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      THE JESUIT RELATIONS AND ALLIED DOCUMENTS

  VOL. IV




[Illustration: JEAN DE BRÉBEUF, S.J.]




               The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

   TRAVELS AND EXPLORATIONS OF THE JESUIT MISSIONARIES IN NEW FRANCE

                               1610-1791

      THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALIAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH
      TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND
                              FACSIMILES

                               EDITED BY

                          REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
         Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin

                                Vol. IV
                     ACADIA AND QUEBEC: 1616-1629


  CLEVELAND: =The Burrows Brothers Company=, PUBLISHERS, M DCCC XCVII




                            COPYRIGHT, 1897
                                  BY
                        THE BURROWS BROTHERS CO

                          ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

                    _The Imperial Press, Cleveland_




EDITORIAL STAFF

  Editor                               REUBEN GOLD THWAITES

  Translator from the French           JOHN CUTLER COVERT

  Assistant Translator from the French MARY SIFTON PEPPER

  Translator from the Latin            WILLIAM FREDERIC GIESE

  Translator from the Italian          MARY SIFTON PEPPER

  Assistant Editor                     EMMA HELEN BLAIR




CONTENTS OF VOL. IV


  PREFACE TO VOLUME IV                                                 1

  DOCUMENTS:--

  XIV. Relation de la Novvelle France, de ses Terres, Natvrel dv Païs,
  & de ses Habitans. [Chapters xxvi.-xxxvii. and Index, completing the
  document.] _Pierre Biard_; Lyons, 1616                               7

  XV. Lettre au Sievr de Champlain. _Charles Lalemant_; Kebec, July 28,
  1625                                                               170

  XVI. Lettre au R.P. Prouincial des RR. Pères Recollects. _Charles
  Lalemant_; Kebec, July 28, 1625                                    172

  XVII. Epistola ad R.P. Mutium Vitelleschi, Præpositum Generalem
  Societatis Jesu, Romæ. _Carolus Lalemant_; Nova Francia, August 1,
  [1626]                                                             176

  XVIII. Lettre au Pere Hierosme l'Allemant. _Charles Lalemant_; Kebec,
  August 1, 1626                                                     185

  XIX. Lettre au R.P. Supérieur du Collége des Iésuites à Paris. _Charles
  Lalemant_; Bordeaux, November 22, 1629                             229

  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOLUME IV                                    247

  NOTES                                                              253




[Illustration]

ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. IV


  I. Portrait of Jean de Brébeuf, S.J.; photo-engraving from oil portrait
  by Donald Guthrie McNab                                 _Frontispiece_

  II. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Charles Lalemant to Jerome
                                                                     188




PREFACE TO VOL. IV


Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present
volume:

XIV. In the concluding portion (Chapters xxvi.-xxxvii.) of the
_Relation_ of 1616, Biard relates how he and Father Quentin were taken
to Virginia, where they narrowly escaped death; they then were sent to
England, and finally to France, arriving there after a captivity of
over nine months, and being subjected to many perils by sea and land.
The annalist records what progress the Christian religion has made
in New France. The missionaries have now learned the nature of the
country, and the character and needs of the people; and the colonists
have established friendly relations with the savages. The latter have
some general knowledge of religion, and are anxious to be baptized.
Several miracles are recounted, in the cure of persons given up as
dying. Biard then discusses at length the respective territorial claims
of the French and English in the New World, and contends that New
France should extend southward at least to 39°. He concludes by urging
that more attention should be given in France to both the temporal and
religious interests of Canada, especially to the conversion of the
savages.

Between the Documents XIV. and XV. in our series, there is a break of
nine years. The Jesuit mission in Acadia had abruptly closed with the
attack by Argall, so fully described in the writings of Biard, who,
in his _Relation_ of 1616, appears for the last time upon our stage.
Meantime, the Récollet friars were conducting their missions upon and
beyond the St. Lawrence; but,--as related in the Introduction (Volume
I. of this series) and in Notes to this Volume, _post_,--finding
themselves unequal to the great task, they invited the Jesuits to
return to New France and aid them in the conversion of the savages.
The first of the "black gowns" to arrive (April, 1625) were Charles
Lalemant, Massé, and Brébeuf.

XV. Lalemant, as superior of the mission, writes (July 28, 1625) to the
governor, Champlain, announcing the arrival of the Jesuits at Quebec,
the hospitality of the Récollets to them, and the death of Nicholas
Viel, of the latter order.

XVI. On the same date, Lalemant writes to the provincial of the
Récollets, thanking him for the kindness and hospitality shown the
Jesuits by himself and others of his order in Canada.

XVII. Lalemant writes (Aug. 1, no year mentioned, but without doubt
1626) to his general, at Rome. He tells what the Jesuit missionaries
have accomplished during the past year: they have spent most of the
time studying the language of the natives, for which purpose Brébeuf
spent the winter among the savages; they had learned all they could
of the people and the country; and had preached to and confessed the
French colonists. They had established one residence among the Indians.
He announces that he sends Noyrot back to France, to look after the
interests of their mission.

XVIII. On the same date as the foregoing, Lalemant writes to his
brother Jerome, in France, who is also a Jesuit. The missionary gives a
short description of the country and the climate; then of the people,
their customs, religious belief, clothing, etc.; describes the extent
of the Canadian trade with France; and tells of the establishment
of a residence for the Jesuits, near that of the Récollets. The
difficulties encountered by the missionaries in acquiring the native
languages, are mentioned, together with their relations with a certain
interpreter, and the help received from him. The writer tells of
Brébeuf passing the entire winter among the savages of the vicinity;
Lalemant went on a similar trip, and had to return in eleven days, as
his improvident hosts had no food. He announces his probable departure
for a longer stay among the natives. He sends Noyrot back to France,
in the interests of the mission, and Brébeuf and De Noue to the Huron
country. The natives are ready to be taught, the writer says, and he
sends a little Huron boy to be instructed in France. Champlain and
Gaumont have, he says, chosen him as their confessor. He wishes to name
their first church, "Our Lady of the Angels," and asks his brother
to send him therefor "A fine picture surrounded by angels." The busy
superior mentions this as the sixty-eighth letter he has just written
to France,--chiefly to benefactors of the mission, and "those who have
written to me."

Lalemant (see _note_ 20, _post_, for details) had gone to France for
supplies for the colony, in November, 1627; and upon his return in
May, 1628, was with others captured by the English Admiral Kirk, to
whom, a year later, Quebec capitulated. The Jesuits were sent to
England, and thence allowed to return to France. Lalemant, with a party
of missionaries, again attempted to return to Canada (June, 1629),
but they were shipwrecked on the Canso rocks. Two of the adventurous
Jesuits were drowned, another remained in the country, but Lalemant
returned to France.

XIX. Lalemant writes (Nov. 22, 1629), from Bordeaux to the superior of
the Jesuit college at Paris, describing the shipwreck he had recently
experienced, in which Father Noyrot and Brother Louis Malot were
drowned; and announcing his own safe arrival at Bordeaux.

July 5, 1632, Émery de Caen, the French fur-trade monopolist, arrived
at Quebec, commissioned to reclaim that stronghold from Kirk. With him
were the Jesuits Le Jeune and De Noue, who had been sent hither to
reopen the mission of their order in New France.


The Editor gratefully acknowledges the receipt of information from
the following gentlemen, relative to annotations in this volume: Dr.
John G. Bourinot, Dr. Douglas Brymner, Capt. E. Deville, and Mr. L.
P. Sylvain, of Ottawa; Mr. William McLennan, Mr. C. H. Gould, and
Rev. Arthur E. Jones, of Montreal; and Mgr. T. E. Hamel, Dr. N. E.
Dionne, and Mr. E. E. Taché, of Quebec. To the list of persons named
in the General Preface to this series, as having furnished valuable
suggestions in the prosecution of the work, the Editor takes pleasure
in adding the following: Rev. Joseph Le Halle, S. J., president of St.
Ignatius College, Cleveland; Rt. Rev. Ignatius F. Horstmann, R. C.
bishop of Cleveland; Rev. E. A. Higgins, S. J., of St. Mary's College,
St. Mary's, Kans.; Rev. A. A. Hartmann, S. J., of Canisius College,
Buffalo, N. Y.; and Mr. James H. Coyne, of St. Thomas, Ont.

  R. G. T.

  MADISON, WIS., January, 1897.




                            XIV (concluded)

                BIARD'S RELATION DE LA NOUVELLE FRANCE

                       LYONS: LOUIS MUGUET, 1616


Chaps. xxvi.-xxxvii., and Index, completing the document; Chaps.
i.-xxv. appeared in Volume III.




CHAPITRE XXVIII. [i.e., xxvi.]

LE PILLAGE DE NOSTRE NAUIRE, & DE NOS GENTS, LES ANGOISSES OÙ NOUS
ESTIONS.


L'ANGLOIS victorieux s'en vint à terre, où estoyent nos tentes, &
alogements commencés, & fit rechercher nostre Capitaine de tous tous
costés, disant, qu'il vouloit voir nos commissiõs; que ceste terre leur
appartenoit, & que pour cela ils s'estoy[~e]t rués sur nous nous y
trouuãts, neantmoins que si nous faisions apparoistre de nostre bonne
foy, & que nous fussions là venus sous l'autorité de [238] nostre
Prince, qu'ils y auroyent esgard, ne voulants en rien contreuenir à la
bonne confederation de nos deux Rois. Le malheur fut qu'on ne trouua
point la Saussaye, à l'occasion de quoy l'Anglois fin, & subtil se
saisit de ses coffres, les crocheta industrieusement, & y ayant trouuée
nos commissiõs, & lettres royaux, les saisit; puis remettant toutes
les besongnes en sa place, chasque chose tout ainsi qu'il l'auoit
trouuée, referma lesdits coffres gentiment. Le lendemain la Saussaye
estant venu, le Capitaine Anglois, qui sçauoit fort bien sa leçon,
l'accueillit humainement, & luy fit les premiers interrogats auec
belles ceremonies: Puis vint au point: luy demandant ses commissions,
à celle fin qu'il n'y eust aucune doute, quand reellement on verroit,
& considereroit les paroles, & autorité [239] du Roy nostre SIRE. La
Saussaye respondit que ses lettres estoyent dans ses coffres. On
luy apporta ses coffres, & auant qu'il les ouurist auec ses clefs,
on l'aduisa qu'il regardast bien si personne y auroit touché; car
quant à eux ils y alloyent fort simplement. La Saussaye recognoissoit
tout estre en fort bon ordre, mais malheur! il n'y retrouuoit pas
ses lettres. Icy le Capitaine Anglois chãgea de mine, & de ton, & se
refroignant comm'il falloit, quoy donc (dit-il) vous nous imposez
icy? Vous donnés à entendre qu'auez commission de vostre Roy, & n'en
pouuez produire aucun tesmoignage? Vous estes des Forbãs & Pirates
trestous; vous merités la mort. Et dés lors, il fit la part du butin
aux soldats: En quoy il consuma toute l'apres-disnée. Nous de la terre
considerions le guaspillement [240] de tous nos biens: car les Anglois
nous laissoyent à terre, eux se tenants en mer, & ayãts ioints par
ensemble nos vaisseaux au leur, car nous en auions deux, sçauoir est
nostre nauire, & vne barque construicte sur le lieu, & equippée de
neuf. Nous estions reduits en piteux estat: mais ce n'estoit pas la
fin. Le iour suiuant on vint à terre, & on nous pilla encores ce qu'y
auions: non pas tout du commencement, ains à passades, & à chasque
fois qu'on desc[~e]doit à terre, tousiours quelque detrousse de nos
manteaux, habits, & autres choses. Vne fois on fit quelques violences,
& atrocitez de traictement sur la personne de deux de nos gents, ce qui
espouuanta tellem[~e]t vne partie des autres, qu'ils s'enfuirent par
les bois comme pauures bestes esgarées, demy nuds, & sans [241] aucuns
viures, ne sçachants ce qu'ils pourroyent deuenir.

    CHAPTER XXVIII. [i.e., xxvi.]

    THE PLUNDERING OF OUR SHIP, AND OF OUR PEOPLE, AND THE DISTRESSES
    WE ENDURED.

    THE victorious Englishman came on shore, where we had our tents
    and our houses just begun, and had our Captain searched for in all
    directions, saying that they wished to see our commissions; that
    this land belonged to them, and hence they had fallen upon us when
    they found us there; nevertheless, if we could show our good faith
    in the matter, and that we had come there under the authority of
    [238] our Prince, that they would show some regard for it, wishing
    in no wise to violate the alliance between our two Kings. But the
    trouble was, la Saussaye could not be found, and on this account
    the shrewd and cunning Englishman seized his trunks, skillfully
    picked the locks, and, having found therein our commissions and
    royal patents, took possession of them; then, putting everything
    back in its place, each article just as he had found it, nicely
    fastened the trunks again. The next day, la Saussaye having
    returned, the English Captain, who knew his lesson remarkably well,
    received him kindly and made his first inquiries with a fine show
    of courtesy; then he came to the point and demanded his commission,
    so there might be no doubt when the words and authority [239] of
    the King, our SIRE, were actually seen and considered. La Saussaye
    answered that the letters were in his trunks. These were brought,
    and before he unlocked them he was advised to look closely to see
    if they had been tampered with, for, as to them, they were acting
    with all sincerity. La Saussaye found that all was in good order,
    but alas! he could not find the letters. Hereupon the English
    Captain changed his mien and his voice, and, frowning in the most
    proper manner, "How now (said he), are you imposing on us? You give
    us to understand that you have a commission from your King, and you
    cannot produce any evidence of it. You are Outlaws and Pirates,
    every one of you, and merit death." Then he set his soldiers to
    plundering, and in this the whole afternoon was consumed. From the
    shore we looked on at the pillage [240] of our property: for the
    English had left us on shore while they remained on the water,
    where they joined our vessels to theirs, for we had two, our ship
    and a barque constructed at this place and newly equipped. We were
    reduced to a pitiful state, but this was not the end. The next
    day they came on shore, and robbed us also of what we had there.
    Not all at one time, but at intervals, and whenever they came on
    shore, always appropriating some of our mantles, clothes, and other
    things. Once they maltreated and abused two of our men, which so
    frightened part of the others that they fled to the woods like poor
    hunted beasts, half-naked and without [241] food, not knowing what
    would become of them.

Venons aux Iesuites. Ie vous ay dit, que Gilbert du Thet fut outré
d'vne mosquetade durant le combat. Les Anglois entrants dans le nauire
le mirent entre les mains de leur Chirurgien & luy, & tous les
autres blessés. Ce Chirurgien estoit Catholique, & recognu pour tel;
& personne fort charitable, & qui nous a faict mille bons offices. Or
le P. Biard ayant sceu la blessure de Gilbert du Thet fit demander
au Capitaine, que les blessés fussent portés à terre, ce qui fut
accordé, & par ainsi ledit Gilbert eust le moyen de se confesser, &
de benir & louër Dieu iuste, & misericordieux en la Compagnie de ses
Freres, mourãt entre leurs mains. Ce qu'il fit auec grande constance,
resignation, & deuotion, [242] vingt & quatre heures apres sa blessure,
il eust son souhait, car au despart de Honfleur, en presence de tout
l'equipage il auoit haussé les mains, & les yeux vers le Ciel priant
Dieu, qu'il ne reuint iamais plus en France, ains qu'il mourust
trauaillãt à la conqueste des ames, & au salut des Sauuages. Il fut
enterré le mesme iour au pied d'vne grande Croix que nous auions
dressée du commencement.

    Let us speak of the Jesuits. I have told you that Gilbert du Thet
    was struck down by a musket ball during the fight. When the English
    boarded our ship, they put him, together with all the other wounded
    men, into the hands of their Surgeon. This Surgeon was a Catholic,
    and known as such. He was very charitable, and did us a thousand
    kind services. Now as soon as Father Biard learned about Gilbert
    du Thet's wound, he sent a request to the Captain to have all the
    wounded carried on shore; this was granted, and so the said Gilbert
    had an opportunity to confess, and to bless and praise a just God,
    full of mercy to the Society of his Brothers; and he died in their
    arms. He passed away with great steadfastness, resignation, and
    devotion, [242] twenty-four hours after he was wounded. He had his
    wish; for when leaving Honfleur, in the presence of the whole crew,
    he had raised his hands and eyes to Heaven, praying God that he
    might never again return to France, but that he might die working
    for the conquest of souls and for the salvation of the Savages. He
    was buried the same day at the foot of a large Cross which we had
    erected when we first went there.

Les Iesuites n'estoyent iusques alors recognus des Anglois, sinon que
pour Prestres. Or le P. Biard & le P. Enemond Massé s'en aller[~e]t au
nauire parler au Capitaine Anglois, & luy expliquer[~e]t ouuertement
comm'ils estoy[~e]t Iesuites, venus en ces quartiers-là pour la
cõuersiõ des Sauuages, puis le supplierent par le sang de celuy,
qu'il recognoissoit pour Sauueur, & [243] par les misericordes qu'il
en attendoit, qu'il luy pleust auoir pitié de ces pauures François,
sur lesquels Dieu luy auoit dõné puissance, & qu'en leur misere il
recognust combien les affaires de ce monde varient: qu'il luy pleust
leur donner & leur moyenner retour en leur pays de France. Le Capitaine
les ouyt fort paisiblement, & leur respondit auec pareil honneur: mais
(dit-il) dissimulant, ie m'estonne fort comme vous autres Iesuites,
lesquels on tient communement pour gens de conscience, & de Religion,
vous vous retrouuiez icy, neantmoins en la compagnie des forbans,
& picoreurs, gens sans adueu & sans loy, ny honneur. Le P. Biard
respondit & preuua auec tant d'arguments, que toute leur troupe estoit
de gens de bien, & recommandés par sa Majesté [244] tres-Chrestienne:
& refuta si peremptoirement toutes objections contraires, que le
Capitaine Anglois fut contrainct de faire semblant, qu'il s'y
accordoit, vaincu par ses raisons. Certes (adiousta-il) il y a bien eu
de la faute, à ce que ie voy, d'ainsi perdre vos lettres. Neantmoins ie
traicteray de vostre retour auec vostre Capitaine, & dés lors iusques
au depart, il fit tousiours manger à sa table lesdits deux Peres,
leur mõstrant beaucoup de respect & hõnesteté. Or il auoit vn'espine
au pied, qui le tourmentoit; c'estoit le Pilote, & les Matelots,
qui estoyent euadés, & desquels il ne pouuoit sçauoir nouuelles. Ce
Pilote appellé le Bailleur, de la ville de Roüen, s'en estant allé
pour recognoistre (ainsi que vous a esté dit) ne peut point retourner
à temps au nauire pour le def[~e]dre, [245] & partant il retira sa
chaloupe à l'escart, & la nuit venuë print encores auec soy les autres
Matelots, & se mit en sauueté hors la veuë, & le pouuoir des Anglois.
De nuict il nous venoit trouuer pour auiser auecques nous ce qui seroit
de faire. Il fit en particulier ce bon office aux Iesuites: car il vint
trouuer le P. Biard, & le prenant par la main le coniura de ne se point
meffier de luy, pource qu'il estoit de la Pretenduë, l'asseurant qu'il
ne manqueroit ny à luy, ny a aucun des Peres: & qu'il supplioit Dieu,
que tout ainsi il ne l'abandonnast point, comm'il le disoit de coeur
syncere. Le P. Biard le remercia de bonne affection, & luy promit de
se souuenir de ceste si bonne volonté: il luy dit neantmoins qu'il ne
vouloit encores penser à soy, iusques à ce qu'il vit tous les autres
en beau [246] chemin. Que lors il deuiendroit ce qu'à Dieu plairoit,
admonnestant ledit Pilote de se garder de tomber és mains des Anglois:
parce que le Capitaine buttoit fort à le pouuoir attraper. Ledit Pilote
fit sagement son profit de cest aduertissement, & de celuy des autres.
Car de là à deux ou trois iours, il passa à la barbe des Anglois,
comme se sauuant, & s'en allant chercher nauire, & leur disant que ce
n'estoit pas pour ceste fois là, qu'il le falloit att[~e]dre. Mais il
se retira seulement derriere quelques Isles non loin de là pour y estre
aux escoutes & considerer quelle fortune nous arriueroit. Cela fit à
mon aduis, que le Capitaine Anglois se resolut plustost à ne nous pas
faire pis, toutesfois il en auoit quelque volõté, ce que ie ne sçay.
De vray par les coniectures de ce que nous auons experim[~e]té [247]
despuis, il estoit bien Capitaine fort sage & rusé, mais neãtmoins
gentil-homme ayant le courage noble: ses gents aussi n'estoy[~e]t point
inhumains, ny cruels contre personne de nous.

    Up to this time the Jesuits had not been recognized by the English,
    except as Priests. Now Father Biard and Father Enemond Massé went
    to the ship to speak with the English Captain, and explained to him
    openly that they were Jesuits, who had come to these regions to
    convert the Savages; then they implored him, by the blood of him
    whom he acknowledged as his Savior, and [243] by the mercy which he
    expected from him, that he might be pleased to have pity upon these
    poor French, over whom God had given him power; and that in their
    wretched condition he might see how changeable are the affairs of
    this world, allow them to return to France, their native country,
    and furnish them means therefor. The Captain listened to them
    very kindly, and answered them with like courtesy: "But," (said
    he) dissembling, "I am very much astonished at you Jesuits, who
    are generally regarded as conscientious and Religious men, being
    here, nevertheless, in the company of pirates, marauders, and idle
    wanderers, who are men without calling, without law, and without
    honor." Father Biard answered, and proved by many arguments, that
    their whole company were honest people and were recommended by his
    most Christian [244] Majesty, and so summarily refuted all opposing
    arguments, that the English Captain had to seem to agree with him,
    conquered by his logic. "Certainly (he added) there has been indeed
    some fault, as far as I can see, in thus losing your letters.
    Nevertheless, I shall consider the matter of your return with your
    Captain." And from that time until our departure, he always had
    the two Fathers eat at his table, showing them great respect and
    courtesy. Now he had a thorn in his side, which caused him much
    uneasiness; it was the Pilot and Sailors who had escaped, and of
    whom he could get no news. This pilot,[1] called "le Bailleur,"
    from the city of Roüen, had gone out to reconnoitre (as has been
    stated), and could not return to the ship in time to defend it;
    [245] therefore he turned his boat aside, and when night came took
    in with him the other Sailors, and withdrew to a place of safety,
    out of sight of the English and beyond their power. At night he
    came to see us and to talk over with us what was to be done. He
    performed this kind act especially for the Jesuits; for he came
    to Father Biard and taking him by the hand implored him not to
    mistrust him because he was of the Pretended[2] Religion, assuring
    him that he would not fail him, nor any of the Fathers, and that he
    should pray God not to forsake him also, as he was speaking from a
    sincere heart. Father Biard thanked him very affectionately, and on
    his part promised to remember his good will; he told him, however,
    that he did not wish to think of himself, until he saw all the
    others on a safe [246] road, and then, let happen to him what God
    willed. He admonished the Pilot to be careful not to fall into the
    hands of the English, for the Captain was trying very hard to catch
    him. The Pilot wisely profited by this advice, and by that of the
    others. For, during the next two or three days, he went about in
    defiance of the English, as if making his escape and going for a
    ship, seeming to say to them that they need not count upon him this
    time. But he only withdrew behind some Islands not far off, to be
    on the lookout and to see what fortune might befall us. I believe
    this made the English Captain decide not to subject us to any worse
    treatment, however much he might have wished to do so, in regard to
    which I know nothing. Certainly, judging from what we experienced
    [247] afterwards, he was indeed a very shrewd and cunning Captain,
    but nevertheless a gentleman of truly noble courage; nor were his
    men inhuman or cruel to any of us.

Or ne sçauroit-on croire les angoisses ausquelles nous estions en
ce temps, car nous ne sçauions où donner de la teste. Du costé des
Anglois, nous n'attendions que la mort, ou du moins la seruitude: aussi
d'arrester sur le pays, & viure parmi les Sauuages a leur façon tout vn
an entier, & tant de gens, nous sembloit estre vne mort bien longue &
miserable. Ces bons Sauuages ayants ouy nostre desastre s'en vindrent
à nous, & nous offroyent leur possible, promettants de nous alimenter
durant l'Hyuer, & monstrants vne grande cõpassion. Mais nous ne
pouuions pas esperer mieux, [248] qu'ils n'ont. Aussi de trouuer autres
expedients en vn tel desert: nous n'en voyons point. Voicy en fin comme
Dieu nous pourueut.

    Now it is impossible to imagine the anxiety we endured at that
    time, for we knew not which way to turn. From the English, we
    expected only death or at least slavery; but to remain in this
    country, and for so many men to live among the Savages in their way
    for a whole year, looked to us like a long and miserable death.
    These good Savages, having heard about our misfortune, came and
    offered to do their best for us, promising to feed us during the
    Winter, and showing a great deal of sympathy for us. But we could
    hope for nothing better [248] than they had; also we could see no
    prospect of finding any other expedients in such a desert. Now see
    how God provided for us.




CHAPITRE XXIX. [i.e., xxvii.]

LES EXPEDIENTS TROUUEZ POUR REUENIR EN FRANCE, & COMME TRENTE DE NOS
GENS Y ARRIUERENT APRES PLUSIEURS TRAUAUX.


LE Capitaine Anglois appellé Samuel Argal, & son Lieutenant, dit
Guillaume Turnel, commencerent à traicter de nostre retour selon leur
promesse auec nostre Capitaine la Saussaye. Les Anglois offroyent des
conditions bien iniques, mais pour le faire court, la conclusion fut
qu'vne [249] chaloupe nous restant de deux, [~q] nous en auions, ils
nous en l'aisseroyent vne, & qu'auec icelle nous allassions où Dieu
nous conduiroit. Le Capitaine Anglois, cauteleux qu'il est; voulut
auoir vn escrit, signé de la main de la Saussaye, par lequel il
tesmoignast, que c'estoit de son choix, que ce parti auoit esté prins.

    CHAPTER XXIX. [i.e., xxvii.]

    THE MEANS WHICH WERE FOUND TO RETURN TO FRANCE, AND HOW THIRTY OF
    OUR PEOPLE ARRIVED THERE AFTER MANY TRIALS.

    THE English Captain, whose name was Samuel Argal, and his
    Lieutenant, William Turnel,[3] began, as they had promised, to
    treat with our Captain la Saussaye about our return. The English
    offered some very unfair conditions, but to make the story short,
    the conclusion was that as one [249] boat remained to us of the
    two we had had, they would leave it for us, and with it we could
    go where God directed us. The English Captain, crafty as he was,
    wished to have a written acknowledgement signed by la Saussaye, in
    which he should testify that it was by his own choice that this
    course had been taken.

Ceste conclusion ouye, le P. Biard s'en alla trouuer ledit Capitaine,
& luy representa, qu'ils restoyent trente personnes, & qu'il estoit
impossible que tant de gens peussent estre entassez dans vn si petit
vaisseau, tant s'en faut qu'ils peussent dans iceluy faire cent
cinquante lieües, & trauerser des bayes de dix & douze lieuës, comme
il leur conuenoit faire, auant que trouuer auc[~u] nauire François,
auquel ils se peussent refugier: que cela estoit manifestement [250]
nous ietter à la mort, & au desespoir. L'Anglois respondit, [~q] la
Saussaye ne le croyoit pas ainsi: mais que si on vouloit descharger
ladicte chaloupe, qu'il en ouuriroit bien vn moyen: qu'il conduiroit à
la Virginie les artisants qui voudroyent y venir sous promesse, qu'on
ne les forceroit point en leur Religion, & que, apres vn an de seruice,
on les feroit repasser en France. Trois accepterent ceste offre.

