small part of the slain, were left grinning on
the gates. Shane then withdrew towards the border of Tyrconnel, and made
great offers to the Scots; but Sidney had been beforehand with him, and
no help came. He and all his adherents were proclaimed traitors at
Drogheda, and a day was fixed for attacking him in force. But money
difficulties caused a further delay, though Gresham went to Antwerp on
purpose, and though Cecil pledged his own credit for what to us seems the
small sum of 1,100_l._ Then the winds were adverse, and Shane had reaped
most of his harvest before Randolph had left Bristol. A month later than
had been originally intended all difficulties were surmounted, and Sidney
moved forward as soon as he heard that the expedition had arrived in
Lough Foyle.[117]

[Sidenote: Desmond will not help Shane. Sidney goes to Ulster.]

Shane O'Neill felt that he was near the end of his tether, and made a
strong effort to create a diversion in Munster. He reminded the Desmonds
that he had often defended their interests, which were identical with his
own, and that there was now a grand opportunity of defeating the English
policy, which was as hostile to the Norman as to the Celtic aristocracy.
But Desmond turned a deaf ear and went in person to Sidney, even to that
town of Drogheda which was traditionally hateful to his family, and
offered to accompany him to Ulster with or without his followers. Sidney
assigned him a post on the border, which he was to guard with the help of
Lords Dunboyne, Power, and Delvin, and of Sir Warham St. Leger, who had
charge of the affairs of Munster. Accompanied by Kildare, O'Donnell, and
Maguire, the Deputy then began his northward march. After halting four
days on the border of Louth to allow supplies to come up, Sidney marched
towards Armagh. A lake, which is not easy to identify, was passed on the
way, and in this lake there was one of the ancient dwellings called
'crannoges,' which were still used as hiding-places by the O'Neills. It
was supposed that Shane deposited his money, plate, and prisoners in
these primitive strongholds, and that may have made the Lord Deputy
anxious to gain them. He describes the island as surrounded by a thick
hedge, and 'bearded with stakes and other sharp wood.' A rude pontoon
bridge was made with barrels, and a party advanced to the assault. But
the soldiers crowded on to the planks till they were partly submerged,
and thus destroyed the combustibles with which it was intended to burn
the hedge and stockade. Two or three were drowned, and Sidney resolved to
lose no more time.[118]

[Sidenote: Sidney has it all his own way. Death of Shane Maguire.]

The army then advanced to Armagh, where Shane had burned the church and
destroyed all the buildings that he could. In crossing the Blackwater,
which was now very low, a further justification appeared for an autumn
campaign. In some former expeditions undertaken in springtime all the
provisions had been exhausted while waiting for the river to become
fordable. Shane's chief residence at Benburb was found in ruins, and on
the tenth day Clogher was reached. Some of the corn had been carried off,
but the greater part was still accessible, and all within a circuit of
twenty-four miles was destroyed. While lagging in the rear with some
horse Kildare was here attacked by the O'Neills, and had a narrow escape.
Near Omagh Shane Maguire died on the march, just as he was about to be
restored to his own. At or near Castlederg Shane showed himself in the
rear, but did not venture even to skirmish, though the ground was very
unfavourable to English troops, and though he had near 5,000 men with
him. At the ruined castle of Lifford, Randolph met Sidney and satisfied
him that Derry, with its church and other stone houses, was the best
place for a fortress. On the right bank of the Foyle opposite to the
entrenchment the whole army halted. O'Dogherty and the Bishop of Derry,
who was of his family, then came to Sidney; but none of the O'Donnells
appeared, and the Lord Deputy found it necessary to enter Tyrconnel in
person. The Foyle was accordingly passed, not without difficulty, and
leaving six companies and six weeks' provisions with Randolph, he marched
by Raphoe through Barnesmore gap into Tyrconnel, and arrived at Donegal
without seeing an enemy. He was joined on the march by O'Boyle, by two
chiefs of the MacSwineys, by O'Gallagher, and by the Bishop of Raphoe,
one of those prelates who had attended the Council of Trent. Donegal was
taken formal possession of, and then delivered to O'Donnell, as was also
Ballyshannon. The Erne was then passed in boats brought from Donegal, and
Shane's people abandoned Belleek Castle, which they vainly tried to burn,
and which Sidney gave up to the O'Donnells to hold of the Queen. Passing
between Lough Melvin and the sea, the army marched unopposed to Sligo.
O'Connor surrendered the castle, which he desired to hold of the Queen
independently of O'Donnell. Sidney directed him to pay one year's rent
pending a regular trial of the title, and then proceeded to Boyle by the
pass over the Curlew mountains, 'the foulest place that ever we passed in
Ireland.' The value of the fertile plains of Boyle was apparent to
Sidney, who regretted that they were spoiled by local wars and yielded
nothing to her Majesty. From Boyle the army went by Roscommon to Athlone,
where the Shannon was passed by swimming, some baggage horses being lost.
'Thanks be to God,' said Sidney, 'in all this painful and long journey
there died not of sickness above three persons, and the rest in such
health as the like hath not been seen in so long a journey in this land,
and the horses also in better plight than with so great travail they
could have been in the beginning of the year. And like as by this journey
your Majesty hath recovered to your obedience a country of seventy miles
in length and forty-eight miles in breadth, and the service of 1,000 men
now restored to O'Donnell, and so united and confirmed in love towards
him, as they be ready to follow him whithersoever he shall lead them, so
is your Majesty's name grown in no small veneration among the Irishry,
who now see cause to appeal to your justice; and by this restitution of
O'Donnell receive both hope and fear to be defended in their well-doing,
and chastised for the contrary.'[119]

[Sidenote: Randolph at Derry. Death of Calvagh O'Donnell.]

After Sidney's departure Randolph found his position one of great
difficulty. The people had no other idea of trade than to extort
exorbitant prices. The supplies were inadequate, and the soldiers were
quickly reduced from cheese and bacon to bread and pease only. Their
clothes soon wore out, and messengers had to be sent into the Irish
districts for frieze and to England for shirts and shoes. Intrenching
tools failed, for twenty dozen spades and shovels had been used up, and
O'Donnell could not rebuild Lifford without help. Powder ran low. There
were no boats to carry horses. The men sickened. An unexpected event
added still further to their perplexity. As old Calvagh O'Donnell was
riding towards Derry on his way to attack Tyrone his horse stumbled and
fell, and he was seized with a fit, which soon carried him off. He lived
just long enough to call his chief clansmen round him, to speak of the
Queen's kindness, and to adjure them to serve her and to fulfil every
promise that he had made. His brother Hugh was quickly chosen to succeed
him, but the confusion probably hindered supplies from reaching the
garrison at Derry. Shane seized the opportunity to invade Tyrconnel, but
O'Dogherty gave warning and the fords were closely watched. Randolph
routed the assailants with great slaughter, and only one man fell on the
English side; but that one was the commander, and his loss was not easily
supplied.[120]

[Sidenote: Sidney goes to Munster. Great disorder everywhere.]

Determined not to let O'Neill rest, Sidney ordered a general hosting
against the O'Reillys, O'Hanlons, and others of his partisans, which is
only so far noteworthy in that Desmond and the White Knight co-operated
with Sir Warham St. Leger, who had been acting as chief commissioner in
Munster, and whom it was at this time intended to make Lord President.
Butlers and Geraldines continued nevertheless to plunder one another,
Sidney refusing to decide their cause without the help of English
lawyers, and the Queen pressing him continually in Ormonde's interest. In
the meantime he could see the state of Munster for himself. He found the
Queen's County and Kilkenny in pretty good order, and very prosperous
compared to what he had formerly seen there. Ormonde's brother Piers was
arraigned for breaking into a gaol and releasing men charged with felony,
and on confession was respited during the Queen's pleasure. Edward,
another brother of the Earl, distinguished himself by apprehending
certain outlaws who annoyed the Fitzpatricks, and who were sheltered in
Tipperary. The Fitzpatricks were, however, in the habit of retaliating on
Kilkenny. The O'Carrolls Sidney found quiescent, and their chief willing
to pay rent to the Queen, and anxious for a peerage. Between the
Fitzpatricks, the Desmonds, and the Butlers themselves, Tipperary was in
evil case, suffering especially from 'the excessive train of horsemen and
footmen led and kept there by the younger brethren of the Earl of
Ormonde, who rather consumed than defended the goods of the poor
country.'

[Sidenote: The Palatinate of Tipperary.]

Indeed, those who bore authority under the Earl showed neither justice,
judgment, nor stoutness in the Deputy's opinion, and the townsmen of
Clonmel, Cashel, and Fethard, sustained him in his dislike of the
palatinate jurisdiction. Trade was so much interrupted by violence that
the towns underwent the inconveniences of a perpetual siege. Lord
Dunboyne with his brother and son were sent to Dublin Castle. 'If
maintenance of proclaimed rebels,' said Patrick Sherlock, openly at
Fethard in his lordship's presence and in that of the Deputy, 'murderers,
and burners of corn and houses, are treason to the Queen's person, then I
have to accuse him of treason.' Edward Butler was tried at Clonmel and
acquitted, yet Sidney thought a good moral effect would result from the
mere fact of bringing the Earl's brother into court.

[Sidenote: Waterford.]

The county of Waterford was also disturbed by the Power kerne and others,
who had been used to live by coyne and livery. That exaction having been
repressed by St. Leger and his colleagues, they betook themselves to
undisguised rapine. Lord Power was also sent to the Castle, as the best
means of inducing his followers to amend their lives. Sir Maurice
Fitzgerald's county contrasted favourably both with Lord Power's and with
the Desmond territory about Youghal, but the chief was somewhat too
ready to take the law into his own hands.

[Sidenote: Cork.]

Youghal itself had suffered much from pirates. Here Desmond appeared, and
Sidney went into the controversy about the possession of Kilsheelan and
some other manors. He found that Ormonde was in the right, and from the
time that decision was given Desmond gave him all the trouble in his
power. 'Your name,' said the Deputy to Queen Elizabeth, 'is no more
reverenced, nor letters of commandment obeyed, within any place within
his rule, than it would be in the kingdom of France.' But the greater
part of the noblemen and gentlemen of Cork came to Sidney craving justice
and protection against the Desmond tyranny.

[Sidenote: Horrible destitution of the people.]

The absence of a stable government and the trade with Spain had, in
Sidney's opinion, so weakened the Crown that Philip might, with 3,000 men
and 20,000_l._, become supreme in Munster and Connaught, which 20,000 men
and 100,000_l._ would not suffice to recover. The whole county of Cork
was waste, the villages burned, and everywhere were exposed 'bones and
skulls of the dead subjects, who, partly by murder, partly by famine,
have died in the fields, as in troth hardly any Christian with dry eyes
could behold.' Women upon the point of becoming mothers were murdered by
one of Desmond's vassals, and the Earl lodged and feasted in the
murderer's house. 'Surely,' said Sidney, 'there was never people that
lived in more misery than they do, nor as it should seem of worse minds,
for matrimony among them is no more regarded in effect than conjunction
between unreasonable beasts. Perjury, robbery, and murder counted
allowable. Finally, I cannot find that they make any conscience of sin,
and I doubt whether they christen their children or no; for neither find
I place where it should be done, nor any person able to instruct them in
the rules of a Christian; or if they were taught I see no grace in them
to follow it; and when they die I cannot see they make any account of the
world to come.'[121]

[Sidenote: Desmond's boasts. He is sent as prisoner to Dublin.]

Desmond, who was given to bravado, attempted to overawe Sidney, who had
but 200 men with him. He boasted that he would never dispense with the
old state of his family, but would have five gallowglasses where he had
formerly had one. He secretly directed his dependents to make a show of
force, but Sidney told him that he would hold him responsible if anything
happened, and finally sent him through Clare and Connaught a prisoner to
Dublin. He did not, however, believe that rebellion was meant, but merely
empty display. In the meantime the English Government received
information which, had it been earlier available, would have prevented
Desmond's last enlargement.[122]

[Sidenote: Sidney continues his journey. Limerick.]

[Sidenote: Galway.]

At Limerick, Sidney was received by the Bishop, Hugh Lacy, in full
pontificals, and with much ceremony of an entirely Roman character. The
city he found much decayed, partly through the misdeeds of Desmond, but
more through those of the Earl of Thomond, who was both incompetent and
treacherous. Galway more 'resembled a town of war, frontiering upon an
enemy, than a civil town in a country under the sovereign. They watch
their walls nightly, and guard their gates daily with armed men.'
Clanricarde's sons John and Ulick, by two wives both living, were the
chief disturbers of the West, and they too were sent prisoners to Dublin.
The town of Athenry was deserted, four families only remaining, who
greeted the Viceroy with cries of 'Succour, succour.' Clanricarde's own
country was in pretty good condition, and Sidney found nothing to
complain of in his conduct, but he was quite unable to keep his sons in
check.[123]

[Sidenote: Sidney's opinion of the Munster and Connaught gentry. He
advises a President.]

After spending nearly three months in Munster and Connaught, Sidney came
to the conclusion that they did not contain the seeds of reformation
within themselves. Ormonde indeed did not lack ability; but he was
absent, and likely to be absent, and his work could not be done by
deputy. He summed up the qualifications of the other great lords in a few
pithy sentences. 'The Earl of Desmond, a man both void of judgment to
govern and will to be ruled. The Earl of Clancare I suppose willing
enough to be ruled, but wanteth force and credit to rule. The Earl of
Thomond, the most imperfect of all the rest; hath neither wit of himself
to govern, nor grace or capacity to learn of others. The Earl of
Clanricarde, equal in all good parts with the best of his coat of this
country breed, both of good judgment to rule and also of himself of great
humbleness to obey your Majesty and your laws, is yet so ruled by a
putative wife, as oft times when he best intendeth she forceth him to do
worst.' It was of small avail that the Lord Roche's country in Cork was
pretty well managed, or that O'Shaughnessy, the son of him whom Henry
VIII. knighted, should be an exception among the gentlemen of Galway. A
President and Council for each province had been long advocated by
Sidney, who reiterated his opinion that nothing else would be of any
avail. He condemned, with becoming indignation, what an important public
man had some years before called 'the old and necessary policy of keeping
the Irish by all possible means at war between themselves.' If this
cowardly system of fostering dissensions, lest quiet should bring unknown
danger, were still persisted in, then he begged the Queen to choose some
other minister. Ireland could only be reformed by justice, and by making
it possible to practise the arts of peace.[124]

[Sidenote: Death of Randolph. Fate of the Derry settlement.]

After Randolph's death the settlement at Derry went from bad to worse.
The encampment had been made over the burying-ground, and the miasma did
its work. The commissariat officer was afraid to send his vessel away for
fear of weakening the garrison, every officer seeking a passage for his
friends. Discipline could hardly be maintained, and there was great lack
of necessaries. Storage room there was none, and the enfeebled men were
daily harassed by bringing supplies from the ships. News seldom
penetrated to that remote spot, whither 'no man travels by which men
might have some understanding before now. God send me, if it be His will,
once into England, and there to beg my bread if I be not able to labour
rather than here to be a lord.... I am weary of my life, and all for want
of the colonel.' Edward Saintloo was sent to take Randolph's place, and
the mere fact of there being a man in authority worked wonders. 'Before,
we were like godless people without a head or a guide.' Saintloo brought
some stores, but in bad order and partly spoiled by one of the vessels
taking ground in the bay. 'That which was saved hath come in an ill
pickle, but yet are we glad of it, for our meal was almost done and our
mills not able to grind so fast as we did eat. Sir, the provision of meal
is not like London, for it is coarse meal, and was never bolted, but even
as it came out of the mills, so packed into great cakes.' Nothing could
be bought but at exorbitant rates, and the new colonel calculated that,
out of their pay of only 14_s._ a month, the men had to pay 10_s._ 2_d._
for food, leaving only 3_s._ 10_d._ for clothing, wood, turf, bedding,
straw, and other necessaries. To obtain provisions, and perhaps to put
heart into his troops, he made a raid upon the O'Cahans, who still
adhered to Shane, and brought off vast numbers of cattle. But the
sickness continued, and soon there were but 200 able men out of 600. It
was decided to remove the garrison to Coleraine or Strangford, but before
measures could be taken the settlement had ceased to exist. The sparks
from the forge, driven by a high wind, set fire to the magazine, which
had once been a church, or part of a church, and thirty men were killed
by the explosion. The survivors took what boats they could find, and the
majority made their way to Carrickfergus. Some were driven ashore, and
were hospitably treated by Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill. The Queen, seeing
that the accident was by God's ordinance, bore her loss well; but the
devout natives maintained that St. Columba had appeared in the shape of a
very large and particularly hairy wolf, that he had taken a good mouthful
of sparks out of the blacksmith's shop, and that he had then disgorged
them into the magazine.[125]

[Sidenote: The O'Donnells totally defeat Shane,]

The evacuation of Derry left the road into Tyrconnel once more open, and
Shane doubtless supposed that it was at his mercy. He advanced with a
large force to the ford over the Swilly, now called Farsetmore, near
Letterkenny. O'Donnell was in the neighbourhood, and hastily sent
messengers to collect his friends. Sending the few horse at his disposal
to skirmish with Shane's vanguard, he drew his men, who did not exceed
400, into a strong position, and there addressed them; telling his
clansmen that death was far preferable to the insults which they had of
late years suffered at O'Neill's hands. They at once marched to attack
Shane's camp, and found his men, who probably confided in their number,
in a state of unreadiness. A great slaughter followed, and the O'Neills
fled to the ford which they had crossed in the morning. But it was now
high water, and of those who escaped the sword the greater number were
drowned. Shane escaped in the confusion, crossed the Swilly a little
higher up, and made his way into Tyrone. His loss was variously estimated
at 1,300, and at 3,000, and he never collected another army. He at one
time thought of appearing before Sidney with a rope round his neck and
begging for mercy. What he did was to place himself in the power of the
MacDonnells, of whom a strong force had just landed at Cushendun, under
the command of Alexander Oge, who had come over at Sidney's request, and
who remained in communication with him. To him Shane now sent proposals
for a permanent alliance against the English.[126]

[Sidenote: who is killed by the Scots.]

Alexander agreed to a meeting, and Shane, accompanied by the unfortunate
countess, and by Sorley Boy, who was still his prisoner, directed his
steps towards Red Bay. His escort was reduced to fifty horse. The Scots
made a feast to welcome their visitor, and after dinner Shane's secretary
was accused of circulating the report that James MacDonnell's widow was
about to marry the man who had killed her husband. The secretary
incautiously said that O'Neill was a meet partner, not only for their
chief's wife, but for Mary of Scotland, who was a widow at this time.
Shane, who had been indulging as usual in wine or whisky, came up at the
moment and took part in the altercation. The Scots drew their dirks, and
almost cut him to pieces. The body was thrown into an old chapel hard by,
and Captain Piers of Carrickfergus, who had all along plotted for this
conclusion, managed to get possession of the head, which he sent,
preserved in salt, to Sidney. Piers received 1,000 marks, the reward
which Sidney had placed on the head, and the ghastly trophy was stuck on
a pole over the gate of Dublin Castle, where it was seen by the historian
Campion four years later. Shane's entire body had been valued at
1,000_l._, 500_l._ being the sum promised by proclamation for simply
killing him. The trunk was buried in the Franciscan monastery at Glenarm,
and it is said that monks from Armagh came afterwards to claim it. 'Have
you,' said the prior, 'brought with you the remains of James MacDonnell,
Lord of Antrim and Cantire, who was buried among strangers at Armagh?' A
negative answer was given, and the prior said: 'While you continue to
tread on the grave of James, Lord of Antrim and Cantire, know ye, that we
here in Glenarm will trample on the dust of your great O'Neill.'[127]

[Sidenote: Character of Shane O'Neill.]

'Shane the Proud,' as his countrymen called him, was perhaps the ablest
of Elizabeth's Irish opponents. He intrigued at different times with
Spain, with France, and with Scotland; but he received no foreign help.
In practice he regarded the Pope as lightly as the Queen, but he saw
clearly enough that it was his interest to pose as the Catholic champion.
The Pope, however, had not yet excommunicated the Queen, nor was either
France or Spain prepared to court the hostility of England. Scottish
politicians thought it worth while to keep him in good humour, but mainly
as a means of increasing their own value with Elizabeth. Alone he bore
the brunt of the contest, and he must have cost the English Crown a sum
altogether out of proportion to his own resources. Ware says that 3,500
soldiers were sacrificed in this service, and that it cost the Queen more
than 147,000_l._ over and above all local imposts and all damage done to
the country. Shane was cruel and tyrannical, and his moral character was
as bad as possible, though not much worse than that of Clanricarde, or
perhaps of some other chiefs in that rude age. He had an Oriental want of
scruple about murdering inconvenient people, and he had no regard for
truth. He is said to have been a glutton, and was certainly a drunkard.
We are told that he used to bury himself in the ground to recover from
his orgies, 'by which means,' says the chronicler, 'though he became in
some better plight for the time, yet his manners and conditions daily
worse.' The love of liquor probably caused his death. By far the most
remarkable Irishman of his time, he cannot be regarded as in any sense a
national hero. His ambition was limited to making himself supreme in
Ulster. Had he been allowed to oppress his own province, and perhaps to
levy some blackmail beyond its border, it is not likely that he would
have troubled the Pale, or denied the titular sovereignty of England.
Being such as he was, the vast majority of Irishmen probably rejoiced at
his fall, and the Irish annalists do not pretend that he was much loss,
except to his own tribe.[128]

[Sidenote: No millennium follows Shane's death.]

The Irish Council seem to have expected little less than a millennium now
that the arch-disturber was removed. The Ulster chiefs hurried to make
their submissions, and Tirlogh Luineach, who had immediately assumed the
name of O'Neill, thought it wise to apologise for so doing. Tirlogh was
willing to pay for his own pardon as many kine as might be awarded by
Sidney and Kildare, to keep the peace for the future, and to entertain no
Scots without special licence. Sir Brian MacPhelim, chief of Clandeboye,
and the most important O'Neill after Tirlogh, had served against Shane
and received Elizabeth's thanks, as did also O'Donnell. The Council
informed the Queen that all were now at her foot, and cried 'first for
justice, and then for mercy.' But the old Treasurer Winchester had seen
too much in his time to take a very sanguine view. The expense had been
great, and could not be continued indefinitely. 'Irishmen,' he reminded
Sidney, 'be full of policy, and wit, and mistrust, and will soon alter
themselves from the best, as you yourself knoweth well.'[129]

[Sidenote: Sidney and the Queen.]

Elizabeth herself was not disposed to make light of Shane's overthrow and
death. 'We do very well,' her Majesty wrote to Sidney, 'allow your
painful service and good wisdom herein used, and are very glad, even for
your own sake, that God has used you under us as the principal minister
to procure so great and singular a benefit, as by the permission of God's
favour is like hereby to ensue to that whole realm. And in this, our
allowing and praising of you, we would have you well to note, that in
reprehending you for other things not allowable to us, we were not moved
thereto by any offence or misliking of yourself, but of the matters. For,
indeed, we otherwise think so well of you for the faithfulness to us, and
the painfulness in service, as yourself could prescribe. And thus much we
have thought not impertinent to let you know how well we think of you for
this service done in Ulster.' Sidney, it seems, had heard that the Queen
intended to deprive him of the Presidency of Wales, and had written
angrily to say that in that case he should resign the government of
Ireland. Elizabeth had retorted very tartly that the two offices were
always held at pleasure, and had never been in the same hands before, and
that she should do as she pleased, 'and so also it is meet for you to
think and conform yourself.' The same letter contained other sharp
expressions, with an intimation that they would have been sharper yet if
Sidney's 'travayles had not contrepassed.' Knowing the Deputy's fiery
temper, Cecil thought it wise to apply a salve, and the same packet
which brought the royal missive brought one from him. 'The Queen's
Majesty,' he wrote, 'hath contrary to all our opinions and requests that
be your friends, written more roundly to you than either I know you
overmuch to deserve, or than I trust she conceiveth in her mind. I can
advise you to use patience with the buckler of your sincerity, and I
doubt not but your service, succeeding so fortunately as it doth
otherwise, will bring you to your heart's desire. In your service all men
of good judgment find great cause of allowance of you, and before
Almighty God with my whole heart I wish myself with you to take part of
good fortune. For I trust to see your recovery of the crown in Ireland in
deed, that is only now had in title.' The fact is that it went to the
Queen's frugal heart to see even her ablest servant holding two great
places at once. Afterwards, when Sidney was at Court, she said that it
was no wonder he made a gallant show, for that he had two of the best
offices in her kingdom.[130]

[Sidenote: Sidney dislikes Ormonde. Attempts at maintaining justice in
the South.]

Elizabeth thought that Sidney leaned to Desmond's side in his controversy
with Ormonde, and it is certain that he was less favourable to the latter
than her Majesty wished. Ormonde distinctly belonged to the party opposed
to Leicester, and Sidney was Leicester's brother-in-law. The Queen
accordingly accused him of culpable slackness in arresting Desmond, and
of proposing to confer the Presidency on Sir Warham St. Leger, who had an
hereditary feud with the chief of the Butlers, and who scarcely concealed
his partiality. Desmond, on the contrary, after he had been two months
under restraint, complained bitterly that he had expected better usage
from Sidney, that he was a prisoner for no reason, and that it would be
grossly unjust to decide his cause in his absence. His enemy, he added,
had already every advantage of favour and of education.

In the meantime efforts were made to extend the administration of justice
in the country districts. At Maryborough a jury was found to condemn a
malefactor, who was executed. At Carlow also the assizes passed over
quietly. In Kilkenny was found plenty of all but money, and such 'strife
for land' that one acre was better than ten had been. The irregularity of
legal process may be gathered from the fact that Kilkenny Castle
contained many rogues and masterless men who had remained apparently
untried since the time of Edward VI., and whom the judge of assize did
not think it necessary to deliver until the Lord Deputy's pleasure should
be known. Men of family were treated differently; for one of the
Fitzpatricks, who had been tried and acquitted, being re-committed on a
new charge, was enlarged by the gaoler on his own responsibility.[131]

[Sidenote: The Geraldines and Butlers continue their feud.]

Desmond begged Winchester to interfere on his behalf. The Lord Treasurer
declined to espouse his cause openly, but privately informed Sidney that
if he wished justice done he must come to Court himself, and bring
Desmond with him. The Queen daily uttered sharp speeches against the
Earl; and Sidney alone, while his great services were fresh, could hope
to mollify her. Winchester advised a retinue of not more than six men, to
save expense and to avoid any appearance of ostentation. For some time
the Queen insisted that Desmond should be arraigned, and, if possible,
condemned in Ireland before being sent over, but Sidney persuaded her to
be satisfied with having him indicted only. Fitzwilliam, who was a strong
partisan of Ormonde, wrote at the same time to complain that Sir John of
Desmond would not come near the Judges of Assize, and that the Geraldines
continued to spoil the Butlers with impunity. The assizes in other places
were rather more successful. At Maryborough the abolition of coyne and
livery, imperfect as it was, was generally approved. The poor people
began for the first time to feel that they had a worthy prince, and that
they were subjects instead of slaves. It was quaintly said that the
people in their delight 'fell to such plays and pastimes as the like was
never seen in Ireland.' Lands long waste were again inhabited, rents had
trebled, the markets were thronged with dealers and produce. 'Up to this
time,' said George Wyse of Waterford, 'this poor country had in manner no
feeling of good order, neither knew the poor fools God nor their prince,
but as a "menye" of brute beasts lived under the miserable rule of their
ungodly Irish lords. Now God be praised the world is otherwise
framed.'[132]

[Sidenote: The Queen much in debt.]

Shane being out of the way, it was possible for Sidney to make some
reduction in the military force, but not to do so without money. The
Queen owed 41,000_l._ in Ireland; 10,000_l._ was grudgingly sent. After
an interval 20,000_l._ more was got together, Cecil pledging his own
credit to Sir Thomas Gresham for 7,000_l._ No sooner was this loan
effected than the Queen repented, but fortunately Winchester had
despatched the money, and it could not be recalled. Meanwhile fresh
expenses were incurred, and at the end of August, three months after
Shane's death, 31,000_l._ were yet due to Sidney and those under him. The
Vice-Treasurer's account had not been balanced for years, 300,000_l._
still remaining on his books; and Sidney appears to have borrowed between
2,000_l._ and 3,000_l._ to defray the most pressing calls. Frugality in a
sovereign is a virtue, but there can be no doubt that Elizabeth carried
it to excess.[133]

FOOTNOTES:

[111] Sidney to Cecil from Chester, Nov. 24, 1565; from Hylbry, Dec. 3;
from Beaumaris, Dec. 17; from Holyhead, Jan. 9; from Dublin, March 3,
1566; to Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, Jan. 9; the Queen to Knollys, April
18, 1566. 'I was never so weary of any place,' Sidney wrote from Hylbry
island. He landed near Dublin, Jan. 13, and was sworn in on the 20th.

[112] These are wanting, but the mention of them shows that Shane was
faithfully reported, otherwise we might have suspected the magniloquent
Stukeley. Sidney to Leicester, March 1, 1566; to Shane, Feb. 24:--'De
poeta seu rithmatore de cujus insolenti jurgio questus es, supplicium
congruum sumemus.' Sidney to Shane O'Neill, Jan. 21, Jan. 30 (sent by
Stukeley), Feb. 9. Shane to Sidney, Jan. 26, Feb. 5, Feb. 18 (with
enclosure). In the last letter Shane says, 'Novi vestram suavissimam
naturam (a Deo Optimo Maximo vobis datam) non inquinatam neque maculatam
ed ad omnia bona promptam.'

[113] Sidney to Leicester, March 1; to Cecil, March 3 and April 17.

[114] Sidney to Cecil, April 17; Cecil to Sidney, June 16; Queen to
Sidney, July 5.

[115] Memorial for Sir F. Knollys, April 18, 1566; Cecil to Sidney, May
18; Knollys to Cecil, May 19 and 29.

[116] Sidney to Cecil, June 9, 1566; Queen to Sidney, June 15 and July 8;
Instructions for Randolph, July 8; Winchester to Sidney, July 31; Shane
O'Neill to Charles IX. and to the Cardinal of Lorraine, April 25. See
also in the _Foreign Calendar_ Instructions for H. Killigrew, June 15;
Elizabeth to Randolph, May 23, and Randolph to Cecil, same date. Cecil
comforted Sidney with frequent letters, and the Lord Treasurer Winchester
promised him hearty support.

[117] Randolph to Cecil, Sept. 3, 1566. Sidney to Cecil, Aug. 19, and
Loftus to Sussex, Sept. 3 (in Wright's _Queen Elizabeth_). Thomas
Lancaster to Cecil, Aug. 16.

[118] Shane O'Neill to John of Desmond, Sept. 9. Sidney to the Privy
Council, Sept. 9 and 14.

[119] Sidney, Kildare, Bagenal, and Agard to the Queen, Nov. 12.

[120] Randolph to Cecil, Oct. 27, 1566 (the day after O'Donnell's death);
Sidney to the Privy Council, Nov. 12; Captain Thomas Wilsford to Cecil,
Nov. 15; Edward Horsey to Cecil, Nov. 21; George Vaughan to Winter, Dec.
18; Sidney to Cecil, Jan. 18, 1567; _Four Masters_, 1566.

[121] Desmond to Sidney, Jan. 4, 1567. Sidney to the Queen, April 20.

[122] Sidney to the Queen, April 20.

[123] _Ibid._

[124] Sidney to the Queen, April 20, 1567; Sir John Mason to the Privy
Council, June 29, 1550, printed by Fraser Tytler.

[125] G. Vaughan to Winter, Dec. 18, 1566, and Jan. 13, 1567; Saintloo to
Sidney, Jan. 13 and Feb. 8; Wilsford to Cecil, Feb. 16; Winchester to
Sidney, March 26; Privy Council to Sidney, May 12; O'Sullivan Beare,
_Hist. Cath._ iii. 5.

[126] The MacDonnells landed May 18; Alexander Oge to Sidney, May 20;
Lancaster to Cecil, May 31.

[127] O'Donovan's _Four Masters_; Hill's _MacDonnells of Antrim_, p. 145;
Fitzwilliam to Cecil, June 10, 1567; Campion; Hooker; Lancaster to Cecil,
May 31.

[128] Ware says he bases on Exchequer accounts his estimate of the cost
of the wars with Shane O'Neill. 'It amounted unto 147,407_l._ over and
above the cesses laid on the country, and the damage sustained by the
subject; and there were no less than 3,500 of her Majesty's soldiers
slain by Shane and his party during that time, besides what they slew of
the Irish and Scots.' _The Four Masters_ say: 'Grievous to the race of
Owen, son of Nial, was the death of him who was slain, for Shane O'Neill
had been their champion in provincial dignity and in time of danger and
prowess.' Campion. Hooker's _Chronicle_ in Holinshed.

[129] Lord Chancellor and Council to the Queen, June 28; Winchester to
Sidney, July 1; Tirlogh Luineach submitted on June 18; the Queen's
Letters of Thanks, July 5.

[130] Naunton's _Fragmenta Regalia_; the Queen to Sidney, June 11 and
July 6; Cecil to Sidney, June 11.

[131] Desmond to Cecil, June 24; similar letters were sent to the Queen
and to the Lord Treasurer Winchester; Fitzsimons to the Lord Deputy, June
26.

[132] Winchester to Sidney, July 17 and Aug. 10; Cecil to Sidney, and the
Queen to same, Aug. 20; Fitzwilliam to Cecil, Aug. 22; George Wyse to
Cecil, June 20.

[133] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, Sept. 14; Cecil and Winchester to Sidney,
July 15; Note of Moneys, Sept. 30.




CHAPTER XXV.

1567 AND 1568.


[Sidenote: Sidney goes to England, 1567.]

Sidney went to England in the autumn of 1567, and left the government in
the hands of Lord Chancellor Weston and Sir W. Fitzwilliam. The latter
bemoaned his hard fate, and declared that his last Lord Justiceship had
cost him 2,000_l._ Weston, a painstaking and conscientious man, thought
that no one but a soldier was fit to govern Ireland. What the sword had
won the sword must maintain, and it was nearly as hard to keep men quiet
as to make them so. At the approach of winter the Irish were always ready
to rebel. Munster had been pretty quiet since the Lord Deputy's visit in
the spring, and the terror of his name had for the time procured a hollow
and precarious peace. Six hundred soldiers, with some cruisers, held down
the North, but O'Donnell was not a steadfast subject, and it was felt
that the garrison was absolutely necessary. Sir Brian MacPhelim was
recommended to Elizabeth's favour 'as the man that heretofore hath
longest and most constantly stayed on your Majesty's party like a true
subject.' We shall see how his services were requited later on. In
Leinster the abolition, or rather suspension, of coyne and livery had
done wonders, though the Lords still oppressed their own tenants, and
thought the veteran brigand Piers Grace was profiting by Shane's absence
to collect a new band. Connaught was quiescent, but Clanricarde declared
that he was afraid to venture into England lest mischief should arise in
his absence.[134]

[Sidenote: Desmond and Ormonde. Award. Desmond and his brother sent to
London.]

In spite of Desmond's protestations, a royal commission made an award
while he was in restraint; his rival also being absent. The
commissioners, among whom were the Master of the Rolls, the
Solicitor-General, and the Prime Serjeant, declared that Desmond had
damaged Ormonde to the extent of 20,894_l._ 12_s._ 8_d._, and that he
ought to make good the same. Before this crushing award could take effect
an order came from the Queen to send over Desmond and his brother John;
but the latter had refused to enter any walled town, and, until he could
be caught, the Lords Justices kept the Earl in Dublin. Sir John then
changed his tone, and said he would go to England of his own accord; but
weeks passed by and the result seemed no nearer. The Lords Justices
considered that his disposition was unapt to bite at their bait. They had
almost given up hope, when the strong desire to confer with his brother
brought Sir John, who did not know what was in store for him, on a
voluntary visit to Dublin. Fitzwilliam and Weston considered that he was
'led by God to accomplish her Majesty's command.' Finding himself in the
power of the Government he made no resistance, though objecting, not
without reason, that Munster would be in a bad way when he and his
brother were both absent. There was a difficulty about travelling
expenses; for neither had a groat, and Sir John offered to go back to his
own country and raise some money. But the Lords Justices avoided the net
thus spread in their sight, and sent over the brothers at the Queen's
cost. The weather was very bad, and during a night and a day at sea the
Earl suffered so much from sickness that Thomas Scott, who was in charge
of the prisoners, thought it advisable to land five miles from Beaumaris,
at a point to which the wind had driven the ship. So slender was the
provision made, that Scott had to borrow money here for the journey
southwards. A week later they were at Lichfield, where Sir John fell
sick, and made it necessary to halt. Within three days from this they
reached London penniless, and the Queen, while directing that money
should be raised in Munster, indignantly remarked that it was Desmond's
custom to have none, and to borrow from her.[135]

[Sidenote: Cecil's projects for Ireland.]

[Sidenote: Ulster.]

[Sidenote: Munster.]

[Sidenote: Connaught.]

[Sidenote: Tyrconnel.]

When Sidney had been some months in England, Cecil drew up an elaborate
scheme for the future government of Ireland, which may probably be taken
as embodying the joint opinions of these two great men. It is interesting
to test their value by the light of subsequent events, but it must not be
forgotten that neither Sidney nor Cecil had often their own way for long.
The Queen habitually deferred to her Ministers, but when unwilling to do
this, she always had her own way, and circumstances, which even the
strongest cannot always control, will modify the wisest policy. That
Cecil understood the question well will hardly be disputed by those who
study the document now under consideration. He proposed that a Parliament
should be held without delay, which should declare the Crown entitled to
Ulster, and provide for its division into shires, after a survey had been
made. The great object was to prevent a new local tyranny from being
established. Civilised men should be encouraged to settle in the North,
especially those of Irish birth, 'for it is supposed that they may better
maintain their habitation with less charge than such Englishmen as are
mere strangers to the land.' No tenant was to be subject to rent except
on condition of full protection. A residence for the Deputy should be
provided at Armagh, and in his absence a soldier of rank, if possible the
Vice-Treasurer, Marshal, or Master of the Ordnance, was to fill his
place, and to govern with the help of a permanent council. It was hoped
that the levies which O'Neill formerly commanded might be made available
for her Majesty's service. To hold the country there were to be forts at
Fathom, near Newry, at Castleblayney, at a bridge to be thrown over the
Blackwater between Armagh and Lough Neagh, at a point on the shore of the
great lake, and at Toome, near the efflux of the Ban. At Coleraine there
was to be a fortified bridge. The coast of Antrim was to be guarded
against the Scots by forts at Portrush and at some point between Fair
Head and Larne. In the work of protecting Belfast, Lough Carrickfergus
was to have the help of a strong post at Bangor. Belfast itself, and a
fort at Massareene Abbey, on the eastern shore of Lough Neagh, were to
complete the chain. Besides the bridges at Coleraine and Blackwater, it
was proposed to throw one over the Erne at Ballyshannon and another over
the Foyle at Lifford. Munster was to have a President and Council
resident at Dungarvan, the parsonage of which, by a singular provision,
was to be attached to the Presidency. A similar government for Connaught
was to be placed at Athlone; Galway, Roscommon, and Balla being named as
assize towns. Tyrconnel is treated as in some degree separate both from
Connaught and from Ulster; O'Connor Sligo being freed from all subjection
to O'Donnell, in consideration of his voluntary submission to the Queen,
and on condition of his accepting of an estate of inheritance. To bind
O'Connor faster, he was allowed to preserve the friary at Sligo, in which
his ancestors were buried, substituting secular canons for Dominicans, a
condition which was probably never fulfilled. O'Donnell thought all this
very hard measure, observing that no O'Connor had ever served the Crown
but by compulsion of his own ancestors. The lands adjoining castles in
charge of constables were not to be farmed out, but kept always in hand
for their support. Such was Cecil's scheme after the fullest conference
with Sidney, and, if we except that matter of Dungarvan parsonage, we
must acknowledge that it shows a pretty accurate appreciation of the
Irish problem.[136]

[Sidenote: The O'Neills and O'Donnells, and the Scots.]

The memory of Sidney's prowess and the dread of his return kept down for
a time the turbulent elements of Ulster. But every day showed that though
Shane was gone, the conditions that had made him formidable were little
altered. There were ominous signs of an alliance between Tirlogh Luineach
and O'Donnell, who divided the customs of Lough Foyle and the rent of
Innishowen between them. Tirlogh still continued his relations with the
Scots, and, after his predecessor's example, proposed various marriages
for himself, in which he showed a fine contempt for national and other
prejudices. James MacDonnell's widow or her daughter, one of the
O'Neills, and Sir Nicholas Bagenal's sister-in-law, were among the ladies
thus honoured. Bagenal declared that he would rather see his kinswoman
burned, though she was promised twenty English men and six English
gentlewomen to wait upon her. Tirlogh may not have known this, and
perhaps he may have thought Bagenal's alliance as valuable as that of the
Scots, or he may merely have been gratifying an innate love of telling
lies. He refused a hat set in bugles which Argyle sent him, declaring in
the presence of the Marshal's messenger that he had already received a
hat from Lady Bagenal which he valued more than all the hats in Scotland.
But he was on the best terms with Sorley Boy, who had sworn not to leave
Ireland if he could help it. Tirlogh told the Government that he wanted
nothing with Argyle but to make him attack the MacDonnells, but he kept
130 Campbells about him; whom he professed to entertain only because they
were hostile to the clans who had claims to land in Ireland. He said he
would have no mercenaries if only Sir Brian MacPhelim and Art MacBaron
would obey him. This was to beg the whole question, but the marriage of
his daughter seems to show that he really meant hostility to the
MacDonnells.[137]

[Sidenote: Strength of the Scots. Weakness of the Government.]

The politics of the Western Highlands at this time are very obscure. It
is hard to distinguish between what Argyle did for his own aggrandisement
and what he did with really national objects. At Tutbury, a year later,
Mary was almost directly charged with causing disaffection in Ireland
through Argyle's agency, and she remained silent, which, however, does
not prove much. It was obviously for the interest both of the Scottish
Crown and of the House of Argyle that Queen Elizabeth should have her
hands full in the North of Ireland. Perhaps, after all, Scotch intrigues
did less mischief than official quarrels. Piers and Maltby at
Carrickfergus pleaded that they had neither ships nor men to guard thirty
miles of coast night and day. Tirlogh Luineach had sent to Sir Brian
MacPhelim to say that the Queen had determined to root out the O'Neills,
whose only chance was to join the Scots. Sir Brian told this to the
English officers, protesting his loyalty, but showing no great eagerness
to supply them with beef. The soldiers suffered from dysentery and ague,
and sometimes from delirious fever, and Piers and Maltby could only
temporise. Against the Scots they could do nothing--against the Irish
they were not allowed to do anything for fear of quenching the smoking
flax. The Lords Justices took no further notice of their complaints than
to taunt them for lying within walls instead of in the open fields.
Taking little heed of differences among servants Elizabeth, in her
queenly way, marvelled that the Scots were suffered to land, and that
having landed they were not straightway expelled. If Piers was too weak
Fitzwilliam might do it himself. Before her orders arrived, the two
captains at Carrickfergus had made a peace with Tirlogh for four months.
Both the Lord Justice and his sovereign began to think this new O'Neill
as bad as the old one, who, to do him justice, had never encouraged
Scots. It was now proposed to send over the young Baron of Dungannon,
whose English education might be supposed to have given him a love of
order. Hugh O'Neill had indeed studied the strength and the weakness of
England at head-quarters, and he was consequently destined to be more
formidable than any of his predecessors had been. As to Fitzwilliam, he
complained bitterly and with very good reason that the unpunished landing
of the Scots was no fault of his. He had not been bred up to arms, and
why should he be expected to do better than noblemen of great ability and
military knowledge, who had failed still more conspicuously? During more
than eight years' banishment he had served the Queen in hated Ireland
without bribery or robbery. The burden of the Treasurer's office weighed
him to the ground, and yet he was the poorer for it. He had done his
best and could do no more.[138]

[Sidenote: Massacre at Mullaghmast. Perhaps in 1567.]

Under the year 1567 may perhaps be placed the massacre at Mullaghmast,
near Athy, where Cosby and Hartpole, assisted by many English and Irish,
of whom the majority were Catholics, slaughtered certain of the O'Mores
who had been summoned on pretence of being required for service. The
defence offered by an annotator of the annalist Dowling is that 'Hartpole
excused it that Moris O'More had given villainous words to the breach of
his protection.' The received story is that the O'Mores were first
enticed into the fort, and there, as the 'Four Masters' put it,
'surrounded on every side by four lines of soldiers and cavalry, who
proceeded to shoot and slaughter them without mercy, so that not a single
individual escaped by flight or force.' Dowling, who is followed by the
'Four Masters' in giving the date 1577, has been thought the earliest
writer to mention this massacre; but the Irish chronicle, now called the
'Annals of Lough Cé,' is more strictly contemporary, and places it under
1567. Dowling, as appears from internal evidence, wrote in or after the
year 1600, when Sir George Carew was Lord President of Munster. He was
only twenty-three in 1567, while Brian MacDermot, under whose auspices
the 'Annals of Lough Cé' were indisputably compiled, was certainly taking
an interest in the book as early as 1580. Yet Dowling was Chancellor of
Leighlin, little more than twenty miles from Mullaghmast, while MacDermot
and the poor scholars whom he employed lived in distant Connaught.
Dowling's dates are often wrong, but perhaps his authority is the best
for the circumstances, while the others may be right as to the year. The
former says forty were killed, the latter seventy-four. Philip
O'Sullivan, who published his 'Catholic History' in 1621, makes the
number of victims 180, and Dr. Curry, apparently without contemporary
authority, calmly raises it to some hundreds. Traditional accounts say
the families of Cosby, Piggott, Bowers, Hartpole, Fitzgerald, and
Dempsey, of whom the last five were Catholic, were engaged in the
massacre; but that little blame attaches in popular estimation to any but
the last, who alone were of Celtic race and whose insignificance in later
times has been considered a judgment. For us it may suffice to say, with
the Lough Cé annalists, 'that no uglier deed than that was ever committed
in Erin.'[139]

[Sidenote: Munster disturbed in Desmond's absence.]

As soon as Desmond and his brother were gone fresh troubles sprung up in
Munster. Lady Desmond reported that the county was so impoverished by
rapine and by the irregular exactions of the Earl's people, that it was
impossible to raise even the smallest sum for her husband's necessities.
No one was safe, and she herself was continually on the move, trying to
'appease the foolish fury of their lewd attempts.' The Earl's cousin,
James Fitzmaurice, and Thomas Roe, his illegitimate brother, were
competitors for the leadership. Fitzmaurice claimed to have been
appointed by Desmond, though no writing could be produced, and both the
Countess and the Commissioners thought him the fittest person. But the
Lords Justices ordered the lady to govern with the Bishop of Limerick's
help.

[Sidenote: James Fitzmaurice.]

Fitzmaurice and Thomas Roe were apprehended in their name, but released
on the arrival of a commission to the former under the seals of the Earl
and Sir John. The country people would not allow him to go before the
Commissioners, saying that Desmond and his brother were hostages enough.
Thomas Roe was released on Lords Roche and Power giving their word for
him. Fitzmaurice kept very quiet for some time, waiting until he saw how
his cousin's affairs sped in London.[140]

[Sidenote: Little can be done in Sidney's absence.]

In the meantime there was little peace in the North, though the truce
with the Scots gave some breathing time. The well affected, wrote Maltby,
gaped for Sidney's return; the ill affected were ready to break out if
once assured that he would return no more. While the coast lay open to
the invader, the Queen's troops languished in poverty and sickness, their
horses died for want of provender, and Maltby complained that he had to
feed the men at the cost of his own carcass. Lord Louth and his
fellow-commissioners kept pouring water into the sieve, but they had
neither power nor authority to cure abuses. They gave no satisfaction to
the natives, and Tirlogh Luineach steadily declined to come near them.

[Sidenote: Starving soldiers.]

Captain Cheston, who held the post at Glenarm, said his men were faint
from want of food. Four pairs of querns in the church were the only means
of converting raw corn into meal. There were no women to work them, and
the men said they had no skill in grinding. The necessary repairs to the
church were done at the captain's own expense. It was dangerous to
venture alone even a short way afield; but the monotony of garrison life
was occasionally varied by a little cattle driving, which had no tendency
to impress the advantages of civilisation on the Celtic barbarians. It
had been decided that Tirlogh Luineach should marry James MacDonnell's
widow, and that O'Donnell, who was a somewhat younger man, should have
the daughter. Captain Thornton with his cruiser failed to intercept the
ladies, but succeeded for a time in delaying the weddings. In Maltby's
opinion it needed only to fortify the coast, and the conquest of the
wicked Irish nation would be but a summer's work. The long period during
which Tirlogh Luineach was obliged to pay his Scots impoverished him
greatly, and his plundering expeditions among the neighbours were not
very successful, but it was Sir Brian MacPhelim and not the English
captains who really kept him in check.[141]

[Sidenote: Miserable state of the North.]

Fitzwilliam had blamed Piers and Maltby for not lying in the fields
during the winter, but in spite of the Queen's order he delayed his own
journey to Ulster till the end of March. Tirlogh Luineach, who could not
repress his pride of race, took the highest possible ground, styling
himself prince, and declaring that he had only chastised those who were
his own subjects. He expected soon to be at the head of 3,000 or 4,000
men, and the English companies were very weak. Fitzwilliam found he could
trust no nominal muster, and resolved to count heads himself. A general
hosting would be necessary, but for this it would be wiser to wait till
Sidney came. So miserable were the arrangements that Fitzwilliam had to
leave Carrickfergus for want of victuals. To hasten his departure he was
told that his life was in danger, and the monstrous suggestion was made
that Maltby, than whom the Queen had no better officer, was in the plot.
And thus the early summer passed away, the Lord Justice suffering from
dysentery, the soldiers half starving, the captains afraid to trust each
other, and the Irish killing and plundering as if there had been no Queen
in England. The chiefs who had hitherto remained faithful still protested
their loyalty, but fled before Fitzwilliam, in the belief that he had
come to spoil them. The local Commissioners had denied that he was
coming. Finding themselves deceived, they had been forced to make a
precipitous retreat in order to place their cattle in safety. The
approach of the Governor was a signal for loyal subjects to conceal their
property.[142]

[Sidenote: Schemes of reform. Weston and Sutton.]

The general course of government during Sidney's absence was not much
more successful than that of the outlying provinces. The chief weight of
it, especially when Fitzwilliam was in the North, fell upon the Lord
Chancellor, an excellent man, and universally respected. His fee of
100_l._ was, as Cecil confessed, notoriously insufficient, and he was
expected to eke it out by the revenues of the Deanery of St. Patrick's.
His conscience rebelled against this, for no one knew better how little
religion and education could afford to lose any part of their endowment.
'Attend at least,' he besought Cecil, 'to the perfectly obedient
districts, the less they feel their degradation the more it moveth me to
bewail and to name some remedy.' The Archbishop of Dublin had made some
stir, but as yet any fruits of the reformation were confined to his
cathedrals. Financial matters were in no better case. Vice-Treasurer
Fitzwilliam's accounts had not been audited for more than nine years, and
the unchecked balance amounted to near 400,000_l._ The soldiers' pay was
in arrears, and means were wanting to pay even the most pressing
creditors. The ignorance of the common and statute law was as great as
that of the Gospel. The old complaints of family alliances among the
lawyers were repeated. When we consider that there were no published Acts
of Parliament, it is easy to understand how great may have been the power
of this privileged class. It was said, and probably with truth, that the
Irish nobility often had the judges practically in their pay; and there
was little justice to be had by the Crown on the one hand, or by the poor
subjects on the other.[143]

[Sidenote: Desmond in London. Examination of Irish witnesses.]

It does not appear whether Desmond was committed to the Tower on his
arrival in London; but he found himself in close confinement there within
six weeks, and complained that he was not treated as became his rank. The
Queen may have felt doubts about his promise of repayment being
fulfilled, but there were better reasons than that for treating him
somewhat sternly. Two sons of old O'Connor Faly, who had given so much
trouble in past reigns, had been some time prisoners in London. Both
were proclaimed traitors, and both admitted that the Earl had harboured
them and others in the same legal position. The sworn examination of
Cahir throws so much light on the way of life in Ireland that it may well
be given entire:--

'He saith that understanding his brother Cormac to be with the Earl of
Desmond, he came into the said Earl's country to Adare. There he met a
boy of his said brother's who told him he was departed that morning and
followed Lysaght MacMorogh O'Connor and his company, with a guide of the
Earl's appointment. Said Cahir forthwith followed, and about four or five
miles from Adare met Lysaght and the Earl's man, and the next morning met
his brother Cormac. They all continued with the Earl's man for a
fortnight, resorting to every place within a certain precinct of the
country for that time to eat and drink. The names of the places where
they were so entertained he remembereth as ensueth. First, from the place
where they met they went to a town wherein there is a castle called
Ballyvolane, where dwelleth one of the said Desmond's household, and
there they continued two nights. Thence they went to MacAulliffe's
castle, where they remained two days, and from thence, by appointment of
the said Earl's man, they came to Drishane castle, and there continued
one night. Thence they went to Pobble O'Keefe, and there continued one
night, and thence to MacDonogh's country, where they stayed two days.
Thence they went to the old prior O'Callaghan's, where they rested one
night. And for that the time was expected which was assigned and
appointed by the Earl to his man and the said Lysaght to resort to those
places as aforesaid, and that the said man, called Teig MacDonnell, durst
not resort with them to any place before he had further instructions as
commanded from the said Earl, and for that the said Lysaght was the said
Earl's near kinsman, they thought good to send him, with another of their
company called Shane O'Moony, to the said Earl's being at Connigse, Shane
MacCragh's house, to obtain of the said Earl further instructions and
licence to spend on the country by way of coyne or other succour. So
after the said Lysaght departed, the said Cormac and Cahir, with the
residue of their said company, went to a castle called Carrignavar, where
they remained a night. Next morning they went to a place where they and
the said Lysaght O'Connor did appoint to meet at his return from the said
Earl, at which place they met the said Shane O'Moony. But the said
Lysaght stayed with the said Earl, and the said Shane then told them that
the Earl's pleasure was that Cormac and Cahir should go with the foresaid
Teige MacDonnell, the said Earl's man, to Donogh MacCarthy, and there to
remain until after his return from Waterford; and said further that the
said Earl of Desmond willed him to tell the said Cormac and Cahir that,
if at Waterford he did agree with the Governor he would be a mean for
them; and then willed the residue of the said company to resort unto him
to attend with the said Lysaght MacMorogh, or the said Desmond. And so
they continued with the said Earl until he went into Sir Maurice
Fitzgerald's country, where then, at the conflict between the Earls of
Ormonde and Desmond, the said Lysaght MacMorogh O'Connor was slain. Art
O'Connor, brother to Gerot MacShane, was killed also. Connor MacCormac
O'Connor was hurt and escaped, and divers others slain. During which time
the said Cormac and Cahir continued at Donogh MacCarthy's aforesaid, as
they were willed to do until such time as they heard of the overthrow
given to the said Earl of Desmond, and then they departed the said Donogh
MacCarthy's house and also gave over the said Earl's man. Thence they
went to MacCarthy More's country, where Cahir departed from his brother
Cormac and returned to O'Sullivan's country, the said Cahir having
occasion there to speak with some of his kindred. And from thence the
said Cahir followed his brother Cormac to O'Connor Kerry's country, where
it was told Cahir by O'Connor Kerry that his said brother Cormac was
departed towards John of Desmond. Two nights after Cahir, in company with
Teige MacMorogh, the chiefest of the proclaimed traitors of the O'Briens,
went from the said O'Connor's house to John of Desmond to meet his said
brother Cormac, which was then, as he learned, gone to Thomond.
Afterwards he returned to the Earl of Desmond's country, and at Askeaton
the said Cahir sent one Teige Roe O'Meagher, then attendant about the
said John, to the said John to show him the said Cahir's brother was gone
to Thomond, and that the said Cahir was willing and desirous to tarry in
Sir John's company until his brother returned from Thomond, which would
not be for a sevennight. The said Sir John sent word by Teige O'Meagher
that Cahir was welcome, and willed him to continue in his company and
keep his name secret and private. The said Cahir willed the messenger to
tell Sir John that he named himself by a contrary name, that is to say,
MacQuillin's son of the Route, who was banished by the Scots. And so in
the said Sir John's company he continued for a week or thereabouts, and
for that the said Cormac came not, the foresaid Cahir followed him into
Thomond.'[144]

[Sidenote: Desmond's own case.]

Desmond did not deny that he had given meat and drink to some proclaimed
traitors, but pleaded that Irish hospitality could scarcely do less, and
that he had never helped them to do any harm. He maintained stiffly that
he had authority to rule all Munster Geraldines, and to decide their
causes without any regard to sheriffs. Sir Maurice Fitzgerald, evidence
of whose tenure from the Crown was recorded in the Exchequer, protested
energetically against this theory. A long list of outrages in Munster was
charged against the Earl, and mention was made of a little friar who had
been a messenger between him and the O'Neills, and who had been found
begging in their camp after Shane's death. Finding that the case was
likely to go against them, and feeling that they were in the lion's
mouth, the Earl and his brother thought it wise to make a general
surrender of all their lands into her Majesty's hands; and Desmond even
brought himself to beg that she would place a President and Council in
Munster. So far as law went, Elizabeth now had Munster at her mercy, but
she kept fast hold on her prisoners until time should declare how far the
law coincided with the facts.[145]

[Sidenote: Kildare. Oliver Sutton.]

The leader of the Northern Geraldines, who had, perhaps, no fancy either
for the Tower or for a renewed exile, had his accusers at this time, and
later events tend to prove that they were not without justification. In
1534 it had been David Sutton, a Kildare gentleman of ancient race, who
had led the attack on the ninth Earl of Kildare, and laid bare the many
abuses of his rule. 'The office of belling the cat,' says a modern
writer, 'descended hereditarily to Oliver Sutton,' who attacked his
grandson and namesake. In 1565 he presented to the Queen articles
containing matters of the gravest importance against Kildare. He had
previously complained to Arnold, but that despotic proconsul was
submissive to the Earl, and imprisoned the unfortunate reformer for
sixteen weeks. In fear of his life, Sutton was obliged to quit his lands
and to hide from the local tyrant's rage in Dublin or England. Arnold was
confessedly a reformer himself, and, except from partiality to Kildare,
it is hard to see why he treated Sutton so harshly, while listening with
excessive credulity to all Bermingham's representations. Coyne and livery
in their most oppressive forms and every kindred exaction were charged
against the Earl. The bastard Geraldines and Keatings were supported by
him, even when openly resisting the Queen's troops. They boasted that the
Earl, and not the English power, really defended the country, and that
there would be no quiet until he became chief Governor. Pride of blood
made them wish to enslave all others, and 'the daily exclamations of the
poor were right sorrowful to hear.' The Queen, having heard Sutton
herself and read his reports, sent him back to Ireland, of which Sidney
had assumed the government, observing that they touched Kildare too
directly, and that she was loth to believe evil of her cousin until it
could be proved. Yet she was evidently strongly impressed, and gave
orders for Sutton's personal protection. The inquiry dragged on for more
than two years, Sutton reiterating his charges and Kildare thwarting him
in various ways. The Earl's service, he said, had all been at the Queen's
expense, for he received the pay of 300 men, which he made the country
support. Jobbing was universal, and no one was more concerned in
maintaining the system than Kildare. Yet Sutton's heart began to sink: he
complained that he was too poor to strive with the powerful Earl, and
that all his exertions had but served to excite his vengeance. He
probably failed to prove his whole case, but Sidney was directed to make
particular inquiry, and not to discourage Sutton. Yet he too was
evidently prejudiced in the Earl's favour, and recommended him for a
garter. In this he relied on the authority of Henry VII., 'who made his
grandfather knight and wist full well what he did'--an ominous precedent
and an argument unworthy of Sidney. Cecil evidently believed in Sutton,
and begged Sidney to befriend him, even if in some degree deserving of
blame. That he was not altogether ruined is shown by his appearance in
1571 as plaintiff in a successful Chancery suit; but he failed in making
any serious impression on Kildare's position.[146]

[Sidenote: Sir Peter Carew.]

It was at this critical period that the English Government thought fit to
allow an enterprise, the success of which was enough to make the great
mass of Irish and Anglo-Irish landlords shake in their shoes. The
adventurer was Sir Peter Carew, of Mohuns Ottery in Devon, who, at the
age of fifty-four, set himself a task more arduous than any which had yet
occupied his stormy and eventful life.

[Sidenote: His early life.]

In his case it was more than commonly true that the boy was the father of
the man. When only twelve the citizen of Exeter, with whom he lodged,
pursued him during one of his many absences from school, and found him on
the city walls. 'Running to take him, the boy climbed upon the top of one
of the highest garrets of a turret of the said wall, and would not for
any request come down, saying, moreover, to his host that if he did press
too fast upon him he would surely cast himself down headlong over the
wall, "and then," saith he, "I shall break my neck, and thou shalt be
hanged because thou makest me to leap down."' His father was sent for,
and ordered the boy to be led home in a leash. Afterwards he coupled him
for some time to a hound. Further endeavours failed to make 'young Peter
to smell to a book, or to like of any schooling,' and he was allowed to
accompany a friend who had a post about the embassy at Paris, and who
neglected him shamefully. He afterwards lived as a horse-boy in a French
nobleman's train, without any inquiry being made by his affectionate
parents. While yet a boy he fought at the siege of Pavia, changed sides
opportunely, and served Philibert of Orange till that prince's death. The
Princess, after a time, gave him a letter of recommendation to Henry
VIII. 'The young gentleman,' says his biographer, '... rode to Mohuns
Ottery, where his father dwelled, and understanding his father and mother
to be within, went into the house without further delay, and finding them
sitting together in a parlour, forthwith in most humble manner kneeled
before them and asked their blessing, and therewith presented the
Princess of Orange's letters.... They were much astounded, ... but Sir
William having read the Princess's letters, and being persuaded that he
was his son Peter, were not a little joyful, but received him with all
gladness, and also welcomed the gentlemen, whom he and his wife
entertained in the best manner they could.'

[Sidenote: His adventures.]

After this Carew was employed on every kind of service, in Scotland,
Turkey, Italy, Flanders, France; his admirable mastery of the French
language and his skill on horseback with the sword and with the lance
making him everywhere remarkable. Henry VIII. helped him to a rich wife,
but died before the marriage, which was celebrated on Edward VI.'s
coronation day, when the bridegroom, as one of the six challengers, 'like
Ulysses in honour of his Penelope, wore her sleeve upon his head-piece,
and acquitted himself very honourably.' Like Ulysses, too, when he had
gained his Penelope, Carew 'could not rest from travel.' He helped to put
down the anti-Protestant rising in the West, and on the King's death
hastened to proclaim his Catholic sister. But life, either at Mohuns
Ottery or at his wife's place in Lincolnshire, was too safe and too dull
for the old campaigner. He became involved in Wyatt's conspiracy, and had
to fly to Antwerp, where he was seized by Philip's myrmidons, and had the
adventure in Sir John Cheke's company which has already been mentioned.

[Sidenote: Carew in favour with Elizabeth.]

At Elizabeth's accession Carew was received into favour, but that
peculiar Court did not suit his humour, and he offended Gloriana by
joining the ranks of those who urged her to marry. Her resentment was not
very long or deep, and she 'gave him very good things, which were as
liberally, if not wastefully, consumed.' In 1560 he was sent on a
confidential mission to Scotland, where the dissensions of Norfolk and
Grey, and her Majesty's own double dealing, threatened disaster to the
English arms. Fearing to trust anyone, he was obliged to write his own
letters with a hand more used to the sword than the pen. On his return
Elizabeth acknowledged his good service, and 'being somewhat pleasant
with him, thanked him for his letters of his own penning, commending him
to be a very good secretary, for indeed he wrote them with no more pain
than she had labour to read them, for as he spent a night in writing, so
she spent a whole night in reading.'[147]

[Sidenote: Carew's claims to property in Ireland.]

A country life can seldom satisfy a man of action, even though he be
reckoned 'the wisest justice on the banks of Trent,' and Carew found it
very dull in Devonshire. To beguile the time, and having some vague
inkling of castles in Ireland, he ransacked the archives at Mohuns
Ottery, and found many parchments which he was unable to read. His
curiosity increasing daily, he sought the aid of John Hooker, Chamberlain
of Exeter, who loved records as much as Mr. Welbore Ellis loved
Blue-books. This eminent antiquary had for his nephew the famous Richard
Hooker, and to his learned uncle the great author of the 'Ecclesiastical
Polity' owed his University education and the patronage of Bishop
Jewell. To Hooker's eye the value of Carew's parchments was at once
apparent, and he succeeded in making a fair transcript, though the oldest
document had been trodden under foot and nearly obliterated. Sir Peter,
being satisfied of his descent from men who had held great possessions in
Ireland, went to the Queen and asked leave to recover his own. This was
but too readily granted, and orders were sent from her Majesty in Council
requiring the help of all royal officers in Ireland. Hooker was
straightway despatched thither, and his arrival caused a commotion which
might have disheartened anyone less determined than his employer. He
obtained leave to search the Dublin archives, and proved to his own
satisfaction that Sir Peter was entitled to the Barony of Idrone in
Leinster, to certain great seignories in Munster, and to Duleek and other
manors in Meath, 'and that nothing could be found to prejudice or impeach
his title, but only prescription, which in that land holdeth not.'[148]

[Sidenote: A prescription of 170 years against Carew.]

Sir Peter claimed a vast inheritance in Munster as heir to the conqueror
Robert FitzStephen, whose only daughter was supposed to have married a
Carew. Unfortunately for this theory Giraldus twice states in the
plainest language that FitzStephen had no legitimate offspring, and it is
hard to see how his testimony can possibly be shaken on such a point.
Carew may perhaps have married his natural daughter, but that would give
him no title at all under the grant of Henry II.; and his claims over the
vast region between Lismore and St. Brandon's Head in Kerry may therefore
be dismissed. That the Carews did, however, by some means become
possessed of much land in Munster is none the less clear. There was a
Marquis Carew who, at some period before the accession of Henry IV., had
a revenue of 2,200_l._ in the county of Cork, besides the possession and
profits of Dursey and other havens there. The Carews seem to have left
Ireland altogether in the time of Richard II., so that in any case there
was a prescription of 170 years against Sir Peter. The English heralds
manufactured a pedigree for him 'in colours very orderly,' bringing down
his title from FitzStephen's mythical daughter: and had not political
considerations stood in the way, it is probable that his title would have
been admitted by the Crown.[149]

[Sidenote: Carew comes to Ireland and claims Idrone.]

Hooker took a house in Dublin for his principal, and warned him that most
things would have to be brought from England, and that it was difficult
to raise even 20_l._ in the Irish capital. The raw material of good
housekeeping--fish, flesh, and fowl--was to be had; but sugar and spices,
a steward, a cook, a physician, and a surgeon, would all have to be
imported. These preparations being at last completed, Carew set sail from
Ilfracombe, and landed at Waterford, whither Hooker lost no time in
repairing. Thither also came two other men of Devon, Thomas Stukeley, at
this time Constable of Leighlin, the stormy petrel of Elizabeth's time,
and Henry Davells, afterwards the victim of a frightful tragedy. Both
professed themselves anxious to help their countryman in his attempt to
recover the Barony of Idrone in Carlow, which had formerly belonged to
his family, and which Hooker had already inspected. Davells and Stukeley
accompanied Carew to Leighlin, where the latter entertained him, and
where he received several chiefmen of the Kavanaghs, which clan had been
in possession of Idrone since Richard II.'s day at least. Sir Peter
informed them that he was their lord, and was come to claim his own,
'which speeches were not so hard unto them but they more hardly digested
them.'[150]

[Sidenote: The Council allow Carew's claim in the Cheevers case.]

Having so far advanced his claim to Idrone, Carew repaired to Dublin,
where he kept open house pending Sidney's arrival. His claim was
naturally the general subject of conversation, and an old lady professed
to see in his coming the fulfilment of a prophecy that the dead should
rise again. He decided to make his first serious attack in Meath upon the
manor of Maston, held by Sir Christopher Cheevers, a gentleman of old
family, and connected with the principal people of the Pale and the
principal lawyers in Dublin. But one Irish barrister could be got to take
his brief, and it seems that he afterwards threw it up, for an Exeter
man, William Peryam, of the Middle Temple, afterwards Chief Baron, was
brought over specially for the occasion. A Bill was filed before the Lord
Deputy and Council, but the common lawyers retained by Cheevers advised
that the suit could not be maintained there. Peryam rested his case on
naked prerogative, and the two Chief Justices gave a private opinion in
his favour, on the ground that Carew could have no fair trial at law. Sir
Christopher had no chance of a fair trial before the Council, and was
therefore fain to compromise the case. The weight of documentary
evidence, a prescription of at least 170 years being allowed no weight at
all, seems to have been on Sir Peter's side, and Cheevers offered him
eighteen years' purchase for the lands in dispute. Carew voluntarily
offered them for fifteen, and he did not insist even on this. Cheevers
seems to have worked on his generosity by talking of his wife and
children, and in the end had 'the whole land released unto him almost for
nothing, saving a drinking nut of silver worth about 20_l._, and three or
four horses worth about 30_l._' Carew's adventurous nature may have been
satisfied with the honours of war, or he may have thought it good policy
to make friends in Dublin before embarking on the greater undertakings
which he had in view.[151]

[Sidenote: Carew is adjudged entitled to Idrone.]

The ruling in the Cheevers case governed the others, and, Sidney having
returned to his government, the Council assumed the power of dealing with
Idrone. Three of the Kavanaghs appeared, but they had, of course, no
documentary evidence to advance against Sir Peter, who was adjudged the
heir of Dygon, Baron of Idrone in the early part of the fourteenth
century. Prescription being again altogether ignored, it was assumed as
incontestable that Eva's marriage with Strongbow had carried the fee of
Leinster with it. The Kavanaghs, descendants of the royal tribe, and by
Irish law rightful owners of the land, were held common rebels and
trespassers, and were strictly enjoined to allow Carew quiet possession.
That the Crown had over and over again negotiated with the Kavanaghs, and
had twice created baronies in their blood, was passed over as of no
consequence. Most of the Kavanaghs bowed to fate, and accepted Carew as
their landlord. The earth tillers had to pay him rent, but were not
otherwise dissatisfied with him, for he maintained order in the district,
and by the establishment of courts baron provided for the due course of
local justice. But his name stank in the nostrils of those who had been
accustomed to fish in troubled waters, the kernes and idlemen of Wexford
and Carlow; and they watched for an opportunity to rid themselves of this
old man of the sea. They were not long in finding a leader.[152]

[Sidenote: James Fitzmaurice supreme in the Desmond country.]

About the time that Desmond was making his submission in London, James
Fitzmaurice broke out in Kerry, having strengthened his usual band by
enlisting malcontents from Limerick, Tipperary, and Cork. He began by
taking 200 cows from Lord Fitzmaurice, wasting his country, and sitting
down before his castle of Lixnaw, though straightly charged by the Lord
Justice not to enter Clanmaurice. The cattle, he said, were but security
for rent, the other damages were in return for those which the Lord of
Lixnaw had previously committed in Desmond. Causes of quarrel were sure
to be plentiful enough, and Lord Fitzmaurice had brought his wild Irish
friends from beyond the Shannon, so that perhaps there was not much to
choose between them. A battle followed, in which James Fitzmaurice was
defeated. At least 300 lives were lost, and the sons of O'Callaghan, the
White Knight, and others of his followers were taken. Finding himself
too weak to do much without help, the Desmond leader sought allies both
in and out of Ireland, living by plunder in the meantime, and totally
disregarding all letters from the Government.[153]

[Sidenote: The Butlers oppose Carew. MacBrien Arra.]

On the very day that Sidney landed the Lords Justices wrote most gloomily
of the political prospect. Tirlogh Luineach was in open rebellion; he had
spoiled part of Louth, and it was thought fortunate that he had escaped,
for he was in such force that had he turned upon Lord Louth and his party
he would probably have beaten them. On all sides troubles were brewing;
the Exchequer was empty, the army weak, and the dark nights which the
Irish loved were coming on fast. But the greatest danger of all came from
a quarter whence governors were accustomed to look for support only. The
House of Ormonde itself seemed to have changed its nature; the rod upon
which every Viceroy had leaned threatened to pierce the hand at last.
Edward Butler, the Earl's younger brother, was a turbulent and hot-headed
youth. In the chief's absence another brother, Sir Edmund, had the care
of his country, but he was unable, and perhaps unwilling, to keep Edward
properly in check. MacBrien Arra, the chief of a clan which in the later
Middle Ages had wrested part of Tipperary from the Butlers, appears to
have been at this time peaceable and loyal, looking only to the
Government for protection against his greater neighbours. Edward Butler
probably thought him fair game, and invaded Arra with 1,000 men, horse,
foot, and camp followers--desperadoes apparently of the worst character.
According to ancient Irish custom all movable property was stored in two
churches, and thither the frightened women fled in the vain hope of
sanctuary. The country was harried far and wide. The churches were broken
open, and for forty-eight hours the invaders plundered and ravished,
sparing neither age nor condition. The lately gathered corn was
destroyed, and famine stared the whole population in the face. 'As for
me, my good lords, I do not a little marvel of such deeds and facts,'
said MacBrien, 'true subjects robbed and spoiled daily, and poor tenants
driven to beg their bread, banished from their dwellings, and notable
malefactors succoured and maintained, contrary to the Queen's Majesty's
good laws; assuring your honours, since Shane O'Neill died, there is not
the like maintainer of rebels as Mr. Edward is; and although Sir Edmund
doth say that he cannot rule Mr. Edward of his riotous doings, it is but
a saying, and not true.' He desired redress, or leave to revenge himself,
and he went to Dublin to urge his suit. The result was not altogether
encouraging; for in his absence Edward Butler visited his country a
second time, killed his uncle, drove off his cattle, and burned a house
full of women and children. Wearied with continual outrages, his wife
wrote to beg that he would take a farm in the Pale, where there might be
some chance of a quiet life. 'When men go to England,' she said, 'or to
Dublin, where the law is ministered, those who remain behind spoil them
the more.'[154]

[Sidenote: Butlers and O'Carrolls.]

After his first attack on MacBrien, Edward Butler wandered away into the
King's County. There was a standing dispute between the O'Carrolls and
the Butlers, the latter alleging that Ely was part of Tipperary, the
former that it belonged to the more lately formed shire and was
consequently outside Ormonde's palatinate jurisdiction. Thady O'Carroll,
one of the chief's three sons, had married a Galway lady, and on his way
towards the Shannon to visit his father-in-law was unlucky enough to come
across Edward Butler's band. O'Carroll had but a few men with him, and it
is therefore not at all likely that he was the assailant in the skirmish
which followed, and in which he was taken prisoner. As to the previous
quarrels, which Butler alleged as a reason for keeping armed men, the
Lords Justices seem to have thought there was much to be said on both
sides, but they charged Butler to appear before them at once, and warned
him of the danger of taking the law into his own hands. Sir William
O'Carroll was also summoned, but neither were in any hurry to obey, and
the matter was quite unsettled when Sidney landed at Carrickfergus.[155]


[Illustration: _Vol. II. to face page 17_

IRELAND ABOUT 1570

_London, Longmans & Co._]

FOOTNOTES:

[134] Weston to the Queen, Oct. 8; Lords Justices to the Queen, Oct. 30;
same to Cecil, Oct. 30 and 31; Weston to Cecil, Oct. 8; Earl of
Clanricarde to the Queen, Oct. 22.

[135] Lords Justices to the Queen, Dec. 12; Thos. Scott to Cecil, Dec. 14
and 21; Queen to Lords Justices, Dec. 24; Lords Justices to Cecil, Nov.
23; Fitzwilliam to Cecil, Nov. 27. The award of Draycott, M. R., Nugent,
S. G., and Serjeant Finglas, is printed from a MS. at Kilkenny, in the
_Irish Archæological Journal_, 1st series, iii. 341.

[136] Memorial by Cecil, Dec. 22, 1567; Indenture between the Queen and
O'Connor Sligo, Jan. 20, 1568; the Queen to the Lords Justices, Jan. 25;
Hugh O'Donnell to the Lords Justices, March 26.

[137] Tirlogh Luineach to the Lords Justices, Nov. 24, 1567; to Piers,
Jan. 20, and to Bagenal, Jan. 17, 1568; Bagenal to the Lords Justices,
Feb. 5 and Dec. 2, 1567. Tirlogh calls the Campbells Clan Veginbhne and
Clan Meginbhne, names which puzzle me. Argyle he calls 'Dominus Machali
comes de Argyle.' Terence Danyell to the Lords Justices, Dec. 10, 1567

[138] Gregory's _Western Highlands_, new ed. pp. 203, _sqq._ Sir Nicholas
White's conversation with Mary in his letter to Cecil, Feb. 29, 1569 (in
Wright's _Queen Elizabeth_); Piers and Maltby to Sidney, Oct. 6, 1567,
and to the Lords Justices, Nov. 18 and Dec. 6; the Queen to the Lords
Justices, Dec. 10 and 24; Fitzwilliam to the Queen, Jan. 22, 1568; and to
Cecil, Dec. 20, 1567. Peace was granted to Sorley Boy on Dec. 20.

[139] Many of the authorities are collected by O'Donovan in his note to
the _Four Masters_, 1577. It is not clear that the quotation from Captain
Lee's _Brief Declaration_, which was printed by Curry from a MS. in
Trinity College, Dublin, refers to this transaction at all. O'Donovan did
not know of the entry in the _Lough Cé Annals_; he points out that Curry
only seems to have relied on Moryson's authority. In his curious memoir
on Ireland it is evident that O'Connell copied Curry without even
consulting Moryson: he held a great 'repeal' meeting at Mullaghmast. I
have found no reference to the massacre in any State paper. The following
is Dowling's entry:--'Moris ... cum 40 hominibus de sua familia, post
confederationem suam cum Rory O'More et super quadam protectione,
interfectus fuit apud Molaghmastyn in comitatu Kildarie, ad eundem locum
ad id propositum per Magistrum Cosby et Robertum Hartpole, sub umbra
servitii accersitus collusorie.'

[140] Lady Desmond to the Commissioners in Munster, Jan. 13, 1568; to the
Lords Justices, March 19. Bishop of Meath and others to the Lords
Justices, Feb. 1; Lords Justices to the Queen, March 23.

[141] Maltby to Cecil, Feb. 12 and March 19; to Sidney, Feb. 13; to the
Lords Justices, March 6 and 18. Cheston to Piers and Maltby, April 3.
Randal Oge to Fitzwilliam, April 7; Hill's _MacDonnells_, pp. 148-151.

[142] Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill to Lord Justice Fitzwilliam, April 16, and
the answer of the same date. Fitzwilliam to Cecil, April 21, May 8, and
May 26; to Weston, April 23. Bagenal to Sidney, May 3; Sir Brian
MacPhelim O'Neill and others to the Queen, June 4; they call Elizabeth
'auxilium et juvamen,' and acknowledge themselves 'rudes et silvestres et
naturali superstitioni dediti.' O'Neill styled himself 'Princeps.'

[143] Memorandum by Oliver Sutton, March 26; Loftus to Cecil, Jan. 25;
Fitzwilliam to same, March 25; Weston to same, April 3.

[144] Examination of Cahir O'Connor, Jan. 8, 1568. A note in Cecil's hand
says: 'All the foresaid O'Connors that were slain aforementioned were of
the company of this examinate and proclaimed rebels.' See Desmond to
Cecil, Feb. 8 and 12, 1568; and the Queen to the Lord Deputy, April 3,
1567. Cormac O'Connor was also examined; his evidence agreeing pretty
well with Cahir's.

[145] Submissions of the two Desmonds, Feb. 16 and 17; Interrogatories
for Desmond, Feb. 20; Information, &c., Feb. (No. 60); Sir M. Fitzgerald
to Cecil, March 15.

[146] Notes by Sutton, Feb. 23, 1568; Cecil to Sidney, Nov. 19, 1568;
Graves's _Presentments_, pp. 159 and 176; Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, ii. p.
256.

[147] Hooker's _Life of Sir Peter Carew_ is printed as an appendix to the
preface of vol. i. of the Carew MSS. It is a delightful book.

[148] _Life of Sir Peter Carew_; Walton's _Life of Hooker_; Ware's
_Writers of Ireland_.

[149] Petition of the inhabitants of Cork in Graves's _Presentments_;
Hooker's _Life of Sir P. Carew_; Campion; Thomas Wadding to Sir George
Carew, March 12, 1603, in _Carew_. In Maclean's edition of Hooker's
_Life_ is a list of the Munster lands claimed by Carew. It comprises the
greater part of Cork and Kerry, and a part of Waterford. It was computed
that the actual holders of these lands in the sixteenth century could
bring 3,000 men into the field. The Carews claim descent from Nesta's son
William, who was brother to Maurice Fitzgerald, half-brother to
FitzStephen, and uncle to Giraldus Cambrensis. Wadding was a lawyer, who
had thoroughly studied the whole matter.

[150] _Life_, as above; Hooker to Carew, May 26, 1568.

[151] Hooker's _Life of Sir P. Carew_; Carew to Cecil, Dec. 26, 1568.

[152] Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, Dec. 7, 1568. See the Carew pedigree
printed by Macleane.

[153] James Fitzmaurice to the Lords Justices, July 27; Lord Fitzmaurice
to same, Aug. 1; Sir Maurice Fitzgerald to same, July 29; Fitzwilliam to
Cecil, Sept. 5.

[154] MacBrien Arra to the Lords Justices, Sept. 9, 1568. He calls
Butler's camp followers 'slaves.' More Ny Carroll to her husband MacBrien
Arra, Nov. 12.

[155] Lords Justices to the Queen, Oct. 8, with the enclosures.




CHAPTER XXVI.

FROM 1568 TO 1570.


[Sidenote: Sidney's plans for Ulster.]

Sidney lost no time in trying to realise his idea of bridling the North
with forts and bridges. He surveyed Clandeboye and Ards, and declared
them the shire of Carrickfergus--an arrangement afterwards departed from.
He met Tirlogh Luineach at the Bann, and thought him inclined to obey.
The various castles already garrisoned he found in good order, the people
readily selling the soldiers a fat cow for 6_s._ 8_d._ and twenty-four
eggs for 1_d._ In Carrickfergus a good market was kept twice a week, to
which commodities were brought from the Pale, from Scotland and Man, and
even from France. Three 40-ton cargoes of claret were sold at nine
cowskins a hogshead. 'The Archbishop of Armagh and the Bishop of Meath,
with divers noblemen and gentlemen as well of England as the English
Pale, lawyers, merchants, and others came from Dublin to Carrickfergus,
only for visitation sake, the Bishops riding in their rochets, and the
rest unarmed.' A treaty was made with Sir Brian MacPhelim to build a
proper carriage bridge over the Laggan at Belfast, to cut passes through
the woods, to supply fuel for making bricks, and to protect men building
or repairing ships in the Lough. On his road to Dublin most of the chiefs
and gentlemen came to pay their respects to the Lord Deputy.[156]

[Sidenote: The Scots.]

Sidney believed that all Ulster difficulties originated in Scotland.
Argyle did not pretend to be guided by any rule but the good of his own
country, and he had 5,000 men always ready to invade Ireland if he did
not approve of Elizabeth's policy. He loved Sidney, he said, better than
any other Viceroy, and for that reason would rather see him anywhere than
in Ulster. Sir Francis Knollys was Scotland's bitterest enemy, but he
would willingly put him in Sidney's place, where he could do far less
harm than at Court. Lord Herries was not even careful to use civil
language. James MacDonnell's widow professed herself friendly, but said
the clan would never forego its Irish claims until it was quite extinct.
Donnell Gorm, born in Ireland and friendly to England, claimed the
lordship of the Isles, and was in alliance with the Campbells--a
reluctant tie which might easily be cut. His ancestors had a pension of
200_l._ from England, and its renewal would be money well spent. Rathlin
Island, which was full of cattle--the very stable and baiting-place of
the Scots--should be fortified and held, and this might be done for
300_l._ a year. A regular military occupation of the whole province would
be intolerably costly, but half a dozen strong places on the coast might
be provided for 2,000_l._ yearly. A town at Armagh and a bridge at
Blackwater were quite necessary. In the meantime Dundalk Bridge might be
repaired, and Bagenal's unfurnished castles at Newry, Carlingford, and
Greencastle might be made tenable for 2,000_l._ If the Scots were once
disposed of, it would be easy to govern Ireland; the O'Neills would then
be shut up in their own province, and would have to work or to
starve.[157]

[Sidenote: James Fitzmaurice. The Butlers.]

When James Fitzmaurice found that Sidney had not brought either the Earl
or Sir John of Desmond with him, he called a meeting of Geraldines, and
informed them that their chief and his brother were condemned to death,
or at least to perpetual imprisonment. He reminded them that when the
good Earl Thomas had been murdered by the tyrant Earl of Worcester his
followers had chosen a captain for themselves, and he advised a like
course. He was immediately chosen by acclamation, and unhesitatingly
accepted the position in spite of Sidney's threats. He was soon
afterwards proclaimed a traitor. The wise Earl of Clancare, as Shane
O'Neill had in derision called him, placed himself about the same time at
the head of a Celtic confederacy, plundered Lord Roche's country, drove
off the cattle, burned the sheep and the corn, and killed men, women, and
children. Neither wheat nor oats were to be had for love or money west of
Youghal: the combined result of drought from heaven and heat from the
Earl of Clancare. Spanish ships supplied the MacCarthies with arms.
Edward Butler told Sidney's messenger, who found him at Thurles with
1,000 men, that no man of Irish birth could be safe since Sir John of
Desmond had been sent to the Tower for little or nothing. He knew that he
himself had deeply offended his brother the Earl, and was therefore
afraid of Sir Edmund, who had also 1,000 men with him. 'Your secret
conference, brother,' he said in the messenger's presence, 'hath brought
me to this mischief.' To Dublin he refused to go without pardon or
protection, and Shane O'Neill hardly claimed more, even in his proudest
days.

[Sidenote: Ormonde's presence declared indispensable.]

The presence of Ormonde alone could settle his country, and he, in
Sidney's opinion, 'politicly kept himself in England, as well for duty's
sake to the Queen as ancient and innate malice to the Earl of Desmond and
all Desmondians.' Sir Edmund could not brook the notion of dismissing his
armed followers, and, as he himself expressed it, 'riding up and down the
country like a priest.' No brother or lieutenant was of any use, and if
Ormonde would not come Sidney would have to go himself; and he begged for
a strongly-worded letter to show to the people. The report was that he
was not allowed to interfere with the Butler districts, and indeed he was
loth to do so, knowing that the Earl bore him little goodwill, and that
he had the Queen's ear. 'Though never so upright,' he said, 'I shall not
escape slander.'[158]

[Sidenote: Lawless conduct of Ormonde's brethren.]

Both Butlers continued their lawless practices; indeed, Lady Dunboyne,
who was a chief sufferer, declared that Edward was 'but a patch to Sir
Edmund in extortion and spoil.' He threatened her with yet worse things
for having brought Sidney's letters to him; and in the meantime seized
her cattle, nominally for the purpose of maintaining himself against the
White Knight, with whom he had picked a quarrel to give an excuse for
keeping his ragged battalion together. Ormonde still lingering in
England, the Lord Deputy was obliged to go to Kilkenny himself, where he
hanged several of Edward Butler's men, not by martial law, as Sir Peter
Carew proudly pointed out, but 'by the verdict of twelve men orderly.' A
similar example was made at Waterford, and Sidney returned to Dublin to
make preparations for holding a Parliament, in which he secured a
majority by interfering in elections.[159]

[Sidenote: Parliament of 1569. Opposition to Government.]

No list has been preserved of the members who sat in either House of
Elizabeth's second Irish Parliament. Many Englishmen had, by Government
influence, been returned for remote places. Sidney, who had a taste for
heraldic pomp, was in some anxiety as to what dress he ought to wear. He
was told to do as St. Leger had done. If he could not find whether St.
Leger had used a garter or a Parliament robe, he might do as he pleased.
Princely robes of crimson velvet lined with ermine were provided in due
course, and the Lord Deputy took his seat under the cloth of estate. Lord
Chancellor Weston made an eloquent speech on the advantages of law and
order. The House then separated, and James Stanihurst, Recorder of
Dublin, was again chosen Speaker of the House of Commons by a large
majority over Sir Christopher Barnewall, who was also a lawyer and the
candidate favoured by the gentlemen of the Pale. After the usual
protestations of unfitness, Stanihurst was accepted by Sidney, and made a
speech in which he claimed personal inviolability for the members,
freedom of speech, and power for the House to punish breaches of its own
orders. The Lord Deputy, having granted these suits, addressed the whole
Parliament at great length. None knew better, he said, than those in
Ireland the advantages of law and order; let them act according to that
knowledge, and be careful lest in defending their own privileges they
should tread upon her Majesty's prerogative. On the following day
business began, and it soon appeared that the House of Commons was
divided into two parties bitterly hostile to each other. The Court, or
English party, consisted chiefly of officials and of the Lord Deputy's
nominees, men who might be trusted not to exhibit too much independence.
On the other side were the gentry of the Pale, the burgesses returned by
the old corporate towns, and the common lawyers generally, who had been
roughly handled by Sidney in Sir Peter Carew's case, and who asserted
that some of the English members were returned for towns not
incorporated, that sheriffs and mayors had returned themselves, and that
others were ignorant of their constituencies and non-resident. The Judges
held that the first and second objections were good, but that there was
nothing in the third. The Attorney-General having reported this decision,
which still left the Government a majority, the Irish party professed not
to believe him, and demanded that the Judges themselves should come down.
The Speaker called for the orders of the day, but the malcontents refused
to listen to the first readings of any bills. Next day the Judges came
and confirmed their former decision, but the Irish party, headed by Sir
Edmund Butler, still obstructed the business, and opposed the
introduction of a Bill for suspending Poyning's Law and allowing Bills to
proceed without being first certified under the Great Seal of England.
This Bill was obviously for the enlargement of their own jurisdiction,
and passed in the end, as did another which provided that the Great Seal
of Ireland should not be affixed to any further Suspension Bill until it
had been passed by the majority of both Irish Houses. After some days
spent in these bickerings, Hooker, who sat for Athenry--an ancient
borough certainly, but at this time containing only four
freeholders--made a long prerogative speech. He had formerly represented
Exeter and had a taste for antiquities, and he proved to his own entire
satisfaction that Moses and Pythagoras, Camillus and Mithridates, had
created precedents on his side of the question. 'The minority,' he says,
'did not hear the same so attentively as they did digest it most
unquietly.' The debate was adjourned, and Hooker had to be escorted by
his friends to Sir Peter Carew's house. The next day Sir Christopher
Barnewall and other lawyers inveighed against Hooker, but the Speaker
silenced them, and desired them to put their complaints into writing.
Hooker, who says that the proceedings were more like bear-baiting than
the deliberations of a Senate, then presented a treatise on the Order of
Parliament, which closely followed English precedents, and asserted the
power of the Speaker to hold members to the question, and to reform,
correct, and punish disorder with the advice of the House. The contest
was not renewed, and after the first fortnight matters settled down
considerably.[160]

[Sidenote: Legislation. Attainder of Shane O'Neill.]

Sir Edmund Butler was openly censured by Sidney in the Council Chamber,
and withdrew in high dudgeon to his own country. The House of Lords
showed a mutinous spirit as well as the Commons. The Gentleman Usher
seems to have occupied a position within the bar, and this being objected
to, Sidney withdrew the cloth of State, but it does not appear that the
punishment weighed very heavily on the delinquents. Several Acts of great
political importance were passed. A subsidy of 13_s._ 4_d._ on every
plough land was granted for ten years in consideration of the abolition
of coyne and livery. This was for the public benefit, but was very
unpleasing to many noblemen. The five principal men of each shire were
made responsible for the rest, Shane O'Neill was attainted, the name of
O'Neill extinguished, and the Queen entitled to Tyrone. Irish captainries
were abolished unless established by patent. For the infringement of this
law death without benefit of clergy was provided by the draftsman in
England, but the House of Lords substituted a fine of 100 _l._ for each
offence by a peer, and 100 marks for men of lesser degree. Even after
this amendment there was much opposition, which, as the Chancellor
observed, argued that 'the matter misliked them more than the pain.' An
Act was also passed to enable the chief Governor, on certain conditions,
to make the remaining Irish countries into shire ground.[161]

[Sidenote: Wine duties.]

A Bill for imposing a heavy import duty on wines borne in foreign bottoms
was thrown out by the Commons, the members for the port towns declaring
that it would beggar them utterly. The Bill was afterwards passed in a
modified form for ten years, Sidney having refused the enormous bribe of
2,000_l._ in gold offered him to procure its withdrawal.

[Sidenote: Schools.]

A Bill for the erection and maintenance of schools with English masters
by a charge on ecclesiastical property was thrown out by the Bishops, who
thought that they and not the Lord Deputy should have the patronage in
their own hands, and with better reason demurred to the exemption of
impropriated lands, which were often the richest part of what had
belonged to the Church. A Bill for repairing churches was thrown out by
the Commons, the Catholics not caring to provide for the Establishment,
and no one wishing to bear taxation. 'Churches and schools,' said Weston,
'still find no favour among us, yet, in my opinion, the reformation of
Ireland must come from churches and schools.'[162]

[Sidenote: The Queen decides to erect a Presidency in Munster.]

The Queen's consent for Ormonde's departure had been some time obtained
before he actually started. He had to raise money to pay his debts, but
it is plain that Cecil thought he delayed unnecessarily. He shone at
Court, and was perhaps in no haste to leave while the Queen's manner
encouraged him to stay. In the meantime the state of the South became
daily worse, Sidney complaining bitterly that Sir Warham St. Leger would
have prevented all these troubles had not Ormonde's influence prevented
him from being armed with the necessary powers. The Queen selected Sir
John Pollard for the office of President of Munster, and Mr. Peryam,
Carew's counsel, for his Chief Justice. The establishment was fixed at
13_s._ 4_d._ a day for the President, with one Justice at 100_l._ a year
and another at 40_l._, and a clerk at 20_l._ The whole expense with petty
officers and soldiers was estimated at 1,400_l._ Bacon and Winchester
then suggested that there need be no surgeon, and that fewer soldiers
would do; which cut down the estimate by one half. The Queen was
delighted, but Cecil, who had persuaded Pollard to accept the
appointment, was disgusted at the proposed breach of faith. In the end he
had his way, and Elizabeth sanctioned the higher scale. Neither Pollard
nor Peryam liked the work, and the latter, who had had enough of Ireland,
bitterly complained that he would lose his practice at the bar, and that
his family would starve. His own stomach too was delicate, and 'not to be
forced to any ordinary diet.' The Queen was inexorable, but promised him
leave to retire after two years' service. He accompanied Pollard to
Ilfracombe, where the Lord President had a bad attack of gout. Peryam was
glad of an excuse to stay on the right side of the Channel. In the end
both escaped the dreaded duty, and another Devonshire gentleman, Edmund
Tremayne, went over to explain matters to Sidney. Tremayne, to use his
own language, had forsaken a quiet life, and cared little for peace so he
might fight in the good quarrel. His voyage was dangerous enough to
satisfy the most adventurous man in Devon. The ship was first driven into
Milford Haven, and afterwards blown on to the Wexford coast; and Tremayne
and his party were attacked by the armed natives, who were prepared to
resist Sir Edmund Butler, now in open rebellion. Finding that the
castaways were Englishmen they received them joyfully, and forwarded them
to Ferns, where Bishop Devereux gave them a most hospitable reception.
Tremayne reached Waterford safely, where he found it generally reported
that Ormonde was dead.[163]

[Sidenote: The rebellion of James Fitzmaurice continues, 1569.]

Fifteen months elapsed between the date of Pollard's abortive commission
and the appointment of Sir John Perrott; and for a long time the southern
rebels met with no effectual resistance. A cloud might at any time gather
abroad; for the papal Archbishop of Cashel and the papal Archbishop of
Ross were already in Spain with full powers to treat on behalf of the
confederated Catholics of Ireland, consisting of three archbishops,
eight bishops, and most of the lords and chieftains outside the Pale. The
sheriff of Cork at this time was the renowned Richard Grenville, who had
made a practical beginning of colonisation by seizing lands to the west
of Cork Harbour. His martial prowess was no doubt feared, but no sooner
was his back turned than the country was in a flame. On the very day
after he sailed for England, Clancare and Fitzmaurice appeared at Tracton
with the seneschal of Imokilly, the White Knight, and other chiefs. The
garrison appears to have been small, for the assailants were able to
undermine the walls with pickaxes, and to kill all the inmates except
three or four English soldiers, who were hanged next day. James
Fitzmaurice declared that help was coming from Spain, swore on a book
that Sir Edmund Butler was heartily on his side, and boasted that he
could take the artillery at Kinsale when he pleased. The citizens of Cork
were robbed whenever they ventured out, and all the lords of the county
were either overawed or in sympathy with Fitzmaurice, who vowed to give
no peace to Cork until all the English, including Lady St. Leger and Lady
Grenville, were given up, as well as some Irish prisoners. The city was
in want both of provisions and powder, and the town of Youghal hourly
expected an attack. English farmers in the immediate neighbourhood had
been already put to the sword.[164]

[Sidenote: Sidney and the Butlers. Sir P. Carew.]

The unnatural alliance between Butlers and Geraldines which made the
insurrection formidable was in part at least caused by Sidney's harsh
treatment of Sir Edmund Butler. Not only did he use strong language
himself, but he allowed Sir Barnaby Fitzpatrick to do the like. Sir
Edmund withdrew from Dublin vowing vengeance against Fitzpatrick and
against Sir Henry Sidney personally; though he was at all times careful
to respect him in his official capacity. Sir Edmund was driven to
desperation by the success of Sir Peter Carew and by the countenance
which he received from the Lord Deputy; for his own castle of Clogrennan
and the lands attached formed part of Idrone, and having been originally
conquered from the Kavanaghs were included in the decision of the Privy
Council, which ousted their title to the whole barony. Seeing that Sir
Edmund would rebel, Sidney sent to him Lord Baltinglass and Richard Shee,
the latter a devoted adherent of the House of Ormonde, with instructions
to talk him over if possible. They went from place to place looking for
him while he plundered the country, and when they at last came up with
him his conduct was not particularly edifying. He bade them give over
their flattery, bragging, and dissimulation, and declared that neither he
nor his brethren would come near the Lord Deputy without pardon or
protection for all concerned, that the Deputy's object was to chop off
their heads, and that all the mischief had been caused by the
machinations of Carew and of Sir Barnaby Fitzpatrick. The Queen herself,
said Sir Edmund, was the only judge by whom he would submit to be tried;
to her he was more loyal than they who accused him, and if he were
proclaimed rebel he would make the heads of those who caused it fly from
their bodies. If he and his men had pardon and protection he would be
ready to attend the Lord Deputy in all wars; but if any of the Queen's
men helped Sir Barnaby or his other enemies, so her Highness or her
Governor were not personally in the field, then he would do them all the
mischief he could. Similar offers were made through a private messenger,
and Sidney's answer was to send Carew and Humphrey Gilbert, who now makes
his first appearance in Irish history, with orders to apprehend Sir
Edmund. A country neighbour afterwards tried to bring him into a more
prudent frame of mind, but again the answer was, 'I do not make war
against the Queen, but against those that banish Ireland, and mean
conquest.... If my lord my brother come to apprehend me, I will not in
this quarrel be ruled by him nor come in his hands.' If anything would
have persuaded him it was Mr. Sweetman's taunt that he was more a Desmond
than a Butler; but he was past caring for this, and boasted that if
Sidney invaded the South, Tirlogh Luineach would invade the Pale. He was
already proclaimed rebel, and as if to prove the justice of that measure
he exhibited letters from O'Neill and Fitzmaurice.[165]

[Sidenote: The Geraldines are unchecked.]

The Queen chided Sidney for coupling Sir Edmund's name with Fitzmaurice's
and MacCarthymore's, for which, however, there was abundant
justification, and she let Ormonde go as the only chance of restoring
peace. Before he could leave London, his brothers Edmund, Piers, and
Edward had joined Fitzmaurice, with whom MacCarthy had made plans for
concerted action. The Butlers had done their own part by devastating the
eastern part of the Queen's County, and killing the warders of
Balliknockane. Fitzmaurice followed up the blow by attacking Kilmallock
and extorting a ransom of 160_l._, the townsmen fearing that they would
after all have to receive a Geraldine garrison. He met the Earl of
Thomond and John Burke close to Limerick, and the citizens, who feared to
lose all their cattle, were in some doubt as to the proper course. The
men of Waterford, as became the city's ancient reputation, did not wait
for orders, but worked hard at their fortifications, sent provisions to
Cork and Youghal, and gave shelter to the miserable inhabitants of the
country. They reported that the Geraldine rebels burned and slew where
they listed, stripping honest men and women naked and using more cruel
tortures 'than either Phalaris or any of the old tyrants could invent.'
Even before the open rebellion great disorders had been caused by the
general poverty. On Good Friday the city, according to ancient custom,
opened its gates to 1,100 poor men, who, when they had eaten, fell to
plundering and housebreaking; and it took three weeks to get rid of them
by beating out the sturdy beggars, and coaxing out those of a weaker
sort. Corn was daily growing dearer, and 'the caterpillars' boasted that
they would reap the next harvest. The kine, 'which by milk used to keep
the poor wretches alive,' were killed or driven away. Edward Butler had
devastated Waterford County, but the citizens feared nothing. To attack
them without the aid of a foreign prince would be to 'spurn against a
wall,' and Spain was of no such force in Ireland as their own sovereign
liege.[166]

[Sidenote: Waterford and Cork.]

Waterford was a stronghold for its own people, and a city of refuge for
many others, but the rebels had complete possession of the open country.
English settlers were plundered and killed, or led about with halters
round their necks. Sir Edmund Butler and his brother Piers devoted
themselves to the district between Waterford and the Pale, of which the
northern boundary was threatened by Tirlogh Luineach. Edward Butler was
busy south-west of Waterford, and Fitzmaurice preached a crusade in the
Desmond country, calling upon the citizens of Cork and the clergy of the
diocese to send away all Protestants by the next wind. 'The Queen,' he
said, 'is not satisfied with our worldly goods, bellies, and lives, but
must also counsel us to forsake the Catholic faith by God unto His Church
given, and by the See of Rome hitherto prescribed to all Christian
men.... If you follow not this Catholic and wholesome exhortation, I will
not nor may not be your friend.'[167]

[Sidenote: Carew and the Butlers.]

Unable for the moment to visit the South, Sidney sent Carew and Gilbert
to Kilkenny, in a sally from which town they inflicted a severe defeat on
Sir Edmund Butler. In a second encounter Carew was less successful, but
was able, within a few days, to lay siege to Clogrennan, which the
garrison had orders to defend against all but the Lord Deputy himself.
Hooker represents the capture of this castle as a great feat of arms, but
Ormonde says that it contained only eight armed men. Being hard pressed,
the commandant asked if Sidney was present, and being told that he was,
went out on safe-conduct. Finding himself deceived, he returned into the
house, but a soldier named Baker followed, shot or stabbed him in the
back, and threw a log of wood between the doors, so that they could not
be shut. Carew's men then poured in, and killed not only the garrison
but the women and children, including 'an honest gentleman's son, not
three years old.' This rascally breach of faith is represented by Hooker
as fair stratagem of war.[168]

[Sidenote: Atrocities on both sides.]

It is needless to recapitulate all the outrages committed on either side,
or to inquire whether certain attempts on Carew's life were instigated by
Sir Edmund Butler or not; but Enniscorthy was remarkable for the rapes
and murders committed on the merchants and their families frequenting the
great annual fair on August 15. Agriculture was quite neglected, and few
houses were inhabited except those belonging to Ormonde. Carew laid all
the blame on Irish ferocity, but Ormonde declared that the mischief was
caused by rash attacks on landed property, which were shaking the loyalty
of the highest and noblest. Sir Edmund had been a good subject, and was
rewarded by losing his estate. He tried to defend his property, and was
proclaimed a traitor. 'A wiser man than he,' said his brother, 'might be
brought beside himself thus.' The following is too interesting to omit:--

[Sidenote: Sinister rumours.]

'Old Grace, my man,' the Earl wrote, 'landed three weeks ago in Waterford
sore handled with gout; my brother hearing of his being there came to the
waterside to talk with him. Grace was carried between men to his boat,
and in the boat talked with my brother, who asked very earnestly of the
Queen's Majesty. The other told him she was in health and very well. "No,
no," says he, "I know well enough she is poisoned, and my brother put
into the Tower and there put to death." My man told him he might know my
handwriting: he answered my letter bore an old date. He asked again twice
if the Queen were alive. The other sware she was alive and in as good
health as ever she was. "Well," said my brother, "if my lord is alive and
that I may see him, I will believe his word, and then will I go into
England and let her Highness know how I am dealt withal by my Lord Deputy
and Sir Peter Carew."'

Fitzmaurice, Clancare, and the Butlers between them had near 4,500 men,
with whom they laid siege to Kilkenny. The townsmen had been reinforced
by Captain Collyer's company, but they gave hostages to prevent the
suburbs from being burned. Without artillery the rebels could hardly take
a well-defended walled town, and they could not keep the field long
enough to starve out such a good soldier as Collyer. Piers Butler burned
all the houses at Leighlin, and killed even children, but he did not
attack the castle, which contained twelve able men. The roads were so
closely beset that communication with Dublin was almost impossible. But
Sir Edmund's heart was not entirely in the business. He told Fitzwilliam
that he would oppose neither the Queen nor her Deputy if they appeared in
person, that he would not meddle in matters of religion, and that he
would have nothing to do with the introduction of Spaniards.[169]

[Sidenote: Return of Ormonde.]

'It was never seen,' wrote Ormonde proudly, 'that any traitor remained
one night in camp in my country while I served in Ireland. I lament to
hear of this wicked time. I would God I had 1,000 men at my landing in
Waterford, to try my fortune among these caterpillars.' At last he
sailed, and was driven to Roslare in Wexford, where he landed. He wrote
to ask Sidney, who was by this time at Cork, for an escort. His horses,
he said, had all been taken, and he did not yet know whom to trust; but
Sidney doubted this too powerful subject, and told him that he could
easily go to Castlemartyr, Kilmallock, or Limerick without help. A
fortnight was wasted at Waterford, no one joining the Earl but a few
chance Wexford men, and he then made his way to Kilkenny, where his three
brothers came to him. Sir Edmund at once asked after the Queen, and on
being told that she was well, doffed his morion and thanked God. The
other two followed suit. Sir Edmund recapitulated with much energy his
charges against Carew and Sidney, took God to witness, and prayed he
might be damned body and soul if ever he meant to rebel. He was ready to
serve in France or anywhere in Ireland, so that he was not bound to come
to my Lord Deputy's presence, or to serve in his company. Ormonde tried
to persuade him to go to Sidney, but he wept like a child, saying he
would rather go to England unprotected than to Dublin on the best
safe-conduct. He was ready to be tried by the Queen, but not by his
declared enemy. At length the three Butlers surrendered to the Earl on
safe-conduct, the further consideration of their case being reserved
until the Lord Deputy's pleasure should be known.[170]

[Sidenote: Sidney goes to the South. Position of Ormonde in Tipperary.]

Sidney left Dublin late in July with 600 men, Sir Barnaby Fitzpatrick,
'the most sufficient man in counsel and action for the war that ever I
found of that country birth,' being left to guard the southern frontier
of the Pale, while Fitzwilliam and Kildare held the O'Neills in check as
best they might. After visiting and rebuking Kilkenny, the Lord Deputy
entered Tipperary, the rebels burning their houses in front of him. His
first intention was to go straight to Cork, where the citizens
entertained the notion of giving Lady St. Leger up to Fitzmaurice, but
hearing that a relieving force of 400 men had arrived by sea from
England, he encamped near Clonmel, where he found the people good and
loyal. Written challenges were thrown into the camp, promising that the
rebels would fight him, and he sent for reinforcements to Waterford. The
citizens answered that they had no spare men, and that besides they were
exempted by their charter; but they had afterwards to pay a fine for
their stiff-necked conduct. Proclamation of pardon had no effect, and the
palatinate jurisdiction of the House of Ormonde was advanced by the
principal gentlemen of Tipperary as a reason for not exerting themselves
to restore order. 'We are,' they said, 'of this county more ancient
inhabiters and freeholders than any Butler is, and were the first
conquerors of this soil from the Irishry.... England gave us away to a
Butler.... We and our ancestors acknowledged him as our lord and captain,
and indeed we know no other sovereign but him, whose lieutenant, Sir
Edmund Butler, his brother and heir-apparent, is him we follow, and him
we will follow and do as he commandeth us.' Messengers to the chief
rebels failed. They reported, not quite truly, perhaps, Sir Edmund
Butler's opinion that Leicester, Ormonde's mortal foe, was about to marry
the Queen and be King, and that Sidney was to be King of Ireland under
him, 'as might appear,' the Lord Deputy said, 'by bearing the ragged
staff continually in my pensile before me, as indeed I did.' 'That
blessed babe, Edward Butler,' who had been Sidney's page, professed great
affection for his old master, and hoped that he would not go on to meet
certain disaster. He had done all, he said, by Ormonde's orders. Sir
Theobald Butler of Cahir, who was always trying to assert his
independence of Ormonde, was the only one of the family who voluntarily
came to Sidney, by whom he was recommended for a peerage.[171]

[Sidenote: Sidney persuades his men to advance.]

Negotiations having failed, Sidney's drum beat to quarters, but the men
showed a great disinclination to advance. He was a fluent and persuasive
speaker, and he addressed the troops, serving out wine plentifully at the
same time. By the time the speech and the wine were finished, the
soldiers began to cry 'Forward,' and to declare that they would follow to
the land's end or die on the road. They demanded to be led out at once.
'"Nay, fast, sirs," quoth I, "it is Sunday, and it is afternoon; we will
go hear evening prayer, sup and rest; and you shall be called, I warrant
you, betimes in the morning, and so, in the name of God, we will advance
forwards." That evening and all the night there was nothing but singing,
casting of bullets, drying of powder, filing of pike-heads, sharpening of
swords, and everyone thinking himself good enough for five rebels.'

[Sidenote: Sidney meets with little resistance. Fitzmaurice burns
Kilmallock.]

Sidney marched next morning by Cahir into the White Knight's country, and
laid siege to a castle, which was perhaps Mitchelstown. The garrison said
they held the place for God and James Fitzmaurice and the White Knight,
and that they would yield to only one of them in person, or to St. Peter
or St. Paul. Sidney had no artillery heavy enough to breach the main
walls, but shattered the upper works, and ultimately won the courtyard
and barbican by assault. The garrison retired into the vaulted chamber of
the keep; but this also was assaulted, and they were pursued to the top
story, and then thrown over the battlements. Lord Roche's son was left in
possession. Sidney pushed on to Cork, where Lady St. Leger was fully
relieved, and the wavering citizens confirmed in their allegiance.
Carrigaline was taken and garrisoned, and Castlemartyr, which the
seneschal of Imokilly held against the Crown, was summoned. The seneschal
himself answered that he would defend it to the last. A day or two having
been spent in preparing gabions, a small breach was effected, and the
garrison escaped by night into a neighbouring bog. The castle was
entrusted to Captain Jasper Horsey, and Sidney then visited the Mallow
district. After some pulling down of castles and wasting of country, the
chiefs submitted without protection, and took the oath of allegiance.
Buttevant, which Lord Barrymore had mortgaged to Desmond, was taken, and
the Queen, as Sidney grimly said, was made mortgagee. Passing on to
Limerick, Sidney found that Fitzmaurice had been before him at
Kilmallock, which he had carried by escalade with the help of
sympathisers inside. Some houses were sacked, others burned, others
ransomed, and others spared altogether. Here Sidney heard from Ormonde,
who could not join for want of convoy. Lord Power and the Earl's friend
Lord Decies were sent to Kilkenny, and they brought him safe to the Lord
Deputy at Limerick.[172]

[Sidenote: Sidney Limerick.]

Thomas Roe Fitzgerald, Desmond's half-brother by Catherine Roche, was
induced by Sidney to serve the Queen--a stroke of policy which greatly
weakened Fitzmaurice, since many Geraldines thought his title better than
that of the acknowledged Earl, and of course far better than his
cousin's. 'During my abode in Limerick,' says Sidney, 'there came to me
divers principal personages of the county of Kerry and of Connello, as
the Lord Fitzmaurice, William Burke, captain or owner of Clanwilliam,
whose eldest son after (being my man) with his own hand killed James
Fitzmaurice, and James him at one only encounter, Lacy, Purcell, and
Suppell, with many more whose names I have forgotten, being all descended
of English race; all sware allegiance to her Majesty and faithful service
in that action against James. There came to me also Rory MacSheehy,
captain-general of the Earl of Desmond's gallowglasses, surnamed
Clansheehy; he likewise submitted, sware allegiance, and delivered
pledges as before. This man was counted one of much might among them; he
procured to come to me a great many more of the Irishry.'[173]

[Sidenote: Submission of the Butlers.]

[Sidenote: Sir Edmund escapes from Dublin Castle.]

No doubt by his brother's advice, Sir Edmund Butler wrote to Cecil,
throwing himself on the Queen's mercy; and it seems that he set out to
join the Lord Deputy, but thought better of it on the road. Piers lay in
pleurisy at Kilkenny, but Edward accompanied the Earl to Limerick, and
made his unconditional submission. Sidney seems still to have called him
traitor, but he declared himself willing to serve the Queen anywhere.
Afterwards Ormonde gave his parole for him, and he executed a bond
binding himself to appear at Dublin when sent for, and if possible to
bring Piers and Edmund with him. 'I granted his requests,' said Sidney,
'but since that time I could never set eye on my old servant Edward.'
Some weeks later Ormonde brought Sir Edmund and Piers to the Lord Deputy
at Dublin, Edward being this time the defaulter. When the brothers were
brought before the Council Sir Edmund accused Sidney of having threatened
him, but this the Lord Deputy denied, and we have the testimony of an
eye-witness to his gravity and dignity. But it seems that faith was not
strictly kept, for Sir Edmund had come in upon safe-conduct granted by
Ormonde to 'come safe, remain, and go safe,' that Ormonde had full power
to grant such safe-conduct, but that nevertheless Sir Edmund was
imprisoned in the castle. After a short and very indulgent confinement,
he managed to obtain a rope and slipped down the wall, but hurt himself,
and fell into the ditch. He lay all night in the water--it was
November--and those who found him in the morning were friends. The young
O'Byrnes, the afterwards renowned Feagh MacHugh being one of them, led
him through the Wicklow Mountains, and he made his way once more to the
neighbourhood of Leighlin. He soon afterwards visited Holy Cross, and
offered a thank-offering for his escape. Sidney was highly indignant, but
if he really broke Ormonde's safe-conduct he had nothing better to
expect. He insinuated doubts as to the sincerity of the Earl's
professions, but he had not gone the right way to confirm his loyalty.
Ormonde, on the other hand, reported that Sidney was too jealous of him
to avail himself of his services against the Munster rebels.[174]

[Sidenote: Humphrey Gilbert in Munster.]

The rank of colonel was given to Humphrey Gilbert, and he was told to
pacify Munster. He showed all those qualities which have given him an
enduring place in English story. Kilmallock was again threatened, and
Gilbert occupied it with little more than two companies. Fitzmaurice and
Clancare brought 1,500 foot and 60 horse, intending to starve out the
garrison; but Gilbert sallied forth with about 100 men, and put the Irish
to flight, exhibiting the Quixotic courage for which he is famous. He had
a horse shot under him. His buckler was transfixed by a spear. He
advanced to the attack across a river, and had twenty mounted men upon
him at once, of which he slew one, unhorsed two, and wounded six. No
wonder that he had a fever after this. Gilbert's energy seems to have
paralysed the enemy, for he marched almost unopposed through the wilds of
Kerry and Connello, and took thirty or forty castles without artillery.
The policy pursued was like that of Samuel to the subjects of Agag. At
Garrystown Gilbert ordered Captain Warde to put all to the sword on pain
of death. No capitulation was admitted, but all strongholds were stormed
at any cost, and men, women, and children killed. 'They are now,' wrote
Warde, after three weeks of this horrid work, 'so well acquainted with
his conditions that I think they will defend no castle.' And the worthy
captain adds that all were astonished at Gilbert's sufficiency, and that
in his opinion he was fit for any place, civil or military.[175]

[Sidenote: Fitzmaurice is hard pressed.]

James Fitzmaurice himself found the battle so hot about him that he
withdrew, closely pursued, into the glen of Aherlow in Tipperary, and
Sidney complained that Ormonde was slack in his service, and that they
were afraid of the Queen's displeasure if they entered his country to do
the work which he neglected. Sidney called Fitzmaurice an Irish beggar,
Gilbert called him a silly wood-kerne, and both wondered that an Earl of
Ormonde should find any difficulty in dealing with him. The Butlers were
an ungrateful crew, and Gilbert would teach them, if he might, that they
had more need of the Queen's mercy than she had of their service. The
Queen's partiality made it necessary to keep some terms with Ormonde, but
Gilbert did not hesitate 'to infringe the pretended liberties of any city
or town corporate not knowing their charters to further the Queen's
Majesty's service, answering them that the prince had a regular and
absolute power, and that which might not be done by the one, I would do
it by the other in case of necessity.' Gilbert was satisfied that
Ireland, being a conquered nation, would never obey for love, but for
fear only; and he acted fully up to this opinion. Under his drastic
treatment all the Geraldines except James Fitzmaurice submitted. Captain
Apsley was sent into Kerry, and such was the terror inspired by his
colonel, that the whole district was reduced with little difficulty.
Clancare and MacDonough MacCarthy acknowledged their treasons on their
knees. Gilbert would promise no pardons, and every rebel taken in arms
was executed at once. After his service in Munster, Gilbert repaired to
the Lord Deputy, who knighted him, having nothing but honour to give. In
his despatches he praised him to the skies, and seems not to have had the
slightest misgiving about the wisdom or morality of his conduct. The ways
were safe. City gates lay open. The English name was never so much feared
in Ireland. It needed now only a good sour lawyer to manage the escheats
of forfeited lands. 'If her Majesty will provide, that which is spent is
not lost. Persuade her to address into Munster further a council with a
President. The iron is now hot to receive what print shall be stricken in
it, but if it be suffered to grow cold, I fear where before it was iron
it will then be found steel. These people are headstrong, and if they
feel the curb loosed but one link, they will, with bit in the teeth, in
one month run further out of the career of good order than they will be
brought back in three months.' Without money, thwarted at home, and in
bad health, the Lord Deputy begged earnestly for his recall. All classes
were against him, and he felt as if he could not live another six months
in Ireland.[176]

[Sidenote: Ulster is quiet.]

While Geraldines and Butlers, for once united by the fear of losing their
lands, kept the South of Ireland in a turmoil, Ulster, for Ulster, was
rather unusually quiet. The O'Neills feared to provoke Sidney while he
had the power to punish, and minor chiefs professed themselves ready to
obey his call. James MacDonnell's widow took advantage of the lull to
come to Rathlin and give her hand to Tirlogh Luineach, who had now from
3,000 to 5,000 men under his orders, his wife having brought at least
1,200 Scots with her. Newry was threatened, but the arrival of Ormonde
left Kildare free, and the forces of the Pale were drawn northwards.
Sidney followed as soon as he could, and found that the Scots had
weakened rather than strengthened Tirlogh Luineach, who had 'eaten
himself out' by supporting them. The fact that he had been accidentally
shot by a jester while sitting at supper with his new wife, may have had
a good deal to do with Tirlogh Luineach's inactivity. In any case, he
gave Fitzmaurice no help; and, the Butlers having submitted, the
confederacy from which so much had been expected and feared fell to
pieces of itself.[177]

FOOTNOTES:

[156] Articles with Sir Brian MacPhelim O'Neill, Oct. 8, 1568; Sidney to
Cecil, Nov. 12; Sidney's Summary Relation, 1583, in _Carew_.

[157] Sidney to Cecil, Nov. 12, 1568; same to same, Nov. 8 (in the
_Sidney Papers_); Argyle to Queen Elizabeth, Aug. 24 (in the _Sidney
Papers_).

[158] Lord Roche to the Lords Justices, Sept. 14; Wingfield to Cecil,
Nov. 12; Sidney to Cecil, Nov. 8 and 12; Hamlet's warning to Ophelia is
applicable to all Irish Governors.

[159] Lady Dunboyne to Luke Dillon, A.G., Nov. 22; Carew to Cecil, Dec.
26.

[160] Hooker, in _Holinshed_; for the state of Athenry, see Sidney to the
Queen, April 20, 1567.

[161] Hooker, in _Holinshed_; Weston to Cecil, Feb. 17 and March 18,
1569. The Parliament 11 Eliz. sat almost continuously from Jan. 17 to
March 11, 1569, but three sessions are counted within this period. On
March 11, a prorogation took place till Oct. 10.

[162] Hooker, in _Holinshed_; two letters of Weston to Cecil already
quoted; Sir N. White to Cecil, March 10; and Sidney's Summary Relation in
_Carew_, 1583.

[163] Cecil to Sidney, Nov. 5, 1568; Queen to Sidney, Feb. 10, 1569;
Peryam's Petition, Feb. 19; Tremayne to Pollard and to Cecil, July 7.

[164] Letters to the Lord Deputy, June 17 to 20, from Lady St. Leger, J.
Horsey, the Mayors of Cork, Waterford, and Youghal, and Andrew Skiddy.
St. Leger to Sidney, February 14; see _Froude_, vol. x. p. 495, from
Simancas.

[165] Depositions of Lord Baltinglass and Richard Shee, June 19;
Information of William Sweetman, July 27.

[166] N. White to Cecil, April 18; Mayor and Corporation of Waterford to
Cecil, July 8; Corporation of Kilmallock and Limerick to Sidney, July 2
and 10; the Queen to Sidney, July 9.

[167] James Fitzmaurice to the Corporation of Cork, July 12. He calls the
Protestants 'Hugnettes.'

[168] _Life of Carew_; Ormonde to Cecil, July 24; Sir Edmund Butler to
Ormonde, Aug. 23.

[169] Ormonde to Cecil, July 24; Corporation of Kilkenny to Sidney, July
2 and 29; Roger Hooker (Richard Hooker's father) to Weston, Aug. 10.

[170] Ormonde to Cecil, July 24 and Sept. 7; Words uttered, &c. Sept. 1;
N. White to Cecil, Sept. 3.

[171] George Wyse to Cecil, Oct. 29; Lord Deputy and Council to Cecil,
Oct. 26; Sidney's Brief Relation in _Carew_, 1583.

[172] Fitzmaurice took Kilmallock early in Sept. 1569; Lord Deputy and
Council to the Privy Council, Oct. 20; Sidney's Summary Relation, in
_Carew_, 1583.

[173] Brief Relation, in _Carew_, 1583; Sidney to Cecil, Oct. 17, 1569,
in _Sidney Papers_.

[174] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, Sept. 12; Geo. Wyse to same, Oct. 29; Sidney
to same, Nov. 29; also Sidney's Summary Relation, as above.

[175] Warde to Cecil, Sept. 26 and Oct. 18; Gilbert to same, Oct. 18.

[176] Gilbert to Sidney, Nov. 13 and Dec. 6; Sidney to Cecil, Nov. 25 and
Jan. 4, 1570.

[177] MacMahon to the Commissioners for the North, Aug. 23; Fitzwilliam
to Cecil, Sept. 12.




CHAPTER XXVII.

1570 AND 1571.


[Sidenote: Fitton, President of Connaught.]

Pollard's illness had delayed the formation of a presidential Government
in Munster, but Sir Edward Fitton was appointed to Connaught, with Ralph
Rokeby for a Chief Justice. When the decadence of the southern rebellion
enabled him to begin work, he did not show much talent for government,
being an ill-tempered, quarrelsome man, not at all fitted for the
delicate duty of turning Irish into English order. The townsmen of Galway
he found loyal and peaceable enough, but the people of the province were
cold in religion, and inclined to superstition. By way of encouragement
he burned the 'idols' in the churches. The friars were nominally
expelled, really driven into hiding. More praiseworthy were his efforts
to make the clergy either put away or marry their female
companions--efforts extended to the laity, who, from the Earl of
Clanricarde downwards, seem to have held canonical marriage in contempt.
Malefactors were executed, a kind of census taken, and a provost-marshal
appointed to hang out of hand all who could find no one to answer for
them. 'Such as do come unto us, we cause to cut their glybbes, which we
do think the first token of obedience.' Clanricarde and O'Connor Sligo
professed some agreement with Fitton's course, but O'Rourke held aloof,
while Thomond gave every possible opposition, even to the extent of
detaining Captain Apsley and his men on their return from Kerry, and of
threatening to capture the President himself. Proclamation had been made
for holding assizes at Ennis, where the sheriff, Teig O'Brien, made store
of provisions for the President. Thomond, who was at Clare close by,
refused to attend, and when the assizes were over friendly partisans
conducted Fitton through the Burren Mountains, the Earl hanging on his
skirts and skirmishing as far as Gort. He was said to be acting under
orders from the Duke of Norfolk, and no doubt his conduct had reference
to the rising in the North, and to the general attack on those whom
Fitzmaurice called Huguenots. Fitton was shut up in Galway, and John
Burke, Clanricarde's rebellious son, rode up to the gate, but refused to
enter. Gilbert having departed, Fitzmaurice gathered a new force, entered
and spoiled Kilmallock; and there seemed every prospect of a
conflagration throughout the West. Sidney resolved to take Ormonde at his
word, and to employ him in putting down this fresh disturbance.[178]

[Sidenote: Ormonde is reconciled to Sidney,]

'My Lord Deputy and I,' Ormonde wrote to Cecil, 'brake our minds at
Leighlin last together before some of our trusty friends, and after
promising never to call quarrels past to rehearsal, we vowed the renewal
of our old friendship. So, for my part, I will bring no matter past to
rehearsal.' Thereupon he begged the intercession of Cecil and other
statesmen for his misguided brothers. Edward was still at large.

'I think,' said Sidney, 'God have ordained him a sacrifice for the rest.
What honour were it to that house if the Earl would bring in that
brother's head with his own hands? That were indeed a purging sacrifice.'
It was a sacrifice which Ormonde did not feel called upon to offer; but
he was willing enough to serve the Queen, and received a commission to
reduce his cousin, the Earl of Thomond.

[Sidenote: and receives a commission.]

He received an ample commission, having power to proclaim rebels, to
parley, protect, or prosecute as he might think expedient. After a
month's preparation he was in a condition to take the field. He had no
help from the Government but 300 kerne and a battering-ram, which he did
not use. The Mayor of Limerick made difficulties about boats to convey
the guns across the Shannon, and Ormonde marched into Thomond without
them. The terror of his name and the knowledge that artillery was behind
did all that was necessary, but he complained that nothing was done
unless he did it himself, and that Sir Thomas Roe Fitzgerald was
particularly useless. Thomond at once offered to give up all prisoners,
English and Irish, to surrender all castles, provided he might be allowed
to go to England and plead his own cause with the Queen, and to serve at
once against James Fitzmaurice. He stipulated for life and liberty for
himself, that Ormonde should have the custody of his country, that his
enemy, Teig MacMorragh of Inchiquin, should be no longer sheriff, that
the Lord Deputy and Lord President should not prejudice his case with her
Majesty, and that he should be allowed five days' law before being
proclaimed traitor, in the event of Sidney refusing to ratify the
articles. Ormonde took possession of all the castles at once, garrisoned
them, and secured the prisoners, cutting passes through the wood to
Bunratty in case further fighting should be necessary. The rest he left
to the Lord Deputy. Sidney would have preferred that Thomond should come
before him, but agreed to let him go to the Queen, on condition that he
should give the names of all his accomplices at once and start for
England before May 27.[179]

[Sidenote: Thomond goes to France. Intrigues there.]

The rebel Earl, who was probably conscious of intrigues of which Ormonde
knew nothing, neglected, without actually refusing, to go to the Lord
Deputy, allowed the day of grace to pass, and went quietly on board a
French ship which lay in the Shannon. Thomond was pacified entirely at
Ormonde's charge, and the work was done but just in time, for many of his
men had been engaged in the late rebellion, and were fighting with
halters round their necks. The moment their protections expired they left
their chief, who had no power to extend them, but they seem to have
returned on the Lord Deputy giving them six weeks longer. The principal
men of the O'Briens submitted, and the O'Loughlins and O'Mahons followed
suit. There were a few executions, but Ormonde preferred clemency to the
policy of Gilbert or even of Sidney. 'The Queen,' he said, 'hath many
good subjects here if they were but cherished and not over-pressed.' His
reception in France not answering his expectation, Thomond thought it
prudent to report himself to the English ambassador, representing himself
as a loyal subject driven mad by Fitton's harshness. He professed great
anxiety to see the Queen, but feared the Lord Deputy. He had come by
France, as the direct road to London was closed. Norris advised lenity in
dealing with one who was evidently rather a tool than a ringleader--a
barbarian whose cunning was neutralised by his vaingloriousness, and
whose simple talk could deceive no diplomatist. 'Promise what you list,'
said the ambassador, whose great object was to coax the refugee out of
France into England, 'and having him there perform what you list.'

[Sidenote: Diplomacy.]

The Queen lent no countenance to this Machiavellian advice, and told
Norris that the Irish lord was of small value but by her favour, and not
the best of his name in the estimation of his own countrymen. By her
advice he gave a written personal undertaking that Thomond should not be
imprisoned on his promising, also in writing, to make no further attempt
against the Queen. He had from his arrival intrigued with the French
Court, and had nearly succeeded in captivating Henry III.; but Marshal
Vielleville reminded his sovereign that he had debts, and persuaded him
not to meddle with castles in Ireland. Catherine de' Medici tried to
prevent Thomond from going to England, and gave him 200 pistoles. Fearful
lest he should go to Spain, Norris added 100, and after spending a month
in Paris, the Earl was induced to go to his natural sovereign and make
humble submission. He was pardoned in due course and sent back to
Ireland, where he bound himself in the sum of 10,000_l._ to be of good
behaviour for the future.[180]

[Sidenote: Sidney's policy. Edward Butler cannot be caught.]

While Ormonde showed his zeal in the West, the Lord Deputy remained in
Dublin preparing to meet Parliament. He begged to be recalled, or at
least to have the comfort of his wife's society, for that he was living
very uncomfortably, and at intolerable expense to himself, though saving
much to the Queen. To his repeated cries her Majesty answered that he
should be relieved as soon as possible, but that it was very difficult to
find a fit successor for him, or a fit governor for Munster. She approved
of his fortifying policy in Ulster. Irishmen were to be encouraged to
take estates of the Crown, and Englishmen to settle in Ireland, and 'we
would have good regard that the inhabitants there do not engross many
farms into few hands, whereby hospitality must decay.' Edmund and Piers
Butler were to be committed; Edward caught, indicted, and arraigned; and
all three were to be made to surrender their estates, and have judgment
passed on them, to be executed or not according to their behaviour. Their
inferior agents in rebellion were to 'taste the reward of justice.'
Edward Butler could not be caught, though he had at least one narrow
escape from his brother's men, but the other two had remained in Dublin
since their submission, and now humbly awaited her Majesty's
pleasure.[181]

[Sidenote: Final submission of the Butlers, 1570. Parliament.]

Sidney found his Parliament in more submissive mood than at its first
meeting, the Irish party having been cowed by his vigour, and by the
sight of unsuccessful rebellion. The influence of a Speaker must needs be
considerable, and Stanihurst was devoted to the Government, which
received valuable support from his grave and conciliatory demeanour. The
Lord Deputy opened the session with a pithy speech, in which he earnestly
prayed the members to show their activity by amending Bills brought
before them, but not by rejecting necessary measures. An Act was then
passed reciting the Queen's efforts to establish order and justice,
notwithstanding which 'the wicked, better acquainted with darkness than
light, have chosen to wallow in their own filth and puddle of tyranny,
oppression, rape, ravine, and spoil.'

[Sidenote: Attainders.]

Clancare, Fitzmaurice, Ormonde's three brothers, and several other
Butlers of less note, were then attainted by name as 'vile and ingrate
traitors;' and treasons committed within a limited time were
prospectively included in the attainder. The Queen stayed the execution
of this Act, but Ormonde objected to it on general grounds, and
especially to its prospective effect. 'Alas,' he said, 'what availeth
life, and to live with infamy (as I perceive my brethren must do coming
to arraignment)! But the Queen's staying of their judgment and execution
is an exceeding mercy, far above their deserts of late days ... and for
the stain of my house I confesseth it nippeth me to the heart. But what
remedy the best is they may, with the Queen's goodness, live to requite
this evil with good service hereafter.... My brother Edmond was not his
own man since he was bewitched. Myself have not escaped free by means of
a drink given me by some unhappy hand. I recovered hardly by drinking
salt and oil, bleeding very much, and being purged. I bled forty ounces
at twenty-one times.... This act is very general, and so perilous that
the judgment is given before the offence committed. Many innocents may be
indicted upon malice, and peradventure have no notice of the proclamation
to come to justify themselves according to the law.'

[Sidenote: The Butlers pardoned.]

Sir Edmund, who was certainly of an excitable nature, felt the disgrace
so keenly that he was actually out of his mind for a time. Later on, when
it was proposed to print the Act in London, Ormonde complained bitterly
that the praise of suppressing the rebellion was given in general terms
to Sidney, and begged that 'the odious discourse' might be kept back.
Some Butlers were, indeed, by God's visitation induced to act beyond
their reason, and the family honours had been spotted for the first time;
but the head of the House had brought them back, and the tree now bore
its accustomed good fruit. Edward Butler at last submitted to the Earl,
but seems never to have put himself into Sidney's power. In 1573 the
three brothers were pardoned, but it seems that by some omission they
were never restored in blood. The legal stain remained, but the moral
stain was removed by much after good service.[182]

[Sidenote: First attempt at national education.]

[Sidenote: Opposition to Government Bills.]

An Act was passed in this session for the erection of a free school in
every diocese at the cost of the diocese, with an English master
appointed by the Lord Deputy, except in Armagh, Dublin, Meath, and
Kildare, where the Bishops were made patrons. The foundation was
Scriptural and Protestant, for the Elizabethans could not understand the
possible permanence of any but the State religion. Henry VIII.'s system
of parochial schools having never come into being, this must be
considered as the first attempt at national education. Salaries were to
be fixed by the Lord Deputy, but paid by the clergy, one-third by the
ordinary, and two-thirds by the general body. The results of the diocesan
schools, as they came to be called, fell far short of what some expected,
and it is probable that in many dioceses they were never founded at all.
But Sidney's measure was well meant, and was not entirely inoperative
like the mediæval attempts at Irish universities. A Bill to compel the
residence of spiritual persons was thrown out by the Commons, as well as
one to abolish the extortionate demand of meat and drink; the majority of
members probably having a personal interest in supporting the old abuse
in either case. A Bill for limiting interests which had been acquired by
lessees in entailed property was also thrown out, the real object of it
being to restore to Ormonde those lands of his family which had been
improvidently alienated. Sidney did not oppose the measure, but foresaw
that it would fail. He was ready to do what he could to meet Ormonde's
views, but only so far as was consistent with ordinary process of law.
'If the gentlemen that have lands of his in the English Pale, in fee
farm and otherwise, do not consent in all points to his lordship's
liking, having law on their side, I cannot use compulsory means to wrest
justice, nor, I hope, it is not required in my place.' Wise words, but it
would have been better for Sidney's reputation had he been equally
careful in guarding prescriptive rights against Sir Peter Carew.[183]

[Sidenote: Commercial legislation. Monopolies.]

The Butlers having returned to their right mind, and Fitzmaurice being
reduced to wandering with a few followers, Sidney busied himself chiefly
with the affairs of the North. His marvellous power of despatching
causes, his extraordinary knowledge of Irish septs and alliances, and his
untiring industry, were the theme of general admiration; and the
lightning rapidity of his movements struck terror into Irish hearts.
Before he could bring the Northern chiefs to any settlement offering a
chance of permanence, he had to hold two more sessions of Parliament, and
to make arrangements for the Presidency of Munster, as he had already
done for Connaught. The legislation attempted was chiefly commercial.
Thus a Bill, which was at first thrown out in the Lower House by an
effort of untutored common sense, was pressed successfully forward by the
Government, who thought it important that the ancient staple commodities
wool and wool-fells, raw or manufactured, wax, and butter, should not be
exported except by the merchants of the staple towns. Such exportation
had been already restrained by duties with a view of encouraging Irish
manufactures, but the law had not answered expectation, having had the
natural result of throwing the trade into French, Scotch, Spanish, and
other foreign hands. Instead of repealing the Act which had done so much
harm, the true protectionist policy of further restraint was adopted.
Manufactured articles, to which linen yarn was added, might be exported
by the merchants of the staple at Dublin, Drogheda, Cork, and Waterford,
and by the merchants of other borough towns, on paying the custom; and
all power of dispensing with the law was taken away from the Irish
Government. The raw material had continued to be exported to some
extent, but the intention to benefit Irish manufactures by forcibly
retaining it was again recorded, and infringement of the monopoly was
made felony; the Government being in this case also declared incapable of
dispensing with the Act. It was soon discovered that trade could not be
forced in this way, and the Queen was besieged by applications for
patents, the projectors pretending to cure the evils of one monopoly by
creating another. Lancashire and Cheshire had benefited much by Irish
yarn, 4,000 hands being employed in weaving it at Manchester alone. The
embargo, it was urged, had nearly ruined Manchester, and had not
benefited Ireland, where the weavers were few, and the people naturally
given to idleness; spinning, of course, requiring no industry. It was
admitted that the lack of lawful outlet for the cloth had something to
say to the want of weavers, but as the suitors for patents were
Englishmen, that side of the question was not pressed.[184]

[Sidenote: Monopolies. Prototype of Wood's halfpence.]

Elizabeth, no doubt for some valuable consideration, granted a patent to
one Thomas Moore to export 3,000 packs of linen yarn from Ireland in five
years. The Corporations of Dublin and Drogheda objected on the grounds
that Ireland did not produce 600 packs a year, that Moore was to pay them
no custom, that many men in Ireland had sunk their substance in setting
up looms on the faith of a very recent statute, and that if the Queen
persevered they would all be ruined. She then reduced the amount to 200
packs a year; but Irish vested interests were unappeased, and seven of
the most eminent Queen's counsel in Dublin were very clearly of opinion
that letters patent were waste paper as against an Act of Parliament. In
the end Tremayne effected a compromise, of which the terms are not
stated, between the patentee and the municipalities of Dublin and
Drogheda, and the latter prayed Burghley to intercede with her Majesty
against the passing of any such patents in future.

[Sidenote: Dutch weavers in Ireland.]

The intercession was not successful, for in 1578 Lord Chancellor Gerrard
obtained a similar monopoly, which he assigned to one Middlemore. Both
patentee and assignee had disputes with Dublin and Drogheda, their
evident object being to be bought off as dearly as possible. 'I caused to
plant,' said Sidney, 'above forty families of the reformed churches of
the Low Countries, flying thence for religion's sake, in one ruinous town
called Swords. It would have done any man good to see how diligently they
wrought, how they re-edified the spoiled old castle and repaired almost
all the same, and how goodly and cleanly they and their wives and
children lived. They made diaper and ticks for beds and other good stuff
for man's use, and excellent good leather of deer skins, goat- and
sheep-fells, as is made in Southwark.' And he spoke with becoming
indignation of the infringement of a law which he had caused to be made
for the benefit of Ireland, and which he had restrained himself and his
predecessors from contravening. In the forgotten story of these
monopolies we have a foreshadowing of Wood's halfpence, and it is
possible that the Drapier was not ignorant of the precedent.[185]

[Sidenote: Sir John Perrott, President of Munster, 1571.]

Sir John Perrott, of an ancient Pembrokeshire family, but supposed by
some to be a son of Henry VIII., was the person selected for the task of
reducing Munster. He had been made a Knight of the Bath along with
Ormonde at Edward VI.'s coronation, had served at St. Quentin, and in
1560 had again been the Earl's companion in the tilt at Greenwich, where,
in presence of the French ambassador, he maintained Elizabeth's quarrel
against all comers. In running a course with Mr. Cornwallis both riders
lost their tempers and fell to tilting in the Queen's presence with sharp
lances and without armour--a pastime which she soon put a stop to. The
story is characteristic of the gallant but imprudent man who played so
great a part in Irish history. His taste and magnificence, perhaps his
extravagance, may be guessed from his additions to Carew Castle--a manor
which had been granted to him by Mary in spite of his Protestantism and
of his refusal to persecute other Protestants. Ormonde now declared that
his old comrade should be Lord President even against his will, and to
judge by the delay he was neither anxious for the honour nor in a hurry
to begin the work.[186]

[Sidenote: Perrott's instructions.]

The salary of the Lord President was fixed at 133_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._, as in
the case of Connaught, and he was allowed thirty horse and twenty foot in
the Queen's pay. The first Chief Justice, with a salary of 100_l._, was
James Dowdall, afterwards Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench. Nicholas
Walshe, afterwards Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, was second justice,
with a salary of 100 marks. Thomas Burgate was the first Clerk of the
Council, which originally consisted of the Archbishops and Bishops of
Munster and of the Earls of Ormonde, Thomond, and Clancare, power being
reserved to the Lord Deputy to appoint additional councillors at his
pleasure. The Council had all the judicial authority of a Court of
Assize. The Lord President was not to be out of his province for more
than six days without the Deputy's license; but special leave was given
to Sir John Perrott to visit his estate in Pembrokeshire and to return
within one month. The liberties of Tipperary were not to be needlessly
infringed, but those of Kerry were declared to be null and void. The Lord
President and Council were to assist all officers, civil and
ecclesiastical, to maintain their proper authority, and the following
curious provision was made in furtherance of religion as by law
established:--

'The said Lord President shall have and retain one chaplain or minister
that shall and can preach and read the Homilies; who shall be allowed his
diets in the household of the said Lord President, and shall receive the
entertainment of one of the house assigned to the President; to whom the
Lord President shall cause due reverence to be given, in respect of the
office that he shall have for the service of God.'

The Lord Deputy and Council were generally charged to look after all the
rights of the Crown in Munster, but were not to infringe the liberty of
the subject by quartering unnecessary men on the country, the Lord Deputy
and Council being the judges of what were cases of necessity.[187]

[Sidenote: Sidney goes to England. Sir W. Fitzwilliam is Lord Justice.]

How much Sidney hated the Irish service may be learned from his letters,
almost every one of which contains a prayer for recall. Yet Fitzwilliam,
the second string to the English bow in Ireland, hinted that he was
unwilling to retire. Fitzwilliam always declared himself loth to accept
the high but thankless office, but both these able men may have been more
attached to power than they would confess to themselves or to their
friends. The establishment of presidencies had been Sidney's great
panacea, and he waited only till Munster as well as Connaught was
provided for. In the meantime he made arrangements for Northern affairs,
which under the presidency system were to be peculiarly the care of the
Lord Deputy. Tirlogh Luineach entered into a treaty of peace with all the
Queen's subjects to be inviolably observed until the Queen's further
pleasure should be known. Tirlogh Luineach claimed Maguire and MacMahon
as his 'urraghs'; but this the Lord Deputy refused, agreeing, however, to
give them the temporary benefit of the peace. Tirlogh Luineach's wife was
a party to this treaty, who informed Morton that she was the real author
of it, and begged him to support her husband's messenger at the English
Court. The Scots were thus held in check for the time, and Sidney further
secured the Pale by an agreement with the O'Farrells, whereby they
covenanted to surrender all their lands and receive them back from the
Queen, to pay a quit rent, to attend hostings, and to have their whole
district treated as shire ground, paying the subsidy of 13_s._ 4_d._ for
each plough land. O'Farrell Bane, the principal chief, is described as of
that 'place called Pallas in the county of Longford,' where Oliver
Goldsmith was born.

Arrangements for the surrender of their lands and for taking them back by
grant were also made with MacBrien Arra in Tipperary, and with the
Kavanaghs; and Sidney, having installed Perrott in his Presidency, and
thus provided both a scourge for the rebels and a counterpoise for
Ormonde, sailed for England, and left the government in the hands of Sir
William Fitzwilliam.[188]

[Sidenote: Fitton cannot govern Connaught.]

While Ormonde was reducing the rebellious O'Briens, Lord President Fitton
was practically shut up in Galway, and Sidney sent a force under Basnet
and Collyer to relieve him. With their help and with that of Clanricarde
he was able to besiege Shrule Castle, the key of Lower Connaught; but
Shane MacOliver Burke, claiming to be MacWilliam Iochtar, collected the
youth of Mayo and Connemara, and attacked Fitton's camp with great
determination. He had also some Scots mercenaries. 'They resolved that if
the son or kinsman of one of them should be slain, they would not stop
with him, but pass over him at once.' The President's Irish and Scotch
auxiliaries were driven in, and the Burkes chased them for two miles,
when the English cavalry, who had remained in reserve, turned the tide by
charging them in the rear. Both sides claimed a victory, but the success
was Fitton's. The Burkes retired, and the castle which they had come to
relieve was at once taken.

[Sidenote: A chieftain's dilemma.]

Though badly supported by his followers, Clanricarde did excellent
service on this occasion, but Sidney was unable to feed or arm a large
force, and the victory could not be practically followed up. Fitton could
do nothing without English soldiers, and they could not be maintained
without cessing the country. The people hardly knew how to choose between
imposts in the Queen's name and the exactions of their own chiefs. A poor
woman complained to Shane MacOliver of the intolerable burden of his
Scots mercenaries, whereupon 'he fell into a study, and after some pause
said openly, "I am in a miserable case. If we stand out altogether and
maintain Scots for our defence, I see the destruction of the country;
again, if I shall take upon me the name of MacWilliam, I shall be driven
for maintenance thereof to spoil it myself, and if we shall submit
ourselves to the English nation, they will be as burdensome as either
MacWilliam or Scots. God give me grace to do the likest."'[189]

[Sidenote: It is doubtful whether English law or Irish custom is best.]

Fitton says Shane MacOliver's speech grieved him to the heart, for he
could not deny its truth, and yet he thought the presence of the soldiers
was of some use in keeping the peace. The country was as safe to travel,
he said, as the English Pale, but 'I and my men also live most part
without any money, and they almost without clothes for lack of money.'
Peace was maintained on very precarious terms. O'Connor Don lay in
Athlone Castle as security for all his clan, but some of his friends
brought one of the light Shannon boats or 'cots' under the walls, into
which he stepped and bid farewell to his host. Fitton sallied forth next
day, took and garrisoned his chief castle of Ballintober, and declared
that that stronghold, along with Shrule and Longford, would have to be
always held. O'Connor Don and MacDermot and all the gentlemen of Mayo
were indicted, with the view of entitling the Queen to the northern half
of Connaught; and Clanricarde's sons were indicted also. But the
O'Connors, having got their chief out of prison, cared nothing for the
lawyers, and ranged the country at will. Their men, who between Scots and
natives were not less than 1,000, never showed themselves except when
numerically superior. Mr. Moore, lieutenant to Captain Maltby, was
wounded in a skirmish, and sixty-four of his troopers deserted; very
naturally, considering the way in which they were treated. They seem to
have made their way to Dublin, where Fitzwilliam punished a few, and
persuaded the rest to return. In surrendering the sword, Sidney had not
the satisfaction of seeing his favourite project of presidencies entirely
successful.[190]

[Sidenote: Tremayne's report on Ireland.]

Among countless reports on the state of Ireland, one by Edmund Tremayne,
who had been acting as Sidney's secretary, deserves particular notice. In
general, he says, the people had no conscience, but committed crimes
freely; and they had so little morality that they even changed wives
among themselves. Bridges were falling down, churches were roofless, and
no new charities had replaced the old monastic ones. Good schools there
were none, for no teacher could be sure of being paid. In the law
everything was jobbed by certain families, and even the judicial bench
was filled with unlearned men. Bills were therefore badly drafted,
justice was thwarted, and there was general hostility to reform. Bad in
Dublin, matters were worse in the country, where courts of quarter
sessions, courts leet, and courts baron existed only in theory. Every
lord hated the restraints of law, and made himself an Irish chief.
English officials were no better, and there was little apparent
difference between a seneschal and a native captain, disorders being as
great among English soldiers as among Irish kernes and gallowglasses. All
Englishmen made parties among the Irish, and everything tended to go
daily from bad to worse. 'An excellent, unspotted character,' said
Archbishop Loftus, 'is a rare thing in this realm.'[191]

[Sidenote: Ormonde in Kerry. Kilmallock an abode of wolves.]

While Perrott was preparing to enter upon his long and arduous career of
Irish service Ormonde made a winter journey into Kerry, where there were
rumours of a French descent. About the time of the Lord President's
landing Fitzmaurice, who had been lurking about Tipperary with less than
120 'naked villains afoot,' suddenly appeared at the head of a
considerable but almost unarmed force, surprised and burned Kilmallock.
Again there was suspicion of collusion, for he only killed two of the
townsmen, and against those two he had a personal grudge. But the native
annalists say the plunder was great, and they speak in a way which shows
how insecure was Irish life. Plate, they state, was taken, 'and jewels
which the father would not have acknowledged to his heir or the mother
to her daughter on the day before.' The same writer says that Kilmallock
became an abode of wolves, and Perrott advised that the Queen should give
200_l._ to induce the miserable people to return.

[Sidenote: The Butlers again do good service.]

Ormonde might have saved the town but for Sir Thomas Roe Fitzgerald, who
sent him word to guard Dungarvan and Youghal. Considering what afterwards
happened to Youghal, the advice of Sir Thomas may have been honest
enough, and Fitzmaurice was not likely to make him his confidant; but
Ormonde could think of nothing but treason in any member of the rival
House. Later on, when Fitzmaurice had killed four of Sir Thomas's men,
the Earl was more inclined to blame his ally for folly than for
infidelity; in any case, he pronounced him useless. He inspected the
walls of Youghal and found them weak defences, the circuit being too
great to be held by less than 300 men, and the townsmen too poor to
support such a garrison. He left them the few men they asked for, and
made arrangements for mounting what guns they had, but complained that
they were too careless of their own security. Kilmallock deserved to be
punished for its negligence or worse; but Edward Butler recovered great
part of the cattle, and, eager to earn his pardon, pursued Fitzmaurice,
and 'killed one of his dear foster brethren.' Ormonde himself travelled
on foot all over the Aherlow forest, but none of the rebels would even
skirmish, and it was evident that Munster could only be reduced by the
steady pressure of a regular force. Believing that Sidney would lay the
blame for the loss of Kilmallock on him, Ormonde drew the attention of
the Home Government to the fact that he had relieved Youghal, and was
holding castles in Thomond and elsewhere for the Queen at his own
expense, that he had neither English soldiers nor provisions allowed him,
and that his own country was defenceless while he was occupied in the
public service.[192]

[Sidenote: Perrott's first campaigns. Great hardships.]