    When this decision was heard, Father Biard went to see the Captain,
    and represented to him that there remained thirty persons, and
    that it was not possible for so many people to crowd into so small
    a vessel, and still less possible that they could therein make
    one hundred and fifty leagues, and cross bays of ten and twelve
    leagues, which would be necessary before they found any French ship
    in which they could take refuge: that such a thing was plainly
    [250] throwing ourselves into the jaws of death and of despair. The
    Englishman answered that la Saussaye did not think so, but if they
    wished to lighten the said boat he would find a means of doing so;
    that he would take to Virginia the workmen who wished to go there,
    under promise that they would not force them in the matter of
    Religion, and that, after one year of service, they would send them
    back to France. Three accepted this offer.

Pareillement le sieur de la Mote dés le commencement auoit consenti de
s'en aller à la Virginie auec ledit Capitaine Anglois, qui l'honnoroit
beaucoup, parce qu'il l'auoit trouué l'espée au poing, & voyoit en luy
plusieurs autres bõnes qualitez, ce qui profitoit de beaucoup à toute
nostre troupe. On luy auoit aussi permis de mener auec soy aucuns, qui
de mesme [251] seroyent asseurez sous sa faueur. Le Capitaine Flory
se resolut pareillement de tenter la mesme fortune, parce qu'on luy
donnoit esperance qu'il y pourroit recouurer son nauire. Le P. Biard
pria, que quatre qu'ils estoyent, sçauoir est deux Iesuites, & deux
autres fussent portez au Isles de Pencoit, & que là on les recommandast
aux pescheurs Anglois, qui y sont d'ordinaire, à celle fin que par leur
moyen ils peussent repasser en France, ce que le Capitaine Anglois luy
octroya fort volontiers.

    Sieur de la Mote likewise had from the first consented to go to
    Virginia with the English Captain, who honored him greatly, because
    he had found him sword in hand, and saw in him many other good
    qualities, which proved a great advantage to all our company. He
    was, moreover, permitted to take with him some who were [251] to
    enjoy the same favor as he did. Captain Flory also decided to try
    the same fortune, because he was encouraged to hope that he might
    thus recover his ship. Father Biard begged that four of them,
    namely two Jesuits and two others, might be taken to the Pencoit
    Islands and recommended to the English fishermen, who are usually
    there, that they might, with their help, return to France. This the
    English Captain granted very willingly.

En ceste façon la chaloupe se trouua conpetemment deschargée, & toute
nostre troupe fut diuisée en trois egales bandes: Car quinze estoyent
auec la Pilote: quinze restoyent auec les Anglois; & quinze entroyent
dans la chaloupe accordée. De ces quinze [252] le P. Enemond Massé
en estoit l'vn, car le choix ayant esté baillé à la troupe de ceux,
qui deuoyent entrer dans la chaloupe à ce qu'ils peussent eslire de
tous les trois Iesuites celuy qu'ils aimeroient mieux pour leur faire
compagnie; ce fut luy, qu'ils agreerent le plus.

    Thus the boat was sufficiently lightened, and our whole company was
    arranged in three equal divisions; for fifteen were with the Pilot,
    fifteen with the English, and fifteen had embarked in the boat
    left to them. Of this fifteen, [252] Father Enemond Massé was one,
    for, it having been granted to the company who were to go in that
    boat to choose the one of the three Jesuits whom they preferred to
    accompany them, it was he whom they favored the most.

Ceste chaloupe donc fut deliurée entre les mains de la Saussaye,
& dudit P. Enemond Massé, Iesuite, que le Capitaine Anglois hõnora
beaucoup. Il la liura quelque peu amonitionnée de viures, & autres
prouisions. Mais nos pauures gens furent bien en peine, quand il la
fallut conduire: car ils n'estoyent pour tout, que deux, ou trois
mariniers, & iceux n'auoyent ny carte, ny cognoissance des lieux. En
ceste destresse Dieu les secourut fort à poinct: car le Pilote, qui
auoit mis ses gens en [253] seurté, desireux de sçauoir en quel estat
estoit le reste de la troupe, se desguisa en Sauuage & s'en vint espier
sur les lieux. L'Ange de Dieu le conduisit par le bon endroit; car il
rencontra tout à propos ceste chaloupe, qui s'en alloit, & ne sçauoit
comment ceste bonne fortune parut de si bon augure aux rencontres,
qu'ils s'asseurerent dés lors, que Dieu leur vouloit faire misericorde,
mesmes que pour surcroit de grace, ils firent vne fort belle pesche
de gros Aumars ou Canchres de mer, & les Sauuages leur donnerent
liberalement force oyseaux, & poissons, & de tout ce qu'ils auoyent
auec grande signification de compassion.

    This boat was then given in charge of la Saussaye, and of Father
    Enemond Massé, Jesuit, whom the English Captain highly honored. He
    delivered it over to them with a small supply of food, and other
    provisions. But our poor men were in great trouble when they had
    to sail their vessel; for in all, there were only two or three
    sailors, and these had neither map nor knowledge of the country. In
    this distress God sent them relief in the very nick of time; for
    the Pilot, who had placed his men in [253] security, anxious to
    know how the rest of the company were faring, disguised himself as
    a Savage and went spying about the place. The Angel of God guided
    him through the right path, for he very opportunely encountered
    this boat, which was sailing off with no knowledge of navigation.
    This good luck seemed such a favorable omen to those in the boat,
    that they were sure from that time on that God would be merciful to
    them; and, as a superabundance of grace, they had great success in
    catching large Lobsters or Sea crabs, and the Savages generously
    gave them quantities of birds and fish and all other things they
    had, with great exhibitions of sympathy.

En ceste façõ ils se vindr[~e]t ioindre à la chaloupe des Matelots, &
de compagnie gagnerent l'Isle de Menano. C'est'Isle est à l'emboucheure
[254] de la Baye Françoise, & d'icelle iusques à l'Isle Longue, où
falloit qu'ils trauersassent dix lieües de pleine mer fort fascheuses
à cause des grandes marées, qui y courent, & bouillent: & de mal'heur,
mauuais temps les retint icy huict, ou neuf iours. Leurs maux &
apprehensions les firent recourir à Dieu par voeus, & prieres, qui
furent exaucées, comme il parut par le beau temps qui vint selon leur
souhait: à la faueur duquel ils paruindrent à l'Isle Longue, où pour
tenir leur promesse ils planterent vne Croix, celebrerent la Saincte
Messe, & firent vne processiõ. Là aussi Dieu leur auoit preparé vn
magasin: car ils y trouuerent vn bon monceau de sel, que le sieur de
Biencourt y auoit autrefois delaissé, & pour l'employer ils firent vne
fort bonne, & heureuse pesche. Ainsi prouisionnez [255] ils passer[~e]t
au Cap Forchu, auquel lieu ils trouuerent le Sagamo Louys Membertou,
qui fit grand accueil au P. Enemond Massé, & le vouloit retenir à
toute force. Mais ledit Pere s'excusa sur la necessité de ne point
delaisser sa compagnie. Le Sauuage leur fit à trestous Tabagie d'vn
Orignac, ce qui leur fit grand bien, & en doublerent plus ioyeusement
despuis le Cap de Sable. Estants ja proches du Port au Mouton, ils
eurent au deuant d'eux quatre chaloupes de Sauuages, qui reuenoyent
de la trocque. C'estoit Roland, & autres Sagamos, qui aussi tost
recogneurent ledit P. Enemond, & luy firent leurs liberalitez bien
grandes certes: demie Galette de pain à chacun des cõpagnons, & vne
entiere à luy. C'estoit le monde renuersé, les Sauuages fournissoyent
du pain, aux [256] François gratuitement. Ce pain sembloit de la Manne
à nos tribulez: car de trois sepmaines ils n'en auoyent mangé. Et pour
le comble de souhait, les Sauuages leur dirent, que non guieres loin de
là y auoit deux nauires Frãçois, l'vn à Sezambre, & l'autre à Passepec.
Ce qui fit diligenter nos Pelerins à ce qu'ils ne les perdissent.

    Thus they fell in with the boat containing the Sailors, and in
    their company reached the Island of Menano. This Island is at the
    entrance [254] to French Bay, and thence they went as far as Long
    Island; in this passage they had to cross ten leagues of a very
    angry sea caused by the strong and violent currents which flow
    between, and unfortunately, bad weather kept them there eight or
    nine days. Their sorrows and apprehensions made them have recourse
    to God with vows and prayers, which were heard, as was evident from
    the beautiful weather which followed, according to their wish, and
    by means of which they reached Long Island. Here, in order to keep
    their promise, they planted a Cross, celebrated Holy Mass, and
    marched in procession. Here also God had prepared a storehouse;
    for they found in this place a good pile of salt, which sieur de
    Biencourt had previously left there, and to find use for it they
    caught a fine lot of fish. Thus provisioned, [255] they passed on
    to Cape Forchu, where they found the Sagamore, Louys Membertou, who
    gave Father Enemond Massé a hearty welcome and tried by all means
    to keep him there. But the Father excused himself, giving as his
    reason the necessity of remaining with his company. The Savage made
    Tabagie for them all with Moose Meat, which was a great blessing
    to them, and then they doubled Cape Sable more cheerfully. When
    they were in the neighborhood of Port au Mouton, they saw before
    them four boats filled with Savages, who were returning from the
    trading station. It was Roland and other Sagamores, who immediately
    recognized Father Enemond, and showed him a generosity truly
    wonderful; namely, by giving half a Sea Biscuit to each of his
    companions, and a whole one to him. Behold the world turned upside
    down, the Savages freely furnishing bread to the [256] French. This
    bread seemed like Manna to our afflicted (Frenchmen), for they
    had tasted none for three weeks. And to complete the fulfillment
    of their wish, the Savages told them that not far from there were
    two French ships, one at Sezambre and the other at Passepec. This
    caused our Pilgrims to hasten, that they might not fail to see them.

Ces deux nauires estoyent Maloüins, l'vn appartenant au Ieune Dupont,
duquel nous auons souuent parlé cy deuant, d'enuiron cinquante tonneaux
seulement: le Capitaine Vible Bullot commandoit à l'autre, qui estoit
de cent tonneaux, & (de bon augure) s'apelloit le Sauueur. Chacun
de ces deux print sa moitié de toute la troupe, mais ceux du petit
vaisseau patirent beaucoup: car tout leur defailloit: place, viures,
eau: & furent horriblement agitez de [257] tempestes & contrarieté
de vents: nostre meschef neantmoins arriua prosperem[~e]t pour ce
vaisseau, parce qu'il auoit perdu beaucoup de ses gens, & à peine
s'en fut-ils peu reuenir sans ce rencontre, & nouueau renfort de nos
desbandez.

    These two ships were from Saint Malo, one belonging to Dupont the
    Younger, whom we have frequently mentioned before, this ship being
    only about fifty tons burthen; Captain Vible Bullot commanded the
    other, of a hundred tons, and (a good augury) called the "Sauveur."
    Each of these two took its half of the whole band, but those in the
    smaller vessel suffered a great deal, being in need of everything,
    room, food, and water, and being horribly shaken up by [257]
    tempests and adverse winds; our disaster, however, happened very
    opportunely for this vessel, because it had lost many of its crew,
    and could scarcely have returned without this chance meeting and
    fresh reinforcement afforded by our wanderers.

Au grand vaisseau, appellé _le Sauueur_, on fut mieux, mesmes que
les Matelots furent si charitables, que de leur propre gré ils
retrancherent leur ordinaire, & quitterent plusieurs bonnes places
pour accommoder leurs hostes. Le P. Enemond Massé fut retiré en
cestuy-cy, & le Pilote Alain Yeon luy fit beaucoup de charitez. Ils
furent accueillis pareillement de tempestes, & experimenterent estre
vray, ce qu'on dit du feu S. Elme, où Freres consolants, que quand ils
apparoissent deux à la fois, c'est bon signe. Car deux apparur[~e]t
[258] vn quart d'heure sur leurs Antemnes, & bien tost apres les
bourrasques & furies de mer s'accoiserent.

    In the larger vessel, called _the Sauveur_, they fared better, as
    the Sailors were so kind-hearted that, of their own free will,
    they stinted themselves of their rations, and left several good
    places for the accommodation of their guests. Father Enemond Massé
    had taken refuge in this one; and the Pilot, Alain Yeon, showed
    him great kindness. They were likewise assailed by tempests, and
    experienced the truth of the saying about St. Elmo's fire, or the
    consoling Brothers,--that when two appear at once, it is a good
    omen. For two appeared [258] for a quarter of an hour upon the
    Lateen Sailyard, and soon after, the fury of the tempest and the
    sea abated.

Tous les deux nauires arriuerent en sauueté à S. Malo, quasi en mesme
temps quoy que le Sauueur fust parti douze iours plus tard. La ioye,
qu'ils receurent vous la pouuez estimer, repassant par la memoire les
dangers dont ils se voyoyent eschappez. Le P. Enemond Massé, & toute
la troupe, se loüent beaucoup de l'humanité & bon accueil, qu'ils
receurent en ladicte ville de Sainct Malo, de mon Seigneur l'Euesque,
de Monsieur le Gouuerneur, de MM. les Magistrats, Marchands, &
generalement de tous.

    Both ships arrived safe at St. Malo almost at the same time,
    although the "Sauveur" had departed twelve days later. You may
    imagine their joy in recalling to memory the dangers from which
    they had escaped. Father Enemond Massé and the whole company
    greatly praised the kindness and welcome they received in the city
    of Saint Malo, from my Lord the Bishop, from the Governor, the
    Magistrates, Merchants, and all the citizens in general.




CHAPITRE XXX. [i.e., xxviii.]

[259] LE VOYAGE DE LA VIRGINIE; & LE RETOUR EN LA NOUUELLE FRANCE.


DIEV soit beny. Voyla ja les deux tiers de nostre troupe reconduits en
France sains & sauues parmi leurs parents, & amis, qui les oyent conter
leurs grandes auantures. Ores consequemment vous desirez sçauoir que
deuiendra l'autre tiers, qui est encores demeuré entre les Anglois.
Certes bien plus longue, & plus variable fortune les attend, & tous
n'en sortiront pas bagues sauues.

    CHAPTER XXX. [i.e., xxviii.]

    [259] THE VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA; AND THE RETURN TO NEW FRANCE.

    GOD be praised. Here were now two-thirds of our company conducted
    back to France, safe and sound, among their friends and kindred,
    who listen to them as they relate the stories of their wonderful
    adventures. Consequently you will wish to know what became of the
    other third, who remained behind in the hands of the English. In
    truth, a longer and more varied fate awaits them, and all will not
    emerge therefrom unharmed.

Les Anglois auoyent trois vaisseaux, sçauoir est le leur, auec lequel
ils nous auoyent prins, de cent trente tonneaux. Le nostre, qu'ils
auoyent saisi de cent tonneaux, [260] & vne barque de douze tonneaux,
laquelle pareillement ils tenoy[~e]t de nous, & ne la nous auoyent
point voulu quitter, pour fournir à nostre retour. Ils remplirent ces
trois vaisseaux de leurs gens, & nous partagerent entre eux. Le sieur
de la Mote, le Capitaine Flory, & le reste d'vne moitié faisant en tout
huict personnes, furent logez en la Capitanesse, & les autres en nombre
de sept, demeurerent dans le nauire captif, duquel le Lieutenant Turnel
estoit faict Capitaine.

    The English had three vessels; namely, their own, with which they
    had captured us, of a hundred and thirty tons; ours, which they had
    seized, of a hundred tons; [260] and a barque of twelve tons, which
    they had likewise taken from us, and would not give back to be used
    for our return. They filled these three vessels with their people,
    and distributed us among them. Sieur de la Mote, Captain Flory, and
    half of the rest, making in all eight persons, were placed in the
    "Capitanesse," and the others, seven in number, remained in the
    captured ship, of which Lieutenant Turnel was made Captain.

Or pour commencement de mal-heur, on ne conduisit point les Iesuites
aux Isles de Peucoit, selon la promesse, ains on les mena droit à la
Virginie auec le reste de la troupe, laquelle on consoloit par belles
esperances d'autant que (disoit-on) le Mareschal de la Virginie, qui
a toute charge, [261] & autorité de iurisdiction, estoit grand amy
des François, cõme ayant obtenu tous les principaux honneurs par la
recommandation de feu Henry le Grand, & ayant esté son soldat, & son
pensionnaire. Cela nous preschoit on souuent.

    Now as the beginning of their ill luck, the Jesuits were not
    taken to the Peucoit Islands, according to promise, but were
    taken straight to Virginia with the rest of the crowd, who were
    consoled with bright hopes, inasmuch as (said they) the Marshal
    of Virginia,[4] who has full power [261] and authority of
    jurisdiction, was a great friend of the French, as he had secured
    all his more important honors through the recommendation of the
    late Henry the Great, having been his soldier and pensioner. This
    was preached to us frequently.

Mais nos prescheurs ne prenoyent pas leur texte de l'Euangile. Car
ce beau Mareschal, qui à leur dire auoit le fil, & la trempe si
Françoise, ayant ouy nouuelles de nous, ne parloit que de harts &
gibets, & de nous faire pendre trestous. L'espouuante nous en fut
donnée, & aucuns en perdirent le repos, ne s'attendants plus qu'à
monter ignominieusement par vne eschelle, & deualer miserablement
par vne corde. Mais le Capitaine Argal se mõstra genereux à nous
defendre: car il resista audit Mareschal, opposant la [262] foy par
luy donnée. Et comm'il se vid trop foible en ceste oppositiõ; il
publia nos commissions, & lettres Royaux, dont ie vous ay parlé cy
deuant, qu'il auoit subtilement enleué des coffres de la Saussaye. Et
c'est par ce moyen que nous auons sceu qu'il auoit vsé de telle ruse,
car autrem[~e]t nous n'en eussions peu rien descouurir. Le Mareschal
voyant ces autoritez de sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne, & la resolution
du Capitaine, n'osa passer plus outre, ainsi apres quelques iours &
quelques autres apprehensions, on nous fit sçauoir, que parole nous
seroit gardée.

    But our preachers did not take their text from the Gospels. For
    this charming Marshal, who had the fibre and character of a
    Frenchman, as they said, when he heard an account of us, talked
    about nothing but ropes and gallows, and of having every one of
    us hanged. We were badly frightened, and some lost their peace
    of mind, expecting nothing less than to ignominiously walk up a
    ladder to be let down disgracefully by a rope. But Captain Argal
    showed great magnanimity in defending us: for he opposed the
    Marshal, urging the [262] promise given by him. And as he found
    himself too weak in this opposition, he published our commissions
    and Royal patents, of which I have spoken before, which he had
    surreptitiously removed from la Saussaye's trunks. And it was in
    this way we learned that he had made use of such a trick, for
    otherwise we should never have found it out. The Marshal, seeing
    these warrants of his most Christian Majesty, and the determination
    of the Captain, did not dare go any farther; so, after several days
    spent in great apprehension, we were informed that their promise
    would be kept.

Or comment on nous la garderoit, & quel moyen on nous trouueroit de
nous renuoyer en France, c'estoit vne grande question. Le General, le
Mareschal & tous les Principaux chefs de la Virginie s'assemblerent
en Conseil. [263] Sur icelle le resultat & conclusion des opinions fut
de pis faire que iamais, puis qu'il leur sembloit d'en auoir le moyen.
Car il fut ordonné que le Capitaine Argal auec ses trois vaisseaux
retourneroit en la nouuelle France, pilleroit, & raseroit toutes les
forteresses, & habitations des François qu'il trouueroit en toute la
coste jusques à Cap Breton: c'est à dire iusques au 46 degré, & demy:
(parce qu'ils pretendent à tout tãt de pays: qu'il feroit pendre
la Saussaye, & tous ceux de ses gens, lesquels il trouueroit estre
demeurez dans ces confins; pilleroit de mesme tous les vaisseaux, qu'il
rencontreroit, trouuant toutesfois moyen aux personnes de se pouuoir
retirer en France: en cas qu'ils ne fissent point de resistance; &
qu'on nous mettroit nous autres vieux prisonniers en compagnie [264]
de ceux à qui en ceste façon lon feroit grace de la vie. Telle fut la
deliberation. Mais Dieu estoit par dessus, & cõme vous orrés, il en
disposa autrement, quant à plusieurs articles.

    Now how they were going to keep it, and what means would be found
    to send us back to France, was the great question. The General,[5]
    the Marshal, and all the other Important personages of Virginia
    assembled in Council. [263] The result and conclusion of their
    consultation was to act still worse than ever, since it seemed to
    them they had the power to do so. For it was decreed that Captain
    Argal, with his three vessels, should return to new France, plunder
    and demolish all the fortifications and settlements of the French
    which he should find along the entire coast as far as Cape Breton:
    namely, to 46 and one half degrees north latitude, (for they lay
    claim to all this territory: that he was to have la Saussaye
    hanged, with all those of his men whom he found remaining within
    these limits; that he should likewise plunder the ships, which
    he encountered, finding means, however, to allow their people to
    return to France, in case they showed no resistance; and that we
    old prisoners should be placed in company [264] with those whose
    lives had thus been spared. Such was the decision. But God was on
    high, and, as you will hear, he decreed otherwise in regard to a
    number of things.

Selon ceste conclusion, Argal reprint vn'autrefois la route de la
nouuelle France, plus fort que deuãt, car il auoit trois vaisseaux, &
auec meilleure esperance: parce que le butin, qu'il auoit faict sur
nous luy accroissoit, & la cupidité, & l'espoir. Il ne print cependant
auec soy la moitié de nos gens, ie ne scay pourquoy. Dans son vaisseau
estoit le Capitaine Flory, & quatre autres; dans celuy du Lieutenant
Turnel (qui estoit le nostre captif) les deux Iesuites, & un garçon.

    In accordance with this decision, Argal again started for new
    France, stronger than before, for he had three vessels, and higher
    expectations; because the booty he had taken from us strengthened
    both his cupidity and his hopes. However, he did not take with him
    the half of our people, I know not why. In his vessel were Captain
    Flory and four others; in that of Lieutenant Turnel, (which was the
    one captured from us) the two Jesuits and a boy.

Le premier lieu où ils tirerent fut S. Sauueur. Car ils s'attendoy[~e]t
d'y trouuer la Saussaye: & vn nauire [263 i.e., 265] nouuellement venu.
Ils fur[~e]t trompez, d'autant que la Saussaye estoit en France, ainsi
qu'a esté dit: ils bruslerent nos fortifications, & abbatirent nos
Croix, en dressants vne pour marque, qu'ils se saisissoy[~e]t du pays,
comme Seigneurs.

    They directed their course first to St. Sauveur, for they expected
    to find la Saussaye and a newly arrived [263 i.e., 265] ship there.
    They were mistaken, inasmuch as la Saussaye was in France, as
    has been said. They burned our fortifications and tore down our
    Crosses, raising another to show they had taken possession of the
    country, and were the Masters thereof.

Ceste Croix portoit le nom graué du Roy de la grande Bretaigne. Ils
pendirent aussi vn de leurs hommes, pour cause d'vne conspiration
au mesme endroict, où huict iours au parauant ils auoyent abbatu la
premiere de nos Croix.

    This Cross had carved upon it the name of the King of great
    Britain. Also, on account of a conspiracy, they hanged one of their
    men in the very place where, eight days before, they had torn down
    the first of our Crosses.

De sainct Sauueur ils addresserent à S. Croix, ancienne habitation du
sieur de Monts, & parce qu'ils auoyent sceu, que le P. Biard y auoit
esté, Argal vouloit qu'il les y conduisit, mais ledit Pere ne le voulut
point, ce qui le mit entierement en la disgrace dudit [264 i.e., 266]
Argal, & en grand danger de sa vie. Ce neantmoins Argal roda tant en
haut qu'en bas, & rechercha tant tous leurs endroits, les confrontans
auec les cartes, qu'il nous auoit prinses, qu'en fin il la trouua de
soy-mesme; il en enleua vn bon monceau de sel, qu'il y trouua, brusla
l'habitation, & destruisit toutes les marques du nõ & droict de France,
ainsi qu'il auoit eu commandement.

    From saint Sauveur they sailed for Ste. Croix, sieur de Monts's old
    settlement; and, as they knew that Father Biard had been there,
    Argal wished him to conduct them thither; but the Father would
    not consent to do so. This caused him to be in complete disgrace
    with [264 i.e., 266] Argal, and in great danger of his life.
    Notwithstanding this, Argal wandered about, up and down, and, by
    dint of searching all places thoroughly and comparing them with
    the maps which he had taken from us, he at last found the place
    himself. He took away a good pile of salt, which he found there,
    burned the settlement, and destroyed all traces of the name and
    claims of France, as he had been commanded to do.




CHAPITRE XXXII. [i.e., xxix.]

LA PRINSE, & INCENDIE DE PORT ROYAL, DEUX GRANDS DANGERS DU P. BIARD.


LE Capitaine Argal ayant ruiné saincte Croix; ne sçauoit comment
addresser, & faire voile à Port Royal selon la commission qu'il en
auoit, d'autant qu'il [265 i.e., 267] doutoit de s'aller engouffrer
en si dangereuse plage sans conducteur bien cognoissant des lieux,
& par l'exemple frais, qu'il auoit du P. Biard, il n'osoit attendre
qu'aucun François l'y voulust cõduire, ou l'y conseiller sincerement.
A ceste cause il se mit en queste de quelque Sauuage, & fit tant
par ses courses, embusches, enquestes, & industries, qu'il surprint
le Sagamo, homme tres-experimenté, & entendant au faict du pays; à
la conduicte d'iceluy il vint à Port Royal. Or il y eust eu là sans
doute du mal-heur pour le regard des François, parce que l'Anglois
entrant à la Lune, dans le Port comm'il fit, & venãt anchrer à la veuë
de l'habitation à plus de deux lieuës loin, si les Frãçois eussent
veillé, ils auoy[~e]t beau moyen ou de se preparer au combat, ou de
se desbagager: car à [266 i.e., 268] cause de la marée, l'Anglois ne
fut deuant l'habitation qu'à dix, ou onze heures du iour suiuant. Ie
ne sçay ce qu'on fit. Tant y a que l'Anglois mettant pied à terre ne
trouua personne dans le fort, & vit des souliers & des hardes esparses.
Par ainsi il eust double ioye en ceste prinse: l'vne qu'il ne trouua
aucune resistance, ce que iamais il n'eust pensé; l'autre qu'il
rencontra vn assez bon butin, à quoy il ne s'attendoit pas.

    CHAPTER XXXII. [i.e., xxix.]

    THE TAKING AND BURNING OF PORT ROYAL; FATHER BIARD TWICE IN GREAT
    DANGER.

    CAPTAIN Argal, having destroyed sainte Croix, did not know in what
    direction to sail to reach Port Royal, according to his commission,
    and hesitated all the more as he [265 i.e., 267] was afraid of
    being stranded upon such a dangerous coast without a guide who
    was very familiar with the locality; and, judging from the recent
    example of Father Biard, he did not dare expect that any Frenchman
    would consent to guide him, or give him sincere advice in the
    matter. For this reason, he began to look for a Savage, and by dint
    of much running about, lying in ambush, inquiring, and skillful
    maneuvering, he caught the Sagamore, a very experienced man, and
    well acquainted with the country; under his guidance, he reached
    Port Royal. Now there was certainly bad luck for the French, as
    the English entered the Port by Moonlight, and dropped anchor in
    sight of the settlement, at a distance of more than two leagues;
    so, if the French had been on their guard, they would have had an
    excellent opportunity to prepare for a fight, or to run away, for
    on [266 i.e., 268] account of the tide, the English were not in
    front of the settlement until ten or eleven o'clock the next day. I
    do not know what they were doing. At all events, when the English
    landed, they found no one in the fort, and saw shoes and clothing
    all scattered about; so they were doubly pleased by this capture,
    first, because contrary to all their expectations, they met no
    resistance; and second, because they found a fair supply of booty,
    which they were not anticipating.