Having taken the oath before Sidney in Dublin, Perrott went to Cork,
where he found himself at the head of about 700 men, 200 of which were
Irish. From Cork he went to Kilmallock, where he lodged in a half-burned
house, and issued a proclamation to the townsmen to return and repair
their walls and buildings, which in course of time they did. He then
pursued the rebels, whom he came up with at Knocklong. The Irish fled
into the bogs, whither Perrott's soldiers followed them barefooted,
carrying light cavalry lances instead of pikes. They returned with a
trophy of fifty heads, with which the Lord President decorated the
market-cross at Kilmallock for the edification of those citizens of
Limerick who had complained of losing their goods. Lord Roche's cattle
were restored to him, and Perrott, having made Kilmallock defensible,
marched towards Limerick. A castle belonging to the Burkes of Clanwilliam
blocked his way, but part of the wall fell after three hours' mining, and
the chief's wife then surrendered. Thomond, O'Shaughnessy, and Sir Thomas
of Desmond came to him at Limerick, and he then went to Cashel. His march
was again impeded by a castle, which he took 'by shooting of fire up into
the top, which was covered with thatch.' The blaze and the noise of the
falling roof frightened his picketed horses--he had about 200 mounted
men--who broke loose and ran off into the woods, where they were caught
by the rebels, and in some cases not recovered. At Cashel he hanged seven
Gray merchants for supplying the enemy with provisions, the chief
magistrate of the town hardly escaping the same fate. From Cashel he went
by Fethard and Clonmel to Ormonde's house at Carrick, and thence by
Lismore to Cork, taking the strong castle of Mocollop on the way. At Cork
the President was attended by Clancare and Thomond, who had now made up
their minds as to which was the strongest side, by Lords Barry, Roche,
and Courcy, and by MacCarthy Reagh and Sir Cormac MacTeige. The White
Knight's country was again invaded, his castles taken, and himself driven
into the woods. The Glen of Aherlow was then entered without much result,
and after a few days' rest at Cork Perrott marched against the
MacSwineys. The style of warfare may be gathered from his biographer's
words. 'He slew many of the rebels, and hanged as many as he might take,
whom the Marshal executed always as he went along; so that they took a
great prey, spoiled all the enemy's country, and with continual travel
wore out all their provisions, having no corn in the country left to make
their bread, which the President himself wanted for divers days, their
chief sustenance being the milk of those kine that they had taken.'

[Sidenote: Perrott's personal behaviour.]

The hardships of such warfare must have been very great, Ormonde
recommending Captain Warde and his men to special consideration for doing
such winter service as was never done by soldiers; service from which
they returned bare-footed and bare-bodied. Their sad plight grieved him
to the heart, but he could do nothing for them. The Lord President did
not spare himself. On one occasion his foot hurt him as he was struggling
through a bog in pursuit of the rebels. 'My Lord,' said an officer, 'you
have lost your shoe.' 'It matters not,' said Perrott, 'as long as the
legs last we shall find shoes'; and he called for another pair, and
trudged on again. Another day some gallowglasses roasted a hog whole with
the hair on, 'and in great kindness did reach a piece of it to one of the
Lord President's servants, being a gentleman of good sort, and a justice
of the peace in his county.' Perrott made a jocular remark about the
quality of the meat. 'An' it please you, sir,' said the other, 'it is
good meat here among these men, but if it were at home I would scarce
give it to my dogs.'[193]

[Sidenote: Fitzmaurice still holds out.]

Want of provisions was the great difficulty: all peaceable men having
been robbed of their cows and horses. The MacSheehy and MacSwiney kerne
swarmed everywhere, and just as Fitzmaurice appeared to be at his last
gasp, he managed suddenly to collect a strong force of these idlemen,
obliging the Geraldines to provide for their maintenance. Many of the
native lords sympathised with him, being afraid of losing their
captainries, and they gave him information. Perrott was never strong
enough to divide his own force, and his light-heeled adversary roamed at
will from Aherlow to Castlemaine, and from Glenflesk to Baltimore. No one
was safe for a moment. Thus Miler Magrath, the Queen's Archbishop of
Cashel, having ventured to arrest two friars for preaching against the
Queen's policy, Fitzmaurice ordered their release. The poor friars, he
said, preached the Word of God to people blinded with ignorance for years
for want of good pastors, and the light of salvation, by reason of long
obscurity, was much needed in Ireland. If they were not released all
houses and buildings belonging to the Archbishop should be burned to
ashes. The letter which contained this wise and sober advice, as the
Geraldine leader called it, finished with an invocation of the Blessed
Virgin, and there could be no doubt about the danger of the Church as
established by law. Edward Butler rescued the friars to show his power,
and perhaps to establish communications with the Archbishop, and then
offered to pursue Fitzmaurice with all his might upon condition of
pardon. Magrath and the Dublin officials advised that, though Butler
deserved ten deaths, it would nevertheless be better to accept his
offer.[194]

[Sidenote: Perrott fails to take Castlemaine. An English captain
surprised.]

To the possession of Castlemaine Perrott attached great importance, and
extensive preparations were made for besieging it. The cannon were
delayed by storms on their passage from Limerick. The castle, which stood
on arches in the water, proved stronger than was supposed, and all the
powder was expended without making a breach; there were at the time only
three cwt. in Dublin. In want of almost every requisite for successful
war, Perrott withdrew his famished army after a siege of five weeks. On
returning to Cork he found that Fitzmaurice had not been idle in his
absence. Captain John Morgan, who was to have co-operated with the
President by sea, seeing the rebels driving cattle along the shores of
Cork harbour, landed and rescued them, and followed the foragers till
they reached their supports. Seeing the English sailors, whose behaviour,
as Ormonde said, was more like that of ignorant beasts than of trained
soldiers, at a safe distance from their boats, Fitzmaurice attacked them
vigorously, drove them into a ruined church, and overwhelmed them with
showers of stones. Thirty-three were thus ignobly slain; only two
prisoners were taken, and these were sent back. In consequence of this
disaster, the ships which should have supplied the besiegers of
Castlemaine lay idly at anchor.[195]

FOOTNOTES:

[178] Rokeby to Cecil, Jan. 4, 1570; Fitton to Lord Deputy, Feb. 22; N.
White to Cecil, Feb. 9; Clancare to Gilbert, Feb. 22. The assizes at
Ennis were about Feb. 1. Norfolk had been in the Tower since October. The
Bull of Pius V. excommunicating Elizabeth was dated Feb. 25, though not
posted in London till May. An Irishman, one Cornelius, is said to have
helped Felton.

[179] Sidney to the Privy Council, May 4, 1570, with the enclosures; to
Carew, May 28; articles with the Earl of Thomond, April 23, 1570, in
_Carew_.

[180] Ormonde to Sidney, June 4; Thomond to the Queen, July 23; Sir H.
Norris to Cecil, July 22 and 23; to the Queen, Aug. 9 and 11; the Queen
to Norris, July 30; submission of Thomond, December 21, 1570; Morrin's
_Patent Rolls_, September 25, 14 Eliz.; Informations, &c., Nov. 7. Chief
Justice Rokeby went over from Connaught to detail Thomond's misdeeds,
which indeed could not be denied; but he seems to have been thought too
foolish to do much harm. Sidney calls him 'ox' and 'lubber.' Brief
Relation in _Carew_, 1583.

[181] Ormonde to Sidney, April 27; Sidney to Carew, May 28; to the Privy
Council, May 4; the Queen to Sidney, May 17.

[182] The session began May 26. Ormonde to Heneage, July 4, 1570; to
Cecil, July 24, 1569, and Dec. 7, 1570; to Burghley, June 28, 1572;
Sidney to Privy Council, June 24, 1570; Weston to Cecil, June 28. There
is a valuable memoir of Sir Edmund Butler by the Rev. James Hughes in the
_Irish Archæol. Journal_, 4th Series, vol. i. Morrin's _Patent Rolls_,
ii. 640.

[183] Sidney to Cecil, Oct. 17, in the _Sidney Papers_. _Irish Statute
Book_, Note of Bills, May 1570.

[184] Memorandum of Causes, &c., 1572 (No. 49).

[185] Opinion of her Majesty's learned counsel against the legality of
the monopolies, April 11, 1573, signed by R. Dillon, L. Dillon, J.
Dowdall, N. Nugent, J. Plunkett, R. Talbot, and C. Fitzsimon; of whom the
first four had been Attorney- or Solicitor-General. Sidney's Summary
Relation in _Carew_, 1583. The Queen to Sidney, May 29, 1578, in _Carew_;
Mayors of Dublin and Drogheda to the Queen and to Burghley, June 30,
1572; to the Privy Council, Aug.; to Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam, Jan. 6,
1573; to the same, March 25; several letters from Gilbert Gerrard, and
Middlemore in 1578; Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam to Burghley, July 18, 1573.

[186] Naunton's _Fragmenta Regalia_; _Perrott's Life_; Ormonde to Cecil
March 5, 1570.

[187] Formular of Instructions, &c., in _Sidney Papers_, Dec. 14, 1570;
Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, i. 546.

[188] Treaty with Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill, March 3, 1571; with
O'Farrell, Feb. 11; Agnes Campbell (O'Neill) to the Earl of Morton, March
17; O'Donovan's notes to the _Four Masters_, 1570 and 1571; Fitzwilliam
to Cecil, Feb. 5 and 11, 1571. Perrott landed at Waterford, Feb. 27.

[189] Sidney to the Privy Council, June 24, 1570; Fitton to Cecil, August
27. _Four Masters_, 1570.

[190] Fitton to Cecil, Feb. 8 and Feb. 19, 1571; to the Lord Deputy,
March 9 and 11; Fitzwilliam to the Queen, April 7.

[191] _Causes why Ireland is not Reformed_, by E. Tremayne, June 1571;
Loftus to Burghley, July 8.

[192] Ormonde to Burghley, with enclosures, June 18, 1571; to the Lord
Deputy, March 3 and 18; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, March 15; Ormonde to
Cecil, Dec. 7, 1570 and Feb. 27, 1571; to Fitzwilliam, May 1. _Four
Masters_, 1571.

[193] _Perrott's Life._ N. White to Burghley, April 9 and May 15. These
operations were in April and May, 1571.

[194] Fitzwilliam and Weston to the Queen, with enclosures, July 31.

[195] Ormonde to Burghley, June 27, 1571; Brief of Expenses, Sept. 7;
Fitzwilliam to Burghley, July 31. The siege of Castlemaine lasted from
June 21 to July 27. To judge from slight remains, this renowned
stronghold must have been small: probably, as in many other cases, the
garrison ordinarily lived in thatched houses on the mainland.




CHAPTER XXVIII.

FOREIGN INTRIGUES.


[Sidenote: Fitzmaurice wishes to make it a religious war.]

No doubt Fitzmaurice was encouraged in his seemingly desperate task by
the hope of succour from France or Spain. The fear of losing their lands
bound the Irish chiefs and nobles together, but that would not weigh one
grain with any foreign potentate. The chiefs were doubtless with few
exceptions Catholics, but that alone would not have tempted them to incur
the penalties of treason any more than it tempted Protestants like Cecil
or Perrott to conspire against Queen Mary. Sir Edmund Butler fought
against Sir Peter Carew, but not against the Queen. The Desmonds and
their allies fought against the St. Legers and Grenvilles and against
their hereditary foes of the House of Ormonde. The O'Neills feared
schemes of colonisation: if the Queen would let them alone they asked for
no other sovereign. Purely Irish interests were sure to be sacrificed by
France, Spain, and Rome; but Catholicism was an inheritance in which they
all shared.

[Sidenote: Catholics at Louvain.]

Fitzmaurice therefore lost no opportunity of giving the struggle a
religious character, and there were plenty of abuses in Ireland
calculated to scandalise the devout as well as to give a handle to those
who were actuated only by worldly motives. Irish priests at Louvain,
often men of honesty and virtue, took care to tell English travellers
that the Lord Deputy had one archbishopric and two bishoprics in farm,
Cashel for 40_l._, the others for less; that the revenues of one see
supported the grand falconer, and those of another the clerk of the
kitchen--'sufficient parsons no doubt to have such cure of Irish souls as
the English doctrine will permit them to have at this day.' The deanery
of St. Patrick's was appropriated to the support of the Great Seal, much
to the disgust of the Chancellor Weston, a pious and conscientious man,
who saw the abuse clearly enough. The parsonage of Dungarvan was assigned
for the maintenance of the Lord President. Laymen were appointed to
ecclesiastical dignities. English Jesuits who found their way to Ireland
could report these things on the Continent, adding that Sidney's
gentleness did their cause more harm than any severity could have
done.[196]

[Sidenote: Foreign rumours.]

Fitzmaurice was a sincere enthusiast, and no doubt he thought that the
Queen's misdeeds and excommunication would bring about a crusade; but the
days of Boniface were past, and little help was vouchsafed, though
rumours filled the air. A messenger from Spain touched at Cork Beg at the
mouth of Cork Harbour, where he left news for the seneschal, and then
went on to join Fitzmaurice in the Aherlow woods. He reported that a
great fleet was coming to Dingle. Some ships from Brest and Morlaix did
visit that secluded haven, but only to carry off Fitzmaurice's son, who
set quietly to work to seek recruits in Brittany. About thirty years
before Peter Strozzi had proposed to make a Calais on some Irish island;
this plan was now revived, but probably Delacroix reported against it.

[Sidenote: A suspicious Spaniard.]

There was much trade between Spain and the west of Munster, the
foreigners carrying away fish, beef, hides, and tallow in exchange for
wine and sometimes for arms. Don Juan de Mendoza came in a ship belonging
to John Hawkins, and by his charming manner at first disarmed Sidney's
suspicion; but a penniless Italian adventurer--a Lucchese named
Josefo--informed him that the Biscayan hidalgo had been sent by Alva to
excite an insurrection in Ireland. Josefo managed to get hold of the
Spaniard's letters, but the packet was so sealed as to defy tampering.
The Italian, who was known for his attachment to the Queen of Scots, and
who was perhaps a double traitor, offered to go to Alva for the purpose
of getting information. Sidney, at Mendoza's request, licensed Josefo to
go to France. His route necessarily lay through England, and the Lord
Deputy sent Cecil word that he might waylay him there and detain him or
not as he thought fit. Fitzwilliam, more cautious than Sidney, objected
to any foreigner becoming acquainted with Ireland as Mendoza had done;
and in this he was probably right. The Spaniard protested his innocence,
and affected to be aggrieved by a detention of eighteen months, while
speaking in high terms of Sidney's and of Gilbert's courtesy. Yet
Fitzwilliam's caution was evidently more to Burghley's taste, for three
German counts who had a mind to visit Ireland a year or two later
received introductions accompanied by secret instructions to show them
nothing which could decently be concealed.[197]

[Sidenote: Archbishop Fitzgibbon on the Continent, 1571.]

Foreign powers, however, were not likely to want information, for
Fitzmaurice sent Maurice Reagh Fitzgibbon, the papal Archbishop of
Cashel, to Philip. Fitzgibbon went from Spain to Bordeaux, where the
Bishop presented him with a good horse to ride during his stay. He told
certain Youghal merchants that he was come to seek help from the French
King, and was allowed openly to rig ships and to press men. The Guises
sent emissaries to keep Ireland disturbed, and the appearance of a fleet
under the Duke of Medina Celi was the appointed signal for a general
rising. A combined invasion by French and Spaniards was looked for daily,
and one of Burghley's spies, a Catholic by birth and in constant
communication with the Bishop of Ross, obtained accurate information as
to the hopes of the papal party in Ireland.

[Sidenote: Irish Catholics.]

The gentry of the Pale and of the greater part of Leinster were Catholics
at heart, looking for an opportunity to throw off the mask. In Ulster all
were ardent Catholics, banded together under the influence of the Jesuit
David Wolfe, whose orders, issued from his prison in Dublin Castle, were
generally obeyed. All Connaught was anti-English. In the Desmond half of
Munster all were Catholics and confederates, who expected a large army
from Spain and France, in which latter country Thomond had sowed good
seed. Ormonde, indeed, was unnaturally loyal, but that was the only dark
spot. The Ulster, Connaught, and Munster bishops were Catholics; those of
Leinster only Protestant. The Northern clergy looked to Raymond
O'Gallagher, Bishop of Derry, who had lately returned from Rome with a
large budget of orders; the Southern waited on the word of Maurice Reagh
Fitzgibbon, who was already in Spanish pay, and who was the head and
front of the whole conspiracy.[198]

[Sidenote: Fitzgibbon's account of Catholic Ireland.]

The case of the Catholic confederates can best be told in Fitzgibbon's
own words. In recommending his suit to Philip and to the Pope, he recited
the fidelity of Ireland to the Holy See during the 1,127 years which had
elapsed since the time of St. Patrick and Pope Celestine, and then
continued:--

'Notwithstanding that for fifty years they have been very often sorely
provoked, molested, and afflicted by divers schisms, errors, and heresies
of the unstable and restless sect and nation of the kingdom of England,
yet has God's clemency preserved all your people firm and steadfast in
their accustomed Catholic faith, obedience, and devotion, and has
inspired them not to acquiesce in the errors propounded to them.

'Your Holiness and your Catholic Majesty must know that all the nobility
and the entire people of that kingdom wish to walk as usual in the
footsteps of their forefathers, and to remain firm, steadfast, and
constant in the same faith and unity of the Catholic Church, and to
persevere to the death in perpetual obedience and devotion to the supreme
Pontiffs and to the Apostolic See. They hate and abhor sects and heresies
so much, that they prefer to leave their homes and go abroad rather than
to live under heretics, or to acquiesce in the errors and restlessness of
the English, who, in the last schism under Henry VIII. and Edward VI.,
plundered and devastated the churches and monasteries of Ireland,
proscribed and afflicted Catholic bishops and religious persons, and
threw the whole population into the greatest confusion. This Queen
Elizabeth has revived the tragedy, and has imprisoned the chief bishops
and other religious persons of the kingdom for their perseverance in the
faith and their Catholic obedience, and throughout the whole island has
executed the policy of her father and brother with the greatest
determination and vigour, sending new preachers and heretical bishops
with great store of heretical books to be circulated among the people.
Wherefore the people of that kingdom with all humility pray God without
ceasing that He will pity their calamities and end their afflictions, and
that He will condescend so to inspire the minds of his Holiness and of
the most clement Catholic King, that they may be pleased to make it their
immediate care that that people, devoted as it is to God, to his
Holiness, and to his Catholic Majesty, shall not be contaminated and
destroyed by the accursed and contagious heresy which flourishes in
England.

'Your Holiness and your Catholic Majesty must know that it has long been,
and now is, the highest desire of the nobility and all the people of that
kingdom to come absolutely under the patronage and protection of his
Holiness, and of the most clement and Catholic King of Spain, to whom all
men of position and property in that island look directly for the means
of avoiding the affliction and danger of the heresy and schism in the
ever-changing kingdom of England. They have, therefore, deliberately
resolved, with God's help and the favour of the most clement Catholic
King, to accept the person of any active Catholic Prince of his Catholic
Majesty's blood, whether of the Spanish or Burgundian branch, specially
appointed by him for the purpose, and to receive him and crown him as
their true, legitimate, and natural King, and thus to re-establish in
perpetuity the royal throne of that island,[199] and to venerate the
presence of one King, one faith, and one kingdom, the donation of that
island having been first obtained from and confirmed by the Apostolic
See. Thus they hope to remain henceforth for ever in their accustomed
obedience and devotion to the supreme Pontiff, and in union with the Holy
Catholic Mother Church of Christ, and in their pristine friendship and
alliance with the Royal House of Spain, from which nation the whole
nobility of that kingdom derived its origin.

'Not without cause do all the states of that island most strongly desire
this, since that kingdom in extent, in its temperate climate, in its
fertility, and in its wealth, might well vie with the kingdom of England,
if only it were ruled justly and piously by a religious resident Catholic
Prince or royal head. They all in general detest the tyrannous and
inconstant yoke of the English State, and still more its heresies, with
which they desire to have nothing in common, except neighbourliness and
Christian love.

'Underwritten are the names of those prelates, chiefs, barons, and nobles
who are thus well-disposed towards the Holy Apostolic See, and that most
potent prince the Lord Philip, King of all the Spains.' Then follows a
list of all the nobles, prelates, chiefs, and towns in Ireland who were
prepared to promote Spanish interests in their country, 'together with
those of many English residents in the island.' The Archbishop urged
Philip to seize at once all Irish forts and harbours, a proceeding which
the English were in no condition to prevent. 'Success,' he said,
'altogether depends on celerity, for your Majesty will be able to do with
10,000 men and a little expense what you will not afterwards be able to
accomplish with 100,000 men and all available power.' We know from other
sources how weak the English Government was at this time, and how
difficult it would have been to dislodge even 5,000 Spaniards; but to
ask Philip to do anything quickly was as vain as speaking to the winds or
writing upon the running water.[200]

[Sidenote: Fitzgibbon too sanguine. Philip II. hesitates.]

Yet Fitzgibbon certainly did not underrate the importance to Spain of an
Irish alliance. Few will think that the resources of Ireland were at any
time equal to those of England. Of the twelve prelates whom he enumerates
not more than three or four were in a condition to give an invader
material help. Among the six Earls whom he mentions Desmond was a
prisoner in England, Ormonde a loyal subject of Queen Elizabeth, and
Clanricarde at least not actively disloyal. There was no Earl of Tyrone.
Thomond and Clancare were ready enough both to rebel and to submit when
pressed. The Irish chiefs were all Catholics no doubt, but nothing like
continuous combined action could be expected from clans who had from time
immemorial been fighting against each other. From the chartered towns a
Catholic prince might expect much sympathy, but very little open aid;
England had always been strong enough to punish them. Forty years before,
Charles V., after a careful investigation, had made up his mind that the
Desmonds could not be maintained against the Tudors, and the more he
learned about the matter the less likely was Philip to disagree with his
father's opinions.

[Sidenote: Thomas Stukeley.]

Some account must now be given of one of the most extraordinary
adventurers which even the England of the sixteenth century produced.
Thomas Stukeley, a gentleman belonging to an old English family in North
Devon, having run through his younger brother's portion by riotous living
while in the Duke of Suffolk's retinue, sought after his patron's death
to enrich himself at the expense of others. Claiming a legacy from
another West-countryman, Serjeant Prideaux, he broke into the testator's
house and searched his coffers in spite of an injunction to the contrary.
He tried piracy for a while, and was imprisoned in the Tower at the suit
of an Irish gentleman whom he had robbed. His friends managed to procure
his enlargement, and he soon persuaded the only daughter and heiress of
Alderman Curtis to marry him. When his father-in-law died he spent his
money in every kind of dissipation. If a balladmonger of the day may be
believed, he squandered 100_l._ a day, selling at last the blocks of tin
with which the Alderman, probably a Cornishman or Devonian, had paved the
yard of his London house. When all was gone he deserted his wife.

    'Make much of me, dear husband,' she did say.
    'I'll make much more of thee,' said he,
    'Than any one shall, verily:'
    And so he sold her clothes, and went his way.

His magnificent patronage had been extended to travellers, one of whom
dedicated to him a description of the countries bordering on the Baltic,
and, like other Devon men, he looked to the sea as to his native element.
The Queen licensed him to found a colony in Florida, and he promised in
his usual vein of braggadocio to write to her 'in the style of princes,
to our dearest sister.'

[Sidenote: Stukeley's adventures. He goes to Spain.]

The Queen directed Sussex to give his flotilla shelter in the Irish
ports, and from that time he is connected more or less closely with the
history of Ireland. He had made friends with Shane O'Neill during his
residence in London. Stukeley never went to Florida, but with a ship of
400 tons, containing 100 tall soldiers besides mariners, he appeared upon
the coast of Munster in his true character of pirate. 'I fear,' said Sir
Thomas Wrothe, 'he will make the sea his Florida. He hath been reached at
to be catched, but it will not be yet.' Caught he was at last, and in
great danger of hanging, for Elizabeth was very angry at his piracies;
but Shane O'Neill wrote on behalf of his old acquaintance, professing to
believe it quite impossible that he could have done anything against
Queen or laws. Even Arnold was captivated, or perhaps was determined to
see things in the same light as Shane. At all events, Stukeley found some
favour, for he was allowed to enter into recognisances as to the charges
of piracy, and to go back to Ireland with recommendations from Cecil,
Leicester, and Pembroke. Sidney not only showed him favour, but at
Shane's own request employed the desperate adventurer as a go-between,
and the success of the negotiations was such as might have been expected
from the diplomatist's character. Stukeley next persuaded Sir N. Bagenal
to sell him his office of Marshal and his lands in Ireland for 3,000_l._
Irish. Sidney was inclined to sanction the bargain, but the notion of
Stukeley being employed in such an office was much disliked in England.
Cecil did not approve of it, and the Lord Deputy had gently to remind him
that he had himself written in Stukeley's favour. Elizabeth, who seems to
have correctly judged the adventurer's character, railed at him in good
set terms, would not hear of his appointment, and ordered him to be sent
home to answer the charges made against him in the Admiralty Court. Those
who love to depreciate Elizabeth should remember how well she saw through
the specious villain who deceived Burghley, Sidney, and Philip. It is
likely enough that Stukeley would never have paid Bagenal. Had he found
the 3,000_l._ it would probably have been either the profits of piracy or
a bribe from Shane O'Neill. He neither returned to England nor gave up
his evil courses, being soon afterwards in trouble for buying stolen
goods from pirates. Sidney remained his friend, and placed him in
temporary possession of the seneschalship of Wexford, vacant first by the
absence and then by the death of Sir Nicholas Heron; but the Queen was
obdurate, and the coveted office was given to Nicholas White, against
whom Stukeley immediately began to intrigue, representing the successful
candidate as a creature of Ormonde and an enemy to the Lord Deputy. He
was rash enough to say that he did not care a straw for the Queen or her
office, and finding his powers for mischief too limited in Ireland, and
himself in danger of arrest, he went to Spain and offered his services to
Philip. Mendoza assured Cecil that he knew nothing about this journey,
but of course his statement was not believed.[201]

[Sidenote: Stukeley and Fitzgibbon in Spain.]

Knowing Stukeley's antecedents, it is extraordinary that Sidney should
have taken no pains to stop him, and should have believed that he and his
motley following were going to London to see the Queen. Stukeley had
already been some time in communication with Spain, and it is impossible
to believe that Sidney was privy to his designs; but it is hard to
understand the treatment he received.

[Sidenote: English and Irish parties there.]

He was allowed to purchase the 'Trinity,' of Bridgewater, and to spend
five weeks at Waterford waiting for a wind and lading a cargo of malt,
wheat, beans, and fourteen horses. The crew consisted of twenty-eight
men, English and Irish except one Italian named Alessandro Fideli: only
Fideli and the pilot knew the ship's destination. A run of five days
brought them to Vivero, in Galicia, whence Stukeley sent Fideli and
Raymond Digby to the King at Seville. Archbishop Fitzgibbon afterwards
informed Philip that many of Stukeley's company were in despair when they
found themselves in Spain, not daring to go back to England or Ireland,
and destitute of resources. 'He threatens them in case they attempt to
return to their country or go elsewhere to put them in prison or
something worse--that is, to throw them into the sea, for they are in his
ship, as he treated others on a former occasion. Your Majesty can be well
informed of all this by the same Irishmen who are here or in Galicia on
this condition, that the same Thomas Stukeley be never told who gave the
information; for on other terms they will never tell the truth, fearing
this man, who has always been most singularly revengeful in his
wickedness.' Stukeley's messengers returned with 200 ducats, and Philip
afterwards sent a pursuivant with 1,000 more to bring their leader to
Madrid, where he or his son received a further sum of 3,000 ducats.
Stukeley was lodged at the King's cost, a Catalonian knight of Calatrava,
Don Francis de Merles, being assigned to him as companion. An emissary of
Cecil's was from the first at work to sow dissension between Stukeley
and Archbishop Fitzgibbon, who was already disliked by the Duke of Feria.
De Silva, the late ambassador in England, was consulted as to the nature
of the Irish and Scotch, and he reported that both nations were beggarly,
proud, and traitorous. Whatever value Philip may have attached to this
opinion, he lavished favours on Stukeley, knighted him, and gave him sums
amounting to 21,000 ducats within a few months; 500 reals a day were
allowed him for table money, and the King sent his son to Alcala to be
educated in the Prince of Orange's company. Stukeley now called himself
Duke of Ireland, and made more show than any two dukes at the Spanish
Court. The Duke of Feria gave him horses and armour, he lived splendidly
in his village near Madrid, and he was allowed to hope for a force of
10,000 men and the twenty-six ships which had brought Philip's queen to
Spain. Some said that an expedition under the Duke of Medina Celi was
intended for Ireland, and that the whole island would rise as soon as his
flag appeared on the coast.[202]

[Sidenote: Rumours of invasion.]

In France, too, the stir among the exiles was great. Emissaries from Alva
spread a report at Paris that the Duke was going to do something in
Scotland or Ireland about March 1571. Malicorne, who had represented
France at the marriage of the King of Spain, returned with news that
Julian Romero, an old soldier who had been wounded at St. Quentin, had
actually been despatched to Ireland with 3,000 men. Francis Walsingham,
who was beginning his great career as ambassador at Paris, had a
conversation with Charles IX., who told him that he hated the Guise
faction and that he supposed Queen Elizabeth did so too. Walsingham could
only repeat what he heard, but he must have been reassured by the
magnificent contempt with which his mistress treated all these rumours.
She informed him that certain savage Irish rebels of no value had gone to
Spain nominally for conscience sake, whereas they were of no religion,
but wholly given to bestiality. Stukeley had joined them, and tried to
make himself important by superfluously spending of other men's goods, he
being in fact not worth a 'marmaduc.' She marvelled that king or minister
should be taken in by such a fellow, and could not believe in Julian
Romero and his invasion. It had never been her practice to employ
Protestant refugees, of which there were plenty in England, in intrigues
against their lawful sovereign, the King of Spain. Walsingham was
instructed to complain about the French captain who brought away
Fitzmaurice's son, and he was not to be put off with evasive answers
either from the French king or from the Spanish ambassador at Paris. The
Spanish ambassador, with a proud and disdainful countenance, denied all
knowledge of Stukeley or Romero. 'They were no Spaniards who had that
enterprise in hand.' The French King promised to punish Mons. De la Roche
and the other officers who had meddled in Irish plots; but Walsingham
believed neither of them, and advised the Queen to revenge herself by
giving trouble in Flanders. The Netherlanders indeed tied Philip's hands;
for France was not yet a Spanish province with Guise for viceroy, and it
was impossible to break conclusively with England until French influence
in Flanders should be no longer feared.[203]

[Sidenote: Philip II.'s ideas.]

When Stukeley arrived in Spain Archbishop Fitzgibbon recommended him to
Philip without knowing much about him. He said he was daring and clever,
that he had a knowledge of Irish harbours and was accompanied by Irish
mariners, and that he bitterly hated his own country, to which he could
never hope to return. But Fitzgibbon, like Rinuccini in later times,
found that there was an irreconcilable difference between English and
Irish refugees. The former were quite ready to get rid of Elizabeth, and
not to be too particular about the means; but then Mary Stuart must be
their queen. Their Catholic England once established, they had no more
idea than Mary Tudor had of suffering an independent Ireland, or an
Ireland under foreign sovereignty. Philip knew enough about his late
wife's dominions to see that the lesser island would be a most burdensome
possession, and that no possible England would ever allow him to hold it
quietly. He lavished favours on Stukeley, who was no doubt amusing and
might annoy his dear sister-in-law; but he professed ignorance as to the
projector's plans, and perhaps never had any serious notion of employing
him against Ireland. The island was poor and the people barbarous, and no
revenue could be expected. He had trouble enough already with the
Flemings, who had long been pouring across the Channel rather than submit
to Alva's tyranny, enriching England and draining his own exchequer. To
invade Ireland would be to add an English fleet to his other troubles,
and very possibly to cause a French occupation of Flanders. He is said to
have contemplated seizing the Scilly Islands, which might have been
valuable as a protection to Spanish trade; but this idea, if ever
entertained, was abandoned for similar reasons. The Irish had offered
their country to Philip to escape from England, in the belief, perhaps,
that it might be left to themselves. Fitzgibbon saw clearly that this
could never be. Had England remained Catholic he would have preferred her
rule; now that Catholicism was proscribed he was perforce for the
Spaniard.

[Sidenote: Fitzgibbon thwarts Stukeley. The Pope discourages Fitzgibbon.]

Fitzgibbon told Philip Stukeley's very unedifying history. At first he
had recommended him as likely to be useful, but was now convinced that he
was an impostor. 'I cannot,' he said, 'believe that the Irish princes
would wish that a private English gentleman should have command in the
slightest degree in their kingdom, while they with such obstinacy resist
the Queen of England, who has so often offered them peace on good
conditions. Therefore, I consider his coming as an act of deception, or
an act devoid of common sense, for, as far as I can understand, he has
received no commission from the princes of Ireland for your Majesty or
any one else.' The adventurer retorted with charges against the
prelate's private character, which, whether true or false, had certainly
some weight with Philip. Stukeley may have cherished some mad idea of
ruling Ireland as a Spanish viceroy. In any case, it is likely that he
ill-treated the Irishmen who followed him, for they deserted to the
Archbishop of Cashel, who refused to give them up. The Court were divided
into two parties--Ruy Gomez, favouring the Archbishop, and the Duke of
Feria, with his English wife, siding with Stukeley. There was a further
difficulty with the Pope, who considered Ireland his own property, and
thought Philip but a lukewarm son of the Church. It was not so very long
since Tivoli and Ostia had been occupied by Spanish troops, and the city
saved by a sort of accident. Did not the Catholic King, the great-nephew
of Catherine of Arragon, the grandson of the great Isabella, keep the
peace with his sister-in-law, and bear patiently the many insults of that
excommunicated heretic, Anne Boleyn's bastard daughter? The cardinal
secretary informed the zealous Irish priest that the Pope was much
surprised at his presumption in moving in such matters without special
license. He might easily have remembered that Ireland was a fief of the
Church, and inalienable without the will of the lord. His Holiness would
do nothing unless Philip would sue to him for a grant, and the cardinal
secretary would merely venture to guess that such a suit would not be
denied. He might, with at least equal probability, have guessed that it
never would be made.[204]

[Sidenote: Fitzgibbon's excuses to the Pope.]

Fitzgibbon was horrified at meeting opposition from Rome. He was a
fugitive, and his flock was at the mercy of wolves. His pall had been
carried off by the English heretics, and he besought the Pope to send him
another. If Ireland thought his Holiness alone could have delivered her
'from the jaws of the English,' she would have asked no other master.
But other help was clearly necessary; France had none to give, and no
State was more orthodox than Spain, which could alone relieve Irish
Catholics. Only prompt help could avail, for the power of England
increased daily, not only in Ireland, but in France, Flanders, Scotland,
and Germany; Catholic interests, indeed, were threatened all over
Europe.[205]

[Sidenote: Stukeley in Spain. Rumours.]

While Pius V. hesitated and procrastinated, Stukeley swaggered about in
Spain, and affected to take the interests of English Catholicism under
his protection. A certain Oliver King, a soldier of fortune, was at
Madrid, and was accused by Stukeley of heresy; but his daily attendance
at Mass, where he 'knocked his breast' devoutly, obtained for King the
advocacy of Don Francesco de Merles, and his persecutor was unable to
bring him before the Inquisition. He was, however, stripped and banished,
and was fain to pass the Pyrenees in the snow, eluding the bravoes whom
Stukeley had sent after him. When in safety he wrote to Cecil, giving an
account of Stukeley's proceedings, and praying God that he might not see
England as he had seen France, the land waste, and the women at the mercy
of foreign hirelings. Traitors, he said, abounded, who gaped for Queen
Elizabeth's death, and Stukeley boasted that he would give Ireland to
Philip. Some 4,000 desperadoes had been got together; rascally ill-armed
Bezonians, but officered by old beaten men of war, such as Julian Romero.
An expedition was expected to sail almost immediately from Vigo, and
King, who had a knowledge of military matters and mining, eagerly offered
his services, provided the Queen would pardon him. Another Englishman,
who had been in regular correspondence with Norris and Walsingham, was
imprisoned for forty-seven days on suspicion, and nearly died of
ill-treatment. On being released he was ordered to quit the kingdom. He
agreed with King that a descent on Ireland would take place in March or
April 1571, and added that Alva had a plan to occupy Caistor and
Yarmouth.[206]

[Sidenote: Fitzgibbon goes to France, and negotiates with England.]

Finding that no expedition left Vigo, and that the King trusted Stukeley
more than him, Fitzgibbon determined to see what he could do in France.
At Bordeaux he was received with honour by the bishop, who gave him a
horse to ride during his stay. On arriving at Paris he was at once waited
on by Captain Thomas, a native of the Pale in the French service, who
offered him such courtesies as were in the English Ambassador's power. He
asked and received an introduction to the Cardinal of Lorraine, to whom
he manifested his own importance and the weakness of Ireland. Thomas, who
had access to the Cardinal, let him know that Ireland was strong enough
to resist a multitude--a statement which would have been hardly borne out
by Sidney or Fitzwilliam. With better reason the captain reminded his
Eminence that Fitzgibbon was a Geraldine, and that the heads of that
House were in prison. The Cardinal's demeanour then became cool, and the
poor Archbishop began to think that after all Queen Elizabeth might be
his best card. A second Irish soldier was appointed to watch him, and to
report anything of importance that he might let fall. The Queen would not
promise to restore him to his see, but was willing to pardon him, and to
give him as good a living in Ireland. If Walsingham thought him
insincere, he was to pump every possible secret out of him, and then try
to get him given up by the French King as a rebel. The Archbishop's terms
were a pardon under the Great Seal, restoration to his see, and license
to go back to Ireland with eight companions; in consideration of which he
was ready to be a loyal subject, and to let her Majesty have all 'news.'
Being pressed to substitute 'secrets' for 'news,' he said he was very
unwilling to do anything which might deprive him of a future asylum in
Spain or elsewhere. Should the Queen think fit to restore him to his
country and place--he said nothing about the lost pall--he would show to
Walsingham in writing 'both the names of the conspiracy, and also the
remedy.' But Elizabeth would not hear of his returning to Ireland except
by way of England, and he was far too wary for that.

[Sidenote: Later movements of Fitzgibbon.]

He sought an interview with Anjou, but here Captain Thomas was before
him, and told the French prince that Ireland was poor, and only an
expense to the Queen, and that the Archbishop was of small credit, having
been banished for brawling. Monsieur then sent the exiled prelate two
hundred crowns, and said he was afraid he should not have time to see
him. Fitzgibbon seemed for a moment inclined to go to England, and sue
for pardon; but 'sinister practices' prevented this, if it had ever been
seriously intended. The Archbishop went off to Nantes and afterwards
found his way to Scotland, where he suffered imprisonment. Returning
again to the Continent, he continued to intrigue against Elizabeth, and
died at Oporto in 1578 without having effected anything of importance.
Captain Thomas continued to draw his sixteen crowns per month from the
French Government, and received thanks from Queen Elizabeth, but she does
not seem to have conferred those substantial rewards at which Walsingham
hinted. She had conveniently discovered in the course of the intrigue
that the Archbishop was not of much importance, and that he was no
relation to the Earl of Devon.[207]

FOOTNOTES:

[196] Sir Francis Englefield to Dorothy Devereux, _Domestic Calendar_,
April 19, 1570; same to the Duchess of Feria, _ib._, April 20. Roger
Hooker, a layman, was Dean of Leighlin in 1580, and probably for some
time before: this was a strange experience for the father of Richard
Hooker.

[197] John Corbine to Cecil, March 2, 1569; Sidney to Cecil, April 18,
1570; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, April 7 and May 7, 1571.

[198] John Corbine to Cecil, March 21, 1569; Sidney to Cecil, April 18,
1570; Mendoza to Cecil, Nov. 9; Norris to the Queen, _Foreign Calendar_,
Jan. 3, 1571; Viscount Decies to Fitzwilliam, March 28. Note by William
Herlle, April. For an account of the spy Herlle, see Froude, chap. xxi.

[199] 'Istius insulæ rursum erigere et stabilire regale solium.'

[200] Statement presented to the King of Spain by the Archbishop of
Cashel, on the part of the Irish Catholics, _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i.
59.

[201] For Stukeley's early life, see Wright's _Elizabeth_, i. 40 and 150.
Wrothe to Cecil, Nov. 14, 1564; Shane O'Neill to the Queen, June 18 and
July 28, 1565; the Queen to Sussex, June 30, 1563, in _Haynes_; Arnold to
the Privy Council, June 23, 1565; Sidney to Cecil, March 7, 1565;
Stukeley to same, same date; Cecil to Sidney, March 27, 1566; Queen to
same, March 31 and July 6; Sidney to Cecil, April 17; Cecil to Sidney,
Oct. 24, 1568; N. White to Sidney, March 10, 1569; Deposition of Richard
Stafford, June 10, 1569, as to a conversation with Stukeley one year
before; Mendoza to Cecil, Nov. 9, 1570. Stukeley sailed from Waterford,
April 17, 1570.

[202] Robert Hogan or Huggins to Sir H. Norris, August 12, 1570, in the
_Foreign Calendar_; Sir H. Norris to the Queen, Jan. 3, 1571, in the
same; Memorandum by Archbishop Fitzgibbon, Dec. 16, 1570, in _Spicilegium
Ossoriense_, vol. i.

[203] Sir H. Norris to Cecil, Oct. 29, 1570; Walsingham to same, Jan. 27,
Feb. 25, and March 5, 1571; Cardinal Chatillon to same, Feb. 2; Buckhurst
to same, Feb. 24; the Queen to Walsingham, Feb. 11. All the above are in
the _Foreign Calendar_. Archbishop Fitzgibbon to Philip II., July 26,
1570, in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, vol. i.

[204] According to Froude, vol. x. p. 525, Philip called the Irish
'salbaxes,' or savages. Henry Cobham to Burghley, April 27, 1571, in
_Foreign Calendar_. Cardinal Alciati to the Archbishop of Cashel, June
13, 1570, in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 64.

[205] Archbishop of Cashel to Cardinal Alciati, Aug. 1570, in
_Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 64.

[206] Oliver King to Cecil, Feb. 18, 1571; and Robert Huggins to
Walsingham, Jan. 25; both in the _Foreign Calendar_.

[207] Walsingham to Burghley, April 4; Queen to Walsingham, April 8;
Walsingham to Burghley, April 11, 19, and 22; Queen to Walsingham, May 5;
Walsingham to Burghley, May 14.--_Foreign Calendar_, 1571. Brady's
_Episcop. Succession_, Art. 'MacGibbon;' Digges's _Complete Ambassador_.
Walsingham says 'Captain Thomas' was a son of Judge Bathe, and that his
brother was receiver of customs at Drogheda.




CHAPTER XXIX.

1571 and 1572.


[Sidenote: Fitzwilliam cannot govern without money, 1571.]

Sidney was looked upon as the proper Viceroy for stormy times, and to him
money and troops were given grudgingly and of necessity, for he would not
go to Ireland without them. Fitzwilliam was but a stop-gap, thrown into
the place to serve a turn, as he bitterly expressed it. 'For God's sake,'
he cried, 'let me be rid of Ireland or I perish.' Arthur Lord Grey was
chosen for the perilous post, but the appointment did not then take
place, because the Queen differed from him as to a sum of 2,000_l._ It
would all, said Fitzwilliam, have been spent in her service, and she
would lose ten times the sum by denying it. Of money, indeed, there was a
most grievous want. The magazines were empty. The captains were almost
openly mutinous. The men were in rags and ready to desert, being forced
in the meantime to sell their arms for sheer want. The victuallers were
unpaid and had struck work. The Lord Chancellor's salary was at least two
years in arrears. Grey was taken seriously ill at the thought of being
forced to go to Ireland on the Queen's terms, and Sidney positively
refused to return. Fitzwilliam had therefore to remain, and to make the
best of it. He received the title of Lord Deputy, but neither more men
nor more money than when he held the less exalted post of Lord
Justice.[208]

[Sidenote: Perrott is ill-supported. Ormonde.]

After his failure at Castlemaine, Perrott said that the work of 'trotting
the mountains' was not suited to English soldiers. He had been promised
two hundred kerne at sixpence a day, but had received neither the men nor
the pay. He could not do without them, even if he had to keep them at
his own cost. The only real way of restoring order was to be in two
places at once, as Governor and as general; that being impossible, he
must have such a force as would bear dividing. 'To follow the kerne from
wood to wood your Lordship knows the soldiers are far unable. Therefore,
if I should do any good here, I must have kerne against kerne, and
gallowglass against gallowglass, and trained men to do what they may for
the stand.' Limerick, the garden of Munster, was too much impoverished to
support an army, and the men were in dysentery from always eating beef
without bread or vegetables, not forty horsemen being fit for service.
The Privy Council, who had promised two hundred kerne, now murmured at
being asked for a bare hundred, and the fiery President declared that he
would never trust them, nor do anything in their faith again. From
Ormonde alone, whom he 'ever loved and honoured,' did he get any real
help, and he was not always satisfied that even Ormonde did his best to
prosecute the rebels, for he urged him to divide his men into four
divisions, and then to leave Fitzmaurice no resting-place. But even while
chiding the Earl for inaction, Perrott admitted that want of provisions
was a fair excuse.[209]

[Sidenote: It is proposed to restore the Desmonds. General misery in
Munster.]

In his extremity Perrott was driven to ask that Sir John of Desmond might
be sent over. In the absence of the Earl Sir John would then be leader of
the Geraldines, and would draw all away from James Fitzmaurice. The
people of the 'poor, ruinous town of Kinsale,' as they called themselves,
begged for both brothers to help the President in saving them from the
fate of Kilmallock. They of Youghal, who had yet to learn of what Desmond
was capable, urged the same request. They complained of being shut up
within their walls, in hourly fear of assault, and crushed by the cost of
a garrison in which they had no confidence. They were worn with watching;
no one could spend a night at home. Rich and poor were in the same
plight, and the young would soon be as weak as the old already were.
Their chance of food depended on the precarious herring fishery.

Desmond and his brother, they said, 'in their time did right well govern
these parts,' and their return would send James Fitzmaurice beyond the
seas. For Sidney they longed no less than for Desmond. Perrott was
entirely against the restoration of the Earl, thinking that his further
detention in London would secure the good behaviour of his brother. He
advised that the Earl and Countess, who were prisoners at large, should
be shut up in the Tower for a year, so as to take away all hope of their
return. This, he thought, would encourage the Geraldine chiefs to make
separate terms. Sir John might then be safely sent over, security having
been first taken for his good behaviour. 'I hear,' said Perrott, 'he is a
decent gentleman.' Fitzwilliam, who saw Munster pretty much through
Ormonde's eyes, was equally against both. 'God keep both Sir John of
Desmond and base money out of Ireland, yet are they both at the seaside
to come over, if brutes be true.'[210]

[Sidenote: Perrott proposes to decide the war by a duel.]

Most people who study the acts of Sir John Perrott will probably be of
opinion that he was a wise and honest man, if not always prudent for
himself. But he now indulged in such an act of folly as can hardly be
matched, even in the annals of Irish misgovernment. He could not catch
James Fitzmaurice, and therefore he challenged him, resolving, if
possible, to end the war at one blow. Had the weapons been those of the
tilt-yard, the Queen's old champion might have been pretty sure of
victory, but Fitzmaurice, who at first encouraged the President's idea,
insisted upon sword and target and Irish trousers for both sides. Perrott
agreed, and provided a pair of scarlet trousers for himself. Then
Fitzmaurice objected to single combat, and proposed that there should be
fifty a side. It was finally agreed that each party should consist of
twelve horse and twelve foot, 'with indifferent armour and weapon.'
Edward Butler was one of those picked on the President's side. Perrott
wrote to Ormonde to borrow his horse, and begged him to attend with all
his force, evidently thinking that there was a danger of foul play. 'I
trust very shortly,' he told the Earl, 'to make end of this war, and to
overthrow the rest of these Geraldines, which do so much annoy her
Majesty's subjects. My lord, I have promised that there shall be no hurt
done unto him by any of your lordship's men, until such time as the day
be past, and I have promised him peace, that no man shall hurt him, nor
none of his, till this matter be tried. And so he likewise hath promised
to do the like unto all her Majesty's subjects.'[211]

[Sidenote: Ormonde at his wit's end. Fitzmaurice refuses to fight.]

It is not surprising that Ormonde was 'almost at his wit's end' on
receiving this extraordinary letter from his old brother-in-arms. 'The
manner of the President's dealing herein is strange to me. I will stay
his lordship (if I can by any means) from this attempt, and will with all
my heart join with him myself and my company, to fight against the
traitor and his whole company, rather than he should so barely hazard
himself with so few.... God send us a good hour against these
villains.'[212] He may have intended treachery and been foiled by
Ormonde's action, or he may have suspected treachery; but the message he
sent by his Irish poet gave a very good reason for not coming. 'If I
should kill Sir John Perrott, the Queen of England can send another
President into this province; but if he do kill me, there is none other
to succeed me, or to command as I do, therefore I will not willingly
fight with him, and so tell him from me.' In the most disturbed times in
modern Ireland officials, even policemen, have often been protected by
the same consideration. Perrott, however, was very angry, and resolved to
'hunt the fox out of his hole,' regretting, as well he might, that he had
wasted so much time and played into the hands of his crafty foe.[213]

[Sidenote: Colonisation of Ulster. Sir Thomas Smith, 1572.]

The failure of colonisation projects in Munster did not prevent the
Queen from listening to those who imagined that they could found private
principalities in Ireland. The district of Ards, in what is now the
County of Down, being almost surrounded by the sea, was by its position
well suited for such an experiment. On the north-west a land frontier of
barely ten miles might seem to require no great number of defenders.
Various offers were made, those of Secretary Smith being accepted by
Elizabeth. Tremayne, who foresaw the commotion that would be caused by
any scheme of colonisation, was in favour of a more extended experiment;
but strongly advised that the Queen should appear as the patroness of a
country already her own, and not as a conqueror. The people should be
told that their rights would not be infringed, and this should be
published everywhere in the Irish language. Had Sir Thomas Smith taken
this advice he would still have had many difficulties to encounter; but
he did not take it, and the Ulster Irish had their first notice from a
pamphlet written in English and published in London. Sir Thomas thought
that 'the little book was evil done,' but was induced to agree to its
being put forth by his son, who was to have the actual direction of the
business, and whom he was even content to lose in the glorious work of
reconquering the Queen's land without burden to her or to the English
State. The writer of the pamphlet, whether young Smith or another, set
forth at length the historical reasons why the English power had waned in
Ireland, and proposed to restore it by colonisation. A permanent garrison
was to be established, and 'every soldier to be made master of his own
land, to him and his heirs for ever.' It was supposed that 600 or 700 men
would be enough, and that the penniless younger sons, who could no longer
fall back on the decent idleness of the abbeys, would seize upon this
golden opportunity. The examples chosen to prove how easily a small
English force might overcome a larger body of Irish were singularly
inapplicable to a plan of colonisation. It was true that Gilbert with 100
men had driven the Munster rebels before him, that Collyer with one
company had discomfited 1,000 Redshanks, that Randolph with 300 had
beaten 3,000 O'Neills before Derry. But it was equally true that the
rebels were as strong as ever when Gilbert's back was turned, that Scots
continued to pour in, and that the settlement at Derry was abandoned. It
was argued that 300 horse and 400 foot would be enough to settle the
Ards, and their pay would amount to 10,000_l._ a year. For the first
three years they were to pay no rent for their holdings, after which it
was estimated that they would be self-supporting. How Sir Thomas Smith
could imagine that private adventurers would lend 10,000_l._ a year
without interest for three years, upon the security of Irish land still
unconquered, may well puzzle us; but sanguine hope was a characteristic
of the sixteenth century.

'Many shall say,' the candid pamphleteer admits, 'that they shall go into
a place where they shall want meat, housing, and all things necessary,
for that no prince yet hath been able to victual their army ... that the
soldier is always constrained to march through the bogs and rivers, and
in the night to lodge upon the grass without meat and fire. This is
indeed a great misery ... but consider the difference that is between the
Deputy's journey who seeketh to apprehend the rebels' bodies ... and his
enterprise, who desireth the land only.'[214]

[Sidenote: The O'Neills are alarmed.]

Whatever English adventurers may have thought of Thomas Smith and his
pamphlet, there was nothing in the movement which could possibly be
pleasing to the Irish. The Norman family of Savage had from early times
enjoyed dominion in the Ards, and their title to considerable estates in
the southern half had been acknowledged in 1559. It was evidently not
intended to interfere with them, and though pretty thoroughly
Hibernicised, they seem on the whole to have favoured Smith's enterprise.
Had the plan been strictly confined to the peninsula, and adequately
supported until the cultivation of wastes became profitable, a small
English Pale might have been created in Ulster. But Sir Brian MacPhelim
O'Neill, chief of a clan which had long lorded it over the southern part
of Antrim and the northern part of Down, took fright at once. Even in the
Ards he claimed superiority, and he rightly guessed that Smith's
operations would extend further. Old Captain Piers at Carrickfergus
promptly reminded the Lord Deputy that it was the nature of Irishmen to
let land lie idle rather than to see others work, and that the Clandeboye
O'Neills had been too long loose to brook the curb easily. Piers
circulated a letter purporting to be a copy of one sent by the Lord
Deputy, and denying the whole story; 'but the truth,' he added, 'will
soon be known, in spite of my feigning.' He advised Fitzwilliam to gain
time by pretending that the intruders were brought in entirely against
the Scots, and to take timely pledges from Sir Brian MacPhelim. He would
do his best; but when all shifts were exhausted the Irish would revolt,
and the result was only too certain.[215]

[Sidenote: Sir Brian MacPhelim O'Neill.]

Fitzwilliam himself reported that the immediate effect of the pamphlet
had been to strengthen the Scots, whose alliance all the Northern tribes
now sought, and that a common danger had made O'Donnell and O'Neill
friends. The expense of restoring peace was likely to be greater than any
private interest could warrant. Sir Brian MacPhelim pleaded his own cause
with considerable force. He had served Sussex, Croft, and Sidney
faithfully, and had lately borne the whole cost of victualling
Carrickfergus; and the Queen, ignorant as he believed of his daily
usefulness, was now about to give away his inheritance to Saxons. In her
service he had spent more cows and horses than were in any one English
county, and so it should always be while he was left in command.
Clandeboye had been in the hands of his family for fourteen generations,
and he now begged for a royal grant in consideration of faithful service
from his childhood. Whatever may have been the Queen's actual intention
towards Sir Brian MacPhelim and the other Irish, it is clear that no good
was intended them. Smith covenanted to suppress all rebels not only in
Ards but in Clandeboye, to divide the lands among the adventurers, and
not to sell to any Irishman or Scot. English settlers were forbidden,
except by royal license, to intermarry with Irish or Scots, and they were
all bound to attend the Deputy anywhere in Ulster for forty days.

[Sidenote: Vain attempts to reassure Sir Brian.]

Fitzwilliam vainly tried to explain away Smith's project: for all answer
the unlucky pamphlet was laid before him. Smith himself would fain have
counteracted by a letter the mischief done by his 'books spread in
print.' He said he was not coming to rob Sir Phelim, but to help that
loyal chief, and he was willing to have any points in which their
interests might differ decided by a lawful judge rather than by an appeal
to arms. As a beginning of friendship he begged Sir Brian to be the
protector of his people. The language was not ill chosen, and had it been
followed by wise action, the scheme might yet have succeeded. The Queen
also wrote to Sir Brian, promising, in language which 'gladded' him, that
his lands should not be taken away. Had Sir Brian and his friends been
frankly invited, as Tremayne advised, to co-operate with the Queen in a
well-designed scheme for planting some thinly peopled districts within
the Earldom of Ulster, they might perhaps have been friendly, though even
that is very doubtful: managed as it was, the project was foredoomed to
failure.[216]

[Sidenote: Fitzwilliam has no money.]

Fitzwilliam did not cease to beg for his recall or for men and money to
do something worthy of the place which he was forced to fill. In his
office of Vice-Treasurer he had incurred debt to the Crown, and if only
allowed to go back to England he would sell Milton to pay them. In the
meantime Ireland lay at the mercy of a foreign enemy. Let but 6,000
Spaniards land, and the loss would be as irrevocable as that of Calais,
nor would the Narrow Seas be any longer safe. Fitzwilliam supposed that
Sidney was his enemy at Court; but the friendly tone of Leicester's
letters makes this unlikely, and it is probable that the real difficulty
was with the Queen. Still the late and present Deputies differed widely
about the respective merits of Butlers and Geraldines. Ormonde had often
begged Elizabeth not to hear his accusers in his absence; and Sidney may
have reported against him, for he was now sent for. This was too much for
Fitzwilliam's endurance. The South, he said, always was tickly, Ormonde
only could manage it, and in short he could not be spared.[217]

[Sidenote: The Queen reduces the army.]

[Sidenote: A loyal Irishman.]

Ulster was greatly excited by colonisation rumours, and multitudinous
hordes of Scots, introduced by Tirlogh Luineach and his wife, or seeking
settlement for themselves, kept the scanty English garrisons in constant
alarm. Sorley Boy MacDonnell with 700 men beset Carrickfergus. Captain
Cheston, a brave and discreet soldier, sallied forth at the head of his
company and discomfited his assailants, but received an arrow in his
thigh; such surgery as was available failing to extract it, he lingered
fourteen days, and then died. This was the moment chosen by Elizabeth to
reduce the army in Ireland. 9,400_l._ was sent over with strict
injunctions to discharge 166 men from the foot companies and 70 from the
garrisons of Leighlin, Dungarvan, Maryborough, Bunratty, and Ballintober,
and to hold 500 more in readiness to go as soon as the money arrived. The
news spread fast over Ireland, causing 'general jollity' and a universal
belief that the days of Saxon rule were over, that an Irish nobleman
would be Viceroy, and that all late English settlers would soon be
hurrying to the seaside. 'When all be discharged,' said the unfortunate
Deputy, 'God send me some rid out of Ireland, for I look to see fire
round about in every quarter; but I must confess this medicine is well
taken away, for the disease did but putrefy under it without any heal.'
Among the men discharged were several who had been at Derry, and who had
received pensions since the abandonment of the post. One of these, Edmond
Byrne, deserves a passing notice. He had been in the service of Don
Carlos, and on hearing a Spanish gentleman speak evil of Queen Elizabeth,
had attacked him at the palace gates, though attended by two armed
followers. Having killed his man and beaten off the two underlings, Byrne
first took sanctuary, and then fled to Portugal. There the same conduct
provoked the same retort, and Byrne wounded the slanderer of his
sovereign. This loyal Irishman afterwards received a pension of four
shillings a day.[218]

[Sidenote: Poverty of the Crown.]

The best excuse for Elizabeth's ill-judged parsimony was the great
difficulty which she found in getting money at this time. The breach with
Alva had destroyed the credit system of the Netherlands, and English
finance had not yet become sufficient to itself. Moreover, the Queen took
care that Spain should be fully occupied, and the capture of Brill, which
coincided with the discharge of the troops in Ireland, made a Spanish
descent on that country exceedingly improbable. Alva had never been able
to replace the Genoese treasure detained in England, and it was pretty
clear that there would be none to spare for less important services. But
by the relaxation of English efforts in Ireland, nearly all that had been
done there was neutralised, and it is impossible not to feel some pity
for Fitzwilliam.[219]

[Sidenote: Fitton in Connaught.]

The Presidency of Connaught did not flourish greatly under Fitton's
charge; perhaps no one could have done anything there without a
considerable army. He could indict O'Connor Don and MacDermot for high
treason, he could lay whole baronies waste, and he could generally take
castles. But he could not establish either peace or respect for the
common law, and he dared not, while he remained in the province, leave
the Brehon law in undisputed possession of the field. The civil and the
canon law, as well as the law of England, all declared that a man should
be held liable only for his own acts. But Irish custom extended the
liability to descendants and to collaterals, and Fitton seems to have
thought it possible to play fast and loose with the two systems, and to
use their own customs against the Irish, though contrary, as he believed,
to all law, human and divine.

[Sidenote: Clanricarde's sons.]

The Earl of Clanricarde's two sons were in open rebellion, and he was
bound to answer for them both by Irish law, of which he had accepted the
liabilities, and by agreement under his own hand. The Earl was loyal
enough, as his whole career showed, but he was unable to control his
clan, and was perhaps not sorry to get out of a temporary difficulty by
surrendering himself. There were frequent and very circumstantial reports
of an intended Spanish descent, and he may well have dreaded the
necessity either of joining or of opposing an invader who was under papal
patronage. Fitton seems to have had no other case against the old lord
than that he levied exactions like his ancestors, a charge which came
with remarkably bad grace from the President. Fitzwilliam said openly
that he could only be chastised by bringing in the Mayo Burkes, who had
always been rebels, and he very justifiably shrank from such a miserable
expedient. A more respectable plan was to send Thomond home and encourage
him to earn a complete restoration by his service against the Clanricarde
rebels.[220]

[Sidenote: Fitton and Clanricarde.]

On first arriving in Dublin, Clanricarde had been shut up in the castle.
After a month he was released on his own recognisances, and three months
later he was again committed on Fitton preferring against him a formal
charge of being the counsellor, comforter, and procurer of his son's
doings. A few months before Fitzwilliam had pronounced Fitton a wise and
sober man, very conscientious, severely just, and not subject to gusts of
passion. He now complained that the President had refused to reveal the
charge against Clanricarde at the Council Board. This the Lord Deputy
considered a stain on his own loyalty, and he demanded an opportunity of
clearing himself. The Earl's offence, if offence there was, fell far
short of treason, and he could be very badly spared from his own
country. The Queen rebuked Fitton severely for his secret ways, and for
arresting the old Earl, who made his submission to the Lord President of
Connaught, only asking that he might in future have the assistance of a
councillor to keep order. This was granted, and he was soon sent back to
Connaught with a general commission to grant pardons at discretion; a
wonderful end to a trial for high treason. The Council patched up a truce
between Fitton and Fitzwilliam, but the flame soon burst forth again.
Clanricarde's detention in Dublin lasted about six months, and he never
quite forgave Fitton. 'After being set at liberty,' he said, 'I did
within one twelvemonth hang my own son, my brother's son, my
cousin-german's son, and one of the captains of my gallowglasses, besides
fifty of my own followers that bare armour and weapons; which the
Archbishop of Tuam, the Bishop of Clonfert, and the whole corporation of
Galway may witness.'[221]

[Sidenote: Fitton driven into a corner.]

When Fitton wrote to say that he expected soon to have no place in his
power except Galway, Fitzwilliam sneeringly answered that he would be a
very old man before the rebels came to seek him at Athlone. For a few
weeks longer the President kept the field. Clare Galway was yielded at
his approach, and a few kerne were shot here and there, but the young
Burkes eluded him as completely as David eluded Saul. On one occasion
they were close, and Ulick, taking an axe in his hand, declared that he
would lead on; but the captain of gallowglasses, wiser in his generation,
advised a fitter opportunity. Lady Mary Burke escaped out of Galway, and
went to join her brothers. Then provisions ran short, the Mayo Burkes,
whom Fitzwilliam had thought it possible to retain as allies, joined
their namesake, and Fitton retired to Athlone, leaving the whole province
free from any pretence of settled government.[222]

[Sidenote: Even Athlone is not safe.]

Fitton was only three months older when he saw his dismal prophecy
fulfilled. Having demolished most of the castles in Clanricarde, lest
they should offer a refuge to the English, the young Burkes, with a force
estimated at from 500 to 2,000, and largely composed of Scots
mercenaries, plundered the district between the Suck and Shannon, then
crossed the great river, and burned all along the left bank as far as
Athlone. James Fitzmaurice was with them, chiefly in the vain hope of
relieving Castlemaine, before which Perrott had again sat down. Turning
to the east, the wild bands harried Roscommon and Westmeath, burned
Mullingar, Meelick, and other places, and then doubled back to Athlone,
to which they set fire. In spite of the guns in the castle and the
musketeers on the steeple of the church, they approached boldly from the
north side, broke into the cloister with the help of masons, and, being
aided by a high wind, burned most of the malt and biscuit stored above.
Of the 350 soldiers promised by Fitzwilliam not one had arrived, and the
President could only look on while the town burned. Meeting with no
resistance, the rebels again crossed the Shannon and went to Galway. That
town was too strong for them to attempt, but they killed an English
captain in a skirmish, and on two separate occasions passed the walls
without serious opposition and penetrated into Connemara, where they
chastised the O'Flaherties for their adherence to English rule. Fitton
could do nothing but beg the Lord Deputy not to pardon the treason after
the old fashion of Ireland. 'It is comforted,' he said, 'and fostered
from under your own elbows, I mean Dublin itself.'[223]

[Sidenote: Fitton is forced to leave Connaught to itself.]

Fitton lingered at Athlone for a few weeks and then retired, first to
Dublin and then to England. Fitzwilliam announced that Connaught would
soon be quiet, for there would be no one left to resist the rebels. The
unlucky President was not to be blamed, for he 'could not work miracles
as Moses did.' After one more attempt to give trouble, which was
frustrated by Perrott's energy, Clanricarde's sons--the MacIarlas, as
they were called--saw that there was no fear of punishment, and that they
might as well sue for mercy. They told the Deputy that they were in a
wretched and damnable state; and this was true, for they were very
vicious young men. They knew not where to turn, and they offered to give
themselves up and be good subjects for ever if only they might be assured
of the pardon which they feared to ask. Their father was powerless to
control them, and he supported their petition on the ground that despair
might 'make them follow young counsels.' He himself was ready for any
service, or even to go to prison, and would welcome any president that
had no property in Connaught, 'excepting always Sir Edward Fitton, who
sought my blood.' A good salary, he added fairly enough, would be the
best defence against corruption. Believing that Fitton would traduce him,
he sent an agent to England to enter a cross case. The late president's
prayer was so far heard that the young Burkes received no immediate
pardon. In the meantime Athlone was held by a scanty garrison. In one of
the long nights just after the new year Art Maguire, who had the watch,
arranged with some of the O'Kellys to betray the castle. A ladder was
planted and thirty-four men scaled the walls unobserved, when a chance
noise startled the guard. The assailants called out in English to make
way for the Earl of Clanricarde's sons; but they were worsted in the
scuffle and jumped off the battlements, several legs being broken. 'If
the devils had not made great shifts they had broken most of their
necks.' Fitzwilliam attributed the result entirely to God's providence.
The Irish had been two hours inside the castle and were probably waiting
for reinforcements, very likely for the graceless young men in whose
names they professed to act.[224]

[Sidenote: Ormonde goes to England.]

[Sidenote: Fitzmaurice still at large, 1572.]

Ormonde was summoned to England at the beginning of 1572, and there were
not wanting detractors to say that he was unwilling to go, and that he
was playing a game of his own. Some thought him too merciful, and one of
his followers asked Burghley to give him a private hint inculcating
severity. But neither Perrott nor Fitzwilliam could do without him, and
he was certainly not idle. The pursuit of Fitzmaurice was but a
wild-goose chase, and every now and then some new Geraldine partisan
arose and gave local trouble. Edward Butler, with five hundred men, went
to Aherlow, killed a few kerne, and drove off some cattle which had been
stolen from Kerry; but he never saw Fitzmaurice, though he reported that
he was weak and might be easily attacked. The difficulty was to find him.
Meanwhile Rory MacShane, with a small band, swept away what he could find
in the meadows about Clonmel. The townsmen were disinclined to follow,
but their sovereign threatened to denounce them as traitors, and they
accompanied him into the hills near the town. The foolhardy sovereign,
who had refused Ormonde's offer of a garrison, allowed himself to be
drawn into rough ground, and lost his life. Then came Edward Butler, who
killed twenty-one of Rory's men. The solitary prisoner was promptly
hanged, drawn, and quartered. Besides these services performed through
his brother, Ormonde was able at this time to make head against Rory Oge
O'More, while Kildare, with six hundred kerne of his own and a hundred of
the Queen's, pressed that chief from the North.

[Sidenote: The Lord President reports progress.]

At another time Fitzmaurice threatened Youghal, but the Viscount of
Decies sent timely aid. If to keep the Queen's peace was the object of
government, it had very indifferent success. Yet Perrott did not despair.
Wales and Northumbria had been settled by Presidents, and why not
Munster? 'Came it to perfection elsewhere in one year? No, not in seven.'
The Irish were subtle, fond of license, and ready for anything as long as
it was not for their good. But he claimed to have laid a sound
foundation. Munster was no longer governed by letters from Dublin which
no one obeyed. Before he came no man could go a mile outside Cork,
Limerick, Youghal, Kinsale, Kilmallock, Dingle, or Cashel. No one helped
but Ormonde, yet the country had become fairly safe, and English
fishermen fished in peace. The rebels had dwindled from 1,000 to 'fifty
poor kerne, and ten or twelve bad horsemen.' The decentralising system
might be carried much further, and Perrott recommended a President for
Ulster. The Lord Deputy might then spend some part of his time at
Athlone. The advice was probably good, but the poverty of the Crown
hindered all comprehensive reforms.[225]

[Sidenote: Castlemaine taken. Perrott cannot catch Fitzmaurice.]

Early in June Perrott again besieged Castlemaine. Most of the
MacCarthies, O'Sullivans, and other West Munster clans furnished
contingents, as well as the Barrys and Roches, and some of the walled
towns. James Fitzmaurice having failed to bring the Scots from Connaught
to its relief, the castle surrendered after a three months' blockade,
'through the want of provisions,' say the annalists, 'not at all for want
of defence.' This being the only place which resisted the English arms,
and the most convenient spot for foreigners to land, the success was a
considerable one in spite of the time it had taken. When it was just too
late Fitzmaurice, with Ulick Burke and Shane MacOliver, passed the
Shannon near Portumna, with the help of the O'Maddens, and marched down
the left bank towards Limerick, the fears or sympathies of the citizens
again swelling their numbers to 1,000. The sheriff attempting to
withstand them was slain with thirty of his men, and Perrott, who besides
his own servants had only 160 English soldiers, at once proceeded in
search of them. He was accompanied by several native lords and chiefs,
but seems to have set but little store by their services. Fitzmaurice
lurked in the wooded and boggy plain between Limerick and Pallas, and
MacBrien Coonagh sent word to Perrott that the Scots would certainly
fight in the neighbourhood of Ballinagarde. The floods were out, and the
President found his enemy, apparently about 600 strong, advantageously
posted on ground inaccessible to cavalry, and unapproachable even by foot
soldiers marching more than two abreast. Perrott threw forward a few
musketeers to skirmish, and then quitting the saddle led the way on foot
to encourage the Irish lords, the attack being covered by a body of
musketeers. The Scots threw their spears at the skirmishers and seemed
disposed to charge, but a second and better-directed volley broke them,
and they fled in disorder towards the Glen of Aherlow, leaving a few dead
on the field. Perrott followed through a frightful country, but could not
get a second chance. Clancare and Cormac MacTeige, MacCarthies who in
their soul hated the Desmonds, did good service, but the other allies
were lukewarm. Perrott blamed Lord Roche for keeping aloof with the
cavalry, but if the President's own description of the ground be true,
his lordship had little choice. Ormonde was in England, and his presence
alone would have done as much as all his forces without him; but Sir
Edmund Butler co-operated zealously enough with the President, and the
penitent Edward exhorted him to fresh exertions. 'Remember,' he said, 'my
dear brother, that though you did never so much service, it is but your
duty, and far less than her Majesty deserved at our hands.' On one
occasion the Butlers brought in fifty heads, and Perrott allowed that
they served most willingly in the field, though he does not seem to have
had a high opinion of their actual achievements.[226]

[Sidenote: Perrott cannot pay his soldiers. A mutiny.]

There were rumours of a second invasion of Scots from Connaught, but they
did not come, and Perrott was left free to follow those already in his
province. The indefatigable man made such preparations as he could for a
grand attack on Aherlow with the help of the two Butlers, and he set out
from Kilmallock in advance of his army. When he had gone a few miles the
captains overtook him in hot haste to say that their men had mutinied and
had returned to Kilmallock. The Irish auxiliaries were not bound to serve
without English soldiers, and they immediately deserted the President,
glad enough, no doubt, of the excuse. A few of the gentlemen remained,
and Perrott retraced his steps to find his soldiers still under arms,
clamouring for the Queen's pay, and complaining of the endless and
thankless toil to which they were condemned. He reminded them that he had
already offered some money on account, that more was on the way, that
they had but slender excuse for their insubordination, and that he had a
mind to hang the ringleaders. The men answered firmly but respectfully
that if he hanged one they would all swing together for company, and in
the end he was forced to temporise. Crippled as a general, the President
went off to hold assizes at Cork, where he found the people willing to
prosecute and the juries ready to convict, so that the pleasures of
hanging were not altogether denied him. The garrison of Kilmallock, in a
fit of repentance, or persuaded by their officers, made a raid into
Aherlow and killed some thirty of Fitzmaurice's men sleeping in their
cabins. 'I am ashamed to write of so few,' said the Lord President, 'but
considering their cowardliness and the continual watch which they use to
keep, it is accounted as much here to have the lives of so few, as 1,000
in some other country. If I might have but one trusty gentleman of the
Irishry I would not doubt I should in short time bring the country to
good quiet.' That one trusty gentleman was not to be had, but Ormonde's
brothers did what they could to prove that they were not, and, in spite
of recent transgressions, never had been Irishry. Without any help from
Perrott they attacked Fitzmaurice in his camp near Tipperary, and killed
100 of his men. That was the last important success of the campaign,
which had proved beyond doubt that the rebels had no chance in the field
against English soldiers or even against the Butler gallowglasses; but it
had also proved that they could not be followed with advantage, and that
the problem of Irish government was as far from solution as ever.[227]

[Sidenote: Stratagems of Fitzmaurice.]

On one occasion (we are not told the date or place) the hunter nearly
became a prey to his quarry. A pretended deserter brought news that
Fitzmaurice was hard by with only thirty persons, and offered to be the
President's guide, tendering his own life as security. With
characteristic rashness Perrott followed the man with about thirty
soldiers, and at the break of day came upon Fitzmaurice accompanied by
400 or 500 foot and 80 horse. Trewbrigg, the President's secretary, who
rode in advance, charged the Irish and Scots with three or four men, and
lost his own life and a purse containing 100_l._, which served as a
military chest. Nothing daunted, Perrott followed with the rest of his
men. He jumped a bank and unhorsed one of the rebels. Another came behind
him with his spear, held by the middle as in an Indian boar-hunt, and he
was barely rescued by George Greame, afterwards famous in the Irish wars.
Outnumbered by ten or twelve to one, the English soldiers were nearly
overwhelmed, when Captain Bowles, not much more prudent than his chief,
galloped up with three or four fresh men. Supposing these to be the
advanced guard of a larger body, Fitzmaurice drew off. Even this lesson
did not teach Perrott prudence. Fitzmaurice, being closely pursued, faced
about near a bridge leading to a wood, and sent a man with a white cloth
on the top of his spear. The Lord President allowed himself to be drawn
into a parley, and while he wrangled about terms Fitzmaurice got his men
over the water and escaped.[228]

[Sidenote: The Irish in Spain. Stukeley.]

The incessant rumours of Spanish invasion led to nothing, but these
foreign intrigues are worth following for the light which they throw upon
Elizabeth's policy. Stukeley, finding that the Archbishop of Cashel's
party would not accept him as the champion of Irish Catholicism, went to
Rome, where he walked barelegged and barefooted about the churches and
streets. Fitzwilliam derisively reported that the man who had given up
the kingdom of Florida and the dukedom of Ireland only for holiness' sake
was about to have a red hat, and that the superstitious people of
Waterford really believed in his sanctity. Constant communication was
kept up between Ireland, Spain, and the Low Countries, and there was
scarcely a southern chief or lord who was not supposed to be in
correspondence with Stukeley or with some other of the exiles. Many
probably sympathised with the idea of a Spanish invasion, though not to
such an extent as the sanguine Fitzgibbon had represented, and others may
have thought it prudent to make friends with the mammon of
unrighteousness. The adventurer, after his return from Rome, was
attracted by the somewhat kindred spirit of Don John of Austria, and
served under him either at Lepanto or in some smaller encounter with the
Turks, after which he retired to Madrid, and 'for his many deeds' became
more of a favourite than ever. A pension of 1,000 ducats per week was
thought a suitable entertainment for the Duke of Ireland, and one Cahir
O'Rourke obtained the command of forty men. The Bishop of Cadiz received
orders from Philip to punish those who refused passages to the Irish
refugees, friars, and others, and one Cormac, calling himself provincial
of the Irish Dominicans, busied himself in seeing that the order was
carried out. The French captains under one pretence or other refused to
carry these emissaries; but the Portuguese were more subservient, and
many Irishmen sailed from Lisbon as well as from the Spanish ports.
Meanwhile loyal Englishmen were subjected to every inconvenience. Five
ships were stopped at San Lucar and three at Seville, and many of
Elizabeth's subjects were closely imprisoned. The Inquisition worked
harder than ever. Rumours of a fleet to be commanded by Stukeley were
again rife, and some talked of as many as fifty ships. Philip II.'s slow
mind was quite unequal to the task of coping with such statesmen as Cecil
and Walsingham, and they were able to watch every move. English merchants
and sea-captains, even Compostella pilgrims, took a pride in thwarting
the despot, who seldom travelled further than Aranjuez, and imagined that
he could rule all mankind by making silly marginal notes on despatches.
Waterford having been recommended in 1569 as the best point for attacking
Ireland, Philip, who apparently heard of the place for the first time,
could only wonder in manuscript 'whether the Duke of Feria knew anything
of that port.' Considering that Philip had been King of England, this is
a fine illustration of the aphorism as to the small amount of wisdom with
which the world is governed.[229]

[Sidenote: Effects of St. Bartholomew in Ireland.]