Ce rencontre de butin non attendu, pensa couster la vie au P. Biard:
voicy comment. Les Anglois ayant ja perdu beaucoup de temps à chercher
saincte Croix: & despuis à attraper vn Sauuage, qui fust leur
conducteur, le Lieutenãt Turnel estoit d'aduis de laisser le voyage de
Port Royal, & s'en retourner au plustost à la Virginie, alleguant pour
raisons, que le lieu [267 i.e., 269] estoit tres-dangereux, & la saison
par trop auancée (car c'estoit la fin d'Octobre,) & qu'au bout de tant
de peines, ils n'y auroit point de profit, parce qu'on n'y trouueroit
rien, sinon misere, & la haine des François, qu'ils s'acquerroyent
bien meritoirement par le bruslement qu'ils y alloyent faire, sans
recompense d'aucun emolument. Le Lieutenãt Turnel auoit ouy ces raisons
du P. Biard, auec lequel il prenoit souu[~e]t plaisir de deuiser, &
les estimoit fort valides. Or le Capitaine Argal ayant eu le bõheur
d'vne facile entrée, & despuis dans Port Royal (ainsi qu'à esté dit) vn
assez bon butin, en viures, hardes, & vtensiles dans l'habitation; il
reprochoit à son dit Lieutenant, son conseil, & la croyance qu'il auoit
eu au Iesuite: & mesmes pour ceste cause luy faisoit moindre part de
la proye. [268 i.e., 270] Le Lieutenant en estoit en grande cholere, &
d'autant plus qu'on l'auoit tousiours en reputation d'homme d'esprit,
& de bon conseil, de quoy il se voyoit deçeu à l'occasion comm'il
pensoit, du Iesuite.

    This unlooked-for capture of booty nearly cost Father Biard his
    life, in this way. As the English had already lost a great deal of
    time looking for sainte Croix, and afterward in finding a Savage
    who might act as their guide, Lieutenant Turnel was of the opinion
    that it would be better to abandon the voyage to Port Royal, and
    return as soon as possible to Virginia; giving as his reasons that
    the place [267 i.e., 269] was very dangerous and the season too
    far advanced (for it was the end of October); that, after so much
    trouble, there would be no profit in the end, because they would
    find nothing there but misery and French hatred, which they would
    very deservedly draw down upon them by the conflagration they were
    going to kindle there, without being requited for it by any reward.
    Lieutenant Turnel had heard these arguments from Father Biard, with
    whom he often took pleasure in conversing, and considered them very
    good. Now when Captain Argal had such an easy entry, and afterwards
    at the settlement of Port Royal (as we have said) found such a
    quantity of booty in food, clothes and utensils, he reproached his
    Lieutenant for his advice, and for his confidence in the Jesuits:
    and on that account gave him a smaller part of the plunder. [268
    i.e., 270] The Lieutenant was very angry, and so much the more so,
    as he had always had the reputation of being a man of intelligence
    and good judgment, which he had now forfeited, as he thought, on
    account of the Jesuit.

Or il y auoit vn Puritain Anglois, maistre du grand nauire plus
malin que tous les autres, dissimulé neantmoins, car ils faisoit
les plus beaux semblants du monde: mais les autres Anglois nous
aduertissoi[~e]t de ne no^{9} point fier en luy, d'autant qu'il estoit
malignement enuenimé contre nous. Cestuy-cy donc voyant son coup,
persuadoit au Capitaine, & au Lieutenant, lesquels il voyoit esmeus,
d'abandonner à terre le Iesuite, disant, qu'il estoit estoit indigne
que les Anglois, luy donnassent des viures, puis qu'il les auoit voulu
empescher d'[~e] auoir, [269 i.e., 271] & mille autres raisons qu'il
alleguoit. Ie ne sçay qui secourust tant à propos le Iesuite en ce
danger, que sa simplicité. Car tout de mesme, que s'il eust esté bien
fauorisé, & qu'il eust peu beaucoup enuers ledit Anglois, il se mit à
genoux deuãt le Capitaine par deux diuerses fois, & à deux diuerses
occasions, à celle fin de le flechir à misericorde enuers les François
dudit Port Royal esgarés par les bois, & pour luy persuader de leur
laisser quelques viures, leur chaloupe, & quelqu'autre moyen de passer
l'Hyuer. Et voyez combien differentes petitions on faisoit audit
Capitaine: car au mesme temps, que le P. Biard le supplioit ainsi pour
les François, vn François crioit de loin auec outrages, & iniures tres
indignes à haute voix, qu'il le falloit massacrer. Or Argal (qui est
d'vn coeur [270 i.e., 272] noble,) voyant ceste tant syncere affection
du Iesuite, & de l'autre costé ceste tant bestiale & enragée inhumanité
de ce François, laquelle ne recognoissoit ny sa propre nation, ny
biens-faicts, ny Religion, ny estoit domtée par l'affliction & verges
de Dieu, estima que ce luy seroit tousiours reproche, & impropere, si
sans iugement, & sans auoir ouy parties, il venoit à delaisser pour vne
accusation subtile, celuy à qui il auoit donné sa parole. Et par ainsi
reietta tout ensemble, & la suasion de l'Anglois, & la forcenerie du
François, d'autant plus appaisé enuers le Iesuiste, que plus il le
voyoit attaqué sans qu'il remarquait en luy changement, ou alteration.

    Now there was an English Puritan, master of the larger vessel, more
    malicious than all the others, yet hypocritical, for he made the
    finest pretensions in the world: but the other Englishmen advised
    us not to trust him, as he was wickedly prejudiced against us.
    So this man, seeing his opportunity, persuaded the Captain and
    Lieutenant, who he saw were aroused, to leave the Jesuit on shore,
    saying he did not deserve that the English should give him food
    since he had tried to prevent them from obtaining it, [269 i.e.,
    271] and offering a thousand other arguments. I know not what
    rescued the Jesuit so opportunely from this danger, unless it were
    his simplicity. For just as if he had been highly favored, and
    had great influence with these English, he dropped upon his knees
    before the Captain, two different times and upon two different
    occasions, to move him to pity towards the French of Port Royal
    who were wandering about through the woods, and to persuade him
    to leave them some food, their boat, and other means of passing
    the Winter. And see now what different requests were being made
    to this Captain: for at the same time that Father Biard was thus
    petitioning him in behalf of the French, a Frenchman was shouting
    out from afar, with most scandalous insults and abuse, that he
    ought to be slain. Now Argal (who has a noble [270 i.e., 272]
    heart), seeing the so sincere affection of the Jesuit, and, on
    the other hand, the so brutal and infuriated inhumanity of this
    Frenchman, who remembered neither his own country, nor kindnesses,
    nor Religion, nor was crushed by God's afflicting rod, considered
    that it would always be a reproach and disgrace to him, if, without
    trial and hearing from both sides, he should cast off, on account
    of a sly and cunning accusation, him to whom he had given his word.
    And so he rejected both the persuasions of the Englishman, and
    the rage of the Frenchman, looking upon the Jesuit all the more
    favorably as he saw that, however much he was attacked, there was
    no change or deterioration in his conduct.

Or ledit Capitaine ayant enleué de Port Royal tout ce qui luy sembla
commode, iusques aux [271 i.e., 273] ais, verroils, serrures, & cloux;
il y mit le feu. Chose certes bien pitoyable, car dans vn'heure ou deux
on vit reduit en cendres le trauail & despense de plusieurs années &
personnes de merite. Et plaise à nostre Seigneur que ce mesme feu aye
tellement destruit tous les pechés, qui peuuent auoir esté commis en
ceste place, que iamais ils ne resuscitent plus en aucune part, ny ne
prouoquent la iuste & redoutable vengeance de nostre Dieu. L'Anglois
(comme i'ay dit autre part) effaçoit par tout, tous monuments, &
indices de la puissance Françoise: ce qu'il n'oublia pas icy iusques
à faire vser du pic, & ciseau sur vne grosse & massiue pierre, en
laquelle estoyent entaillés les nõs du sieur de Monts, & autres
Capitaines auec les fleurs de lys. Ce faict, il leua l'anchre pour
s'en aller; mais [272 i.e., 274] il fut retenu par le mauuais temps à
l'emboucheure du Port trois, ou quatre iours.

    Now this Captain, having taken away from Port Royal everything
    that seemed convenient to him, even to the [271 i.e., 273] boards,
    bolts, locks, and nails, set the place on fire. A truly pitiable
    thing, for in an hour or two the work of several worthy people,
    during a number of years, was reduced to ashes. And may our Lord
    grant that this same fire has so completely destroyed all sins,
    which may have been committed in this place, that they may never
    again arise in any other place, nor ever provoke the just and
    dreadful vengeance of our God. The English (as I have stated
    elsewhere) destroyed, everywhere, all monuments and evidences
    of the dominion of the French; and this they did not forget to
    do here, even to making use of pick and chisel upon a large and
    massive stone, on which were cut the names of sieur de Monts and
    other Captains, with the fleurs-de-lys. This done, they weighed
    anchor to sail away, but [272 i.e., 274] bad weather detained them
    three or four days at the mouth of the Harbor.

Tandis qu'il seiournoit icy à l'Anchre, vn François de ceux dudit
Port demanda de parlementer: ce qui luy fut accordé. Or entre les
bõs affaires, que ce beau parlementateur vint traicter, fut de dire
au Capitaine Anglois, qu'il s'esmerueilloit bien fort, comment il
n'auoit pieça deliuré le monde du pernicieux Iesuite, qui estoit en
ses nauires, Si ce n'estoit, peut-estre que le mal-heur l'y conseruast
pour reuancher les François par quelque trahison meschante, que ledit
Iesuite ioüeroit à son coup, & occasion. Car c'estoit (disoit-il)
vn vray, & naturel Espagnol, qui ayant commis plusieurs forfaicts
en France, à cause desquels il en estoit fuitif, leur auoit encores
donné beaucoup [273 i.e., 275] de scandales à Port Royal, & qu'il ne
falloit aucunement douter, qu'encores ne fit-il pis aux Anglois. Argal
oyant dire, que le P. Biard estoit naturel Espagnol, ne le pouuoit
croire; mais on luy donna cest'accusation par escrit, & soub-signé
de cinq ou six: & le pressoit-on fort à ce qu'il iettast en terre à
l'abandon ledit P. Biard. Mais tant plus qu'on l'en pressoit, tant
moins l'Anglois y consentoit, parce que y consentant il ne pouuoit fuir
le deshonneur d'auoir manqué de foy, & de iustice; là où le gardant
pour la Virginie, il s'attendoit de l'y faire mourir en acquerant
loüange de fidelité à son office, & de patience à supporter. Car en
communiquant au Mareschal ceste deposition des François, & adioustant
par dessus comme ledit Pere n'auoit voulu monstrer l'Isle S. [274 i.e.,
276] Croix, & auoit tasché de diuertir les Anglois d'aller à Port
Royal; il n'auoit garde deschapper des mains du Mareschal, desquelles
à peine l'auoit-on peu arracher, lors mesme, qu'on n'auoit aucune
prinse sur luy. Ainsi Dieu le voulut sauuer pour lors, & encores pl^{9}
merueilleusement despuis, comme vous orrez. Cependant vous remarquerez
sagement iusques à quelle rage le malin esprit agite ceux, qui se
vendent à luy, & combien il faut estre reserué à croire les delations &
detractiõs, puis que le P. Biard auoit vescu dans Port Royal, & auoit
tousiours esté notoirement recogneu pour ce qu'il est, c'est à dire
bon François naturel, & qui iamais ne fut en Espagne ny luy, ny son
pere, ou mere, ou aucun de ses parens. Or que ce neantmoins vn François
se soit trouué si possedé par l'esprit [275 i.e., 277] sanguinaire,
que pour le faire mourir il soit venu à imposturer si furieusement, &
receuant le chastiment de Dieu n'en aye faict autre profit, que de se
prostituer si desesperement à Sathan, & à calomnie, cela surpasse toute
apprehension commune de malice, & à peine peut-on conceuoir, qu'vn
homme puisse deuenir si vendu, & si desesperement asserui à peché.

    While they remained anchored here, a Frenchman from among those at
    the Port asked to confer with them; his request was granted. Now
    among the nice things which this fine parliamentarian did, was to
    say to the English Captain that he was very much surprised indeed
    that he had not already rid the world of the pernicious Jesuit,
    who was in one of his ships. If he were not despatched, perhaps
    some ill luck might keep him there to take revenge for the French
    upon the English by some wicked treason, which the Jesuit would be
    guilty of, in his way and at his opportunity. For he was (said he)
    a true and native Spaniard, who, having committed several crimes
    in France, on account of which he was a fugitive from justice, had
    also been the cause of a great deal [273 i.e., 275] of scandal
    at Port Royal, and there could not be the slightest doubt that
    he would do something still worse to the English. Argal, when he
    heard it said that Father Biard was a native Spaniard, could not
    believe it; but this charge, made in writing and signed by five
    or six persons, was handed to him; and they urged him strongly to
    put on shore and desert Father Biard. But the more they urged him,
    the less the Englishman would yield to them, because in giving his
    consent, he could not escape the dishonor of having broken faith
    and failed in doing justice; whereas, if he kept him until he got
    to Virginia, he could count upon having him executed there, at the
    same time receiving praise for his fidelity to his word, and for
    his patience in bearing with him. For when he would communicate
    to the Marshal this statement of the French, and add to it that
    the Father would not consent to guide them to the Island of Ste.
    [274 i.e., 276] Croix, and had tried to keep the English from
    going to Port Royal, there would be no danger of his escaping from
    the hands of the Marshal, from which they had hardly rescued him
    before, although then they had no claim upon him. Thus God willed
    that he should be saved that time, and still more wonderfully since
    then, as you will hear. Meanwhile, you will wisely observe to what
    madness the evil spirit incites those who sell themselves to him,
    and how necessary it is to be cautious in believing slanders and
    detractions; for Father Biard had lived in Port Royal, and had
    always been universally recognized for what he is; namely, a good,
    native-born Frenchman, who had never even been in Spain, neither
    he, nor his father, nor his mother, nor any of his kindred. Now
    notwithstanding all this, a Frenchman was found so possessed with
    the spirit of [275 i.e., 277] bloodshed, that to have him killed
    he was led to commit such a monstrous act of imposition, and while
    under the chastisement of God, derived no other advantage therefrom
    than to sell himself so hopelessly to Satan and to calumny. This
    exceeds all ordinary conceptions of wickedness, and it is difficult
    to conceive how a man can be so desperately given up to and
    enslaved by sin.




CHAPITRE XXXI. [i.e., xxx.]

LE DEPART DE PORT ROYAL, LES DIUERSES AUENTURES DES NAUIRES; & COMME
NOUS FUSMES CONTRAINTS DE RELASCHER AUX AÇORES.


LE neufuiesme de Nouembre de ceste année 1613. les Anglois
departir[~e]t de Port Royal en intention de s'aller rendre à [276
i.e., 278] leur Virginie, & y iouïr du butin l'hyuer suiuant. Or dés
ce temps le Lieutenant Turnel, ne regardoit plus le P. Biard, que
comme vn pendard abominable: il le detestoit encores d'auantage,
quand il repensoit au passé: car par le passé, il auoit faict estat
de le priser, & l'aymer pour sa naïfue simplicité, & ouuerte candeur.
Mais ayant veu le tesmoignage par escrit de tant de François, qui
l'asseuroyent estre naturel Espagnol, & meschant homme, il aimoit mieux
croire, que le Iesuite fust menteur, que non pas tant d'autres, qui
l'accusoyent. Par ainsi il haissoit d'autant plus irreconciliablement
ceste si profonde & impenetrable dissimulation (comme il pensoit) d'vn
Espagnol, contrefaisant le François, laquelle luy, homme reputé pour
accort, & bien aduisé, n'auoit sceu descouurir [277 i.e., 279] en tant
de temps; ains à laquelle il s'estoit laissé surprendre iusques à vne
familiarité, & amitié grande. Telle estoit la cholere du Capitaine
Turnel, lequel d'ores en auant i'appelleray absoluement Capitaine & non
plus Lieutenant, parce que nous allons nous separer: escoutez comment.

    CHAPTER XXXI. [i.e., XXX.]

    THE DEPARTURE FROM PORT ROYAL; VARIOUS ADVENTURES OF THE SHIPS; AND
    HOW WE WERE COMPELLED TO STOP AT THE AÇORES.

    ON the ninth of November of this year, 1613, the English left
    Port Royal, intending to go back to [276 i.e., 278] Virginia, and
    there to enjoy their booty during the following winter. Now from
    this time on, Lieutenant Turnel only looked upon Father Biard as
    an abominable rascal: he hated him still more when he thought of
    the past, for then he had openly shown his esteem and love for him
    on account of his naïve simplicity and open candor. But having
    seen the testimony in writing of so many Frenchmen, who assured
    him that he was a native Spaniard, and a wicked man, he preferred
    to believe that the Jesuit was a liar, rather than to disbelieve
    so many others who accused him. Therefore his hatred was all the
    more irreconcilable against the deep and impenetrable hypocrisy
    (as he thought) of a Spaniard, pretending to be a Frenchman, which
    he, reputed to be a man of sagacity and wisdom, had not been able
    to discover [277 i.e., 279] in so long a time, but had allowed
    himself to be drawn by it into great familiarity and friendship.
    Such was the wrath of Captain Turnel, whom I shall hereafter call
    simply Captain and no longer Lieutenant, because we are going to be
    separated [from the other ships]; hear in what way.

Le second iour apres nostre depart, veille de S. Martin, vn si grand
orage s'esleua, qu'il escarta nos trois vaisseaux en telle façon, que
despuis ils ne se sont point reueus ensemble; ains ont tiré trestous
bien diuerses routes.

    On the second day after our departure, on the eve of St. Martin,
    so terrible a storm arose that our three vessels were scattered
    so effectually that they never came together afterwards, but all
    sailed away in different directions.

La barque n'a point comparu despuis, & nouuelles aucunes n'en ayant
esté ouyes aucuns se doutent qu'elle soit perie, auec les six Anglois,
qui estoyent dedans.

    The barque was never seen again, and, no news of it having been
    heard, no one doubts that it was lost with the six Englishmen who
    were on board.

La Nau Capitanesse, où commendoit Argal, nonobstãt le contraste, vint
à port heureusement [278 i.e., 280] à la Virginie dãs trois sepmaines,
ou enuiron. Le Mareschal (duquel nous vous auons parlé cy deuant)
ouyt fort volontiers du Capitaine Argal, tout ce qui s'estoit passé,
& attendoit en bonne deuotion le P. Biard pour luy tost accourcir
les voyages, luy faisant trouuer au milieu d'vne eschelle le bout du
monde; mais Dieu, maistre de la vie, & des puissances dispose à son bon
plaisir de ses creatures, & non à la fantasie du bras humain; prenant
plaisir au tiltre, que luy donne son Psalmiste, d'estre le Seigneur,
_qui deliure le pauure des mains des plus forts, & le destitué, de la
puissance de ceux, qui le pillent_, comme ie m'en vais vous monstrer,
qu'il a faict.

    The Ship "Capitanesse," which Argal commanded, notwithstanding its
    hindrances, safely reached port [278 i.e., 280] in Virginia, after
    three weeks or thereabout. The Marshal (of whom we have spoken
    above) listened very willingly to Captain Argal as he related all
    that had taken place, and in a proper spirit of devotion awaited
    Father Biard, to shorten for him his voyages and to make him find
    the end of the world from the middle of a ladder; but God, master
    of life and all-powerful, disposes of his creatures according to
    his own good pleasure, and not according to the whims of human
    authority; taking pleasure in the title given him by the Psalmist,
    of being the Lord, _Who delivers the poor from the hands of the
    strong, and the destitute from the power of those who strip him_,
    as I am going on to show you he did.

Les deux Iesuites, & vn garçon François estoyent dans le nauire
captif, sur lequel auoit esté commis le Capitaine Turnel; ce nauire
[279 i.e., 281] separé d'auec Argal par la t[~e]peste en fut tant
incessamment poursuiuy seize iours durant, que le Capitaine perdant
esperãce de pouuoir aborder la Virginie, appella tous ses gents, & mit
en deliberation, qu'est-ce qu'il faudroit faire pour sauuer leurs vies.
Car de combattre les orages plus long temps pour ne se pas esloigner de
ladicte Virginie, il n'y auoit point d'apparence, parce que on auoit
dans le nauire des cheuaux prins à Port Royal, qui les ruinoyent d'eau
tant ils en beuuoyent, les tourbillons rompoy[~e]t tant de voiles,
ausuents, & cordages, qu'il n'y auoit plus de quoy les refaire, & les
viures estoyent bien bas, hors la mouluë seulement, de laquelle y auoit
assez; mais de pain on n'en auoit eu, par l'espace de trois mois, que
deux onces chasque iour pour teste, [280 i.e., 282] bien rarement
trois: & si il en restoit fort peu. En ceste deliberation les mariniers
fur[~e]t d'aduis qu'il falloit soustenir encores quelques iours pour
leur hõneur. Et (approbation de leur conseil) le bon temps leur arriua
au iour suiuant, & les conduisit si auant qu'ils ne s'estimoyent pas
estre à plus de vingt & cinq lieuës de leur port.

    The two Jesuits and a French boy were in the captured ship which
    had been committed to the care of Captain Turnel; this ship, [279
    i.e., 281] separated from Argal by the tempest, was so incessantly
    followed by it for sixteen days, that the Captain, losing hope of
    being able to reach Virginia, called together all his people, and
    took counsel with them upon the best way to save their lives. For
    there seemed to be no probability that they would longer be able
    to combat the storms so as to keep near Virginia, because they had
    in the ships the horses taken from Port Royal, and these spoiled
    as much of the water as they drank; the winds had so torn their
    sails, and broken their gunwales and ropes, that they had nothing
    left with which to repair them; the stock of food was low, except
    the codfish, of which they had enough; but as to bread, they had
    had, during three months, only two ounces a day to each person,
    [280 i.e., 282] very rarely three; and so there remained but little
    of it. In this consultation, the sailors were of the opinion that
    their honor demanded them to hold out some days longer. And (in
    approval of their decision) fair weather came the next day, and
    bore them so far ahead that they judged they were no more than
    twenty-five leagues from their port.

Pour en confesser la franche verité, les Iesuites ne prioyent point
pour ce bon temps, car ils sçauoyent assez où c'est qu'il les
conuoyoit. Or Dieu, croy-ie, ayãt pitié d'eux, suscita vu gaillard, &
fougueux suroüest, qui vint donner droict en face à nos Anglois, & les
contraignist de mettre le nauire en cappe (comme l'on dit) de plier
toutes les voiles, & de penser à leur conscience.

    To tell the honest truth, the Jesuits did not pray for this fair
    weather, knowing very well to what fate it was carrying them.
    Now God, taking pity on them, as I believe, aroused a lively and
    vigorous south-wester, which blew right in the Englishmen's teeth,
    and forced them to lie to (as the saying is), to reef the sails,
    and to examine their consciences.

Le Capitaine voyant ceste rage [281 i.e., 283] de vents, & de vagues ne
voulut plus s'opiniastrer, ains conclud, qu'il falloit relascher aux
Açores à 7. cents lieuës de là, pour s'y pouruoir de leurs necessitez,
& attendre le bon temps. Il fit tourner le cap pour adresser là, &
aussi tost apres on tua les cheuaux qui nous auoyent gasté & consumé
nostr'eau, de maniere qu'elle estoit toute infecte, & puante, & encores
la donnoit on en bien petite mesure. Mais la chair de cheual estoit
fort bonne, au goust des Iesuites.

    The Captain, seeing this fury [281 i.e., 283] of the winds and
    waves, thought it well not to persist in his course, but decided
    to make for the Açores, 7 hundred leagues from there, to provide
    for their necessities and to wait for good weather. He turned the
    prow in that direction, and immediately thereafter they killed the
    horses which had been spoiling and drinking the water, so that it
    was all infected and had a bad smell; and even this was measured
    out to us in small quantities. But the horseflesh was very good,
    according to the taste of the Jesuits.

Or durant ces furieuses, & horrib[l]es tempestes, comme tous auoyent
bien occasion de penser à leur conscience, Dieu particulierement
disposoit le Capitaine. De maniere, qu'vne fois bien repentant, il
appella le P. Biard, & luy tint ces discours, que ie vais inserer quasi
de mot à mot: car ce [282 i.e., 284] Capitaine parloit bon François,
& beaucoup d'autres lãgues vulgaires, outre le Latin & le Grec, qu'il
entendoit bien, homme de grand esprit, & qui a bien estudié: P. Biard,
(disoit-il) Dieu est courroucé contre nous, ie le voy bi[~e]; il
est courroucé contre nous, di-je, mais non pas contre vous; contre
nous, parce que nous vous sõmes allés faire la guerre, sans la vous
premierement denõcer, ce qu'est contre le droict des gens. Mais ie
proteste, que ç'a esté contre mon aduis, & mon gré. Ie n'eusse sceu
qu'y faire, il me falloit suiure, i'estois seruiteur. Ainsi ie vous
dy, que ie voy bi[~e] que Dieu est courroucé contre nous, mais non
pas contre vous, ains à l'occasion de vous: car vous ne faictes que
patir. Le Capitaine s'arrestãt icy, vo^{9} pouués estimer si le Iesuite
manqua de respõdre à propos. Le Capitaine, [283 i.e., 285] le prit d'vn
autre endroit, mais, P. Biard (dit-il) c'est chose estrange, que vos
François de Port Royal vous accusent ainsi. Le Pere respondit, Mais
mõsieur, m'aués-vous iamais ouy mesdire d'eux? Nenny, dit-il; ains i'ay
fort bien remarqué que quand on mesdisoit d'eux, & deuant le Capitaine
Argal, & deuant moy, tousiours vous les aués defendus, i'en suis bon
tesmoin. Monsieur (dit le Pere) prenez argument de là, & iugés, qui
a Dieu, & la verité de son costé; ou les mesdisants, ou bien les
charitables. Ie l'entends bien, dit le Capitaine: mais, Pere Biard, la
charité ne vous a elle point fait mentir, quãd vous me disiez, que nous
ne trouuerions que misere à Port Royal? Le Pere repartit, Pardonnez
moy, monsieur, vous priant de vous souuenir, que ie ne vous ay dit [284
i.e., 286] sinon que moy estant là, ie n'y auois veu, & trouué que
misere. Cela seroit bon, dit le Capitaine, si vous n'estiés Espagnol,
comme l'on dit que vous estes, car l'estãt, ce que vous desirés tant de
bien aux Frãçois n'est pas pour amour que vous leur portés, ains pour
haine des Anglois. A cecy le Pere Biard respondit fort au long: mais
il ne luy peut iamais desraciner cest'opinion, disant, qu'il n'estoit
point croyable, que cinq, ou six François constitués en affliction
eussent voulu signer vne fausse accusation contre vn leur concitoyen
Prestre: n'y ayants autre profit que de le faire perdre, & par ce moyen
satis-faire à leur maudite passion.