The day of St. Bartholomew could not but have its effect in Ireland. In
Connaught and other Irish districts 'the godly,' as the few Protestants
esteemed themselves, thought it prudent to hide. The rest of the people
triumphed 'as though the kingdom of Antichrist were once again erected.'
There was talk of the Spanish Inquisition, but little or no actual
violence is recorded to have been done. Suspicion filled the air, and the
sudden appearance of innumerable friars seemed to bode some great foreign
movement. They came out of Ulster and traversed Connaught in companies of
twenty at a time. Cormac, the so-called Provincial of the Dominicans,
brought a budget of indulgences to Sligo, and published them openly.
Friars preached at Galway before the ex-mayor and other leading townsmen,
and held councils at Adare, Galway, and Donegal. They came and went
between Ireland and France, and Fitzwilliam's informant held that the
preaching of Ulster friars 'must naturally tend to rebellion.' Their
evident desire, he thought, was to subvert the English Government, and
'set up their own wickedness.' In Galway the mendicants bore themselves
like princes, so that the Pope might be thought King of England and
Ireland. Clanricarde himself dared not say a word, and Limerick
threatened to be soon as bad as Galway.[230]

[Sidenote: Rise of Rory Oge O'More.]

Those parts of Ireland which were supposed to be tolerably well settled
were pervaded by a sense of insecurity, and gave Fitzwilliam no help.
King's County, under the wise government of Henry Cowley, noted by an
eminent lawyer as being the only Englishman who ruled by law, was long
an exception; but the Queen owed the constable near 2,000_l._, and such
disinterestedness could not be expected from every officer. Cowley had
but twenty-three men, and, though others praised him, he was himself
dissatisfied with the state of his district. Cosby was less successful in
the Queen's County, where Rory Oge O'More still kept an armed remnant of
his tribe together. Kildare and Ormonde combined their forces but could
not catch him, and he refused to cross the Barrow except in the company
of the former Earl, who accordingly brought him to his castle of Kilkea.
Rory said he would make no war against the Queen, but must be assured of
life and living before he would submit; nor would he disperse his men,
who were his only protection against many enemies. After consulting with
Cosby, the two Earls gave him protection for a fortnight, on his
undertaking not to damage the corn. When Ormonde went to England Rory
broke out again, and found his neighbours willing enough to help him.
Bands of fifty or a hundred invaded the Pale nightly with music and
torches, as Fitzwilliam bitterly observed, 'lest they should be heard or
seen,' yet he would not blame Cosby, for he had neither men nor
money.[231]

[Sidenote: The O'Byrnes.]

In Wexford a gentleman named Browne was murdered by the O'Byrnes, among
whom Feagh MacHugh was rising into distinction as a guerilla chief.
Agard, the seneschal of Wicklow, took immediate vengeance on some of the
mountaineers, and was then inclined to hold out hopes of mercy as the
best chance of catching the most guilty parties, such as Matthew Furlong
and others, who had employed the O'Byrnes. But Nicholas White, the
seneschal of Wexford, went 'thundering' about saying that the Queen would
never pardon anyone who had a hand in Browne's murder. Fitzwilliam wished
devoutly that White had stayed in England. The revenge already taken
might have been severe enough even for White's taste. Led by a
mountaineer whom he had captured, and whose life was the price of his
service as guide, Agard entered the south-west corner of Wicklow, where
he burned sixteen villages, then passed through the valley of Imail,
where he killed a foster-brother of James Eustace, afterwards the famous
rebel Lord Baltinglass. A sister of Simon MacDavid's was captured, 'whom,
if she do not stand me in stead, I mean to execute.' Had plunder been the
main object a very large number of cattle might easily have been driven
off, but the guide, who may have had a quarrel of his own to avenge,
offered to take the soldiers where they might 'have some killing.'
Captain Hungerford and Lieutenant Parker preferred killing to kine, and
went in at the head of Glendalough. 'They slew many churls, women, and
children,' brought away much kine, and lost 500 more 'while they were
killing.' Feagh MacHugh just escaped, but two of his sisters and two
foster-brothers were slain. Much blood was destined to be shed before the
blood of Robert Browne should be finally expiated. Sometimes the English
officers seem to have set a very indifferent example. Robert Hartpole,
sheriff of Carlow and constable of the Castle, and his sub-sheriff were
accused upon oath of having seized a vast number of cattle on all sorts
of pretences, of forcing labourers to work, and in general of every sort
of violence and corruption. These misdeeds were said to have been
committed by virtue of letters from the Earl of Ormonde. In the following
year, Hartpole was one of those licensed by the Lord Deputy to cess
Ormonde's lands for protection against the O'Mores and O'Connors. No
particular notice seems to have been taken of the charges against him,
for he remained in Carlow to found a family, and to be remembered as a
chief actor in one of the most horrible tragedies recorded even in Irish
history.[232]

[Sidenote: Bad effects of reducing the army.]

Fitzwilliam had reduced the army much against his will, and the
disturbances which he had foreseen followed as a matter of course. He
asked for reinforcements, unless the Queen wished deliberately to leave
the whole country to the native Irish. Her answer was that she marvelled
at the stir in Ireland, and that she would not send the 800 soldiers he
asked for; and she reminded him that Mr. Smith had been ready to bring
over that number if Fitzwilliam had not opposed the enterprise. Smith
was, however, now really coming, and might give some help. The poor
Deputy could only answer that the 800 men were much wanting, that double
that number of Scots had landed in Connaught, and that Ormonde, on whom
alone he could depend, had been sent for to England. But to Burghley he
passionately poured out his griefs. 'I pass over,' he said, 'usual
matters, such as killing, burning, spoiling;' though they pricked his
conscience daily, and though he feared that God would demand the innocent
blood at his hand. The English name was hateful, and he would rather die
when Ireland was lost than live in England to bemoan it. He could but
shake the scabbard, for he had no sword to draw, and yet military
government was the only government possible for a 'people so long nursled
in sensual immunity.' The great men 'all, tooth and nail, whatsoever
semblance they bear, do spur, kick, and practise against regular
justice.' The fear of Ormonde kept some quiet, but in his absence their
enforced frowns at the rebels were changed to winking. For himself, he
could bear all if the Queen would only give him credit for doing his
best, instead of blaming him more and more for not doing what he had long
since declared impossible. 'A hard word of a prince,' he said, 'is a dart
to a true subject--much more, a nipping, a checking, and a
taunting.'[233]

FOOTNOTES:

[208] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Aug. 19, Sept. 8, Nov. 25, 1571; to the
Queen, Sept. 6. His patent as Lord Deputy bears date Dec. 11.

[209] Perrott to Fitzwilliam, Aug. 14, 20, and 22; to Ormonde at p. 64 of
his _Life_, no date, but about this time.

[210] Corporation of Kinsale to the Privy Council, Aug. 10; Corporation
of Youghal to the Queen, Sept. 6; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Nov. 25;
Perrott to Fitzwilliam, Dec. 4. This last letter has a note by
Fitzwilliam, in which he says Sir John of Desmond would be as well in
England as in Munster, 'in spite of his wit and soberness.'

[211] _Perrott's Life_, pp. 61-63. Perrott to Ormonde, Nov. 18, 1571.

[212] Knocklong was the appointed place, and Perrott kept his tryst; but,
'God be praised,' said Fitzwilliam, 'the rebel chief did not appear.'

[213] _Perrott's Life._ Ormonde to Fitzwilliam, Nov. 20; Fitzwilliam to
the Privy Council, Feb. 27, 1572.

[214] Sir T. Smith to Burghley, April 10, 1572. The pamphlet is printed
in the appendix to Hill's _MacDonnells of Antrim_.

[215] Piers to Fitzwilliam, Jan. 3, 1572, with notes by the Lord Deputy;
same to same, Feb. 8; Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, i. 427.

[216] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, March 14; to the Queen, June 27; to the
Privy Council, June 28; Sir Brian MacPhelim O'Neill to Fitzwilliam, March
6; to the Queen and Privy Council, March 27; Thomas Smith, Junior, to Sir
Brian MacPhelim, May 20. There is a tolerable account of this business in
chap. xiv. of Strype's _Life of Smith_.

[217] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, March 24, April 15, May 5; to Leicester,
March 16; Leicester to Fitzwilliam, March 8.

[218] Notes of such as are appointed to be discharged, May 8; Fitzwilliam
to Burghley, April 15 and May 21; to the Queen and Privy Council, Feb.
27; Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, ii. 64. The fight in which Captain Cheston
was wounded took place before Feb. 14.

[219] Burgon's _Life of Sir Thomas Gresham_, chaps. vi. and vii.

[220] Fitton to Burghley, Jan. 31, with enclosures, March 31; Fitzwilliam
to Burghley, April 21; Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, May
15.

[221] Earl of Clanricarde's Declaration, March 8, 1578; Fitton to
Burghley, January 31, 1572; with enclosures, March 31; Lord Deputy and
Council to the Privy Council, May 15; to the Privy Council and
Fitzwilliam to Burghley, April 21, May 24; to the Queen, &c., July 25; to
Burghley, Aug. 4. Order by Lord Deputy and Council, July 22.

[222] Fitton to Leicester, May 18, in _Carew_; to Fitzwilliam, June 16.

[223] _Four Masters_, 1572. Fitton to Fitzwilliam, July 16; John Crofton
to Fitzwilliam, same date; Bishop of Meath to Fitzwilliam, July 17;
Fitzwilliam to the Queen, July 24.

[224] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Sept. 25, 1572; to the Queen, Feb. 18,
1573; Clanricarde to Fitzwilliam, Nov. 2, 1572; to Burghley, Dec. 15.
Earl of Clanricarde's sons to Fitzwilliam, Nov. 9; Edward Brereton to
Fitton, Feb. 9, 1573.

[225] Perrott to Fitzwilliam, May 11, 1572; Ormonde to Fitzwilliam, Feb.
5, 1572, enclosing one from Edward Butler; Mayor of Youghal to Lord ----,
March 21: John Danyell to Fitzwilliam, Feb. 26.

[226] Perrott to the Privy Council, Sept. 1; to Fitzwilliam, Sept. 12 and
16; to Burghley, Nov. 2; Fitzwilliam to Privy Council, Sept. 25; to
Ormonde, Oct. 21; Edward Butler to Sir Edmund Butler, Oct. 19; Sir Edmund
Butler to Richard Shee, Oct. 20; Bishop of Limerick to Perrott, Aug. 31;
Mayor and Recorder of Limerick to Perrott, Sept. 1.

[227] Sir E. Butler to R. Shee, Nov.; Lord Deputy and Council to the
Queen, Dec. 1.

[228] _Perrott's Life_, pp. 67, _sqq._

[229] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, May 24, 1571; to the Privy Council, April
15, 1572; Dominic Brown to Fitton, April 9, 1571. Examination of Walter
French, March 30; and report of John Crofton, April 13, 1571. Memorandum
concerning Ireland, 1571 (No. 44). Memorandum concerning Stukeley, March
5, 1572. Stukeley went to Rome early in the spring of 1571, and returned
to Spain in November. See also Froude, x. 479, _note_.

[230] Edward White (Clanricarde's clerk) to Fitzwilliam, Nov. 1572. On
Nov. 29, Fitzwilliam answered that he was glad the Earl had such a jewel
as White about him.

[231] N. White to Burghley, July 17, 1573; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Oct.
6, 1572; to the Queen, Dec. 7, 1572, and Feb. 18, 1573; Henry Cowley to
Burghley, March 12, 1572; Kildare and Ormonde to Burghley, Aug. 14, 1572.

[232] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Aug. 26, 1572; Notes of Journey, May 1572;
Examinations, &c., Aug. 21, 1572; License to Hartpole and others, Sept.
24, 1573. Hartpole was concerned in the Mullaghmast massacre.

[233] Fitzwilliam to the Queen, July 24, Aug. 3, Sept. 25, 1572; to the
Privy Council, Aug. 4; to Burghley, Sept. 25 and Oct. 21; the Queen to
the Lord Deputy, Aug. 5.




CHAPTER XXX.

1572 and 1573.


[Sidenote: The Ulster colonisation project.]

The absence of Sir Thomas Smith in France and the lukewarm attitude of
the Lord Deputy delayed the Northern enterprise for some time, and when
young Smith at last landed, the 800 of which the Queen spoke had dwindled
to 100. He sailed from Liverpool on Friday, the sailors' unlucky day, and
reached Lough Strangford on the morrow. He sent to Sir Brian MacPhelim to
say that he had no designs except on the spiritual lands--no designs 'as
yet' he explained in writing to Burghley--but the chief would not see
him, and roundly refused to part with one foot of ground. The adventurer
hastened to the Lord Deputy, not to offer aid but to beg for it; but
Fitzwilliam, who had not been consulted, gave him little comfort, telling
the Queen that a singular ignorance had been shown of the jealous Irish
nature, and that the chance of success had been immeasurably lessened by
sounding the trumpet so loudly beforehand. Others besides Smith talked
loosely of all they were going to do in Ulster; one Chatterton boasting
that he had a grant of O'Hanlon's country. Fitzwilliam bade him hold his
foolish tongue; but he only talked the louder, and sent his brother to
Newry to spread the mischief further, and to have eight or nine bullocks
ostentatiously salted. 'To have rumours spread,' said the Deputy
bitterly, 'and a few beeves salted to mad men with, and to have no men
come to tame madmen with, I must think, or at least doubt, to be some
practice to disturb quiet government.' Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill wrote in
a covertly threatening tone to Fitzwilliam, professing not to believe
that Smith had really her Majesty's authority to take his namesake's
country, and advising him to let Sir Brian and Sorley Boy alone. Sir
Brian emphasised this advice by invading the Ards, killing Henry Savage,
burning the villages, and driving off all the cattle except what could be
hurriedly conveyed across the Lough into Lecale. Fitzwilliam could only
tell Sir Thomas Smith that he was sorry for his son's evil prospects, but
that soldiers were very scarce, and that, though his goodwill was great,
in material resources he 'had not enough to set out the main
chance.'[234]

[Sidenote: Collapse of Smith's enterprise.]

Sir Thomas Smith perhaps hardly expected to get nothing but criticisms
from the Lord Deputy. The reports complained of had been spread against
his will, and he had no intention towards the Irish but to make them
labour virtuously, 'and to leave robbing and stealing and killing one
another.' He suggested that, as his son could evidently effect nothing
for the present, Fitzwilliam should employ him in the Queen's pay to
defend the northern frontier of the Pale. As Fitzwilliam could not pay
even the few men he had, this was hardly a practical suggestion. The
O'Neills played fast and loose with the unfortunate young man. Sometimes
a minor chief would make friendly advances, and then, having seen the
nakedness of the land, would run off again, while Tirlogh Luineach and
Sir Brian MacPhelim evidently understood each other. It was only just
possible to defend Carrickfergus with the help of Captain Maltby, whose
company had narrowly escaped discharge, and who generally lay in Lecale.
From behind the walls of the fortress Smith railed continually at the
Lord Deputy, whose gloomy vaticinations had all been fulfilled. In
writing to the Queen and to Smith's father, Fitzwilliam merely lamented
that his power to help him was not equal to his will, but he told
Burghley that he thought it very hard that his credit at Court should be
undermined by the interest of a vain young man. Maintenance and not
stomach was what the adventurer required, and he wished Burghley could
see the letters he wrote to the Council. His impudent humour needed
rather to be purged than fed. Maltby, a man of ability and discretion,
fell to some extent under the influence of his sanguine comrade, and the
two persuaded Fitzwilliam to give them command of the garrison at Newry,
by way of operating against Sir Brian MacPhelim. They prophesied great
things, but did nothing; and Fitzwilliam, who had yielded to their
importunity for fear of Court slanders, cynically observed that he never
supposed they would do anything. Sir Brian, on the contrary, burned
Carrickfergus, and 100 men had to be sent in haste from Newry to protect
the pier, the store-house, and what little remained of the town. The
enterprise of the Smiths, from which so much had been expected and which
had been so much advertised, had utterly collapsed in less than a
year.[235]

[Sidenote: Fitzmaurice submits. Perrott thinks he will be a second St.
Paul.]

After his last overthrow by Sir Edmund Butler, Fitzmaurice no longer
attempted to make head, but sued for pardon and leave to serve her
Majesty in some other country, offering at the same time to disclose the
chief instigators of his revolt. He had still eighty kerne with him, and
found no difficulty in feeding his men either in Aherlow or in the wild
district between Macroom and Glengariffe. Perrott, who wished to hunt out
rather than pardon him, watched the ports so carefully as to frustrate
many attempts at evasion. At least one important emissary fell into the
Lord President's hands in the person of Edmond O'Donnell, a Jesuit, who
brought letters from Gregory XIII. to Fitzmaurice, and who was afterwards
hanged, drawn, and quartered at Cork. The pursuit of the arch-rebel
himself failed for want of provisions. The President was very much
against the established system of governing 'by intreaty,' and his object
was to make people fear him, 'so that they be not kept in servile fear.'
The Queen sent letters of thanks to Lords Clancare, Barrymore, Fermoy,
and Lixnaw, to Sir Thomas of Desmond, and to Sir Donough and Sir Cormac
MacTeige MacCarthy; and in the end, fearing lest he should escape to
Spain, Perrott thought it desirable to accept the submission of
Fitzmaurice. He appeared accordingly at Kilmallock, the town which had
suffered so much and so lately at his hands, accompanied by the seneschal
of Imokilly and other chief rebels. The suppliants knelt on both knees,
or, according to one account, even lay prostrate, and the President held
the point of his naked sword at Fitzmaurice's breast. 'Holding their
hands joined and cast upwards, and with countenances bewraying their
great sorrow and fervent repentance for their former life,' they
confessed their sins in Irish. Fitzmaurice repeated the confession in
English, owning himself the rankest traitor alive, and vowing to use his
sword for ever after only in her Majesty's service. As if to throw a
shade of ridicule upon the whole thing, Fitzmaurice absurdly declared
that he was allured by Clancare and Sir Edmund Butler. But Perrott was
forced to be content, and had similar ceremonies performed in other
towns, the inferior traitors wearing halters round their necks.
Fitzmaurice gave up one of his sons as a hostage, but it was arranged
that he himself should be set at liberty in case the Queen refused to
accept his submission. She was glad to find an excuse for saving money in
Munster, or anywhere else; and Perrott, with the strange inconsistency he
sometimes showed, soon persuaded himself that Fitzmaurice had really seen
the error of his ways, and would prove 'a second St. Paul.'[236]

[Sidenote: Desmond and his brother in the Tower, and harshly treated,
1568.]

The Presidency had proved expensive, but Perrott could report that no
armed bands were abroad, and that every corner of the province was safe
for unarmed travellers. Gilbert had done nearly as much before, but it
was clear that no permanent good could be done without sustained
expenditure. The experiment of ruling the Southern Geraldines without the
Earl of Desmond was accordingly abandoned for the time; and, in spite of
the warnings of Perrott and Fitzwilliam, Elizabeth may really have
thought that years of exile had tamed the Earl's unruly spirit. He had
indeed endured many humiliations. Arriving in London with his brother Sir
John, about Christmas 1567, he was allowed to frequent the Court, in
great want of money, but under no personal restraint. The brothers made
humble submissions, surrendering their lands to the Queen and begging for
the establishment of a President and Council in Munster; and the Earl
gave a bond in 20,000_l._ to observe the articles to which he was bound.
But his rash talk, and perhaps the letters which he was known to write,
gave offence, and both he and Sir John were sent close prisoners to the
Tower, where they were fain to beg 100_l._ for necessaries, including
clothes and shoes. They suffered from cold, and Sir John, who became
seriously ill, had not wherewithal to pay the doctor and apothecary:
anything that they did cost was paid for by the Queen, nothing whatever
being remitted from the Irish estates.[237]

[Sidenote: The Desmonds in London till 1573.]

Lady Desmond wrote to say Fitzmaurice had so wasted the country that she
could not get as much as would pay her travelling charges. 'I pray God,'
she concluded, 'send us joyful meeting or me short departure out of this
world. If you make any provision for me, I beseech you let the same be in
readiness in Bristol against my coming, and upon information thereof I
will in all haste repair towards you. Your loving, miserable wife,

    'ELEANOR DESMOND.'

Soon after this she joined her husband, and remained with him during the
rest of his two years' confinement in the Tower. After that they were all
handed over to the keeping of Sir Warham St. Leger, who hated Ormonde,
and might therefore be supposed a kind gaoler to his enemy. Sir Warham
complained bitterly of the expense and trouble to which he was put; for,
besides the Earl and Countess and Sir John, there were thirteen or
fourteen servants, and they had not the price of a pair of shoes between
them. Shut up in St. Leger's small house in Southwark, they all suffered
in health and ran up a long bill for medicine.

[Sidenote: Birth of Desmond's son.]

It was about this time that Lady Desmond gave birth to the unfortunate
child whose dismal fate it was to know himself the last and weakest of
his race, and to die young without ever having known youth. Sir Warham
grew heartily tired of his guests, his kindness to whom brought suspicion
on himself. He even asked to be imprisoned to save him from further
danger. The restraints of the Desmonds were gradually relaxed, though St.
Leger remained their custodian, and by the beginning of 1572 there was
already much talk of sending them back to Ireland, Perrott being willing
enough to receive Sir John, but preferring that the Earl and Countess
should have a year of the Tower, since they had been using their liberty
to write letters encouraging Fitzmaurice to persevere in his
rebellion.[238]

[Sidenote: Desmond tries to escape. Martin Frobisher.]

That Desmond should try to escape from England was but natural, and his
choosing the time of the Paris massacre for an attempt probably shows
that some deeper plotters than he were trying to make him a pawn in their
game. There were many Irishmen about London, some of whom were known and
others suspected as the bringers of treasonable letters, and Burghley had
his counterplot ready. The famous sea-captain Martin Frobisher, as loyal
a subject as any Queen Elizabeth had, was probably directed to put
himself in the Earl's way. Ormonde, who came to London about this time,
dined with Desmond and said he would try to get him despatched for
Ireland; and it may be conjectured, though not very charitably, that this
was meant to lull him into a false security. Desmond was afraid to see
Frobisher, who, however, contrived to let him know that he was willing to
be bought, and that a ship of 100 tons and the island of Valentia might
be a suitable price. Desmond was a bad horseman, unable indeed to mount
without help, probably through the wound received at Affane, and was,
moreover, afraid to ride into Kent lest he should meet Sir Warham's men.
He preferred an oyster boat which would pass the Queen's ships at
Gravesend without being searched, and Frobisher promised to help him to
such a craft. So well was the farce acted that one of Burghley's spies
took credit for discovering the plot months after Frobisher had disclosed
all; the captain's wife having been employed to lay a false scent and to
implicate not only her husband but St. Leger, Jerome Brett, and others
who were supposed to be seeking revenge for their failure in obtaining a
grant of the Desmond territories in Munster. 20_l._ in money or land was
to be Frobisher's own reward for taking the whole party over to Stukeley
and for invading Ireland from Spain. Mrs. Frobisher, if she had any sense
of humour, must have been amused at the great secrecy enjoined upon her
by the spy whom she was hoodwinking. It is not unlikely that Burghley or
some underling of his was trying to get evidence of treasonable designs,
but if so the plan was changed, and, instead of sending Desmond to the
Tower or to Tower Hill, it was resolved to let him go back to Ireland. He
begged that Ormonde might be sent with him, ostensibly because his
arrival in Munster would be certain to drive the rebels out of his own
country into Tipperary; really, perhaps, because he was afraid to leave
the field clear for his rival at Court.[239]

[Sidenote: Desmond restored.]

After much writing and talking the terms of Desmond's return were at last
settled. He accepted the Anglican religious establishment in the fullest
manner, renouncing foreign jurisdictions and promising to assist all
bishops, ministers, and preachers. He undertook to keep the Queen's peace
generally, and in particular not to molest Lords Fitzmaurice of Kerry,
Barrymore, Courcy, and Decies, or any of the MacCarthies, O'Sullivans,
and O'Callaghans; and all dues properly chargeable to them were to be
levied only by legal process. The Earl bound himself to put down
Fitzmaurice's rebellion as soon as possible, to apprehend those who had
fled to foreign countries, and to leave such castles in the Queen's hands
as she might think necessary for the public interest. In general he was
to hold the same position as Kildare or Ormonde, and he agreed not to
exercise the palatinate jurisdiction which he claimed in Kerry until that
claim should have been legally determined in his favour. He further
promised to pay the debts he had incurred in England as soon as money
could possibly be scraped together.[240]

[Sidenote: Elizabeth gives advice to Desmond and his brother.]

The Queen granted the brothers an interview before their departure,
professed herself satisfied with the Earl's plain speech and good
intentions, 'and to Sir John she gave a privy nip, that as he hath a good
wit, so he should hereafter use it well. He, like one not unwise nor
unexpert, craved pardon, if anything heretofore were amiss, all should be
amended.' Burghley lectured Sir John again, at greater length no doubt,
and after a further delay of some weeks, caused probably by the Queen's
dislike to do anything in Burghley's absence, the restored exiles were
forwarded to Ireland in charge of Fitton, who had been appointed
Vice-Treasurer, and the settlement of whose quarrel with Clanricarde was
referred to the friendly offices of the Lord Deputy and Council.
Fitzwilliam had directions to do nothing without consulting Perrott, and
Perrott had been much averse to Desmond's return. Rejoicing in his
freedom, Desmond slipped through Wales, and Fitton heard nothing of him
till he reached Beaumaris. Perhaps the released prisoner expected what
actually happened, and had some half-formed plan of sailing before the
Vice-Treasurer and reaching Munster without running the gauntlet of the
Dublin politicians. Sir Thomas Smith had indeed given the sound advice
that, 'seeing her Majesty doth mind to tie the Earl to her service with a
benefit, it should be _ample, liberaliter et prolixe_ done, not _maligne
et parce_, which doth so disgrace it, that for love many a time it
leaveth a grudge beyond in the heart of him which should receive it that
mars the whole benefit.' But other counsels prevailed, and Desmond was
detained for many months in Dublin--a proceeding by no means calculated
to cause a lively sense of benefits conferred.[241]

[Sidenote: Walter, Earl of Essex.]

Having desperately resolved to pacify Munster by sending Desmond home,
the Queen made haste to create disturbance in Ulster by licensing private
conquest on a large scale. Smith had evidently failed, but she persuaded
herself that another might succeed if only he were adequately supported.
It was an age when nothing seemed impossible to the brave, and all men's
minds ran upon vague schemes of conquest, beyond unfathomed seas and over
unmeasured lands.

[Sidenote: His antecedents.]

A Raleigh and a Stukeley differed widely in moral and intellectual
stature, but they were not without such a generic likeness as a horse
bears to a donkey, or a lion to a cat. A vulgar projector like Chatterton
and a rash speculator like young Smith could do much harm and could
hardly do any good; but one of the most romantic and chivalrous of
English nobles was now about to risk his all upon the fatal shore where
Randolph had lost his life and Sussex had endangered his reputation.
Walter Devereux, Viscount Hereford, having married Lettice, daughter of
Sir F. Knollys, was first employed to prevent Mary Stuart's escape from
Tutbury, but found a better opportunity of distinction in
Northumberland's insurrection. He raised a troop of horse, and acted as
marshal of the royal army. Few or none of the old nobility had shown so
much zeal, and the Queen rewarded him with a garter and with the earldom
of Essex, a title which had been borne by his ancestors. He now offered
to show his gratitude by conquering a province for her Majesty at his own
risk.

[Sidenote: He proposes to colonise part of Ulster.]

As a preliminary step he required a grant from the Crown in fee of the
whole of what is now the county of Antrim, bounded by the sea from
Belfast to Coleraine, and on the land side by the Bann and Lough Neagh,
and including the island of Rathlin.

[Sidenote: His demands.]

The race of Hugh Boy O'Neill and the Scots claimants were not forgotten,
but Essex asked for authority by martial law over the whole of them, as
well as over his own followers. All fisheries, including those of the
Bann and Lough Neagh, and all tithes and other spiritualities were to be
comprised in the grant, and a commercial monopoly, free of customs for
seven years, was to be secured to the settlers. Essex demanded the right
to make galley-slaves of all Irish and Scots convicted--by martial law as
it seems--of treason or felony, to make war and peace, and to enact local
laws. He was to have all wardships and marriages, and the Dublin
government was to have no power of imposing any cess or tax.

[Sidenote: Grant to Essex.]

After some haggling Essex received a grant of all Antrim except the lands
belonging to the chartered townsmen of Carrickfergus, the town and
castle, and 1,000 acres for their support. He was freed from all cesses
for seven years, and none of his tenants were to be obliged to serve in
war beyond the limits of his grant. The grantee had unlimited power of
alienation to men of English birth, and authority for twelve years to
make new subdivisions or to rename old ones. He had all manorial rights
except pleas of the Crown, and the freedom of all markets in Ireland for
himself and his tenants. Free trade was granted with all lands in amity
with the Queen for seven years. The patentee had power to give leave of
absence to English tenants for twelve years on the appointment of a
substitute, and to admit 100 foreigners as denizens. The Queen agreed to
furnish 200 horse and 400 foot, the Earl providing a like number; and
each party was bound to keep those numbers up. Costs of fortification
were to be divided in the same way. Among the few things not granted were
gold and silver mines, and the right to coin money. The consideration
offered for this enormous grant consisted of the services to be rendered
and of property amounting to 800 marks, left him by the Earl of March's
will--a will of which the validity was disputed. Unpromising as this
scheme must have appeared to many of those who knew Ireland best, it was
advocated by Burghley, Sussex, and Leicester; and when failure
threatened, Elizabeth accused them of having persuaded her against her
better judgment. Sir Thomas Smith, in spite of his experience, was also
in favour of the project.[242]

[Sidenote: Great alarm in Ulster. Fitzwilliam disapproves the project.]

In spite of Fitzwilliam's efforts to keep it quiet, the intended
expedition was talked of in Ireland almost as soon as in London. The Lord
Deputy earnestly begged that action might follow quickly, since the
interval would certainly be filled with lies and cavillings. One cause of
delay was that Essex had no ready money. The Queen was, however, willing
to lend 10,000_l._ as first mortgagee of his property in Bucks and Essex,
worth 500_l._ a year. Nor was the bargain a bad one. In less than one
year 1,000_l._ was to be repaid, and in default, land worth 50_l._ a year
was to be forfeited. There was the same penalty for not paying a second
1,000_l._ within two years; and if the whole 10,000_l._ were not repaid
within three years, then the entire property pledged was to fall to the
Queen. A further cause of delay was Burghley's desire for fuller
information. Since the days of Henry VII. it had been the custom to send
special commissioners in cases where the ordinary official reports were
likely to be prejudiced or tainted, and Burghley now despatched Edmund
Tremayne with instructions to investigate necessary matters and to return
quickly, leaving to Fitzwilliam all that could not be done in a hurry.
Tremayne, who knew Ireland well, was strongly impressed with the
advantages of speed and secrecy, but he saw that much delay was
unavoidable, and advised that the Earl should put forth rumours of the
plan being indefinitely postponed. He was particularly anxious that the
whole force should come together, lest the Irish might be tempted to cut
off isolated bands. A servant of Essex who had brought letters to Maltby,
Piers, and Smith, was sent back so as to give colour to the report of a
postponement. But Lord Rich with 100 men, Sir Peter Carew and Sir Arthur
Champernowne with forty each, and other gentlemen with smaller companies,
could hardly make their arrangements secretly; nor could much promptitude
be expected from such a heterogeneous body. For the Earl himself there
had to be provided six pieces of artillery, much powder and match,
trenching tools, 150 calivers, sixty muskets, 200 bows, and two surgeons
at 16_s._ per month. 'I understand,' wrote Sir John Perrott, who had a
Pembrokeshire quarrel with the noble adventurer, 'that the Earl of Essex,
with a great rout, intendeth the conquest of the North. For her Majesty's
service I wish him success, but for himself I care not what cometh
thereof, for he and his friends have sought as much to discredit me in my
absence as in them lay.' Neither Perrott nor Fitzwilliam were in love
with the chivalric interloper, but they do not appear to have thwarted
him; indeed, the Queen specially thanked the former for his friendly
tone. Her instinct probably told her that men who had borne the burden
and heat of the day with but little reward would hardly be prejudiced in
favour of this courtly amateur.[243]

[Sidenote: Essex is sanguine.]

Confident in Burghley's support, Essex made light of opposition. The Lord
Deputy he had 'ever loved and liked well of,' though the conversation of
his friends at Court did not foreshadow his support. But the Queen was
all smiles and promises, and advised the Earl 'to have consideration of
the Irish there, which she thought had become her disobedient subjects
rather because they have not been defended from the force of the Scots,
than for any other cause,' and not to seek too hastily the conversion of
a people who had been trained in another religion. He answered that he
'would not willingly imbrue his hands with more blood than the necessity
of the cause requireth,' and that, when once the Irish had been brought
to due obedience, 'they would be easily brought to be of good religion.'
He was not destined to find either task particularly easy.[244]

[Sidenote: Proposed division of Antrim.]

Some of the land between Belfast Lough and Lough Neagh may have been
destined as a reserve for the O'Neills. An extant paper shows how it was
proposed to quarter the gentlemen adventurers, and what was kept for the
Queen and the Earl:--

Glenarm, Will. Morgan of Pencoed; Red Bay, Lord Rich; Bunneygal(?), H.
Knollys; Market-town (Ballycastle), several; Kenbane Castle, not
appointed; Dunseverick, Mr. Champernowne; Dunluce, Mr. Kelway; Portrush,
Mr. Fitton; Coleraine, the Queen; James MacHenry's cranogue at
Innisloughan, reserved to keep the ford of the Bann; Ballymoney, Mr.
Bourchier; Brian Carragh's cranogue on the Bann, reserved for the ford;
Castle Toome, Geo. Carleton; Massereene, not assigned; Belfast, the
Queen; the bottom beneath the cave having two little piles, Messrs.
Barkley and Brunker; Carrickfergus, the Queen; Magee's Island and the
mouth across, the Queen; Olderfleet (Larne), the Queen.

As a matter of fact, Essex never had a house of his own in Ulster.

[Sidenote: Essex sails, 1573. Gentlemen adventurers.]

Having taken leave of Elizabeth on July 19, 1573, Essex sailed from
Liverpool on August 16, accompanied by Lords Rich and Darcy, and with
enough men and stores to fill several vessels. They were blown down
Channel, some as far as Cork, but the Earl managed to land on one of the
Copeland Islands, whence he made his way to Carrickfergus: here he was
joined by Lord Rich, who, having got ashore at Kilcleif, near the mouth
of Lough Strangford, travelled under Maltby's escort by way of Belfast.
Others were forced to the Isle of Man. A large part of the soldiers
still lingered in England waiting for wine and other supplies; and Essex
found himself powerless to effect anything considerable. But he put on a
bold face, told Tirlogh Luineach that he was come to free the Irish from
the tyranny of the Scots aliens, and that he might find grace by helping
the work, but that otherwise he would waste him with fire and sword. The
Earl advanced to the Bann without meeting an enemy, but the inherent
disadvantage of making war by private contract soon became apparent. The
Scots withdrew behind the river, and reminded Essex of the fact that he
had no military authority outside the bounds of his grant.[245]

[Sidenote: At first things look promising.]

The adventurous Earl's first impression was, however, favourable; for Sir
Brian MacPhelim wrote to say that, though he had never seen him, he knew
of the forces which accompanied him, and of those which were still to
come. Sir Brian asked what terms he might expect if he returned to his
allegiance; and Essex answered that he would make none, but that simple
and immediate submission might give a first claim on her Majesty's
clemency. Sir Brian then sought an interview with Captain Piers, and,
accompanied by that officer, came into Carrickfergus, 'and in the most
public part of the house did on his knees make his submission, alleging
little for himself, but some unkindness towards Mr. Smith,' and desiring
oblivion and mercy in consideration of services to come. 'When I had
somewhat aggravated, to make her Majesty's mercy the greater, I took him
by hand, as a sign of his restitution to her Highness's service; with
promise to commend any desert of his hereafter.' Sir Brian's cattle were
in the Route, the district between the Bush and the Bann, and as sole
security for their owner's performance Essex had them driven into the
fields about Carrickfergus, where he supposed them to be in perfect
safety. The chief talked pleasantly of his hostility to the Scots, and
proposed to submit a plan for entrapping those who had sought to rebel in
his company. The Irish generally professed great joy at the strict
orders issued by the Earl against injuring them or taking their goods
without full payment, and at being allowed not only to reap their own
corn, but also what belonged to the Scots. On the whole, the natives
appeared admirably disposed, and great praise was due to Captain Piers
and Captain Maltby for their ability and diligence.[246]

[Sidenote: But the O'Neills soon show their real sentiment.]

So things went on, and for more than a fortnight all was merry as a
marriage bell, while Sir Brian had ample opportunities of measuring the
invader's real weakness. Then someone hinted to Essex that cows were
moveable property, and that he had better be on his guard. Piers was
accordingly sent with 100 mounted men to drive the stock close together
in the immediate neighbourhood of the castle, and he returned saying that
all was fast, that at least 10,000 head were in sight, and that he had
left trusty scouts who would find out what was going on, and give twelve
hours' notice of any intended mischief. The Earl said that he had his
suspicions; but either this was an afterthought or Piers was the reverse
of vigilant, for it was three o'clock next day before he found out that
Sir Brian had withdrawn his horned hostages twelve or fourteen hours
before, having bribed the scouts to say nothing about it. Five hundred
Scots had landed at Lough Foyle, and Sir Brian hastened to join his
forces to those of Tirlogh Luineach. Irish and Scots combined might hope
to escape the common enemy. The Earl mounted at once, and spurred after
Sir Brian for fourteen miles, when he was overtaken by night. The cattle
reached the shelter of thick woods, and Essex returned to learn that many
of the townsmen were in the plot. He imprisoned several, and regretted
deeply that he had no power to execute them. In his rage and
disappointment he professed to be glad that Sir Brian had thrown off the
mask, 'for now I have no occasion to trust the Irish, whereby I might
have been more abused, than by open force I shall.... My first actions
showed nothing but lenity, plainness, and an equal care of both nations;
my next shall show more severity of justice abroad, and less trust at
home.' It needed but small experience of Irish life to turn a Quixote
into something not very unlike a Pizarro; and Sir Peter Carew did not
conceal his joy that the true nature of the natives was now manifest, and
that the danger of their being overmuch trusted was at an end.[247]

[Sidenote: Young Smith is killed.]

The force collected at Carrickfergus consisted of 600 foot, 200 horse,
100 labourers, and 200 kerne. The adventurers were nominally 400 strong,
but most of them were still in England; 200 soldiers raised in
Somersetshire arrived armed with white sticks, though it was said that
Captain Barkley had 400_l._ for an outfit. The Northern horse, under
Captain Selby, complained that they were brought to a desert and that
they could not live on their pay, and the foot grumbled at having to give
fourpence sterling for rations. Provisions began to run short, and it
became necessary to fight even for the free passage of cows out of
Lecale. The escort sent to convoy them were attacked by Scots in the pass
between Carrickfergus and Belfast, and after four hours' skirmishing
found the Laggan flooded and had to return. Had it not been for the
intercession of Sussex, who remembered what he himself had endured in
Ulster, it is probable that Essex would have had nothing but water and
beef, and not too much of the latter; while the corn which he had at
great expense provided was diverted by the Bristol traders to some more
profitable use. Still, he was master in the field, though he sought in
vain for anything like a general engagement. Once Sir Brian ventured into
the neighbourhood with his herds, which had eaten up the grass in
Northern Antrim, and Essex set upon them near Massereene with 300 or 400
horse. The Baron of Dungannon did good service, William Norris behaved
with the utmost gallantry, and his brother John showed the qualities
which afterwards made him famous. The result was a prey of 400 cows and
the slaughter of some forty kerne and cowherds. 'But if I had been well
guided,' said Essex, 'or if my footmen had been come unto me, who were
then three miles from me, I had taken 10,000 of his kine, and caught
Brian and his company at a great disadvantage.' Much virtue in If. He
returned from this not very glorious foray to find that his precursor and
ally, the unlucky Smith, had been slain that day 'by the revolting of
certain Irishmen of his own household, to whom he overmuch trusted,
whereof one being retained by a rebel did kill him with a shot.' The
remnant of his men were unable to hold out at Comber, and sent to the
Earl for help, but 200 of his kerne took the opportunity to mutiny, and
he could do nothing. A few days later Essex reached Lough Strangford,
only to find Comber in ashes. The friendly Savages had led Smith's men
into the peninsula of Ards. Sir Brian was fully avenged of the authors of
those printed books which had filled him with such alarm. Smith's patent
remained in force during Elizabeth's life, and gave some trouble, but
nothing serious was ever attempted under it.[248]

[Sidenote: Return of Desmond. He is detained in Dublin, 1573.]

Fitton and Desmond arrived in Dublin on Lady Day, and the Earl was first
detained until the arrival of the Lord President. Perrott had always been
against his leaving England, and, being therefore in no hurry to reach
Dublin, he proceeded leisurely to beat out the embers of rebellion before
he should be practically superseded. The late insurgents professed much
fear lest the Earl should mislike their yielding after standing out so
long. The Lord President could, however, say that ways were safe, that
towns were no longer straitly shut up, that Kilmallock was rebuilt, and
that he had protected no rebel who had not first submitted. He had taken
no provision at the Queen's price, but had bought all in a high market,
greatly to his own loss; for no horseman could really support himself and
two horses, and keep his arms and armour in order for 6-3/4_d._ a day.
There were complaints that he had interfered too much in Tipperary,
although James Tobin, Ormonde's sheriff, had contumeliously refused to
execute his warrants for treason, a matter entirely outside the
palatinate jurisdiction. Tipperary was in consequence the most
disordered part of Munster. Forty-five malefactors were executed at
Limerick, and Perrott proposed to do the like at Cashel and Clonmel; at
the latter place confining himself to offences committed outside
Ormonde's jurisdiction. Nor was much lost by such forbearance, for,
whatever may have been that Earl's faults, he had not been remiss in the
way of executions. Independently of what the Butlers had done, the Lord
President could report that he had killed or hanged 800 persons with the
loss of only eighteen Englishmen. The wonder is that between sword and
halter there was any able-bodied man left in Munster.[249]

[Sidenote: Perrott in Munster.]

When Perrott had done his hanging he went to Dublin and reported that
Desmond was devoid of reason, and that nothing could be done with him.
The Earl, however, declared that the unreasonableness was in the
Government, who demanded of him more than he had promised, and when he
made fresh promises refused to accept them. His right to a palatinate
jurisdiction in Kerry was held void by the lawyers; he was ready to
exercise it only according to her Majesty's pleasure, and without
engrafting any Irish customs upon it, and he made no objection to the
establishment of courts leet and courts baron. As to coyne and livery, he
would forego them for six months, pending the decision of his cause. He
was more willing than able to abolish them permanently, but was quite
ready to agree to such a reasonable composition as impartial
commissioners might agree upon. On the other hand, he demanded immediate
restoration to his country, and all castles which he claimed either as
owner or mortgagee, except Castlemartyr and Castlemaine, which were
reserved to the Queen. This was all very well; but Desmond gave out
generally that there would be no more Presidents after Christmas, and
this was hardly the way to conciliate Perrott, who had a veto upon all
Munster matters. Sir John Fitzgerald was more pliable or more politic
than the Earl, and he risked little by loyal professions, for nothing
that he did or said really committed the Geraldine connection. On
promising to put down the Brehon law, to suffer no composition for
felony, and to abstain from gathering rhymers and dicers about him, he
was allowed to return into Munster, leaving his brother to endure 'an
easy restraint for a little time.'

[Sidenote: His reforms.]

There was probably some vain hope that Sir John would remit enough money
to pay the debts incurred in England--a subject about which there was
much correspondence, and which seems to have been thought nearly as
important as the state of Munster. Perrott went to Cork, where the
sessions were well attended and where he executed sixty more persons.
This, though quite a matter of course, was recorded with satisfaction;
but the Lord President took far greater pride in having forced the men to
give up their glibbes and in having bullied or coaxed the gentlewomen
into foregoing the great rolls which they wore on their heads. 'By wading
into this further danger,' he said, 'I am assured to have no wife in
these parts, and for England when I re-embark I look there to have none.
For all my gains here is for every white hair that I brought over with me
sixty, and a thin purse, how great soever the report went of things that
came to my hand by the Marseillyan ship.'[250]

[Sidenote: Case of a Marseilles ship.]

This vessel, the 'Peter and Paul,' belonging to Marseilles, but laden at
Lisbon with a rich cargo of pepper, ginger, cinnamon, nutmeg, soap, salad
oil, sugar, 'grains,' and cotton-wool, arrived at Youghal in November
1572. She had forty persons on board, chiefly Portuguese, but among them
were an Englishman, a Neapolitan, and two French passengers. Fitzwilliam,
upon some report of a general restraint of trade with Spain, which might
include Portugal, sent a commission to Perrott to detain the ship and to
sell the cargo. At Youghal it might have been impossible to protect her
from Piper and Garratt, two of the many pirates who at this time
infested British waters, and she was brought round to Cork, where the men
were billeted on the aldermen and allowed the run of the city. Perrott
petitioned for a grant of the cargo, but the owners, who were wholly or
partly French, complained to the Queen. Proceedings followed in the
Admiralty, and the goods were not sold; but the ship was found to be
rotten, and had to be unladen. This was carefully done: every article was
scrupulously accounted for, and the foreigners certified that nothing had
been extorted from them by way of ransom. It is the fate of every active
provincial governor to have many detractors among the stay-at-homes, and
Perrott's enemies raised a cry at Court accusing him of making away with
the cargo. His defence was complete and perfectly satisfactory to the
Government, but he continued to be troubled about it for some time, and
the voluminous correspondence extant shows how great was the commotion
excited.[251]

[Sidenote: Carew is forbidden to press his claims in Munster.]

As if Munster had not troubles enough, an attempt was made at this time
to revive Sir Peter Carew's shadowy claim to a principality there, and
some of the projectors renewed their offers to colonise parts of the
province. Fitzwilliam referred to Perrott, who reported strongly against
Carew. The mere disclosure of his title, he said, would rouse a nest of
hornets; and he protested against a private adventurer being allowed to
break the peace which he had established with great labour and
tribulation. Sidney had three soldiers to Fitzwilliam's one, yet it had
taxed his resources severely to still Carew's first commotion. It would
be cheaper for the Queen to buy him out than to let him meddle again. The
people saw clearly that what affected one would affect all, and Sir Peter
was obliged to promise not to stir further in the matter.[252]

[Sidenote: Perrott opposes Desmond's restoration.]

The more Perrott saw of Desmond the less he liked him. He had grumbled at
his return; had he known him better he would have cried aloud. He now
besought the Queen to have him taken back to England, for he would never
learn manners in Dublin, and could do nothing but harm in Munster. To
Burghley Perrott wrote still more unrestrainedly that the Earl was fitter
to keep Bedlam than to rule a newly reformed country. In Munster, wrote
the President proudly, the plough already laughed the unbridled rogue to
scorn, and daily improvement was visible. The poor prayed for the Queen.
The clansmen had almost given up swearing by their lords' hands. The
8,000 or 9,000 men capable of bearing arms honoured Elizabeth's name, and
their hands began to wax hard in labour as their feet once did in running
to mischief. The revenue might soon be expected to increase. 'If the
kings of England,' he said in language which must have appealed very
strongly to Elizabeth, 'have any one thing heavier upon their souls than
others, it is that they have not made a thorough conquest of this
realm.'[253]

[Sidenote: Threatening attitude of the Desmonds.]

The Queen gracefully thanked Perrott for his services, begged him not to
leave his post on account of his health, and proposed to send over an
English doctor who knew his constitution. But she did not recall Desmond,
who complained loudly of his long detention and declared his good
intentions, while admitting that he had made many rash speeches. It does
not seem to have occurred to him that a man who could not rule his tongue
was hardly fit to rule a province. In the meantime his officers left the
land waste, and seized Glin Castle in defiance of the President, whose
health obliged him to go suddenly to England without taking the vengeance
he had threatened. The highest praise which can be given him for his
government of Munster is to quote the words which the 'Four Masters' used
in derision:--'The departure of the President was lamented by the poor,
the widows, the feeble, and the unwarlike of the country.' No sooner was
his back turned than the Geraldines began to stir ominously. James
Fitzmaurice reopened his intrigues with Spain. Finding that his wife had
been writing amorous letters to Edward Butler, he divorced her summarily
and married O'Connor Kerry's widow, whose castle of Carrigafoyle, 'the
strongest and beautifullest' in West Munster, thus fell into his hands,
and offered a ready harbour for 'Jack Spaniard.' He conferred with
Clanricarde's sons--'a sage Parliament in God's name'--and to this Sir
John was supposed to be privy. Fitzwilliam saw that mischief was in the
wind, and meditated a journey to Munster, when Desmond, whose tone had
been gradually growing less submissive, cut the knot by escaping from
Dublin.[254]

[Sidenote: Desmond escapes from Dublin, and resumes the Irish dress.]

Being sent back to England was probably what Desmond really feared, for
he afterwards said he had received letters from England hinting at such a
thing. He complained of no harsh treatment in Dublin, where he was placed
under the Mayor's charge, but not closely confined. Either wishing for or
dreading an escape, his gaoler told the Government that the Earl was
welcome to his house and table, but that he would no longer answer for
his safe keeping. Some say that he was allowed out on parole, which he
kept for a fortnight and then broke. Telling the Mayor that he was going
out hunting, and that he would return at night, he went to Grangegorman,
and thence escaped by dint of riding into Munster. He was escorted
through Kildare by Rory Oge O'More and Piers Grace, both noted brigands
or guerillas, and received in the Queen's County by 400 O'Mores, and in
Limerick by James Fitzmaurice. At Lough Gur the Earl and Countess lost no
time about showing themselves in Irish dress, and we cannot doubt that
glibbes and rolls at once became fashionable again. All the Geraldines
hastened to arms, 'knowing no God, no Prince, but the Earl, no law but
his behests.' Desmond promptly gave out that he would allow no sheriffs,
thus practically deciding the palatinate question in his own favour; and
to all appearances he was soon as powerful as any of his ancestors had
been. Fitzwilliam wrote to warn the fugitive that he was in great danger
of losing all, but to Burghley he confessed his fear of a great
conspiracy. The lawyers were afraid to go circuit in Munster, and not a
single councillor could be got to go to Cork, where Perrott had lately
done such execution. In a few days Castlemaine and Castlemartyr, which
had taken so much pains to reduce, were again in Geraldine hands, and
there was soon nothing to show for Perrott's Presidency but the gibbeted
corpses of some malefactors, and the tears of 'the poor, the widows, the
feeble, and the unwarlike.'[255]

[Sidenote: The central district disturbed.]

The general course of government was neither smooth nor glorious from the
time when Elizabeth determined to restore Desmond to Ireland, until he
practically carried out her first intention by escaping from Dublin. Leix
and Offaly were almost as bad as they had ever been. In the former, Cosby
was forced by his weakness to wink at disorder. In the latter, Henry
Cowley, who was honourably distinguished as the only English officer who
really tried to rule legally, had to go to Dublin to beg in vain for one
hundred men. Without them he hardly knew how to get back to Philipstown,
outside which he could at the best scarcely stir. The general opinion was
that the Queen meant to leave all to Irish government. The miserable town
of Athenry had been plundered and left utterly desolate by Clanricarde's
sons, and an alderman danced attendance on Fitzwilliam and Fitton,
begging for help which they could not give. Ormonde's country in his
absence was scarcely better than the rebel districts, and the Graces,
who would have obeyed the Earl but no one else, carried off Sir Barnaby
Fitzpatrick's wife and daughter. Sir Barnaby pursued and recovered the
young lady, but her mother, who was in delicate health, spent some
miserable weeks in captivity in Tipperary and Kilkenny. King Edward's old
companion poured forth his grief to Sidney, and signed himself 'your poor
tormented friend.' Tremayne, who had orders to make special inquiries
about this outrage, reported that Fitzwilliam had followed it up well.
But Fitzwilliam could really do very little, for old Cormac O'Connor was
again at the head of a Scotch and Irish band who hovered between Leinster
and Connaught. The force of the country would not serve against the old
chief, nor do any damage to the native gentlemen; so that the whole brunt
fell on the scanty garrison and yet more scanty settlers. Athlone Castle
was actually entered by the rebels, and Connaught was left to its own
devices. Tremayne reported that Clanricarde was quite unable to restrain
his graceless sons. Fitton thought his late subjects might, perhaps, by
good management be persuaded to stay quiet as long as they liked, 'which
kind of quiet is no new thing in the politics of Ireland.' Like everyone
else, he attributed all to the Queen's ill-judged parsimony, 'sparing too
sparely I fear will cost more spending.'[256]

[Sidenote: Fitzwilliam and Fitton fall out.]

[Sidenote: A murder.]

For most practical purposes the two chief personages in the Irish
Government at this time were the Lord Deputy and Vice-Treasurer
Fitton--the bearer of the sword and the bearer of the purse. The way in
which they worked together was not edifying, nor calculated to impress
the natives with a sense of dignity and power. Having inquired into the
quarrel between Fitton and Clanricarde, the Lord Deputy and Council
decided that the former had made good his case, and they patched up a
precarious friendship between them. But in the daily intercourse between
hostile officials it was less easy to maintain a friendly appearance.
Fitzwilliam was a man of hasty temper, Fitton was said to be
vain-glorious and was certainly quarrelsome and litigious. An opportunity
for explosion was afforded by an affray between the Vice-Treasurer's
servant Roden, a gentleman's son--with the expectation of one hundred
marks a year, he notes, as if that had anything to do with it--and one
Burnell, a follower of the Clerk of the Council, and a friend of Captain
Harrington, the Lord Deputy's nephew. Roden broke Burnell's head with his
dagger, and Harrington threatened vengeance. According to Fitton's
account, Harrington's servant, James Meade, met Roden in the street some
days afterwards, and shouting 'Dead, villain!' immediately ran him
through the body. The coroner's jury found that the deed was done in
self-defence, but Meade was indicted for murder in the Queen's Bench, and
the Grand Jury found a bill for manslaughter, whereupon the Lord Deputy
granted a general pardon, and thus defeated both law and justice
entirely. Fitton asked to see the record of pardon, which he retained as
evidence, and, refusing to restore it, was imprisoned in the common gaol
during the Lord Deputy's pleasure. Next day Fitzwilliam thought better of
it, and summoned the Vice-Treasurer to the Council Board, but he refused
to take his seat, declaring that he had done nothing wrong, and that one
who had been judged a contemner of authority was unworthy to act as a
councillor. He pressed hard for a full inquiry, and the noise soon
reached the Queen's ears, who exonerated Fitton, told him to take his
seat again fearlessly, and to repute it praise and honour that he had
suffered for doing her Majesty good service. Fitzwilliam she rebuked
sharply for giving a pardon which she herself would have feared to grant,
lest the blood of slain men should cry vengeance upon the realm. It was
generally said in England, she informed the Irish Council, that they were
the Deputy's tools and Fitton only a true councillor. The Vice-Treasurer
was not likely to hide the letter addressed to himself, and the other
soon got wind in spite of every effort. To the Queen Fitzwilliam could
say little but that he was undeservedly disgraced, and longed to be
recalled, but he rated Fitton before one hundred persons, impeaching his
truth and honesty, and saying that if he kept away from the Council Board
he was but one councillor the less. Having his cue from the Queen, Fitton
dutifully attended next day, and must be allowed on the whole to have got
much the best of it. Fitzwilliam had not the temper to conceal his
feelings, though he dared not dispute her Majesty's decision, for he told
Burghley that the other was a deep dissembler and his professed enemy.
Malicious, false, and cowardly, he had given him two deadly bites, and
was to be distrusted for ever. 'God send me into the earth or to be tied
into a dungeon rather than to be coupled with such a venomous
person.'[257]

[Sidenote: Death of Lord Chancellor Weston.]

At this critical time death deprived the Irish Government of Lord
Chancellor Weston's services. He had held the Great Seal for six years,
respected by all the official world as a father to the commonwealth; and
the very Irishry lamented his loss. Weston was sincerely religious, not
without a tinge of Puritanism, and was filled with anxiety at the
condition of the Irish Church. Non-resident clergymen and desecrated
churches were the rule, and he felt that he was giving a bad example by
holding the temporalities of two deaneries, Wells in England and St.
Patrick's in Ireland. It was thus that scanty salaries were eked out both
before and after the Reformation. His conscientious scruples aggravated
his naturally weak health, mainly caused, as he believed, by the damp
climate, more probably by the want of vegetables and by unskilful
physicians. He left a widow who appears to have been worthy of him, and
an equally virtuous daughter, who was married first to Brady, Bishop of
Meath, and afterwards to Secretary Fenton. Catherine Fenton, the only
daughter of this second marriage, whilst in her nurse's arms, consented
in childish play to be the wife of Richard Boyle, afterwards Earl of
Cork. Many years later Boyle, a widower of four years' standing, actually
married the 'little lady' with whom he had played in his bachelor days.
That she inherited the virtues of her mother, grandmother, and
grandfather, may be inferred from the beautiful passage in which one of
the most powerful and successful men of his time has recorded his debt to
his second wife. 'I never,' he says, 'demanded any marriage portion,
neither had promise of any, it not being in my consideration; yet her
father after my marriage gave me 1,000_l._ in gold with her; but the gift
of his daughter unto me I must ever thankfully acknowledge as the crown
of all my blessings; for she was a most religious, virtuous, loving, and
obedient wife unto me all the days of her life, and the happy mother of
all my hopeful children, who, with their posterity, I beseech God to
bless.' Among the children were the famous Orrery, and the yet more
famous Robert Boyle.[258]

[Sidenote: Catholic intrigues. Rowland Turner.]

The relations of England both with France and Spain were at this time
extremely strained, and Antonio de Gueras, the Spanish Commissioner in
London, thought the expedition of Essex might be turned to good purpose.
The English refugees in Spain and the Low Countries kept pressing Philip
to invade Ireland, and Rowland Turner, calling himself Lord Audley, an
English priest from Louvain, was sent to Ulster with letters from De
Gueras to Sir Brian MacPhelim. Essex, the Spaniard wrote, was about to
land with 3,000 men and to exterminate the O'Neills. In order to
frustrate his plan, Sir Brian was advised to put himself under the
direction of Turner, a prudent, worthy, and faithful Catholic gentleman,
with 500 splendidly armed men awaiting his orders in England. Turner, who
had lately been in Spain, Scotland, and the Isle of Man, was well known
to the English Government; and his foolish boasts about hanging all
Protestants were not likely to enhance his reputation for ability or
discretion. Sir Brian, though very willing to keep off Essex, had no idea
of directly opposing Queen Elizabeth, nor of engaging in oecumenical
plots for the extirpation of heresy. Like Archbishop Fitzgibbon, he
feared that the English Catholics would make a tool of him, and throw him
away when a turn had been served. He received Turner very coldly, who
bitterly complained that he was not believed, though an exile for God's
sake and for that of the Irish. Captain Piers hinted to Sir Brian that
Turner's noble blood was fabulous, and the exile, while insisting upon
his own stainless pedigree, retorted that Piers himself was the son of a
scoundrel, and unworthy of being believed on his oath. His language,
indeed, though he wrote in Latin, was almost worthy of Marryat's
boatswain. The Irish were wretched, beggarly paupers, the slaves of the
English, who took their cattle and fished their waters without payment,
and held all their country either by force or fraud. By listening to
Turner the natives might change all this, and make the English their
slaves for ever. But they would not listen; and Turner shook the dust
from his feet, though Essex thought he could trace the effects of his
machinations. He was afterwards employed by Alva, and received money from
Philip, but he does not appear to have risked a second rebuff in
Ireland.[259]

[Sidenote: Essex can do little or nothing.]

After Smith's death Essex could do little but bemoan his hard fate and
confess that the people, 'to increase their own plague, had refused her
Majesty's mercies.' The causes of failure he thus sums up: 'Two great
disadvantages I find in this little time of my continuance here. The
first by the adventurers, of whom the most part, not having forgotten the
delicacies of England, and wanting resolute minds to endure the travail
of a year or two in this waste country, have forsaken me, feigning
excuses to repair home, where I hear they give forth speeches in dislike
of the enterprise to the discouragement of others. The second, that the
common hired soldiers, both horsemen and footmen, mislike of their pay,
and allege that they were not pressed by commission but by persuasion,
and therefore ought not to be detained in this service longer than they
like to stay. This is not hidden from the Irish, who also are fully
persuaded that this war is altogether mine, alleging that if it were your
Majesty's, it should be executed by the Lord Deputy, being your chief
general here; and therefore thinking that I must be in a short time
wearied with the charge, have confederated to stand in arms, which they
would never do with your Majesty unless it were in respect of me, whereby
I must acknowledge the weakness of myself, and so consequently of any
subject that shall attempt any great service, and therein part with his
prince either honour or profit. Therefore my humble petition is, that,
albeit the moiety of the charge be mine, according to my covenant with
your Majesty, that yet some means may be devised that all the officers,
soldiers, and dealers in this war may seem to be your Majesty's; the war
yours, and the reformation your Majesty's, and I only the instrument and
executor of this service; whereby all men shall either put on better
contentations and new courages, or else I with better warrant may punish
the mutiny and the base ignobility of the soldiers' minds.'[260]

[Sidenote: Falstaffian recruits.]

The Devon and Somerset men, under Captain Burrowes, showed a particularly
craven spirit, and began to desert at the prospect of active service.
Essex hanged a few without much effect, for they preferred both starving
and hanging to fighting. This is not surprising when we consider how they
were recruited. The Privy Council directed the Western gentlemen to call
for volunteers, and in default of a response to press those whom the
country could best spare. Of course they sent all the greatest
blackguards.

[Sidenote: The Irish profess to regard Essex as a mere private person.]

Captain Thomas Wilsford, who saw clearly how matters stood, reported that
the Irish were actuated 'by despair to farm any part of their lands. They
affirm they are no rebels, for that they say it is not the Queen's wars,
and that they do but defend their own lands and goods.' The English,
moreover, were unwarlike, 'through the fat, delicate soil and long peace
at home,' and unable to cope with the Irish, who, while retaining their
native hardiness, had become skilled in the use of weapons. The task was
too great for any but the Queen, though Essex was one to go through with
his undertaking even at the cost of his earldom. He 'shot not at the gain
and revenue of the matter, but rather for the honour and credit of the
cause.' It is not in this poetic fashion that flourishing colonies have
been founded, nor was the Earl himself sanguine, for he sent a trusty
messenger to England with a detailed account of his troubles; and indeed
nothing could be worse than the aspect of affairs, especially after the
escape of Desmond had made it hopeless to expect help from the Pale.[261]

[Sidenote: Appeal to Fitzwilliam against him.]

Essex could do nothing against the enemy, but some whom he considered
lukewarm friends were more within his power. Piers, being accused of
giving information to Sir Brian, was closely imprisoned and treated with
excessive harshness, though there does not appear to have been any
evidence against him. Nor was Fitzwilliam spared, for the Irish very
reasonably held that if the war was the Queen's the army should be led by
the Queen's Deputy, and it is probable that that experienced officer was
of the same opinion himself. Essex professed readiness to serve under him
as a private adventurer, but in the meantime accused him of encouraging
libels against Burghley and himself. 'He could be contented to hear me
ill spoken of openly in his chamber by his own servants, and he to show
countenance, as though he took pleasure in his man's words ... he can be
contented to sit in his chair and smile; and because I see further that
all the Irish messengers of Ulster are daily with his lordship and I no
way made privy to their petitions, or causes of their coming thither, I
conclude that underhand many things may pass to my disadvantage, for
already, whatsoever I require at any Irishman's hands, he appealeth to
the Lord Deputy.'[262] Captain Wilsford thought that Ulster was about
the quietest part of Ireland, and it is likely that Fitzwilliam, besides
a not unnatural jealousy, thought it extremely unreasonable that with the
scanty forces at his disposal he should be in any way called upon to
advance the Northern enterprise.

[Sidenote: The Marward abduction case.]

The carrying off of the Fitzpatrick ladies had created much stir at the
English Court, on account of the high position of the victims. That,
however, was in a remote part of the country, and the captives were
detained as hostages only. The story of an abduction of the day throws
more light upon the state of society than any number of political
disquisitions. Janet Marward, heiress and titular baroness of Skryne in
Meath, a manor worth some 200_l._ a year, was a royal ward, and the Queen
gave her wardship to Fitzwilliam, who sold it to her stepfather, Nicholas
Nugent, second Baron of the Exchequer. Her mother, besides being married
to a judge, was the daughter of a judge, John Plunket, Chief Justice of
the Queen's Bench. Nugent sold the unfortunate girl to his nephew, the
Baron of Delvin's brother. 'Afterwards, by procurement of the mother, the
maid, being but eleven years old, was made to mislike of Nugent and to
like of the young Lord of Dunsany, being of the Plunkets, whereupon there
fell great discord between the Houses of Delvin and Dunsany, and the maid
being by her mother and father-in-law brought into this city as the
safest place to keep her, on Friday last at night about twelve o'clock
the Baron of Delvin's brother, accompanied with a number of armed men,
the watch being either negligent or corrupted, entered one of the postern
gates of the city with twenty swords and entered by sleight into the
house where the maid lay, and forcibly carried her away, to the great
terror of the mother and of all the rest.' William Nugent married the
heiress without her own consent or that of her friends. But we may hope
that in time she got to 'like of' her lawless husband tolerably well, for
when he was in prison for conspiracy nine years after it is recorded that
she sent him some shirts. With such things going on under the very shadow
of Dublin Castle, it is no wonder that Fitzwilliam should clamour for
recall or that he should regret the hard fate of his three marriageable
daughters, who were losing their time in Ireland. Had they been heiresses
and royal wards their lot might have been still harder.[263]

FOOTNOTES:

[234] Thomas Smith, Junior, to Burghley, Sept. 10; Fitzwilliam to Mr.
Secretary Smith, Oct. 21; to Burghley, Oct. 26; to the Queen, Sept. 25;
Edward Maunsel to Fitzwilliam, June 11; Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill to
Fitzwilliam, Oct. 10; Maltby to Fitzwilliam, Oct. 14. Young Smith landed
Aug. 30, 1572.

[235] Sir Thomas Smith to Fitzwilliam, Nov. 8, 1572; Thomas Smith,
Junior, to Burghley, Nov. 21; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Feb. 18, March 9,
and May 20, 1573.

[236] Perrott to Sir Thomas Smith, Jan. 28, 1572; to the Privy Council
(with Fitzmaurice's submission enclosed), March 3; to Burghley, April 12.
_Perrott's Life_, p. 73.

[237] Desmond to Cecil and to the Duke of Norfolk, Aug. 26, 1568; to the
Privy Council, Nov. 1; to the Queen, July 17, 1569; Sir John of Desmond
to Cecil, May 30, 1569; Note of 1,573_l._ 2_s._ 4_d._ issued out of the
Exchequer for the diets of the Earl of Desmond and Sir John, May 4, 1569.

[238] Sir John of Desmond to the Queen, May 30, 1569; Desmond to Cecil
and Norfolk, Aug. 26, 1568; to the Privy Council, Nov. 1; to the Queen,
July 17, 1569; Lady Desmond to her husband, Nov. 23, 1569; Perrott to
Fitzwilliam, Dec. 4, 1571; St. Leger to the Privy Council, Oct. 17, 1570;
to Burghley, June 6 and July 12, 1571.

[239] Declaration of Martin Frobisher, Dec. 4, 1572. Sir T. Smith to
Burghley, Jan. 10, 1573; W. Herle to Burghley, March 16, 1572. The two
last are in Wright, i. 454 and 475.

[240] Answer of the Earl of Desmond, Jan. 6, 1572-3, in _Carew_. Signed
by Desmond, Jan 21, in presence of several members of the Privy Council.
Sir John of Desmond signs as a witness.

[241] 'Her Majesty is so loth to sign anything that I know not what to
do.'--Sir T. Smith to Burghley, Jan. 10, 1572-3; Wright, i. 456; Fitton
to Burghley, April 10, 1573.

[242] Burghley, Sussex, and Leicester to Essex, March 30, 1574; Sir
Thomas Smith to Burghley, June 2, 1573. 'Her Majesty remaineth in one
opinion for my Lord of Essex. I trust it will continue, and his Lordship
had needs make much haste. The time draweth away, and winds be
changeable, and minds.'--Wright, i. 480. Essex's offers and an abstract
of the grant to him are in _Carew_; and also his covenant with the Queen,
May to July, 1573. See also Devereux, _Earls of Essex_, chap. i., and
Shirley's _Monaghan_.

[243] Brief of Provisions, &c., July 19. Instructions for Mr. Tremayne,
Clerk of the Council, June 9, 1573. Tremayne to Burghley, June 28 and 30,
and July 4; Fitzwilliam to the Queen, June 12; to Burghley, June 30;
Perrott to Warwick, July 14, in _Life_, p. 75; the Queen to Perrott, Aug.
10. Lanfey in Pembrokeshire was a residence of Essex, and he did not get
on well with his neighbour at Carew Castle.

[244] See two letters, June 20 and July 20, 1573, printed in _Lodge's
Portraits_ (Walter, Earl of Essex), from Essex to Burghley. In the R.O.,
calendared under Dec. 1574 (No. 81), is the paper above quoted, which
shows how complete a division of Antrim among the colonists was really
intended.

[245] Essex to Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill, Sept. 6; to Leicester, Sept. 15;
to the Privy Council, Sept. 16; Sir P. Carew to the Privy Council, Sept.
16.

[246] Essex to the Privy Council, Sept. 10.

[247] Essex to the Privy Council, Sept. 29; Sir N. Bagenal to Lord Deputy
and Council, Sept. 27; Sir P. Carew to Burghley, Sept. 29.

[248] Waterhouse to Burghley, Sept. 29; Sussex to Burghley, Oct. 15;
Essex to the Privy Council, Oct. 20 and 28; to Burghley, June 4, 1574.

[249] Perrott to the Privy Council, April 9; to Burghley, April 12 and
May 11; Fitton to Burghley, April 10.

[250] Russell's _Geraldine History_; Perrott to Burghley, May 11 and 18,
and June 18; to the Privy Council, May 21; to Leicester, May 18, in
_Carew_; Lord Deputy and Council to the Queen, May 25; Desmond's answers,
May 18.

[251] Testimonial under town seal of Cork, April 18. Perrott to Burghley,
April 19, with enclosures; to the Privy Council, May 11 and July 2;
Petitions of John Besse and John Moreau, May 11 and June 15; Fitzwilliam
to the Privy Council, June 13, with enclosures. _Perrott's Life_, p. 76.

[252] See State papers of April, 1573. Lord Deputy and Council to the
Queen, June 10, with enclosures; Essex to the Privy Council, Nov. 2.

[253] Perrott to Burghley, July 13; to the Queen, same date; N. Walshe to
Burghley, Sept. 26.

[254] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Oct. 13; to the Privy Council, Nov. 5; the
Queen to Perrott, Aug. 10; Desmond to the Queen, July 17 and Oct. 28; to
the Privy Council, July 18 and Oct. 28; to Burghley, Oct. 28; Perrott to
Fitzwilliam, July 18; N. Walshe to Burghley, Sept. 26; Bishop of Cork
(Matthew Seaine) to Fitzwilliam, before Oct. 13.

[255] For Desmond's escape, after Oct. 28, and before Nov. 20, see Ware's
_Annals_, Harris's _Dublin_, and Smith's _Kerry_, all varying slightly
from each other. The account of the _Four Masters_, who say nothing of
his having given parole, cannot be reconciled with the dates. Lord Deputy
and Council to Desmond, Nov. 20; Fitzwilliam to the Privy Council, Nov.
20; to Burghley, Nov. 22 and 23; J. Walshe to Burghley, Nov. 30 and Dec.
2.

[256] N. White to Burghley, July 17; H. Colley to N. White, Oct. 10; to
Fitzwilliam, same date; Sir B. Fitzpatrick to Sidney, May 6; Tremayne to
Burghley, July 4; R. Mostyn to Fitzwilliam, Oct. 9; Fitton to Burghley,
June 12 and July 2; to Sir T. Smith, April 10, June 29, and Aug. 12.

[257] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, June 30, Sept. 10, and Oct. 13; to the
Queen and to the Privy Council, Sept. 10; Fitton to Sir T. Smith, June 3;
to Burghley, Sept. 6 and 17; Lord Deputy and Council to the Queen, June
12, with enclosures; the Queen to the Lord Deputy and Council, and to
Fitton, June 29.

[258] Perrott to the Privy Council, May 21, 1573; Weston, C., to
Burghley, Sept. 14, 1569, June 17 and Oct. 20, 1572; to Fitton, Feb. 8,
1573; Lord Deputy and Council to the Queen, June 10, 1573; Wallop to
Walsingham, May 7, 1584, and June 15, 1585; Earl of Cork's _True
Remembrances_. Sidney, Perrott, and Weston, all suffered from stone.

[259] News out of Spain in _Foreign Calendar_, Jan. 5, 1572. A. de Gueras
to the Rebels in Ulster, May 1573; Rowland Turner to Sir Brian MacPhelim,
May 1573; Essex to the Privy Council, Oct. 4; and see _Domestic
Calendar_, additional, Dec. 1573 and Aug. 1574.

[260] Essex to the Queen, Nov. 2, 1573.

[261] Instructions for E. Waterhouse, Nov. 2; Thomas Wilsford to
Burghley, Dec. 1.

[262] Essex to Burghley, Nov. 2 and Dec. 9.

[263] N. White, M.R., to Burghley, Dec. 12, 1573; Fitzwilliam to
Burghley, Oct. 13, 1573; petition to Burghley, Sept. 1582; Ormonde to
Burghley, May 30, 1583.




CHAPTER XXXI.

1573 AND 1574.


[Sidenote: Desmond will not go to the Lord Deputy.]

The escape of Desmond had made a great difference in the state of
Ireland, for no chief either in north or south could afford to neglect
such a factor in insular politics. Clanricarde, being invited by him to a
conference, informed the Government that he would, if possible, persuade
him to conformity. Desmond also sought Sir Edmund Butler, who was now
sincerely loyal, and made to him a general denial of rebellious
intentions. Butler advised him to go to the Lord Deputy and make his
peace, but this he would not do. 'Sir Edmund Butler,' he said, 'if you
had known what extremity I had suffered in England, you would never give
me the like counsel.' And to clench the argument he exhibited the patched
and pieced hose and shoes which he had been forced to wear continually in
England. Sir Edmund answered that he had suffered much more, but was now
at liberty by her Majesty's grace. Desmond would not willingly confess
himself disloyal, yet it is plain that he liked Queen Elizabeth best at a
distance.[264]

[Sidenote: He goes about with a great following.]

With humble men, or with those whom he believed friendly, the Earl was
less guarded, and made no secret of his intention to annoy the Butlers
and their friends, and he said he would rather have an old mantle in
Munster than a torn silk gown in England. He went about with a rabble of
800 or 900, so that peaceable folk wished they had accompanied Perrott to
England or drowned themselves at his departure. The Barrys and Roches had
to support his lawless train, though the influence of the Countess and
others for a time prevented open plunder; but Desmond refused to reduce
his followers while Bourchier remained in garrison at Kilmallock. The
townsmen were not to be trusted, and ladders were being prepared in the
woods. Even Cork refused to support nine soldiers, though a regular
warrant was produced, and James Fitzmaurice's attitude was very
threatening; for he made little secret of hiring Scots, and a Scots
visitor ostentatiously donned Irish attire. But there was no lack of
loyal professions. 'Before God, Mr. Walshe,' he said, 'I do not intend
it, nor will do harm to any man unless I am compelled.' Another less
noted partisan appeared before Castlemaine on Christmas Eve with thirty
sword and target men. The porter, either corrupted or a sympathiser, had
furnished the assailants with impressions of the keys in dough, and new
keys had been made. The Geraldines entered quietly, and found the
garrison playing cards. They turned them out, taking back such as were
willing to change masters. Desmond, three days later, reported that the
castle had been taken without his orders and against his will, that he
had put in warders of his own, and arrested the adventurers who had
seized the place. About the same time the seneschal of Imokilly took
possession of Castlemartyr. Rumours of rebellion and foreign invasion
filled the air, and merchants who had seen golden visions of Irish
prosperity informed Burghley that the escape of Desmond had spoiled
all.[265]

[Sidenote: Mission of Edward Fitzgerald, 1574.]

The importance of Desmond's escape was not lost on the English
Government, and it was resolved to send a semi-official messenger to
remonstrate with him in a friendly way. The person chosen was Kildare's
brother Edward, Lieutenant of the Gentleman Pensioners, and no doubt it
was supposed that his name and blood would recommend him to Desmond.
There had probably been a close acquaintance between them in England.
Fitzgerald had a regular commission from the Queen, but she desired him
to write always to his wife or sister, so as to keep up the appearance
of a private tour. The experienced courtier may have thought the matter
too weighty for women, for he wrote all privately to Burghley. As a
precaution 300 men were ordered to Ireland, and others were held in
readiness. Rather more than 6,000_l._ was sent in money, with strict
injunctions that it should be spent on the exigencies of the moment, and
not on satisfying creditors. This new way of paying old debts was not
found practicable. The money was quickly spent, and in less than two
months the Irish Government was asking for more.[266]

[Sidenote: He seeks vainly for a meeting with Desmond.]

If Elizabeth really imagined that her Lieutenant of Pensioners, who had
been little if at all in Ireland since his childhood, could travel as a
private gentleman without attracting notice, the notion was quickly
dispelled. The Irish Government treated him in all respects as a Royal
Commissioner, and furnished him with careful instructions. The Munster
rivers were flooded, and there was a difficulty about corresponding with
Desmond. He professed himself ready to meet his kinsman near Clonmel on
the last day of January, but declined to go to Dublin, and stiffly
maintained that he was ready to prove all that he had ever asserted
against the Lord Deputy or Sir John Perrott. There was no want of
information as to Desmond's evil intentions. Patrick Sherlock, sheriff of
Waterford, a stout old campaigner who had served the Emperor and the King
of France, warned the English Government that all malcontents, north and
south, were banded together, and that they would soon have 3,000 men in
the field. The Earl of Ormonde and 1,000 English soldiers was Sherlock's
prescription. Justice Walshe was much of the same opinion, and so was
Maurice O'Brien, Bishop-Elect of Killaloe, a Cambridge man, who had
become more English than the English, and who declared that it would be
better to be a prisoner in England than a free man in Ireland. Mulroney
O'Carroll informed the seneschal of Queen's County that a messenger of
Desmond's had been at his house, and after drinking much whiskey had told
him of letters sent by the Earl to O'Neill, Clanricarde, the O'Mores,
O'Connors, and O'Byrnes. Shane Burke, with 600 Scots, was to harry the
King's and Queen's Counties. O'Carroll, who addressed Cosby as his
father, admitted that the truth was obscure, and that servants often
exceeded it in speaking of their masters; but he confirmed the man's
story to some extent, and stated that a flood in the Shannon had alone
prevented Desmond from meeting Clanricarde. Anxiety for this meeting was
believed to be the cause of Desmond's delay in meeting Fitzgerald. All
accounts agreed that there was to be a general attack on the English
settlers, that Desmond would have no president or other English official
resident if he could help it, and that he aspired to be rather a
tributary sovereign than a subject.[267]

[Sidenote: The meeting takes place, but is not of much use.]

So far as any secrecy went, Edward Fitzgerald might as well have had his
commission read with tuck of drum in every town and village. His
unostentatious mode of travelling merely gave an excuse for not treating
him with much respect. At Clonmel the municipality refused him livery for
his horses; he was obliged to forage for himself, and he had to wait long
before Desmond would take the trouble to meet him. Seven articles founded
upon the instructions of the Irish Government were propounded to the
Earl. His answers were not considered altogether dutiful, and by the
advice of some English gentlemen in his company Fitzgerald gave him an
opportunity of amending them. Thus, he at first refused to be judged in
any way by the Lord Deputy or Lord President, they having a private
grudge against him. On second thoughts he said nothing about Perrott and
Fitzwilliam, but merely pleaded his poverty, his previous long
detention, and his doubts as to 'indifference of hearing' there, as
reasons for not visiting Dublin. But if 'such of the Council as were
indifferent' would come to the borders of his country, he was ready to
agree to anything reasonable. Of general professions of loyalty the Earl
was lavish enough, but when it came to material guarantees there was less
compliance. He was ready to give up castles to his cousin, Mr. Edward
Fitzgerald, who had no warrant to take them and no means of holding them,
but not to Captain Bourchier, who had both. And he expressly saved all
the liberties to which he laid claim. James Fitzmaurice, Sir John of
Desmond, and Andrew Skiddy, Judge of the Palatinate of Kerry, were among
those who signed the Earl's amended answer.[268]

[Sidenote: Fitzgerald's report. The Queen grudgingly accepts Desmond's
excuses.]

Fitzgerald reported 'that such of the Earl's blood and kindred as stand
in danger of the law do persuade him that his state, by reason of his
departure from Dublin, is most dangerous, and therefore they do advise
the Earl, for their safeguards, to receive a general pardon for him and
them, which if they may not procure, it seemeth they are bent to work
what in them lieth to cause the Earl to stand upon terms.' Desmond seemed
to fear an invasion of his country, and his kinsman did what he could,
which was very little, to persuade him that no such invasion was meant.
The instinct of the Geraldines was truer than the courtier's smooth
phrases, for on the very day fixed for the meeting Elizabeth wrote to
Fitzwilliam, blaming him sharply for lying still in Dublin and giving the
Earl so much scope. She was about to send over Sir John Perrott with 300
men, and suggested that in the meantime the independent lords and
gentlemen of Munster might be encouraged to make war against Desmond, and
authorised to take coyne and livery for the purpose. Perrott had already
shown what his views were, and it was no doubt well known in Munster that
Fitzwilliam had urgently besought his return. But either the Lord
President excused himself on the ground of ill-health, or the Queen's
humour changed, for she accepted Desmond's answer, though not very
graciously, and encouraged him to hope for pardon and favour.[269]

[Sidenote: The Queen is anxious about Ulster.]

About the time that Essex was sending over Waterhouse, the attention of
Elizabeth and her Ministers seems suddenly to have been directed to
Ulster. The Queen woke up to the fact that there was little hope of
revenue, and not much of military success. The discomfited adventurers
had spread hostile reports, and intending colonists were reduced to the
state of mind which the perusal of a famous novel may be supposed to have
had upon many who had thought of seeking their fortunes upon the banks of
the Mississippi. Essex was desired to send some one who could resolve the
Queen's doubts, both as to the actual state of Ulster and as to its
prospects for the future. Two trusty messengers were accordingly sent,
Essex not concealing his opinion that force alone could reduce the North.
Sir Brian MacPhelim might express contrition for his former conduct, but
the natives generally were 'false of their word,' and in the absence of a
strong force nothing less than a general revolt was to be looked
for.[270]

[Sidenote: Fitzwilliam has orders to help Essex.]

Owing, perhaps, to the exertions of Waterhouse, or possibly to some qualm
of conscience in her Majesty as to the ruin which was overtaking her
faithful servant's private estate, positive orders were sent to the Irish
Government to treat him with more consideration, and to give him a
commission as Governor of Ulster with authority quite equal to that of a
President in other provinces. Fitzwilliam was also told to give out that
the expedition was not intended against the natives, but against the
usurping Scots. In practice, of course, no such distinction was or could
be observed. Fitzwilliam hastened to assure Walsingham, who had just
become Secretary of State, that the rumour of his opposition to Essex
was mere slander, and that he would embrace his enterprise heartily.[271]

[Sidenote: The Queen will not make Essex Lord Deputy.]

The English Ministry saw clearly enough that nothing could be made of the
Ulster expedition without great expense. This the Queen was most
unwilling to incur, and some proposed to make Essex Lord Deputy as the
easiest way out of the difficulty. He was, they said, 'painful in watch,
in travail, in wet and dry, in hunger and cold, and frank of his own
purse in her Majesty's service.' The Queen's honour would be saved by
withdrawing in this way from a hopeless enterprise, and the Earl's
feelings would be spared by promoting instead of recalling him. But
Elizabeth refused positively to make anyone Deputy who had a landed
estate in Ireland, and the reason was good whether suggested by Leicester
or not. Sir F. Knollys feared that if the Queen would neither make the
Earl Deputy, nor take the enterprise into her own hands, the unlucky
adventurer would be undone, to her Majesty's great danger and dishonour.
Lady Essex's father might have been well pleased to have her living in
Dublin, but if Leicester, as is exceedingly probable, was already her
lover, opposition would not be wanting. 'Yet all men,' says Knollys
significantly, 'outwardly do seem to favour my Lord Essex and his
enterprise.'[272]

[Sidenote: Essex is made Governor of Ulster,]

Essex became Governor of Ulster, and in less than a month longed to be
rid of an office which he could not fill with credit. He was very willing
to be Lord Deputy, for that might give him the means of reducing Ulster,
but he feared that no Deputy would ever brook a separate governor for the
Northern province.

[Sidenote: but can do nothing.]

Having planned an expedition against Tirlogh Luineach, he applied to
Fitzwilliam for help, and the Deputy, willing to show his goodwill,
called upon the gentlemen of the Pale. But, with the single exception of
Lord Slane, they refused to go. Even the Louth people, who were on the
borders of Ulster, would do nothing but complain that they were
overtaxed; 'and they think,' said Essex sarcastically, 'to have greater
thanks for denial to go with me, than for their forwardness in this
service; they do so often and so openly exclaim and complain unto me, and
I not able to redress it, as I am truly weary of myself.' The treatment
which the regular troops received was not such as to make the service
popular. Fitzwilliam, or some of those about him, tried to husband the
scanty resources of the Irish Government by giving the victualler a hint
that he need not exert himself too much in Ulster. The garrisons of
Dundalk and Newry were consequently neglected, and universal desertion
was only prevented by the timely arrival of fifty barrels of herrings
which one of the Earl's servants had bought at Carlingford. 'For twenty
days,' wrote the sorely tried Governor, 'they had neither bread, drink,
fish, nor flesh, but were forced to beg, and lay their arms, pieces, and
garments in gage for to buy them food.' The 300 men last sent over had
been willingly diverted to Ulster by the Lord Deputy, who wanted the
means to feed them, and there was 'no provision made for these men,
neither yet for 80 horsemen and 260 footmen, and the victualler hath unto
them delivered but only 30_l._ to make provision for these 600 and odd
men; ... and the soldiers because they, in their extremity, received
those herrings from me, do think that the charge of their victualling is
mine, and do lay the blame of their wants upon me, and do all fall to
mutiny, and say that unless I will see that they shall be better
victualled, they will do neither any service, nor yet abide there.'[273]

[Sidenote: Essex will not despair.]

'For my part,' said Essex, with a noble obstinacy, 'I will not leave the
enterprise as long as I have any foot of land in England unsold. But my
land is so entangled to the Queen's Majesty, for that money which I had
of her towards this journey, as I cannot sell any land that I have for
the one-half of that which before I might have done.' He was in the
position of a borrower driving a risky trade, or of a would-be insurer
who leads an unhealthy life. No one was willing to lend or to buy where
the Queen was first mortgagee. He proposed two courses to her Majesty. If
she would bear the charge of 100 horse and 600 foot, while he furnished
100 horse, and made a last effort with the adventurers, then he engaged
to make the North profitable to the Crown, either by rents from the
natives or by English settlers. 'Let me bear both the blame and the shame
if I do not before Christmas Day make that part as quiet as any part in
Ireland shall be.' For himself he asked only a grant at a nominal rent of
Island Magee, the long narrow peninsula which protects Lough Larne from
the fury of the Northern Sea, on condition of contributing 500_l._
towards any town which the Queen might think proper to build there. 'I
find it more easier to bear the charges of 200 men than to bear the name
of a general without wages.' The other alternative was for the Queen to
take 250_l._ a year in land in discharge of the 10,000_l._ which he owed
her, and to free the third part of his estate from the claim of the
Crown. He would then do his best to carry out the original scheme alone,
'but yet this way will neither please the adventurers, nor encourage them
to go forwards.'[274]

[Sidenote: The Queen resolves to recall Essex.]

The Queen had resolved to recall Essex as soon as he had 'lapped up' all
matters with Tirlogh Luineach and Sir Brian upon the most decent terms
possible, and to limit her efforts in Ulster to keeping a small garrison
at Carrickfergus, and to wheedling a small tribute out of the chiefs. But
after reading the letter last quoted she changed her mind. Her heart was
touched, and she resolved to give another chance to a subject whose
loyalty no neglect could impair, and whose constancy no failure could
overcome. In one of those letters which go far to explain her wonderful
power, she thanked him heartily for his services, unsuccessful as they
had hitherto been, 'acknowledging the same to have been grounded not upon
gain, but upon honour, an argument of true nobility, and we cannot,
whatsoever issue the same hath had, but make account of you as of that
noble man who, in respect of other service, hath rather chosen to suffer
any intolerable toil in Ireland than yield to enjoy the delicacy of
England. Which rare affection, if we should not cherish, we should show
ourselves unworthy of so rare a servant.' He had complained that his
letters were not answered; she reminded him that they contained matters
not fit for every secretary, 'to which our eyes and the fire only have
been made privy.' She accepted his surrender of Clandeboye, and agreed
for a time to maintain the required force, and she promised to grant him
Island Magee. The Lord Deputy should resume the government, receiving at
the same time strict and secret instructions to co-operate with him in
his attempt to expel the Scots and to reduce Sir Brian MacPhelim.[275]

[Sidenote: Essex powerless.]

But royal words, however sweet, could not conquer Ulster. Heroic as was
his character in many ways, Essex had not the gifts which have been given
to a few great generals. He could not infuse courage or endurance into
wretched starvelings, nor had he administrative genius to conquer the
shortcomings of his commissariat. Newry and Dundalk must have been
evacuated but for a timely supply of herrings. The peculation was such
that stores calculated to last six months did not last four, and that the
full supplies for near 600 men were expended on much less than half the
number. The powder was one-quarter coal dust, and was not worth firing.
The Carrickfergus garrison was reduced nearly two-thirds by desertion and
disease, and was so completely isolated that a traveller going to Dublin
might consider 100 horse but a scanty escort. The filth of the town was
such as to make fever almost universal. The services of religion were
neglected, for the 'belly-fed ministers' who were induced to visit Ulster
liked the danger and hard fare no better than the gentlemen adventurers
whose service had consisted in eating without paying. The reinforcements
sent were of such quality as to be worse than useless: 100 were raw
recruits from Oxfordshire and Berkshire; 200 were from Cheshire and
Lancashire, and so bad--the Lancashire men especially--as to be scarce
fit for field labour. As labourers Essex had to keep them, 'for
soldiers,' he said, 'they will never be.' One hundred veterans promised
from Berwick had been countermanded on a rumour of Desmond's submission.
Captain Morris, who had the leading of the ragged regiment, was destined
to lay his bones in Ireland. The fact was that Carrickfergus had such a
bad name in England that everyone who possibly could avoided service
there. Waterhouse, who was at Chester in constant communication with
Ireland, begged that the men might be sent to Carlingford; but routine
seems to have been too strong for him, and they were despatched to the
old pest-house. The wretched lads died like flies at the rate of fifteen
or twenty a day--300 were sick at once, and none could hope to escape.
Scarcely a man was fit even for sentry duty. Essex lay among his men, and
there was not a night but one, two, or three died within ten feet of him.
The remonstrances of his officers against this heroic foolhardiness
prevailed at last, and he was induced to withdraw the remains of the
garrison. Out of some 600 only 200, more dead than alive, reached the
Pale, where he had to support them at his own expense.[276]

[Sidenote: He still has hope.]

The Queen's gracious letter caused hope to spring once more in the Earl's
breast, and with such men as he could muster he resolved to chastise Sir
Brian MacPhelim. That chief was proclaimed traitor, and 200_l._ was put
upon his head. At first he despised such threats, and some skirmishing
took place. Having the worst in these encounters, and perhaps hearing
exaggerated accounts of the reinforcement, Sir Brian thought it prudent
to submit. Some thought that this was done only to gain time until the
provisions were exhausted; but it is probable that Sir Brian looked upon
war against the Queen's Governor as different from war against the Earl
of Essex in his capacity of private adventurer. So far as humility of
language went, nothing could be said against him. He acknowledged that
after many years' loyal service he had wandered into the wilderness like
a blind beast without knowledge of good. By the good grace of Almighty
God he had been called home, and his chief desire now was to see her
Majesty's face. Clandeboye was the Queen's, and he was ready to pay a
rent of 1,500 kine for the first year and to increase it afterwards. At
his earnest request Essex interceded for his pardon, and was sanguine
enough to express an opinion that it would be well deserved.[277]

[Sidenote: But all men see that he must fail.]

[Sidenote: The Lord Deputy's troubles.]

It seems that Burghley wished to make Essex Deputy, but the Earl, though
he was accused of intriguing for it, had no wish to incur hatred and envy
'in that unfortunate office.' 'Who shall serve the Queen and his country
faithfully,' he said with an evident side glance at Fitzwilliam, 'shall
have his fair reward for his travail; but if he will respect his gain
more than his prince, country, or honesty, then may he make his gain
unmerciful.' He was quite ready to serve under Sidney or any other
settled Governor, 'and such a one as is fit for Ireland, not Ireland for
him.... All the ill-disposed now rob and steal, hoping that the new
Governor will pardon all done before his time.... This people wax proud;
yea, the best might be amended; all need correction.' The actual Deputy
declared that he 'fretted away his life in misery.' Not only was he
persistently and, according to himself, quite unjustly accused of trying
to thwart the Ulster enterprise, but he found his credit everywhere
depreciated. Edward Fitzgerald, who may be supposed to have been
tolerably impartial, declared that he pitied his sad state. The evil
feared him but a little. The Pale bore him no goodwill. The soldiers
misliked him, while the captains complained; and the councillors
cynically abstained from giving advice whenever he seemed inclined to do
anything unpopular or capable of misrepresentation. He accused his old
antagonist Vice-Treasurer Fitton of annoying him in every possible way,
withholding his pay, disputing his requisitions, and refusing to follow
him into the field.

'I would,' said Fitzwilliam with evident sincerity, 'abide the pricking
out of my eye or the stitching up of my lip,' rather than let private
feeling hinder public service; but he confessed that he could not help
disliking a man who counterworked God's will by prejudicing the English
Government against his official superior, with no higher object than to
gratify his own malicious vanity. Fitton was evidently a provoking
person, but he solemnly declared he never gave Fitzwilliam a crabbed
word, whereas the Lord Deputy's household was a hotbed of slander against
him. Such, according to his own account, was the Vice-Treasurer's
conscious innocence that he magnanimously signed State papers which
contained covert attacks upon his official conduct. The poor Deputy could
only testify against Fitton's vain-glorious humour, and beg to be
recalled from his 'tabering.'[278]

[Sidenote: Fitzwilliam is blamed for doing nothing, but is not furnished
with means.]

Had Fitzwilliam felt sure of his sovereign's favour he might have laughed
at his enemies, and even at his daughter's unwedded condition. But the
Queen blamed him roundly for staying lazily in Dublin, while Desmond
lorded it in Munster and Essex struggled on unsupported in Ulster, and
while Connaught scarcely preserved the semblance of the royal dominion.
Fitzwilliam pleaded with perfect truth that to take the field without
proper forces would be to risk her Majesty's honour. His credit was at
the lowest ebb. The commissariat was in a state of chaos, and though he
had often and urgently asked for a victualler none was sent--'a most
necessary minister, the toilsome care of whose charge doth trouble me
more than half the Government besides.' To save appearances he gave out
that he expected his recall daily. 'Between these changes,' said Essex,
in words that apply now as well as then, 'is ever all the mischief in
Ireland; and therefore it were good to make it surely known that he
shall still remain, or else to send such a Governor as you do determine
on presently, for the expectation of a change maketh this man not to be
obeyed nor cared for.'[279]

[Sidenote: Fears for the peace of Munster.]

The mission of Edward Fitzgerald in Munster having had no very favourable
result, the Queen rebuked Fitzwilliam sharply for giving him orders,
contrary to her instructions, 'to deal and negotiate with the Earl of
Desmond as sent from us, whereas contrariwise our meaning was that he
privately, as a kinsman, should have repaired unto him by your license,
not by our direction; ... for as the matter is now handled, we think
ourselves touched in honour, for that the Earl may have cause to think
that we should now seek upon him--a thing very unfitting for the place
and quality we hold.' The harassed Deputy, who had himself the worst
opinions of Desmond's intentions, lamented his hard fate, and sent Sir
James Dowdall, Second Justice of the Queen's Bench, to remind the Earl
that there was a government in Ireland. He had no force to coerce, though
the Queen taunted him with his indolence, and there were constant rumours
of invasion, requiring in his opinion the presence of men of war on the
coasts of Cork and Kerry. Dowdall's letters remained long unanswered, and
he lay idly at Clonmel listening to reports which he knew were too vague
to be worth forwarding. Justice Walshe, in whose single person the
government or non-government of Munster for the moment centred, furnished
Burghley with a long list of Desmond's misdeeds. He had spoiled the
Sheriff of Limerick and threatened to cut his tongue out for complaining.
All sorts flocked to him, finding it easier and cheaper to rob than to
work and be robbed. Desmond gave out that there should be no law but
Brehon law between Geraldines. James Fitzmaurice was moving very
suspiciously, and had been accepted as chief by the Ryans of Owney, a
wild country bordering on the Shannon. The MacSheeheys, or Desmond
gallowglasses, had taken the Mayor of Limerick and kept him in pawn for
one of their number who was the Queen's hostage. But the most daring act
of all was the apprehension of Captain Bourchier, who was attacked on the
high-road near Kilmallock, and driven into a castle belonging to the
Sheriff of Limerick. James Fitzmaurice hurried to the spot with a strong
force, took him out, and gave him in custody to a personal enemy, Edmund
Fitzdavy, who treated him so cruelly that he was ready to put an end to
himself.[280]

[Sidenote: Opinions of English residents.]

An English resident at Waterford, who had held some sort of commission,
lamented over Perrott's departure, and the consequent revolt of Munster
to her 'monstrous Irish fashion.' He thought it would have been better
for Desmond to suffer the decent restraints of enforced residence in
Dublin, than such liberty as he enjoyed in the South. Irish colts could
only be bridled with a sharp English bit; Bellingham and Sidney, Gilbert
and Perrott, being the fittest riders hitherto. He said very truly that
long impunity had introduced universal laxity, and had made conspiracy
the most attractive of occupations.[281] One pardoned malefactor bred a
hundred more. Every debtor ran off to the woods, and in his character of
rebel soon received a pardon. Law-abiding had become a matter of
indenture. The writer, who was learned, had a theory, probably derived
from Greek history, that islanders were naturally turbulent, and cited
Cicero and Aristotle as authorities for the argument that severity was
the best cure for laxity, and that valiance was necessary for the
government of barbarous nations. Another Englishman of a less classical
or more Puritanical turn thought the Irish could be starved out by taking
or destroying the herds upon whose milk they fed. He added that there
could not be a greater sacrifice to God.[282]

[Sidenote: Kilmallock threatened. Spanish intrigues.]

Desmond had guns taken at Castlemaine, and it was feared that neither
Cork, Galway, nor Kinsale were safe. The chiefs were supposed to have
decided that if a President came each would overthrow his own castle and
take to the field. Five hundred ladders and a quantity of sapping tools
had been collected within easy reach of Kilmallock. Stukeley and
Archbishop Fitzgibbon were in Brittany consulting with the leaguers.
Catholic intriguers were as busy as ever in Spain, and a servant in
Desmond's livery had been seen at the Spanish Court. Among some thirty
English and Irish Catholics of note who were in Spain about this time
were Stukeley and Fitzgibbon, Rowland Turner, William Walshe, Papal
Bishop of Meath, and Dr. Nicholas Sanders, who was destined to play a
greater part than any of them in Irish history. Philip lavished great
sums upon them, and was besides said to spend 23,000 ducats a year in
Flanders in the same way.[283]

[Sidenote: Fitzwilliam is almost desperate.]

Stung by the Queen's taunts, Fitzwilliam determined to undertake military
operations in Munster with such forces as he could command--that is, with
about 800 men badly fed and paid. As a last chance of peace he resolved
to consult Essex, who at once came to Dublin, whence he despatched the
following letter to Desmond:--

[Sidenote: Essex and Desmond.]

'My Lord,--I understand my cousin, George Bourchier, in his going to
Kilmallock, where his band lay, is by some of your men taken and hurt
stealthily, and most straitly kept in prison. Sorry I am, my lord, that
the gentleman should be so handled as I hear he is. But truly I am more
sorry that you should give her Majesty cause to conceive so ill with you
as this dealing of yours I fear will give her occasion. Let me reason,
and as I think you have store of ill-counsellors, who hiss you on to that
which is evil, whom daily you hear and I fear do too much credit unto, so
hear, withal, the advice of those which wish the well-wishing of you, and
the continuance of your house in honour, of which company, I assure you,
I am one. What do you desire, or what is the mark you shoot at? Is it to
the enjoyance of your inheritance and country that you seek? If it is
that this may satisfy you, there is no seeking to put you from it; and if
any contempt or fault of you hath in your own opinion brought it in
question, her Majesty, as hath been written to you from thence, is
content to pardon you. What should move you, then, to seek war, when in
peace and with honour you may enjoy all that is your right? If you have
in your head to catch at a further matter, think it is the very highway
to make you with dishonour to lose that which with honour in true serving
of their Prince your ancestors have gotten and long enjoyed. My lord,
consider well of this, and look into the case deeply and give care unto
the sound and faithful counsel of your friends, and stop the ears from
hearkening unto them which seek by their wicked counsel to destroy
yourself and to overthrow your house. Let not the enemies have the
occasion to triumph at your decay, refuse not her Majesty's favour when
she is content to grant it to you, lest you seek it when it will be
denied. Surely in my opinion her Majesty had rather to erect many such
houses as yours is, than to be the overthrow of yours, although it be
through your own default and folly. And to procure this her Majesty hath
offered as much of her clemency to you, as with honour she might do to
her subjects. I have shortly showed you my opinion of your case, and
given my best advice, I pray you follow it. I will conclude with my
earnest request to your lordship for the delivery of my cousin George
Bourchier. So wishing that you follow good counsellors and not flatter
yourself with the opinion of your force, which to contend with her
Majesty is nothing, I end and commit your lordship to God.'

Five days later he wrote again in the same strain, and soon afterwards
told Burghley that it was very hard that the Deputy should have precise
orders to make war without being furnished with means. This does not look
like intriguing for the viceroyalty, of which Fitzwilliam evidently
suspected him. In consequence of what he heard from Desmond, Essex
declared himself willing to try his hand at 'deciphering' him, and, at
the request of the whole Council, started with that object; Fitzwilliam
privately sneering at his tardy offers of service. Desmond appointed
Kilmacthomas in the County of Waterford as the place of meeting, and
professed perfect confidence in the Earl and readiness to be guided by
him.[284]

[Sidenote: Meeting of Essex and Desmond.]

On his arrival at Waterford on the eve of the appointed day, Essex
received a message from Desmond to say that he was at Kilmacthomas. That
place being considered rather remote, Desmond, accompanied by Fitzmaurice
and about sixty horse, advanced to a bridge three miles from the city,
where he was met by Kildare, who brought him to a heath just outside the
walls. After some parley Essex handed him a protection under the Great
Seal for himself and all his followers for twenty days. Having delivered
the paper to one of his men, he then rode into the town, where the
Countess soon afterwards joined him. At a private conference, at which
only the three Earls and Lady Desmond were present, he said 'that he
would do anything that could be required of any nobleman in England or
Ireland.' Essex was satisfied with this, and within three days Desmond
went to Dublin with only four or five attendants, having first given
orders for Captain Bourchier's release.[285]

[Sidenote: Desmond is obstinate.]

Oddly enough, if she wished him to succeed, the Queen had not done Essex
the honour of having him made a member of the Irish Council, and he had
no part in the abortive negotiations which followed. Being called upon to
perform the articles concluded in England, Desmond said that he would
take no advantage of these having been extorted from him under restraint,
and that he was willing to be bound, but only as part of a general
settlement. Otherwise he would be the one unarmed man in Leinster,
Munster, and Connaught; and with all his loyalty he had no mind to be the
common sport and prey of the three provinces. Being asked to restore the
castles which were in the Queen's hands before his escape, and to give up
any others when required, he refused to hold his all at her Majesty's
pleasure, and could not believe that she herself desired it. Pardon he
was ready to receive thankfully, but would not 'repair into England to be
a spectacle of poverty to all the world,' and he asked the Council to
pity his long misery there. He was ready to perform presently all his
promises, but would not give pledges beyond what he had before agreed to.
His only son was in England, so was Sir James, one of his two legitimate
brothers. 'If neither my son, being mine only son, nor my brother, whom I
love, nor the possession of mine inheritance, as before is granted, can
suffice, then to the justice of God and the Queen I appeal upon you
all.'[286]

[Sidenote: Meeting of Essex, Desmond, Ormonde, and Kildare.]

Desmond's answers were not considered satisfactory, and he refused to
remain on protection either with Kildare or Essex till the Queen's
pleasure should be known. A proclamation was prepared declaring him a
traitor, and offering 500_l._ for his head, and 1,000_l._ and a pension
to any who would bring him in alive.

'In my judgment,' said Essex, 'the war is unseasonably begun, because the
rest of the realm standeth in so ill terms, and the manner of Desmond's
answer might with honour have suffered a toleration till Ulster had been
fully established.... The mischief is without remedy, for I am bound with
the Earl of Kildare, by our words and honours, to safe conduct Desmond to
the confines of Munster, which will take ten days at least, in which mean
the bruit of the war will be public in all places.... I can hope for none
other than a general stir in all parts at once.'

[Sidenote: Ormonde's advice.]

They set out accordingly and met Ormonde at Kilkenny, whence the four
Earls travelled southward together for some miles; Ormonde riding by the
side of his ancient enemy, and telling him that he was rushing to
destruction. No apparent impression was made; Desmond making no secret of
his plan, which was to defend a few castles and raze the others, and to
keep the bulk of his force in the field till the arrival of foreign aid.
Lords Gormanston and Delvin refused to sign the proclamation of treason,
which no doubt would not be popular in Ireland. They relied entirely on
the technical ground that they were not members of the Council; but the
plea was not accepted in England, and they were obliged to make some sort
of excuse.[287]

[Sidenote: Sir William Drury sent to help Fitzwilliam.]

Just at the time when Essex was undertaking to 'decipher' Desmond, the
Queen wrote one of those stinging despatches which terrified men more
than her father's axe or her sister's faggots. She accused the Lord
Deputy and Council of want of judgment, and of truckling to a rebel while
such a faithful subject as Captain Bourchier was severely imprisoned, and
other faithful subjects were sorely oppressed. They should have
proclaimed Desmond traitor and proceeded against him without delay; her
honour was touched, and there were as many troops as 'have sufficed for
others that have supplied your place to have prosecuted like rebels of
greater strength and force than we perceive he is of.' Since Perrott's
departure Fitzwilliam had frequently complained of the want of a high
military officer in whom he could confide. Such 'an express gentleman,'
as the Queen designated him, was now sent in the person of Sir William
Drury.

Fitzwilliam was to consult him in all martial affairs, and to place him
in such authority as befitted so gallant a soldier and so experienced a
servant. Five days later the Privy Council warned Fitzwilliam that if he
once entered Munster he would be bound in honour to exact an
unconditional submission from Desmond, but that he would do well to wink
at the misdeeds of smaller offenders, provided they yielded themselves by
a fixed day. There were troops enough ready in the West of England to
come to the rescue should an invasion of Ireland really take place.[288]

[Sidenote: The Desmond 'Combination.']

With Ormonde's warning voice still in his ears, the infatuated Geraldine
chief called together certain of his followers and asked their advice.
The result was a document, afterwards famous as Desmond's 'Combination,'
in which some twenty gentlemen declared that he had done all that could
be fairly required of him, and advised him not to yield to the last
articles, nor to give hostages, even if the Lord Deputy should assert his
authority by force of arms. 'We, the persons underwritten,' the paper
concludes, 'do advise and counsel the said Earl to defend himself from
the violence of the said Lord Deputy.... We renounce God if we do spare
life, lands, and goods ... to maintain and defend this our advice against
the Lord Deputy or any other that will covet the said Earl's
inheritance.' Desmond's brother John was one of the signataries, but
James Fitzmaurice's name is absent. It was in contemplation at this time
to buy them both off with some portion of the Earl's lands.[289]

[Sidenote: Campaign in Munster. Derrinlaur Castle.]

Letter after letter came from the Queen upbraiding her representative's
inaction, and Fitzwilliam at last fixed a day for beginning a campaign,
though he had no money and was in want of everything. Then there was
another postponement, and Ormonde undertook to negotiate in the meantime,
Desmond fencing a good deal and avoiding a direct answer. Matters were
brought to a crisis by attacking Derrinlaur, a castle on the Suir, which
belonged to Sir Thomas Butler of Cahir, and which had been treacherously
taken some months before by Rory MacCragh, one of Desmond's most
notorious partisans. It interrupted the traffic between Clonmel and
Waterford. Fitzwilliam and Ormonde took three or four days to run a mine
under the walls, and were almost ready to spring it when the garrison,
after the manner of Irish garrisons, tried to escape. They were
intercepted, and all killed. This tragedy had an immediate effect on
Desmond, who saw that he could not hope to hold any fortress against the
Government, and he came to Clonmel and made a humble submission, which
was repeated at Cork after service in the cathedral, in the presence of
the Munster nobility. Castlemaine was surrendered to Captain Apsley, as
well as the castles in Kenry, which had been the chief matter in dispute,
and it was agreed that there should be oblivion as to other causes of
difference. That Desmond only yielded to superior force, and did not
abandon his designs, may be inferred from what he did as soon as the
Deputy's back was turned. He made over all his lands in Ireland to Lord
Dunboyne, Lord Power, and John FitzEdmond FitzGerald of Cloyne, in trust
for himself and his wife during their joint lives, with provision for his
daughters, and final remainder to his son. The object no doubt was to
preserve the property in case of unsuccessful rebellion, but against a
victorious sovereign such paper defences were ever in vain. Two days
later both Lord and Lady Desmond wrote to the Queen in very humble
strain, the former praying for one drop of grace to assuage the flame of
his tormented mind.[290]

[Sidenote: Essex and Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill.]

Finding Desmond unlikely to give immediate trouble, the Queen thought she
saw her way to helping Essex without increasing her expenses. 26,000_l._
a year and 2,000 men was what he asked for, and to show that the project
was not hopeless he determined to attempt some immediate service. Drawing
the bulk of his forces out of Clandeboye to Newry and Dundalk, he began
operations by attacking an island near Banbridge, whence three of Tirlogh
Brasselagh O'Neill's sons plundered Magennis and the Baron of Dungannon.
Phelim O'Neill and his cousin were taken, and all the band killed except
five or six who escaped by swimming. Essex then went to Dublin, consulted
the Council, and summoned Tirlogh Luineach to meet him near Benburb, on
the Blackwater. But in spite of every promise of safe-conduct, Tirlogh
refused to come to any point where the river was fordable, and Tyrone was
accordingly invaded. There had been a bountiful harvest, and the
corn-stacks were burned from Benburb to Clogher. Here Essex halted and
sent a party into Fermanagh, who drove off 400 cows and thus secured
Maguire's neutrality. Tirlogh Luineach, with 200 horse and 600 Scots,
attempted a night attack on the camp, but this failed, and the Earl
continued his march to Lifford, burning and spoiling, but seeing no
enemy. At Strabane O'Donnell made his appearance with 200 horse and 500
gallowglasses, and Con O'Donnell, who held Lifford Castle in spite of
him, also crossed into Tyrone. Provision ships lay at a point half way
between Lifford and Derry, and while the victualling proceeded Essex
explained the political situation to O'Donnell, O'Dogherty, and other
chief men of Tyrconnel. O'Donnell, who saw an opportunity of regaining
Lifford Castle, and those who depended on him declared themselves ready
to do all that the Governor wished; but Con, who had married Tirlogh
Luineach's daughter, said bluntly and very truly 'that it was a dangerous
matter to enter into war, and that for his own part he would know how he
should be maintained before he should work himself trouble for any
respect.' He added 'that he had rather live as a felon or a rebel than
adventure his undoing for the Queen.' Lifford Castle was accordingly
taken and handed over to O'Donnell, materials for coining being found in
it. Con was arrested, escaped, was re-captured, and sent a prisoner to
Dublin. The Irish annalists say that this arrest was treacherous, but it
does not appear that he had any safe-conduct.[291]

[Sidenote: The Earl can do nothing of moment against the O'Neills.]

Before leaving Lifford Essex commissioned O'Donnell to seize upon all
O'Neill's cattle which had crossed the Foyle to be under Con's
protection, but under no circumstances to allow his nephew's own herds to
be touched. The O'Donnells disregarded the latter injunction, but 'laid
hold on them, and, as their manner is, every man carried his booty home;'
1,400 head only out of a much larger number being brought into the
English camp. In consideration of what his followers had gained, Essex
bound the chief to have an extra force of 600 men, and swore him to
fight with Tirlogh Luineach as long as her Majesty did. On his road home
he carefully burned all O'Neill's corn, and boasted that the value was
not less than 5,000_l._--a mode of making war which was certainly not
calculated to advance the civilisation of Ulster. Tirlogh's strength was
practically unbroken, and it is evident that few thought Essex capable of
doing anything great. He had, he complained, in all his journeys to the
North had no help from the Pale but fifteen pack-horses on one occasion
and seven on another. Provisions were never given 'but at such extreme
pennyworths as hath not been heard of in this country.' To his sanguine
mind it still seemed easy, if the Lord Deputy would only co-operate
cordially, 'to establish the country as it may be ever preserved from
rebellion hereafter.' Fitzwilliam, who had no illusions left, thought
differently, and there can be little doubt that he was right. The Earl
himself had privately told Burghley that the Queen was nothing benefited
by former pacifications of the North, and that only a permanent garrison
could make permanent work. There was little hope of revenue. Every
captain in Ulster was, he thought, ready to take an estate of inheritance
and give up Irish customs. Many said they had offered as much and had
been refused; 'and yet they allege, that they have ever paid more than
would maintain a good garrison, which hath been put in some of their
purses which governed here.' The Crown was in fact too poor to pay its
servants, and so they paid themselves. Under such circumstances it is not
surprising that expeditions into Ulster were like the fortresses which
children build upon the beach: the unresisting sand is easily moulded,
the architect's pride is great, but the next flood washes all the work
away.[292]

[Sidenote: Essex is summoned to Court.]

The Queen, who seems to have had a certain admiration for Essex, was
pleased with his last service, and inclined to favour his plans for the
permanent plantation of the North. But her council, as she was careful to
point out, required more information. Did he propose that the colonists
in Clandeboye and between the Blackwater and the Pale should be English
or Irish, or a mixture of both? Were his towns to be walled with stone or
earth, or with a mixture of both? Had Maguire, Magennis, and MacMahon
agreed to contribute towards the maintenance of 100 horse and 200 foot?
What arrangements could be made for provisions, for maintaining
garrisons, for labour and material? To resolve these doubts, which came
rather late in the day, Essex was summoned to appear at Court as soon as
he could leave his post. The choice being left to him, he decided not to
go, and expressed an opinion that the conditional order came 'either of
her Majesty's misliking of the cause, or of me as unable to execute the
thing, and so make stay of me there, either by disallowing the work as
not feasible, or else to essay as the honour of it should be reaped by
another.'[293]

FOOTNOTES:

[264] Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, Dec. 23, 1573; Sir
Edmund Butler to Lord Deputy, Dec. 12, 1573; P. Sherlock to Burghley,
Jan. 3, 1574.

[265] Bourchier to Fitzwilliam, Dec. 17, 1573; Declaration of P.
Sherlock, Dec. 18; Desmond to Justice Walshe, Dec. 28, 1573; Edward
Castlelyn to Burghley, Jan. 16, 1574. (The latter was written at
intervals from Dec. 2.)

[266] Fitzgerald was despatched in Dec. 1573, and arrived in Ireland
before Dec. 23; see Fitzwilliam's letter of that date; Burghley's notes
in _Murdin_, p. 775. Edward Fitzgerald to Burghley, Feb. 13, 1574;
Desmond to Lord Deputy and Council, and to E. Fitzgerald, Jan. 9. In the
latter letter Desmond signs himself, 'Your assured friend and loving
cousin.' The Privy Council to Desmond, Jan. 17, and the Queen to
Fitzwilliam, Jan. 18, both in _Carew_. Instructions for the Lord Deputy
of Ireland, March 30, in _Carew_.

[267] P. Sherlock to Fitzwilliam, Dec. 22 and 23, 1573; to Burghley, Jan.
3, 1574; Mulrony O'Carroll to F. Cosby, Jan. 8 and 21; Carew to Tremayne,
Feb. 6.

[268] Edward Fitzgerald to Fitzwilliam, Jan. 18. The negotiations may be
easily studied in five papers in _Carew_; printed under 1573, but
belonging to 1573-4.

[269] The Queen to Fitzwilliam, Jan. 31; _Perrott's Life_, p. 103; Privy
Council to Fitzwilliam, March 29.

[270] Essex to the Privy Council, sent by Wilsford and Carleton, Jan. 16,
1574. Consultations of Ireland, Nov. 17, 1573, in _Murdin_, p. 268.
'Doubts moved by the Queen,' 1573; S.P., _Ireland_, vol. xliii. (No. 36).

[271] The Queen to Fitzwilliam, January 18; Fitzwilliam to Walsingham,
Feb. 6; Lord Deputy and Council to the Queen, Feb. 10.

[272] 'Reasons that may move the Queen,' &c., Feb. 19; Knollys to
Burghley, in _Devereux_, p. 51.

[273] Earl of Essex to Burghley, Sussex, and Leicester, March 8, 1574;
three weeks later Essex met Tirlogh Luineach, and made a sort of truce.

[274] Essex to Burghley, Sussex, and Leicester, March 8. The Earl's
expenses were over 10_l._ a day. He had to keep 160 men and eighty horse,
and to draw all victuals and forage from England.

[275] The Queen to Essex, March 30; Burghley, Sussex, and Leicester to
Essex, March 30; and see _Murdin_, p. 775.

[276] Letters from Essex of May 13 to the Queen, to the Privy Council, to
Burghley, and to Walsingham; to the Lord Deputy and Council, March 6;
Waterhouse to Burghley, March 20; B. Gooche to Burghley, Feb. 2 and 18,
and April 2; J. Wingfield to Burghley, April 2; Fitzwilliam to Burghley,
April 20.

[277] Sir Brian MacPhelim to the Queen, May 8; Essex to the Queen, May
13; to the Privy Council, same date; Edward Barkley to Burghley, May 14;
B. Gooche to Burghley, May 15.

[278] Essex to Burghley, Aug. 28, 1574, in Lodge's _Portraits_ (Walter,
Earl of Essex); to Walsingham, March 25; Fitton to Burghley, Feb. 18;
Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Feb. 22 and 28, and March 2; to the Privy
Council Feb. 5; E. Fitzgerald to Burghley, Feb. 13.

[279] Essex to the Lords, March 8; the Queen to Fitzwilliam, Jan. 18 and
21, and March 30; Privy Council to Fitzwilliam, March 30; Fitzwilliam to
Privy Council, March 24.

[280] The Queen to Fitzwilliam, March 30; Fitzwilliam to the Privy
Council, April 25; Dowdall to Fitzwilliam, May 2; N. Walshe to Burghley,
June 10; Thomas Sackford to Burghley, June; John Symcott to Burghley,
June 4; Lord Deputy and Council to Desmond, May 18.

[281] 'What Bracton the lawyer termeth to be _illecebra peccandi_, is
_spes reniæ_.'

[282] Edward Barkley to Walsingham, May 13; H. Ackworth to Burghley, May
20.

[283] Herle's Collection of John Corbine's Speeches, May 29; N. Walshe to
Burghley, June 10: _Murdin_, p. 242.

[284] Fitzwilliam to the Privy Council, June 2; to Burghley, June 10 and
20; Essex to Desmond, June 5 and 10; to Burghley, June 14; to the three
Lords and Walsingham, June 17; Fitzwilliam and Essex to same, June 20;
Desmond to Essex, June 20.

[285] Essex to the Privy Council, July 10.

[286] Writing to Fitzwilliam in July (No. 35) the Queen acknowledged that
it was hardly fair to ask Desmond to disarm when others did not.

[287] Essex to the Privy Council, July 10; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, July
12; Ormonde to Burghley, July 16; Privy Council to Fitzwilliam, Nov.
Essex and Kildare accompanied Desmond as far as Clonmel.

[288] The Queen and Privy Council to Fitzwilliam, June 15 and 20.

[289] The 'Combination,' dated July 18, 1574, is printed in _Desiderata
Curiosa Hibernica_, i. 5. The Queen to Fitzwilliam, Aug. 20, in _Carew_.

[290] Fitton to Burghley, July 30; Fitzwilliam and Ormonde to the Queen,
Sept. 3; Lord and Lady Desmond to the Queen, Sept. 12. Feoffment, &c., by
the Earl of Desmond, Sept. 10, in _Carew_. The Derrinlaur affair was on
Aug. 19; the _Four Masters_ say the Desmondians were executed after
capture.

[291] Privy Council to Essex, Sept. 19; Essex to Privy Council, Oct. 8;
Waterhouse to Burghley, Sept. 23. Plot of the Garrison, &c., Oct. 8;
_Four Masters_, 1575.

[292] Essex to Burghley, June 14, 1574; to the Privy Council, Oct. 8.

[293] The Privy Council to Essex, Nov. 8; to Fitzwilliam, Nov. 9; the
Queen to Essex, Nov. 9; Essex to Burghley, Jan. 12, 1575.




CHAPTER XXXII.

ADMINISTRATION OF FITZWILLIAM, 1574 AND 1575, AND REAPPOINTMENT OF
SIDNEY.


[Sidenote: Unjustifiable seizure of Sir Brian MacPhelim, who is
executed.]

If violence were vigour and a readiness to act on rumour decision, then
the next exploit of Essex would entitle him to a high place among the
leaders of men. There is no difficulty in believing that Sir Brian
MacPhelim had been plotting with Tirlogh Luineach and other enemies of
English rule, and it is quite possible that he or his followers had
committed some barbarous outrages. He had all along been hostile to the
Earl's enterprise, and it is not surprising that he should have sought to
frustrate it. But he came to meet Essex at Belfast in friendly guise, and
he brought his wife and other relations with him. It is plain from this
that he intended no immediate treachery, but Essex, who was getting
soured, could only see evidence of dissimulation. He proposed to arrest
his visitors, and his officers made no opposition. The O'Neills defended
their chief, and much blood was shed. 'I have,' Essex wrote to the Privy
Council, 'apprehended Sir Brian, his half-brother Rory Oge MacQuillin,
Brian's wife, and certain of the principal persons, and put others to the
sword, to the number of 200 in all places, whereof 40 of his best
horsemen.' Sir Brian, his wife, and other prisoners were sent to Dublin,
and Essex announced that they would be tried according to law. It is only
certain that they were executed. There was, be it observed, no state of
war between O'Neill and the Earl. The chieftain was not a proclaimed
traitor, and there was no warrant against him. And even if it be granted
that he was technically guilty of treason, could his wife be considered
equally guilty? The Earl's own account does not justify him, while the
Irish annalists charge him with the blackest treachery. 'Peace,
sociality, and friendship,' say the 'Four Masters,' 'were established
between Brian, the son of Phelim Bacagh O'Neill, and the Earl of Essex;
and a feast was afterwards prepared by Brian, to which the Earl and the
chiefs of his people were invited; and they passed three nights and days
together pleasantly and cheerfully. At the expiration of this time, as
they were agreeably drinking and making merry, Brian, his brother, and
his wife, were seized upon by the Earl, and all his people put
unsparingly to the sword--men, women, youths, and maidens--in Brian's own
presence. Brian was afterwards sent to Dublin, together with his wife and
brother, where they were cut in quarters. Such was the end of their
feast. This unexpected massacre, this wicked and treacherous murder of
the lord of the race of Hugh Boy O'Neill, the head and the senior of the
race of Owen, son of Nial of the Nine Hostages, and of all the Gaels, a
few only excepted, was a sufficient cause of hatred and disgust of the
English to the Irish.' Some praised the Earl's conduct, and there seems
to have been no official blame, but Ormonde hinted his dislike of what
had been done. Essex meant well, he said, God send it so: 'I am loth to
speak of the North, which has cost her Majesty much, but I pray God a
worse come not in Sir Brian's place.' The Earl himself boasted 'that this
little execution hath broken the faction and made them all afeard;' and
that two of Sir Brian's kinsmen were competitors for his inheritance, and
had applied to Captain Norris, each offering to live in peace. The
knight-errant who had started with visions of creating an Eden in Ulster,
now thought it a triumph to make men of two minds in an house.[294]

[Sidenote: Vacillation of the Queen.]

Essex believed that 2,000 soldiers would suffice for Ireland, 1,300 of
them being stationed in Ulster while permanent fortified posts were being
built and garrisoned, and that when the building was done 500 men would
easily hold the province. To this arrangement the Queen, with much
hesitation, agreed. Garrisons cost money, as she knew by the experience
of Maryborough and Philipstown, and like them they might after all be but
very moderately successful.

[Sidenote: Essex and Fitzwilliam.]

As soon as Fitzwilliam knew that he was expected to represent the Crown
and to furnish all garrisons in the three southern provinces with 700
men, he at once declined the task. The force actually in Ireland was
about 3,000, and in case of the proposed scheme not taking effect, it was
to be reduced by one half. All was made dependent on perfect accord
between the Deputy and the Governor of Ulster; and in fact they had never
been on really cordial terms. Nor did Elizabeth herself speak with any
confidence, and it is plain that personal regard and admiration for Essex
were struggling in her mind with the desire to throw away no more money
upon Ulster. It was in Elizabeth's nature to vacillate, and the tendency
may have been increased by Burghley's illness. To keep Essex in Ireland,
and at the same time to secure his failure there, may have been
Leicester's policy. That some sinister influence was at work may be
inferred from the Earl's complaint to Burghley that many letters sent to
him were intercepted, and that he could trust no messenger but his own
servants. Fitzwilliam's refusal to incur the responsibility of government
without proper forces was reasonable enough, but his manner of proceeding
shows how deep his feeling against Essex really was. He summarily
discharged all men above 2,000; and the Earl, as he himself expressed it,
'having no longer soldiers to govern,' resigned the government of Ulster.
'Being now,' he said, 'altogether private, I do desire your Majesty's
good license so to live in a corner of Ulster, which I hire for my money;
where though I may seem to pass my time somewhat obscurely, a life, my
case considered, fittest for me, yet shall not be without some stay in
these parts, and comfort to such as hoped to be rid from the tyranny of
the rebels.' In the meantime his men were unpaid and unfed; for the
Vice-Treasurer had orders from the Deputy to give them nothing without
the Queen's special directions, and the victualler feared that he might
not have sufficient warrant. Essex, who complained bitterly that he had
not even ten days' notice, appealed to the Council, and both Fitton and
Loftus sided with him; for the prospect of having 1,500 disbanded
soldiers let loose upon the Pale was not a pleasant one. 'To you,' Essex
told Burghley, 'I am content to be beholden, yet to be generally bound to
all men as I have been in this action, is to my nature such a misery as I
confess all the wretchedness that I have found in Ireland hath not been
comparable to this. And now, since my good deserts here, if they were
any, be extinguished with dishonour, I pray you let my small sins be also
forgotten. I suffer pain enough. Increase not my misery with your ill
opinion.'

[Sidenote: Troops hastily disbanded.]

Fitzwilliam, as on some other occasions, showed a lamentable want of
dignity, and, if we are to believe the Governor of Ulster, he dismissed
the troops with indecent haste and with no more responsible advice than
that of his wife. 'My lady, as I am most credibly informed, kept her
Majesty's letters three days and coted every line of it, and in the end
gave her final judgment that I and all my soldiers should be cassed; and
it was no sooner done but here was such a general joy conceived by some
about him, as though some great victory had been obtained, and indeed it
agreed well with his former report, for not six weeks since he said there
were two Deputies in Ireland, and named me for one, and added that either
he would have all, or I should have all.' Tirlogh Luineach, or perhaps
his astute wife, knew how to profit by these dissensions, for no sooner
was it known that Essex had resigned his province, than he thanked
Fitzwilliam for not invading his country unjustly, as the Earl had done.
He professed great readiness to treat with the Lord Deputy. His loyalty
to the Queen only had prevented him from accusing Essex several times:
his only desire was peace, and he had no wish to injure any person in the
English districts.[295]

[Sidenote: The Queen encourages Essex.]

Elizabeth had not bargained for being so promptly taken at her word. 'We
did never,' she said, 'think that upon such a sudden either you our
Deputy would have refused to take that your charge with those numbers, or
you the Earl have given over your government of Ulster.' To the one she
was willing to allow 700 men in addition to garrisons, hinting at the
same time that she had evidently been paying for imaginary soldiers. To
the other she said that the enterprise was not abandoned, and Maltby was
authorised to use encouraging language. Munitions were sent, and even
some money, and Sir Peter Carew was ordered to Ulster as a valuable
lieutenant, and probably also a pleasant companion for the Earl. All this
was open and official, but to the Earl she wrote a private letter, which,
to one of his romantic temper, was probably more consoling than a
Lord-Lieutenant's commission with unlimited warrant to raise and pay
troops. She could not but feel that he had failed, but her heart was
touched, and she addressed him thus:--

'For your more satisfaction we have thought good to signify unto you,
that by all your actions, your wise behaviour and constancy in them, your
pains and travels sustained by yourself bodily, the great charge that you
have been at in your private expenses, and consuming of your revenues and
patrimony in our service, and for the attaining of honour by virtue and
travail, we have great cause to think you a rare treasure of our realm
and a principal ornament of our nobility; we wish daily unto God we had
many such; and are sorry that in anything you should be discouraged....
What success soever your enterprise shall have we must needs have a great
good opinion of you as a thankful prince ought to have; whereof you may
be bold to assure yourself, and all such your friends as would be glad
thereof, which be, you may be bold, for your rare virtues and noble
courage, a great number.'[296]

[Sidenote: He sets out towards Tyrone.]

In his delight at this letter, and notwithstanding the doubtful tenour of
Maltby's instructions, Essex sought a reconciliation with Fitzwilliam.
Both professed to bear no personal resentment, and to have quarrelled
only on public grounds, but others could see that their animosity was of
long standing and proportionately difficult to appease. The Earl was
sanguine that now at last he was on the high road to success. 'I would
not,' he confessed, 'blame the Queen if she were weary of Ireland ... it
is certain her Highness has spent 600,000_l._ in her time here and the
realm never the better; but, trust me, sir, reformation was never
thoroughly intended until now, as I think.' Full of hope he set forward
towards the Blackwater, having already employed 600 labourers to cut
passes through the woods bordering on Tyrone, where the people, since his
devastating raid in the previous autumn, had been living altogether on
flesh. 'They have been occupied with raids and incursions this sowing
time, and their next harvest shall be by all likelihood twice as urgent,
and therefore it is certain that they must either starve or obey very
shortly.'[297]

[Sidenote: The Queen again changes her mind.]

When Essex started once more for the North, Maltby was able to say that
he and the Deputy were very good friends, and that the country generally
was pretty quiet, 'but for the ordinary uncertainty of the Irish, _quod
natura dedit_.' The Scots had gone home, and Tirlogh Luineach, who saw
that mischief was intended, sent his wife to Newry to sue for peace. She
held out for the old rights of O'Neill, but offered to pay a 'tribute,'
in consideration of his superiority over Maguire and MacMahon being
acknowledged by the Crown. Ten days were given to Tirlogh to consider the
matter further, and Essex withdrew to Drogheda, where he received a
letter from the Queen which put an end to all his hopes. She allowed that
he might well be surprised at this 'sudden change, but that she had no
meaning that he should proceed in the service, otherwise than we thought
it necessary for a time, in respect of the danger he had laid before her
of a general revolt.' The political horizon was troubled, and on full
consideration she had made up her mind that the Ulster project could not
be made to pay, and must be abandoned. 'Direct the course of proceeding,'
she said, 'in such sort as the enterprise may yet be so given over as our
honour may best be salved' and the quiet of Ireland provided for. How all
this might best be done was referred to the discretion of Essex, who was
to consult the Lord Deputy and Council. Tirlogh Luineach was to be made,
if possible, to relinquish his claim to the Urraghs, to content himself
with the modern county of Tyrone, and to join in expelling the Scots. A
fort at the Blackwater would be most desirable, if it could be built
cheaply with the help of those who would be protected by it from
O'Neill's tyranny.[298]

[Sidenote: The Essex scheme is abandoned. Fort at Blackwater.]

Essex bowed loyally to her Majesty's will, spoke much of her good-nature
and little of his own disappointment, and only begged that she would have
some regard for his ruined fortunes. But he gently reproached the Privy
Council with unkindness for not warning him before he spent his substance
and his health 'in an action which, as it now appears, was never intended
to be performed.' With a heavy heart he set out for the Blackwater, and
began building a fort there. Tirlogh Luineach, who had 1,900 of his own
followers and 1,400 Scots with him, sent to say that he was ready to make
peace and to abjure Sorley Boy and his Scots, if the building operations
were suspended. Essex consenting to a parley, Tirlogh supposed that he
had gained his point, and insisted on Sorley being a party. 'This storm
is over,' he said to his Scotch ally, 'and the Earl shall neither build
nor make war.' Finding that the work went on, he proposed to attack
before the defences should be tenable, but Sorley refused, saying that
good watch was kept at night, and that he would only fight if Tyrone were
invaded. The O'Neills had no mind to do all themselves, and Tirlogh,
supported neither by clansmen nor auxiliaries, said that he would trust
the English. Essex crossed the river, cut off 1,200 kine, and drove
O'Neill into the bogs, following him so close that he had to leave his
horse and his mantle behind. A bridge with stone piers and timber
superstructure was finished, earthen bridge-heads were thrown up, and an
entrenched enclosure constructed to hold 200 men and tenable by fifty;
the Baron of Dungannon agreeing to find victuals for the latter number.
Essex had perhaps no great skill as an engineer; for Sidney visited the
fort four months later and found it 'imperfect, not worth the charge of
the keeping if there be peaceable proceeding; the bridge and gate to
guard it not half reared.'[299]

[Sidenote: Advice of Waterhouse. Profit _versus_ honour.]

Tirlogh having sued for peace, Essex was now in a position to make it on
such tolerable terms as might 'salve the Queen's honour,' his principle
being to acknowledge none of the O'Neill claims, but to wink at their
practical assertion. Tirlogh agreed to confine himself in general to
Tyrone, to give up his claim to superiority over his neighbours, to keep
the peace towards O'Donnell and other subjects of the Queen, and to
furnish his contingent to all hostings. On the other hand, he was excused
from coming to any governor against his will, was to have a share in the
customs of Lough Foyle, and might have 300 Scots in pay, provided they
belonged to the Campbell and not to the MacDonnell connection. His claim
to tribute from O'Dogherty would be acknowledged whenever he could prove
his title. These terms were considered reasonable by so good a judge as
Maltby, but Fitzwilliam had lately taken the precaution to inform the
Queen that Tirlogh Luineach might easily be dealt with without any of the
fuss which Essex thought proper to make about the matter. The Deputy had
seen so much of Ireland, that he had ceased to have any very high
standard. Waterhouse, the devoted partisan of Essex, also thought it
possible to save the point of honour, and to avoid war by a composition
with the Irish; but he did not deceive himself about the real nature of a
peace so made. 'All this,' he said, 'will be but patches, and (according
to your country proverb) "make much work for the tinker." If this plot
which here hath good allowance and there is thought probable take not
place, nor some better form of reformation devised, then it were good to
persuade that all soldiers were cassed, and leave here in Dublin some bad
justice for a shadow of her Majesty's possession: and let all go as it
will to the devil, and never let it suck up the riches of England to be
vainly spent to no purpose. So would it come to pass that within two or
three years there would be twenty kings, and every one consume other in
continual murders, which tragedy were far better than the remedies that
have been practised here these one hundred years past. You may take this
for a Christmas game, but if profit be preferred before honour, then
there may be somewhat said in this behalf.'[300]

[Sidenote: No open rebellion.]

While the English Government played fast and loose with the Ulster
expedition, it was possible to report that no open rebellion existed in
any part of Ireland, and that the doubtful were, as a rule, bound on
pledges. But burning and spoiling in a small way went on merrily. The
high universally oppressed the low, and 'some were hanged or killed here
and there every day.' Still, as a rule, it was not necessary to keep
watch, and cattle, at least in the Pale, could generally be left out at
night. Rumours reached Ireland that Sidney had been finding fault, but
Fitzwilliam asserted that Ireland was in a better state than when the
late Lord Deputy left it.[301]

[Sidenote: Want of money. Jobbery among lawyers.]

Want of money was the main reason that the Government was weak; and
corruption, while it enriched individuals, woefully impoverished the
State. Registers and records were tampered with--a very old complaint in
Ireland--merchants defrauded the revenue, and Custom-house officers
winked at their roguery. Victuallers not being sure of payment had little
credit, failed to perform their contracts, and were tempted into doubtful
courses. The courts of law were distrusted, at least by English
residents; one of whom gives the following account of the Irish Bench and
Bar:--

'Mr. Lucas Dillon and one or two more excepted, the rest of the
champering lawyers whereof there be no small number, are little better to
be accounted than junior barristers in the Court of Chancery; who, having
read a little of Littleton's "Natura Brevium," within a few years think
themselves sufficient to plead at any Bar, and must as the room falleth
void be her Majesty's servants, attorney or else solicitor, and so they
babble and brag out matters, right or wrong, at their pleasure without
controlment, especially if the cause toucheth one of their cousins.'[302]

[Sidenote: Kildare is vehemently suspected and arrested.]

Desmond was quiet for the time, but the head of the other great Geraldine
family was now suspected in his turn. In 1574 Kildare had been in great
apparent favour with the Lord Deputy. He had offered Desmond 500_l._ in
ready money to assume a submissive attitude, and it was thought that the
best way to secure the Pale was to place him in command on the south and
west borders, on condition that he should discharge his own followers and
trust entirely to 100 horse and 300 foot in the Queen's pay. Fitzwilliam,
who admitted that he only accepted the Earl's service for want of a
better, had soon reason to believe that he had treasonable or at least
dangerous intentions. John Alen, an hereditary enemy, was the first
accuser, and when it became known that complaints would be listened to,
there was no want of secret information. Some of the accusations were
probably true, others almost certainly false. It is very likely that
Kildare gave secret intelligence to Rory Oge O'More, but incredible that
he should have plotted with him the abduction of Lady Fitzwilliam and her
family from Kilmainham. He evidently had frequent communications with
the O'Tooles and O'Byrnes, and it was sworn that one of his messengers
offered to lead a party to burn Athy, where the Government had large
stores. The witness objecting that the Earl would be a loser by this, the
other answered, 'It is the Earl's own devise.' Much evidence, reaching
back to 1572, was offered as to Kildare's plots to obtain the government
as his ancestors had it, and of outrages committed at his instance; but
no one dared speak openly. Sir Peter Carew's opinion, 'that Earls were
dangerous men to be dealt with,' was probably generally accepted in
Ireland. Suspicions were soon aroused, and the Queen very properly
censured Fitzwilliam for trusting such matters to a secretary. His own or
the Archbishop's hand might have sufficed. To encourage witnesses it was
resolved to arrest Kildare, but the intention became known beforehand,
and all important documents were made away with. After much hesitation
the duty was assigned to Essex, who had no difficulty in making the
arrest, but had his doubts about its policy. 'You must,' he said, 'take
heed that you transfer not the greatness of some to make it trouble in
some other, so were the second error worse than the first.' Short as was
his confinement in Dublin Castle, Kildare managed to have interviews
there with Edmund Boy, who was one of his chief accusers, and so worked
upon his feelings that he made his escape. Richard Fitzgerald, another
important witness, was hanged by Feagh MacHugh O'Byrne. On arriving in
London a few days later, Kildare was placed in seclusion under the charge
of Lord Keeper Bacon; 'his cause,' said Ormonde, 'will make the Earl of
Desmond a melancholy man.' The Irish Government believed that there would
be no evidence until Kildare was fairly in the Tower.[303]

[Sidenote: Uncertainties. Sidney daily expected.]

Fitzwilliam's constant prayers for a recall had not been unheard, but it
was difficult to find a successor for him, since it had been resolved
that Essex should not be Lord Deputy. Sidney had been expected as early
as July 1574, but he was in no hurry to start. Waterhouse had gone from
Ulster to England towards the end of 1573, and had laid before the Privy
Council the requests of Essex, especially as to the necessity of erecting
fortifications and providing properly for provisioning the troops. 'A
lack of good foresight' in high quarters was the fault which Waterhouse
saw most clearly, and he complained that it was hard to get attention for
the most necessary business. Statesmen pleaded that they were too busy
with Desmond to mind anything else, 'wherein they travel so far southward
that they have lost sight of the North Pole.' Various schemes were
discussed. Some were for leaving Fitzwilliam at his post and giving him
for a time the assistance of a military officer of high rank, who might
pacify the country and then leave it to the Deputy. Others were for at
least three Presidents independent of the chief Governor; 'to breed a
certain virtuous envy in these monarchs, who should do her Majesty best
service.' Others, again, were for trusting Irish lords, such as Ormonde
and Kildare, leaving only matters of law and justice to the Lord Deputy.
The prevailing opinion was that there should be Presidents, and that they
should be appointed simultaneously with the new Deputy. Waterhouse's
advice being asked, he said that if Essex were rejected there were but
two persons available, Leicester and Sidney. The former could scarcely be
spared, and he therefore advised the choice of the latter, whose
secretary he had been. Sidney was reluctant and Elizabeth undecided, and
more than a year and a half slipped by without the change being actually
made. 'For God's sake despatch him,' said Fitzwilliam; 'this uncertainty
is a hell of unquietness to me, and so increases mine infirmities of
shoulder, arm, side, and stomach, that I look shortly to become
serviceable for nothing else but the worms of this land.' He could not
hope to be in England before October; too late for Bath, and leaving him
no resource but physicians in whom he did not believe.[304]

[Sidenote: The revenue. A pestilence,]

The Government of Ireland from April 1, 1573, to September 30, 1575, cost
the Queen more than 130,000_l._ in ready money sent from England, besides
the Irish revenue and debts incurred but not discharged. It was a
principal part of Sidney's instructions to devise some means of checking
this outflow. The Ulster account being almost closed, it was supposed
that he would be able to manage with 5,000_l._ a quarter regularly paid,
and that by improving the Irish revenue even that sum might in good time
be reduced. Sidney was not likely to indulge in such golden dreams, and
he undertook the government of Ireland for the third time with little
expectation either of honour or profit. Leaving the Queen at Dudley
Castle, he landed at Skerries after nearly losing two vessels in a storm.
The summer had been very hot, and no rain fell from May 1 to August 1. 'A
loathsome disease and dreadful malady,' say the 'Four Masters,' 'arose
from this heat--namely, the plague, which raged violently among the
English and Irish in Dublin, Naas, Ardee, Mullingar, and Athboy. Between
those places many a castle was left without a guard, many a flock without
a shepherd, and many a noble corpse without burial.'

[Sidenote: and panic.]

The whole Pale being infected, it was difficult to find a safe
resting-place. The well-to-do citizens of Dublin fled to Drogheda, where
they were grudgingly admitted, and whither they probably brought the
pestilence; for deaths occurred in the town soon after the arrival of
Essex and of the old and new Deputies, who all reached it on the same
day. Immobility was the fault for which Fitzwilliam had been most blamed,
and his successor, by starting immediately for Carrickfergus, no doubt
meant to show that he was as capable as ever of those rapid movements
which had bewildered and charmed the Irish mind. A blow had just been
struck in Ulster, which for the time made resistance little to be feared.
The terror of Sidney's name might do the rest.[305]

[Sidenote: General results of Essex's grant.]

After his treaty with Tirlogh Luineach Essex had pressed on in pursuit of
the Scots from the Antrim side, the people of the country generally
showing themselves friendly. Sorley Boy appeared in force at the Bann, on
the banks of which river an encounter took place. The Scots were worsted
and driven into Tyrone. Clandeboye was for the moment cleared of the
intruders, and Essex, as far as in him lay, handed it over to Brian
'Ertagh' O'Neill, who said that his people were few, his cattle less, and
that in striving to defend his country from the Earl 'his husbandmen were
starved, dead, or run out of the country,' which he left to the disposal
of the man who had reduced it to this condition. Such, so far as the
scheme of a settlement went, was the total result of the grant to Essex,
who was, however, so deficient in humour as to boast 'that no man in
Clandeboye claimeth property in anything, whereby your Majesty may see
what this people are when they are roughly handled.'[306]

[Sidenote: Expedition to Rathlin. Massacre.]

His provisions failing, the Earl was obliged to quit the field, leaving
300 foot and 850 horse at Carrickfergus under the charge of John Norris,
who had secret orders to undertake a combined naval and military
expedition against Rathlin. With the soldiers under Norris and three
frigates under 'Francis Drake, Captain of the "Falcon,"' it is not
surprising that the affair was completely successful. All the boats at
Carrickfergus were taken up, and in spite of the winds the whole force
reached the island together, and landed, notwithstanding a vigorous
resistance. The Scots retired into their castle, which Norris proceeded
to batter with two heavy guns brought from the ship. A breach was soon
made, but the first assault was repulsed, owing to the strength of the
inner defences, which were probably erected by an Italian officer who was
at this time in Sorley Boy's service. The same night, however, the
garrison, seeing that they could not hold out, offered to surrender for
'their lives and their goods, and to be put into Scotland, which request
Captain Norris refused, offering them as slenderly as they did largely
require: viz., to the aforesaid constable his life and his wife's and his
child's.... The soldiers, being moved and much stirred with the loss of
their fellows that were slain, and desirous of revenge, made request, or
rather pressed, to have the killing of them, which they did all, saving
the persons to whom life was promised.... There were slain that came out
of the castle of all sorts 200.... They be occupied still in killing, and
have slain that they have found hidden in caves and in the cliffs of the
sea to the number of 300 or 400 more.' Eleven Scottish galleys were
burned. Three hundred kine, 3,000 sheep, 100 brood mares, and enough bere
to feed 300 men for a year, were found in the island. A spy, moreover,
informed Essex that 'Sorley put most of his plate, most of his children,
and the children of most part of his gentlemen, with their wives, into
the Rathlin with all his pledges, which be all taken and executed, as the
spy saith, and in all to the number of 600. Sorley then also stood upon
the mainland of the Glynnes and saw the taking of the island, and was
like to run mad for sorrow (as the spy saith), turning and tormenting
himself, and saying that he then lost all that ever he had.' Essex had
nothing but praise for all concerned, which indeed they deserved, if
barbarity is to incur no blame; but no one seems to have wasted a thought
on such considerations, and Queen Elizabeth vouchsafed her unqualified
thanks.[307]

[Sidenote: A useless fortified post in Rathlin.]

[Sidenote: The Scots supreme on the Antrim coast.]

Essex wished to found a permanent fortified post in Rathlin. Norris
remained behind to reap the harvest and to hold the island until
Sidney's pleasure should be known. In the meantime, Sorley Boy, though he
had lost his children, had not lost heart. He chose his time and swept
away all the cattle from Carrickfergus. The garrison pursued him, got
into difficult ground, and were disgracefully beaten, owing to one of
those panics to which regular troops were always subject in their
encounters with Highlanders. Some attributed all to the prevailing
dissipation, and yet Carrickfergus was hardly a Capua. About forty Scots
put the English to flight and killed sixty of them, including Captain
Baker and his lieutenant. When Sidney came to Carrickfergus a month later
he found it 'much decayed and impoverished, no plough going at all, where
before were many; ... cattle few or none left; churches and houses, save
castles, burned; the inhabitants fled, not above six householders of any
countenance left remaining; so that their miserable state and servile
fear were to be pitied.' Of so little use had the Rathlin massacre been
that the Lord Deputy found the Scots 'very haughty and proud by reason of
their late victories had against our men, finding the baseness of their
courage.' The coast from Larne to the Bann was full of corn and cattle,
and in the undisputed possession of Sorley, who was willing enough to
come to terms, but very suspicious and afraid of the opinion of his own
followers. Sidney abandoned Rathlin at once, saying that it was easy at
any time to take, but very expensive and useless to keep. There was a
scarcity of water about the fort, and the 'Race of Rathlin' is one of the
stormiest pieces of sea on our coast. 'The soldiers brought thence being
forty in number, they confessed that in this small time of their
continuance there, they were driven to kill their horses and eat them,
and to feed on them and young colts' flesh one month before they came
away.' Such was the real value of a position where, in the opinion of
Essex, 100 men 'would do her Majesty more service, both against the Scots
and Irish, than 300 can do in any place within the north parts.' Sidney
thought that the Glynnes might be handed over to Sorley Boy, no better
claimant appearing, but that the Route ought to be given back to the
MacQuillins, having been lost only because their late chief was a
'dissolute and loose fellow, feeble both of wit and force.' Lady Agnes
O'Neill, a true Campbell, met Sidney and asked for a grant of the Glynnes
for her son by James MacDonnell, offering to defend it against Sorley
Boy, and to pay a higher rent to the Crown; but this did not recommend
itself to the Lord Deputy, wise as he thought the lady, and much as he
admired her manners and address.[308]

[Sidenote: Hopeless condition of Ulster. Sidney's advice.]

The northern part of Armagh under the Baron of Dungannon Sidney found all
waste, and the cathedral in ruins. The southern part had been granted by
the Queen to the brothers Chatterton, who were totally unable to manage
the country, and were rapidly losing all. 'They wrestle and work,' said
Sidney, 'and go to the worse, ... tall and honest gentlemen, who have
lost in that enterprise all that ever they had, and all that anybody else
would trust them with, and their blood and limbs too.' The O'Hanlons
would not come to Sidney on protection, lest they should be cajoled into
acknowledging the Chattertons' title. Lecale in Down, which was Kildare's
property, had been partially, but only partially, peopled by the
exertions of Essex. Ards was a little better, less owing to Sir Thomas
Smith than to the natural tendencies of its old English inhabitants,
whose chief, Edmond Savage, was received into protection. Kinelarty, or
MacCartan's country, was 'all desolate and waste, full of thieves,
outlaws, and unreclaimed people. None of the old owners dared occupy the
land, because it hath pleased her Majesty to bestow the same upon Captain
Nicholas Maltby, tied, nevertheless, to such observation of covenant and
condition as Chatterton had his.' Maltby deserved a much better
provision, but could do no good with this one either to himself or to
anyone else. He could only 'make the country altogether abandoned of
inhabitants.' It was absolutely necessary for the Queen's service that
both Chatterton's and Maltby's grants should be revoked. Dufferin, long
the property of the White family, was 'all waste and desolate, used as
they of Clandeboye list.' Neill MacBrian Ertagh, whom Essex had
acknowledged as captain, made some show of opposition at the ford of
Belfast. 'We passed over,' said Sidney, 'without loss of man or horse,
yet, by reason of the tide's extraordinary return, our horses swam, and
the footmen in the passage waded very deep.... Clandeboye I found utterly
disinhabited. The captain refused to have conference with me, and
answered, "That Con MacNeill Oge was captain, and not he" (who being
appointed to be delivered to the Marshal, by negligence of his keepers,
made an escape in his coming from Dublin, where before he remained
prisoner).' It cannot be said that the slaughter of Sir Brian MacPhelim
and his family had done much for the civilisation of Eastern Ulster, or
that the system of private conquest was any great improvement upon native
usages.[309]

[Sidenote: Sidney wishes to ennoble O'Neill.]