    Now during these furious and horrible tempests, when all had good
    reason to look into their consciences, God especially inclined
    the Captain to do so, in such a manner, that once, when he was
    feeling very repentant, he called Father Biard and held with him
    the following conversation, which I here insert almost word for
    word: for this [282 i.e., 284] Captain spoke good French, and
    many other common languages, besides Latin and Greek, which he
    understood very well; he was a man of great intelligence and a
    thorough student. "Father Biard" (said he) "God is angry at us, I
    see it clearly; he is angry at us, I say, but not at you; angry at
    us, because we went to make war upon you without first giving you
    notice, which is contrary to the rights of nations. But I protest
    that it was contrary to my advice, and my inclination. I did not
    know what to do, I had to follow, I was merely a servant. But I
    tell you I see very clearly that God's wrath is kindled against us,
    but not against you, although on your account: for you do nothing
    but suffer." The Captain pausing here, you may judge whether or
    not the Jesuit failed to make a suitable answer. The Captain [283
    i.e., 285] took up another phase of the question. "But, Father
    Biard" (says he) "it is strange that your countrymen from Port
    Royal should accuse you thus." The Father answers, "But, Sir, have
    you ever heard me slander them?" "By no means," he says, "but I
    have clearly observed that when evil things are said of them, both
    before Captain Argal and before me, you have always defended them,
    of which I am a good witness." "Sir" (the Father says) "draw your
    own conclusions from that, and judge which have God and truth on
    their side, whether the slanderers, or the charitable." "I know
    that very well," says the Captain, "but, Father Biard, did not
    charity make you lie, when you told me we should find nothing but
    misery at Port Royal?" "Pardon me," answers the Father, "I beg you
    to remember that I told you only [284 i.e., 286] that when I was
    there, I saw and found nothing but misery." "That would be all
    right," says the Captain, "if you were not a Spaniard, as they say
    you are; for, being one, the great good which you desire for the
    French is not on account of the love you bear them, but on account
    of your hatred of the English." Upon this Father Biard entered
    into a long explanation; but he could never eradicate this opinion
    from the Captain's mind, who said it was not credible that five
    or six Frenchmen, surrounded by afflictions, would have consented
    to sign a false accusation against a Priest, one of their own
    fellow-citizens, deriving no other profit therefrom than to destroy
    him, and in this way to satisfy their evil passions.

Ie vous ay faict ce recit à fin que la suaue disposition de la diuine
prouidence soit recogneuë, & que vous entendiez, cõme Dieu [285 i.e.,
287] alloit preparant peu à peu le coeur du Capitaine. Car il se trouua
bi[~e] perplex, & luy & ses gens, quand ils se virent pres des Açores.
La cause en estoit, parce que ces Isles sont habitées des Portugais
Catholiques; par ainsi les Anglois consideroyent, que venants à y
anchrer, il faudroit souffrir la visite du nauire. Que si en la visite
on descouuroit les Iesuites que c'estoit faict d'eux, parce qu'on
deliureroit lesdits Iesuites, comme Catholiques: & qu'eux seroyent
pendus, ou pour le moins mis à la cadene comme voleurs de Prestres.

    I have narrated this to you that the kindly dispositions of
    providence may be recognized, and that you may understand how God
    [285 i.e., 287] proceeded, little by little, to prepare the heart
    of the Captain. For both he and his crew were greatly perplexed,
    when they found themselves near the Açores. The reason for this
    was, that these Islands are inhabited by Catholic Portuguese, so
    the English judged that, in anchoring there, they would have to
    allow the ship to be visited; and if in this visit the priests
    were discovered, it would be all over with them, for the Jesuits,
    as Catholics, would be liberated, and they [the English] would be
    hanged, or at least condemned to the chain and ball, as robbers of
    Priests.

Le remede à ce mal estoit facile, faisant faire ausdits Iesuites vn
saut dans la mer. Neantmoins comme ie vous ay monstré, la crainte de
Dieu s'estoit resueillée, qui combattoit pour eux. Nostre Seigneur en
fin, qui les [286 i.e., 288] protegeoit aux prieres de sa glorieuse
Mere, fit que le Capitaine se resolut de les cacher au fonds du nauire,
esperant que cela suffiroit pour seurté: comme il suffit aussi, mais
la bõne foy des Iesuites y aydant, ainsi que vous entendrés tout à
cest'heure.

    The remedy for this evil was an easy one; namely, to make the
    Jesuits take a leap into the sea. Nevertheless, as I have shown
    you, the fear of God was awakened, and this contended for them. Our
    Lord indeed who [286 i.e., 288] protected them through the prayers
    of his glorious Mother, caused the Captain to decide to conceal
    them in the hold of the ship, hoping this would suffice for their
    security, as it did; but the good faith of the Jesuits assisted
    therein, as you will soon hear.




CHAPITRE XXXII. [i.e., xxxi.]

COMME LE NAUIRE FUT VISITÉ AUX AÇORES, & LA BONNE FOY, QUE LES IESUITES
GARDERENT AUX ANGLOIS.


LA main de Dieu estoit euidemment sur les Iesuites pour les proteger,
ainsi que vous auez peu apperceuoir par cy deuant: Et fut manifeste
en vn autre danger, qu'ils passerent; que nous ne racontons pas icy,
pour n'estre longs, auquel neantmoins [287 i.e., 289] ils confessent
d'auoir eu plus de peur, qu'en beaucoup d'autres, & non sans cause.
Ceste protection diuine se monstra encores clairement en ce quell'osta
l'apprehension du peril au Capitaine. Car s'il eust preueu les grands
dangers qu'il courut puis apres, ie ne scay s'il eust esté assez
conscientieux, ou ses gens pour ne se point resoudre au meurtre, auant
que de tomber aux perplexités, ausquelles ils furent reduits, en ceste
façon.

    CHAPTER XXXII. [i.e., xxxi.]

    HOW THE SHIP WAS VISITED AT THE AÇORES, AND HOW THE JESUITS KEPT
    THEIR PROMISE TO THE ENGLISH.

    GOD'S hand was evidently stretched over the Jesuits for their
    protection, as you have been able to see heretofore. It was also
    manifest in another danger through which they passed, and which we
    do not relate here, lest we be tedious, in which, nevertheless,
    [287 i.e., 289] they confess to have felt more fear than in many
    others, and not without cause. This divine protection was even more
    evident in removing all apprehensions of danger from the Captain.
    For if he had foreseen the great risks which he ran afterwards, I
    am not sure that he or his crew would have been so conscientious
    as not to have resolved upon murder, before falling into the
    perplexities to which they were in this way reduced.

Ils arriuerent à l'Isle de Faeal, qui est vne des Açores, & ne
se pensoyent à leur arriuée, que d'anchrer aupres de la ville,
d'enuoyer leur batteau pour se charger d'eau, de laquelle ils auoyent
principalement besoin, & achepter quelque peu de biscuit, & autres
necessitez plus pressantes. En ceste façon il estoit fort facile [288
i.e., 290] de cacher les Iesuites, parce qu'on ne visite gueres,
que fort legerement ceux qui sont loin de terre, & puis la visite
passee: tout le peril est passé. Ceste consideration fit resoudre tant
facilem[~e]t le Capitaine à ne pas vser de cruauté. Mais la fortune
trouua bien autres tours, & destours qu'il ne p[~e]soit: car il luy
fallust entrer dans le haure, & se tenir à la veuë de la ville, & des
autres nauires. Là de sinistre accident, nostre nauire s'alla heurter
contre vne carauelle Espagnolle, chargée de succre, & luy rompit son
beau-pré; l'Espagnol pensa que ce fut vn guet à pens, à celle fin de
surprendre son vaisseau, & le voler: tout ainsi qu'auoit faict vn
François dans le mesme port, cinq semaines au parauãt, & partant se
print à crier au coursaire, faisant armer ses gens, & peu s'en fallut
que lon [289 i.e., 291] ne vinst aux mains. Grand bruit & grande
esmeute dans la ville, & par tous les nauires qui estoyent là, grand
alarme. Il fallust que le Capitaine allast à terre, & y demeurast pour
gages, & asseurance: encores ne pouuoit-on croire, qu'il fut autre que
Pirate. on vint visiter & reuisiter le nauire, & les Iesuites ioüoyent
comme l'on dit a esconsailles, de trou en cachot, & de cachot en fonds,
tousiours en quelque nouuelle musse. Or sur le vif, & le chaud des
soupçons, & grabuge, les Espagnols venants visiter les pauures Peres
& le garcon Francois estoyent derriere vne chaloupe se tenant coys
& sans souffler, car si seulement ils eussent soufflé vn peu gros,
ou remué la main ou le pied, ils eussent esté descouuerts. La chose
estoit si hazardeuse, que nos Anglois en transissoyent de [290 i.e.,
292] male-peur. Mais les Iesuites leur voulurent constamment garder la
foy pour plusieurs raisõs, & entre autres, pour faire voir par effect
aux calomniateurs de l'Eglise Catholique, qu'à tort, & contre verité
ils luy imposent d'enseigner, qu'il ne faut point garder la foy aux
heretiques. Ce qu'est totalement faux, & contre sa doctrine. Mais
reuenons aux Espagnols, ils n'apperceurent iamais lesdits peres en leur
visite, & s'en allerent en fort bonne opinion des Anglois, qui les
voyants dehors, & reuenants à soy de la grande apprehension en laquelle
ils auoyent esté, se prindrent à faire tant de caresses aux Peres, &
tant de feste en recognoissance de leur sincérité, qu'en pourroy[~e]t
faire vne troupe de bons parents & amys s'entre rencontrants en paix
apres vne absence, & separation [291 i.e., 293] de bien long temps.
Les mesmes Anglois ont souuent depuis loüangé lesdicts Peres en la
presence de leurs Ministres en Angleterre de ceste leur fidelité, & les
Ministres en demonstroi[~e]t grands signes d'estonnement & admiration.

    They came to the Island of Faeal, one of the Açores, where, upon
    their arrival, they intended only to anchor near the town, to send
    their boat for a supply of water, which they needed most, and to
    buy a few biscuit and other very necessary articles. In this way it
    was quite easy [288 i.e., 290] to conceal the Jesuits; for those
    vessels which are some distance from the land are only slightly
    visited, and, this visit over, all danger is past. This was the
    reason why the Captain so readily resolved not to use cruelty. But
    fate found other ways and means, which he had not considered; for
    he was obliged to enter the harbor and remain in full view of the
    town, and of other ships. There, by an unlucky accident, our ship
    ran foul of a Spanish caravel, loaded with sugar, and broke its
    bowsprit; the Spaniards thought this was a ruse by means of which
    to surprise their vessel and rob it, just as a French ship had
    done in the same port five weeks before; and so they began to cry
    "pirates!" at the same time arming their crew; just a [289 i.e.,
    291] little more and they would have come to blows. There was great
    commotion and noise in the town, and considerable alarm throughout
    all the ships in the harbor. The Captain had to go on shore, and
    remain there as a hostage and security; and even then, no one could
    believe that he was other than a Pirate. They came to visit and
    revisit the ship, and the Jesuits played, as the saying is, at hide
    and seek, from top to bottom, from dungeon to hold, always finding
    some new hiding place. Now during the liveliest and fiercest
    suspicions, and disputes, the Spaniards came to visit the ship, and
    the poor Fathers and the French boy were huddled behind a boat,
    still and breathless; for if they had even breathed a little loud,
    or moved hand or foot, they would have been discovered. The thing
    was so dangerous that our English were seized with a [290 i.e.,
    292] panic. But the Jesuits wished to continue to keep faith with
    them for several reasons, and among others to make the slanderers
    of the Catholic Church really see that they ascribed to it
    wrongfully and untruthfully the doctrine that it is not necessary
    to keep faith with heretics; which is totally false and contrary
    to its belief. But let us return to the Spaniards. They never
    discovered the said fathers in their visit, and went away with a
    very high opinion of the English. The latter, when they saw them
    outside, recovering from the panic into which they had been thrown,
    began to embrace the Fathers as effusively, and to make as great
    a celebration in acknowledgment of their sincerity, as a company
    of kind kindred and friends would make at a peaceful reunion after
    a very long [291 i.e., 293] absence and separation. These same
    English have often since then praised the Fathers for this their
    fidelity, in the presence of their Ministers in England; and the
    Ministers have thereupon made great demonstrations of astonishment
    and admiration.




CHAPITRE XXXII.

LA VENUË EN ANGLETERRE: & LA DELIURANCE DES IESUITES.


LES Anglois demeurerent trois sepmaines entieres engagez en ceste Isle,
que nous disons de Fæal, pendant lequel t[~e]ps les pauures Iesuites
ne peurent point voir le Soleil. Or parce que lesdicts Anglois auoyent
faute d'argent, ils ne peur[~e]t guieres s'y remplumer, ce qui les fit
du tout [292 i.e., 294] resoudre à ne plus retenter la Virginie, ains
s'en reuenir en Angleterre, attendu mesmem[~e]t que ja ils se voyoient
dans la presente année 1614. qui estoit le terme de leur seruice.

    CHAPTER XXXII.

    THE ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND; AND THE DELIVERANCE OF THE JESUITS.

    THE English were occupied three entire weeks at this Island, which
    we call Fæal, and during this time the poor Jesuits were not able
    to see the Sun. Now as these English were in need of money, they
    could not fit themselves out there, and this made them firmly [292
    i.e., 294] decide to make no further attempt to return to Virginia,
    but to go back to England, especially as they now found themselves
    in the present year, 1614, which was the term of their service.

Or estants en la course & voye d'Angleterre, la tempeste nous ietta
hors la marche (qu'on appelle) c'est à dire, hors le Canal qui est
entre France & Angleterre, & nous fallut refugier au Port de Milfier,
en la Prouince de Galles. Là vne autre fois toutes prouisiõs nous
defaillirent, ce qui contraignit nostre Capitaine d'aller à Pembroch,
ville principale de cest endroit, & Viceadmirauté, mais à Pembroch
il fut arresté prisonnier, sur le soupcon qu'on auoit qu'il ne fust
Pirate. Le soupçon naissoit de ce que luy, & ses gens estoient Anglois,
& leur nauire toutesfois estoit faict à la [293 i.e., 295] Frãçoise,
ce qui faisoit presumer, qu'il venoit du Port de Gryp aux Isles de
l'Arcin, pardeçà le Cap Escumant. Le Capitaine se iustifia du mieux
qu'il peust, disant la verité: mais on ne luy croyoit pas, d'autant
qu'il n'auoit point de Commissions: & n'en pouuoit auoir, parce que
n'estant que Lieutenant, il suiuoit son Capitaine, & ne s'estoit separé
d'auec luy que par accident de tempeste, ainsi qu'auez ouy. A ceste
cause il fut contrainct de produire pour tesmoins de sa preud'homie les
deux Iesuites, qu'il auoit dans son nauire, gens irreprochables, ce
disoit-il, & disoit vray.

    Now on our way to England the tempest cast us out of la ma[n]che[6]
    (as it is called); that is, out of the Channel between France
    and England, and we were obliged to take refuge in the Harbor
    of Milfier [Milford], in the Province of Wales. There again all
    provisions failed us, which compelled our Captain to go to Pembroch
    [Pembroke], the principal city of this place, and a Vice-admiralty.
    But at Pembroke he was taken prisoner, as they suspected him of
    being a Pirate. The suspicion arose from the fact that he and his
    crew were English, yet their ship was made after French [293 i.e.,
    295] models, which made them think he came from Port de Gryp on the
    Arcin Islands, this side of Cape Escumant. The Captain justified
    himself as well as he could, by telling the truth; but they did
    not believe him, inasmuch as he had no Commission, and could not
    have had, because being nothing but a Lieutenant he followed his
    Captain, from whom he was accidentally separated by the storm,
    as you have heard. For this reason he was obliged to produce, as
    witnesses of his honesty, the two Jesuits whom he had in his ship,
    irreproachable men, as he said, and said truly.

Aussi tost par commandement du Magistrat lesdits Iesuites fur[~e]t
appellés à terre; & interrogés en Iustice, auec grand respect. Eux
conterent la verité du faict, & à leur deposition le Capitaine fut [294
i.e., 296] tenu gentil-homme d'honneur, & de bien; sauf à demesler nos
differents touchant la nouuelle Frãce par deuãt le Roy. Neantmoins il
fallut seiourner vn grand long temps audit Pembroch attendãt response
de Londres, car il fut necessaire d'y enuoyer tant pour auoir de
l'argent, que pour aduertir de cest affaire le grand Admiral, & la
compagnie des Marchands, qui ont charge de la Virginie.

    Immediately, by command of the Magistrate, the Jesuits were
    summoned to come on shore, where they were very respectfully
    interrogated in a Court of Justice. They stated the real facts of
    the case, and upon their testimony the Captain was [294 i.e., 296]
    acknowledged to be a gentleman of honor and of worth; as to the
    disentanglement of our difficulties about new France, these were
    to be reserved for the King. Nevertheless, we had to make a very
    long sojourn at Pembroke, awaiting an answer from London, for it
    was necessary to send there, partly to obtain money, partly to make
    known the affair to the high Admiral, and the company of Merchants
    who have charge of Virginia.

Et cest icy, où l'admiration arreste, & mon haleine, & mon pas; pour
m'escrier auec le Sage, _Que les dispositions de la Diuine prouidence
sont veritablement dressées au compas, articulées au nombre, &
mesurées au poids, & trebuchet, iusques à vn demy grain._ Car cest
appel des Iesuites fut sans doute, vne industrie de ceste paternelle
prouid[~e]ce, qui les assistoit par tout: d'autant que [295 i.e., 297]
s'ils fussent demeurés dans le nauire, comm'ils y estoyent, destitués
de tout, au coeur de l'hyuer (car c'estoit en Feurier) & ce, quatre
sepmaines durant, il est vraysemblable qu'ils fussent morts de froid,
& de misere: mais au moyen de cest appel, ils furent cogneus par le
Iuge, lequel fort hõneste & graue personnage qu'il est, ayant entendu
combien ils estoyent mal dans le nauire, les fit loger chez le Maire
de la ville, & paya pour eux, disant, que s'ils auoyent dequoy, ils le
luy rendroyent: sinon que cela seroit donné pour Dieu: car autrement
ce nous seroit trop de honte, (disoit-il) si gens tant honnestes, &
sçauants ne trouuoy[~e]t de la courtoisie parmy nous. Ce bon Seigneur
s'appelle Nicolas Adams, Vice-admiral dudit Pembroch.

    And here admiration makes me pause and hold my breath, to cry out
    with the Wise Man, _That the dispensations of Divine providence
    are truly arranged by compass, joined harmoniously, and measured
    by weight and balance even to the half of a grain._ For this call
    of the Jesuits was without doubt a contrivance of this paternal
    providence, which everywhere assisted them; inasmuch as, [295 i.e.,
    297] if they had remained in the ship, as they were doing, in want
    of everything, in the depths of winter (for it was February), and
    had continued to do this during four weeks, it is probable that
    they would have died of cold and starvation; but, by means of
    this summons, they became known to the Judge, honorable and grave
    personage as he is, and he, having heard how badly off they were in
    the ship, had them lodged in the house of the Mayor of the city,
    and paid for them himself, saying they might pay it back if they
    had the means, otherwise it would be given to God. "For" (said
    he), "it would be a great disgrace to us if such honorable and
    learned men were not received among us with courtesy." This kind
    Gentleman's name is Nicolas Adams, Vice admiral of Pembroke.

OR pendant ce sejour toute [296 i.e., 298] sorte de gens les alloient
voir, & de bien loin, par curiosité de voir des Iesuites en leur habit,
ainsi qu'ils estoient, & ont tousiours esté iusques à leur retour
en Frãce. Ministres, Iusticiers, Gentilshommes, & autres venoyent
conferer auec eux; Vn Milord mesmes du grãd Conseil voulut auoir le
plaisir de les accarer en dispute rangée auec quatre Ministres. Ie
dy Ministres pour m'accommoder à l'intelligence Françoise: car en
Angleterre ils les appellent Prestres: Et le Chef de la dispute estoit
vn Archidiacre, parce que les Anglois retiennent encores beaucoup de
l'Eglise Catholique, comme l'Ordre de la Hierarchie Ecclesiastique,
Archeuesques, Euesques, Prestres, Archiprestres, Archidiacres, Curez,
Chanoines, &c. L'imposition Episcopale des mains en la creation des
Prestres, [297 i.e., 299] & moindres Ordres, & en la confirmatiõ des
enfans, Le Cresme, & les ceremonies, le signe de la Croix, & l'Image
d'icelle, & d'autres: La Psalmodie, & culte ordinaire, les festes
ordonnées des Saincts, & Sainctes, les Vigiles, les Ieusnes, le
Caresme, l'Abstinence des viandes au Vendredy, & Samedy, les habits
Sacerdotaux, & vaisseaux sacrez: Et ceux qui condamnent toutes ces
choses, comme font les Caluinistes de France & d'Escosse, & les
appellent superstitions damnables, & inuentions de l'Antechrist, sont
nommez des Anglois, Puritains, & les detestent comme pestes execrables.

    NOW during this sojourn [296 i.e., 298] all kinds of people went
    to see them, and some from a great distance, through curiosity to
    see Jesuits dressed in their robes, as they were then and always
    have been until their return to France. Ministers, Justices,
    Gentlemen, and others came to confer with them; even a Lord of
    the great Council wished to have the pleasure of pitting four
    Ministers against them in debate. I say Ministers, to make myself
    intelligible to the French, for in England they call them Priests.
    And the Chief one in the debate was an Archdeacon, for the English
    still have a great many things in common with the Catholic Church,
    as the Order of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, Archbishops, Bishops,
    Priests, Archpriests, Archdeacons, Curates, Canons, etc.; the
    Episcopal laying on of hands in the ordination of Priests, [297
    i.e., 299] and lesser Orders, and in the confirmation of children;
    the Chrism and its ceremonies, the sign of the Cross, the Image of
    this and of other things; the Psalmody and usual form of worship,
    the prescribed Saints' days, the Vigils, Fasts, Lent, Abstinence
    from meat on Friday and Saturday; Priestly robes, and consecrated
    vessels. And those who condemn all these things, as the Calvinists
    of France and of Scotland do, and call them damnable superstitions,
    and inventions of the Antichrist, are by the English called
    Puritans, and are detested by them as abominable plagues.

Or en fin, response venant de Londres, on sceut, que Monsieur
l'Ambassadeur de France auoit esté aduerty de l'arriuée de ce nauire,
& en poursuiuoit la reddition, [298 i.e., 300] & particulierement
des Iesuites, ayant eu commandement de ce faire de sa Majesté
tres-Chrestienne. Ce fut vn autre effect de la Prouidence diuine, lors
qu'elle moyenna ce nostre arrest, en la Prouince de Galles, à celle fin
qu'il fust cogneu de tous: car nous auons de grands indices: & vous
en verrez tantost aucuns, que si les Marchands, qui ont surintendance
de la Virginie, en pouuoient faire à leur gré, pas vn estranger, qui
auroit esté en ladicte Virginie, ne reuiendroit iamais en son pays.

    When at last an answer came from London, it was learned that the
    Ambassador of France[7] had heard about the arrival of this ship,
    and was negotiating its surrender, [298 i.e., 300] especially the
    surrender of the Jesuits, having had orders to do so from his most
    Christian Majesty. This was another effect of divine Providence,
    since it caused this our arrest in the Province of Wales to the end
    that it might be known to all; for we have strong proofs, and you
    will soon see some of them, that if the Merchants in whose hands
    lay the administration of Virginia, had been able to have their own
    way, not one foreigner who was to be found in Virginia, would ever
    have returned to his own country.

Pour tost finir nostre discours, notez que les Iesuites furent conduits
par vn long circuit au Port de Sanduicts; & de là ramenez à Douure par
le commandement du Roy, & de Douure à Calais, où ils rendirent graces
à Dieu pour tant de signalez benefices, [299 i.e., 301] & prouidence
sienne, & en auoyent bien occasion, ayants demeuré neuf mois & demy
entre les mains des Anglois. Le sieur d'Arquien, Gouuerneur dudit
Calais, & Monsieur la Baulaye, Doyen, leur firent de leur grace fort
bon accueil, & leur aumosnerent assez pour se conduire iusques à leur
College d'Amiens.

    To finish our story as quickly as possible, note that the Jesuits
    were taken by a long roundabout way to the Harbor of Sanduicts
    [Sandwich], and from there sent to Dover by order of the King, and
    from Dover to Calais, where they rendered thanks to God for such
    signal blessings [299 i.e., 301] and providences, for which they
    had good cause, having been nine months and a half in the hands of
    the English. Sieur d'Arquien, Governor of Calais, and Monsieur la
    Baulaye, Dean, gave them a very warm reception and provided them
    with means to return to their College at Amiens.




CHAPITRE XXXIV. [i.e., xxxiii.]

LE RETOUR DU SIEUR DE LA MOTE, DU CAPITAINE FLORY, & DE QUELQUES
AUTRES. ET LA REDDITION DU NAUIRE.


PEV apres ceste deliurance des Iesuites, Dieu recueillit encores par sa
misericorde, quasi tout le reste du naufrage en ceste façon.

    CHAPTER XXXIV. [i.e., xxxiii.]

    THE RETURN OF SIEUR DE LA MOTE, OF CAPTAIN FLORY AND OTHERS, AND
    THE SURRENDER OF THE SHIP.

    SHORTLY after this liberation of the Jesuits, God in his mercy
    rescued nearly all the others who had been shipwrecked, and in the
    following way.

Le garçon qui estoit auec les Iesuites, appellé Guillaume Crito, [300
i.e., 302] fut conduit à Londres, & de là renuoyé à son Pere à Honfleur.

    The boy who was with the Jesuits, called Guillaume Crito, [300
    i.e., 302] was taken to London and thence sent to his Father at
    Honfleur.

Sur ce mesme temps le sieur de la Mote reuint aussi en Angleterre dans
vn vaisseau de la Bermude, qui auoit passé par la Virginie.

    At the same time sieur de la Mote also returned to England in a
    vessel from the Bermudas, which had stopped at Virginia.

Le Capitaine Argal combatit genereusement contre le Mareschal Thomas
Deel (que vous auez ouy estre fort aspre en ses humeurs) à fin
d'obtenir de luy permission du retour, pour ledit sieur de la Mote, &
l'obtint en fin.

    Captain Argal generously contended with Marshal Thomas Deel[4] (of
    whose great asperity of temper you have heard us speak) to obtain
    from him permission for sieur de la Mote to return, and at last it
    was granted.

Or ledict sieur la Mote fut fort estonné, que subitement estant arriué
en Angleterre, personne ne luy parloit plus, personne ne le voyoit,
il estoit delaissé de tous; & le pis est, que sur ce il tomba malade
dans le nauire. Il se soupçonna incontinent du danger où il estoit, &
d'où il venoit: sçauoir est, des marchands de la Virginie, [301 i.e.,
303] qui eussent desiré se desfaire de luy, & ne sçauoyent comment. Il
tascha donc par subtilité, & en trouua le moyen, de faire sçauoir de
ses nouuelles à Monsieur de Bisseaux, digne Ambassadeur de sa Majesté
tres-Chrestienne, qui aussitost luy manda deux Gentilshommes, & le fit
deliurer, & bien traicter, ainsi qu'il meritoit pour son courage, &
valeur.

    Now this sieur la Mote was very much astonished when suddenly, on
    arriving in England, no one spoke to him any more, nor looked at
    him, and he found himself forsaken by all; and the worst of it was
    that he was taken sick on board the ship. He immediately suspected
    the nature of the danger which threatened him, and whence it came;
    namely, from the Virginia merchants, [301 i.e., 303] who would
    have liked to get rid of him, and did not know how. Therefore he
    tried by secret means, and finally succeeded in having his story
    made known to Monsieur de Bisseaux, worthy Ambassador of his most
    Christian Majesty, who immediately sent to him two Gentlemen who
    had him liberated and well treated, as he deserved to be for his
    courage and his valor.

En ce mesme temps aussi Madame la Marquise de Guercheuille enuoya la
Saussaye à Londres, à celle fin de solliciter la reddition du nauire, &
la reparation des torts receus par vn vol tant inique. Le nauire a esté
rendu, mais on n'a rien obtenu d'auantage iusques à maintenant.

    At the same time also Madame la Marquise de Guercheville sent la
    Saussaye to London, to request the surrender of the ship, and
    reparation for the wrongs involved in this iniquitous robbery. The
    ship has been given up, but, up to the present, nothing else has
    been obtained.