Sidney did not visit Tyrone, Tyrconnel, Monaghan, or Fermanagh on this
occasion, but MacMahon came to Armagh, begging to be relieved from the
tyranny of O'Neill on condition of paying the Queen rent; and O'Donnell
and Maguire wrote to the same effect. As to Tirlogh Luineach, who came to
Armagh without hesitation or condition, Sidney advised that his messenger
should be graciously received at Court, and that his petition should be
granted, excepting the authority which he claimed over his neighbours,
and that he should be made Earl of Clan O'Neill for life. 'Considering
his age, wounded and imperfect body, his ill diet, and continual surfeit,
he cannot be of long life.' Magennis also, whose country of Iveagh had
improved much since Sidney first freed it from the O'Neills, could do
little owing to the want of a title. He might receive a full grant and
the rank of Baron. The Lord Deputy's plan was to make all look to the
Crown, without excepting O'Neill. Advantage might be taken of the fact
that Lady Agnes 'longed to have her husband like a good subject, and to
have him nobilitated.' With prophetic clearness he showed what the result
of his policy must be. 'The taking from O'Neill all these captains of
countries that heretofore have depended upon him and the predecessors of
his name, and contenting him with the title of Earl, ... it will be the
dissipation of his force and strength, ... that these lords and captains
of the countries should hold absolutely of the Queen and of none else,
... in half an age his posterity shall not be of power to do any harm;
which will breed a quiet in the North, which country hath heretofore,
from time to time, been so troublesome.'[310]

[Sidenote: Bagenal at Newry.]

Amid the general failure of English settlers in Ulster, Newry, in the
hands of the Marshal, Sir Nicholas Bagenal, made a gratifying contrast.
The town was well built, and increasing fast, the lands well cultivated,
'and he is much to be commended; as well that he useth his tenants to
live so wealthily under him, as his own bounty and large hospitality and
house-keeping, so able and willing to give entertainment to so many, and
chiefly to all those that have occasion to travel to or fro northwards,
his house lying in the open highway to their passage.' Essex had lately
complained that Bagenal would not lend him his house, but it must be
admitted that the building was well employed.[311]

FOOTNOTES:

[294] Fitzwilliam to the Privy Council, Nov. 17, with enclosures;
Waterhouse to Walsingham, Nov. 18; Essex to the Privy Council, with an
enclosure, Nov. 24; to Burghley, Dec. 3; Notes on Ireland, by Ormonde,
enclosed in his letter to Burghley of Dec. 8; _Four Masters_, 1574.

[295] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, April 26, 1575; to the Privy Council,
March 31; Essex to Burghley, March 31 and April 1; to the Queen, March
31; to Burghley and Sussex, April 28; to the Privy Council, April 15; the
Queen to Essex and Fitzwilliam, March 15; the Privy Council to
Fitzwilliam, March 14; Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill to Fitzwilliam, April 29;
Devereux, _Earls of Essex_, i. 91 and 104.

[296] Instructions for Captain Maltby, April 8; the Queen to Essex, April
11.

[297] Essex to Walsingham, May 9; to the Privy Council, March 10.

[298] Maltby to Burghley, May 14; Essex to the Privy Council, June 1; the
Queen to Essex and to Fitzwilliam, May 22; Instructions for Mr. Ashton,
same date.

[299] Writing to Walsingham on Jan. 12, Waterhouse particularly asked
that the adventure should not be abandoned without due notice to Essex.
Essex to Walsingham and to the Privy Council, and instructions per Mr.
Ashton, all June 1; to the Privy Council, July 5; Waterhouse to
Walsingham and to Burghley, June 24; Sidney to the Privy Council, Nov.
16, in the _Sidney Papers_. Essex told Walsingham that his chief regret
was that he should have been betrayed into speaking hardly of
Fitzwilliam. This came from anxiety for the Queen's service.

[300] Waterhouse to Walsingham, Jan. 12, 1575; Fitzwilliam to the Queen,
June 14; Instructions by Mr. Ashton, June 25; Articles with Tirlogh
Luineach, June 27; Essex to the Privy Council, July 5; Maltby to
Walsingham, July 5.

[301] Fitton to Burghley, Jan. 5; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Jan. 7 and
March 13.

[302] John Symcott to Burghley, March 10, 1575; also Jan. 13 and May 14;
Essex to Burghley, April 10; Fitton to Burghley, Jan. 18; Jenison to
Burghley, Feb. 3.

[303] Sir P. Carew to Tremayne, Feb. 6, 1574; Fitzwilliam to Burghley,
July 12; to the Privy Council, August 2. Miscellaneous information
against the Earl of Kildare, Feb. 9, 10, and 11, 1575. Leicester to
Burghley, Feb. 27; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Sussex, and Leicester, May
15; Essex to Walsingham, May 9; Ormonde to Burghley, May 16; Fitton to
Burghley, May 15 and 18. Short note by Burghley concerning the Earl of
Kildare, Dec. 8.

[304] Instructions for Mr. Waterhouse by the Earl of Essex, Nov. 1573;
Waterhouse to Sidney, Dec. 17, 1573, in the _Sidney Papers_; Fitzwilliam
to Burghley, Aug. 3 and Sept. 4, 1575; Sidney's patent is dated Aug. 5 in
the latter year. In a letter printed in Lodge's _Portraits_ (Walter, Earl
of Essex), dated Aug. 28, 1574, Essex tells Burghley that Sidney had been
expected 'these two months, but that the rumour had passed.'

[305] Fitton's accounts to Sept. 30, 1575. The gross Irish revenue was
scarce 11,000_l._ a year; see Auditor Jenyson's statement in _Carew_,
1575 (No. 34). Instructions for Lord Deputy Sidney, Aug. 2. H. Sackford
to Burghley, Aug. 12; Fitton to Burghley, Aug. 29 and Sept. 27; Sidney to
the Queen, to Burghley, and to Walsingham, Sept. 28, and a letter of the
same date to the Queen in the _Sidney Papers_.

[306] Essex to the Queen, July 22.

[307] Sidney's Brief Relation, 1583, in _Carew_. Essex to the Queen, July
31; to Walsingham, same date. There is a tradition that one woman hid in
a cave and escaped the massacre; Hill's _MacDonnells_, p. 186. Captain
Drake's pay was 42_s._ a month. The Queen to Essex, Aug. 12, in _Carew_.

[308] F. Lany to Sidney, Sept. 16; Essex to the Queen, July 31; Sidney to
the Privy Council, November 15, in the _Sidney Papers_; Ralph Bagenal to
Burghley, Nov. 24.

[309] Sidney to the Privy Council, June 15, 1576, in _Sidney Papers_.

[310] Sidney to the Privy Council, Nov. 15, 1575, in the _Sidney Papers_;
Ralph Bagenal to Burghley, Nov. 24.

[311] Sidney to the Privy Council, _ut supra_.




CHAPTER XXXIII.

ADMINISTRATION OF SIDNEY, 1575 TO 1577.


[Sidenote: Sidney and the Butlers.]

Fitzwilliam had always maintained that Ormonde's presence was the best
guarantee for the peace of the South of Ireland, and most of the Dublin
officials were of the same opinion. But Sidney disliked him, both as too
powerful for a subject and as a professed enemy of Leicester. All those
who hoped for favour from the latter, and all those who favoured the
Geraldine faction, were willing enough to take advantage of these
rivalries and jealousies. Even Sir Barnaby Fitzpatrick, 'which good
knight was brought up to have known his duty better,' but who had many
causes of quarrel with his great neighbour, took advantage of the fact
that every rebellious and disorderly person wreaked his fury upon
Ormonde's property, which was so much scattered as not to be easily
protected. As between the Fitzpatricks and Butlers Fitzwilliam seems to
have thought that there was not much to choose, and that both chiefs were
loyal enough. But others spread reports against Sir Edmund Butler and his
brother Piers, saying that they refused to go to the Deputy in spite of
Ormonde's promise that they should go when sent for. It seems that Piers
went at once, and that Edward, who did good service as Sheriff of
Tipperary, was never sent for; but some of the English Council, acting
apparently under Leicester's influence, obtained an order from the Queen
that Edward should come in without any protection, which he immediately
did. The letter, which gave great offence to Ormonde, was signed by
Leicester, Knollys, Crofts, Smith, and Walsingham, but not by Burghley
and Sussex, though they also were present at Kenilworth.[312]

[Sidenote: Ormonde and his accusers.]

There were some who did not spare Ormonde's reputation any more than his
property. In times of danger he always bore the brunt of the storm. 'Who
so happy,' he said, 'as the most wicked, who so unhappy as the best
servant?' When Kildare was arrested many whispered that as good a case
might be made against Ormonde. He defied all detractors in the most
uncompromising way: they were liars and slanderers, and he only wished he
knew their names. 'If the charges against Kildare,' he said, 'be treasons
(as I hope they are not), I defy him and pronounce him a false villain
that spake them, if he meant them for me. For as I never was traitor, no
more was I friend of traitor, nor maintainer of traitors. If any can
charge me (as some I know would if they could) let them say their worst:
I defy them, and will answer to defend my honour in my short [shirt], or
any way shall become a gentleman.' He added that as he was no traitor so
was he no procurer of murders, no receiver of stolen goods, no practiser
to keep stores for private gain. On the contrary, he had subdued
scoundrels of all sorts, persuaded ill subjects to reform, opposed
Scottish enemies, spent his living in her Majesty's service, 'as my house
has ever been, which some perhaps may envy.' He was accused of seeking
revenge against those that robbed him and burned his villages, and
against those who harboured felons. 'My lord,' he pleaded, 'when my
neighbours be lawless, not coming to assizes or sessions, what amends may
I have by justice, though by that means I seek mine own?' He complained
that his enemies at Court remembered him better than his friends; but he
was all along secure in the Queen's personal favour, even if his great
services had proved a weak defence. She took care to tell him privately
that she believed no stories against him, and commanded him to write
often. 'Yet one thing,' she added, 'you seem to have forgotten, and
wherefore we have some cause to be displeased with you, as though of
anything that you write to ourself any person living should be made privy
but ourself alone.' It is hard to guess what the matter was which Ormonde
was afraid to trust to paper and which Elizabeth wished to be so profound
a secret; but the passage quoted shows what very great favour he
enjoyed.[313]

[Sidenote: Death of Sir Peter Carew.]

Sir Peter Carew, the original cause of the quarrel which had made the
Butlers rebels for once, left the scene soon after Sidney's return to
Ireland. He was again preparing to prosecute his claims in Munster, and
Hooker had been at Cork making overtures to chiefs living west of the
city, many of whom promised to accept Carew as their landlord and to pay
him rent. Three thousand cows, worth as many marks, were offered in
discharge of all arrears. Desmond and others promised to make him
welcome, houses were taken for him both at Cork and Kinsale, and
arrangements were made for provisions; but Sir Peter fell ill and died
unexpectedly at New Ross, his Munster projects dying with him. He left
his Idrone property to his nephew and namesake, who was also continued in
the government of Leighlin.

[Sidenote: His character.]

Sir Peter Carew was a good specimen of the Tudor adventurer: loyal,
brave, chivalrous and generous to lavishness; with large ideas and great
energy, but capable of actions which will not bear minute inspection.
Sincerely religious, though no theologian, it was noted that he never
broke bread or prepared himself for sleep without saying some prayer, and
he gave substantial help to Protestants wherever he found them. 'He had
his imperfections,' says his friend and biographer, 'yet was he not known
to be wrapt in the dissolute net of Venus, nor embrued with the cup of
Bacchus; he was not carried with the blind covetousness of Plutus, nor
yet subject to malice, envy, or any notorious crime.' Without regular
education he had picked up a thorough knowledge of French and Italian,
had read a good deal in both languages, and had that intelligent love of
architecture which was somewhat characteristic of the time. He had much
of the many-sidedness distinguishing the Elizabethan era, and seldom
seen in this age of specialists.

On his deathbed, though he suffered greatly, he was as steadfast as of
old when he supported Sir John Cheke's fainting spirit, 'yielding himself
wholly to the good will and pleasure of God, before whom he poured out
continually his prayers, and in praying did gasp out his last breath, and
yield up his spirit.' Only a few months before his death the Queen
praised his experience, wisdom, and courage; and when he was dead she
granted the prayer of his many friends in carrying out the wishes of this
'trusty and true Englishman.' He was buried at Waterford with great pomp,
and a stately cenotaph, raised by the piety of Hooker, commemorates him
in Exeter Cathedral. When his corpse was being lowered into the grave,
Sidney, who happened to be at Waterford, pronounced the following
eulogium:--'Here lieth now, in his last rest, a most worthy, and noble,
gentle knight, whose faith to his prince was never yet stained, his truth
to his country never spotted, and his valiantness in service never
doubted--a better subject the prince never had.'[314]

[Sidenote: Sidney's tour.]

It was not Sidney's way to let the grass grow under his feet, and he had
no sooner returned from Ulster than he started on another journey. Louth
he found greatly impoverished by the constant passage of soldiers north
and south, and the towns of Dundalk and Ardee were miserable enough.
Drogheda had profited somewhat by Essex's profuse expenditure. Bagenal's
settlement was strong enough to defend the north border of the Pale,
except on the side of Ferney, which was granted to Essex, but where he
had not yet done anything. Meath the Lord Deputy found 'cursedly scorched
on the outside' by the O'Connors and O'Molloys, who were equally bad
neighbours when in open rebellion and when under protection. O'Reilly, on
the contrary, used the Pale well, and he himself was 'the justest
Irishman, and his the best ruled Irish country, by an Irishman, that is
in all Ireland.' Westmeath suffered much from anarchy and from Irish
neighbours, but there was good hope of reformation through the activity
and discretion of Lord Delvin. The O'Ferralls had consented to have
Longford made a shire. They had taken estates of inheritance, and
promised speedily to pay their quit-rents, which had been in arrears
since Sidney's last visit.

[Sidenote: Miserable state of Leinster.]

On the borders of Dublin and what is now Wicklow cattle-lifting went on
merrily by night and day, under the superintendence of Feagh MacHugh
O'Byrne, who was just rising into celebrity. Kildare was impoverished,
more especially the Earl's own property, by the incursion of the O'Mores,
and old Henry Cowley 'with tears in his eyes' told the Lord Deputy that
the Barony of Carbery was 3,000_l._ poorer than when they had last met.
Carlow was more than half waste through outlaws of various kinds, 'some
living under Sir Edmund Butler,' and it was to be feared that Sir Peter
Carew's place would be ill-supplied by his young kinsman. The side of
Wexford which bordered on Carlow and Kilkenny was also in very evil case.
Wicklow was quiet, with the exception of Feagh MacHugh, but Agard the
seneschal was away in England, and his absence threatened to be
dangerous. The Kavanaghs were tolerably quiet, 'and though much in
arrears of rent, yet pay it they will and shall.'

[Sidenote: King's and Queen's Counties.]

The settlement of the King's and Queen's Counties threatened to succumb
to 'the race and offspring of the old native inhabiters, which grow great
and increase in number, and the English tenants decay and let their lands
to Irish tenants.... 200 men, at the least, in the Prince's pay lie there
to defend them. The revenue of both countries countervails not the
twentieth part of the charge; so that the purchase of that plot is and
hath been very dear, yet now not to be given over in any wise.' Sidney
advised caution in undertaking any more enterprises of the kind. 'Rory
Oge O'More hath the possession and settling-place in the Queen's County,
whether the tenants will or no, as he occupieth what he listeth and
wasteth what he will.' Upper Ossory, under Sir Barnaby Fitzpatrick, now a
Baron, was in good order, and needed only to be joined to some shire.
O'Dunne's country was in good case, 'the lord of it a valiant and honest
man after this country manner.' Sidney made the Baron Lieutenant over
both King's and Queen's Counties, and found every reason to be satisfied
with the appointment.

[Sidenote: Kilkenny and Waterford.]

Kilkenny, 'the sink and receptacle' of stolen goods, was not found to
have profited much by the continuance of coyne and livery, 'which yet was
done by order, and for the avoidance of a greater, or, at the least, a
more present evil.' Ormonde, though he had no love for Sidney,
entertained him very handsomely, and gave his word to Rory Oge, who
accordingly came in and solemnly in the cathedral submitted and promised
amendment. The Earl was made Lieutenant of Tipperary and Kilkenny, and he
then escorted Sidney to Waterford, where the citizens feasted him with
shows and rejoicings both by land and water.[315]

[Sidenote: Sidney in Munster.]

From Waterford Sidney went to stay at Curraghmore with Lord Power, and
found his country 'comparable with the best ordered county in the English
Pale: whereby a manifest and most certain proof may be conceived what
benefit riseth both to the Prince, mesne lord, and inferior subject, by
suppressing of coyne and livery.' Lord Power's neighbour, Sir James
Fitzgerald, who had succeeded his brother Sir Maurice but without the
title of Viscount Decies, ruled a district four times as large, with the
result of making it so waste 'as it is not able to find competent food
for a mean family in good order; yet are there harboured and live more
idle vagabonds than good cattle bred.' The smaller country gentlemen, as
well as the citizens who held mortgages, were anxious to live quietly and
pay their taxes. Desmond himself came to Sidney at Dungarvan, and 'very
humbly offered any service that he was able to do to her Majesty.' The
town was half ruined by the late rebellion of James Fitzmaurice, but
Henry Davells, the constable, was labouring with some success to restore
it, and to punish malefactors. The people of Youghal pleaded that they
had suffered too much by the rebellion to bear the cost of a viceregal
reception, and Sidney passed by Castle Martyr to Barry's Court, and
thence to Cork. Kinsale, which the Deputy visited a little later, he
found much decayed; the castle and pier both so ruinous that the townsmen
were almost defenceless against both pirates and gales. But they were
loyal and willing to help themselves, and Sidney gave them a small sum to
spend in wages, on condition that they should supply everything else, and
not rest till both castle and pier were again serviceable. He was much
struck by the advantages of the Old Head for a fortified post.[316]

[Sidenote: Cork. The nobles flock to Sidney.]

The citizens of Cork received the Lord Deputy with manifestations of joy,
and willingly allowed the troops quarters for six weeks. The soldiers
paid half their wages for board, lodging, and fire, and this arrangement
satisfied all parties. The Earls of Desmond, Thomond, and Clancare, the
Archbishop of Cashel, the Bishops of Cork and Cloyne and of Ross,
Viscounts Barry and Roche, and Lords Courcy, Lixnaw, Dunboyne, Power, and
Barry Oge attended Sidney the whole time of his stay, as did also Lord
Louth, 'who only to do me honour came out of the English Pale to that
city, and did great good among great ones; for being of this country
birth, and of their language and well understanding their conditions and
manners, did by example of himself, being but a mean man of lands in
respect of their large patrimonies and living, both at home and abroad,
live more commendably than they did or were able to do; which did much
persuade them to leave their barbarity and to be ashamed of their wilful
misery.' MacCarthy Reagh and MacCarthy of Muskerry were also present, and
made a good impression on Sidney. They seemed to him, both for their
possessions and their law-abiding disposition, to be worthy of baronies
at least. The latter especially, well known in Irish history as Sir
Cormac MacTeigue, was, he thought 'the rarest man that ever was born in
the Irishry; of him I intend to write specially, for truly he is a
special man.' O'Mahon came from the shores of Dunmanus Bay and O'Donoghue
from the Lakes of Killarney, and there was scarcely an important chief,
whether English or Irish, who was not present; Sir John of Desmond and
his brother James and Sir Thomas Roe being particularly assiduous in
their attendance. 'There came also many of the ruined relics of the
ancient English inhabitants of this province, as the Arundels, Rochfords,
Barretts, Flemings, Lombards, Tirries, and many others whose ancestors,
as it may appear by monuments, as well in writing as of building, were
able, and did live like gentlemen and knights; and now all in misery,
either banished from their own or oppressed upon their own.' As
representatives of the Celtic order, to which that of the Anglo-Normans
had given place, came five MacSwineys, captains of gallowglasses,
originally from Donegal, but maintained by the Desmonds and others as
condottieri. They had no lands, but were of as much power and consequence
as any landowners, 'the greatest being both in fear of them and glad of
their friendship.' Finally, Sidney records that most of the chiefs
brought their wives, 'who truly kept very honourable, at least very
plentiful houses,' and there were many widows of consideration, including
some dowager countesses.[317]

[Sidenote: James Fitzmaurice.]

Sidney knew too much about Ireland to be sanguine, but he hoped that the
Munster lords would consent to support 100 English foot and 50 English
horse free of charge to the Queen. They generally professed themselves
ready to do this from May 1, 1576, though the sincerity of one or two
great ones was doubtful. But a cloud was gathering in the distance; James
Fitzmaurice having fled to France early in 1575 with his wife and
children and several companions, of whom the most important were the
seneschal of Imokilly, a son of the Knight of Glin, and Edmund
Fitzgibbon, eldest surviving son of the late White Knight, and claiming
that dignity in spite of his father's attainder. Fitzmaurice maintained
that his object was to make interest abroad for the Queen's pardon, and
both he and the White Knight asked Ormonde to intercede for them. To
Englishmen in France he said that he had been driven from Ireland by
Desmond's unkindness, who had refused to give him the means of living,
and that he had been forced to bring his wife and children with him
because he had no house of his own in Ireland. This tallies with the
statements of the family historians, one of whom attributes Desmond's
conduct to the influence of his wife, who could not bear to see her only
son deprived of any portion of his vast heritage. A ship of war followed
the fugitives to France, and Captain Thornton gave an interesting account
of their proceedings.[318]

[Sidenote: Fitzmaurice lands in France, 1576,]

Sailing from Glin in the Shannon, on board La Arganys of St. Malo, whose
master, Michael Garrett, was no doubt a fellow-clansman, the Geraldine
party landed at a village in Brittany. They brought 1,000_l._ worth of
plate with them, and had, therefore, no difficulty in exchanging their
Irish costume for French clothes. While the tailors were still at work
they received visits from the chief townsmen of St. Malo, and when the
transformation was complete, they all repaired to the town. The Governor
and other principal people with their wives met them on the sands, and
brought them to their lodgings at Captain Garrett's house. Here Mrs.
Fitzmaurice and her family remained, but Fitzmaurice with half-a-dozen
companions went on to Nantes, and from thence to Paris. He received money
and good words, and it was officially given out that his object was to
gain a pardon from Queen Elizabeth through French intercession. Latin
versions of letters purporting to be written by Henry III. to the Queen
and to De la Motte Fénelon were shown in Ireland by Geraldine partisans.

[Sidenote: where he is well received.]

The report circulated at St. Malo was that Fitzmaurice came to seek help
against Desmond; but Mrs. Fitzmaurice made no secret of her proclivities,
for she refused an invitation to dine on board a Bordeaux vessel,
'because Englishmen, her enemies, were to be there.' Nor were the better
informed ignorant that the whole enterprise was directed against England.
A Devonshire merchant talked with a French officer who, in ignorance of
his nationality, said that the King would have no peace with the wicked
English, that St. Malo had furnished ships against Rochelle which would
have been attacked long ago but for fear of the English naval power, and
that a war with England was the one thing needful to unite all
parties.[319]

[Sidenote: His life at St. Malo.]

After his visit to the French Court, Fitzmaurice returned again to St.
Malo, and in the early days of 1576 Sidney thus reported concerning
him:--

'He keepeth a great port, himself and family well apparelled and full of
money; he hath oft intelligence from Rome and out of Spain; not much
relief from the French King, as I can perceive, yet oft visited by men of
good countenance. This much I know of certain report, by special of mine
own from St. Malo. The man, subtle, malicious, and hardy, a Papist in
extremity, and well esteemed and of good credit among the people. If he
come and be not wholly dealt withal at the first (as without an English
commander I know he shall not), all the loose people of Munster will
flock unto him: yea, the lords, though they would do their best, shall
not be able to keep them from him. So if he come while I am in the North,
he may do what he will with Kinsale, Cork, Youghal, Kilmallock, and haply
Limerick too, before I shall be able to come to the rescue thereof.'

From St. Malo Fitzmaurice wrote to the General of the Jesuits for a
confessor, offering to pay all his travelling expenses and to support him
liberally. After a time he might, if it were thought desirable, be sent
into Ireland as a missionary to the rude and unlearned people.[320]

[Sidenote: Sidney at Limerick. Thomond. Connaught.]

After his tour in Munster, Sidney proceeded from Limerick to take a like
survey of Connaught and Thomond. He was attended by the Earl of Thomond
and the other chiefs of the O'Briens, 'of one surname, and so near
kinsmen as they descend of one grandfather, and yet no one of them friend
to another;' the east and west Macnamaras, Macmahon, O'Loghlen, and many
other gentlemen. Few as the people were, the Lord Deputy found the
country too poor to feed them, 'if they were not of a more spare diet
than others are.' He spent his first night comfortably enough in the
dissolved friary at Quin, the beautiful ruins of which still remain, the
second at Kilmacduagh, which is also interesting to the antiquarian, but
which must have been a poor cathedral city at its best. Here Clanricarde
met him, and he passed by Gort to Galway, whither all the principal men
of Thomond repaired to him. He found that there had been no lack of
murders, rapes, burnings, and sacrileges. So hard was the swearing that
the injuries to property might be esteemed infinite in number,
immeasurable in quantity, until the legal acumen of Sir Lucas Dillon
reduced them within reasonable bounds. On examination it appeared that
the greatest harm had arisen from the feud between Thomond and his cousin
Teige MacMurrough, and they were required to enter into heavy
recognizances. Sir Donnell O'Brien, the Earl's brother, was made sheriff
of the county of Clare, a shire of Sidney's own creation. Connaught was
now divided into four counties--Galway, Mayo, Roscommon, and Sligo. From
Mayo came seven men to represent the seven septs of Clandonnells, the
hereditary gallowglasses of North-West Connaught, and in effect the
tyrants of the country. They agreed without difficulty to hold their
lands of the Queen, and so did MacWilliam Eighter himself, who
communicated with the Lord Deputy in Latin, and made a very favourable
impression. MacWilliam agreed to pay 250 marks yearly, and to support 200
soldiers for two months in each year, and an English sheriff was
established in Mayo at his request. Besides the various septs of Burkes,
Sidney enumerates five great English families who had taken Celtic names,
and who now followed MacWilliam's lead; as did O'Malley, 'an original
Irishman, strong in gallies and seamen.' The five chiefs of English race
claimed to be Barons of Parliament, 'and they had land enough, but so
bare, barbarous barons are they now that they have not three hackneys to
carry them and their train home.'[321]

[Sidenote: Galway.]

Galway itself was much decayed through the outrage of Clanricarde's sons,
and the townsmen so much disheartened as to be almost ready to abandon
their post. Sidney's presence revived them, and all men hastened to pay
their respects; among them the Archbishop of Tuam, the Bishops of
Clonfert and Kilmacduagh, and Birmingham, Baron of Athenry, 'as poor a
baron as liveth, and yet agreed on to be the ancientest baron in this
land.' O'Flaherty, O'Madden, O'Kelly, and other Celts also appeared, as
well as the heads of several septs of Clanricarde Burkes, each with his
appropriate Irish name. The Earl's sons came into church on Sunday,
surrendered at discretion, and were brought prisoners to Dublin.

[Sidenote: Athenry. The Connaught clans. Sidney's reflections,]

After spending three weeks at Galway, during which the hangman was not
idle, Sidney went to Athenry, which he found in ashes, the very church
not being spared by the young Burkes, though the mother of one of them
was buried there. To rebuild the town a tax, according to a principle not
yet forgotten in Ireland, was assessed upon the country, and the work was
immediately begun. The castles of Ballinasloe and Clare Galway were
garrisoned for the Queen, and Sidney then went by Roscommon to Athlone.
On his way he noted that Clanricarde's vassals were well enough off, but
that all else was ruinous. O'Connor Don, MacDermot, and others here paid
their respects. From the newly made County of Longford the gentlemen came
willingly enough to Roscommon and Athlone, and promised to clear off the
200 marks of revenue, which was four or five years in arrear. Part of the
money was actually paid.

[Sidenote: and proposals.]

On his return to Dublin, Sidney insisted strongly upon the necessity of
two Presidents. Sir William Denny was already named for Munster, and he
proposed Essex or Sir Edward Montague for Connaught. English lawyers he
must have, or no justice could be done. A standing army of 1,000 men he
must have, or no peace could be kept. Two or three good officials--men
like Tremayne--were much wanted if the revenue was to be increased. And
then, above all, the Church must be reformed, 'for so deformed and
overthrown a Church there is not, I am sure, in any region where Christ
is professed; and preposterous it seemeth to me to begin reformation of
the politic part, and to neglect the religious.'[322]

[Sidenote: Evil condition of the Irish Church.]

The facts as to the religious state of Ireland were laid by Sidney before
the Queen herself, and go far to explain the comparative failure of
Anglicanism in Ireland. Hugh Brady, Bishop of Meath, a native of his
diocese and a man of Irish race, though a sincere Protestant, had lately
made a parochial visitation of his own diocese. Brady, who was the Lord
Deputy's companion during part of his Western journey, is described by
him as honest, zealous, and godly; to such a man the state of the
churches under his charge must have given the gravest anxiety. There were
224 parish churches, of which 105 were impropriated to manors or
possessed by the holders of monasteries which had come into the hands of
the Crown. In not one of these cases was there a resident parson or
vicar, and of the 'very simple and sorry curates' usually appointed to do
duty only eighteen could speak English, the rest being 'Irish priests or
rather Irish rogues, having very little Latin, less learning or
civility.' They gained a precarious living from the offertory, and in no
single case was there a dwelling-house. Many of the churches were down
altogether; the great majority without roofs. Fifty-two churches were ill
served by vicars, and fifty-two more in the hands of private patrons were
in somewhat better but still poor case. We are left to infer that only
thirteen out of 224 parishes were in such a state as the Bishop could
approve. Meath was the best peopled and richest diocese in Ireland, and
Sidney, not to tire the Queen with too many details, left her to guess
what the dry tree was like. 'Your Majesty may believe that upon the face
of the earth, where Christ is professed, there is not a church in so
miserable a case.' With ruinous churches, want of labourers for the
vineyard, and want of means to pay them, Sidney had no difficulty in
believing that the very sacrament of baptism had fallen into disuse.

[Sidenote: Remedies proposed.]

The remedies proposed were that the churches should be repaired out of
the profits of the land, either by the Crown or by the tenants as equity
might dictate, that Irish-speaking ministers should be sought at the
universities or borrowed from the Regent of Scotland, and that some of
the English bishops should be forced to visit Ireland, with their own
eyes and at their own expense to see the spiritual nakedness of the land,
and to prescribe a cure. 'They be rich enough,' he added, 'and if either
they be thankful to your Majesty for the immense bounty done to them, or
zealous to increase the Christian flock, they will not refuse this
honourable and religious travel; and I will undertake their guiding and
guarding honourably and safely from place to place; the great desire that
I have to have such from thence is for that I hope to find them not only
grave in judgment, but void of affection.'[323]

[Sidenote: Expenses of government.]

After his return from Connaught, Sidney busied himself with the revenue
and general administration. He did not conceal from himself that for
every penny of rent she received it cost the Queen a shilling to hold her
own. 'Yet,' he said, 'I will never consent that the country should be
abandoned in any sort, for held it shall be; but only hereby to note unto
you by the way, what a dear purchase this is and hath been to the Crown;
and, by the example of this, you may judge of the rest that are of this
nature.' Sir William Drury, the new President of Munster, and William
Gerrard, the new Chancellor, were promised in April but did not come till
Midsummer, and in the meantime 'the southern like the dog, the northern
like the hog, mentioned in the holy book, were ready to revolt to their
innate and corrupt vilety.'[324]

[Sidenote: O'Rourke, O'Donnell, O'Connor. Sligo. Sidney counts the heads
of enemies.]

O'Rourke, whom Sidney notes as the proudest man he ever saw in Ireland,
came to Dublin and produced a patent of Henry VIII. which proved genuine.
20_l._ Irish was the rent reserved, but Sidney held out for 200_l._
sterling, and O'Rourke agreed to submit his cause to commissioners.
O'Donnell also agreed to pay the 200 marks or 300 beeves which he had
long since promised, asking only time for arrears. Sidney inquired into
the very old dispute as to the tenure by which O'Connor held Sligo.
O'Donnell said that 300 marks sterling had been paid to him and his
ancestors since St. Patrick's time. This was dismissed as fabulous, but a
prescription of some generations was shown, while O'Connor convinced
Sidney that the payment had never been made without violence, offering to
give 100 marks a year to be quit of O'Donnell and to receive a sheriff
peaceably, a 'foreigner' being preferred to an inhabitant of the country.
Many other chiefs came to Dublin, and were ready to pay some yearly sum
'all for justice; it is to be rejoiced that they so do, but more to be
lamented that they have it not near to them.' The Lord Deputy thought it
very hard that he should have to do his own work and that of the
President also; and, indeed, his post was no sinecure, for during the
nine months that he had been in Ireland 400 men had been executed 'by
commission ordinary and extraordinary, and by slaughter in defence of the
poor husbandmen.'[325]

[Sidenote: Fresh troubles with Clanricarde's sons.]

The delay in appointing a President for Connaught, and the impossibility
of the Viceroy being in two places at once, soon restored their courage
to the Earl of Clanricarde's sons. Such English officers as were in
Connaught Fitton described as mean men, and as meek as mice to the Earl
and his sons, and yet mean as they were too much for the young men. They
suddenly crossed the Shannon, and cast off their English clothes with the
remark, 'Lie there for one year at least.' The old Earl wrote to say that
he would prevent them doing harm till he heard from the Deputy, to whom
he scarcely offered any excuse. Writing to Ormonde and Lord Upper Ossory,
he said that the 6,000_l._ which the rebuilding of Athenry would cost was
too much for his country to bear, and that he himself could not raise
500_l._ The young men, paying but little attention to promises made in
their names, destroyed the few houses which had been restored in the
ill-fated town, killed or dispersed the labourers, burned the new gate,
and sought for the stone with the royal arms, that they might break it,
swearing that no such stone should stand in any wall there. Fearing for
the safety of Galway, Sidney prepared to chastise the rebels in
person.[326]

[Sidenote: Sidney and Clanricarde.]

The Lord Deputy only received the news on Tuesday, and on Friday he was
at Athlone with a few officers; the bulk of his forces following as they
could. Clanricarde came in on protection, which was granted unwillingly,
and surrendered Loughreagh as a material guarantee. Kneeling at Sidney's
feet, the Earl besought pardon for himself and his sons, still
maintaining that excessive taxation was the only cause of the rebellion.
The Deputy sternly reminded him that the county had agreed to the rates
imposed, and gave him leave to depart unscathed within three days. This
was on Friday, and on the following Sunday Clanricarde came into the
parish church and made submission on his knees, confessing the treason of
his sons, and submitting himself and his cause to her Majesty's pleasure.
Sidney professed himself glad to gain an Earl and his castles instead of
'two beggarly bastard boys,' but tacitly admitted their power to annoy by
pressing once more for a President. 'Without a sufficient man in that
office,' he said, 'I shall but trindle Sisyphus' stone and bring it to
the brim of the bank, and then forced to turn both head and hand, and so
haply break either back or neck, but that is the least matter. In the
meantime the Queen shall lose both honour and treasure, and her people
lack both distribution of justice among them, surety of their lives, and
saving of their goods.'[327]

[Sidenote: Sir William Drury, President of Munster, 1576. Sidney in
Connaught.]

Having secured Galway and Athlone, Sidney went to Limerick, where he
settled Sir William Drury in his presidency. Drury was a native of
Suffolk, who had served England well by sea and land, at home and abroad.
He had been Governor of Berwick, and had superintended the siege of
Edinburgh Castle, where, in spite of Grange's chivalry and Maitland's
guile, that last fortress of a falling cause had surrendered to Queen
Elizabeth's ally. He was now to try what skill and courage could effect
in the service which had been, and was to be, fatal to the fortunes of so
many eminent Englishmen. Meanwhile the young Burkes--the MacIarlas as
they were called--held the open country with 2,000 Scots, besides their
usual rabble. Captains Collier and Strange were besieged in Loughreagh,
but Sidney thought the place practically impregnable by such a force, and
prepared at his leisure to strike a well-aimed blow. Early in September
he entered Connaught again, accompanied by Maltby, who had been appointed
military Governor of the province, by a number of Ormonde's men under the
command of Edward Butler, and by his own son Philip, whose 'sufficiency,
honesty, virtue, and zeal' made him remarkable even in his twenty-second
year. Maltby and Butler chased John Burke and his rabble up and down the
country, but could never come up with them. On Sidney drawing towards the
borders of Mayo, the Scots, fearing to have their retreat cut off, fled
precipitately into Ulster. All the English officers were agreed that the
state of Connaught was owing to the lawlessness and ambition of the Earl
and his sons--'two cursed young men'--who would brook no superior. The
people would gladly be rid of their tyranny, but had been taught by
experience that great culprits generally escaped justice, and returned to
plague those who had ventured to withstand them. No help, though much
passive sympathy, could, therefore, be hoped for by viceroy or provincial
governor.[328]

[Sidenote: Proceeding of Drury.]

Sir William Drury found plenty to do in his new government, though the
county was free from any great disturbance. At Cork assizes forty-two
persons were hanged, and one pressed to death; a chief of the MacSwiney
gallowglasses, who had displayed a banner while driving cattle from under
the walls of Cork, being among the sufferers. In derision the same banner
was borne before the culprit to the place of execution. Nearly as many
more were despatched at Limerick, the President's object being to strike
down the local ringleaders as much as possible. 'They ride,' he said,
'all one horse, and the head of the salmon is worth a many small fishes.'
Like every other English governor, Drury complained of the number of idle
men retained by territorial magnates. All he could do was to procure that
registers should be kept, showing on whom each kerne or gallowglass was
dependent, thus making the gentlemen responsible.[329]

[Sidenote: Essex goes to England,]

After the massacre of Rathlin, Essex determined to lead a private life.
No place near Dublin was free from the prevailing infection, and he
withdrew to Waterford to wait upon events.

He had half ruined himself and had failed entirely to do what he had
proposed. 'I have wasted no hour in Ireland,' he told the Queen, 'why
should I wear out my youth in an obscure place without assurance of your
good opinion, and should but increase the light of another man's sun, and
sit in the shadow myself?... I am no way carried with inconstancy, but
loth to drown my service without certainty of friends and good opinion.'

[Sidenote: where he offends the Queen,]

[Sidenote: but she soon relents.]

In this temper he asked for leave to visit England. It was granted, and
at the end of October 1575 he landed near his own house at Lanfey in
Pembrokeshire. Even during the passage his ill-fortune pursued him.
Vessels carrying his servants and baggage were dispersed by a storm, and
the rough weather told upon his enfeebled frame. He was accompanied by
Maltby, who was for the moment unemployed, and who thoroughly sympathised
with him; but his health was so bad that Walsingham cautioned him not to
travel too fast towards London. When he did arrive there he had still to
complain of neglect, and of the expense to which he was put in dancing
attendance on Queen and Ministers. Burghley found it necessary to
'humiliate the style' of the Earl's letters before showing them to her
Majesty, and he then wrote in a more submissive strain. It was this,
probably, which elicited from the Queen one of those letters with which
she well knew how to whistle back her disgusted servants. She
congratulated him on his perfect conquest over his passions, which she
attributed to the lessons of patience learned in the Irish service. 'And
though,' she said, 'you may think that it has been a dear conquest unto
you in respect of the great care of mind, toil of body, and the
intolerable charges you have sustained to the consumption of some good
portion of your patrimony, yet if the great reputation you have gained be
weighed in the balance of just value, or tried at the touchstone of true
desert, it shall then appear that neither your mind's care, your body's
toil, nor purse's charge was unprofitably employed; for by the decay of
those things that are subject to corruption and mortality you have, as it
were, invested yourself with immortal renown, the true mark that every
honourable mind ought to shoot at.... We think your demands made upon us
were grounded both upon the respect of your own benefit and of our
service, interpreting as we do the word benefit not to import that
servile gain that base-minded men hunt after, but a desire to live in
action and to make proof of your virtue; and being made of the metal you
are, not unprofitably or rather reproachfully to fester in the delights
of English Egypt, when the most part of those that are bred in that soil
take great delight in holding their noses over the beef-pots.'[330]

[Sidenote: Return and death of Essex.]

In the end Essex received a grant of the barony of Farney in Monaghan, of
the peninsula called Island Magee in Antrim, and of the office of Earl
Marshal in Ireland for life. Having made his will and such other
arrangements as were possible for the settlement of his estate, he
returned to Ireland after an absence of about nine months. The leading of
300 men for which he had asked, and which Sidney recommended, would
probably have been granted had not death cut his career short. He reached
Dublin on July 23, 1576, and on August 30 was attacked by dysentery,
which carried him off in three weeks.

[Sidenote: His character.]

In his lifetime Essex did many things which history must condemn, though
he seems not in any way to have accused himself. On his deathbed he
showed himself a hero, if patience under suffering and faith without
worldly hope are to be considered heroic attributes. Two days before his
death he wrote to Elizabeth, besought her forgiveness for any offence he
might have given, and begged her to be a mother to his children. He
reminded her that his son would be poor through his debts to the Crown,
and that she would be no loser by remitting them, since the minor's
wardship would amount to as much or more. In another letter he
recommended his son to the care of Burghley and Sussex, 'to the end that
he might frame himself to the example of my Lord of Sussex in all the
actions of his life, tending either to the wars, or to the institution of
a noble man, so he might also reverence your lordship for your wisdom and
gravity, and lay up your counsels and advice in the treasury of his
heart.' He sent his love to Philip Sidney, 'and wished him so well that
if God do move both their hearts, I wish that he might match with my
daughter. I call him son; he so wise, so virtuous, and godly; and if he
go on in the course he hath begun, he will be as famous and worthy a
gentleman as ever England bred.' As regards Sidney he spoke
prophetically, and it is but reasonable to suppose that had Penelope
Devereux become his wife she would have been the glory instead of the
scandal of her age. With almost his last words he sang a hymn which he
had composed, and at the end 'he strove to praise even when his voice
could not be heard.' When it failed altogether, Mr. Waterhouse--his
faithful friend always--'holding him by the hands, bade him give a sign
if he understood the prayers, and at the name of Jesus he held up both
his hands, and with that fell asleep in Christ as meekly as a lamb.'[331]

[Sidenote: Leicester's conduct to Essex.]

The Jesuit Parsons accused Leicester of poisoning Essex, and he was
probably not incapable of such a deed. The charge was made at the time,
but Sidney's contemporary account fully disposes of what he calls 'a
false and malicious brute,' and the accusation was not made by any of
those who were about the sick bed, nor was it believed by the dying man
himself. But if Leicester is to be acquitted of poisoning the man whose
widow he married, it is not so easy to clear him of having gained her
affections clandestinely while using his political influence to keep her
husband at a distance. In one letter Leicester hints that Essex does not
expose his own person enough, and speaks somewhat slightingly of his
abilities; nevertheless, he was angry with Sidney for not doing more to
facilitate his return to Ireland. On the other hand, it would appear that
Essex was on friendly terms with Leicester. What seems really clear is
that Essex did not care much for his wife. His will contains no loving
mention of her, and his last letter to the Queen speaks of the burden
which dowries would lay upon his son's inheritance. On his deathbed he
spoke much of his daughters, lamenting the time which 'is so frail and
ungodly, considering the frailness of woman.' While asking Elizabeth to
be a mother to his son, he abstained from saying a word about that son's
natural mother. And it is evident that he cared little for his wife's
society; for after the failure of his great enterprise he was ready to
live 'altogether private in a corner of Ulster,' rather than return home.
The facts seem to exonerate Leicester from the charge of poisoning, but
tally very well with the common report that he kept the Earl in Ireland
while he made love to the Countess.[332]

[Sidenote: Agitation against the cess.]

[Sidenote: The truth hard to discover.]

The Queen continually upbraided Sidney with the expense of his
government. He, on the contrary, maintained that there was no waste, and
that the cost of supporting an army, without which government was
impossible, grew greater every day. There had been a rise in prices
unaccompanied by any increase in revenue, and the soldier found it hard
to live without being burdensome to the country. The gentlemen of the
Pale now took the high ground that no tax could be imposed except by
Parliament or a Grand Council, though the cess was a customary payment,
which in one form or another had been exacted since Henry IV.'s time.
Sidney stood upon the prerogative, in this case strengthened by custom,
'and not limited by Magna Charta, nor found in Littleton's Tenures, nor
written in the Book of Assizes, but registered in the remembrance of her
Majesty's Exchequer, and remaining in the Rolls of Records of the Tower,
as her Majesty's treasure.' It was this Elizabethan way of looking at
things that brought Charles I. to the scaffold, but in Sidney's time no
one thought such language strange. The theory that there should be no
taxation without consent of Parliament was beginning to be advanced, but
few were as yet so bold as openly to propose limits to the royal power.
The efficiency of ill-paid soldiers is generally small, and many
landlords said they could defend themselves better and more cheaply. The
Lords of the Pale were usually called to the Council Board, and had ample
opportunities of protesting against the cess. They admitted that it had
been regularly imposed for thirty years for victualling the army, and
more lately for the viceregal household. The old 'Queen's prices' were
not far from the real value, but they had crystallised into fixed rates,
while the market had steadily risen, and was now about 150 per cent.
higher. No doubt it was difficult to assess payments in kind. 'The
country,' said Lord Chancellor Gerard, 'set down notes falsifying the
victuallers' proportion. Because they varied in the weight of every beef
and the number of loaves which every peck of corn would make, I played
the butcher and baker on several market days, and weighed of the best,
meanest, and worst sort of beeves, and also weighed the peck of corn and
received the same by weight in loaves, containing the weight of 3 lbs.
every loaf of bread; and found the same neither too weighty as the
country set down, nor too light as the victuallers allege,' &c.

The country, he said, paid a penny where the Queen paid a shilling. 'The
gentlemen,' he adds significantly, 'by their own confession, never lived
so civilly and able in diet, clothing, and household, as at this day;
marry! the poor churl never so beggarly.'[333]

[Sidenote: The Pale sends counsel to London.]

The Lords of the Pale, however, sent three lawyers to London to plead
their cause, and in the meantime refused to commit themselves by arguing.
The advocates selected were men of family, and thoroughly acquainted with
their views, but not agreeable to Sidney. Barnaby Scurlock he allowed to
be a man of credit and influence, but he had lately indulged in 'undecent
and undutiful speech;' he had made a fortune as Attorney-General, but
Sussex had dismissed him for negligence. Richard Netterville was a
seditious, mutinous person, who sowed discord and promoted causes against
the Government--in fact, an agitator 'who had bred more unquiet and
discontent among the people than any one man had done in Ireland these
many years.' As to Henry Burnell, Recorder of Dublin, whom Fitzwilliam
had formerly described as one of the best spoken and most learned men in
Ireland, but a perverse Papist, Sidney could only wish he would mind his
practice at the Bar, which had made him rich, and not meddle with her
Majesty's prerogative. He was, he says, 'the least unhonest of the three,
and yet he trusted to see the English Government withdrawn.'[334]

[Sidenote: Sidney's criticisms.]

Sidney's high prerogative doctrines somewhat warped his mind. He
condescended to say that Netterville was 'son of a second and mean
Justice of one of the benches;' as if that could possibly prejudice his
advocacy. He praised the Chancellor for acting as a partisan, though no
doubt he was fair enough about prices. 'He hath in public places both
learnedly, discreetly, wisely, and stoutly dealt in the matter of cess,
and rather like a counsellor at the bar than a judge on the bench.' After
all this is very doubtful praise, though Gerard was not acting in his
judicial capacity.[335]

[Sidenote: True bill against the cess.]

Before their emissaries started for England, the gentlemen of the Pale
procured a bill to be brought before a Meath grand jury, of which the
first clause contains these words: 'We find Sir Henry Sidney, Lord Deputy
of her Majesty's realm of Ireland, Sir Lucas Dillon, &c. (all the
council), ... gave commission to Thomas Cusack of Gerardiston, sheriff of
Meath, to charge ... cess ... corn, beef, butter, &c., and carts and
carriages ... 1,800_l._ or thereabouts ... said sheriff has levied....
Sir Robert Tressilian, Chief Justice of England, was put to death for
misconstruing the laws in Richard's time.' Further clauses indict the
inferior ministers occupied about the cess. By advice of the presiding
judge, the charge against the officers of State was erased, but the rest
of the Bill was presented and justified, and Burnell said openly in the
Court of Star Chamber that he would have carried the case through, but
that it would have delayed his journey to England.[336]

[Sidenote: Nature of the tax.]

The details of the question at issue between Sidney and the Lords of the
Pale are extremely obscure, and for a variety of reasons. Thus, when they
complained that the exaction amounted to 9_l._ per ploughland, he offered
to take 3_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._, but they refused, ostensibly from
unwillingness to burden their heirs. One explanation is that the
ploughland was a very uncertain measure, though generally reckoned at 120
Irish acres, and that the acreage had always been very much understated.
It was feared that Sidney would measure the land more carefully and
reduce the ploughlands to a uniform size, thus extracting much more money
than might be supposed from his apparently liberal offer. Many lands had
been exempted by favour or custom, and such exemptions tended to
multiply; it was feared that Sidney might extinguish them. Grass lands
had perhaps not been taxed at all, for Sidney only allowed 700
ploughlands in Meath, Westmeath, Kildare, and Dublin. The surface of
those counties, without including Wicklow, contains nearly 11,000
ploughlands of 120 Irish acres each. On inquiry, Sidney found that the
charge at existing prices came nearly to 8_l._ a ploughland, 'for ease of
which, by making the burden to be borne more universally, I by
proclamation dissolved all freedoms that had not had their continuance
time out of memory of man, whereof there were many, the most by a statute
pretending thereby an increase of military men, which God knoweth, and I,
are of little worth, ... the statute is expired.' Many repined, but 'it
was proved that they had no real reason to do so.'[337]

Netterville and his colleagues admitted that 1_s._ per acre Irish, or
8_d._ sterling, was the rent of land 'in most, or at least in many
places,' within the Pale. They allowed that a foot soldier could not live
on 8_d._ a day, nor a horseman on 9_d._, and they said roundly that there
was no way but to increase these sums, declaring, and we may well believe
declaring truly, that the Queen already lost more by the jobbing
consequent on insufficient pay than she could lose by giving the extra
1_d._ a day, which the soldiers asked for. That so small an increase
would content them reasonably they inferred from the fact that it had
often been accepted by them in lieu of cess. The Pale was willing to
victual soldiers maintained for its defence, provided a fair price was
paid for it, Netterville and his colleagues pledging themselves to use
all their influence to obtain the Queen supplies if only she would seek
them constitutionally from Parliament.[338]

On the arrival of the three Irish lawyers in London, Walsingham assured
Sidney that nothing should be done to prejudice his authority. The Privy
Council received the strangers coldly, and Leicester took occasion to
'ruffle that seditious knave Netterville' in a style which pleased his
brother-in-law greatly. The contention that cess was altogether illegal
did not recommend itself to the Queen or her Ministers. Kildare and
Ormonde, Gormanston and Dunsany, were in London, and being called before
the Council admitted that the cess was customary, and only begged that
consideration might be showed to the Pale in time of scarcity. The
triumvirate, as Waterhouse calls them, were accordingly committed close
prisoners to the Fleet, and Sidney was gently cautioned to shear his
sheep and not to flay them. He confessed, indeed, that he 'held a
straighter hand in the matter of cess, the rather to bring them to a
certain rent for the release of the same.' Netterville had seen this
clearly enough, and therefore the Lord Deputy writes him down 'as
seditious a varlet and as great an impugner of English government as any
Ireland beareth.'[339]

[Sidenote: The chiefs of the Pale under arrest.]

In all official letters from the Queen and the Privy Council much
indignation was expressed at the idea of the royal prerogative being
called in question. Sidney was instructed to deal sharply with the
gentlemen who had deputed Netterville and his colleagues, and stiffly to
assert the principle of the cess. Failing, after repeated arguments, to
yield the point at issue until the result of their agents' mission was
known, and standing in the meantime on high constitutional ground, Lords
Baltinglass, Delvin, Trimleston, and Howth, with many others of the best
gentlemen in the Pale, were committed to the castle. This was strictly in
accordance with the Queen's orders, but in writing directly to Sidney she
reprimanded him for choosing so bad a time to raise the question of the
cess, and for drawing an inconvenient amount of public attention to
undeniable grievances. At Court Philip Sidney accused Ormonde of
thwarting his father, and contemptuously held his tongue when the Earl
addressed him. Ormonde refused to quarrel, saying magnanimously that the
young man was bound to take his father's part, and that he was endowed
with many virtues. Indeed, nothing could be said against Ormonde but that
he was a general defender of the Irish cause, like all the rest of his
countrymen at Court. He hated Leicester and did not like Sidney; but, as
the latter himself expressed it, 'love and loving offices' are matters
of favour, not of justice. How little sympathy there was between them may
be judged from the passage in which the Lord Deputy defends himself
against the Queen's private strictures on his conduct. 'I am condemned, I
find,' he writes to Leicester, 'for lack of policy, in that in this
broken time, and dread of foreign invasion, I should commit such
personages as I detain in the castle.... While I am in office I ought to
be credited as soon as another; and this is my opinion, if James
Fitzmaurice were to land to-morrow, I had rather a good many of them now
in the castle should still remain than be abroad.'[340]

[Sidenote: Composition for cess.]

The envoys, after tasting the hospitalities of the Tower, submitted
humbly enough in form, but did not abandon their case, and the Queen,
though she spoke boldly about prerogative, had evidently some sympathy
with them. The prisoners in Dublin also submitted, and the Crown, having
thus saved its credit, a composition was arrived at, which seems to have
been substantially Burnell's work, and to which Ormonde, Kildare, and
Dunsany, who were in London, gave a preliminary adhesion. The counties of
Dublin, Meath, Westmeath, Louth, Kildare, Carlow, Wexford, and Kilkenny
acknowledged themselves bound to victual as many of the 1,000 soldiers
and officers as the Lord Deputy should appoint, and to pay 1_d._ a day
for each man of that number whether present or no, deducting that sum in
the case of those men whom they were required to victual fully. They were
to furnish 9,000 pecks of oats to the horsemen at 10_d._ sterling, and to
sell fresh provisions to the Lord Deputy at reasonable prices for ready
money. The Queen consented thoroughly to repair the old store-houses, but
not to build new ones, and no other charge of any kind was to be made
against her, except for damage by sea or fire; but she promised that
purveyors should be punished if they abused their power. To this
arrangement the cess-payers submitted with a tolerable grace, but
officials complained that the Queen had made a very bad bargain.[341]

FOOTNOTES:

[312] Ormonde to Burghley, July 16, 1574 and Aug. 3, 1575; Privy Council
to Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam, July 25, 1575; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Aug.
3.

[313] Ormonde to Burghley, July 16, 1574, July 24, 1575, and Aug. 23; the
Queen to Ormonde, April 12, 1575.

[314] The Queen to Sir P. Carew, April 12, 1575; Fitzwilliam to Sidney,
Dec. 9, 1575; Hooker's _Life of Carew_; Carew died, Nov. 27, 1575.

[315] This tour is described in a letter from Sidney to the Privy
Council, Dec. 16, 1575; in the _Sidney Papers_, written from Waterford.

[316] Sidney to the Privy Council, April 27.

[317] All the above from Sidney to the Privy Council, Feb. 27, 1575-6, in
the _Sidney Papers_.

[318] O'Daly, chap. xix.; _Russell_; Ormonde to Burghley, March 20, 1575,
with enclosures, the originals of which Ormonde sent to the Queen.

[319] Captain George Thornton's Declaration, May 25, 1575; Answer of the
Seneschal, &c., July 18. Fitzmaurice came to St. Malo in February.

[320] Sidney to the Privy Council, Feb. 27, 1576, in the _Sidney Papers_.
James Fitzmaurice to the General of the Jesuits, Jan. 31, 1576, in
Hogan's _Hibernia Ignatiana_.

[321] The five families were Barrett or MacPadden, Staunton or MacEvilly,
Dexter or MacJordan, Nangle or MacCostello, Prendergast or MacMorris.

[322] This tour of Sidney's is detailed in his letter to the Privy
Council, April 27, 1576, in the _Sidney Papers_.

[323] Sidney to the Queen, April 28, 1576.

[324] Sidney to Walsingham, April 27; to the Privy Council, June 15.

[325] Sidney to the Privy Council, June 15, 1576.

[326] Clanricarde to Ormonde and to Upper Ossory, June 28; Sidney to the
Privy Council, July 9; Gerard to Walsingham, June 29; Fitton to Burghley,
July 8.

[327] Sidney to the Privy Council, July 9: Submission of Clanricarde,
July 8.

[328] Maltby to the Queen, Sept. 20; Sidney to the Privy Council, Sept.
20; Sir L. Dillon to Walsingham, Sept. 19; Agard to Walsingham, Sept. 11.

[329] Drury to Walsingham, Nov. 24.

[330] The Queen to Essex, 1575, _Domestic Series_, vol. xlv. p. 82; Essex
to the Queen, Aug. 19, 1575; Maltby to Leicester, Nov. 12, 1575, in
_Carew_.

[331] Essex to the Queen, Sept. 19, and to Burghley, Sept. 20, in
_Mardin_. Devereux, i. 146.

[332] Lady Essex was at Kenilworth during the princely pleasures of 1575.
Sidney to Walsingham, Oct. 20, 1576; to Leicester, Feb. 4, 1577, both in
the _Sidney Papers_; Essex to the Queen, March 30, 1575; to Leicester,
Oct. 7, 1574; Leicester to Ashton, May 1575; Waterhouse to Sidney, March
21, 1576, in the _Sidney Papers_.

[333] Gerard to the Privy Council, Feb. 8, 1577, in _Carew_.

[334] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Sussex, and Leicester, July 7, 1575;
Sidney to the Privy Council, May 15, 1577; to the Queen, May 20.

[335] Sidney to the Privy Council, March 17 and May 15, 1577; to the
Queen, May 20, 1577, in _Sidney Papers_; where he says, 'Cess is a
quantity of victual and a prisage set upon the same necessary for
soldiers, ... and so much for your Deputy's house, so far under the
value, as it goeth between party and party, as the soldier may live of
his wages, and your Highness's officer of his entertainment, and this to
be taxed by your Highness's Deputy and Council, calling to them the
nobility adjoining.'

[336] Agard to Tremayne, March 22, 1577, and the enclosure.

[337] Sidney to the Queen, May 20, 1577, in the _Sidney Papers_.

[338] A great number of papers in _Carew_ and _Collins_; see particularly
Questions and Answers (Netterville & Co.), _Carew_, p. 61 (1577).

[339] Sidney to Leicester, May 19, in _Carew_; to the Queen, May 20;
Walsingham to Sidney, April 8, in _Sidney Papers_; Privy Council to
Sidney, May 14.

[340] Sidney to Leicester, Feb. 4 and Aug. 1577, in _Sidney Papers_;
Waterhouse to Sidney, Sept. 16.

[341] Order of the Privy Council, March 31, 1579.




CHAPTER XXXIV.

LAST YEARS OF SIDNEY'S ADMINISTRATION, 1577 and 1578.


[Sidenote: Lord Chancellor Gerard on the Pale.]

The letters of Lord Chancellor Gerard give a vivid picture of the state
of the Pale during the controversy about cess. He divides the inhabitants
into three classes--gentlemen, idlemen, and churls. Every gentleman kept
a number of idle hangers-on, who sponged upon the poor cultivators, and
robbed openly when refused free quarters. Their nominal master gave them
neither food nor clothes but merely countenance, in return for which they
were always ready to avenge his real or fancied injuries. These locusts
ate up all the scanty surplus which was left to the poor cultivator.
Remonstrance was vain, and perhaps the landowners had really not much
choice. 'I will not put away my thieves,' a gentleman would argue, 'for
then such a one's thieves would rob me; let him put away his, and I will
put away mine.' The vicious circle was hard to break, for the Government
was not strong or steady enough to repress all impartially. The judges
went circuit with little effect, for the juries 'more regard whether any
of the parties are of kin or allied to the justice or of the sept of the
justice, or counsellor, than to the matter, and that way commonly passeth
the verdict.' Nor was there much outward magnificence to hide the
inherent defects in such a judicial system. At Trim the Court of Assize
was like an English cattle-pen; there was no crier, no trumpeters or
javelin-men to hedge the sheriff's dignity, and no competent officer to
see that indictments were properly drawn or prisoners duly arraigned.
That a desire for justice existed was shown by the conduct of a Meath
grand jury, whose members were of very humble position, but who took
heart at the Chancellor's visit, and, believing that right would at last
be done, found bills against above 100 of the local oppressors for
retaining idle followers.

[Sidenote: Gerard's scheme for governing Ireland.]

Important causes, in Gerard's opinion, were better removed into the
Chancery or Star Chamber, but the thieves might be dealt with by the
hangman provided the assizes were a little better conducted. English
judges were much wanted to secure something like impartiality. Gerard had
sixteen years' Welsh experience, and he saw no reason why the policy
which had succeeded there should not succeed in Ireland. The Lord Deputy
should endeavour to keep the Irish from actual rebellion, and to persuade
them to make some contribution to the revenue. Afterwards, on the borders
of each county, English judges might 'deliver justice with such severity
as the poor fleas may have yearly comfort to be delivered from the webs
and oppression of the great spiders, ... and so by little and little to
stretch the Pale further, thereby to hit the mark long shot at, and
hitherto missed, which is to save the revenue of England and bring
somewhat from hence.'

[Sidenote: The Irish to be civilised or extirpated.]

Hitherto the prevailing policy had been to keep English and Irish from
hurting each other, and the more successful it had been the more harm it
had done. The peasants of the Pale were all Irish. They propagated their
species with perfect recklessness, and it was therefore useless to expect
any increased civilisation. Even in Dublin people of English race
delighted in talking Irish, and habits and feelings always followed the
language. It might be possible to civilise some of the Irish: the rest
should be extirpated, and English farmers with good leases and moderate
rents substituted for them. From this nucleus the Celtic wilderness might
be gradually reclaimed. In the meantime, the prisons were few and
insecure. There were no pounds. The mountains everywhere harboured
thieves, and they came within four miles of Dublin. Cattle were not safe
in the fields, even at the very gates. But it had once been no better in
Montgomery and Radnor, in Brecknock and Monmouth. There also it had been
necessary to fold the flocks securely at night until the twenty-sixth
year of Henry VIII., when Wales was fully reduced to shire ground and
the Presidency Court made a reality by hanging the mountain thieves
instead of allowing the Lord Marchers to traffic in pardons. Dublin
county might be made as quiet as Monmouthshire if compositions for crimes
were sternly abolished and if successive Lord Deputies would 'work
hanging instead of agreeing to recompense felonious offences.'[342]

[Sidenote: Drury's opinions.]

White, the Master of the Rolls, who hated Sidney and did not like English
officials generally, and who ostentatiously put his trust in Burghley
rather than in Walsingham, reported that Munster was quiet, but that the
Lord President gained little love by burdening the people with cess.
Drury argued that this quiet was owing entirely to the just severity with
which he ruled, having, as he oddly expresses it, executed 'divers
malefactors of good account.' As for the cess, money must be had somehow,
for he had been forced to spend largely on the repair of Limerick Castle.
Cork was without stores, and a foreign invasion might be expected at any
moment; for the intrigues of James Fitzmaurice were no secret. Lord Barry
compounded for an annual payment of 150_l._, and MacCarthy Reagh for
250_l._, but in many cases no agreement could be come to, and the
uncertainty of all titles made financial reform almost desperate. Rents
were as uncertain as titles, and landlords and tenants distrusted each
other profoundly. But firmness had its usual effect, and the stout old
soldier saw signs of increasing conformity among his subjects of all
ranks.[343]

[Sidenote: Desmond offers to submit, 1577.]

Desmond, the common oppressor of all, complained loudly that the soldiers
ill-treated his tenants, and exacted cess, both in money and in kind;
that he and his were much the poorer, and that the Queen was never a
penny the richer. This complaint was made directly to Burghley without
complaining to the Lord President, a breach of decorum for which the
Earl received a rebuke. The English Council with becoming gravity told
Drury to make strict inquiry, but they knew, and every officer in Ireland
knew, that ill-paid soldiers could not be kept in proper order. A loan of
500_l._ for the Munster service was refused by the Queen, and the
President warned her that she would be put to greater expense by her
refusal. He begged for a galley to cruise on the coast, and like the
stout-hearted man he was he went on doing his best with scanty means and
not very much thanks. Sir John of Desmond, being suspected of complicity
with the Connaught rebels, was arrested, whereupon the Earl retired into
Kerry, refused to go to the Deputy or President, ordered his dependents
to pay no taxes, and collected a force which soon swelled to 1,000 men;
professing all the time to consider his own life in danger. Sir James,
with 200 foot and some horse, levied contributions in Duhallow, while
Drury, besides his own servants, had but 100 available troopers. The
summer passed away thus, and the winter was half over before Desmond made
up his mind that he was in no danger. He agreed to disperse all his
forces except twenty horsemen, and to pay something towards the expenses
of the province. Having several times refused to come to the President,
he came to Kilkenny at Sidney's first summons, was reconciled to Drury,
with whom he had not been on speaking terms, and promised to support him
as the Queen's chief officer should be supported. Sidney knew his
mistress, and he advised the acceptance of these terms. Drury was forced
to submit, very much against his own judgment; for Desmond, in his view,
was the one great obstacle to law and order. The habit, he said, of
easily pardoning great offenders, 'which both now and heretofore being
used hath been the common gall to the good government of the province,
and the greatest encouragement that may be to such as transgress, ...
which kind of _precarium imperium_ is in my judgment the unfittest way to
a perfect reformation.'[344]

[Sidenote: Drury's efforts to divide Munster from Connaught.]

That there had been intrigues between the Desmonds and the Connaught
rebels was probably true enough. An alliance was even contemplated
between Lady Mary Burke and Sir John of Desmond. Both were already
married, but matrimonial ties were lightly regarded in the Clanricarde
family, and Sir John was not the man to let principle stand in the way of
interest. By keeping the Government constantly occupied the Western
gentlemen hoped to prevent administrative reform, and there was always
the off chance of a foreign invasion, which might restore their waning
importance. Religion went for something, but probably not yet for much.
In order to cut off communications between Connaught and Munster, Drury
paid particular attention to Thomond, where the Earl, a vain and
vacillating man, who could do little harm and might be of some use, made
loyal professions, and received nearly all the privileges he asked for,
though he afterwards complained that a new tax was nevertheless imposed
on his country. His experience of foreign Courts had not been so pleasant
as to tempt him to fresh adventures. Very different treatment was awarded
to Murrough O'Brien, noted as the best horseman in Ireland, a great
favourite with Desmond and other disorderly persons, and proportionately
feared by the lovers of peace. He had been engaged in Fitzmaurice's old
rebellion, and was suspected of plotting a new one. His outrages were
many, and a verdict was easily obtained at Limerick. '300_l._ was offered
for his life, and more would have been given, but 3,000_l._ should not
have saved him; ... his death was far better than his life, and he
confessed he had deserved death.'[345]

[Sidenote: Maltby punishes the Clanricarde rebels. His opinion.]

[Sidenote: Great severities.]

While Drury was occupied, Maltby, much to Sidney's satisfaction, had
taken up the military command of Connaught. Clanricarde was already a
prisoner; O'Connor Roe yielded at the first summons; and there were only
the Earl's two sons to deal with. They were given eight days to consider
whether they would submit absolutely or no. When that time had elapsed
they asked for further delay, which Maltby granted, partly because his
own preparations were not made. The rebels made loyal professions,
'taking God to witness that they had no intent to do anything more that
should purchase her Majesty's further indignation.' This was done only to
put the Governor off his guard, and a treacherous attack was made on one
of his detachments, in which a few men were killed and two officers
captured. The rest escaped to the castles of some well-affected
gentlemen, and Maltby lost no time in entering the mountains. John
Burke's district was the first attacked. All houses and corn were burned,
and every human being the soldiers met was killed. 'I spared,' says
Maltby, 'neither old nor young.' Ulick's district was then visited, and a
strong castle reduced after two days' sap. 'I put them to the
misericordia of the soldiers, who had lost their lieutenant. They were
all slain to the number of twenty-two, all tall men, who were at the
murder of the horsemen.' Another fruitless attempt was then made at
negotiation, but Maltby saw the object was to gain time, and Ulick's
followers were treated like John's. Everything that would burn was
burned, both in plain and mountain, and every person met with was killed.
Protection for five weeks was afterwards granted that the crops might be
sown; how seed was obtained it is not easy to understand. After this
tremendous lesson Connaught was quiet, and Maltby was free for a time to
practise the Roman theory of government as expounded by Virgil. By
Sidney's order he had a conference with Drury, and they agreed that with
a little trouble the two provinces, 'being ragged countries as we found
them,' might be brought into order. The greatest obstacle was the
uncertainty prevailing as to Clanricarde's fate, and it was evident that
John Burke would break out again whenever he had the power. In the
meantime strict military discipline was maintained, and Maltby found that
his soldiers, who were chiefly Irishmen and but lately open enemies,
became nearly as good as a general could desire. 'Travail, industry, and
plain-dealing,' he said, 'doth prevail over the people.... He that will
not hazard some limbs in these services or that standeth doubtful of
everything shall prevail little in this land.... To do good among this
rude nation they must be applied well, and plausible dealing doth prevail
much in some of them and in others rigour doth no hurt, so as every of
them must be used in their conditions. They be a people that do now seek
much unto the administration of justice, and do greatly seem to covet it,
which God willing they shall not want with the best advice I can give
them. They are grown into a great good liking of the Government, and do
use more familiarity towards us than they were wont to do, for commonly I
do never stay any of them that cometh unto me, be he good or bad, but
such of them as are taken by the officers if they be found faulty to cast
off the same; and few of them do escape my hands. The rest do very well
allow of it.'[346]

[Sidenote: Rory Oge O'More, 1571 to 1578.]

During his last term of office Sidney had much trouble with Rory Oge
O'More, who still claimed the ancient chiefry of Leix. In 1571 and 1572
Rory had been at the head of a band which fluctuated between 80 and 240
swords, and had succeeded in defying all Fitzwilliam's efforts.
Arrangements were made to surround him. Kildare and Ormonde were
commissioned to hunt him with all their forces, and the latter delayed a
journey to England rather than leave the task unfinished. O'More was
brought to make a formal and somewhat humble submission and to give
hostages, of which Feagh MacHugh O'Byrne was one; but Fitzwilliam, who
knew Ireland too well to be sanguine, was of opinion that the hanging of
a pledge or two would not prevent Irishmen from breaking out whenever it
happened to suit them. Rory was spoiling the Pale again within four
months, and in the spring of 1573 the Lord Deputy pronounced him worse
than ever. He submitted again the same year, and a few days afterwards
gave important help to Desmond in his escape from Dublin. When that
turbulent personage found himself safe in Munster, Rory Oge was one of
the outlaws whom he adjured to stand firm. Kildare was also accused of
plotting with him, and this charge was never fully cleared up.[347]

[Sidenote: Rory Oge submits,]

The arrival of Sidney in Ireland was always understood by the Irish as a
sign of what modern politicians call vigour, and Rory Oge, among others,
thought it wise to make his peace. 'He came unto me,' wrote Sidney, 'on
the Earl of Ormonde's word, and in the cathedral of Kilkenny submitted
himself, repenting (as he said) his former faults, and promising
hereafter to live in better sort (for worse than he hath been he cannot
be), for by him and his the greatest spoil and disorders have been
committed upon the Queen's County and the Pale. I accepted him upon
treaty, and trial of amendment till my return.... I have given him
warning, and will keep touch with him if I can.'[348]

[Sidenote: but soon breaks out again, and burns Naas, 1576.]

For a year or more Rory seems to have kept pretty quiet; but the rumour
of a Spanish invasion and the exhortations of John Burke were too much
for his prudence, and the dispute about the cess laid the Pale unusually
open to attack. Allying himself as of old with Connor MacCormac, who
stood in the same relation to the remnant of the O'Connors as he himself
did to the O'Mores, he was soon at the head of 140 men and boys. On the
night of March 3, 1577, Rory and his ally brought their band to Naas, and
entered the town, which they found unprepared. Their men had no muskets,
but were armed with torches stuck upon long poles, with which, 'like hags
and furies of hell,' they rushed through the street, setting fire to the
low thatched houses on either side; and they were gone again within half
an hour. The night was windy, the March weather had dried the thatch, and
the whole place was burned to the ground in a few minutes. 'There were,'
says Sidney, 'about 500 men's bodies in the town, manlike enough in
appearance, but neither manful nor wakeful, for they confess they were
all asleep in their beds after they had filled themselves and surfeited
upon Patron Day, which day is celebrated for the most part of the people
of this country birth with gluttony and idolatry as far as they dare.
They had neither watch nor gate shut; ... the town is open on all sides,
and without soldiers, yet how unwilling to bear any charge for their own
defence.' Rory Oge, says Hooker, 'tarried very little in the town saving
that he sat a little while upon the cross in the market-place,' and
feasted his eyes with the flames. None of the townsmen were killed.[349]

[Sidenote: Rory captures English officers. Escapes capture, 1577 and
1578.]

After this exploit Rory's force increased rapidly, and he attacked
Leighlin Bridge, of which Sir Peter Carew the younger was constable, but
which was actually in charge of his famous brother George, who here
performed his first noteworthy service. Half the town was already burned
when Carew, at the head of only seven horsemen and five musketeers,
boldly sallied out against the enemy, who were between 200 and 300.
Surprised in the darkness, they fled, but soon recovered, and some of
them actually entered the castle. Carew managed to shut the gates, and
his assailants, having suffered considerably, departed without doing any
further harm. The Devonshire captain lost only two soldiers and one
horse, but not a single one of his men escaped unwounded. Soon after this
Captain Harrington and Alexander Cosby, son of the Captain of Leix, were
taken prisoners, treacherously enough, according to the English accounts,
by Rory, and carried about by him in triumph. If Cosby was, as some
accounts say, an actor in the Mullaghmast tragedy, he deserved nothing
better, but in this kind of warfare it is to be feared that breaches of
faith were common enough on both sides. All attempts to catch Rory had
hitherto been vain, and Sidney was forced to temporise for the sake of
the prisoners. Robert Hartpole, who was used to this kind of service, and
who had probably many friends among the country people, brought fifty
soldiers to a cabin at the side of a wood, where he heard that the outlaw
and his prisoners were to sleep. Finding himself in a trap, Rory tried to
kill Harrington by slashing at him with his sword. He fractured his
skull, broke his arm, and cut off one of his fingers; but Harrington
recovered from these and other injuries. Rory had his shirt cut off by a
sword, but managed to creep away between the soldiers' legs, and reached
the covert with a single companion. The cabin was on the very edge of the
bush. The prisoners were rescued, and sixteen people, including all the
men in the house, were killed. Rory's wife was also killed, but one woman
at least, a sister of Feagh MacHugh, was spared. Connor MacCormac was
perhaps not present, for he afterwards made his peace with the Government
and received a pension. Letters implicating John Burke and others were
found in the house.[350]

[Sidenote: Sidney in Kilkenny and Tipperary.]