Or ainsi que nostre nauire ayãt mainleuée prenoit ja le vol en France,
païs de son origine: voicy, que le Capitaine Flory son Maistre [302
i.e., 304] arriua comme à poinct nommé, pour entrer dedans, & y
commander.

    And now, just as our ship, having been set free, was about to wing
    her way to France, her native land, behold, Captain Flory, her
    Master, [302 i.e., 304] as if by appointment, arrives upon the
    scene to step in and take command of her.

Le Capitaine Argal s'en reuenant en Angleterre l'auoit encores arraché
des mains du Mareschal, & luy, & deux autres François. Certes ledit
Argal s'est monstré tel, que nous auons occasion de luy souhaitter,
qu'il serue d'ores-en-auant vne meilleure cause, & où sa noblesse de
coeur puisse paroistre, non à la perte, ains à la manutention des gens
de bien.

    Captain Argal, about to return to England, had rescued him and
    two other Frenchmen from the hands of the Marshal. Certainly this
    Argal has shown himself such a person that we have reason to wish
    for him that, from now on, he may serve a better cause and one in
    which his nobility of heart may appear, not in the ruin, but in the
    preservation of honest men.

De tout nostre nombre, trois sont morts à la Virginie, & quatre y
rest[~e]t encores, à la deliurance desquels on trauaille autant que
faire se peut. Dieu par sa misericorde leur donne patience, & tire de
nostre affliction le bien que sa prouidence, & bonté aggreent. Ainsi
soit-il.

    Of all our number, three died in Virginia, and four still remain
    there, for whose liberation everything possible is being done. May
    God in his mercy give them patience, and may he derive from our
    affliction whatever good is acceptable to his providence and mercy.
    Amen.




CHAPITRE XXXV. [i.e., xxxiv.]

[303 i.e., 305] QUEL PROFIT A ESTÉ FAICT QUANT À LA RELIGION
CHRESTIENNE EN LA NOUUELLE FRANCE.


MAINTENANT quelqu'vn ayant ouy tout nostre recit à bon droict nous
dira: Or sus, voila beaucoup de trauaux, que vous nous auez conté,
plusieurs entreprinses loüables, & diuers accidents bien sauuages;
Mais quoy? Est-ce là tout le profit quant à l'auancement du culte de
Dieu? N'auez-vous couru que pour ainsi vous lasser? despendu que pour
consumer, paty sinon pour encores par dessus en estre diffamez en
France? Car si Canada ne rend point autre reuenu, nous vous dirons,
qu'aucun, s'il n'est fol, ne trauaille pour seulement patir; [304 i.e.,
306] & ne despend pour seulem[~e]t s'espuiser. Ains a tres-bi[~e] dit
le sainct Apostre, _Que, qui laboure, c'est en esperance de recueillir
du fruict_. Quel fruict doncques nous apportez-vous de vos trauaux.

    CHAPTER XXXV. [i.e., xxxiv.]

    [303 i.e., 305] WHAT PROGRESS THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION HAS MADE IN
    NEW FRANCE.

    NOW some one, having heard all our story, with good reason will
    say: "Come now, here is a great deal of labor you have told us
    about, several laudable enterprises, and various rough and violent
    accidents, but is this all the profit there is in the advancement
    of the worship of God? Have you run, only to thus weary yourselves?
    expended, only for the sake of consuming? endured suffering, only
    to be abused for it in France? For if Canada does not furnish any
    other revenue, we can tell you that no one, unless he be a fool,
    works simply for the sake of suffering, [304 i.e., 306] or expends
    only to exhaust himself. But very truly says the holy Apostle,
    _That he who planteth hopeth to gather fruit_. What fruit then do
    you bring us from your labors?"

A cela ie responds que par tout, & aussi bien en France, qu'en Canada,
il faut semer auant que moyssonner, & planter auant que recueillir, &
ne point tant estre ou auare, ou impatient, qu'on vueille, comme les
vsuriers, aussi tost le profit que le prest. Combi[~e] que certes au
seruice de Dieu il n'y auroit que despenses, & trauaux, elles ont de
soy-mesme assez grand emolument, & salaire; non ja pour estre despenses
& trauaux, ains pour estre preuues, & exercices de nostre deuoir, &
pieuse volonté enuers nostre liberal donateur de toutes choses nostre
Dieu tout-puissant. Car il [305 i.e., 307] ne poise pas, ny n'estime
nos conseils, & desseins à la balance & au poids des euenements, qui
sont en sa main, & ordonnance; ains à la solidité de nostre vouloir,
à la massiueté de l'entreprinse, à l'integrité de la deuotion, &
deliberation.

    To this I answer, that everywhere, in France as well as in Canada,
    it is necessary to sow before reaping, and to plant before
    gathering, and not to be so avaricious or impatient as to wish,
    like usurers, the profit at the same time as the loan. How true it
    is that, in the service of God, there should be nothing but expense
    and labor, these of themselves being a great enough reward and
    salary; not because they are expenses and labors, but because they
    are proofs and exercises of our duty and pious willingness towards
    the liberal donor of all gifts, our all-powerful God. For he [305
    i.e., 307] does not weigh nor judge our counsels and designs in the
    balance and by the weight of the results, which are in his hand and
    ordinance; but by the firmness of our desire, the greatness of the
    enterprise, and the honesty of our devotion and purpose.

Il dispose les euenements comme il luy plaist, les rendant souuent plus
heureux, & plus fructueux, que moins on les recognoit pour tels. _Car
celuy, qui plante n'est rien, ny celui qui arrouse; ains celui, qui
donne accroissement_; lequel accroissement se fait premierement soubs
terre, & hors la veüe des hommes.

    He arranges events as it pleases him, often rendering them the more
    happy and the more fruitful, the less one recognizes them as such.
    _For he that planteth is nothing, nor he that watereth; but he who
    giveth the increase_; and this increase is first made under the
    ground, and out of the sight of men.

Quant à moy, i'estime vn tres-grand profit en ce que nous auõs
tousiours mieux, & mieux descouuert le naturel de ces terres, & païs:
la disposition des habitans: le moyen de les pouuoir ayder: [306 i.e.,
308] les contrarietez, qui peuuent suruenir au progrez de l'oeuure: &
les secours, qu'il faut opposer à l'ennemy. L'architecte qui fait, &
deffaict ses plans & modeles iusques à la cinq, & sixiesme fois, ne
se pense pas pour cela n'auoir rien faict en son premier, & second
essay, lesquels il aura deffaits pour s'arrester, au sixiesme; Parce
que, dira-il, ce dernier n'a sa perfectiõ, que de l'imperfectiõ des
premiers. De mesme en est-il de l'orateur, qui efface & raye deux,
& trois fois ce qu'il auoit escrit de premiere ardeur, parce que
la beauté, & force des concepts, & paroles, qu'il substituë pour
la quatriesme fois, luy naist de la reiection, & du desplaisir des
precedentes. Aussi de vray, ce n'est pas autrement, que Dieu nous donne
pour l'ordinaire la prudence, & l'ameliorement des choses; sinon [307
i.e., 309] par diuerses experiences, & pour la pluspart de nos fautes
& de celles d'autruy. Nous auons donc vne partie de nos pretensions,
nous auons experimenté: nous sçauõs ce qu'il faut, & ce qui nuit: &
où gist le poinct principal de l'affaire. Les moyens, qu'on a employé
n'ont point esté si grands, ne si proportionnez à plus haute fin, qu'il
faille nous beaucoup mescõtenter de ce que Dieu nous dõne.

    For my part, I consider it a great advantage that we have learned
    more and more about the nature of these territories and lands,
    the character of the inhabitants, the means of helping them,
    [306 i.e., 308] the obstacles which are liable to arise against
    the progress of the work, and the help that must be given to
    oppose the enemy. The architect who makes and unmakes his plans
    and models even to the fifth and sixth time, does not think, for
    all that, that he has not accomplished anything in his first and
    second trials, which he has destroyed to stop at the sixth; for
    he will say that the perfection of the last, lies only in the
    imperfections of the first. It is thus also with the orator, who
    erases and scratches out twice and three times what he has written
    in his first enthusiasm, because the beauty and force of the ideas
    and words, which he substitutes for the fourth time, come to him
    from his rejection of, and dissatisfaction with, the preceding
    ones. So, in truth, it is not otherwise that God usually gives us
    prudence and the better management of things, only [307 i.e., 309]
    through various experiences, and for the most part through our own
    faults and those of others. We have done, then, a part of what we
    intended to do; we have experimented, we know what is necessary
    and what is harmful, and wherein lies the principal part of the
    work. The means which have been employed have not been so great,
    nor so proportioned to a higher purpose, that we should be greatly
    dissatisfied with what God gives us.

Mais encores d'autre costé c'est vn grand fruict, que la confiance &
amitié que les Sauuages ont prinse auecques les François, par la grande
familiarité, & hantise, qu'ils ont eu auec eux. Car tousiours faut-il
mettre ceste base auant que d'esleuer le chapiteau; sçauoir est, de
les nous rendre ou citoyens, ou bons hostes, & amis auant que de les
auoir pour freres. Or ceste confiance, & ceste [308 i.e., 310] priuauté
est ja si grande, que nous viuons entr'eux auec moins de crainte, que
nous ne ferions dans Paris. Car dans Paris nous n'oserions dormir, que
la porte bien verrouïllée; mais là nous ne la fermons que contre le
vent, & si n'en dormons pas pour cela moins asseurez. Au commencement
ils nous fuyoi[~e]t, & craignoyent: ores ils nous desir[~e]t. A nostre
premiere descente, & visite de S. Sauueur, nous fismes semblant, que la
place ne nous agreoyt pas, & que voulions aller autrepart, ces bonnes
gents du lieu en pleuroyent, & lamentoyent. Au contraire, le Sagamo de
Kadesquit, appellé Betsabes, s'en vint pour nous y attirer auec mille
promesses, ayant ouy que nous pretendiõs de nous y aller loger. Est-ce
peu que d'auoir ce si bon fondement de Iustice en nos peuplades, &
ce tant [309 i.e., 311] asseuré gage de bon succez? Et ne faut point
estimer que les autres Nations ayent porté ceste amitié aussi bien que
nous. Car nous sommes tesmoins oculaires, comme lesdicts Sauuages
ayants rencontré vn auantage (à leur aduis) contre les Anglois, se
ruerent sur eux furieusement, pensants comme ie croy tirer quelque
reuenche de l'iniure, qui nous auoit esté faicte: mais le bon-heur
ne les seconda pas en leur attaque. Pareillement, sur la fin de l'an
1611. les Holandois voulans seulement descendre au Cap de la Heue,
pour y faire aiguade, nos Sauuages les assaillirent brusquement, &
en defirent six, entre lesquels estoit le Capitaine du nauire. Il me
semble, que nous serons indignes de ceste bienvueillance, si nous ne
faisons, qu'elle leur profite à aymer celuy, de qui nous [310 i.e.,
312] receuons tous nos biens.

    But yet, on the other hand, it is a great result that the French
    have won the confidence and friendliness of the Savages, through
    the great familiarity and frequent intercourse which they have had
    with them. For the foundation must always be laid before raising
    the capital; that is, we must make them citizens, or good hosts
    and friends, before making them brothers. Now this confidence and
    this [308 i.e., 310] intimacy is already so great that we live
    among them with less fear than we would in Paris. For in Paris we
    can not sleep without having the doors well bolted; but there we
    close them against the wind only, and sleep no less securely for
    keeping them open. At first they fled from us, and feared us; now
    they wish us with them. When we first disembarked and visited St.
    Sauveur, and pretended that we did not like the place, and that we
    thought of going elsewhere, these simple natives wept and lamented.
    On the other hand, the Sagamore of Kadesquit, called "Betsabes,"[8]
    came to persuade us, with a thousand promises, to go to his place,
    having heard that we had some intention of making a settlement
    there. Is it a small thing to have such a foundation of Justice
    in our colonies, and this so [309 i.e., 311] sure pledge of great
    success? And we must not conclude that other nations have borne
    this friendship as well as we, for we are eyewitnesses to the fact
    that these Savages, having (as they supposed,) some advantage over
    the English, threw themselves upon them with fury, thinking, I
    believe, to get revenge for the injury that had been done us; but
    they were not successful in their attack. Likewise, towards the
    end of the year 1611, the Hollanders merely wishing to land at
    Cap de la Heve to take in some fresh water, our Savages assailed
    them fiercely, and made away with six of them, among whom was the
    Captain of the ship. It seems to me that we will be unworthy of
    this friendliness, if we do not so act that it may avail them in
    learning to love him, from whom we [310 i.e., 312] receive all our
    blessings.

Outre plus, quoy que les Iesuites n'ayent pas baptisé communement les
adultes pour les raisons cy-deuant deduites: si les ont-ils catechisé
tant qu'ils ont peu, & par les yeux, & par les oreilles. Par les yeux,
dy-ie, leur faisant voir nos vs & ceremonies, & les y accoustumants.
En nos Processions nous faisiõs aller les petits enfans au deuãt de
la Croix, & faire quelque seruice, comme de porter les luminaires,
ou autres choses; & tant eux que leurs peres y prenoyent du plaisir,
comme s'ils eussent esté vrayement Chrestiens. Dieu mercy cela est ja
communement gaigné, qu'ils ne veulent point mourir sans baptesme, se
croyans estre miserables à iamais, s'ils trespassent sans iceluy, ou du
moins, sans vne forte volonté d'iceluy, & sans douleur de leurs pechez.

    Furthermore, although the Jesuits have not usually baptized adults,
    for the reasons heretofore stated, yet they have catechized them
    as well as they could, both through the eyes and the ears. Through
    the eyes, I say, making them see our usages and ceremonies and
    accustoming them thereto. In our Processions we had the little
    children march before the Cross, and perform some service, such
    as carrying the lights, or other things; and both they and their
    fathers take pleasure in this, as if they were really Christians.
    Thank God this much has already been accomplished, that they do not
    wish to die without baptism, believing that they will be forever
    miserable, if they pass away without it, or at least a strong
    desire for it, and without sorrow for their sins.

[311 i.e., 313] Le Patriarche Flesche (comme a esté dit) en auoit
baptisé peut estre quatre vingts, les Iesuites seulem[~e]t vne
vingtaine, & iceux petits enfans, hormis trois, qui ont esté baptisés
en extreme necessité de maladie, & sont allés iouïr de la vie
bien-heureuse, apres auoir esté regenerés à icelle, comme aussi
auc[~u]s des petits enfans. Nous auions composé nostre Catechisme en
Sauuageois, & commencions aucunement à pouuoir iargonner auec nos
Catechumenes. Nous dressions vne nouuelle peuplade fort commode:
c'estoit nostre Automne, nostre temps des fruicts: & voila que sur ce
poinct l'enuieux de tout bien, & specialement, du salut humain est venu
de malice à mettre le feu à nos trauaux, & nous emporter hors du champ.
Le victorieux Iesus de sa puissante main: & inuincible [312 i.e., 314]
sapience le confonde. Ainsi soit-il.

    [311 i.e., 313] The Patriarch Flesche (as has been said) baptized
    perhaps eighty of them, the Jesuits only about twenty, and these
    were little children, except three, who were baptized in the last
    extremity of sickness, and thence have gone to enjoy a life of
    bliss, after having been born again in this life; as have also some
    of the little children. We had composed our Catechism in the Savage
    language, and had begun to be able to talk some kind of a jargon
    with our Catechumens. We were founding a new and very pleasant
    colony, it was our Autumn, our time of harvest. And lo, at this
    moment, the one who is jealous of all good, and particularly of
    human salvation, came and, wickedly setting fire to all our work,
    bore us away from the field. May the victorious Jesus, with his
    powerful hand, and invincible [312 i.e., 314] wisdom, confound him.
    Amen.




CHAPITRE XXXVI. [i.e., xxxv.]

AUCUNES MERUEILLES, QUE DIEU A OPERÉ EN LA GUERISON DES SAUUAGES.


MAIS comme Dieu appelle ceste nation de Sauuages par sa misericorde, &
douceur conuenablement à leur portee, & necessités, ainsi luy a-il pleu
se monstrer à eux benin & secourable. Ie vous remarqueray icy trois de
ces marques bien euidentes, & certaines, faictes en la guerison des
maladies corporelles.

    CHAPTER XXXVI. [i.e., xxxv.]

    SOME MIRACLES WHICH GOD PERFORMED IN THE CURE OF THE SAVAGES.

    BUT as God, being merciful and gentle, calls this nation of Savages
    according to their capacity and needs, so he has been pleased
    to show himself kind and helpful to them. I shall call to your
    attention here three proofs of this, very evident and sure, which
    were shown in the cure of bodily ills.

La premiere soit ceste-cy. Le P. Biard estant allé à la riuiere de
l'Eplan (ainsi qu'a esté dit cy-dessus,) on luy dit, qu'à deux lieües
[313 i.e., 315] de là en la Baye S. Marie y auoit vne femme proche
de la mort, laquelle desiroit fort de le voir, & luy parler. Le Pere
pria vn certain nommé la Pierre, de l'y conduire: ce qu'il fit. Ils
treuuerent ceste femme selon la coustume de leurs malades, estenduë au
long du feu, & trauaillée de mal despuis trois sepmaines. Le Pere la
Catechise du mieux qu'il peut, & l'encourage, faisant quelques prieres,
puis s'en reuint, luy laissant vne croix penduë au col, par ce qu'il
ne l'estima point estre si bas, qu'il la fallust baptiser, seulement
il aduertit les assistants, que si elle continuoit en maladie trois
ou quatre iours, ou qu'elle empirast, qu'õ le vint appeller. Il n'en
fut pas de besoin: car le iour suiuant laditte femme se leua saine, &
gaillarde, & s'en alla trouuer son mary chargée d'vn pesant sac, & sa
croix au [314 i.e., 316] col; iusques à quatre lieües de là. Celuy qui
premier la vit fut vn huguenot de Dieppe, appellé Ieã Bachelard, qui en
vint porter les nouuelles au susdit Iesuite.

    Let the first be this one. Father Biard having gone to the river
    of Smelts[9] (as has been said before), was told, that two leagues
    [313 i.e., 315] from there at the Baye Ste. Marie, there was a
    woman very near death, who had a strong desire to see and speak
    with him. The Father begged a certain man named Pierre to accompany
    him thither, which he did. They found this woman, who had been
    afflicted by disease for three weeks, stretched out by the fire,
    according to the custom of their sick people. The Father Catechized
    her as well as he could, and encouraged her, offering some prayers:
    then he returned, leaving a cross hanging around her neck, for he
    did not consider her so low that it was necessary to baptize her;
    he only advised those present that if she continued ill three or
    four days, or if she became worse, they should summon him. There
    was no need, for the next day this woman arose healthy and happy,
    and, laden with a heavy bag, went to find her husband four leagues
    away, with her cross hanging around her [314 i.e., 316] neck.
    The one who first saw her was a huguenot of Dieppe, called Jean
    Bachelard, who came to bring the news to the Jesuit.

La seconde fut à Pentegoet: le Pere Biard y estant en la compagnie du
Sieur de Biencourt, & selon sa coustume visitant les malades du lieu,
& recitant sur eux les saincts Euangiles, on luy en monstra vn, duquel
on n'attendoit plus vie, malade despuis trois mois. Il estoit pour lors
en vn fort accez, ne parlant qu'à grande peine, & suant d'vne suëur
froide, presage de la mort. Le Iesuite luy fit baiser par plusieurs
fois vne croix, qu'il luy attacha au col, luy annonçant le mieux qu'il
pouuoit les bonnes nouuelles du salut acquis en icelle; il y auoit
bonne compagnie de Sauuages, qui escoutoyent, & à leur contenance
monstroyent [315 i.e., 317] grand contentement en ce qui se disoit: le
Pere les laissa ainsi bien affectionnés, & s'en reuint à la barque. Or
ce que Dieu fit en son absence apparoit, de ce que nous vismes vn iour
apres. Car le Sieur de Biencourt faisant la trocque en sa barque, ce
Sauuage y vint auec les autres, sain, & gaillard portant sa croix en
parade, & fit recognoissance au Pere Biard deuant tous auec grande ioye.

    The second was at Pentegoet; Father Biard being there in company
    with Sieur de Biencourt, and, according to his custom, visiting the
    sick people of the place, and reciting over them passages from the
    holy Gospels, they showed him a certain one who was not expected
    to live, having been sick for three months. He was then having a
    violent attack, speaking only with great difficulty, and bathed
    in a cold perspiration, the forerunner of death. The Jesuit had
    him kiss a cross several times, which he attached to his neck,
    announcing as well as he could the good tidings of the salvation
    acquired thereby; there were a number of Savages present, who
    listened, and, by their countenances, showed [315 i.e., 317] great
    satisfaction in what was being said. The Father left them thus
    kindly disposed, and returned to the barque. Now what God did in
    his absence was apparent from what we saw a day later. For when
    Sieur de Biencourt was trading in his barque, this Savage, with
    several others, came there healthy and happy, parading his cross,
    and, with great demonstrations of joy, expressed his gratitude to
    Father Biard before them all.

La tierce est bien signalée, & partant ie la deduiray au long. Comme
nous auons raconté cy-deuant le Sieur de la Mote, Simon l'interprete,
& le Pere Biard estoyent allés visiter le lieu de S. Sauueur, pour
recognoistre s'il seroit bon pour leur demeure. Or reuenants de ceste
visite, & retournants aux Cabannes des Sauuages, ils ouyrent de bien
loin, deux ou trois fois vn grand, & [316 i.e., 318] lamentable
hurlement, & demandans au Sauuage, qui les conduisoit, qu'est-ce
que cela pourroit estre: le Sauuage leur respondit: que quelqu'vn
estoit mort: & que c'en estoit les plaintes, qui fut cause, que nous
ne nous en mismes point en esmoy. Or comme nous estions ja fort à la
portée de la voix, voicy que ce mugissement s'entend de nouueau; &
de fortune vn ieune garçon Sauuage se rencontrant sur le chemin, la
curiosité poussa le P. Biard à luy demander, qui estoit ce mort, que
l'on lamentoit? Le garçon respondit, que ce n'estoit pas vn mort,
ains vn mourant: & adiouste de soy-mesme: court viste, à laduenture
le pourras-tu baptiser auant qu'il meure tout à faict; lors comme si
Dieu l'eust dit de sa bouche, nous nous mismes à courir de tout nostre
possible. Arriués, nous [317 i.e., 319] trouuasmes tous les Sauuages
hors de leurs Cabannes rangés en haye comme des soldarts en vne perte
de ville, au milieu se promenoit vn miserable Pere tenant son enfant,
qui se mouroit entre ses bras. Or quand l'enfant venoit à ietter des
sanglots croyant qu'il vouloit rendre l'Ame, le Pere se prenoit à
hurler pitoyablement, & toute la compagnie le suiuoit de mesme ton;
car telle est leur coustume. Doncques le P. Biard voyant ce spectacle,
s'adressa au desconforté Pere, & luy demanda s'il luy plairoit bien,
qu'il baptisast son fils: le bon homme, qui estoit presque hors de soy,
ne luy respondit rien de parole; mais en effect il luy mit son enfant
entre les bras. Le P. cria que tost lon apportast de l'eau, ce qu'on
fit, & remettant l'enfant entre les mains du Sieur de la Mote (qui de
grand [318 i.e., 320] zele desiroit d'en estre parrain, le baptisa,
l'appellant Nicolas, du nom dudict Sieur. Les Sauuages attendants
quelque grand effect, se presserent pour voir ce qu'en aduiendroit.
Or le P. Biard apres auoir recité quelques oraisons à ce qu'il pleust
a Dieu d'illuminer ces pauures Payens, print le baptisé des mains du
Sieur de la Mote, & le donna à sa mere, qui estoit là, qui comme Mere,
presenta incontinent le tetin a son fils, lequel teta de bon appetit.
Quand les Sauuages virent ainsi cet enfant pendu aux mamelles de sa
mere; si la terre eust fondu dessous leurs pieds, ie ne sçay s'ils
eussent esté plus estonnés. Ils demeuroyent là fixes, & immobiles,
sans sonner mot comme des Engelés. Le Pere leur dit quelques paroles
d'edification, puis leur signifia de se retirer en leurs Cabanes.
Et sçauez [319 i.e., 321] vous, s'il fut obey? Ces bonnes gens le
regardoient lors comme s'il eust esté plus qu'homme, tremblants deuant
luy, auec demonstration d'estre grandement touchez de Dieu. Cest enfant
estoit encores sain & dispos vn mois apres ceste sienne guerison,
peu auant nostre prinse par les Anglois: car sa mere l'apporta à nos
tentes, & fut veu de la pluspart de nos gens. Voyla comme Dieu ne
laisse point sa loy sans authentique tesmoignage; ny sa bonté sans
admirables effects.

    The third is very remarkable and therefore I shall tell it at
    length. As we have related above, Sieur de la Mote, Simon the
    interpreter, and Father Biard had gone to visit the place called
    St. Sauveur, to find out whether it would be suitable for a
    settlement. Now coming back from this visit, and returning to the
    Cabins of the Savages, they heard two or three times cries and [316
    i.e., 318] lamentations in the distance, and, asking the Savage
    who guided them what this might mean, he answered that some one
    was dead and this was the mourning; hence we did not hasten our
    footsteps. Now as we were already within easy hearing distance of
    the voice, lo, this howling begins anew; and, by chance, a young
    Savage boy being met upon the way, curiosity impelled Father Biard
    to ask him who this dead person was that was being mourned. The
    boy answered that no one was dead, but that some one was dying,
    and added, of his own accord, "Run fast, perhaps you can baptize
    him before he really dies;" then, as if God had said this with his
    own lips, we began to run with all our might. When we arrived we
    [317 i.e., 319] found all the Savages outside their Huts, drawn up
    in line like soldiers on the surrender of a city; in front of them
    walked an unhappy Father holding his child, who was dying, in his
    arms. Now when the child happened to sob, the Father, supposing
    that its Life was departing, began to groan pitifully; and the
    whole company followed him in the same tone, for such is their
    custom.[10] Accordingly, when Father Biard saw this spectacle, he
    addressed the disconsolate Father, and asked him if he would be
    glad to have his son baptized; the poor simple fellow, who was
    almost beside himself, answered him not a word, but put the child
    in his arms. The Father cried that they should bring him some
    water immediately, which was done, and putting the child in the
    arms of Sieur de la Mote (who was very [318 i.e., 320] zealous to
    be its godfather, baptized him, calling him Nicolas, the name of
    the said Sieur. The Savages, expecting some great results, crowded
    round to see what would happen. Now Father Biard, after having
    recited some prayers to the effect that God might be pleased to
    enlighten these poor Heathen, took the baptized child from the
    hands of Sieur de la Mote, and gave him to his mother, who was
    there; she, as Mother, immediately offered the child the breast,
    and he received nourishment with great eagerness. When the Savages
    saw this child thus hanging upon the mother's breasts, if the earth
    had sunk beneath their feet, I do not think they could have been
    more astonished. They remained there, fixed and immovable, without
    saying a word, and as if Frozen. The Father uttered a few words of
    instruction to them and then motioned to them to return to their
    Cabins. Do you [319 i.e., 321] know whether he was obeyed or not?
    These good people looked upon him as though he were more than man,
    trembling before him, and seeming to have been strongly touched by
    God. This child was still healthy and active a month after this,
    its recovery, a little while before we were taken by the English;
    for the mother brought him to our tents, and was seen by the
    greater part of our people. See now that God does not leave his law
    without authentic testimonies, nor his goodness without admirable
    results.




CHAPITRE XXXVII. [i.e., xxxvi.]

LES RAISONS DES FRANÇOIS, PAR LESQUELLES ILS S'APPROPRIENT À BON DROICT
LES TERRES DE LA NOUUELLE FRANCE, CONTRE LA PRETENSION DES ANGLOIS.


MAINTENANT, que i'ay satisfaict aux deux premieres [320 i.e., 322]
parties de ma promesse, sçauoir est, que i'ay faict ma Relation du
naturel des terres & des habitans de la nouuelle France: & vous ay
raconté les comportem[~e]s des Iesuites, & les accidents, qui leur y
sont suruenus; Reste la tierce, d'exposer en quoy consiste la dispute,
qui est ores suruenuë entre les François, & Anglois, touchant ces
contrées, & les raisons de l'vn & de l'autre party. Car le curieux
Lecteur, à mon aduis, sera bien aise, d'entendre en quoy gist ce poinct
cõtentieux: & les raisons qu'on apporte de part & d'autre; mesmes
que cela appartient à l'honneur des François, de faire cognoistre à
toutes nations à combien iustes tiltres, pertinentes raisons, & syncere
conscience, nos Roys se sont faits Maistres, & ont possedé ces terres
iusques à ce temps.

    CHAPTER XXXVII. [i.e., xxxvi.]

    THE REASONS WHY THE FRENCH HAVE APPROPRIATED BY GOOD RIGHT THE
    LANDS OF NEW FRANCE, AGAINST THE PRETENSIONS OF THE ENGLISH.

    NOW as I have fulfilled the first two [320 i.e., 322] parts of my
    promise, that is, I have given an Account of the character of the
    lands and the inhabitants of new France, and have described to you
    the conduct of the Jesuits, and the adventures that befell them;
    there remains then the third topic: the explanation of the dispute
    that has now arisen between the French and English in regard to
    these countries, and the arguments for and against both sides. For
    the curious Reader, I believe, will be glad to learn just what the
    point of contention is, and the arguments which are advanced by
    both parties; it is even due to the honor of the French people, to
    make known to all nations how just are the titles, how suitable the
    reasons, and in what sincerity of conscience our Kings have made
    themselves Masters, and have taken possession of these lands up to
    the present.

[321 i.e., 323] Il faut doncques sçauoir tout premierement, que les
Anglois ne nous disputent point toute la nouuelle France; Car ils
n'osent nous denier, ce que tout le monde nous accorde; ains seulement
ils contestent des confins. Ils nous accordent doncques vne nouuelle
France, mais limitée par les bords du Golfe, & grande riuiere de
sainct Laurens, & nous restreignent dans les 47. 48. & 49. degrés
d'eleuatiõ polaire. Du moins ils ne nous permettent pas de descendre
plus bas vers le midy, que du quarantesixiesme degré; s'attribuans tout
ce qui est dés la Floride, & le 33. degré iusques à Campseau, & les
Isles de Cap Breton.

    [321 i.e., 323] Accordingly it must be understood that the English
    do not dispute with us all of new France. For they dare not refuse
    what everybody grants us, but they only contest some of the
    boundaries. They grant us then a new France, but bound it by the
    shores of the Gulf and great river saint Lawrence, and restrict
    us within the 47th, 48th, and 49th degrees of north latitude. At
    least they do not allow us to go farther south than the forty-sixth
    degree, claiming all that country from Florida and the 33rd degree
    up to Campseau and the Islands of Cape Breton.

Les fondements de ceste leur pretension sont parce que enuiron l'an
1694. il y a vingt deux ans, estants entrez dans ce grand sein [322
i.e., 324] de la mer Americane, que les Anciens appelloyent de Mocosa,
& y ayants trouué vne riuiere, & païs, qui leur agrea: ils commencerent
à le vouloir habiter, luy imposants le nom de Virginie: mais ayants
esté contrariez par les naturels, & autres accidents leur estoyent
arriuez, ils fur[~e]t en fin contraints de le quitter entierement,
n'y ayants pas demeuré plus de deux, ou trois ans. Neantmoins despuis
le Serenissime Roy Iacques à present regnant, venu à la couronne, ils
ont prins resolution de le reconquester, & cultiuer. A quoy ledit Roy
fauorisant, a baillé des grands Priuileges à ceux, qui entreprenoyent
ceste peuplade, & entre autres a estendu le droict de leur tenuë dés le
33. degré d'eleuation iusques au 45. leur donnãt puissance de courir
sus à tous estrangers, qu'ils trouueroy[~e]t dans [323 i.e., 325] ce
destroict de terre, & cinquante mille auant dedans la mer. Ces lettres
du Roy on esté expediees l'an quatriesme de son règne, & de grace 1607.
le 10. d'Auril, il y a sept ans: car ie descry cecy l'an 1614.

    The reasons for these their pretensions are, that about the year
    1694 [_sic_], twenty-two years ago, having entered that great gulf
    [322 i.e., 324] of the American sea which was formerly called
    Mocosa, and there having found a river and country which pleased
    them, they made attempts at settlement, giving it the name of
    Virginia; but, having been opposed by the natives, and other
    accidents having overtaken them, they were at last obliged to give
    it up entirely, not having lived there more than two or three
    years. Nevertheless since the Most Serene King James, now reigning,
    came to the throne, they resolved to reconquer and cultivate it.
    The King, favoring this project, granted some important Privileges
    to those who undertook this colony, and, among other things,
    extended their right of occupation from the 33rd degree of north
    latitude up to the 45th, giving them power to attack all foreigners
    whom they might find within [323 i.e., 325] these limits, and fifty
    miles out into the sea. These patents of the King were drawn up
    during the fourth year of his reign, and in the year of grace 1607
    on the 10th of April, seven years ago, for I am writing this in
    1614.[11]

Voyla ce que i'en ay peu apprendre de toutes les parchartes &
enseignements, que nos contendants apportent pour se maintenir en
droict, & cause; & nous confiner dans le destroict de la vieille
Canada, eux se tenants au large, & à franches coudées, nous faisants la
part à leur bon plaisir. Voicy ce que nous leur repartissons legalement.

    So that is what I have been able to learn from all the charters and
    instructions which our contestants bring forth to support them in
    their rights and claims; and, while we are being confined within
    the limits of old Canada, they are holding themselves at large with
    plenty of elbow room, giving us our share at their good pleasure.
    Now this is how we would answer them according to law:

1. En premier lieu, que par vne prouidence admirable de Dieu leurs
propres lettres Royaux sur lesquelles ils se fondent, les desdisent
de leur pretention: Parce qu'il est dit expressement dans [324 i.e.,
326] icelles auec exception specifique: _Nous leur donnons toutes les
terres iusques au 45. degré, lesquelles ne sont point actuellement
possedées par aucun Prince Chrestien._ Or est-il, que lors de la datte
de ces lettres, le Roy de France actuellement & reellement possedoit
pour le moins iusques au 39. degré desdictes terres. Tout le monde le
sçait par les voyages de Champlain: car il conste par iceux, que l'an
1607. le sieur de Mõts estoit à port Royal, & par ses gens, & authorité
gouuernoit tout iusques au 39. degré, comme Lieutenant de sa Majesté
tres-Chrestienne.

    1. In the first place, as by an admirable providence of God, their
    own Royal patents, upon which they found their claims, contradict
    them in their pretensions. Because it is said expressly in these,
    [324 i.e., 326] with specific exception: _We give them all the
    lands up to the 45th degree, which do not actually belong to any
    Christian Prince._ Now it happens that at the time of the date of
    these letters, the King of France actually and really possessed the
    said lands at least up to the 39th degree. Every one knows this
    through the voyages of Champlain, for he relates in these that, in
    the year 1607, sieur de Monts was at port Royal, and, through his
    people and authority, ruled all the country to the 39th degree as
    Lieutenant of his most Christian Majesty.

2. En apres, si les Anglois veul[~e]t dire, qu'ils n'ont pas commencé
de posseder leur Virginie dés l'an seulement 1607, ains dés l'an 1594.
qu'ils la trouuerent (comme nous auons dit:) Nous respondõs, que la
riuiere, laquelle ils commencerent [325 i.e., 327] lors à posseder est
au 36. degré, & que ceste leur allegation à l'auenture pourroit valoir,
s'il n'estoit question, que de retenir ceste dicte riuiere, & sept ou
huict lieües de l'vn, & l'autre costé d'icelle: car autant loin se peut
porter nostre veuë pour l'ordinaire; mais que subitement vn vaisseau
pour entrer dans vn fleuue enjambe par dominatiõ trente fois plus
loin, qu'il ne peut estendre sa veuë; c'est vouloir auoir les bras, ou
plustost la conuoitise bien monstrueuse, mais posons que cela se puisse
faire.

    2. Again, if the English wish to say that they did not begin to
    take possession of their Virginia from the year 1607 only, but from
    the year 1594, when they discovered it (as we have said), we answer
    that the river, which they began [325 i.e., 327] then to possess
    [the James river], is in latitude 36 degrees, and that this their
    claim might perchance be of some value, if it were only a question
    of retaining this said river, and seven or eight leagues on either
    side of it, for our eyes can generally reach as far as that; but
    that a ship, merely because it had entered a river, should claim
    dominion thirty times farther than the eye can reach--this is
    wishing to have arms, or rather greediness, indeed monstrous. But
    let us suppose it could be done.

Il s'ensuiura donc, que Ribaud & Laudoniere estans allez à la Floride
en tres-bel arroy, par authorité du Roy Charles IX. l'an 1564. 1565. &
1566. pour cultiuer le païs; & y ayant edifié la Caroline au 30. degré
d'eleuation: ils prindrent possession iusques au 38. & [326 i.e., 328]
39. degré, & par ainsi voila les Anglois hors de leur Virginie, suiuãt
leurs propres maximes.

    It will follow, then, that Ribaud and Laudoniere,[12]--having
    gone to Florida in fine array by the authority of King Charles
    IX., in the years 1564, 1565, and 1566, to cultivate the land,
    and there having extended Carolina to the 30th parallel of north
    latitude,--took possession as far as the 38th and [326 i.e., 328]
    39th parallels; and so behold the English out of their Virginia
    according to their own maxims.

3. Quoy que, si pour estre en vn lieu, lon possede aussi tost (selon la
presupposition des Anglois) huict ou neuf degrez plus auant; Pourquoy
est-ce, qu'eux estants au 36. auanceront plustost iusques au 45. que
nous (comme ils confessent) estans ja au 46. ne descendrons iusques
au 37. Quel droict y ont-ils plus que nous? Voila donc ce que nous
respondons aux Anglois.

    3. Yet if being in a place gives possession (as the English
    presuppose) of eight or nine degrees farther on, why is it that
    they, being at the 36th, can advance to the 45th, better than we
    (as they acknowledge) being at the 46th, can go down to the 37th?
    What greater rights have they than we? So thus we answer the
    English.

4. Mais pour mieux declarer le fonds de nostre iustice; il faut se
ressouuenir de ce que nous auons monstré cy-deuant; sçauoir est, que sa
majesté tres-Chrestienne a prins possession de ces terres, auant tout
autre Prince Chresti[~e], par droict d'inuention premiere. Car il est
asseuré, & confessé de [327 i.e., 329] tous, que les Bretons & Normãds
trouuerent premierement le grãd Banq, & les Terres Neusues, rangeants
la coste iusques au Cap de Sable, qui est au 43. degré, iusques où le
grand Banq s'estend. Ceste inuention fut faicte l'an 1504. il y ja cent
& dix ans.

    4. But to better declare the justice of our cause, what we have
    explained above most be recalled; namely, that his most Christian
    Majesty took possession of these lands before any other Christian
    Prince, by right of first discovery. For it is true, and is
    acknowledged by [327 i.e., 329] all, that the Bretons and Normans
    first discovered the great Bank, and Newfoundland, sailing along
    fine coast to Cape Sable, which is in the 43rd degree, up to where
    the great Bank extends. This discovery was made in the year 1504,
    one hundred and ten years ago.

5. D'auantage tous confessent, que par le commandement du grãd Roy
François Iean Verazan print possession de cesdictes terres au nom de la
France; commençant dés le 33. degré d'eleuation iusques au 47. Ce fut
par deux voyages desquels le dernier fut faict l'an 1523. il y a quatre
vingts & dix ans.

    5. Furthermore, all acknowledge that, by the command of the great
    King Francis, Jean Verazan took possession of these countries in
    the name of France, beginning at the 33rd degree of north latitude
    up to the 47th. This was done in two voyages, the last of which was
    made in the year 1523, ninety years ago.

6. Outre plus, Jacques Cartier entra premier dans la grande riuiere
par deux voyages, qu'il y fut, & descouurit les terres de Canada. Son
dernier voyage fut l'an 1534. Donc c'est merueille [328 i.e., 330] que
les Anglois nous accordent les terres de la descouuerture de Jacques
Cartier, nous voulants oster le 45. degré: car il est asseuré, que
ceste descouuerture est de beaucoup posterieure aux autres cy-deuant
dictes des parties plus meridionales. Et la grande riuiere est
tellement situee, que la possession de ses terres est presque inutile à
qui ne ti[~e]t du moins iusques au 40. degré. Qu'on regarde la charte.

    6. In addition to this, Jacques Cartier[13] first entered the great
    river in two voyages that he made, and discovered the lands of
    Canada. His last voyage was in the year 1534. Now it is a wonder
    [328 i.e., 330] that the English grant us the lands of Jacques
    Cartier's discovery, wishing as they do to deprive us of the 45th
    degree; for it is very certain that this discovery dates back much
    farther than the others heretofore cited of the more southern
    parts. And the great river is so situated that the possession of
    these lands is almost useless to any one who does not possess at
    least as far as the 40th degree. Look at the map.

7. Aussi est-ce merueille comme lesdicts Anglois disent nous accorder
les Terres Neufues, & cependant ils y sont allez habiter despuis quatre
ans, enuiron le 48. ou 49. degré.

    7. Also it is wonderful how these English say they have granted us
    Newfoundland, and nevertheless went there to live four years ago,
    near the 48th or 49th degree.[14]

8. Or est-ce le commun consentement de toute l'Europe, que de depeindre
la nouuelle France, l'estendant au moins iusques au 38. ou 39. degré,
ainsi qu'il appert [329 i.e., 331] par les mappemondes, imprimées en
Espagne, Italie, Holande, Allemagne, & Angleterre mesme. Ce sont aussi
les François, qui en ont faict description, ont imposé les noms, ont
appriuoisez les Sauuages, ont trocqué, & tousiours conuersé auec eux
dés la premiere inuention iusques à ce temps, & non point autres. Et
ce fut au quarante troisiesme degré, que le Marquis de la Roche s'alla
loger, dressant sa peuplade l'an 1598. Et despuis l'an 1603. le sieur
de Mõts receut en don toutes ces terres dés le 40. degré iusques au
46. de feu d'heureuse memoire Henry le Grand, lequel aussi declara par
lettres expresses, que rien de ce qu'on apportoit de là, ou qu'on y
emportoit ne deuoit traicte foraine, comme estant ce païs vne partie
iuste, & legitime accreüe à ce Royaume, & nullem[~e]t estrãgere.

    8. Now, by the common consent of all Europe, new France is
    represented as extending at least as far as the 38th or 39th
    degree, as it appears [329 i.e., 331] on the maps of the world
    printed in Spain, Italy, Holland, Germany, and England itself.[15]
    Also, it is the French, and not others, who have made a description
    of it, have given it its names, have tamed the Savages, have traded
    and always had communication with them from the first discovery up
    to the present time. And it was in the forty-third degree that the
    Marquis de la Roche went to settle, establishing his colony in the
    year 1598. And, since the year 1603, sieur de Monts received as a
    gift all the lands from the 40th degree to the 46th degree, from
    the late Henry the Great, of happy memory, who also declared by
    express letters, that nothing which was brought away from there,
    or taken there, was liable to foreign custom duty, as that country
    was a just part and legitimate outgrowth of this Kingdom, and in no
    wise a foreign one.

[330 i.e., 332] 9. Et certes, outre les raisons apportées, l'equité
naturelle fauorise à cette declaration; parce que ces terres là sont
paralleles à nostre France, & non point à l'Angleterre. Elles sont
dy-ie tout d'vne tenuë auecques nous: de maniere, qu'ayant esté
trouuées vaquãtes par nous au delà de nostre riuage; elles accroissent
à nostre heritage, ainsi que la loy des Alluuions en determine. _ff.
acq. rer. domin. l. 29. inter multos. & l. 30. Ergo._

    [330 i.e., 332] 9. And surely, in addition to the reasons here
    given, common justice favors this declaration; for those lands
    are parallel to our France, and not to England. They are, I say,
    contiguous with us, so that having been found unoccupied by us and
    beyond our shores they accrue to our inheritance, as the law of
    Alluvions determines. _ff. acq. rer. domin. l. 29. inter multos. &
    l. 30. Ergo._[16]

10. En effect, feu Monsieur le Comte de Soyssons fut pourueu du
gouvernement desdites contrées, & en a porté le tiltre de son viuant;
& auiourd'huy Monsieur le Prince met ceste là au rang de ses autres
prerogatiues, & principaux honneurs.

    10. Finally the late Comte de Soyssons was invested with the
    government of the said countries,[17] and bore the title to it in
    his lifetime; and to-day the Prince places this in the rank of his
    other prerogatives and principal honors.[18]




CHAPITRE XXXVIII. [i.e., xxxvii.]

[331 i.e., 333] RAISONS POUR LESQUELLES ON DEUROIT ENTREPRENDRE À BON
ESCIENT LE CULTIUAGE DE LA NOUUELLE FRANCE.


ICY deuant que finir, ie suis contrainct de cotter aucunes raisons
qui m'esmeuuent l'ame, quand ie considere comme nous delaissons ceste
pauure nouuelle Frãnce en frische, & quant au temporel, & quant au
spirituel, en barbarie, & paganisme. Ie sçay prou, que ie profite
bi[~e] plus de les alleguer aux oreilles de nostre Seigneur par
feruente priere; que de les marquer aux yeux des hommes par escriture
morte. Neantmoins tant plus ardamment ie m'escrie deuãt Dieu en les
pesant, tant plus ie me sens [332 i.e., 334] pressé à les specifier aux
hommes, les escriuant.

    CHAPTER XXXVIII. [i.e., xxxvii.]

    [331 i.e., 333] REASONS WHY THE CULTIVATION OF NEW FRANCE OUGHT TO
    BE UNDERTAKEN IN EARNEST.

    HERE, before finishing, I am obliged to set down some reasons which
    agitate my soul, when I consider how we are letting this poor new
    France lie fallow, both as to the temporal and the spiritual, in
    savagery and paganism. I know well that I may accomplish much
    more by advancing these reasons to the ear of our Lord in earnest
    prayer, than by presenting them to the eyes of men in cold letters.
    Nevertheless, the more ardently I cry to God in considering them,
    so much the more I feel myself [332 i.e., 334] urged to specify
    them to men in writing.

Et premierement, si lon considere le temporel, c'est vne autre France
en influence, & condition du ciel, & des elements: en estenduë de pays
dix ou douze fois plus grande, si nous voulons: en qualité, aussi
bonne, si elle est cultiuée, du moins, il n'y a point d'apparence
qu'elle doiue estre pire; en situation; à l'autre bord de nostre
riuage, pour nous donner la science, & la seigneurie de la mer, &
nauigage; ie dy mille biens, & vtilitez. En vn mot, quãd ie dy vne
autre France, & vne autre Espagne à cultiuer.

    And first, if the temporal is considered, this country is another
    France in the influences and conditions of the heavens and of the
    elements; in extent of country, ten or twelve times larger, if
    you wish; in quality, as good if it be cultivated, at least there
    is no reason why it should be worse; in situation, upon the shore
    opposite to ours, to give us the knowledge and mastery of the
    sea, and of navigation; I say there are a thousand blessings and
    advantages. In a word, as it were, another France and another Spain
    to be cultivated.

2. En apres, les tentatiues, que nous auons ja faict tant de fois
dés cent, & dix ans, nous obligent à constance; si nous ne voulons
auec la mocquerie des estrangers perdre encores le fruict de [333
i.e., 335] tant de temps consumé, & des pertes de tant & d'hommes, &
de biens, qu'il a conuenu faire pour acquerir la cognoissance de ces
terres, Costes, Golfes, & diuers endroits, laquelle (Dieu mercy) nous
auons acquis auec la bienvueillance, & familiarité du peuple. Peuple
debonnaire, qui nous tend les mains auec vn desir incroyable, & vne
douleur bien grande de nous y voir mastinés; non pour autre raison,
sinon que les entreprinses, qui ont esté faictes iusques à maintenant,
ayant esté quasi soustenuës par des particuliers; il n'est pas de
merueille s'ils ont succombé au faix, & aux frais, qu'vne telle oeuure
requiert.

    2. Next, the attempts which we have already made so many times for
    a hundred and ten years, oblige us to continue, unless we wish,
    to the scorn of strangers, to yet lose the fruit of [333 i.e.,
    335] so much time consumed, and to suffer the loss both of so
    many men and so much wealth, as has been necessary in acquiring
    a knowledge of these lands, Coasts, Gulfs and different places,
    which (thank God) we have obtained, as well as the good will and
    intimacy of the people,--a gentle people, who extend to us their
    hands with an incredible longing, and with a profound grief to see
    us defeated,--for no other reason than that the enterprises which
    have been undertaken up to the present, having been almost entirely
    sustained by private individuals, have sunk--and it is not to be
    wondered at--under the burden and the expenses, which such a work
    requires.

3. Que si nous nous lassons, ou languissons, nous auons deuant les
yeux prou d'autres, qui nous ont monstré d'auoir courage. Et certes
en cas que nous n'y faisions [334 i.e., 336] nostre deuoir, il n'y a
point de raison d'empescher autruy. Considerons donc si cela nous est
fort aduantageux de perdre le profit, que rapportent de ces contrées
to[9] les ans plus de cinq c[~e]s de nos nauires, qui y vont, soit à la
pesche des baleines, soit à celle des moluës & autres poissons, soit à
la traicte, de la pelleterie des Castors, Elans, Martres, Loups marins,
Loutres, &c. Car il ne faut pas attendre d'y auoir part, si d'autres
saisissent le domaine, ainsi qu'a bien declaré ces annees la dispute
arriuée à Spitsbergen, & autrepart.

    3. If we give up or become indifferent, we have before our eyes
    many others, who have shown us that they have courage. And
    certainly, in case we did not do [334 i.e., 336] our duty, there is
    nothing to prevent others from doing theirs. Now let us consider
    whether it is very advantageous to lose the profit, which is
    brought from these countries every year by more than five hundred
    of our ships, which go there, either on whaling expeditions, or
    for cod and other fish, or for trade in furs of the Beaver, Elk,
    Marten, Seal, Otter, etc.[19] For we must not expect to have any
    share in this, if others seize the property, as has been very
    clearly shown during these years by the disputes which occurred at
    Spitsbergen and elsewhere.

4. Voila pour le temporel: mais pour le spirituel, auquel
l'indicible, grace de Dieu nous surhausse iusques au surnom & gloire
de tres-Chrestiens. Calculons & supputons les benefices qui nous
accompaignent & obligent [335 i.e., 337] incessamment en suite de
ce premier la vocation à l'Eglise Saincte & cognoissance de nostre
Sauueur Iesus-Christ; & lors nous pourrons sommer combien grande seroit
l'ingratitude, & combi[~e] horrible chastiment elle porteroit encroupe,
si nous ne taschions de faire priser ceste grace, la communiquant à nos
proches à la proportion de nos moyens, & redeuances. Tel chastiment a
esté sagement remarqué par le venerable Bede. Car quelque peu auant son
aage, les Escossois furent illustrés de diuine lumiere, à ce qu'ils se
recogneussent estre tombés en heresie par illusion, & mesgarde; là où
les Bretons, ou ceux de la Prouince de Galles, furent precipités en
l'abysme, & tenebres des faux-bourgs d'Enfer, les heresies, desquels
deux effects si contraires, & si opposés ce grand Sainct, [336 i.e.,
338] & cognoissant veritable des oeuures de la prouidence, & Iustice
Eternelle; en rapporte les causes à deux dispositions diuerses de l'vn,
& l'autre peuple. Parce, dit-il, que les Escossois auoyent aumosné aux
Anglois auparauant par grande charité, & deuotion ce qu'ils auoyent
reçeu de la verité Euangelique; & partant Dieu leur volut faire
misericorde à mesure comble, & entassee, leur ouurant les yeux, pour
y se voir deceus, & trompés. Là où les Bretons, soit par negligence,
soit par autre intemperie d'ame, ne s'estoient guieres souciez de voir
lesdicts Anglois perir miserablement en leur infidelité; Et partant
meriterent cõme seruiteurs ingrats de perdre le talent de la foy
Catholique, lequel ils n'auoyent daigné mettre à profit, & d'autruy, &
d'eux mesmes. O que [337 i.e., 339] de choses nous aurions à penser, &
dire sur ce sujet.

    4. So much for the temporal; but as to the spiritual, in which the
    inexpressible grace of God raises us to the surname and glory of
    "most Christian," let us calculate and sum up the benefits which
    accompany and favor us [335 i.e., 337] continually after this first
    one, which is our calling to the Holy Church and knowledge of our
    Savior, Jesus Christ; and then we shall be able to estimate how
    great would be our ingratitude, and how horrible the chastisement
    it would bring with it, if we do not try to enhance the value of
    this grace by communicating it to our fellow-men in proportion to
    our means and opportunities. Such chastisement has been wisely
    commented upon by the venerable Bede. For, shortly before his age,
    the Scotch were illuminated by a divine light, so that they saw
    themselves fallen into heterodoxy by delusions and inadvertence;
    while the Bretons, or those people of the Province of Wales, were
    cast into the abyss and shadows of the outskirts of Hell, the
    heresies; of these two so contrary and opposite effects this great
    and Saintly Man, [336 i.e., 338] so truly acquainted with the works
    of providence and Eternal Justice, attributes the causes to the two
    different dispositions of the two nations. "For," says he, "the
    Scotch had previously given to the English, through great charity
    and devotion, what they had received of Evangelical truth; and
    therefore God wished to show them mercy in a full and overflowing
    measure, opening their eyes that they might see themselves deceived
    and mistaken. While the Bretons, either through negligence or other
    lack of spiritual moderation, were quite indifferent when they saw
    the English perishing miserably in their infidelity; therefore
    they deserved, as ungrateful servants, to lose the talent of the
    Catholic faith, which they had not deigned to profit by, either for
    others or for themselves." Oh, what [337 i.e., 339] food there is
    for reflection and discourse upon this subject!

Mais soit assez d'auoir au deuant de nos yeux que ces pauures peuples,
ces images de nostre Dieu comme nous, & capables de sa iouyssance,
ces consorts de nostre espece, & presque de mesme qualité auec nous,
sont sur le bord de l'horrible gouffre des feux infernaux, voire
plusieurs centaines d'iceux precipitez chaque iour dans les peines
eternelles, & abysmes de damnation, sans espoir de deliurance. O
Dieu! nous nous estonnons de ces iugements espouuentables; comme
il y a bien dequoy s'estonner; mais nous n'auons pas le sens pour
apperceuoir, ny l'entendem[~e]t pour recognoistre, que le sang de ceste
si cruelle exequution est dessus nos mains, qui ne nous euertuons pas
de l'empescher: dessus nos [338 i.e., 340] pieds, qui ne nous remuons
point pour y remedier; dessus nos maisons, qui les bastissons tant
superbement, sans nous soucier de l'eternelle demeure de nos freres;
dessus nos bourses, nos possessiõs, nos moyens, & nostre coeur qui
sommes si peu esmeus de tels spectacles & contribuons si peu, là où
le Fils de Dieu, nostre Sauueur, n'a point espargné sa vie. Plaise
luy nous faire misericorde, & receuoir de nous, & de toute creature
loüange, & benediction, à tous les siecles des siecles. Ainsi soit-il.

  FIN.