Harrington's capture gave much encouragement to discontented persons, and
the Lord Deputy determined, as he expressed it, to attempt Rory's
suppression by plaguing his maintainers. He went to Kilkenny on Christmas
Eve, accompanied only by Sir Lucas Dillon, and found, as he expected,
that the rebel had plenty of friends high and low in the town. The time
from Christmas to Twelfth Day was spent in investigating the matter, and
so abundant was the evidence that it would have taken till Easter to hear
it all. Tipperary enjoyed comparative immunity from the operations of
Government, and Rory Oge's children were fostered among Ormonde's
principal tenants and officers. Fulke Grace, the Earl's constable at
Roscrea, had refused to let Drury enter the castle until he had promised
him protection, and he now refused to come to Sidney himself when sent
for. All this and a great deal more was sworn to, but 'such partiality
and affectionate dealing were found in the juries, as were the matter
never so plain, the evidence never so full, if it touched any of their
friends, and namely, the tenants and servants of the Earl of Ormonde, no
indictment would be found--no, though the party made submission and
confessed the fault; if the matter touched any of Ossory, were the
evidence never so weak, the jury would find it.' The jurors were bound to
appear before the Star Chamber, and the Lord Deputy returned to Dublin
without catching Rory Oge.[351]

[Sidenote: Rory is killed by the Fitzpatricks, 1578.]

After his narrow escape, Rory was soon at the head of a band, and burning
villages as busily as ever. He entered Carlow through one of many
breaches in the wall, and fired all the thatched houses, but in retiring
he was attacked by Cosby or Hartpole at a ford, and suffered great loss.
But here again he himself escaped, so that even Sidney thought he bore a
charmed life and talked of 'sorcery or enchantment (if it be lawful so to
deem).' In the end the fatal snare was of his own laying. In order to
entrap the Baron of Upper Ossory he sent a spy to tell him, as if of his
own accord, that Rory had gathered a great spoil of 'pots, pans, pewter,
nappery, linen, and other household stuff and implements'--a strange bait
for King Edward's old playfellow--and that it might all be easily seized.
The emissary was instructed to insist on a small force only being sent: a
larger one would attract attention and defeat the scheme. The Baron
hardly knew what to believe, but decided not to lose the chance. He
brought a strong force to the appointed place, but kept aloof himself
with the main body, and sent about thirty men into the wood. Rory also
kept back the bulk of his followers, but showed himself, under the
impression that the Fitzpatricks would not face so renowned a champion;
'wherein,' says Sidney, 'he found himself very much deceived.' The
Baron's kerne set upon him stoutly, and he fell pierced by many mortal
wounds. His brother-in-law, Feagh MacHugh, swore to avenge him, and kept
his word. Maltby called Rory the Robin Hood of Ireland, and the Queen's
approbation was conveyed to Lord Upper Ossory. Rory's followers carried
off his body, but the head was afterwards sent to Sidney and duly set up
on Dublin Castle--the Lord Deputy afterwards complaining bitterly that
the Queen made light of the service, being persuaded that it was as easy
to kill such a rogue as Rory Oge as to kill 'mad George, the keeper of
the Queen's Court.' The Connaught annalists more correctly record 'that
there was not in Erin a greater destroyer against foreigners than that
man; and he was a very great loss.'[352]

[Sidenote: Government of Drury.]

Drury, being relieved for a moment from danger on the side of Desmond,
was able to turn his attention to the disturbers of Leinster. At Limerick
he hanged Rory Oge's Brehon, who was much esteemed among the people; for
the President it was enough that he practised only such law as was
repugnant to her Majesty. One of Rory's sons, accompanied by his nurse,
was taken in a wood near Roscrea. Drury also found time for a not
inconsiderable number of hangings, and reported with complacency that 400
had been executed by justice and martial law since he took office. At
Clonmel a man was pressed to death. A sharp eye was kept on all arrivals
from abroad, and a friar, fresh from Portugal, was hanged in his cowl at
Limerick. The President was able to say that he had been the first to
appoint English sheriffs in Thomond and Desmond. Justice, in his opinion,
was liked by the people, and her Majesty's revenues were much increased
thereby.[353]

[Sidenote: The Queen finds Sidney too expensive.]

The affairs of the Netherlands had now become pressingly important, and
Queen Elizabeth was forced to provide material help for the patriotic
party. Scarcely had she made up her mind to back their bills to the
extent of 100,000_l._ and to send 6,000 men to the provinces, than the
victory gained at Gemblours by Don John of Austria, or rather by
Alexander Farnese, seemed for a moment to place William of Orange in a
desperate position. The Queen saw that her help would really be wanted,
and war, even clandestine war, required a great deal of money. Sidney was
not a cheap Lord Deputy, and there were plenty of people at Court to tell
the Queen that he had exceeded the 20,000_l._ which had been mentioned as
the annual expense of his government. Ormonde was at Elizabeth's side,
and Ormonde's influence was always directed against Leicester and his
brother-in-law. It was at first proposed to recall the Lord Deputy in a
peremptory manner. But Walsingham and Wilson, and probably Burghley also,
worked in Sidney's interest, and Elizabeth's better nature prevailed over
her love of money and her ill-temper towards a faithful servant who
treated her somewhat too like an equal. It was suggested that Sidney
should be left alone until he himself asked to be relieved, and then for
a time judgment was suspended until Lord Chancellor Gerard should be
heard on the question of cess and on the state of Ireland generally.[354]

[Sidenote: Sir Philip Sidney's advice to his father.]

At last the Queen made up her mind that, whatever might be done by
another Deputy, the present one would never consent to govern as cheaply
as she wished. Walsingham privately informed Sidney that he was to be
recalled, but that to save his credit he would be summoned as if for a
short visit to Court for the purpose of explaining accounts and other
knotty matters. The wily secretary advised his friend to put his affairs
in order as soon as possible, and to be ready for any emergency. At last
the summons was sent. The Queen announced that proposals for a more
economical establishment had been made to her, and that before giving her
decision she wished to see the Deputy, who was to bring with him the
auditor and his books. Five thousand pounds were sent to keep things
going until Midsummer, and out of this Sidney was to pay the soldiers.
This letter, which ordered the Lord Deputy to be at Court by May 10, was
more than a month on the road, and did not reach Dublin till April 23.
Literal compliance was therefore impossible, and the advice which Sidney
received from his son was not to leave Ireland till Michaelmas, so that
his enemies might not have to say that they had driven him away. 'Your
lordship is to write back,' said the young diplomatist, 'not as though
you desired to tarry, but only showing that unwillingly you must employ
some days thereabouts; and if it please you to add that the Chancellor's
presence shall be requisite.... and then the more time passes the better
it will be blown over.'[355]

[Sidenote: Sidney's last days in Ireland.]

Sidney took the advice of his famous son, delaying his return till
September, but sending over Waterhouse at once with such instructions as
were likely to smooth his path. The Queen was reminded that the cess
question was not yet fully settled, that the auditor's books could not be
posted in a minute, that a foreign invasion was at hand, that there were
many unfinished causes scarcely fit to be entrusted to a new hand, and
that her Majesty owed her Deputy 3,000_l._, for which he held the
Treasurer's warrant. If anything could make Elizabeth acquiesce in the
neglect of her orders it was an allusion to the 3,000_l._, and she
allowed Sidney to stay where he was until he had an opportunity of
conferring with Gerard. Sir William Drury was nominated Lord Justice to
take up the government as soon as it should be vacant. Rory Oge was
disposed of soon after this, and a branch of the Scottish MacDonnells,
long settled at Tinnakill, in the Queen's County, received a pension of
300_l._ a year in consideration of giving the Queen constant service as
gallowglass. In the meantime the MacMahons had broken out, and driven off
cattle from the Northern frontier of the Pale. Lord Louth followed with a
few horsemen, and falling into an ambuscade was himself slain, as well as
the eldest son of the loyal Sir Hugh Magennis. The loss of an active and
thoroughly well-affected young lord of twenty-three could not be passed
over, and Sidney invaded Monaghan, destroying everything that he could
lay hands on. MacMahon came to Newry with a withe about his neck and sued
for pardon; but Sidney had by that time left Ireland.[356]

[Sidenote: He leaves Ireland finally.]

Gerard was detained in Wales by illness, and Sidney sent first
Attorney-General Snagg, and afterwards Ludovic Briskett, Clerk of the
Council, to keep his cause alive at Court. Men, money, victuals, and
munition were required, for there was talk of a descent by Stukeley, and
the Lord Deputy wished to hold a Parliament to renew the subsidy of
13_s._ 4_d._ on each ploughland which had expired, and to renew the Act
imposing a duty on wines, which was about to expire. But all eyes and
ears were now turned to the Netherlands, and Waterhouse wrote to warn
Sidney that he would get nothing except perhaps ammunition, and that the
money last sent was regretted. 'Irish alarms,' he said, 'are so far from
waking courtiers out of their sleep that, as I am sure, till they hear
that the enemy is landed, they will never think of aid that may carry
with it extraordinary charge. There is now no speech of the return of the
Earls of Ormonde and Kildare.... The States have made John Norris
general, &c.' Thus matters stood when the Irish Chancellor arrived in
Dublin; and no time was then lost in completing the arrangements about
cess. An assembly of notables was convened from Dublin, Meath, Louth,
Kildare, King's and Queen's Counties, Carlow, Wexford, Kilkenny, and
Tipperary, and the agreement already referred to was thus made. Sidney
at this time took a strong dislike to Gerard, whom he accused of
ambitious dealing and of plotting against him at Court. 'He did not let
to say that he had brought over such warrants for himself and restraint
for me as I could do nothing without him,' and he was accused of boasting
that Ireland should be governed with a white rod when Drury ruled by his
direction.[357]

[Sidenote: His character.]

At eight o'clock on the evening of September 12, exactly three years
after his arrival, Sidney embarked at Wood Quay, and when on board his
vessel surrendered the sword to Gerard, and finally severed his
connection with Ireland. If we except Strafford and Cromwell, he was
perhaps the ablest man who ever reigned in Dublin Castle, and there is a
charm about him which belongs to scarcely any one else even in the
Elizabethan age. Who shall say how much his famous son, and scarcely less
famous daughter, owed to a father whose letters of advice remain as
almost unapproachable models, and whose life showed such a noble example?
The official correspondence of the time is full of allusions to his
powers of work, to the hours which he sat patiently through, and to the
confidence which his decisions commanded. Though suffering from a painful
disease, he shrank from no journey, and the rapidity of his movements was
extraordinary. Fortune, ease, and health were given up to the public
service, and though he complained he never hesitated. 'I had no time,' he
said, 'to apply my mind to take physic in Ireland.' He well knew the
value of exercise and reasonable leisure, but he denied himself both. As
Elizabeth's representative he was accustomed to take a high line, and he
sometimes dared to maintain the dignity of the Crown even against the
great Queen who wore it. Her cousin Ormonde should not be favoured in his
causes except according to law. Mr. Christopher Hatton should not have a
license to export yarn in defiance of an Irish Act of Parliament. If the
Queen let fall hasty words detrimental to the Irish service, her Viceroy
would rebuke her for being 'so great an enemy to her own profit.'[358]

[Sidenote: His relations with the Queen.]

And thus it came to pass that while Elizabeth honoured, and perhaps
loved, the man in whose arms her brother breathed his last, and whose
wife had lost her looks and almost her life in nursing her through the
small-pox, she was not sorry when an opportunity offered of wounding his
masterful spirit. When he seemed to bargain with her for the retention of
the Welsh Presidency as a condition of entering on the hated Irish
service, she rebuked him for daring to limit her prerogative, and when he
made a gay figure at Court she said it was no wonder, for that he held
two of her best offices. But she took care to leave him both places, and
sometimes called him Harry. She grumbled at the expense of his
government, but in the end seldom refused to give him nearly as much
money as he asked for. He tells us that he lost 9,000_l._ by his Irish
service, which was an enormous sum in those days, but Elizabeth, though
she might never replace money so spent, at least did not neglect his
children.

[Sidenote: His personal qualities.]

Sidney was a ready speaker and a vigorous writer. Campion professes to
give one of his speeches, but about such reports there must always be
some doubts. The letters, however, are there, and if Sidney spoke nearly
as well as he wrote, we can well believe that a great effect was
sometimes produced. His written style is full and vigorous, and gives a
much better idea of Elizabethan English than that of many professed
authors whose affectation of elegance only tended to obscurity. Sidney
was very fond of heraldry, and not a little proud of his right to display
the bear and ragged staff. Indeed, he particularly impressed upon his
sons the necessity of living up to the standard of their mother's
family--a family, as modern students cannot help observing, which
produced Edmund Dudley, Northumberland, and Leicester. This was an
amiable weakness; a certain irascibility was a worse defect in a
statesman, but his anger was soon appeased, and there can be no doubt
that he was personally very popular. Among many virtues this defect was
noted, that he was too fond of the pleasures of the table, and among
Irish-speaking people the nickname of 'big Henry of the beer' was
sometimes given to him. He was once accused of flirting with a married
woman, but this may have been only gossip, and affection for her husband
breathes in every line of Lady Mary Sidney's letters.[359]

[Sidenote: His reception at Court.]

On his arrival at Court the late Lord Deputy was received coolly, chiefly
perhaps because foreign affairs engrossed all attention. The lodgings
assigned to him at Hampton Court were insufficient. He was ill, and his
wife was ill, and yet no separate sitting-room could be found for the man
who had spent his health and fortune in the thankless Irish service. Lord
Chamberlain Sussex knew but too well what that service was, but he was
not likely to exert himself much for Leicester's brother-in-law. The
latter, indeed, was particularly weak at this time, for Simier had
spitefully told the Queen of his marriage with Lady Essex. With a not
uncommon inconsistency Elizabeth, though she had decided not to marry her
favourite, could not bear to resign him to another, and talked about the
Tower; but Sussex dissuaded her, saying that no man was to be troubled
for a lawful marriage. In this the Lord Chamberlain showed singular
generosity, but Sidney could not expect much favour from him. 'When the
worst is known,' said Lady Mary, 'old Lord Harry and his old Moll will do
as well as they can in parting like good friends the small portion
allotted our long service in Court, which as little as it is seems
something too much; ... in this case I am in it is not possible to be in
my chamber till after sunset, when the dear good lord shall be, as best
becomes him, lord of his own.'

FOOTNOTES:

[342] Gerard to Walsingham, Oct. 19, 1576; to Burghley, Nov. 15; to the
Privy Council, Feb. 8, 1577; to Walsingham, same date; see in _Carew_, ad
ann. 1576, p. 476; Gerard to the Queen, Note of Observations, March 29,
1578.

[343] White to Burghley, Feb. 10, 1577; Drury to Walsingham, Feb. 24; to
the Queen, March 20; to Walsingham, April 14.

[344] Desmond to Burghley, March 20; Privy Council to Desmond, May 13;
Drury to Walsingham, Jan. 27, 1578; to the Privy Council, Jan. 15 and
April 24; Sidney to the Privy Council, Feb. 20.

[345] Council of Ireland to the Queen, Sept. 12, 1577; Petition of the
Earl of Thomond, July 6, and the answer in October; Drury to Leicester,
July 8, 1577, in _Carew_. The _Four Masters_ call Murrough O'Brien 'the
most renowned of the heirs of Carrigogunnel and Aherlow.'

[346] Sidney to the Privy Council, Jan. 27, 1577; Maltby to Walsingham,
March 17, Aug. 30, Sept. 18, and Nov. 10; to Burghley, Nov. 12; Snagg to
Walsingham, Nov. 5.

[347] Fitzwilliam to the Privy Council, April 12, 1571, May 6, 1572, and
Nov. 5, 1573; to the Queen, Jan. 4, June 27, and Dec. 7, 1572; to
Burghley, July 20, August 5 and 26, 1572, and May 20, 1573; Justice
Nicholas Walshe to Fitzwilliam, Nov. 24, 1573; to Burghley, Nov. 30; Sir
P. Carew to Tremayne, Feb. 6, 1574; Declaration by John Alen, Feb. 1575,
and by Richard Garret, March 12, 1575.

[348] Sidney to the Privy Council, Dec. 15, 1575, in the _Sidney Papers_.

[349] Sidney to the Privy Council, March 17, 1576, and Hooker in
_Holinshed_. The two accounts seem drawn from a common source.

[350] Sidney's Relation, 1583, in _Carew_. Sidney to the Privy Council,
Nov. 26, 1577; Hooker's _Annals of Lough_ Cé, 1577.

[351] Sidney to the Privy Council, Feb. 20. 1578, in the _Sidney Papers_.

[352] Sidney to the Privy Council, July 1, 1578, with whom Hooker closely
agrees; Fitton to Burghley, July 1; Maltby to same, July 26; Lord Upper
Ossory to same, Feb. 24, 1579; Council in Ireland to the Queen, Sept. 12,
1578; _Annals of Lough Cé_, 1578. The _Four Masters_, writing in the next
reign, are much more guarded. In the curious poem by John Derrick, called
the 'Image of Ireland,' which is in the _Somers Tracts_, and has been
lately reprinted, there is a good deal about Rory Oge. The work is
strictly contemporary; but it does not add much to our knowledge. The
following stanzas are about the most interesting. Rory Oge _loquitur_:--

        Much like a champion addicted to war,
        Time serving fitly to anger my foes,
        I summoned a number of neighbours from far,
        Twice eighty persons, the best I could choose
        For manhood and sleights, in whom to repose
        I might in safety my life and my land:
    No dastards nor shrinklings, but those that would stand.

        With these I marched from place unto place,
        With these I troubled both village and town,
        With these in one night I fired the Naas,
        With these my resisters I spoiled of renown,
        With these I made many a castle come down,
        With these I yielded, augmenting my fame,
    The people to sword and houses to flame.


[353] Drury to the Privy Council, March 24, 1578.

[354] Waterhouse to Sidney, Aug. 21, Sept. 5, 15, 16 and 30, 1577;
Walsingham to Sidney, Sept. 15, 1577, Jan. 20, 1578, all in the _Sidney
Papers_.

[355] Walsingham to Sidney, Jan. 20, in the _Sidney Papers_. Queen to
Sidney, March 22; Sir Philip Sidney to his father, April 25, in the
_Sidney Papers_.

[356] Sidney to the Queen, April 30, 1578. Instructions for Waterhouse in
the _Sidney Papers_. The Queen to Sidney, May 29, in _Carew_. Maltby to
Walsingham, May 3; Sidney's Summary Relation, 1583, in _Carew_; _Four
Masters_; Lodge's _Peerage_. Instructions for Snagg, A. G., June 11.

[357] Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, Aug. 1; Waterhouse to
Sidney, July 4, in the _Sidney Papers_, where also are the Instructions
for Snagg and Briskett; Sidney's Summary Relation, 1583.

[358] Letter of advice to Lord Grey, Sept. 17, 1580, in the _Sidney
Papers_. Sidney to the Queen, Sept. 15, 1577, in same; to the Queen
(after reaching England), Sept. 18, 1578.

[359] Lady Mary Sidney to Edward Molineux, Oct. 11, 1578, and a second
letter (undated) soon after, in the _Sidney Papers_. It is the _Book of
Howth_ which accuses Sidney of being a 'lusty feeder and surfeiter.' The
Irish nickname might very well come from some dispute with a contractor,
and not from Sidney's fondness for malt liquor. Sidney died in 1586,
prematurely old, at fifty-seven years of age. In the British Museum a
black letter pamphlet contains a funeral sermon by Thomas White, D.D.,
the founder of Sion College. The whole is interesting, more especially
the following passage: 'He consumed himself in yielding light to other
men; besides his special gift of affability to poor and simple men, the
very grace of all his greatness. It is no hard matter for a man to be
humble in low estate, but to be lowly in greatness is not a common gift;
and if pride herself be often forced to dissemble humility, because
lowliness maketh a simple man to be highly commended, how much more doth
it excel, when it shall indeed appear in persons of value and renown!
Wherefore if any man will build his house high, let him lay his
foundations very low, for envy shoots at high marks, and pride goes
before a fall.' Herein lay the secret of Sidney's immense popularity. His
haughtiness was reserved for the great and powerful.




CHAPTER XXXV.

THE IRISH CHURCH DURING THE FIRST TWENTY YEARS OF ELIZABETH'S REIGN.


[Sidenote: The Queen aims at outward uniformity.]

Outward uniformity was what Elizabeth chiefly aimed at in the first years
of her reign, and before a Papal excommunication forced her to be the
enemy of all who adhered to Rome. The Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity
were passed as a matter of course, but a clause in the latter statute
shows that there was every disposition to treat the Irish tenderly. Most
parts of Ireland, the Act declares, were devoid of English ministers to
read the Common Prayer and administer the sacraments; 'and for that also,
that the same may not be in their native language, as well for difficulty
to get it printed, as that few in the whole realm can read Irish
letters,' it was ordained that ministers and priests who knew no English
might do their office in Latin. It was a singularly ill-advised plan, for
the Jesuits and friars all knew Latin, and the Irish people knew it even
less than English.

[Sidenote: The English Bible and Prayer-book. Images.]

In Dublin, however, everyone spoke English, and the Common Prayer Book of
Edward VI. was used at the installation of Sussex. Open opposition was
impossible, but on the following Sunday an attempt was made to discredit
the new ritual by a trick. Christ Church contained a marble Christ with a
crown of thorns on His head. This statue, which had been removed by
Browne and replaced by Curwen, was observed to bleed during the service,
and many were ready to believe in a miracle. Sedgrave, the mayor, who had
sat quiet during the former service, produced a rosary and prayed openly
before the bloody effigy. A former monk of the cathedral, named Leigh,
cried out that Christ could not but sweat blood since heresy had come
into the Church. A tumult seemed imminent, and Sussex and his suite
hurried out of the choir. But Curwen stood upon a bench and showed the
congregation that Leigh had placed a sponge filled with blood within the
crown of thorns. The Protestants were triumphant, the Roman party
confounded, and Curwen's orders to have the statue broken up were obeyed
without demur. Parker made good use of this occurrence to persuade the
Queen to have images removed from all the churches. The exposure of so
gross a fraud may have contributed to secure outward conformity in
Dublin; but among the Irish-speaking people in the country it was perhaps
scarcely heard of. The counter-reformation was everywhere in progress
under teachers trained at Louvain. The actual state of the question as
between Crown and Pope may best be arrived at by considering each diocese
separately. A large Bible presented by Archbishop Heath to one or both of
the Dublin cathedrals was eagerly read, and more than 7,000 copies are
said to have been bought for the Irish market in two years; but they can
have been of little use to those who did not know a word of English.[360]

[Sidenote: See of Armagh. Adam Loftus.]

The primatial see of Armagh was vacant at the accession of Elizabeth, and
remained so until 1563. Sussex recommended Adam Loftus, a Yorkshireman,
who was already in Ireland and distinguished as a preacher. Loftus, who
was educated at Cambridge, was the friend of Cartwright, and this may
have retarded his promotion for a time. In November, 1561, his preferment
was announced, and almost immediately afterwards the news was
contradicted on authority. 'I know not,' said Sussex, 'who hath informed
that he is not worthy of that place, but if a vehement zeal in religion,
good understanding in the Scriptures, doctrines, and other kinds of
learning, continual study, good conversation of life, and a bountiful
gift of God in utterance, be sufficient to enable him, I undertake I have
better ground to enable him than any man of that land or this, of what
vocation soever he be, hath to disable him.' Loftus made the usual
professions of unwillingness, and Sussex remarked that the primacy was
great in name, but the living very small. He had searched for three years
without finding a fit man. The Lord Deputy's entreaties prevailed, and in
October 1561 a _congé d'élire_ was addressed to the Dean and Chapter of
Armagh. This is remarkable, because the necessity for such instruments in
Ireland had been already abolished by Act of Parliament. The letter was
sent down to Armagh, and the Dean replied that no election was possible.
The greater part of the Chapter were 'temporal men and Shane O'Neill's
horsemen.' The appointment was accordingly made by patent. Perhaps it had
been the Queen's intention to obtain only a permissive dispensation. At
all events, the failure of the first attempt at capitular election was
enough for her, and she did not repeat the experiment. Loftus was
consecrated by Archbishop Curwen in March 1563, and the succession was
thus preserved, for Curwen's authenticity has never been questioned at
Rome. At the beginning of 1565 Loftus was elected Dean of St. Patrick's,
and was empowered to hold the deanery along with his archbishopric, from
which it must be allowed that he derived little or no profit. It does not
appear that he ever saw his cathedral, which was burned by Shane O'Neill
in 1566 lest it should shelter the English; and he was ready to resign a
dignity which brought him not more than 20_l._ a year. 'Of the whole
revenues,' he said, 'there remaineth nothing but the bare house and
fourscore acres of ground at Termonfeckin. Though peace ensue the
repressing of this rebel, yet these wastes will not be inhabited, nor the
spoils recovered many years hereafter.' In the following year Loftus was
translated to Dublin and forced to resign his deanery, which he did very
unwillingly. Curwen, he said, had so impoverished his see that it was
worth only 400_l._ Irish with 1,200 acres of land, and he was 'minded
rather to continue in the poor state' of nominal primate with St.
Patrick's thrown in. He had, however, admitted that he could do no good
in the Northern see, 'for that altogether it lieth among the Irish.' Love
of money was throughout the bane of Loftus, and went far to neutralise
the good effects of his learning and eloquence.[361]

[Sidenote: Loftus is removed to Dublin.]

Having determined to remove Loftus to Dublin, the Queen seriously thought
of making the Dean, Terence Daniel, Primate of All Ireland. He had been
thought of in 1564, but was very unfit for the office, and the
appointment, which would have been avowedly political, was perhaps
prevented by Sidney or Parker. Loftus recommended his friend Cartwright;
but Thomas Lancaster, an Englishman who had formerly been Bishop of
Kildare, was preferred, and in consideration of the state of his see was
allowed to hold other preferment both in England and Ireland.[362]

[Sidenote: Papal primates.]

But neither Loftus nor Lancaster was acknowledged at Rome, and a Primate
not acknowledged at Rome had small chance of reverence from the Irish
masses. Donat O'Teige was provided by the Pope, and was at Armagh in the
summer of 1561, when Shane O'Neill made his first attempt to burn the
cathedral and its garrison of English soldiers. The pretended 'Papist
Primate,' said Sussex, 'sung mass with all the friars. After mass the
Primate and the friars went thrice about Shane's men, saying certain
prayers, and willed them to go forward, for God was on their side.
Whereupon he and all his men made a solemn vow and took their oaths never
to turn their faces from the church till they had burned it and all the
English churches, and so with a great shout set forward and assaulted the
churchyard, where divers of them quickly left their bodies, and the rest,
setting on fire the friars' house and other old houses in another part of
the town, ran away.' We cannot wonder at the difficulty of obtaining
canonical election for Loftus. O'Teige died in the following year, and in
1564 Richard Creagh was provided in his room.[363]

[Sidenote: Archbishop Creagh. His sufferings.]

If martyrdom consists in suffering for one's opinions, few men have
earned the crown better than Archbishop Creagh. He was a Limerick man,
the son of a merchant, and himself engaged in trade. A ship in which he
was about to sail put to sea while he was engaged in prayer. She
foundered with all hands, and this escape made Creagh more serious than
ever. He went to Louvain, and afterwards intended to enter the severe
Theatine order, which had been founded about the time of his birth; but
Pius IV., under pain 'of cursing,' obliged him to accept the Irish
Primacy. During Queen Mary's life he had already refused the
Archbishopric of Cashel. From Rome he went by way of Augsburg to Antwerp,
and thence to Louvain, where, dressed in his archiepiscopal robes, he
gave a dinner to the doctors. He then sailed in a ship bound for Ireland,
was driven to Dover by a contrary wind, and made his way to Rochester.
'There,' says his evidence before the Recorder of London, 'he found an
Irish boy begging, whom he took with him to London, and there lodged at
the Three Cups in Broad Street, where he tarried not past three days, and
went to Paul's Church, and there walked but had no talk with any man, and
so to Westminster Church to see the monuments there, and from thence came
to Westminster Hall the same time that he heard say Bonner was
arraigned.' He made his way to Ireland, landed in his own province, and
went to a monastery to hear mass. Immediately afterwards, and within an
hour of setting foot on dry land, he was arrested by soldiers and sent to
England. He was imprisoned and examined in the Tower, whence he escaped
after a few weeks. By some extraordinary negligence, or possibly on
purpose, all the doors were left open one morning. Creagh passed out at
the main gate and was stopped by the Beefeaters, to whom he represented
himself as the servant of Bilson, a Roman Catholic priest who was
undergoing an easy imprisonment. He was allowed to go free, and it is not
surprising that he should have thought his escape miraculous.[364]

[Sidenote: Fate of Creagh.]

Creagh made his way back to Ulster. According to his own account he was
at all times friendly to Englishmen, anxious to serve the Queen as far as
conscience would allow, and careful to prevent Shane O'Neill from
plundering the Pale 'according to his cursed custom.' No sincere
priest--and Creagh was undoubtedly a virtuous man--could have approved
Shane's doings, and no Archbishop could be well pleased to see his
cathedral a blackened ruin. But his language in the Tower differed
greatly in tone from that which he held in Ulster. On Christmas Day 1566
he was with Shane, and wrote to Sidney suggesting that 'if peace should
be or not, whether it should please your lordship, that we should have
our old service in our churches, and suffer the said churches to be up
for that use, so that the said Lord O'Neill should the less destroy no
more churches, and perhaps should help to restore such as by his
procurement were destroyed.' In the same letter he admits that he had
close relations with Spain, and throughout uses the first person plural.
Sidney's winter campaign, which broke Shane's power, perhaps made Ulster
untenable, or that chief may not have been unwilling to surrender him in
order to make room for Terence Daniel. However that may be, Creagh seems
to have wandered into Connaught, for it was by O'Shaughnessy that he was
arrested, just four months after his letter to Sidney. He was indicted in
Dublin for conspiring with Shane, but the intention to try him there was
abandoned. There may have been considerable doubt of the fact, and much
more of Irish judges and juries; or perhaps Sidney disliked the odious
task. Once more Creagh escaped, but was again arrested by some of
Kildare's people and sent to London. He was never put on his trial, and
remained eighteen years in the Tower. In 1579, after he had been more
than eleven years in prison, one Hupton, his keeper for the last five,
who thought himself, says Creagh, 'ordained to take harm by Papists,' was
in custody 'only for papistry.' Colwick, another keeper, was accused of
carrying letters to the poor Archbishop, but he said he had never given
him anything but certain sums of 20_s._, 10_s._, or 5_s._ at a time,
'sent him by his countrymen.' In 1574 Creagh wrote a long letter to the
Council, in which he defended himself from all charges of treason or
rebellion, while acknowledging that he owed obedience to the Pope. One of
his legs, he said, was rendered useless by the pressure of irons for
eight years. He had lost most of his teeth, and suffered from rupture,
stone, 'and many other like miseries.' Yet he lived on till 1585. A
memorandum made in the spring of that year notes him as 'a dangerous man
to be among the Irish, for the reverence that is by that nation borne
unto him, and therefore fit to be continued in prison.' A few months
afterwards he died. It has been said that he was poisoned; but his
manifold diseases would account for his death, and Holing the Jesuit, a
contemporary writer, says simply that he was worn out by years and by the
filth of his prison. The story is bad enough as it stands.[365]

[Sidenote: See of Meath. Bishop Staples.]

Edward Staples, who was appointed both by King and Pope in 1529, was
deprived in 1554, but remained in Ireland. 'I was,' he says, 'driven
almost to begging, thrust out of my house, cast from estimation, and made
a jesting among monks and friars, nor any cause why was laid against me;
but for that I did marry a wife they did put an Irish monk in my place,
whose chief matter in preaching hath been in railing against my old
master.' Pole, he adds, chiefly objected to his praying for Henry VIII.'s
soul, but promised that he should have some means of support. He was,
however, left to beg, and could not even afford the journey to London. He
probably died soon after Elizabeth's accession, for the Cistercian
William Walsh was left in possession of his see until 1560, when he was
deprived for preaching against the royal supremacy and the Book of Common
Prayer. Though appointed by Pole, Walsh received no regular Papal
provision till 1564. He was soon afterwards imprisoned, but escaped to
France in 1572. In 1575 he had a Brief to act both for Armagh and
Dublin, Creagh being in the Tower and the other primacy vacant; but it is
not clear that he returned to Ireland. 'He is,' said Loftus, who had vain
hopes of converting him, 'of great credit among his countrymen, and upon
whom, as touching causes of religion, they wholly depend.' But Walsh
could hardly live safely in Ireland, and he died in Spain in 1578, having
for some time acted as suffragan to the Archbishop of Toledo. Hugh Brady,
appointed by patent in 1563, was a purely Protestant bishop.[366]

[Sidenote: See of Clogher. Meiler Magrath.]

At the accession of Elizabeth, Raymond MacMahon was Bishop of Clogher. He
died in 1560 probably, and it is not pretended that he conformed. There
is a regular Papal succession from his death, but the Queen made no
appointment till 1570, when she preferred the notorious Meiler Magrath.
Eugene Magennis was Bishop of Down and Connor, and perhaps made some show
of conformity, for he was present in the Parliament of 1560. He died in
1563, and Shane O'Neill tried to get the see for his brother, who was
only twenty-three years old. The Pope refused, and in 1565 Meiler Magrath
was appointed at Rome. Magrath, who was utterly unscrupulous, made all
the official submissions required of him, and in 1580 was deprived by the
Pope 'for the crime of heresy and many other enormities.' From that date
there is a regular Papal succession. Magrath, who had been originally a
Franciscan friar, became the Queen's Archbishop of Cashel in 1570; her
Majesty having previously appointed John Merriman to Down and Connor.
Magrath therefore enjoys the unique distinction of having been Protestant
Archbishop of Cashel and Papal Bishop of Down and Connor at one and the
same time. He was no ornament to either Church.[367]

[Sidenote: Derry. Raphoe. Dromore. Clonmacnoise.]

Eugene O'Dogherty was Bishop of Derry at Elizabeth's accession. He was
appointed by provision, and there is a regular Papal succession from him,
but it does not appear that the Queen ever interfered. The same may be
said of Raphoe and Dromore. Peter Wall, a Dominican, became Bishop of
Clonmacnoise in 1556. On his death, in 1568, the see was united to Meath
by Act of Parliament, and the Popes made no appointment until 1647.
Patrick MacMahon was Bishop of Armagh from 1541 to 1568 at least, in
which latter year he appears to have been deprived by bull. He died
before November 1572, and in 1576 the Pope provided a successor as from
his death and not from his deprivation, which may cast some doubt on the
above-mentioned document. The Queen made no appointment till 1583.
Kilmore was vacant at her accession, and she made no appointment till
1585. There is, however, a regular Papal succession. As a plain matter of
fact the Government had no ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Ulster during
the early part of Elizabeth's reign. It was different with Meath, and
Bishop Brady has the credit of restoring the ruined church of Kells in
1578. That it should have been then in ruins says little for the position
of religion where the State had power.[368]

[Sidenote: Dublin.]

A sentiment attaches to Armagh, but Dublin was much more really
important. It was beyond Shane O'Neill's power to burn either St.
Patrick's or Christ Church, and a Papal nominee could hardly venture into
the city or even into the diocese. Hugh Curwen, who was Archbishop from
1555 to 1568, when he was translated to Oxford, undoubtedly conformed,
and it is through him that Irish Protestant bishops derive what is called
apostolical succession. The Pope did not make even a titular appointment
until 1600. Thomas Leverous, Kildare's old tutor, and a most excellent
man, was Bishop of Kildare at Mary's death, was deprived in 1559, so far
as the Government could deprive him, for refusing to take the oath of
supremacy, and supported himself as a schoolmaster till his death in
1577. He was buried at Naas, within his own diocese, and his body was
said to have performed many miracles. The Popes made no appointment until
1629, and the history of the Protestant see is very curious.[369]

[Sidenote: Kildare.]

[Sidenote: Robert Daly.]

[Sidenote: Irish Protestantism naturally Puritanical.]

Alexander Craik, a Scot, was appointed by patent in 1560, and was allowed
to hold the Deanery of St. Patrick's also. He is accused of impairing
his bishopric by alienating the lands, but he was in the direst poverty,
and he evidently had a conscience, so perhaps this may be calumny.
'Neither,' he wrote to Leicester, 'I can preach to the people nor the
people understand me.' Loftus was his chaplain and only ally, and he
begged to be released. His deanery of St. Patrick's was valueless to him,
for William Basnet claimed to hold it by a lease of Henry VIII.
Nevertheless the Crown pressed him for first-fruits, and he had not
wherewithal to pay the bare expenses of his removal to Ireland. As a
preacher he was overworked, and when he imported an assistant from
Hampshire, the Bishop of Winchester cited the latter for non-residence.
Both for the sake of his health and his pocket he begged leave to visit
England, but apparently the request was refused, and in 1563 he was
actually in prison for 632_l._ due on account of first-fruits which he
had not the means to pay. He died in the following year, and the see was
given, unsolicited, to Robert Daly, a Prebendary of St. Patrick's, whose
power of preaching in the Irish language recommended him to the Queen.
The net value of his bishopric not being more than 50_l._ a year, Daly
was allowed to retain his prebend as well as the vicarage of Swords. He
was a sincere and energetic Calvinist, and in 1565 he wrote to Cecil
lamenting the measures taken against the Puritans. 'The poor
Protestants,' he said, 'being amazed at the talk doth oft resort towards
me to learn what the matter means: whom I do comfort with the most
fruitful texts of Scripture that I can find, willing them to put their
trust in God, who promised that the faith should not decay in His elect,
and never to leave His flock comfortless.' We have here the germ of many
future troubles. Irish Protestantism, being the religion of a minority in
a Roman Catholic country, naturally took a Calvinistic hue, and the
attempt to make it conform to the views of Parker, Whitgift, Laud, and
others destroyed any chance which the State Church might have had. Daly
begged for such encouragement as would enable him not only to comfort his
friends, but to 'suppress the stout brags of the sturdy and proud
Papists.' He remained Bishop of Kildare for eighteen years, during which
he was turned out of house and home three times by the rebels. The last
outrage was in 1582, and is supposed to have caused his death.[370]

[Sidenote: Ossory.]

The see of Ossory, which it was in Ormonde's power to protect, would
naturally have been one in which the State religion might have had a fair
chance. John Thonery was in possession at Mary's death, and Bale was also
alive. The Kilkenny historian says the Protestant Bishops derive their
succession through Thonery, but there is a difficulty about this, for an
official document written in 1565 declares the see to have been long
vacant, and another paper written while Bale was still alive also treats
it as vacant. Now Bale died in 1563, and Thonery certainly not before
1565. Thonery was employed by the Government in 1559, and there is some
evidence that he was considered still Bishop in 1567. But the Queen
appointed Christopher Gafney towards the end of 1565. From these rather
contradictory data it may perhaps be inferred that Thonery never
conformed, but that he was not formally deprived. Probably he left the
country, for he was certainly considered the true Bishop at Rome. The
consistorial act nominating Thomas Strong in 1582 declares the see to
have been many years vacant, since the death of Thonery, the last Bishop.
Strong made his way to Ireland in 1584, but found his position untenable,
and died in Spain in 1602, having long acted as suffragan to the Bishop
of Compostella.[371]

[Sidenote: Leighlin.]

Thomas O'Fihily, or Field, was Bishop of Leighlin at Elizabeth's
accession, and undoubtedly conformed, fully abjuring the Pope's
authority. He died in 1566, and was buried in his own cathedral. Here,
therefore, is an undoubted link between the Marian and Elizabethan
Churches. Alexander Devereux, who was made Bishop of Ferns in 1539, and
consecrated by Browne, managed to hold his see through the remainder of
Henry's reign, and through the reigns of Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth,
till his death in 1566. He is acknowledged both in the Papal and
Protestant successions, but was a man of indifferent character and no
credit to either Church.[372]

[Sidenote: Cashel.]

[Sidenote: Rival Archbishops.]

Roland Baron was made Archbishop of Cashel by Mary, and held the see till
his death in 1561. But this case does not affect the succession, for
Baron, on account of some informality perhaps, was never acknowledged at
Rome. In 1567 rival archbishops were appointed. The Queen's nominee was
James MacCaghwell, an Irishman, whose learning and virtue had recommended
him to Jewel. Jewel handed him on to Loftus, who advised that he should
have Cashel, 'the living being very small and not meet for any but of
that country birth.' The Primate evidently thought all fat things should
be reserved for Englishmen like himself. The still poorer diocese of Emly
was added during MacCaghwell's episcopate; but he had little enjoyment of
either see. Maurice Reagh FitzGibbon was appointed by the Pope, and in
some way violently dispossessed the Queen's man. Hooker says he wounded
him with a knife, but if that happened it was more probably the act of
some kerne. MacCaghwell seems, however, to have been closely imprisoned,
so that his whereabouts became doubtful. Primate Lancaster said that
FitzGibbon had carried his rival into Spain. For a time at least
FitzGibbon got possession of the cathedral, and is said to have forced
his rival to remain in the choir while he celebrated mass. The rough
treatment to which MacCaghwell was subjected may have shortened his life.
At all events he died in 1570, and Meiler Magrath was appointed in his
place. FitzGibbon's triumph was shortlived, for he did not venture to
visit his diocese. From 1569 to 1578, he seems to have remained on the
Continent defying Walsingham's schemes to entrap him, and it is doubtful
if he ever returned to Ireland.[373]

[Sidenote: Waterford and Lismore.]

The sees of Waterford and Lismore were united in the fourteenth century.
Patrick Walsh, an Oxford graduate, who had been Dean of Waterford since
1547, was appointed in 1551 by _congé d'élire_, followed by capitular
election, and remained in possession during the reign of Mary. The
probability is that he was at first a waverer whose English education
induced him to conform to Henry VIII.'s arrangements, and that he
gradually reverted to Rome. When Sussex entered Waterford in 1558 the
Bishop received him in his robes, but the Protestant ritual had not yet
been re-established. Walsh resigned his deanery in 1566 in favour of
Peter White, who was a very good man but certainly no Protestant. The
Bishop retained his place in both successions, but when he died in 1578,
Waterford, in the opinion of English Protestants, was thoroughly given up
to 'superstition and idolatry,' to 'Rome runners and friars;' and so it
remained during the whole of Elizabeth's reign. Walsh's Protestant
successor, Marmaduke Middleton, only sat some three years, and was
practically expelled by the hostility of his flock. He was translated to
St. David's, and the diocese then fell for several years into the
all-devouring maw of Meiler Magrath. The Popes made no appointment till
1629.[374]

[Sidenote: Cork and Cloyne. Ross.]

Cork and Cloyne were united in the fifteenth century, and Dominic Tirrey
was appointed in 1536. He held possession of the see for twenty years,
but was never acknowledged at Rome, and there is a double succession from
the year 1540. The remote see of Ross does not appear to have been filled
either by Henry VIII., Edward VI., or Mary. Papal appointments were made
in 1519, 1526, 1554, 1559, and 1561. In 1582 William Lyon was appointed
by patent, and soon afterwards received Cork and Cloyne also. The three
sees have since been united in the Protestant succession, but the Papal
see of Ross has continued separate, though no appointment appears to have
been made between 1582 and 1647.[375]

[Sidenote: Limerick.]

William Casey, who was undoubtedly a Protestant, was appointed Bishop of
Limerick in 1551. He was deprived by Mary, but restored by Elizabeth in
1571. Between 1556 and 1571 the see was held by Hugh Lacy, who was not a
Protestant, though he seems to have been something of a trimmer. Yet he
made no attempt at concealment when Sidney visited his cathedral in 1568.
Lacy cannot be held to have conformed, for when the temporalities were
restored to Casey he continued to act as Papal Bishop till his death in
1580, not long before which he suffered a short detention in his own
house. There is a regular double succession from 1571.[376]

[Sidenote: Ardfert and Aghadoe. Killaloe. Kilfenora.]

James Fitzmaurice, Cistercian Abbot of Odorney, was made Bishop of
Ardfert and Aghadoe by the Pope in 1536. Queen Elizabeth made no
appointment till 1588, some years after Fitzmaurice's death. Her nominee
was unable to hold his ground in Kerry, nor was the Papal Bishop
permanently resident. The facts about Killaloe are not very clear. From a
comparison of dates it would appear that Bishop James O'Corren, who took
the oath of supremacy in 1539, was deprived or suspended at Rome, that he
afterwards resigned, that the see was for a time governed by vicars, and
that Terence O'Brien was made Bishop by the Pope in 1554. Bishop O'Brien
died in 1569, and the Government seems not to have interfered with him.
The temporalities were soon afterwards handed over to Maurice MacBrien
Arra, who, on account of his youth, was not consecrated till 1576. In the
meantime the Pope had appointed Malachy O'Molony. MacBrien was educated
at Cambridge, and doubtless conformed, as he remained Bishop till 1612.
Being chief as well as pastor, he had a better chance of success than
most of Elizabeth's men, but he had trouble with his Papal rivals,
O'Molony and O'Mulrian, the latter of whom was appointed in 1576.
O'Mulrian, who was a sharp thorn in the side of Government during the
Desmond rebellion, died in Portugal in 1616, having been an exile for
many years. John O'Nialain, appointed by Papal provision, was Bishop of
Kilfenora from 1541 till his death in 1572. The Popes made no fresh
appointment until 1647, nor is it certain that the Queen made any at
all.[377]

[Sidenote: Tuam. Kilmacduagh. Clonfert. Achonry. Elphin. Ardagh.]

Christopher Bodkin was Archbishop of Tuam at Elizabeth's accession. He
was on fairly good terms with the Government, but there seems no reason
to suppose that he turned Protestant in any real sense. As he sat
uninterruptedly from 1536 to 1572, we may not uncharitably suppose him to
have had rather an elastic conscience. After his death the two
successions are separate. Redmund O'Gallagher was Bishop of Killala from
1549 to 1569, from which latter date the successions are separate.
O'Gallagher was not at any time a Protestant. Kilmacduagh was held by
Bodkin with Tuam, after which Stephen Kirwan was appointed by the Queen
and Dermot O'Diera by the Pope. Elizabeth never made any appointment to
Achonry, which may be considered purely Papal during her reign. The see
of Elphin was held along with Clonfert till 1580, when Thomas Chester, an
Englishman, was appointed by the Queen. The Papal succession is
altogether separate. The local influence of Roland de Burgo enabled him
to keep possession of Clonfert from 1534 till his death in 1580. He
conformed so far as to take the oath of allegiance in 1561, but he was
not a Protestant. The successions separate after his death. On the whole
it may be said that Queen Elizabeth scarcely interfered in Church matters
in Connaught; at least towards the end of her reign.[378]

[Sidenote: Spiritual peers, 1560 and 1585. Papal and Protestant
succession.]

Lists have been preserved of three archbishops and seventeen bishops 'in
a certain Parliament' held in 1560, and of four archbishops and
twenty-two bishops 'answerable to the Parliament in Ireland, and summoned
unto the Parliament holden in 1585.' It has been assumed by some writers
that all the prelates mentioned in the first list actually attended
Parliament; whereas it is much more probable that many were only
summoned, as is expressly stated in the second list. The mere fact of
certain sees being named in any such list is no proof that the incumbents
conformed to Elizabeth's arrangements. Some of the bishops, even if
present, may have voted against the Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity. The
position of the twenty dioceses mentioned in the list may be briefly
summarised thus:--One archbishop, Curwen of Dublin, conformed.
Christopher Bodkin of Tuam may, from his character, have conformed
insincerely, but this is not proved. Baron of Cashel had never been
confirmed by the Pope, so that his case does not count, though there is
no proof of his having conformed. Walsh of Meath and Leverous of Kildare
were deprived. O'Fihily of Leighlin conformed. In the remaining cases,
the evidence is not very distinct as to formal conformity or the reverse,
but many can be proved to have been Roman Catholics, and none can be
proved to have been Protestants. No doubt some bishops took the oath of
allegiance at the beginning of Elizabeth's reign who could not have done
so after her excommunication. Some had already acknowledged the supremacy
of Henry VIII., in which they were countenanced by Gardiner himself. The
fact that no Christian name is assigned to the Bishops of Emly, Ross,
Killaloe, Achonry, Killala, Ardfert, and Ardagh, tends to prove that many
of the sees given in the list were not really represented. The Dublin
officials knew something about the Leinster, and a few of the Munster
bishops; of the more distant sees they knew no more than the bare
names.[379]

The state of the Irish Church during the early years of Elizabeth was as
lamentable as it is possible to conceive. A report made in 1566 by the
Irish Council to the Privy Council says that Curwen of Dublin, Loftus of
Armagh, and Brady of Meath did their best, both in preaching and in
looking after their clergy. 'Howbeit,' they continue, 'the work goeth
slowly forward within their said three dioceses by reason of the former
errors and superstitions inveterated and leavened in the people's hearts;
and in want of livings sufficient for fit entertainment of well chosen
and learned curates amongst them, for that those livings of cure being
most part appropriated benefices in the Queen's Majesty's possession, are
letten by leases unto farmers with allowance or reservation of very small
stipends or entertainments for the vicars or curates, besides the decay
of the chancels, and also of the churches universally in ruin, and some
wholly down. And out of their said dioceses, the remote parts of Munster,
Connaught, and other the Irish countries and borders thereof (saving the
commissioners for the ecclesiastical causes have travelled with some of
the bishops and others, their ministers residing in the civil and nearer
parts), order cannot yet so well be taken with the residue until the
countries be first brought into more civil and dutiful obedience. I, the
Deputy (Sidney), have given charge to the said bishops to make diligent
search, and to certify me in the next term, of every the said decayed
chancels and churches in their dioceses, &c.... The livings of the
prebendaries of St. Patrick's are most part in benefices with cure, and
they for the most part aged men who, with the rest of the ministers of
that College, according the rules of the same, give their due attendance
on that collegiate church, daily doing divine service, and devotion with
due reverence and harmony convenient, and some of them do preach also.
Nevertheless, they have been treated with by us the Archbishops of Dublin
and Armagh, and Bishop of Meath, and are found conformable to depart with
such portion of their livings as shall be thought fit by her Highness for
the setting forth and maintenance of learning and teaching for this
realm.... We know not as yet of any alienations or wastes suffered to be
made by the clergy, nor of any appropriations of benefices by them put in
use, nor that the clergy of this realm are greatly inclined to offend in
that part, except the alienations or wastes done by the Bishop of Ferns,
who to the use of his sons hath put away the most part of the living of
his bishopric.'[380]

[Sidenote: The Jesuit, David Wolfe.]

Meanwhile the Popes were busily countermining. The Jesuit, David Wolfe, a
Limerick man who had spent several years at Rome, was selected by Pius
IV. for the Irish service. The Pope wished to make Wolfe a bishop, and to
invest him with all the pomp proper to a nuncio. Lainez, who had
recommended Wolfe, opposed this, lest the humility of the society should
be offended, and lest the Papal insignia should make the envoy's work
harder. The General's advice was taken, and Wolfe started for Ireland
with the full power of a nuncio, but without noise or show. After having
been arrested in France as a Lutheran, he reached Cork in January 1561.
All his luggage had been lost at sea, and he found it difficult to obtain
bare subsistence, being unwilling either to incur obligations or to beg.
He managed, however, to maintain himself for several years in Connaught
and Western Munster. In 1563 he issued a commission to Thady Newman, a
Dublin priest, giving him power to grant absolution 'to all and singular
persons, both lay and ecclesiastical, and of either sex, in all cases
even if grave and enormous, and specially from the crimes of heresy and
schism, and to reconcile them to mother church on doing penance, and
making a public or private abjuration.' Wolfe, who wrote from Limerick,
says the danger of the journey would not suffer him to visit Leinster. He
reported among other things that Tuam Cathedral had been used as a
fortress for 300 years, during which time mass had not been said there;
and that Archbishop Bodkin had restored it to its proper use. There were
only twenty or thirty houses in Tuam. Ardagh Cathedral was also used as a
fort and in lay hands. About 1566 Wolfe fell into the power of the
Government, and was confined in Dublin Castle. A bishop, probably
Leverous, visited him there, and was driven away by the stench. In 1572
or 1573 Wolfe made his escape, perhaps by means of money sent from Spain,
to which country he fled. The Protestant Bishop of Cork says 'he
foreswore himself,' whence it seems probable that the severity of his
confinement had been relaxed. Wolfe returned to Ireland with James
Fitzmaurice. Perhaps he did as much as any one man to preserve the Papal
power in Ireland.[381]

FOOTNOTES:

[360] The story of the bleeding Christ is in Strype's _Life of Parker_.
The item about the Bibles is given by Mant on the authority of the Loftus
MS.

[361] Sussex to Cecil, Dec. 25, 1561; Lord Deputy and Council to the
Queen, Sept. 2, 1562; Loftus to Cecil, Nov. 3, 1566, and March 21, 1567;
Richard Creagh to Sidney, Dec. 25, 1566.

[362] The Queen to Lord Deputy Sidney, July 6, 1567, authorising him to
make Terence Daniel Primate; Terence to Cecil, Oct. 5, accepting the
charge. In a letter to Lord R. Dudley, July 23, 1564, Sir T. Wrothe says
Daniel 'would promise to do much with Shane O'Neill, and some think he
could perform it.'

[363] Brady's _Episcopal Succession_. Lord-Lieutenant and Council to the
Queen, July 16, 1561.

[364] Brady's _Episcopal Succession_. Creagh's own statement in
_Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 41, from the Vatican archives; his
examinations, in the _Irish State Papers_, Feb. 22, March 17 and 23,
1565.

[365] Most of the documents relating to Creagh are collected in
_Spicilegium Ossoriense_, vol. i. pp. 38-58. Holing's account is at p.
84. The Jesuit makes Creagh's escapes miraculous, but admits that he was
on parole not to leave the Tower. This may account in some degree for the
severity with which he was afterwards treated. See also a story, which
may be apocryphal, in _O'Sullivan Beare_, tom. ii. lib. iv. cap. 10.

[366] Brady; Loftus to Cecil. July 16, 1565; Holing in _Spicilegium
Ossoriense_.

[367] Brady; Cotton's _Fasti_.

[368] Brady; Cotton.

[369] Brady; Cotton; Holing in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_.

[370] Brady; Cotton; Ware; Alexander Craik to Lord R. Dudley, April 30,
1561; to Cecil, Jan. 2 and 10, Feb. 10 and 18, April 23, 1562, and Aug.
5, 1563; Robert Daly to Cecil, July 2, 1565.

[371] Brady; Cotton; Instructions to Sir H. Sidney, July 4, 1565;
Shirley's _Original Letters_, p. 101; Graves's _History of St. Canice's
Cathedral_, p. 295.

[372] Brady; Cotton; Memoranda of private suits, July 16, 1559.

[373] Brady collects most that is known about this curious rivalry; see
also _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. p. 83, and Hooker under the year 1567.
For MacCaghwell, see Loftus to Cecil, July 3 and Nov. 7, 1566, and
Shirley's _Original Letters_, p. 132.

[374] Brady; Cotton; Captain Gilbert Yorke to Walsingham, Dec. 5, 1579;
and several letters of Bishop Middleton, with recriminating answers on
the part of the townsmen.

[375] Brady and Cotton.

[376] Brady and Cotton.

[377] Brady; Cotton. Ware mentions a Bishop-elect of Kilfenora in 1585,
but the appointment seems to have come to nothing. No doubt the see was
extremely poor.

[378] Brady and Cotton.

[379] The above is from a close comparison of the data in Cotton and
Brady, and in the Parliamentary Lists in _Tracts Relating to Ireland_,
vol. ii. The twenty prelates mentioned in the list of 1560 are thus
disposed of:--

Conformed                         2
Deprived                          2
Never confirmed by the Popes      2
More or less doubtful            14
                                 --
                Total            20


[380] Lord Deputy Sidney and Council to the Privy Council, April 15,
1566.

[381] Hogan's _Hibernia Ignatiana_, pp. 15 to 20. Wolfe's commission to
Thady Newman is in the R.O., Dec. 7, 1563; Interrogatories for Kian
O'Gara and others, May 1572; Matthew Seaine, Bishop of Cork, to Lord
Deputy Fitzwilliam, in the latter's letter to Burghley, Oct. 13, 1573.




INDEX

TO

THE SECOND VOLUME.


Achonry, see of, 367

Adare, 135, 227

Affane, 86, 87, 92, 237

Agard, Captain Francis, seneschal of the Tooles' and Byrnes' country,
    228, 229, 311, 366

Aherlow, Glen of, 168, 185, 186, 188, 191, 221, 223, 224, 233

Alcala, 200

Alen, John, 297

-- Sir John, 1

-- Thomas, 1

Alva, Duke of, 191, 192, 200, 202, 204, 216, 258

Amboise, 8

American Indians, 34

Anjou, Henry, Duke of, Monsieur (afterwards Henry III.), 206

Antrim County, 40, 213, 239;
  _see_ Clandeboye.

Antwerp, 108, 141, 357

Apsley, Captain, 168, 284

Aranjuez, 226

Ardagh, see of, 367, 368, 370

Ardee, 300, 310

Ardfert, 366, 368

Ardglass, 60

Ards, in Down, 149, 211, 232, 233, 247, 304

Argyle, Earl of, 7, 11, 19, 77, 91, 107, 128, 149

-- Countess of, 75

Armagh, 108, 126, 149, 305

-- County, 304

-- church and see of, 15, 23-26, 29, 32, 41, 55, 59-61, 63, 109, 118,
    150, 176, 355;
  for Archbishops, _see_ Loftus, Lancaster, O'Teige, and Creagh.

Arnold, Sir Nicholas, Lord Justice (1564-1565), 50, 51, 57, 65, 68-74,
    77-82, 98-100, 197

Arra, 12, 146

Arundel, name of, 314

Askeaton, 137

Athboy, 300

Athenry, 114, 253, 318, 321

Athlone, 110, 127, 183, 218-220, 254, 318, 322

Athy, 298

Audley, Lord, 257

Augsburg, 357

Austria, Don John of, 227, 346


Bacon, Sir Nicholas, 156, 298

Bagenal, Lady, wife of Sir Nicholas, 128

---- Nicholas, Marshal of the Army (1546-1553, and 1565-1590), 104, 128,
    150, 198, 306, 310

-- Sir Ralph, 1, 2, 48

Baker, Captain, 303

-- a soldier, 160

Bale, John, Bishop of Ossory, 363

Balgriffin 17

Balla, 127

Balliknockane, 159

Ballinagarde, 222

Ballinasloe, 318

Ballintober, 183, 215

Ballycastle, or Market-town in Antrim, 90, 243

Ballymoney, 243

Ballyshannon, 110, 127

Ballyvolane, 135

Baltimore, 188

Baltinglass, Rowland Eustace, Viscount, 30, 47, 50, 158, 332

Banbridge, 284

Bangor, in Down, 127

Bann River, 79, 126, 240, 243, 249

Barkley, Captain or Mr., 243, 246

Barnesmore, 109

Barnewall, Sir Christopher, 152, 154

Baron, Roland, Archbishop of Cashel (1553-1561), 368

Barrett, family of, 314

Barrow River, 228

Barry, or Barrymore, James, Lord, 42, 89, 165, 186, 233, 237, 313, 336

-- Oge, 313

Barry's Court, 312

Barrys, the, 222, 263

Bartholomew, St., 236

Basnet, an officer, 182

-- William, 362

Beaumaris, 125, 238

Belfast, 126, 127, 149, 239, 243, 246, 288, 305

Belleek, in Fermanagh, 55, 110

Bellingham, Sir Edward, 277

Benburb, 109, 284

Berkshire, 272

Bermingham, Baron of Athenry, 318

-- William, 50, 57, 65, 70-74, 138

Berwick, 27, 106

Bewley, 86

Bilson, a priest, 357

Blackwater River, in Munster, 43, 84, 87

---- Ulster, 24, 60, 61, 109, 126, 127, 150, 293-295

Bodkin, Christopher, Archbishop of Tuam (1537-1572), 218, 284, 286, 367,
    368

Boleyn, Anne, 203

Bonner, Edmund, Bishop of London, 357

Bordeaux, 192

-- Huon of, 103

Bourchier, Captain George, 243, 264, 277, 280, 282

Bowers, Captain, 131, 225

Boyle, 110

-- Richard, first Earl of Cork, 256

-- Robert, 257

Brady, Hugh, Bishop of Meath (1563-1585), 256, 319, 360, 361, 369

Braintree, 61

Breconshire, 335

Brefny-O'Reilly (Cavan), proposed earldom of, 19

Brereton, Andrew, 60, 61

Brest, 191

Brett, Jerome, 237

Brill, 216

Briskett, Ludovic, 348

Bristol, 108

Brittany, 191, 315

Broughshane, 90

Browne, George, Archbishop of Dublin, 353, 363

-- Robert, 228, 229

Brunker, Mr., 243

Bunneygal, in Antrim (perhaps the same as Cushendun), 243

Bunratty, 172, 215

Burgate, Thomas, 180

Burghley, William Cecil, Lord, 178, 192, 198, 221, 230-232, 236-238,
    241, 242, 256, 260, 264, 265, 273, 274, 276, 286, 290, 291, 308,
    324, 326, 336, 346;
  _see_ Cecil.

Burgo, de, or Burke, Roland, Bishop of Clonfert (1534-1580), 367

Burke, or de Burgh, Richard, second Earl of Clanricarde;
  _see_ Clanricarde.

-- John, afterwards Baron of Leitrim, son of the second Earl of
    Clanricarde, 114, 159, 171, 217-220, 266, 318, 321, 323, 338, 339,
    341, 343

-- Ulick, half-brother of John and afterwards third Earl of Clanricarde,
    114, 217-220, 318, 321, 323, 339

-- of Mayo, 217

-- MacWilliam, Eighter, or Iochtar of Mayo, 317

-- Shane MacOliver, of Tyrawley in Mayo, claiming to be MacWilliam
    Iochtar, 182, 222

-- William, of Clanwilliam in Limerick, 165, 186

Burkes of Clanricarde, 318

Burnell, name of, 46

-- Henry, 255, 329-331, 333

Burren, 171

Burrows, Captain, 259

Bush River, 244

Butler, Thomas, tenth Earl of Ormonde;
  _see_ Ormonde.

-- Sir Edmund, brother of the tenth Earl of Ormonde, 80, 85, 87, 146,
    153, 154;
  heads the rebels in the 'Butlers' war,' 156-169, 171, 174-176, 190,
    223, 224, 233, 263, 307, 311

-- John, brother of the tenth Earl of Ormonde, 66

-- Piers, brother of the tenth Earl of Ormonde, 112, 159, 160, 162, 163,
    166, 168, 169, 171, 174-176, 307

-- Edward, brother of the tenth Earl of Ormonde, 112, 146, 147, 151,
    159, 160, 163-166, 168, 169, 171, 174-176, 185, 188, 221, 223-224,
    252, 307, 324

-- Piers, of Cahir, 85

-- Sir Theobald, of Cahir, brother of Piers, 164, 283 (where the name is
    wrongly given as Thomas)

Butlers, Barons of Dunboyne;
  _see_ Dunboyne.

-- Eleanor, daughter of Lord Dunboyne and second wife of the sixteenth
    Earl of Desmond, 85, 131, 209, 235-238, 280, 284

Buttevant, 165

Byrne, Edmund, 215, 216


Cadiz, Bishop of, 226

Cahir, 164, 283

Caistor, 204

Calais, 105, 191

Calatrava, 199

Campbell, Lady Agnes, daughter of Argyle and widow of James MacDonnell,
    afterwards married to Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill, 92, 150, 169, 215,
    304, 305

Campbells, the, 128, 150, 295

Campion, Edmund, Jesuit and historian, 118, 350

Canice's, St., the cathedral of Kilkenny, 341

Cantire, 60, 90

Carbery, in Cork;
  _see_ MacCarthy Reagh.

Carbery, in Kildare, 311

Carew Castle, 180

-- an Irish Marquis about 1400, 142

-- Dygon, 145

-- Sir Peter, 139-145, 152, 153, 155, 157, 158, 160, 162, 177, 190, 242,
    246, 250, 292, 298, 309-311

-- Sir Peter, nephew of the last-named, 309, 311, 342

-- George, brother of Sir Peter the younger and afterwards Earl of
    Totnes, 130, 342

Carleton, George, 243

Carlingford, 39, 59, 89, 270, 273

Carlos, Don, 216

Carlow, 59, 94, 122, 229, 311, 333, 344

-- County, 46, 59, 81, 348

Carrickbradagh, 30

Carrickfergus, 60, 79, 91, 95, 116, 118, 127, 129, 133, 148, 149, 213,
    215, 232, 233, 240, 243, 244, 246, 271-273, 300, 301, 303

Carrick-on-Suir, 186

Carrigaline, 165

Cartwright, Thomas, 356

Casey, William, Protestant Bishop of Limerick (1551-1556 and 1571-1591),
    366

Cashel, 84, 112, 186, 221, 248

-- Archbishops of;
  _see_ Baron, MacCaghwell, Magrath, Fitzgibbon.

Castleblayney, 126

Castlederg, 109

Castlemaine, 188, 189, 207, 219, 222, 248, 253, 264

Castle Martyr, 165, 248, 253, 264, 312

Catherine of Arragon, 203

Cé, Lough, annals of, 130

Cecil, William, Lord Burghley, 1, 2, 9, 11, 12, 19, 25, 34, 35, 38, 58,
    73, 74, 101, 105, 106, 108, 120, 123, 126, 127, 134, 139, 155, 156,
    190, 197, 226;
  _see_ Burghley.

Celestine, Pope, 193

Champernowne, Mr., 243

Charles V., Emperor, 197

Charles IX. of France (wrongly given in the text as Henry III.), 107,
    173

Chattertons, two brothers who tried to settle in Ulster, 231, 239, 304

Cheapside, 39

Cheevers, Sir Christopher, 57, 144

Cheke, Sir John, 141, 310

Cheshire, 101, 273

Chester, 89, 101

-- Thomas, Protestant Bishop of Elphin (1580-1584), 367

Cheston, Captain, 132, 215

Chinamen thought scarcely more strange than Irishmen, 34

Christ Church, Dublin, 71, 353, 361

Clancare, Daniel or Donald MacCarthy More, Earl of, 94, 114, 150, 151,
    157, 161, 167, 168, 175, 180, 186, 196, 223, 233, 313;
  _see_ MacCarthy More.

Clandeboye, or Antrim, 36, 149, 213, 239, 240, 272, 274, 284, 286, 301,
    305

Clandonnells, 317

Clanmaurice, in Kerry, 145

Clan O'Neill, proposed earldom of, 305

Clanricarde, Richard Burke or De Burgh, second Earl of, called
    'Sassanagh,' 5, 6, 29, 41, 52, 61,82, 114, 115, 119, 124, 170, 171,
    182, 183, 196, 217-219, 227, 238,254, 263, 266, 317, 318, 321, 322,
    338, 339;
  _see_ John and Ulick Burke.

Clansheehy, 166;
  _see_ MacSheehy.

Clanwilliam, in Limerick, 165

Clare;
  _see_ Thomond.

Clogh, 90

Clogher, 61, 109, 284;
  see of, 360

-- Bishops of;
  _see_ Raymond, MacMahon, and Meiler Magrath.

Clogrennan, 157, 160

Clonfert, church and see of, 218, 318, 367

-- Bishops of;
  _see_ De Burgo.

Clonmacnoise, see of, 361

Clonmel, 10, 11, 85, 87, 112, 163, 186, 221, 248, 265, 266, 283, 345

Cloyne, see and Bishops of, 313, 365;
  and _see_ Tirrey.

Coleraine, 79, 90, 116, 126, 127, 229, 243

Colley;
  _see_ Cowley.

Collins, Arthur, compiler of the 'Sidney Papers,' 98

Collyer or Collier, Captain, 162, 182, 211, 323

Columba, St., 116

Colwick, officer of the Tower, 358

Comber, 247

Compostella, 226, 363

Conna, near Fermoy, 85

Connaught, Presidency proposed, 96;
  Presidency formed, 170, 219, 220, 227, 230, 318, 323;
  _see_ Fitton.

Connello in Limerick, 165, 167

Connemara, 219

Connigse, a place, 135

Coonagh, in Limerick, 223

Copeland Islands, 243

Cork, 43, 44, 82, 159, 116;
  the harbour, 188, 221, 224, 242, 249, 264, 282, 309, 313, 336

-- Beg, 191

-- County of, 113

-- see of, 313, 365;
  for Bishops, _see_ Scaine and Tirrey.

Cormac, a Dominican, 226, 227

Cornwall, Mr., 179

Cosby, Francis, Governor of Maryborough and Seneschal of Queen's Co.
    (1565-1577), 130, 131, 228, 253, 266, 338-340, 342, 344

Cowley or Colley, Sir Henry, Governor of Philipstown (1562-1586), 47,
    227, 228, 253

Craik, Alexander, Bishop of Kildare and Dean of St. Patrick's
    (1560-1564), 361

Creagh, Richard, Papal Archbishop of Armagh (1564-1585), 356-360

Croft or Crofts, Sir James, formerly Lord Deputy, 213, 307

Cromaboo, 99

Cromwell, Oliver, 349

Cumnor, 12

Curlew Mountains, 110

Curraghmore, 86, 312

Curry, Dr. John, the Roman Catholic historian, 130

Curtis, Alderman, 197

Curwen, or Curwin, Archbishop of Dublin (1555-1567), and Bishop of
    Oxford (1567-1568), 94, 354, 355, 361, 368

Cusack, Sir Thomas, Lord Chancellor (1550-1555), 11, 62-67, 74-78,
    82-84, 88, 89, 91, 102

-- Thomas, of Gerardstown, in Meath, 330

Cushendun, in Antrim, 90, 117, 243


Dalkey, 5

Daly, Robert, Bishop of Kildare (1564-1582), 362, 363

Daniel, or Danyel, Terence, Dean of Armagh for many years, from about
    1550, 16, 52, 78, 356

-- a goldsmith, 39

Darcy, Lord, 242

Darton, Nicholas, 5

Davells, Henry, 143, 312

David's, St., 365

Decies, the western part of Waterford, 84, 85, 93, 94

-- Lords of;
  _see_ Sir Maurice and Sir James Fitzgerald.

Delacroix, a French officer, 191

De la Roche, a French officer, 201

Delves, Captain George, 72

Delvin, Christopher Nugent, ninth Baron of, 108, 261, 282, 332

Dempsey, or O'Dempsey, family of, 131

Denny, Sir William, proposed as President for Munster, 318

Derrinlaur, near Clonmel, 283

Derry, attempts at a settlement there, 109, 111, 115, 116, 215, 285

-- see of, 360;
  for Bishops, _see_ Eugene O'Dogherty.

Desmond, Thomas Fitzgerald, eighth Earl of, 150

-- Gerald Fitzgerald, sixteenth Earl of, attends Parliament, 6;
  will not pay cess, 7;
  suspected, 8;
  on bad terms with Ormonde, 10;
  suspected, 14;
  on bad terms with Ormonde, 41;
  insubordinate, 42;
  goes to England, 43;
  his behaviour in London, 48, 61;
  his difficult position, 65-67;
  his quarrel with and capture by Ormonde, 82-89, 92-94, 96-98;
  a prisoner, 113, 121, 122;
  sent to London, 125;
  charges against him, 134-137, 145, 150, 151, 165-167, 208, 209;
  in the Tower, 234-238;
  returns to Ireland, 239, 247-249;
  his escape from Dublin, 251-253, 260;
  he dabbles in treason, 263-268, 273, 275, 276;
  his treasonable attitude, 278-284, 297-299, 309, 313-316;
  offers to submit, 336, 341, 345

-- Sir John Fitzgerald of, brother to the sixteenth Earl, 66, 97, 98,
    122, 125, 136, 150, 208, 209, 236-238, 248, 283, 313, 337, 338

-- Sir James Fitzgerald of, brother of the sixteenth Earl, 281, 313

-- Joan, Countess of, mother of the tenth Earl of Ormonde, and first
    wife of the sixteenth Earl of Desmond;
  _see_ Joan Fitzgerald.

-- Eleanor Butler, second wife of the sixteenth Earl of;
  _see_ Eleanor Butler.

Devereux, Alexander, Bishop of Ferns (1539-1566), 363, 364

-- John, Bishop of Ferns (1566-1578), 156

-- Penelope, daughter of Walter, Earl of Essex, and successively Lady
    Rich and Lady Mountjoy, 326

Devon men in Ireland, 259

-- Earl of, 206

Dillon, name of, 46

-- Sir Lucas, Solicitor-General (1565), Attorney (1566), Chief Baron
    (1570-1593), 153, 297, 317, 330

Dingle, 191, 221

Dixe, William, Government auditor, 65, 69, 72, 73

Dominicans, 79, 127, 226, 227

Donegal, 109, 110, 227;
  _see_ Tyrconnel.

Dormer, Jane, Duchess of Feria, 203

Dover, 357

Dowdall, Sir James, Chief Justice of Munster, and afterwards of the
    Queen's Bench, 180, 276

Dowling, Thady, Chancellor of Leighlin (1595-1628), and author of
    Ireland, 130

Down, County of, 6, 211-214

-- see of, 360;
  for Bishops, _see_ Eugene Magennis, Meiler Magrath, and John Merriman.

D'Oysel, Monsieur, 9

Drake, Sir Francis, 301

Draycott, Henry, Master of the Rolls (1565-1572) 95, 125

Drishane, in Cork, 135

Drogheda, 13, 17, 53, 62, 102, 108, 178, 293, 300, 310

Dromana, 84, 87

Dromore, see of, 360

Drury, Sir William, Lord President of Munster (1576-1579), 282, 320,
    322-324, 336-339, 343, 346, 347, 349

Dublin, 5, 13, 17;
  Castle, 94, 176, 178, 219, 252, 300, 324, 335

-- see of, 361;
  for Archbishops, _see_ Curwen and Loftus.

-- Mayors of, 17;
  and _see_ Sedgrave and Fagan.

Dudley, Edmund, 350

-- Lord Robert, created Earl of Leicester, 4, 12, 39-41, 47, 75;
  _see_ Leicester.

-- Castle, 300

Dufferin, in Down, 36, 304

Duhallow, in Cork, 357

Duleek, 142

Dunboyne, Edmund Butler, first Baron of, 85, 89, 108, 112

-- James Butler, second Baron of, 151, 284, 313

-- Julia MacCarthy, wife of Edmund, first Baron of, 151

Dundalk, 2, 4, 15, 18, 29, 35, 52, 53, 58, 59, 61, 62, 80, 91, 102, 107,
    150, 270, 272, 284, 310

Dundrum, 104

Dungannon, 61

-- first Baron of, Matthew Ferdoragh O'Neill, or Kelly, 2, 15, 16;
  _see_ O'Neill and Kelly.

Dungannon, second Baron of, Brian O'Neill, 9, 15, 23, 39, 75;
  _see_ O'Neill.

-- third Baron of, Hugh O'Neill, afterwards Earl of Tyrone, son of
    Matthew and brother of Brian, 39, 75;
  _see_ O'Neill.

Dungarvan, 86, 127, 185, 191, 215

Dunluce, 90, 243

Dunmanus Bay, 313

Dunsany, Christopher Plunket, sixth Baron of, 50

-- Patrick Plunket, seventh Baron of, 261, 331, 333

Dunseverick, 90, 242

Dursey Island, 142


Edenduff Carrick, or Shane's Castle, 90

Edmond Boy, a Geraldine, 7, 298

Edward IV., his coinage, 12;
  his title to Tyrone, 38

Elphin, see of, 367;
  _see_ Chester, Bishop of.