    But let it be enough to keep before our eyes the vision of these
    poor natives, these images of our God as we are, and as capable
    of enjoying him, these companions of our own species, and almost
    of the same quality as we, who are upon the edge of the horrible
    gulf of the fires of hell, many of them even precipitated every
    day into eternal torments, and profound depths of everlasting
    punishment, without hope of deliverance. O God! we are amazed
    at these frightful judgments, as there is much in them to cause
    our amazement; but we have not the sense to perceive, nor the
    understanding to appreciate, that the blood of this so cruel
    execution is upon our hands, who do not exert ourselves to prevent
    it; upon our [338 i.e., 340] feet, which do not move to remedy it;
    upon our houses, which we build so magnificently without caring
    for the eternal dwellings of our brothers; upon our purses, our
    possessions, our wealth, and our hearts, which are so little moved
    by such spectacles and contribute so little to that for which the
    Son of God, our Savior, did not spare even his life. May it please
    him to grant us mercy, and to receive from us and from all his
    creatures, praises and blessings forever and ever. Amen.

  END.




Table des Choses Plvs Remarqvables.


ABSENCE _du P. Biard occasiõne les François de ne s'exposer au danger
de se perdre._ _p._ 178.

_Acadie, pays des Souriquois, proche de Canada._ _p._ 4.

_Açores, Isles de la couronne d'Espaigne._ _p._ 281.

_Aguigueou, Asticou, Betsabes Capitaines Canadois offrent aux François
prins par l'Anglois, de les retirer & entretenir._ _p._ 35.

_Alain Yeon Pilote de S. Malo charitable enuers les François de S.
Sauueur._ _p._ 257.

_Ambassadeur de France en Angleterre, sollicite la liberté des Iesuites
de Canada captifs._ _p._ 296.

_Anglois auancent quatre vingts lieuës sur la nouuelle France._ _p._
228.

_Anglois desfaict par l'Armouchiquois, & pourquoy._ _p._ 179.

_Anglois habitués en la Virginie à deux cens cinquante lieuës des
François de S. Sauueur._ _p._ 227.

_Anglois conduicts à S. Sauueur par mesgarde des Canadins, qui les
croyoyent estre François._ _p._ 229.

_Anglois enuabissent le nauire des François de S. Sauueur, pillent
l'habitation, captiuent les François._ _p._ 235.

_Anglois desrobe finement aux François leurs lettres Royaux, pour les
priuer de iuste defense en leur captiuité._ _p._ 238.

_Anglois pouuant ietter en mer les Iesuites captifs, pour ne se perdre
à leur occasion, se contente de les cacher._ _p._ 286.

_Anglois contraints d'aborder aux Açores, sont garentis par la charité
des Iesuites leurs prisonniers._ _p._ 289.

_Anglois recognoissans du bon office receu des Iesuites._ _p._ 290.

_Anglois tenant captifs les Iesuites, soupçonné d'estre pirate par les
siens mesmes._ _pag._ 29.

_Anglois soupçonné d'estre pirate, se iustifie par le tesmoignage des
Iesuites ses prisonniers._ _p._ 293.

_Anglois apprehendent d'aborder aux terres de l'Espagnol, auec des
Iesuites captifs._ _p._ 285.

_Anglois n'ont que pretendre en la nouuelle France._ _p._ 320.

_Anguilles se peschent en my-Septembre._ _p._ 47.

_Arbres fruictiers fort rares en Canada._ _p._ 31.

_Arbres forestiers de Canada._ _p._ 32.

_Arcs & pauois sur la tombe des hommes._ _p._ 92.

_Ardoise en Canada._ _p._ 32.

_Argal Capitaine Anglois se saisit secrettement des commissions des
François de S. Sauueur._ _p._ 238.

_Argal Capitaine Anglois veut renuoyer en France tous les François dans
vne chaloupe, auec euident danger de leur perte._ _p._ 251.

_Argal Capitaine Anglois s'oppose fort au Mareschal de la Virginie, à
ce que ses prisonniers les François ne soyent pendus._ _p._ 262.

_Argal Capitaine Anglois equitable._ _p._ 270.

_Armes des Canadois, l'arc & la targue._ _p._ 55.

_Armoiries de Madame de Guerche-ville posées au Cap de la Heue, en
signe de possession._ _p._ 216.

_Armouchiquois baillent grand soupçon aux François de les vouloir
piller sous pretexte de trocque._ _p._ 178.

_Armouchiquois assés disposés au Christianisme._ _p._ 180.

_Assis. Estre assis, signe de reuerence entre les Canadois._ _p._ 91.

_Association de la Marquise de Guercheville auec le sieur de
Potrincourt au faict de Canada._ _p._ 188.

_Asticou Sagamo en la coste d'Acadie._ _p._ 222.

_Aumars, ou Cancres de mer, furent peschés par les François de S.
Sauueur en leur grande disette._ _p._ 253.

_Auoir chien & sac, en Canada, est iouyr du droict de proprieté._ _p._
51.

Autmoins _sont les Prestres des Canadois._ _p._ 54.

Autmoins, _Medecins & Sorciers engeollent les simples Canadois._ _p._
79.

Autmoins _se font donner force presents pour la cure des malades._ _p._
87.

Autmoins _inuocans Dieu par le nom du Soleil, en cas de necessité._
_p._ 96.

    Index of the Most Important Subjects.

    _ABSENCE of Father Biard causes the French not to expose themselves
    to danger of ruin._ _p._ 178

    _Acadia, country of the Souriquois, near Canada._ _p._ 4

    _Açores, Islands of the Spanish crown._ _p._ 281

    _Aguigueou, Asticou, Betsabes, Canadian Captains, offer to the
    French, captured by the English, to take them away and maintain
    them._ _p._ 35

    _Alain Yeon, Pilot of St. Malo, charitable towards the French of
    St. Sauveur._ _p._ 257

    _Ambassador of France in England, solicits the liberation of the
    captive Jesuits of Canada._ _p._ 296

    _Advancement of the English eighty leagues into new France._ _p._
    228

    _English defeated by the Armouchiquois, and why._ _p._ 179

    _English settled in Virginia, two hundred leagues from the French
    of St. Sauveur._ _p._ 227

    _English guided to St. Sauveur through a misunderstanding of the
    Canadians, who supposed them to be French._ _p._ 229

    _English invade the ship of the French of St. Sauveur, plunder the
    settlement, and capture the French._ _p._ 235

    _English cunningly rob the French of their Royal patents, to
    prevent their making an honest defense in their captivity._ _p._ 238

    _English, having power to throw the captive Jesuits into the sea,
    not to ruin themselves on their account, content themselves with
    hiding them._ _p._ 286

    _English, compelled to land at the Açores, are rendered safe
    through the charity of the Jesuits, their captives._ _p._ 289

    _English acknowledge this kind service of the Jesuits._ _p._ 290

    _English, holding the Jesuits captive, themselves suspected of
    being pirates by their own countrymen._ _pag._ 29

    _English, suspected of being pirates, are acquitted on the evidence
    of the Jesuits, their prisoners._ _p._ 293

    _English are afraid to land upon Spanish territory, with their
    Jesuit prisoners._ _p._ 285

    _English merely pretenders to new France._ _p._ 320

    _Eel-fishing in the middle of September._ _p._ 47

    _Fruit trees very rare in Canada._ _p._ 31

    _Forest trees of Canada._ _p._ 32

    _Bows and shields upon the men's graves._ _p._ 92

    _Slate in Canada._ _p._ 32

    _Argal, an English Captain, secretly seizes the commissions of the
    French of St. Sauveur._ _p._ 238

    _Argal, an English Captain, wishes to send all the French to France
    in a small boat, with evident danger of their being lost._ _p._ 251

    _Argal, an English Captain, strongly opposes the Marshal of
    Virginia, so that his French prisoners should not be hanged._ _p._
    262

    _Argal, an English Captain, a just man._ _p._ 270

    _Arms of the Canadians, the bow and the shield._ _p._ 55

    _Armorial Bearings of Madame de Guerche-ville placed at Cap de la
    Heve, as a sign of possession._ _p._ 216

    _Armouchiquois strongly suspected by the French of intending to
    plunder them, under pretext of trade._ _p._ 178

    _Armouchiquois disposed favorably to Christianity._ _p._ 180

    _Seated. To be seated, a sign of reverence among the Canadians._
    _p._ 91

    _Association of the Marquise de Guercheville with sieur de
    Potrincourt in Canadian affairs._ _p._ 188

    _Asticou, a Sagamore on the coast of Acadia._ _p._ 222

    _Lobsters, or sea Crabs, were caught by the French of St. Sauveur
    in their great poverty._ _p._ 253

    _To have a dog and a bag, in Canada, is to enjoy the rights of
    property._ _p._ 51

    Autmoins _are the Priests of the Canadians._ _p._ 54

    Autmoins, _Medicine men and Sorcerers dupe the simple Canadians._
    _p._ 79

    Autmoins _require many presents for the cure of the sick._ _p._ 87

    Autmoins _invoke God by the name of the Sun, when they are in
    need._ _p._ 96


                                 _B._

_Baie de Chinictou en Canada, estendue en belles prairies._ _p._ 27.

_Baie Françoise entre Port Royal, & la riuiere S. Jean._ _p._ 165.

_Baie des mines à vingt & deux lieuës de Port Royal._ _p._ 203.

_Baye de Genes, ainsi appellée par Chãplain._ _p._ 204.

_Baye des mines large de huict lieuës._ _p._ 205.

_Baptesme trop facilement conferé au Mexique, auec notable dommage des
baptisés._ _p._ 106.

_Baptesme conferé aux Canadois non instruits au deuoir de
Christianisme, & le mal qui en reussit._ _p._ 111.

_Baptesme des personnes aagées, non bien instruites, differé auec
grande consideration._ _p._ 115.

_Baptesme desiré des Canadins auãt la mort._ _p._ 310.

_Baptesme guerit vn enfant Canadin malade à la mort._ _p._ 318.

_Baptisés en Canada sans precedente instruction, ne sçauoyent rien du
Chrestien, non pas mesmes leur nom de Baptesme._ _p._ 109.

_Basques ont alienés les Excomminquois en Canada de nos François._ _p._
33.

_Biencourt & Robin en faueur des Caluinistes, consentent que les
Iesuites n'entrent dans leur nauire._ _p._ 134.

_Biencourt par le moyen des Iesuites fait voile en Canada, beaucoup
plustost qu'il ne pouuoit autrement._ _p._ 138.

_Biencourt soupçonne que Madame de Guerche-ville le veut despoüiller
des droicts de Canada._ _p._ 197.

_Bretons ont descouuert la France nouuelle._ _p._ 2.

_Bretons souuent malades en Canada._ _p._ 15.

_Cabanes d'Hyuer des Canadois, d'un clos rond de perches fermées en
poincte par le haut, couuertes de peaux, nattes, ou escorces._ _p._ 40.
41.

_Cabanes des Canadois toujours en bel aspect, & prés des bonnes eaux._
_p._ 41.

_Cabanes d'Esté des Canadois, larges & longues, & couuertes de nattes,
ou escorces._ _p._ 42.

_Calais. Le Gouuerneur, & Doyen de Calais accueillent, & secourent
charitablement les Iesuites de Canada renuoyés d'Angleterre._ _p._ 299.

_Caluinistes ne peuuent trouuer bon que les Iesuites passent en Canada,
ouy bi[~e] tous autres Ecclesiastiques._ _p._ 133.

_Canada n'est qu'vne partie de la France nouuelle, sçauoir est, la
coste du long de la grande riuiere Canadas._ _p._ 3. 4.

_Canada, Prouince de la France nouuelle premierement descouuerte par
Iaques Cartier l'an 1524._ _p._ 4.

_Canada parallele à la France, en mesme climat, & eleuation de Pole._
_p._ 9.

_Canada plus froide que nostre France, & pourquoy._ _p._ 10.

_Canada sujecte au Scurbot, ou maladie de la terre._ _p._ 14.

_Canada apporte maladie aux oiseux._ _p._ 16.

_Canada germe aussitost au Printemps que nostre France._ _p._ 18.

_Canada és endroits les plus froids rend les bleds meurs en son temps._
_p._ 19.

_Canada n'a point de hautes montagnes._ _p._ 20.

_Canada fort entrecoupée de riuieres, & bras de mer, en est renduë plus
froide._ _p._ 23.

_Canada à cause des continuelles forests est moins eschauffée du
Soleil, & pource plus froide que les campagnes ouuertes._ _p._ 24.

_Canada pour n'estre labourée est couuerte d'vne dure crouste, quasi
impenetrable au Soleil, & partant beaucoup plus froide._ _p._ 24.

_Canada produict la vigne sauuage en beaucoup d'endroits, qui meurit en
son temps._ _p._ 31.

_Canada és terres cogneües des François, n'a que dix mille habitans._
_p._ 73.

_Canada, horsmis Port Royal, donné à Madame de Guercheuille._ _p._ 190.

_Canada du Gouuernement du Prince de Soissons._ _p._ 330.

_Canada pourquoy doit estre cultiuée des François._ _p._ 331.

_Canadois fideles au François cõtre l'Anglois._ _p._ 34.

_Canadois charitables enuers les François captifs de l'Anglois._ _p._
35. 36.

_Canadois ont honne memoire des choses sensibles._ _p._ 36.

_Canadois comprennent, & iugent bien les choses sensibles._ _p._ 36.

_Canadoises ceintes dessus, & dessous le ventre._ _p._ 37.

_Canadois quasi tous sans barbe, horsmis les bien robustes._ _p._ 37.

_Canadois ne peuuent retenir la memoire d'vne suitte de paroles._ _p._
27.

_Canadois mocqueurs des personnes contrefaites._ _p._ 37.

_Canadois n'ont point le corps contrefaict, ny defectueux._ _p._ 37.

_Canadois vestus de peaux conroyées auec le poil, & bigarrées de
couleurs._ _p._ 39.

_Canadois paoureux, & grands vanteurs._ _p._ 55.

_Canadois forts, & addroicts à la lutte, & non à autre combat._ _p._ 55.

_Canadois liberaux & recognoissans._ _p._ 58.

_Canadois prattiquët la Polygamie plus pour le proufit, que pour
l'incontinence._ _p._ 62.

_Canadois maladifs depuis la hãtise des Frãçois, à cause de leurs excés
à manger viandes non accoustumées._ _p._ 69.

_Canadois ne se soucient du lendemain, viuãs du iour à la iournée._
_p._ 70.

_Canadois oincts d'huile de loup marin sentent mal._ _p._ 77.

_Canadois se font Chrestiens, seulement pour marque d'amitié auec les
François._ _p._ 109.

_Canadois se plaignent fort qu'on ne les ait aduerty des deuoirs du
Christianisme auãt leur baptesme, ausquels ils ne se fussent obligés,
s'ils les eussent cogneus._ _p._ 111.

_Canadins baptisés à la poursuitte du sieur de Potrincourt._ _p._ 126.

_Canadois ne peuu[~e]t exprimer par parole que les choses fort
sensibles, & materielles._ _p._ 151.

_Canadins sujects d'Asticou inuitent les Iesuites à prendre logis en
leur terre._ _p._ 222.

_Canadins caressent les Anglois, les croyans estre François, & par
ignorance les menent à S. Sauueur, où ils pillent & captiuent les
François._ _p._ 229.

_Canadin s'attriste fort, ayant recogneu que par mesgarde il auoit mis
les François de Sainct Sauueur entre les mains de l'Anglois._ _p._ 231.

_Canadins portent grande compassion aux François captifs de l'Anglois,
& leur offrent toute amitié._ _p._ 246.

_Canadins donnent largement de leur proye aux François de S. Sauueur
necessiteux._ _p._ 253.

_Canadins bien recogneus peuuent estre cy apres mieux aidés au salut de
leur ame._ _p._ 306.

_Canadins ayans grande confiance aux François, peuuent estre mieux
aidez par eux, que par autres en leur conuersion._ _p._ 307.

_Canadins grandement fideles aux François._ _p._ 308.

_Canadins ennemis de l'Anglois, & Holandois._ _p._ 309.

_Canadins affectionnez au Baptesme._ _p._ 310.

_Canadine malade à la mort, guerie par le Catechisme, & vne Croix
penduë au col._ _p._ 313.

_Canadois ne portent point de hauts de chausses._ _p._ 39.

_Canadois portent greues, & souliers de peaux d'eslan._ _p._ 39.

_Canadois plant[~e]t nouuelles cabanes à chaque changement de lieu, &
de residence._ _p._ 40.

_Canadois se cabanent en bel aspect, & prés des bonnes eaux._ _p._ 41.

_Canadois se couchent à l'entour du foyer, sur des peaux de loups
marins, la teste sur vn sac._ _p._ 41.

_Canadois à chacune des treize lunes annuelles ont nouuelle chasse, ou
pesche._ _p._ 42.

_Canadois ne viuent que de chasse, & de pesche._ _p._ 42.

_Canadois meurent de faim quand la chasse, & pesche ne reüssit._ _p._
43.

_Canadois sont fort incõmodés de pluye, & de nege, quand elle ne gele
pas._ _p._ 44.

_Canadois portent des raquettes au pied sur la nege molle, pour
chasser._ _p._ 44.

_Canadois riches en gibier d'eau, non de terre._ _p._ 46.

_Canadois en my-Septembre de la mer vont à la pesche des riuieres._
_p._ 47.

_Canadois ne possedent rien en proprieté auant leur mariage._ _p._ 51.

_Canadois ont des quereles sur le refus des droicts les vns enuers les
autres._ _p._ 52.

_Canadin guery par la Croix, & Catechisme._ _p._ 315.

_Canadins hurlent horriblement aupres de leurs malades mourans._ _p._
317.

_Campseau coste de mer loin de six vingts lieuës de Port Royal._ _p._
139.

_Cap de la Heue en la coste de l'Acadie._ _pag._ 216.

_Cap de sable._ _p._ 255.

_Cap Breton._ _p._ 263.

_Cap Forchu._ _p._ 255.

_Caribous, moitié asne, moitié cerf, bons à manger._ _p._ 43.

_Castors & Eslans ont leur seconde chasse en Octobre & Nouembre._ _p._
47.

_Castors se prennent en Feuier & Mars, pour la premiere chasse._ _p._
43.

_Catechisme exactement practiqué est tres-necessaire aux Canadins à
cause de leur façon de viure vagabonde._ _p._ 102. 103. 104.

_Catechisme & Croix penduë au col d'vne Canadine la guerit de maladie
mortelle._ _p._ 313.

_Catechisme guerit vn Canadin malade._ _p._ 215.

_Cauots, esquifs des Canadois, faicts, d'escorce de bouleau, fort
legers, capables de toute vne famille, & vtensiles necessaires._ _p._
48.

_Cauot fort commode pour la pesche, & voiture._ _p._ 48.

_Cauot faict quarante lieuës en vn iour._ _pag._ 49.

_Champlain fonde l'habitation de Kebec._ _p._ 121.

_Champlain descouure la coste de la riuiere S. Laurens._ _p._ 121.

_Champlain Lieutenant du sieur de Monts._ _p._ 121.

C_hamplain allant à Kebec passe à trauers des glaçons de mer enormément
gros & affreux._ _p._ 139.

C_harbon de terre en Canada._ _p._ 32.

C_hair boucanée, ou sechée à la fumée, mise en reserue._ _p._ 70.

C_harmes, Chesnes, Hestres, & Peupliers en Canada._ _p._ 32.

C_hasse & pesche sont tout le reuenu des Canadois._ _p._ 42.

C_hasse premiere des Castors en Feurier, & Mars._ _p._ 43.

C_hasse seconde des Castors, & Eslans en Octobre & Nouembre._ _p._ 47.

C_heuille plantée en terre par l'Autmoin faignant de chasser le
Diable._ _p._ 82. 83. 84.

C_hiens du malade mangés en Tabagie._ _pag._ 89.

C_hinictou est vne Baye en Canada fort belle en prairies._ _p._ 27.

C_hinictou pays de Canada fertile & aggreable._ _p._ 204.

Chiquebi _racine à guise de truffes, dont les Iesuites viuoyent en
temps de famine._ _p._ 213.

C_hirurgien Anglois Catholique, charitable enuers les François de S.
Sauueur blessez._ _p._ 241.

C_oquilles, & poissons de toute sorte foisonnent en la mer de Canada
durant cinq mois._ _p._ 45.

C_oste de la riuiere Sainct Iean en Canada, abondante en vigne sauuage,
& noyers._ _p._ 31.

C_oste de S. Sauueur fort aggreable._ _p._ 225.

C_roix penduë au col d'vn Canadin le guerit d'vne longue maladie._ _p._
315.

C_roix plantée au Cap de la Heue._ _p._ 216.

C_roix plantée au Port S. Sauueur._ _p._ 226.

C_oudriers sont frequents en Canada._ _p._ 31.

C_ounibas pays inhabitable à cause du froid._ _p._ 21.

    _B._

    _Bay of Chinictou in Canada, surrounded by beautiful meadows._ _p._
    27

    _French Bay, between Port Royal and the river St. John._ _p._ 165

    _Bay of mines, twenty-two leagues from Port Royal._ _p._ 203

    _Baye de Genes, thus called by Champlain._ _p._ 204

    _Bay of mines eight leagues wide._ _p._ 205

    _Baptism too easily administered in Mexico, with notable detriment
    to those baptised._ _p._ 106

    _Baptism administered to the Canadians not yet instructed in the
    duties of Christianity, and the evils which result therefrom._ _p._
    111

    _Baptism of aged persons, not well instructed, deferred with great
    consideration._ _p._ 115

    _Baptism desired by Canadians before dying._ _p._ 310

    _Baptism cures a Canadian child sick unto death._ _p._ 318

    _Those baptised in Canada without previous instruction, know
    nothing of Christianity, not even their Baptismal names._ _p._ 109

    _Basques have alienated the Excomminquois in Canada from our
    French._ _p._ 33

    _Biencourt and Robin, out of regard for the Calvinists, agree that
    the Jesuits must not enter their ship._ _p._ 134

    _Biencourt by means of the Jesuits sails for Canada, much sooner
    than he could have done without them._ _p._ 138

    _Biencourt suspects that Madame de Guerche-ville wishes to rob him
    of his rights in Canada._ _p._ 197

    _Bretons discovered new France._ _p._ 2

    _Bretons often sick in Canada._ _p._ 15

    _Winter Cabins of the Canadians; a circle of poles closed at the
    top and covered with skins, mats, or pieces of bark._ _p._ 40, 41

    _Cabins of the Canadians always in a beautiful location, and near
    good water._ _p._ 41

    _Summer Cabins of the Canadians long and wide, and covered with
    mats or bark._ _p._ 42

    _Calais. The Governor and Dean of Calais welcome and kindly assist
    the Jesuits of Canada sent back from England._ _p._ 299

    _Calvinists are not satisfied to have the Jesuits go to Canada, but
    are willing to take all other Ecclesiastics._ _p._ 133

    _Canada is only a part of new France, namely, the land along the
    great river Canadas._ _p._ 3, 4

    _Canada, a Province of new France, first discovered by Jaques
    Cartier, in the year 1524._ _p._ 4

    _Canada parallel to France, in the same climate and Polar
    elevation._ _p._ 9

    _Canada colder than our France, and why._ _p._ 10

    _Canada subject to Scurvy or land disease._ _p._ 14

    _Canada brings sickness to those who are idle._ _p._ 16

    _Canada shows vegetation as early in Spring as our France._ _p._ 18

    _Canada in the coldest places yields the wheat crop in its season._
    _p._ 19

    _Canada has no high mountains._ _p._ 20

    _Canada, very much intersected by rivers and arms of the sea, is
    thereby rendered colder._ _p._ 23

    _Canada, on account of the continuous forests, is less heated by
    the Sun, and therefore colder than the open countries._ _p._ 24

    _Canada, not being cultivated, is covered with a hard crust, almost
    impenetrable to the Sun, and therefore much colder._ _p._ 24

    _Canada produces the wild grape in many places, which ripens in its
    season._ _p._ 31

    _Canada, in the lands known to the French, has only ten thousand
    inhabitants._ _p._ 73

    _Canada, with the exception of Port Royal, given to Madame de
    Guercheville._ _p._ 190

    _Canada under Authority of the Prince de Soissons._ _p._ 330

    _Canada, why the French should cultivate it._ _p._ 331

    _Canadians faithful to French against English._ _p._ 34

    _Canadians kind to French made prisoners by English._ _p._ 35, 36

    _Canadians have a good memory for visible and material things._
    _p._ 36

    _Canadians comprehend and estimate well the things known through
    the senses._ _p._ 36

    _Canadian women wear belts above and below the stomach._ _p._ 37

    _Canadians nearly all beardless, except the more robust._ _p._ 37

    _Canadians have no memory for a consecutive arrangement of words._
    _p._ 27

    _Canadians scoffers at ill-shapen people._ _p._ 37

    _Canadians' bodies are not ill-shapen or defective._ _p._ 37

    _Canadians dressed in skins which have been curried and decorated
    in various colors._ _p._ 39

    _Canadians cowardly and great boasters._ _p._ 55

    _Canadians strong and skillful in wrestling, and not in any other
    kind of combat._ _p._ 55

    _Canadians generous and grateful._ _p._ 58

    _Canadians practice Polygamy more for profit than for
    incontinence._ _p._ 62

    _Canadians sickly since their intercourse with the French, on
    account of their excesses in eating food to which they are not
    accustomed._ _p._ 69

    _Canadians not anxious about to-morrow, only living from day to
    day._ _p._ 70

    _Canadians, when they rub themselves with seal oil, have a bad
    smell._ _p._ 77

    _Canadians embrace Christianity only as a sign of friendship with
    the French._ _p._ 109

    _Canadians complain greatly that they were not advised of the
    duties of Christianity before their baptism, to which they would
    not have bound themselves if they had known them._ _p._ 111

    _Canadians baptized through the instrumentality of sieur de
    Potrincourt._ _p._ 126

    _Canadians can express in words only the more visible and material
    things._ _p._ 151

    _Canadian subjects of Asticou invite the Jesuits to locate in their
    territory._ _p._ 222

    _Canadians embrace the English, believing them to be French, and
    through ignorance guide them to St. Sauveur, where they plunder and
    capture the French._ _p._ 229

    _Canadians very sorrowful when they recognized that through
    inadvertence they had delivered the French of Saint Sauveur into
    the hands of the English._ _p._ 231

    _Canadians show great sympathy for the French taken prisoners by
    the English, and offer them many favors._ _p._ 246

    _Canadians give generously of their game to the needy French of St.
    Sauveur._ _p._ 253

    _Canadians, well understood, can afterwards be better assisted in
    the salvation of their souls._ _p._ 306

    _Canadians, having great confidence in the French, can be better
    aided by them, than by others, in their conversion._ _p._ 307

    _Canadians very faithful to the French._ _p._ 308

    _Canadians enemies of the English and Dutch._ _p._ 309

    _Canadians fond of Baptism._ _p._ 310

    _Canadian woman sick unto death, cured by the Catechism and a Cross
    hung around her neck._ _p._ 313

    _Canadians do not wear trousers._ _p._ 39

    _Canadians wear leggings and shoes of elk skin._ _p._ 39

    _Canadians erect new houses at every change of place and
    residence._ _p._ 40

    _Canadians camp in pleasant localities and near good water._ _p._ 41

    _Canadians lie around the fire, upon seal skins, their heads upon
    bags._ _p._ 41

    _Canadians have new game or fish for every one of their thirteen
    moons._ _p._ 42

    _Canadians live only upon game and fish._ _p._ 42

    _Canadians die of starvation when hunting and fishing are not
    successful._ _p._ 43

    _Canadians are very greatly inconvenienced by the rain and snow
    when it does not freeze._ _p._ 44

    _Canadians wear snowshoes upon the feet when the snow is soft, for
    hunting._ _p._ 44

    _Canadians rich in marine, not in forest game._ _p._ 46

    _Canadians, in the middle of September, come from the sea to fish
    in the rivers._ _p._ 47

    _Canadians possess no property before marriage._ _p._ 51

    _Canadians quarrel when some refuse dues to others._ _p._ 52

    _Canadian cured by the Cross and Catechism._ _p._ 315

    _Canadians howl terribly around their dying friends._ _p._ 317

    _Campseau seacoast distant one hundred and twenty leagues from Port
    Royal._ _p._ 139

    _Cap de la Heve on the coast of Acadia._ _pag._ 216

    _Cape sable._ _p._ 255

    _Cape Breton._ _p._ 263

    _Cape Forchu._ _p._ 255

    _Caribou, half ass, half deer, good to eat._ _p._ 43

    _Chase, the second time for the Beaver and Elk in October and
    November._ _p._ 47

    _Capture of the beaver in the first hunt, in February and March._
    _p._ 43

    _Catechism exactly attended to is very necessary to the Canadians,
    on account of their wandering mode of life._ _p._ 102, 103, 104

    _Catechism and Cross, hung from the neck of a Canadian woman, cure
    her of a mortal illness._ _p._ 313

    _Catechism cures a sick Canadian._ _pag._ 215

    _Canoes, the skiffs of the Canadians, made of birch-bark, very
    light, capable of holding an entire family and their necessary
    utensils._ _p._ 48

    _Canoe very convenient for fishing and conveyance._ _p._ 48

    _Canoe makes forty leagues in one day._ _pag._ 49

    _Champlain establishes the settlement of Kebec._ _p._ 121

    _Champlain explores the shores of the river St. Lawrence._ _p._ 121

    _Champlain, Lieutenant of sieur de Monts._ _p._ 121

    _Champlain, going to Kebec, passes through enormous and frightful
    masses of ice._ _p._ 139

    _Coal in Canada._ _p._ 32

    _Smoked meat, or meat dried in smoke, stored away._ _p._ 70

    _Elm, Oak, Beech, and Poplar in Canada._ _p._ 32

    _Hunting and fishing are the only resources of the Canadians._ _p._
    42

    _First hunt for Beavers in February and March._ _p._ 43

    _Second hunt for Beavers and Elk in October and November._ _p._ 47

    _Stick planted in the ground by the Autmoin, feigning to chase away
    the Devil._ _p._ 82, 83, 84

    _Dogs of the sick man eaten in the Tabagie._ _pag._ 89

    _Chinictou is a Bay in Canada surrounded by beautiful meadows._
    _p._ 27

    _Chinictou a country of Canada fertile and pleasant._ _p._ 204

    Chiquebi, _a root something like truffles, upon which the Jesuits
    lived in time of famine._ _p._ 213

    _English Surgeon, a Catholic, charitable towards the wounded French
    of St. Sauveur._ _p._ 241

    _Shellfish, and fish of all kinds, swarm in the Canadian sea during
    five months._ _p._ 45

    _Banks of the river Saint John in Canada abounding in wild grapes
    and nuts._ _p._ 31

    _Coast of St. Sauveur very agreeable._ _p._ 225

    _Cross hung from the neck of a Canadian cures him of a long
    illness._ _p._ 315

    _Cross planted at Cap de la Heve._ _p._ 216

    _Cross planted at the Port of St. Sauveur._ _p._ 226

    _Hazel trees very abundant in Canada._ _p._ 31

    _Counibas country uninhabitable on account of the cold._ _p._ 21


                                  _D_

_Defunct enseuely auec son sac, ses peaux, fleches, & autres meubles
siens, & presents de ses amis._ _p._ 92.