Ely O'Carroll, 147

Emly, see of, 364, 368

Ennis, 170

Enniscorthy, 161

Erne, Lough and River, 55, 110, 127

Essex, Walter Devereux, created Earl of, his attempt to colonise Ulster,
    239-247;
  his failure, 257-261;
  Governor of Ulster, 267-276;
  his dealings with Desmond, 280-282;
  with the O'Neills, 284-287;
  seizes Sir Brian MacPhelim, 288;
  his later proceedings, 289-294;
  the colonisation scheme abandoned, 294-296;
  arrests Kildare, 298;
  his later proceedings in Ulster, 299-306;
  goes to England, 324;
  return and death, 325-327

-- Robert Devereux, second Earl of, 9, 327

-- Lettice Knollys, wife of Walter, Earl of Essex, and afterwards
    married to Leicester, 239, 269, 327

Eustace, James, afterwards Lord Baltinglass, 229

Eva MacMurrough, wife of Strongbow, 145

Exeter Cathedral, 310


Fagan, Christopher, Mayor of Dublin in 1573, 252

Fair Head, 90, 126

Farnese, Alexander, 346

Farney, or Ferney, 310, 325

Farsetmore, 117

Fathom, in Armagh, near Newry, 126

Fénelon, De la Motte, 315

Fenton, Geoffrey, and his daughter Catherine, 256

Feria, Duchess of;
  _see_ Dormer.

Fermanagh, 55, 61, 285, 305

Fermoy, 233

Ferney;
  _see_ Farney.

Ferns, 156

-- see of, 365;
  for Bishops, _see_ Devereux.

Fethard, in Tipperary, 112, 186

Fideli, Alessandro, 199

Field, Bishop;
  _see_ O'Fihily.

Finglas, Richard, Prime Serjeant (1554-1574), 125

Finisk River, 86, 87

Fitton, or Fytton, Sir Edward, first Lord President of Connaught
    (1569-1579);
  Vice-treasurer (with a brief interval, 1575-1579), 170-173, 182, 183,
    216-220, 238, 243, 245, 247, 254-257, 275, 321

Fitzdavy, Edmund, 277

Fitzgerald;
  for the sixteenth Earl of Desmond and his brothers, _see_ Desmond;
  for the Earls of Kildare, _see_ Kildare.

-- at the Mullaghmast massacre, 131

-- Edward, brother of the eleventh Earl of Kildare, 264-267, 274, 276

-- Sir Maurice na Totane of Desmond, and his son Thomas, 42

-- Sir Thomas Roe of Desmond, 165, 172, 185, 186, 233, 313

-- Sir Maurice, afterwards Viscount of Decies, 84-87, 92, 112, 136, 137

-- Sir James, Lord of Decies, 312

-- John FitzEdmond;
  _see_ Imokilly.

-- Sir John FitzEdmond of Cloyne, 284

-- Richard, 298

-- Lady Joan, married first to the ninth Earl of Ormonde, then to Sir
    Francis Brian, and then to the sixteenth Earl of Desmond, mother of
    the tenth Earl of Ormonde;
  _see_ Ormonde

Fitzgibbon;
  _see_ the White Knight.

-- or MacGibbon, Maurice, Papal Archbishop of Cashel (1576-1578), 156,
    192-196, 199-206, 225, 226, 258, 364

Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald, James, grandson of the fourteenth and nephew of
    the fifteenth Earl of Desmond, 131, 145, 146;
  proclaimed traitor, 150;
  his rebellion, 159-169, 171, 172;
  attainted, 175, 177, 184, 185;
  his struggle with Perrott, 187-189;
  makes it a war of religion, 190-192, 201;
  proposed duel with Perrott, 209;
  continues in rebellion, 221-225;
  submits to Perrott, 233, 238, 252, 264, 276, 277, 283, 312;
  in France, 314-316, 333, 336, 338, 371

-- Thomas, sixteenth Baron of Lixnaw, and Lord of Kerry, 145, 165, 233,
    237, 313

-- James, Bishop of Ardfert, 366

Fitzpatrick, or MacGillapatrick, Barnaby, first Baron of Upper Ossory,
    81

-- Sir Barnaby, second Baron of Upper Ossory, 81, 157, 158, 163, 254,
    261, 307, 311, 344

Fitzpatricks, the, 112, 221

FitzStephen, Robert, 124

Fitzwilliam, Sir William, Vice-Treasurer (1559-1575);
  five times Lord Justice between 1559 and 1571;
  Lord Deputy (1571-1575), 7;
  he expects a general rising, 8;
  Lord Justice again, 14;
  temporises with Shane O'Neill, 18;
  on bad terms with Kildare, 20;
  thinks badly of Shane, 21;
  sent to the Queen by Sussex, 26;
  his instructions, 27;
  returns with a pardon for Shane, 30;
  Lord Justice, 33, 39, 42;
  takes a gloomy view of Ireland, 43-44;
  his opinion of officials, 45, 49, 51;
  his valuation of Shane's loyalty, 80;
  thinks ill of Desmond, 89, 99;
  on bad terms with Arnold, 100;
  a partisan of Ormonde, 122;
  cannot get his accounts as Vice-Treasurer balanced, 123;
  Lord Justice, 124;
  has a bad opinion of the Desmonds, 125;
  and of Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill, 129;
  goes to Ulster, 133;
  his accounts not audited for nine years, 134, 162, 163, 181-183, 192;
  has no money, 207, 209;
  his difficulties as Lord Deputy, 212-221, and 227-233;
  disapproves the Essex expedition, 241, 249, 252-257;
  bemoans his fate, 261, 263;
  ordered to help Essex, 268, 269, 270;
  his troubles, 274-279;
  his campaign in Munster, 282-284, 286;
  last days of his government, 290-300, 340

Fitzwilliam, John, Sir William's son, 107

-- Brian, 71

Flanders, 201, 202

Fleming, name of, 46, 314

-- Gerot, Shane O'Neill's secretary, 91, 92

-- Robert, attorney of Drogheda, 53, 54

Florida, 197, 225

Fortescue, Captain, 71

Four Masters, Annalists, 130, 245, 251, 289, 300

Foyle, Lough and River, 30, 108, 109, 127, 295

France and Frenchmen, 7, 113, 149, 226, 249

Francis II., 8

Frobisher, Martin, 336, 337

Furlong, Matthew, 228


Gafney, Christopher, Protestant Bishop of Ossory (1565-1576), 363

Galicia, 199

Galway, 56, 114, 127, 170, 171, 219, 227, 317, 318, 322

-- County, 317

Garland, Sir James, 30

Garratt, a pirate, 249

Garrett, Michael, a sea-captain, 315

Garrystown, 167

Gemblours, battle, 346

George, St., 60

-- Mad, 345

Gerard, or Gerrard, Sir Gilbert, Attorney-General for England, 11

---- Sir William, Lord Chancellor of Ireland (1576-1579), 178, 320, 328,
    331, 334-336, 346, 348, 349

Gerardiston or Gerardstown, in Meath, 330

German travellers, 192

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 158, 160, 167, 168, 171, 173, 192, 211, 277

Giraldus Cambrensis, 142

Glenarm, 118, 132, 243

Glenconkein, 29

Glendalough, 229

Glenflesk, 188

Glengariffe, 223

Glenshesk, 90

Glin in Limerick, 251, 315

-- Fitzgerald, knight of, 314

Goldsmith, Oliver, 181

Gomez, Ruy, 203

Gormanston, Christopher Preston, fourth Viscount, 331

Gort, 317

Grace, Ormonde's man, 161

-- Fulke, Ormonde's constable at Roscrea, 343

-- Piers, 124, 252

Graces, the, 254

Grangegorman, 252

Graves, Rev. James, 363

Gravesend, 237

Gray, Neal, 28

Greame, Captain George, 225

Greencastle, in Down, 150

Greenwich, 179

Gregory VIII., 233

Grenville, Sir Richard and Lady, 157

Gresham, Sir Thomas, 108, 123

Grey, Arthur, Lord, designated as Viceroy, 207

-- William, Lord, 141

Gueras, Antonio de, 257

Guises, the, 39, 192, 201

Gur, Lough, 252


Haggardston, 107

Hampton Court, 351

Harlech, 50

Harrington, Captain Henry, 255, 343, 344

Hartpole or Harpole, Robert, 130, 131, 229, 342, 344

Hatton, Sir Christopher, 349

Hawkins, John, the sea-captain, 191

Heath, Nicholas, Archbishop of York, 354

Henry III. of France, 173;
  _see_ Charles IX. and Anjou.

-- VIII., 2, 3, 37

Heron, Sir Nicholas, royal seneschal of Wexford (1563-1569), 74, 89,
    150, 198

Holing, S. J., John, 359

Holy Cross, 14, 167

Holyhead, 34

Hooker, John, also called Vowell the chronicler, 140-144, 153, 154, 160,
    161, 309, 310, 342, 364

Hooker, Richard (the 'judicious'), nephew to John, 141

Horne, Robert, Bishop of Winchester, 362

Horsey, Captain Jasper, 165

Howth, 15

-- Christopher St. Lawrence, twentieth Baron of, 50, 332

Huguenots, 171

Hungary, 106

Hungerford, Captain, 229

Hupton, a keeper at the Tower, 358

Hutchinson, William, 23, 60


Idrone, 142, 145, 158, 309

Imail, 229

Imokilly, John FitzEdmond FitzGerald, seneschal of, 85, 157, 165, 264,
    314

Inchiquin, 82, 172

Innishloughane, 243

Innishowen, 127

Ireland, Dukedom of, 225, 226

Irish letters, 353

Iveagh, in Down, 305


James's, St., Church, 39

Jesuits, 191, 192;
  General Mercurian, 316, 353

Jewell, John, Bishop of Salisbury, 142, 364

Josefo, an Italian, 191, 192


Kavanaghs, 143-145, 182, 311

Keating Kerne, 44, 59, 138

-- Richard, 44

Kells, in Meath, 361

Kelly, John and Alison his wife, 2, 3, 17;
  _see_ O'Neill.

-- Matthew Ferdoragh, 2, 3, 17;
  _see_ O'Neill.

Kelway, Mr., 243

Kenbane, 243

Kenry, in Limerick, 167, 284

Kent, 237

Kerry, 165, 168, 180, 184, 221 248

-- Fitzgerald, Knight of, 85

Kilcleif, 243

Kildare County, 46, 330, 333, 348

-- see of, 176, 361;
  for Bishops, _see_ Craik, Leverous, and Daly.

Kildare, Gerald Fitzgerald, ninth Earl of, 138

---- eleventh Earl of;
  attends Parliament, 6;
  intrigues with Desmond, 7;
  and with the Irish, 8;
  summoned to Court, 10, 14, 16, 17;
  disagrees with Fitzwilliam, 20;
  and with Sussex, 26-27;
  has a Royal Commission to conclude a treaty with Shane O'Neill, 31;
  humiliates Sussex, 32;
  presents Shane at Court, 33, 34, 40, 41;
  his loyalty suspected, 42;
  his hereditary swordsmen, 44, 52;
  buys Brereton's interest in Lecale, 61;
  confers with Shane, 62-63, 79, 81;
  his daughter, 88;
  favoured by Arnold, 99-100;
  his relations with Shane, 103-104;
  accompanies Sidney to Ulster, 108, 119;
  accused by Oliver Sutton, 138-139, 163, 221, 228, 238, 280;
  vehemently suspected, 297-299, 308, 311, 331-333, 340, 341, 348;
  procures arrest of Archbishop Creagh, 358

Kilfeacle, 366

Kilfenora, church and see of, 10, 66, 366

Kilkea, 228

Kilkenny, 122, 152;
  besieged by rebels, 160-163, 337, 341, 343

-- County, 66, 111, 112, 311-313, 333, 348

Killala, church and see of, 368

Killaloe, see of, 366, 378;
  for Bishops, _see_ O'Corren, Terence O'Brien, Maurice MacBrien,
    O'Molony, and O'Mulrian.

Killarney, 313

Kilmacduagh, 317;
  see of, 367;
  for Bishops, _see_ Bodkin, Kirwan, and O'Dea.

Kilmacthomas, 280

Kilmainham, 1, 6, 94, 95, 298

Kilmallock, 6, 159, 165, 167, 171, 184-186, 208, 221, 223, 224, 247,
    264, 277, 278

Kilmore, see of, 360

Kilsheelan, 10, 113

Kinelarty, 304

King, Matthew, 65

-- Oliver, 204

King's County, 6, 81, 96, 227, 228, 348

Kinsale, 43, 44, 208, 221, 309, 312, 313

Kirwan, Stephen, Protestant Bishop of Kilmacduagh (1573-1582), 367

Knockboy, 90

Knockfergus;
  _see_ Carrickfergus.

Knocklofty, 85

Knocklong, 90

Knollys, Sir Francis, 105-107, 150, 269, 307

-- Lettice;
  _see_ Countess of Essex.

-- H., 243


Lacy, Hugh, Bishop of Limerick (1556-1571), 114, 366

-- a name in the Desmond district, 166

Lagan, or Laggan River, 149, 246

Lainez, James, second general of the Jesuits, 370

Lambay Island, 44

Lancashire, 273

Lancaster, Thomas, Bishop of Kildare (1549-1554);
  Archbishop of Armagh (1568-1584), 356, 364

Lanfey, 324

Larne, Lough, 126, 271;
  _see_ Olderfleet.

Laud, Archbishop, 362

Lecale, in Down, 60, 61, 104, 232, 246, 304

Lee River, 10

Leicester, Robert Dudley, Earl of, 74, 78, 92, 103-105, 121;
  Ormonde's mortal foe, 164, 197, 214, 241;
  his relations with Lord and Lady Essex, 269, 299 and 326, 290, 307,
    331-333, 343, 350, 351, 362;
  _see_ Dudley.

Leigh, a monk of Christ Church, 353, 354

Leighlin Bridge, 47, 94, 143, 162, 215, 309;
  defended by George Carew, 342

-- see of, 130, 363;
  for Bishops, _see_ O'Fihily.

Leix, 1, 9, 14, 74, 91, 253, 340;
  _see_ Queen's County.

Lepanto, battle of, 226

Letterkenny, 117

Leverous, Thomas, Bishop of Kildare (1554-1560, and Papal Bishop from
    that to 1577), 361, 368, 370

Lichfield, 125

Lifford, 76, 77, 109, 111, 114, 127, 285

Limerick, 7, 172, 188, 221, 222, 227, 277, 324, 336, 338, 345

Limerick County, 276, 277

-- see of, 366;
  for Bishops, _see_ Casey and Lacy.

Lisbon, 226, 249

Lismore, 85, 186

-- see of, 365

Littleton, Thomas, his 'Tenures,' 297

Liverpool, 89, 101, 243

Lixnaw, 145;
  Baron of, _see_ Fitzmaurice.

Loftus, Adam, Archbishop of Armagh (1562-1567);
  of Dublin (1567-1605);
  Lord Keeper (1573-1576, in 1577, and 1579, and 1581-1603);
  Lord Chancellor (1603-1605);
  Lord Justice (1582, 1597, and 1599), 71, 100, 134, 184;
  his Puritan antecedents, 354, 355-356, 362, 364, 368

Lombards, 314

Longford County, 181, 311, 318

-- Castle, in Galway, 183

Lorraine, Mary of, Queen Regent of Scotland, 9, 10

-- Cardinal of, 205

Lough Rea, or Lough Reagh, 322, 323

Louth County, 37, 46, 107, 108, 348

-- Patrick Plunket, third Baron of, 313, 348

-- Thomas Plunket, second Baron of, 132, 146

Louvain, 40, 190, 257, 354, 357

Luke, St., 133

Lyon, William, Bishop of Ross from 1582, and of Cork and Cloyne in
    addition (1586-1617), 365


MacAulliffe of Duhallow, in Cork, 135

MacBrien Arra, in Tipperary, 146, 147, 182, 366;
  _see_ Bishop Maurice O'Brien.

-- Coonagh, in Limerick, 222

MacCaghwell, James, Protestant Archbishop of Cashel (1567-1570), 362

MacCartane, or MacArtane, of Kinelarty, in Down, 36, 304

MacCarthies, all in the counties of Cork and Kerry, 151, 222, 237

MacCarthy More (Cork and Kerry), 6, 85, 89, 94, 103, 136, 159;
  _see_ Clancare.

-- Reagh, of Carbery, 186, 233, 313, 386

MacCarthy of Muskerry, Sir Cormac MacTeige, 186, 223, 233, 313

-- MacDonough, of Duhallow, 135, 168

-- Donough, 136

-- Julia;
  _see_ Lady Dunboyne.

MacCoghlans, of Garrycastle, in King's County, 20

MacCongail, Papal Bishop of Raphoe (1562-1589);
  present at the Council of Trent, 110

MacCragh, Rory, 283

MacDavid, Simon (probably an O'Byrne), 229

MacDermot of Moylurg, in Roscommon, 130, 183, 318

MacDonnell James, Lord of Antrim and Cantire, 11, 19, 60, 90, 92, 117,
    118, 128, 132;
  his widow, 150, 169;
  _see_ Lady Agnes Campbell.

-- Sorley Boy, brother of James, 9, 19, 54, 60, 90, 92, 117, 128, 215,
    231, 232, 294, 301-304

-- Angus, brother of the two foregoing, 90

-- Alexander Oge, brother of the three foregoing, 90, 117

-- Donnell Gorm, brother of the four foregoing, 150

-- Alaster MacRandal Boy, 53, 60, 61

-- Gillespie, 60, 61

-- Teig, 135, 136

MacDonnells, the, of Scotland and Antrim, 11, 55, 117, 295, 374

MacGibbon;
  _see_ Fitzgibbon.

MacGillapatrick;
  _see_ Fitzpatrick.

MacHenry, James (apparently an O'Neill), 243

MacIarlas, or Earl's sons;
  _see_ John and Ulick Burke.

MacLeans, 54

MacLeods, 90

MacMahon, Raymond, Bishop of Clogher, died about 1560, 360

-- Patrick, Bishop of Ardagh (1541-1568), 361

MacMahons, the, of Monaghan, 24, 30, 36, 52, 54, 62, 181, 287, 293, 305,
    348

-- or O'Mahons, the, of Clonderalaw, and Moyarta in Clare, 173, 316

MacMorragh, Teig (an O'Brien), 172

MacMurrough;
  _see_ Kavanagh.

MacNamaras, of Clare, 316

MacQuillins, the, of the Route in Londonderry and Antrim, 15, 137, 288

Macroom, 233

MacShane, 135

---- Gerot (an O'Connor), 136

---- Rory, 221

MacSheehy's, Desmond, gallowglasses, 166, 277

MacSwiney gallowglasses, settled in Munster, 186, 187, 314, 323

MacSwineys, the, of Donegal, 110

MacWilliam, Iochtar, or Eighter (Lower), chief of the Mayo Burkes, 182,
    183, 317;
  _see_ Burke.

Madrid, 200, 226

Magee Island, in Antrim, 243, 271, 272

Magennis, Eugene, Bishop of Down and Connor (1541-1560 or later), 360

---- Sir Hugh, chief of Iveagh, in Down, 36, 52, 54, 284, 287, 305, 348

Magrath, Meiler, Bishop of Down by Papal provision (1565), Protestant
    Bishop of Clogher (1570 to, apparently, 1605), Archbishop of Cashel
    and Bishop of Emly (1571-1622), Bishop of Waterford and Lismore
    (1582-1589 and 1592-1608), Bishop of Killala and Achonry
    (1608-1622), 188, 360, 364

Maguire, Shane, chief of Fermanagh, 11, 30, 31, 36;
  oppressed by Shane O'Neill, 52-56,61, 63;
  with the English, 107-109

-- successor to the foregoing, 181, 285, 287

-- Art, 220

Malicorne, a Frenchman, 200

Mallow, 165

Malo, St., 315, 316

Maltby, Captain (afterwards Sir Nicholas), employed in Ulster till 1575,
    129, 132, 133, 183, 232, 233, 242, 243, 245, 293, 295, 304, 323,
    324;
  military governor of Connaught, 338-340, 344

Man, Isle of, 149, 244, 257

Manchester, 178

March, Earl of, 240

Marseilles, 249

Marward, Janet, 261

Maryborough, 121, 122, 215, 290

Mary Stuart, 117, 191, 201, 239

Massareene 127, 243, 246

Massingberd, Sir Oswald, last Prior of Kilmainham, 1, 6

Maston, in Meath, 144

Mayo, 217, 317

Meade, James, 255

Meath, 30, 46, 96, 176, 310, 330, 333, 334, 348

Medici, Catherine de', 8, 173

Medina Celi, Duke of, 192, 201

Meelick, 219

Mellifont, 163

Melvin, Lough, 110

Mendoza, Don Juan de, 191, 192, 198

Mercurian, Everard, General of the Jesuits, 316

Merles, Don Francesco de, 199, 204

Merriman, John, Protestant Bishop of Down and Connor (1569-1572), 360

Middlemore, a patentee, 179

Middleton, Marmaduke, Bishop of Waterford (1579-1582), translated to St.
    David's, 214, 365

Mocollop, in Waterford, 186

Monaghan, 305, 348

Monmouthshire, 335, 336

Montague, Sir Edward, proposed for the presidency of Connaught, 318

Montgomeryshire, 335

Moore, Lieutenant, 183

-- Thomas, a patentee, 178

Morgan, Captain John, 188

-- William, 243

Morlaix, 191

Morris, Captain, 273

Morton, James Douglas, Regent of Scotland from 1574, 181, 320

Mullaghmast massacre, 130, 342

Mullaly, William, Archbishop of Tuam (1573-1595), 318

Mullingar, 219, 330

Munster, Presidency of, 91, 96, 104, 170, 191, 221-224, 318, 337-339;
  for Presidents, _see_ Pollard, Perrott, and Drury.


Naas, 300, 361

Nantes, 206, 315

Neagh, Lough, 61, 126, 127, 240, 243

Netherlands, 179, 201, 216, 346, 348

Netterville, name of, 46

-- Richard, 329, 331-333

Newman, Thady, Papal Vicar-General, 370

Newry, 30, 39, 59, 91, 126, 150, 169, 231, 233, 270, 272, 284, 293, 306,
    348

Norfolk, Duke of, 141, 171

Norris, or Norreys, Captain (afterwards Sir) John, 246, 289, 301, 302,
    348

---- William, brother of John, 246

Northumberland, Duke of, 350

-- Earl of, 239

Northumbria, 221

Nugent, Christopher, ninth Baron of Delvin, 261;
  _see_ Delvin.

-- William, brother of the foregoing, 261

-- Nicholas, Solicitor-General in 1568, afterwards second Baron of the
    Exchequer, 125, 261


O'Boyle, chief of Boylagh, in Donegal, 110

O'Brien, Connor, third Earl of Thomond;
  _see_ Thomond.

-- Sir Donnell or Donald, brother of the second Earl of Thomond, 7, 82,
    317

-- Murrough, 338

-- Teig Mac Murrough, Sheriff of Clare, 170, 172, 317

-- (more properly MacBrien Arra), Maurice, Bishop of Killaloe
    (1570-1612), 366

-- Terence, Bishop of Killaloe (Papal) (1555-1569), 366

-- Cornelius, nominated for the Bishopric of Killaloe by Sidney, but not
    appointed by the Queen, 313

O'Briens, the, of Clare, 9, 85, 173

O'Byrne, Feagh MacHugh, 167, 228, 229, 298, 311, 340, 343, 344

O'Byrnes, the, of Wicklow, 25, 266, 298

O'Cahan, or O'Kane, of Londonderry County, 40, 116

O'Callaghan of Duhallow, in Cork, 135, 145, 237

O'Carroll, Sir William, chief of Ely, 148

-- Mulrony, 266

-- Thady, 147

O'Carrolls, the, of Ely, in King's County, 112

O'Connor, Brian, chief of Offaly, 7

O'Connor, Cahir, and Cormac, sons of Brian, 134-137, 254

-- Calvagh (of the Offaly family), 80, 81

-- Connor MacCormac, of Offaly, 136, 341, 343

-- Art, of Offaly, 136

-- Lysaght MacMurrough, of Offaly, 135, 136

-- Don, in Roscommon, 183, 216, 318

-- Roe, in Roscommon, 338

-- of Iraghticonnor, in Kerry, 136

-- of Sligo, 110, 127, 170, 321

O'Connors, the, of Offaly, in King's and Queen's Counties, 52, 85, 99,
    229, 266, 310

O'Corren, James, Bishop of Killaloe (1526 to about 1539), 366

O'Daly, Ferdinando, 20

O'Dea, Cornelius, Papal Bishop of Kilmacduagh (1542-1576) (confounded in
    the text with Dermot O'Diera), 367

O'Dempsey of Clanmalier, in Queen's County, 131

O'Diera, Dermot, called Papal Bishop of Kilmacduagh in text, really
    Papal Bishop of the minor see of Mayo, 367

O'Dogherty of Innishowen, in Donegal, 109, 111, 285, 295

-- Eugene, Bishop of Derry (by Papal provision, 1554 to about 1569),
    109, 360

O'Donnell, Manus, chief of Tyrconnel, 54

-- Calvagh, son of Manus, chief of Tyrconnel, 7, 11, 19, 20;
  seized by Shane O'Neill, 21;
  his wife, 21, 23, 29, 40;
  tortured by Shane, 53, 63;
  his treatment by Shane, 76;
  released and goes to England, 76-79, 91, 97, 99, 104, 107, 108;
  restored, 110;
  his death, 111

-- Hugh, brother and successor of Calvagh, 55, 56, 111;
  totally defeats Shane O'Neill, 117, 120, 124, 127, 132, 213, 285, 305,
    320, 321

-- Con, son of Calvagh, 30, 54, 55, 76, 77, 285

-- Edmund, a Jesuit, 233

O'Donnells, the, 4, 7, 21, 52

O'Donoghue in Kerry, 313

Odorney Abbey in Kerry, 366

O'Dunne, or O'Doyne of Iregan, or Tinnahinch, in Queen's Co., 311

O'Farells, or O'Ferrals, in Longford, 181, 311

O'Farrell Bane, chief of his name, 181

Offaly, 1, 9, 74, 91, 253

O'Fihily, or Field, Thomas, Bishop of Leighlin (1555-1566), 363, 368

O'Flaherties of Iar-Connaught, 219, 318

O'Gallagher, a minor chief in Donegal, 110

-- Redmond, Bishop of Killala (1549-1569), translated by the Pope to
    Derry (1569), lived till 1601, 193

O'Hanlon, chief of Orior in Armagh, 36, 53, 54, 111, 231

O'Herlihy, Thomas, Papal Bishop of Ross (1561-1580), 156;
  wrongly called Archbishop in the text, 192

O'Keeffe of Duhallow, in Cork, 135

O'Kellies (of the tribe of the Hy-Maine) in Roscommon and Galway, 220,
    318

Olderfleet or Larne, 243

O'Loghlens, or O'Loughlins, the, of Burren in Clare, 173, 316

O'Maddens, the, of Longford, in Galway, 20, 222, 318

Omagh, 30, 109

O'Mahon, or O'Mahony, of Carbery, in Cork, 313

O'Mahon of Clare, 173;
  _see_ MacMahon.

O'Malley, of Burrishoole and Murrisk, in Mayo, 317

O'Meagher, Teig Roe, 137

O'Molloys, the, of Fercall (including Ballyboy and Ballycowan), in
    King's Co., 310

O'Molony, Malachi, Papal Bishop of Killaloe from 1571, 366

O'Moony, Shane, 135, 136

O'More, Rory Oge, 221, 228, 252, 297, 311, 340-345, 347

-- Moris, 130

-- Neil Maclice, 14

O'Mores, the, of Leix, 14, 52, 80-82, 229, 266, 311

O'Mulrian, chief of Owney, in Tipperary;
  _see_ Ryan.

-- or O'Ryan, Cornelius, Papal Bishop of Killaloe from 1576, 366

O'Neill, Hugh Boy, chief of Clandeboye, his race, 213, 240, 289

O'Neill, Con Bacagh, chief of Tyrone;
  _see_ Earl of Tyrone.

-- Shane, chief of Tyrone, eldest son and successor by Celtic law of Con
    Bacagh, his claims, 2-4, 7, 9-11;
  his struggle with the government and visit to England, 14-43, 49;
  his affairs flourish, 51-59;
  he baffles Sussex, who tries to poison him, 61-65;
  his triumphant position, 74-80, 82;
  supreme in the North, 89-92;
  gets the best of Sir N. Arnold, 89-92, 97, 99, 100;
  fills up the cup of iniquity, 102-111;
  death and character, 116-120, 123-124, 127, 137, 147, 154, 197, 198,
    355, 356, 358, 360

-- Tirlogh Luineach (so called from having been fostered with the
    O'Looneys), chief of Tyrone, cousin and successor by Celtic law of
    Shane, murders the Baron of Dungannon, 38, 39, 59, 61, 62, 116, 119,
    127-129, 132, 133, 146, 149, 158-160, 169, 181, 215, 231, 244, 245,
    266, 269, 271;
  his struggle with Essex, 284-286, 288, 291;
  relations with Essex, 293-295, 301, 305

-- Phelim Bacagh, chief of Clandeboye, 289

-- Sir Brian MacPhelim (of the race of Hugh Boy), chief of Clandeboye,
    son and successor of Phelim Bacagh, 119, 124, 128, 129, 133, 149;
  opposes the Smiths, 212-214;
  successful against the Smiths, 231-233;
  baffles Essex, 244-247, 257, 258, 271-273;
  his unjustifiable seizure by Essex, 288, 305

-- Matthew Ferdoragh, first Baron of Dungannon, reputed son of Con
    Bacagh, Earl of Tyrone, 2-4, 17;
  _see_ Kelly and Dungannon.

-- Brian, second Baron of Dungannon, elder son of Matthew Ferdoragh, 33,
    38, 39, 63

-- Hugh, third Baron of Dungannon and afterwards Earl of Tyrone, younger
    son of Matthew Ferdoragh, 40, 129, 247, 284, 304

-- Brian Carragh, 243

-- Henry, 18, 62

-- Phelim Roe, 18, 41, 284

-- Art MacBaron, 128

-- Brian Ertagh, of Clandeboye, 301

-- Neill MacBrian Ertagh, 305

-- Con Macneill Oge, 305

-- Tirlogh Brasselagh, 285

-- Lady Agnes Campbell, wife of Tirlogh Luineach and widow of James
    MacDonnell;
  _see_ Campbell.

O'Neills, the, of Tyrone, 9, 11, 108, 169

O'Nialain, John, Bishop of Kilfenora by Papal provision (1541-1572), 366

Oporto, 206

Orange, Philibert, Prince of, 200

-- William the Silent, Prince of, 346

O'Reilly, Malachias, chief of nearly all Cavan, 11, 19, 37, 40, 53-55,
    63, 99

-- Hugh Connelagh, son and successor of Malachias, 99, 310

-- Cahir, brother to last named, 99

O'Reillys, the, of Cavan, 97, 99, 111

Ormonde, Thomas Butler, tenth Earl of (called Thomas Duff or Black
    Thomas), Lord Treasurer of Ireland, 5;
  his relations, 6;
  almost comes to blows with Desmond, 10-11;
  keeps down the O'Mores, 14;
  sent by Sussex to Shane O'Neill, 24;
  intercedes for Jacques Wingfield, 25;
  receives a messenger from Shane, 26, 27, 31;
  accompanies Shane to England, 32, 40;
  on bad terms with Desmond, 41;
  his loyal demeanour, 42;
  follows Desmond to England, 43, 44, 45;
  his mother, 49, 59, 61;
  has a conference with Shane, 62, 64;
  complains of his wrongs, 66-67;
  his brother Edmund, 80, 81, 82;
  resolves to put down coyne and livery, 83-84;
  fights a battle with Desmond, 85-87;
  consequences of this, 87-89;
  belongs to the Sussex faction at Court, 92, 93;
  his submission, 94;
  ordered to protect sheriffs, 96, 97;
  favoured by the Queen, 98, 100;
  opposed to Leicester and Sidney, 105;
  his country, 111-112;
  his brother tried at Clonmel, 112;
  Sidney makes an award in his favour, 113;
  absent from his country, 114-115, 121, 122;
  crushing award in his favour against Desmond, 125, 136, 146, 147, 151,
    152;
  to be sent home, 155-159;
  his return and its consequences, 160-169;
  his expedition to Thomond, 171;
  in favour of clemency, 173;
  bewitched, 175;
  his ambition, 176;
  his power in Munster, 177-179, 180, 182;
  his good service in Munster, 184-188, 190, 196, 198;
  at his wit's end, 210;
  cannot be spared, 215, 220, 221, 223;
  goes to England, August 1572, 228-230, 235;
  his relations with Desmond in England, 235-238, 247;
  greatly missed, 253-254, 265;
  back in Ireland, 281;
  expostulates with Desmond, 281-283;
  disapproves proceedings of Essex, 289, 298;
  defies his detractors, 307-309;
  entertains Sidney, 312, 323;
  in London, 331-333;
  serves against Rory Oge, 340, 343;
  hostile to the Leicester faction, 346, 348, 349

Ormonde, Joan, Dowager Countess of, Countess of Desmond;
  _see_ Lady Joan Fitzgerald.

O'Rourke, chief of Brefny (Leitrim), 170, 226, 320

Orrery, Roger Boyle, Earl of, 257

O'Shaughnessy, chief of Kiltartan in Galway, 20, 115, 186, 358

O'Sheehy, Manus Oge, 82;
  _see_ MacSheehy.

Ossory; _see_ Upper Ossory and Fitzpatrick.

-- see of, 363;
  for Bishops, _see_ Bale, Thonery, Gafney, and Strong.

Ostia, 203

O'Sullivans, the, of West Cork and Kerry, 136, 222, 237

O'Sullivan, Sir Owen, chief of Bear, in West Cork, 85, 89, 94

-- Philip, of Bear, the Catholic historian, 130

O'Teige, Donat, Papal Archbishop of Armagh (1560-1562), 356

O'Tooles, the, of Imail, in Wicklow, 298

Oxfordshire, 272


Pale, the, 17, 19;
  invaded by Shane O'Neill, 30, 36, 37, 41;
  grievances, 46-48, 59-61;
  a Royal Commission on it, 65, 70, 81, 99, 149, 153, 269, 296;
  infected by pestilence, 300, 310;
  agitates against the cess, 327-336, 341, 358

Paris, 173, 205, 206

Parker, Matthew, Archbishop of Canterbury, 354, 356, 362

-- John, Master of the Rolls (1552-1565), 11, 47, 57, 58, 65, 82

-- Lieutenant, 229

Patrick, St., 34, 193, 321

Patrick's, St., Deanery and Cathedral, 65, 94, 96, 134, 191, 256, 355,
    357, 361, 362, 369

Pembroke, William Herbert, Earl of, 25, 197

Perrot or Perrott, Sir John, Lord President of Munster (1570-1576);
    afterwards Lord Deputy, 156, 179-181;
  his courage and vigour, 184-191;
  proposes to end the war by a duel, 207-210;
  his vigorous exertions, 219-225;
  Fitzmaurice submits to him, 233-236;
  hostile to Desmond, 238;
  dislikes Essex, 242;
  his Munster policy, 247-253;
  leaves Ireland, his character by the Four Masters, 251, 263, 265-267,
    277, 282

Peryam, William, named for Chief Justice of Munster in 1568, 144, 155,
    156

Phalaris, 159

Philip II., 8, 15, 40, 113, 141;
  his intrigues with the Irish, 193-206, 226, 227, 257, 258

Philipstown, 47, 253, 290

Piers, William, constable of Carrickfergus (1556-1579), 60, 79, 80;
  salts Shane O'Neill's head, 118, 129, 133, 213, 242, 244, 245, 258,
    260

Piggott, name of, 131

Piper, a pirate, 249

Pius IV., Pope, 357, 370

-- V., Pope, 203, 204

Plunket family; _see_ Dunsany and Louth.

-- or Plunkett, John, Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench (1559-1583),
    married to a niece of the eleventh Earl of Kildare, 88, 261

Pole, Reginald, 2, 359

Pollard, Sir John, first Lord President of Munster (1568), 155, 156, 170

Portrush, 123, 243

Portugal and the Portuguese, 216, 226, 249, 345

Portumna, 222

Power, John, third Lord Power of Curraghmore, 86, 87, 89, 108, 112, 132,
    165, 284, 312, 313

Poyning's Law, 153

Prendergasts, the, of Tipperary, 83

Prideaux, Serjeant-at-Law, 196

Prometheus, 98

Purcells, the, of Tipperary or Limerick, 166

Puritans, 362


Quadra, de, 40

Queen's County, 6, 81, 96, 111, 159, 311, 317, 341, 347, 348

Quentin, St., 179, 200

Quin Priory in Clare, 317


Radclyffe, Thomas; _see_ Sussex.

-- Sir Henry, brother of Sussex, 42, 72-75

-- Lady Frances, sister of Sussex, sought in marriage by Shane O'Neill,
    49, 52, 63, 75

Radnorshire, 335

Raleigh, Sir Walter, 239

Randolph, Colonel Edward, in charge of the first settlement at Derry,
    19, 60, 106, 108, 109, 111, 115, 239

Raphoe, 109

-- see of; _see_ MacCongail.

Rathlin Island, 90, 150, 169, 240;
  massacre there, 301-303, 324

Red Bay, 60, 90, 117, 243

Redshanks; _see_ MacDonnell.

Rich, Lord, 242, 243

Richmond, Henry FitzRoy, Duke of, 9

Rinuccini, Giovan Batista, Papal Nuncio (1645-1649), 201

Roche, David, Viscount Roche and Fermoy, 42, 89, 115, 132, 151, 165,
    186, 223, 313

-- Catherine, Desmond's quasi-stepmother, mother of Thomas Roe, 165

Rochelle, 315

Roches, the, of Fermoy, in Cork, 222, 263

Rochester, 357

Rochforts, ancient colonists of Munster, 314

Roden, one, 255

Rokeby, Ralph, first Chief Justice of Connaught (1569-1603), 170

Rome, 40, 357

Romero, Julian, 200, 201, 204

Roscommon, 110, 127, 219

-- County, 317, 318

Roscrea, 343, 345

Roslare, 162

Ross or New Ross, in Wexford, 309

-- of Ross Carbery, in Cork, see of, 365;
  _see_ O'Herlihy and Cornelius O'Brien.

Route, the, the country between the Bush and the Bann, in Antrim and
    Londonderry, 36, 245

Rutlandshire, 106

Ryans, the, of Owney, in Tipperary, 276;
  _see_ O'Mulrian.


St. Leger, Sir Anthony, 16, 106, 152

-- Sir Warham, grandson of Sir Anthony, 108, 111, 112, 121, 155;
  Desmond in his custody, 235-237;
  hostile to Ormonde, 237

-- Lady, wife of Sir Warham, 157, 163

Saintloo, Colonel Edward, 115

San Lucar, near Seville, 226

Savage, Edmond, 304

-- Henry, 232

Savages, the, of Ards, in Down, 36, 212, 247

Savoy, ambassador in London, 34

Scilly Islands, 202

Scotland, 39, 79, 107;
  Irish troubles originated there, 149, 206

Scots of Antrim and the Isles, attacked by Shane O'Neill, 79, 300;
  as good as six hundred Irish, 106, 108;
  very strong, 127-130;
  beset Carrickfergus, 215;
  mercenaries in Connaught, 219, 230, 240;
  oppose Essex, 244-246; mercenaries in Munster, 264;
  attack Essex, 285, 293-295;
  _see_ MacDonnell and Campbell.

Scott, Thomas, 125

Scurlock, Barnaby, 329, 331-333

Seaine, Matthew, Bishop of Cork (1572-1582), 371

Sedgrave, Christopher, Mayor of Dublin in 1559, 5, 353

Selby, Captain, 246

Seville, 226

Shannon River, 11, 80, 82, 173, 219, 321

Shee, Richard, 158

Shelburne, Lord, 70

Sherlock, Patrick, 112, 265

Shrule Castle, in Mayo, 182, 183

Sidney, Sir Henry, three times Lord Justice (1557-1559); Lord Justice
    (1565-1567, 1568-1571, and 1575-1578), 2;
  visits Shane O'Neill, 4;
  sworn in with Roman Catholic rites, 5, 16;
  advises the Queen, 41, 47;
  proposes to suppress Shane, 91, 92;
  his opinion of Ormonde and Desmond, 93;
  to be Viceroy, 94;
  bargains with the Queen, 95;
  his instructions, 96-98;
  wind-bound in Wales, 101;
  pronounces Shane hopeless, 102-103;
  temporises, 104;
  on bad terms with Sussex, 105;
  demands proper means, 106;
  makes a successful winter campaign in Ulster, 108-110;
  will give Shane no rest, 111;
  his tour in the South, 112-114;
  and West, 114-115;
  receives Shane O'Neill's head, 118, 119;
  both thanked and reproved by the Queen, 120-121;
  his dislike to Ormonde, 121;
  inclined to favour Desmond, 122;
  his attempts to govern without money, 123;
  goes to England, 124;
  his scheme of Irish reform, 126-127;
  his absence much felt, 132, 134, 138;
  returns to Ireland, 144, 146;
  his active policy, 148-155;
  sustains Carew and depresses the Butlers, 157-169;
  reconciled to Ormonde, 171, 172, 173;
  his Parliament, 174-178;
  opposes monopolies, 179;
  in England, 181-186, 191, 192, 198, 199;
  refuses the Viceroyalty, 207, 209, 213-215, 254, 274, 277, 296;
  again Viceroy, 299;
  lands, 300;
  in Ulster, 303-306;
  his dislike to Ormonde, 307;
  his tour in Leinster and Munster, 309-314;
  in Thomond and Connaught, 317-319;
  his account of the Church, 319;
  his dealings with Clanricarde and others, 319-323, 325;
  his dealings with the Pale about the cess, 327-333, 337;
  later acts of his government, 339-341;
  finishes with Rory Oge, 341-345;
  last days in Ireland, 345-349;
  his character, 349-352, 356, 358, 366

Sidney, Sir Philip, 323, 326, 346

-- Lady Mary, wife of Sir Henry and sister of Leicester, 351

Silva, De, 200

Simier, Anjou's agent, 351

Skerries, 300

Skryne, or Skreen, in Meath, 261

Slane, Fleming, Baron of, 23, 30

Slieve Gullion, 29

Sligo, 110, 127 227, 317, 321

Smith, Sir Thomas, Secretary of State, proposes to colonize Ulster, 211,
    212, 231, 232, 238, 239, 241, 304, 307

-- Thomas, natural son of Sir Thomas, his colonisation project, 211-214;
  his proceedings in Ulster, 230-233;
  his failure and death, 246, 258

Smythe, John, 64

-- Thomas, 71

Snagg, Thomas, Attorney-General (1577-1580), 348

Somersetshire, 246, 259

Southwark, 179

Spain, 40, 113, 156, 160, 191, 249

Stanihurst, James, Recorder of Dublin and Speaker of the House of
    Commons, 6, 152, 153, 174

Stanley, Sir George, Marshal of the Army (1553-1565), 11, 24, 47, 48,
    72, 74, 83, 88, 89, 99, 100

Staples, Edward, Bishop of Meath (1530-1554), 2, 359

Stephen's Green, St., 5

Strabane, 223, 285

Strafford, Lord, 349

Strangford, town and lough, 116, 232, 243

Strong, Thomas, Papal Bishop of Ossory (1582-1602), 363

Strongbow, 145

Strozzi, Peter, 191

Stuart, Mary, 8, 32

Stukeley, Thomas, with Shane O'Neill, 103-105;
  account of him, 196-198;
  his proceedings in Spain and Italy, 199-206, 225-227, 239, 348

Suck River, 219

Suffolk, Duke of, 196

Suir, river, 84, 283

Suppell, name of, 116

Sussex, Thomas Radcliffe, Earl of, Lord Deputy, 4;
  sworn in with the Protestant ritual, 5;
  his Parliament, 6;
  goes to England, 7;
  returns as Lord-Lieutenant, 9;
  his instructions, 10;
  cannot reconcile Desmond and Ormonde, 11;
  favours the Queen's marriage with Leicester, 12;
  goes to England, 14;
  Shane O'Neill's charges against him, 15-16;
  has dealings with Scotland, 19, 20;
  returns to Ireland, 23;
  surprised by Shane, 24, 25;
  desires Shane's overthrow, 26, 27;
  lays a plot to kill Shane, 28;
  unsuccessfully invades Ulster, 29-30;
  humiliated by Shane, 31-32;
  follows him to England, 33;
  defends himself against Shane's accusations, 34-37, 41, 42;
  his controversy with the Pale, 46-47;
  follows Shane back to Ireland, 49;
  his proposal as to administering Irish law, 49;
  his controversy with the Pale, 49-50, 52;
  almost in despair, 53;
  will show no mercy to Shane, 55;
  his correspondence with Shane Maguire, 55-56;
  counsels patience, 56;
  his disputes with Arnold and Parker, 57-58;
  Dundalk refuses his garrison, 59;
  foiled in the field by Shane, 60;
  his failure, 61-63;
  he attempts to poison Shane, 64, 65, 66;
  Arnold's hostility to him, 68;
  he goes to England on sick leave, 69, 72;
  his brother imprisoned, 73;
  his sister claimed by Shane O'Neill, 75, 78;
  disturbances after his departure, 80;
  his rivalry with Leicester and disagreement with Sidney, 93, 95, 98,
    102, 103;
  hostile to Sidney, 105, 197, 213, 239;
  favours Essex, 241, 246, 308;
  admired by Essex, 326, 329, 351;
  his dealings with the Irish Church, 353-356 and 365

Sutton, David, 138

Sweden, 34

Sweetman, William, 158

Swift, Jonathan, 179

Swilly, river, 117

Swords, 179, 362

Sydney; _see_ Sidney.


Talbot, name of, 46

-- of Malahide, 50

Termonfeckin, in Louth, 355

Theatine order, 357

Thomas, Captain, 205, 206

Thomond, or Clare, 91, 136, 172, 317, 345

-- Connor O'Brien, third Earl of, 6, 29, 41, 52, 82, 114, 159, 170-172;
  in France, 173, 180;
  with Perrott, 186, 193, 196, 217, 313, 316, 338

Thonery, John, Bishop of Ossory, appointed in 1553, 363

Thornton, Captain George, 132, 315

Thurles, 151

Thwaites, William, 151

Tinnakill, in Queen's County, 347

Tipperary, 11, 66;
  Ormonde's regulations for, 83, 84, 85, 163, 180, 224, 237, 247, 312,
    343, 348

Tirrey, name of, 314

-- Dominick, Bishop of Cork and Cloyne (1536-1556), 365

Tivoli, 203

Tobin, James, 247

Toledo, Bishop of, 360

Toome, in Antrim, 126, 243

Tracton Abbey, in Cork, 157

Tremayne, Edmund, employed on special service, 156, 178, 184;
  advises the Queen, 211, 214;
  employed by Burghley, 241, 254;
  praised by Sidney, 318

Trent, Council of, 110

Tressilian, Sir Robert, 330

Trim, 334

Trimleston, Barnewall, Lord, 332

Trewbrigg, Perrott's secretary, 225

Tuam, see of, 367, 370;
  for Archbishops, _see_ Bodkin and Mullally.

Turks, 227

Turner, Rowland, 257

Tutbury, 128, 239

Tyrconnel, or Donegal, 55, 76, 97, 107, 109, 116, 127, 305

-- Earldom of, 19

Tyrone, 4, 36, 40, 41, 154, 284, 285, 293, 295, 305

-- Earldom of, 63

-- Con Bacagh O'Neill, first Earl of, 2-4, 35

-- Lady, wife of the first Earl, 8, 15


Ulster, 104, 212-215, 222, 227, 239-240, 286, 289-295

-- Earldom of, 24, 38, 214

Ulster, kingdom of, claimed by Shane O'Neill, 22, 104

Upper Ossory, in Queen's County, 311;
  _see_ Fitzpatrick.


Valentia Island, 236

Veagh, Lough, 21

Vielleville, Marshal, 173

Vigo, 204, 205

Virgil, 339

Vivero, 198


Wales, Lord President of, 95, 101, 221, 335, 350

Wall, Peter, Bishop of Clonmacnoise (1556-1568), 360

Walsh or Walshe, Nicholas, second Justice of Munster from 1570, and
    Chief Justice about 1572, 180, 264, 265, 276

---- Patrick, Bishop of Waterford (1551-1578), 365

---- William, Bishop of Meath (1554-1560), and, by Papal provision
    (1564-1578), 359, 368

Walsingham, Sir Francis, 200, 201, 204-206, 227, 307, 324, 331, 336,
    346, 364

Warde, Captain, 167, 187

Waterford, 9, 43, 82, 87-89, 152, 159, 161, 162, 225-227, 283, 310, 312,
    324

Waterford County, 85, 88, 93, 112

-- see of, 365;
  for Bishops, _see_ Walsh, Middleton, Magrath.

Waterhouse, Edward, private secretary to Essex, 273, 295;
  his ideas as to national honour and profit, 296, 299, 326, 332, 347,
    348

Wellesley, name of, 46

Wells, Deanery of, 256

Westmeath, 46, 47, 59, 219, 310, 330, 333

Weston, Robert, Lord Chancellor (1567-1573), 124, 134, 152, 154, 155,
    191, 256

Wexford County, 11, 44, 46, 59, 81, 198, 228, 229, 333, 348

White family, in Dufferin, 305

-- Nicholas, seneschal of Wexford (1569-1571), Master of the Rolls
    (1572-1578), 198, 228, 336

-- Peter, 365

-- Knight, the (Fitzgerald), 11, 85, 111, 145, 152, 157, 164, 186, 314

Whitgift, John, Archbishop of Canterbury, 362

Wicklow County ('the Glinns'), 228, 229

Wilsford, Captain Thomas, 259, 260

Wilson, Thomas, Secretary of State, 346

Winchester, William Paulet, Marquis of, and Lord Treasurer, 48, 78, 120,
    122, 123, 156

Winchester, Bishop of; _see_ Horne.

Wingfield, Jaques, Master of the Ordnance (1558-1587), 24, 25, 29

Winter, Admiral Sir William, 9

Wolfe, David, a Jesuit, 192, 370, 371

Wood, William, his halfpence, 179

Worcester, Tiptoft, Earl of, 150

Wrothe, Sir Thomas, 65, 68-71, 77, 78, 197

Wyatt, Sir Thomas, 50, 141

Wyse, George, 123


Yarmouth, 204

Youghal, 112, 113, 151, 157, 159, 185, 192, 208, 221, 249, 312


END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.


PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
LONDON




_September 1885._

A CATALOGUE OF

WORKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE & SCIENCE

PUBLISHED BY

MESSRS. LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO.

_39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.C._

Classified Index.


AGRICULTURE, HORSES, DOGS, and CATTLE.

Dog (The), by Stonehenge, 21
_Dunster's_ How to Make the Land Pay, 9
_Fitzwygram's_ Horses and Stables, 10
Greyhound (The), by Stonehenge, 21
Horses and Roads, by Free-Lance, 12
_Loudon's_ Encyclopædia of Agriculture, 14
_Lloyd's_ The Science of Agriculture, 14
_Miles' (W. H.)_ Works on Horses and Stables, 17
_Nevile's_ Farms and Farming, 18
---- Horses and Riding, 18
_Scott's_ Farm-Valuer, 20
_Steel's_ Diseases of the Ox, 21
_Taylor's_ An Agricultural Note-Book, 22
_Ville's_ Artificial Manures, 23
_Youatt_ on the Dog, 24
---- Horse, 24


ANATOMY and PHYSIOLOGY.

_Ashby's_ Notes on Physiology, 5
_Buckton's_ Health in the House, 7
_Cooke's_ Tablets of Anatomy and Physiology, 8
_Gray's_ Anatomy, Descriptive and Surgical, 11
_Macalister's_ Vertebrate Animals, 15
_Owen's_ Comparative Anatomy and Physiology, 19
_Quain's_ Elements of Anatomy, 20
_Smith's_ Operative Surgery on the Dead Body, 21


ASTRONOMY.

_Ball's_ Elements of Astronomy, 22
_Herschel's_ Outlines of Astronomy, 12
'Knowledge' Library (The), 20
_Proctor's (R. A.)_ Works, 19
_Neison's_ The Moon, 18
_Schellen's_ Spectrum Analysis, 20
_Webb's_ Celestial Objects for Common Telescopes, 23


BIOGRAPHY, REMINISCENCES, LETTERS, &c.

_Bacon's_ Life and Works, 5
_Bagehot's_ Biographical Studies, 5
_Bray's_ Phases of Opinion, 7
_Carlyle's (T.)_ Life, by James A. Froude, 7
---- (_Mrs._) Letters and Memorials, 7
_Cates'_ Dictionary of General Biography, 7
_Cox's_ Lives of Greek Statesmen, 8
_D'Eon de Beaumont's_ Life, by Telfer, 8
_Fox (C. F.)_, Early History of, by G. O. Trevelyan, 10
_Grimston's (Hon. R.)_ Life, by Gale, 11
_Hamilton's (Sir W. R.)_ Life, by R. P. Graves, 11
_Havelock's_ Memoirs, by J. C. Marshman, 12
_Macaulay's_ Life and Letters, by G. O. Trevelyan, 15
_Malmesbury's_ Memoirs, 16
_Maunder's_ Biographical Treasury, 16
_Mendelssohn's_ Letters, 17
_Mill (James)_, a Biography, by A. Bain, 6
_Mill (John Stuart)_, a Criticism, by A. Bain, 6
_Mill's (J. S.)_ Autobiography, 17
_Mozley's_ Reminiscences of Oriel College, &c., 18
---- Towns, Villages, &c., 18
_Müller's (Max)_ Biographical Essays, 18
_Pasolini's_ Memoir, 19
_Pasteur's_ Life and Labours, 19
_Shakespeare's_ Life, by J. O. Halliwell-Phillipps, 21
_Stephen's_ Ecclesiastical Biography, 21
_Taylor's (Sir Henry)_ Autobiography, 22
_Wellington's_ Life, by G. R. Gleig, 23


BOTANY and GARDENING.

_Allen's_ Flowers and their Pedigrees, 4
_De Caisne & Le Maout's_ Botany, 8
_Lindley's_ Treasury of Botany, 14
_Loudon's_ Encyclopædia of Gardening, 14
---- Encyclopædia of Plants, 14
_Rivers'_ Orchard-House, 20
---- Rose Amateur's Guide, 20
_Thomé's_ Botany, 22


CHEMISTRY.

_Armstrong's_ Organic Chemistry, 22
_Kolbe's_ Inorganic Chemistry, 13
_Miller's_ Elements of Chemistry, 17
---- Inorganic Chemistry, 17
_Thorpe & Muir's_ Qualitative Analysis, 22
----'s Quantitative Analysis, 22
_Tilden's_ Chemical Philosophy, 22
_Watts'_ Dictionary of Chemistry, 23


CLASSICAL LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, and ANTIQUITIES.

_Æschylus_ Eumenides, Edited and Translated by Davies, 4
_Aristophanes'_ The Acharnians, translated, 5
_Aristotle's_ Works, 5
_Becker's_ Charicles, 6
---- Gallus, 6
_Cicero's_ Correspondence, by Tyrrell, 7
_Homer's_ Iliad, translated by Cayley, 12
---- Green, 12
_Hort's_ The New Pantheon, 12
_Mahaffy's_ Classical Greek Literature, 16
_Perry's_ Greek and Roman Sculpture, 19
_Rich's_ Dictionary of Antiquities, 20
_Simcox's_ History of Latin Literature, 21
_Sophocles_' Works, 21
_Virgil's_ Ænid, translated by Conington, 7
---- Poems, 7
---- Works, with Notes by Kennedy, 23
_Witt's_ Myths of Hellas, 24
---- The Trojan War, 24
---- The Wanderings of Ulysses, 24


COOKERY, DOMESTIC ECONOMY, &c.

_Acton's_ Modern Cookery, 4
_Buckton's_ Food and Home Cookery, 7
_Reeve's_ Cookery and Housekeeping, 20


ENCYCLOPÆDIAS, DICTIONARIES, and BOOKS of REFERENCE.

_Ayre's_ Bible Treasury, 5
_Blackley's_ German Dictionary, 6
_Brande's_ Dict. of Science, Literature, and Art, 6
Cabinet Lawyer (The), 7
_Cates'_ Dictionary of Biography, 7
_Contanseau's_ French Dictionaries, 8
_Gwilt's_ Encyclopædia of Architecture, 11
_Johnston's_ General Dictionary of Geography, 13
_Latham's_ English Dictionaries, 14
_Liddell & Scott's_ Greek-English Lexicon, 14
_Lindley & Moore's_ Treasury of Botany, 14
_Longman's_ German Dictionary, 14
_Loudon's_ Encyclopædia of Agriculture, 14
---- Gardening, 14
---- Plants, 14
_M'Culloch's_ Dictionary of Commerce, 16
_Maunder's_ Treasuries, 16
_Quain's_ Dictionary of Medicine, 20
_Rich's_ Dictionary of Antiquities, 20
_Roget's_ English Thesaurus, 20
_Ure's_ Dictionary of Arts, Manufactures, &c., 23
_White's_ Latin Dictionaries, 23
_Willich's_ Popular Tables, 24
_Yonge's_ English-Greek Dictionary, 24


ENGINEERING, MECHANICS, MANUFACTURES, &c.

_Anderson's_ Strength of Materials, 22
_Barry's_ Railway Appliances, 22
_Bourne's_ Works on the Steam Engine, 6
_Culley's_ Handbook of Practical Telegraphy, 8
_Edwards'_ Our Seamarks, 9
_Fairbairn's_ Mills and Millwork, 10
---- Useful Information for Engineers, 10
_Goodeve's_ Elements of Mechanism, 11
---- Principles of Mechanics, 11
_Gore's_ Electro-Metallurgy, 22
_Gwilt's_ Encyclopædia of Architecture, 11
_Jackson's_ Aid to Engineering Solution, 13
_Mitchell's_ Practical Assaying, 17
_Northcott's_ Lathes and Turning, 18
_Piesse's_ Art of Perfumery, 19
_Preece & Sivewright's_ Telegraphy, 22
_Sennett's_ Marine Steam Engine, 21
_Shelley's_ Workshop Appliances, 22
_Swinton's_ Electric Lighting, 22
_Unwin's_ Machine Design, 22
_Ure's_ Dictionary of Arts, Manufactures, & Mines, 23


ENGLISH LANGUAGE and LITERATURE.

_Arnold's_ English Poetry and Prose, 5
---- Manual of English Literature, 5
_Latham's_ English Dictionaries, 14
---- Handbook of English Language, 14
_Roget's_ English Thesaurus, 20
_Whately's_ English Synonyms, 23


HISTORY, POLITICS, HISTORICAL MEMOIRS, and CRITICISM.

_Amos'_ Fifty Years of the English Constitution, 4
---- Primer of the English Constitution, 4
_Arnold's_ Lectures on Modern History, 5
_Beaconsfield's_ Selected Speeches, 6
_Boultbee's_ History of the Church of England, 6
_Bramston & Leroy's_ Historic Winchester, 6
_Buckle's_ History of Civilisation, 7
_Chesney's_ Waterloo Lectures, 7
_Cox's_ General History of Greece, 8
---- Lives of Greek Statesmen, 8
_Creighton's_ History of the Papacy, 8
_De Tocqueville's_ Democracy in America, 8
_Doyle's_ The English in America, 9
Epochs of Ancient History, 9
---- Modern History, 9
_Freeman's_ Historical Geography of Europe, 10
_Froude's_ History of England, 10
---- Short Studies, 10
---- The English in Ireland, 10
_Gardiner's_ History of England, 1603-42, 10
---- Outline of English History, 10
_Grant's_ University of Edinburgh, 11
_Greville's_ Journal, 11
_Hickson's_ Ireland in the 17th Century, 12
_Lecky's_ History of England, 14
---- European Morals, 14
---- Rationalism in Europe, 14
---- Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland, 14
_Lewes'_ History of Philosophy, 14
_Longman's (W.)_ Lectures on History of England, 14
---- Life and Times of Edward III., 14
---- (_F. W._) Frederick the Great, 14
_Macaulay's_ Complete Works, 15
---- Critical and Historical Essays, 15
---- History of England, 15
---- Speeches, 15
_Maunder's_ Historical Treasury, 16
_Maxwell's_ Don John of Austria, 16
_May's_ Constitutional Hist. of Eng. 1760-1870, 16
---- Democracy in Europe, 16
_Merivale's_ Fall of the Roman Republic, 17
---- General History of Rome, 17
---- Romans under the Empire, 17
---- The Roman Triumvirates, 17
_Noble's_ The Russian Revolt, 18
_Rawlinson's_ Seventh Great Oriental Monarchy, 20
_Seebohm's_ English Village Community, 20
---- The Oxford Reformers, 20
---- The Protestant Revolution, 20
_Short's_ History of the Church of England, 21
_Smith's_ Carthage and the Carthaginians, 21
_Taylor's_ History of India, 22
_Walpole's_ History of England, 1815-41, 23
_Wylie's_ England under Henry IV., 24


ILLUSTRATED BOOKS and BOOKS on ART.

_Dresser's_ Japan; its Architecture, &c., 9
_Eastlake's_ Five Great Painters, 9
---- Hints on Household Taste, 9
---- Notes on Foreign Picture Galleries, 9
_Jameson's (Mrs.)_ Works, 13
_Lang's (A.)_ Princess Nobody, illus. by R. Doyle, 14
_Macaulay's (Lord)_ Lays, illustrated by Scharf,15
---- illustrated by Weguelin, 15
_Moore's_ Irish Melodies, illustrated by Maclise, 18
---- Lalla Rookh, illustrated by Tenniel, 18
New Testament (The), illustrated, 18
_Perry's_ Greek and Roman Sculpture, 19


MEDICINE and SURGERY.

_Bull's_ Hints to Mothers, 7
---- Maternal Management of Children, 7
_Coats'_ Manual of Pathology, 7
_Dickinson_ On Renal and Urinary Affections, 9
_Erichsen's_ Concussion of the Spine, 10
---- Science and Art of Surgery, 10
_Garrod's_ Materia Medica, 11
---- Treatise on Gout, 11
_Hassall's_ Inhalation Treatment of Disease, 12
_Haward's_ Orthopædic Surgery, 12
_Hewitt's_ Diseases of Women, 12
---- Mechanic. System of Uterine Pathology, 12
_Holmes'_ System of Surgery, 12
_Husband's_ Questions in Anatomy, 13
_Jones'_ The Health of the Senses, 13
_Little's_ In-Knee Distortion, 14
_Liveing's_ Works on Skin Diseases, 14
_Longmore's_ Gunshot Injuries, 14
_Mackenzie's_ Use of the Laryngoscope, 15
_Macnamara's_ Diseases of Himalayan Districts, 16
_Morehead's_ Disease in India, 18
_Murchison's_ Continued Fevers of Great Britain, 18
---- Diseases of the Liver, 18
_Paget's_ Clinical Lectures and Essays, 19
---- Lectures on Surgical Pathology, 19
_Pereira's_ Materia Medica, 19
_Quain's_ Dictionary of Medicine, 20
_Salter's_ Dental Pathology and Surgery, 20
_Smith's_ Handbook for Midwives, 21
_Thomson's_ Conspectus, by Birkett, 22
_Watson's_ Principles and Practice of Physic, 23
_West's_ Diseases of Infancy and Childhood, 23


MENTAL and POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY, FINANCE, &c.

_Abbott's_ Elements of Logic, 4
_Amos'_ Science of Jurisprudence, 4
_Aristotle's_ Works, 5
_Bacon's_ Essays, with Notes, by Abbott, 5
---- by Hunter, 5
---- by Whately, 5
---- Letters, Life, and Occasional Works, 5
---- Promus of Formularies, 5
---- Works, 5
_Bagehot's_ Economic Studies, 5
_Bain's (Prof.)_ Philosophical Works, 6
_Crozier's_ Civilisation and Progress, 8
_Davidson's_ The Logic of Definition, 8
_De Tocqueville's_ Democracy in America, 8
_Dowell's_ History of Taxes, 9
_Green's_ (T. Hill) Works, 11
_Hume's_ Philosophical Works, 13
_Justinian's_ Institutes, by T. Sandars, 13
_Kant's_ Critique of Practical Reason, 13
_Lang's_ Custom and Myth, 14
_List's_ The National System of Political Economy, 14
_Lubbock's_ Origin of Civilisation, 15
_Macleod's_ (H. D.) Works, 16
_Mill's (James)_ Phenomena of the Human Mind, 17
_Mill's (J. S.)_ Logic, Killick's Handbook to, 13
---- Works, 17
_Miller's_ Social Economy, 17
_Sully's_ Outlines of Psychology, 21
_Swinburne's_ Picture Logic, 22
_Thompson's_ A System of Psychology, 22
_Thomson's_ Laws of Thought, 22
_Twiss_ on the Rights and Duties of Nations, 22
_Webb's_ The Veil of Isis, 23
_Whately's_ Elements of Logic, 23
---- Elements of Rhetoric, 23
_Wylie's_ Labour, Leisure, and Luxury, 24
_Zeller's_ Works on Greek Philosophy, 24


MISCELLANEOUS WORKS.

_A. K. H. B._, Essays and Contributions of, 4
_Arnold's (Dr.)_ Miscellaneous Works, 5
_Bagehot's_ Literary Studies, 5
Beaconsfield Birthday Book (The), 6
_Beaconsfield's_ Wit and Wisdom, 6
_Evans'_ Bronze Implements of Great Britain, 10
_Farrar's_ Language and Languages, 10
_French's_ Drink in England, 10
_Johnson's_ Patentee's Manual, 13
Longman's Magazine, 14
_Macaulay's (Lord)_ Works, Selections from, 15
_Müller's (Max)_ Works, 18
_Peel's_ A Highland Gathering, 19
_Smith's (Sydney)_ Wit and Wisdom, 21
_Verney's (Lady)_ Peasant Properties, 23


NATURAL HISTORY (POPULAR).

_Dixon's_ Rural Bird Life, 9
_Hartwig's (Dr. G.)_ Works, 11
_Maunder's_ Treasury of Natural History, 16
_Stanley's_ Familiar History of Birds, 21
_Wood's (Rev. J. G.)_ Works, 24


POETICAL WORKS.

_Bailey's_ Festus, 5
_Dante's_ Divine Comedy, translated by Minchin, 8
_Goethe's_ Faust, translated, 11
_Homer's_ Iliad, translated by Cayley, 12
---- translated by Green, 12
_Ingelow's_ Poetical Works, 13
_Macaulay's (Lord)_ Lays of Ancient Rome, 15
_Macdonald's_ A Book of Strife, 15
_Pennell's_ 'From Grave to Gay', 19
_Reader's_ Voices from Flower-Land, 20
_Shakespeare_, Bowdler's Family Edition, 21
---- Hamlet, by George Macdonald, 15
_Southey's_ Poetical Works, 21
_Stevenson's_ Child's Garden of Poems, 21
_Virgil's_ Æneid, translated by Conington, 23
---- Poems, translated by Conington, 23


SPORTS and PASTIMES.

Dead Shot (The), by Marksman, 8
_Francis'_ Book on Angling, 10
_Jefferies'_ Red Deer, 13
_Longman's_ Chess Openings, 14
_Pole's_ The Modern Game of Whist, 19
_Ronalds'_ Fly-Fisher's Entomology, 20
_Verney's_ Chess Eccentricities, 23
_Walker's_ The Correct Card, 23
_Wilcocks'_ The Sea-Fisherman, 24


SCIENTIFIC WORKS (General).

_Arnott's_ Elements of Physics, 5
_Bauerman's_ Descriptive Mineralogy, 22
---- Systematic Mineralogy, 22
_Brande's_ Dictionary of Science &c., 6
_Buckton's_ Our Dwellings &c., 7
_Ganot's_ Natural Philosophy, 10
---- Physics, 10
_Grove's_ Correlation of Physical Forces, 11
_Haughton's_ Lectures on Physical Geography, 12
_Helmholtz_ Scientific Lectures, 12
---- On the Sensation of Tone, 12
_Hullah's_ History of Modern Music, 12
---- Transition Period of Musical History, 12
_Kerl's_ Treatise on Metallurgy, 13
'Knowledge' Library (The), 20
_Lloyd's_ Treatise on Magnetism, 14
_Macfarren's_ Lectures on Harmony, 15
_Maunder's_ Scientific Treasury, 16
_Proctor's (R. A.)_ Works, 19
_Rutley's_ The Study of Rocks, 22
_Schäfer's_ Essentials of Histology, 20
_Schellen's_ Spectrum Analysis, 20
_Smith's_ Air and Rain, 21
Text-books of Science, 22
_Tyndall's (Prof.)_ Works, 22, 23
_Wilson's_ Manual of Health Science, 24


THEOLOGY and RELIGION.

_Arnold's (Dr.)_ Sermons, 5
_Ayre's_ Treasury of Bible Knowledge, 5
_Boultbee's_ Commentary on the 39 Articles, 6
_Browne's_ Exposition of the 39 Articles, 7
_Calvert's_ Wife's Manual, 7
_Colenso's_ Pentateuch and Book of Joshua, 7
_Conder's_ Handbook to the Bible, 7
_Conybeare and Howson's_ St. Paul, 8
_Davidson's_ Introduction to the New Testament, 8
_Dewes'_ Life and Letters of St. Paul, 8
_Edersheim's_ Jesus the Messiah, 9
---- Warburton Lectures, 9
_Ellicott's_ Commentary on St. Paul's Epistles, 9
---- Lectures on the Life of Our Lord, 9
_Ewald's_ Antiquities of Israel, 10
---- History of Israel, 10
_Hobart's_ Medical Language of St. Luke, 12
_Hopkins'_ Christ the Consoler, 12
_Jukes' (Rev. A.)_ Works, 13
_Kalisch's_ Works, 13
Lyra Germanica, 15
_Macdonald's_ Unspoken Sermons (second series), 15
_Manning's_ Temporal Mission of the Holy Ghost, 16
_Martineau's_ Endeavours after the Christian Life, 16
---- Hours of Thought, 16
_Monsell's_ Spiritual Songs, 17
_Müller's (Max)_ Origin and Growth of Religion, 18
---- Science of Religion, 18
_Newman's (Cardinal)_ Works, 18
_Rogers'_ The Eclipse of Faith, and Defence, 20
_Sewell's (Miss)_ Devotional Works, 21
_Smith's_ Shipwreck of St. Paul, 21
Supernatural Religion, 22
_Taylor's (Jeremy)_ Entire Works, 22


TRAVELS, ADVENTURES, GUIDE BOOKS, &c.

_Aldridge's_ Ranch Notes, 4
Alpine Club (The) Map of Switzerland, 4
_Baker's_ Eight Years in Ceylon, 5
---- Rifle and Hound in Ceylon, 5
_Ball's_ Alpine Guide, 4
_Bent's_ The Cyclades, 6
_Brassey's (Lady)_ Works, 6, 7
_Crawford's_ Across the Pampas and the Andes, 8
_Dent's_ Above the Snow Line, 8
_Hassall's_ San Remo, 12
_Howitt's_ Visits to Remarkable Places, 12
_Johnston's_ Dictionary of Geography, 13
Maritime Alps (The), 16
_Maunder's_ Treasury of Geography, 16
Three in Norway, 22


WORKS of FICTION.

_Anstey's_ The Black Poodle, &c., 5
Antinous, by George Taylor, 5
Atelier du Lys (The), 17
Atherstone Priory, 17
_Beaconsfield's (Lord)_ Novels and Tales, 6
Burgomaster's Family (The), 17
Elsa and her Vulture, 17
_Harte's (Bret)_ By Shore and Sedge, 12
---- In the Carquinez Woods, 17
---- On the Frontier, 12
In the Olden Time, 13
Mademoiselle Mori, 17
Modern Novelist's Library (The), 17
_Oliphant's (Mrs.)_ In Trust, 17
---- Madam, 18
_Payn's_ Thicker than Water, 17
_Reader's_ Fairy Prince Follow-my-Lead, 20
_Sewell's (Miss)_ Stories and Tales, 21
Six Sisters of the Valleys (The), 17
_Stevenson's_ The Dynamiter, 21
_Sturgis'_ My Friends and I, 21
_Trollope's (Anthony)_ Barchester Towers, 17
---- The Warden, 17
Unawares, 17
_Whyte-Melville's (Major)_ Novels, 16




A Catalogue of Works

PUBLISHED BY

MESSRS. LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO.

_39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.C._


=ABBOTT.=--_THE ELEMENTS OF LOGIC._ By T. K. ABBOTT, B.D. 12mo.
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=A. K. H. B.=--_THE ESSAYS AND CONTRIBUTIONS OF A. K. H.
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Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson, 3_s._ 6_d._

Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths, 3_s._ 6_d._

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Counsel and Comfort from a City Pulpit, 3_s._ 6_d._

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=AMOS.=--_WORKS BY SHELDON AMOS, M.A._

_A PRIMER OF THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT._ Crown 8vo.
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_A SYSTEMATIC VIEW OF THE SCIENCE OF JURISPRUDENCE._ 8vo. 18_s._

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=ANTINOUS.=--An Historical Romance of the Roman Empire. By GEORGE
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=ARISTOTLE.=--_THE WORKS OF._

_THE POLITICS_, G. Bekker's Greek Text of Books I. III. IV. (VII.)
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_THE ETHICS_; Greek Text, illustrated with Essays and Notes. By Sir
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_INTRODUCTORY LECTURES ON MODERN HISTORY_, delivered in 1841 and
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_A MANUAL OF ENGLISH LITERATURE_, Historical and Critical. By THOMAS
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Transcribers' note:

Various: Variable spelling of Tirlogh/Tirlough as in the original text

Page iii: TWO volumes as stated in the original text

Page 14, 385: Variable spelling of M'Lice/Maclice as in the original
    text

Page 24: storehouse standardised to store-house

Pages 26, 28, 29, 64: Variable spelling of Neal/Neill/Neil Gray as in
    the original text

Page 27: Variable use of the circumflex in aliquâ as in the original
    text

Pages 46, 283: signataries as in the original text

Page 54, 382: Variable capitalisation of Macleans/MacLeans as in the
    original text

Page 74: byeword corrected to byword

Page 90, 382: Variable capitalisation of Macleods/MacLeods as in the
    original text

Page 135, 136: Variable spelling of Teig/Teige as in the original text

Page 149: Text on map saying "to face page 17" as in original

Page 153: consituencies corrected to constituencies

Pages 181, 311, 385: Variable spelling of O'Farrells/O'Ferralls/
    O'Farells/O'Ferrals as in the original text

Page 209: tiltyard standardised to tilt-yard

Page 220, 385: Variable spelling of O'Kellys/O'Kellies as in the
    original text

Pages 243, 380: Variable spelling of Innisloughan/Innishloughane as in
    the original text

Page 266: Variable spelling of Mulroney/Mulrony O'Carroll as in the
    original text

Page 274: good-will standardised to goodwill

Page 284: Brasselogh standardised to Brasselagh

Page 286: packhorses standardised to pack-horses

Page 305, 385: Variable capitalisation of Macneill/MacNeill as in the
    original text

Page 306: Variable hyphenation of house(-)keeping retained as part of a
    quotation

Page 310: Cheek's standardised to Cheke's

Page 314, 386: Variable spelling of Rochfords/Rochforts as in the
    original text

Page 316, 382: Variable capitalisation of Macnamaras/MacNamaras as in
    the original text

Page 366, 385: Variable spelling of Malachy/Malachi O'Molony as in the
    original text

Page 374: Benburt standardised to Benburb

Page 375: Carbury standardised to Carbery, Castle Blayney standardised
    to Castleblayney

Page 376: Clan Sheehy standardised to Clansheehy, Gerandstown corrected
    to Gerardstown in entry for Cusack, Thomas

Page 378: FitzDavy standardised to Fitzdavy

Page 379: FitzWilliam standardised to Fitzwilliam; Gallicia corrected to
    Galicia

Page 380: Haggardstown standardised to Haggardston

Page 381: Kilmacdaugh corrected to Kilmacduagh in entry for Kirwan,
    Stephen

Page 382: MacAuliffe standardised to MacAulliffe; MacMorrogh
    standardised to MacMorragh

Page 383, 390: Variable spelling of Mullaly/Mullally as in the original
    text

Advertising page 17: chemisty corrected to chemistry