_Diable familier à Membertou encore Payen._ _p._ 95.

_Diable trauaillant les Canadois auant la venuë des François._ _p._ 95.

_Dieu entre les Canadois est nommé du nom du Soleil._ _p._ 96.

_Dix mille personnes seulement en toutes les terres de Canada._ _p._ 73.

_Droict de proprieté en Canada se practique par la possession du chien,
& du sac._ _p._ 51.

_Dueil à la mort des parens & amis, est de se broüiller la face de
noir._ _p._ 90.

_Du Pont le ieune reconcilié au sieur de Potrincourt à la requeste du
P. Biard._ _pag._ 147.

_Du Pont le ieune reconcilié au sieur de Potrincourt se confesse,
& faict ses Pasques au bord de la mer, auec grande edification des
assistans._ _p._ 148.

_Du Pont perd son nauire, & le recouure à la requeste du P. Biard._
_p._ 148.

_Du Pont le ieune employé pour traduire le Catechisme en langue
Canadine._ _p._ 175.

_Du Pont le ieune retire en son nauire vne partie des François de S.
Sauueur._ _p._ 256.

    _D_

    _Dead men buried with their bags, skins, arrows, and other
    possessions, and presents from their friends._ _p._ 92

    _Devil familiar to Membertou while yet a Pagan._ _p._ 95

    _Devil tormenting the Canadians before the coming of the French._
    _p._ 95

    _God, among the Canadians, is known by the same name as the Sun._
    _p._ 96

    _Ten thousand people only in all the lands of Canada._ _p._ 73

    _Right of property in Canada evidenced by the possession of the dog
    and of the bag._ _p._ 51

    _Dead kindred or friends mourned by smearing the face with black._
    _p._ 90

    _Du Pont the younger reconciled to sieur de Potrincourt at the
    request of Father Biard._ _pag._ 147

    _Du Pont the younger, reconciled to sieur de Potrincourt,
    confesses, and receives the Easter Sacrament on the seashore, to
    the great edification of those present._ _p._ 148

    _Du Pont loses his ship and recovers it at the request of Father
    Biard._ _p._ 148

    _Du Pont the younger employed to translate the Catechism into the
    Canadian language._ _p._ 175

    _Du Pont the younger takes into his ship part of the French of St.
    Sauveur._ _p._ 256


                                  _E_

_Enfans en grand nombre sont la force des Sagamos Canadois._ _p._ 62.

_Enfant Canadin malade à la mort guery par le Baptesme._ _p._ 318.

_Eplan de Canada se prend en Mars._ _p._ 45.

_Eplan, petit poisson comme Sardine._ _p._ 213.

_Eslans, & Castors ont leur seconde chasse en Octobre, & Nouembre._
_p._ 47.

_Eslans se prennent pour la seconde chasse en Octobre & Nouembre._ _p._
47.

_Espoux Canadois donne à son beau-pere, & ne reçoit rien de luy._ _p._
61.

_Estuues frictions, sueurs vsitées en Canada pour la santé._ _p._ 77.

_Estourgeon se pesche en Auril._ _p._ 45.

_Eteminquois, Montaguets, Souriquois alliez aux François en Canada._
_p._ 34.

_Excomminquois ennemis des François en Canada, à l'occasion des
Basques._ _p._ 33.

    _E_

    _Large families the strength of Canadian Sagamores._ _p._ 62

    _Canadian child sick unto death cured by Baptism._ _p._ 318

    _Canadian smelts taken in March._ _p._ 45

    _Smelt, a little fish like a Sardine._ _p._ 213

    _Second chase for Elk and Beaver in October and November._ _p._ 47

    _Elk are captured in the second chase in October and November._
    _p._ 47

    _Canadian husband gives to his father-in-law, instead of receiving
    from him._ _p._ 61

    _Rubbing and vapor-baths used in Canada for the health._ _p._ 77

    _Sturgeon are caught in April._ _p._ 45

    _Eteminquois, Montaguets, Souriquois, allies of the French in
    Canada._ _p._ 34

    _Excomminquois, enemies of the French in Canada, on account of the
    Basques._ _p._ 33


                                   F

_Fæal l'vne des Isles des Açores._ _p._ 287.

F_emmes Canadoises portent le fais du mesnage, & sont de pire
condition, que chambrieres._ _p._ 62.

F_emmes Canadoises pudiques._ _p._ 66.

F_emmes Canadoises durement traictées de leurs maris._ _p._ 65.

F_emmes Canadoises peu fecondes à cause de leurs trauaux continuels._
_p._ 72.

F_leurs de lis rasées en Canada par l'Anglois._ _p._ 271.

F_oin de Canada haut de la longueur d'vn homme._ _p._ 26.

F_rançois de S. Sauueur accusés d'estre bannis & pirates, pour ne
pouuoir produire leur commission surprinse par l'Anglois._ _p._ 239.

_France nouuelle est propre des François priuatiuement aux Anglois._
_p._ 320.

F_rançois ont enseigné l'vsage du poison, & autres mal-heurs aux
Canadois._ _p._ 68.

F_rançois doiuent entreprendre la culture de Canada._ _p._ 331.

F_rançois en danger de se perdre parmy les Armouchiquois, par vn
soupçon fondé en apparence._ _p._ 178.

F_rançois pretendent iustement desboutter l'Anglois de la nouuelle
France._ _p._ 320.

F_rance nouuelle est vne forest perpetuelle._ _p._ 4.

F_rance nouuelle, partie Occidentale de l'Amerique._ _p._ 1.

F_rance nouuelle descouuerte l'an 1504. par les Bretons._ _p._ 2.

F_rançois Bretons ont les premiers descouuert la nouuelle France._ _p._
2.

_France nouuelle pourquoy doit estre cultiuée par les François._ _p._
331.

    F

    _Fæal, one of the Islands of the Açores._ _p._ 287

    _Canadian women bear the burdens of the household, and are in a
    worse condition than chambermaids._ _p._ 62

    _Canadian women modest._ _p._ 66

    _Canadian women badly treated by their husbands._ _p._ 65

    _Canadian women not fruitful on account of their continual
    hardships._ _p._ 72

    _Fleurs-de-lis erased in Canada by the English._ _p._ 271

    _Hay in Canada as high as a man._ _p._ 26

    _French of St. Sauveur accused of being outlaws and pirates,
    because they could not produce their commission, which had been
    seized by the English._ _p._ 239

    _New France is owned by the French exclusive of the English._ _p._
    320

    _French have taught the use of poison and other evils to the
    Canadians._ _p._ 68

    _French ought to undertake the cultivation of Canada._ _p._ 331

    _French in danger of ruin among the Armouchiquois, on account of a
    suspicion based upon appearances._ _p._ 178

    _French justly assume to overrule the claims of the English in new
    France._ _p._ 320

    _New France is an interminable forest._ _p._ 4

    _New France, Western part of America._ _p._ 1

    _New France discovered in the year 1504, by the Bretons._ _p._ 2

    _French Bretons the first discoverers of new France._ _p._ 2

    _New France, why it ought to be cultivated by the French._ _p._ 331


                                   G

_Glaçons etrangement gros, charriez cent lieux dans la mer par les
riuieres._ _p._ 139.

_Garçons, ou non encores mariez n'acquierent rien à eux-mesmes, ains à
leur Sagamo._ _p._ 51.

_Gilbert du Thet Iesuite tué par les Anglois à S. Sauueur._ _p._ 241.

_Greues, & souliers des Canadois._ _p._ 39.

_Guerres des Canadois se prattiquent par surprises._ _p._ 55.

    G

    _Masses of ice, wonderfully large, drifted a hundred leagues into
    the sea through the rivers._ _p._ 139

    _Boys, or those not yet married, can acquire nothing for
    themselves, but for their Sagamore._ _p._ 51

    _Gilbert du Thet, Jesuit, killed by the English at St. Sauveur._
    _p._ 241

    _Leggings and shoes of the Canadians._ _p._ 39

    _Wars of the Canadians are carried on by strategy._ _p._ 55


                                   H

_Habitans des terres de Canada dix mille en tout._ _p._ 73.

_Habitans de S. Malo fort charitables enuers les François reuenans de
Canada._ _p._ 258.

_Habits de peaux veluës des Canadois._ _p._ 39.

H_arenc se pesche en Auril._ _p._ 45.

H_auts de chausses ne sont en vsage en Canada._ _p._ 29.

H_enry IIII. se fasche que le sieur de Potrincourt ne se haste pour
Canada._ _p._ 125.

_Henry IIII. Roy de France, destine les Iesuites en Canada._ _p._ 123.

_Henry Membertou malade meurt à Port Royal, fort Chrestiennement._ _p._
162.

_Herbes potageres fort grandes, & bonnes en Canada._ _p._ 27.

_Huguenot de Dieppe remarque vne guerison merueilleuse d'vne Canadine._
_p._ 314.

_Huile de graisse de loup marin, sausse annuelle des Canadois._ _p._ 43.

    H

    _Inhabitants of the lands of Canada, ten thousand in all._ _p._ 73

    _Inhabitants of St. Malo very charitable towards the French
    returning from Canada._ _p._ 258

    _Clothes of the Canadians made of hairy skins._ _p._ 39

    _Herring fishing in April._ _p._ 45

    _Trousers are not used in Canada._ _p._ 29

    _Henry IIII. is angry because sieur de Potrincourt does not hasten
    to Canada._ _p._ 125

    _Henry IIII., King of France, appoints the Jesuits to Canada._ _p._
    123

    _Henry Membertou, being sick, dies at Port Royal in a very
    Christian Manner._ _p._ 162

    _Pot herbs very large and good in Canada._ _p._ 27

    _Huguenot of Dieppe notices the marvelous cure of a Canadian
    Woman._ _p._ 314

    _Seal oil the Canadian sauce the year round._ _p._ 43


                                   I

_Iaques Cartier descouure Canada en la France nouuelle l'an 1524. &
1534._ _p._ 4.

_Iean Denys de Honfleur, va en la France nouuelle l'an 1506._ _p._ 3.

_Iean Verazan prend possession de la France nouuelle au nom de François
I. Roy de France._ _p._ 3.

_Iesuites captifs en Angleterre visitez honorablement par les habitans
du lieu._ _p._ 296.

_Iesuites exhortent les Canadois baptisez auant leur venuë en Canada,
de reietter la Polygamie, & ce qu'on leur respond._ _p._ 111.

_Iesuites ne veulent baptiser les adultes qu'apres auoir esté deuëment
instruicts, dont ils sont calomniez à tord._ _p._ 110. 111. 112.

_Iesuites taschent à tourner en Canadois les principes de la Foy, mais
les mots ne se trouuent suffisans pour ce faire._ _p._ 112.

_Iesuites ne baptisent point les personnes aagées sans estre deuëment
catechisées, & à fort bonne raison._ _p._ 114.

_Iesuites destinez en Canada par le Roy Henry IIII._ _p._ 123.

_Iesuites exclus de l'entrée d'vn nauire, en faueur des Caluinistes._
_p._ 134.

_Iesuites desmarent pour Canada en Ianuier. 1611._ _p._ 138.

_Iesuites arriuez à Port Royal en Iuin 1611._ _p._ 149.

_Iesuites defendus de calomnie par le tesmoignage mesme des
Caluinistes._ _p._ 142.

_Iesuites s'estudient à la langue Canadine, mais les Canadins ne les y
seruent fidelement._ _p._ 151. 152.

_Iesuites sont empeschez de proufiter en la langue Canadine, par ceux
mesmes, qui les deuoyent aider._ _p._ 154.

_Iesuites ne veulent consentir que Membertou soit enterré auec ses
predecesseurs infideles._ _p._ 161.

_Iesuites bastissent de leurs mains vue chaloupe pour aller à la queste
des viures en temps de famine._ _p._ 210.

_Iesuites cueillent le_ Chiquebi _racine, & peschent l'Eplan, & le
Harenc en temps de famine._ _p._ 213.

_Iesuites & autres François de S. Sauueur sont menez à la Virginie._
_p._ 260.

_Iesuites garentissent l'Anglois qui les tenoit captifs, de la main de
l'Espagnol._ _p._ 289.

_Iesuites des Isles Açores sont portez en Galles Prouince
d'Angleterre._ _p._ 292.

_Iesuites mettent és mains du sieur de Biencourt en sa necessité toutes
leurs prouisions pour le soulager, & les siens._ _p._ 209.

_Iesuites sont retirez de Port Royal, & transportez prés de l'Isle de_
Pemetiq _pour dresser nouuelle habitation._ _p._ 219.

_Iesuites produits tesmoins en Angleterre, pour la iustification du
Capitaine qui les tient captifs, le deliurent de soupçon._ _p._ 293.

_Iesuites captifs defrayez en Galles par le Iuge du lieu fort
charitablement._ _p._ 295.

_Iesuites de Canada captifs en Angleterre, renuoyez libres à Calais._
_p._ 298.

_Ingrés, c'est à dire Anglois, hays des Canadois._ _p._ 35.

_Isle longue à dix lieües de Baye Francoise._ _p._ 254

    I

    _Jaques Cartier explores Canada in new France in the years 1524 and
    1534._ _p._ 4

    _Jean Denys, of Honfleur, goes to new France in the year 1506._
    _p._ 3

    _Jean Verazan takes possession of new France in the name of Francis
    I., King of France._ _p._ 3

    _Jesuit prisoners in England receive honorable visits from the
    inhabitants of the place._ _p._ 296

    _Jesuits exhort the Canadians, baptized before they came to Canada,
    to discard Polygamy, and what they answer thereto._ _p._ 111

    _Jesuits do not wish to baptize the adults until they have been
    properly instructed, for which they are unjustly slandered._ _p._
    110, 111, 112

    _Jesuits try to change into the Canadian tongue the principles of
    the Faith, but suitable words for this purpose cannot be found._
    _p._ 112

    _Jesuits do not baptize aged persons unless they are properly
    catechized, and with very good reason._ _p._ 114

    _Jesuits appointed to Canada by King Henry IIII._ _p._ 123

    _Jesuits excluded from entering a ship, out of regard for the
    Calvinists._ _p._ 134

    _Jesuits sail for Canada in January, 1611._ _p._ 138

    _Jesuits arrive at Port Royal in June, 1611._ _p._ 149

    _Jesuits acquitted of slander by the evidence of Calvinists
    themselves._ _p._ 142

    _Jesuits study the Canadian language, but the Canadians do not
    serve them faithfully._ _p._ 151, 152

    _Jesuits are prevented from making progress in the Canadian
    language by the very ones who ought to aid them._ _p._ 154

    _Jesuits do not wish to consent that Membertou be buried with his
    infidel ancestors._ _p._ 161

    _Jesuits build with their own hands a boat, to go in search of food
    in time of famine._ _p._ 210

    _Jesuits gather the_ Chiquebi _root, and fish for Smelts and
    Herring, in time of famine._ _p._ 213

    _Jesuits and other French of St. Sauveur are taken to Virginia._
    _p._ 260

    _Jesuits save the English, who hold them prisoners, from the hands
    of the Spaniards._ _p._ 289

    _Jesuits are carried from the Açores Islands to Wales, a Province
    of England._ _p._ 292

    _Jesuits place in the hands of sieur de Biencourt, in his need, all
    their provisions, to nourish him and his people._ _p._ 209

    _Jesuits are withdrawn from Port Royal, and taken to the Island of_
    Pemetiq, _to establish a new settlement._ _p._ 219

    _Jesuits, produced as witnesses in England, for the justification
    of the Captain who holds them prisoners, deliver him from
    suspicion._ _p._ 293

    _Jesuit prisoners' expenses in Wales very kindly paid by the Judge
    of the place._ _p._ 295

    _Jesuits of Canada, prisoners in England, liberated and sent to
    Calais._ _p._ 298

    _Ingrés, that is English, hated by the Canadians._ _p._ 35

    _Long Island, ten leagues from French Bay._ _p._ 254


                                   K

Kadesquit, _port d'Acadie destiné au nouueau logis des François._ _p._
221

Kebec _habitation fondée par Champlain._ _p._ 121

_Kinibequi, riuiere proche des Armouchiquois, à soixante & dix lieües
de port Royal._ _p._ 176

    K

    Kadesquit, _a port of Acadia, intended as a new residence for the
    French._ _p._ 221

    Kebec _settlement, founded by Champlain._ _p._ 121

    _Kinibequi, a river near the Armouchiquois, seventy leagues from
    port Royal._ _p._ 176


                                  _L_

_La Marquise de Guercheuille impetre en don Canada, horsmis port
Royal._ _p._ 190

_Langage Canadois fort manque à exprimer vne infinité de chose fort
ordinaires._ _p._ 151

_La Marquise entre en association pour le fait de port Royal auec le
sieur de Potrincourt._ _p._ 188

_La Motte, Lieutenant de la Saussaye._ _p._ 223

_Le sieur de Potrincourt va en Canada, & faict baptiser au plustost des
Sauuages._ _p._ 126

_La Motte Gentilhomme François, captif auec les Iesuites de Canada, mis
en liberte._ _p._ 301

_Langues differentes entre les peuples de Canada._ _p._ 54

_Lapins, & leuraux assez rares en Canada._ _p._ 46

_La Royne donne aux Iesuites cinq cens escus pour le voyage de Canada._
130

_Legumes croissent fort grands, & bons en Canada._ 27

_Le sieur de Potrincourt emprunte des prouisions de bouche des François
ses voisins, & leur fait recognoistre son fils pour Vice-admiral._ 146

_Le sieur de Potrincourt retourne de Canada en France vn mois apres
qu'il y estoit arriué pour enuitailler port Royal._ 149

_Louys Membertou Sagamo faict Tabagie à quinze François de sainct
Sauueur retournans en France._ 255

_Loups marins se prennent à foison en Ianuier._ 42

_Loup marin, poisson fraye sur terre és Isles de Canada._ 43

_Loutres ont leur chasse principale en Feurier, & Mars._ 43

_Lugubres hurlements à la mort des Canadois._ 90

_Lunes. Par Lunes les Canadois sont assortis de nouuelle chasse, ou
pesche._ 42

    _L_

    _The Marquise de Guercheville given the grant of Canada, with the
    exception of port Royal._ _p._ 190

    _Canadian Language very weak in expressing an infinite number of
    very ordinary things._ _p._ 151

    _The Marquise enters into partnership in the affairs of port Royal
    with sieur de Potrincourt._ _p._ 188

    _La Motte, Lieutenant of la Saussaye._ _p._ 223

    _Sieur de Potrincourt goes to Canada and has a number of the
    Savages baptized as quickly as possible._ _p._ 126

    _La Motte, a French Gentleman, prisoner with the Jesuits of Canada,
    set at liberty._ _p._ 301

    _Different languages among the tribes of Canada._ _p._ 54

    _Rabbits and hares rather scarce in Canada._ _p._ 46

    _The Queen gives to the Jesuits five hundred écus for the Canadian
    voyage._ 130

    _Vegetables grow very large and are good in Canada._ 27

    _Sieur de Potrincourt borrows some provisions from his French
    neighbors, and makes them recognize his son as Vice-admiral._ 146

    _Sieur de Potrincourt returns from Canada to France a month after
    he had come to reprovision port Royal._ 149

    _Louys Membertou, Sagamore, makes Tabagie for fifteen Frenchmen of
    saint Sauveur returning to France._ 255

    _Seals are caught in abundance in January._ 42

    _Seal, fish which breeds upon the Islands in Canada._ 43

    _Otters are hunted chiefly in February and March._ 43

    _Doleful howls at the death of Canadians._ 90

    _Moons. The Canadians arrange their hunting and fishing by Moons._
    42


                                  _M_

_Madame la Marquise de Guercheuille zelée en l'affaire de Canada._ 127

_Madame de Guercheuille defraye les Iesuites au chemin de Canada._ 130

_Madame de Guercheuille trouue l'expedient d'exclure les Caluinistes du
nauire où ils ne vouloyent admettre les Iesuites._ 135

_Madame de Guercheuille trouue le fonds d'vne rente perpetuelle en
Canada, pour y entretenir les Iesuites._ 137

_Madame de Sourdis fournit aux Iesuites le linge pour Canada._ 130

_Madame la Marquise de Vernueil fournit aux Iesuites les habits
d'Eglise, & autres vtensiles pour Canada._ 130

_Magasins des Canadois, sont quelques sacs de prouision pendus en vn
arbre._ 71

_Magiciens frequents en Canada._ 94

_Magistrats de la Virginie prennent resolution de ruiner toutes les
places des François en Canada, piller tous les nauires, & renuoyer les
personnes en France._ 264

_Malades cruellement traittez en Canada._

_Malade tardant à mourir estouffé à force d'eau froide qu'on luy verse
sur le ventre._ 85

_Malade ayant testé sans rien donner, reçoit des presents._ 89

_Mareschal de la Virginie veut faire pendre les François de sainct
Sauueur._ 261

_Mariages cõme se traitt[~e]t entre Canadois._ 61

_Matachias, chaines, & parures des femmes Canadoises._ 37

_Matachias, ioyaux, cueilliées sur la fosse des femmes._ 92

_Medecines ordinaires des Canadois, estuues & frictions._ 77

_Membertou, Sagamo, & Autmoin tout ensemble._ 54

_Membertou n'a iamais eu qu'vne femme à la fois, mesmes estant Payen,
iugeant la Polygamie infame & incommode._ 65

_Membertou, & son fils retirez des mains de l'Autmoin, qui les auoit
condamnez de maladie mortelle._ 87

_Membertou appellé le Capitaine, apres sa mort._ 93

_Membertou seul d'entre les Canadi[~e]s baptisez auoit fait profit du
baptesme._ 109

_Membertou premier baptisé des Sagamos._ 158

_Membertou logé & serui par les Iesuites dans leur cabane iusques à sa
mort._ 158

_Membertou demande d'estre enterré auec ses majeurs, les Iesuites luy
remonstrent que cela repugne au Christianisme: il persiste quelque
temps, puis en fin acquiesce._ 160. 162

_Membertou desire d'estre bien instruict, pour se rendre Predicateur de
l'Euangile._ 163

_Membertou conseille au P. Enemond malade d'escrire à Biencourt qu'on
ne l'a point tué, mais qu'il est mort de maladie._ 202

_Memoires de France effacées en Canada, par les Anglois._ 265. 271

_Merueille, Capitaine natif de S. Malo, estant prisonnier, fait tout
deuoir de bon Chrestien._ 173

_Meuano, Isle à l'emboucheure de la Baye Françoise._ 254

_Mine d'argent en la Baye saincte Marie, en Canada._

_Mine de fer à la riuiere S. Iean._ 32

M_ines de cuyure à port Royal, & à la Baye des mines._ 32

M_ocosa terre ferme, où est située la Virginie des Anglois._ 227

M_ois. Chaque mois de l'année les Canadois ont pesche, ou chasse
abondante, ou tous les deux._

M_ontaguets, Souriquois, Etechemins alliez aux François en Canada._ 34

_Monts deserts, Isle, appellée_ Pemetiq. 219

_Morts enterrez assis, les genoux contre le ventre, la teste sur les
genoux._ 91

_Moulues foisonnent en la coste de mer dés le commencement de May
iusques à la my-Septembre._ 45

    _M_

    _Madame la Marquise de Guercheville zealous in the affairs of
    Canada._ 127

    _Madame de Guercheville defrays the expenses of the Jesuits on
    their journey to Canada._ 130

    _Madame de Guercheville devises an expedient to exclude the
    Calvinists from the ship in which they did not wish to admit the
    Jesuits._ 135

    _Madame de Guercheville raises a fund for a continual income in
    Canada, to maintain the Jesuits there._ 137

    _Madame de Sourdis furnishes the Jesuits with the linen for
    Canada._ 130

    _Madame la Marquise de Vernueil furnishes the Jesuits with the
    Ecclesiastical robes and other utensils, for Canada._ 130

    _Magazines of the Canadians are bags of provisions hung to a tree._
    71

    _Magicians very common in Canada._ 94

    _Magistrates of Virginia decide to ruin all the places of the
    French in Canada, to plunder their ships, and to send the people
    back to France._ 264

    _Sick people cruelly treated in Canada._

    _Sick people who are slow to die, smothered by pouring a quantity
    of cold water upon their stomachs._ 85

    _Sick person having made his will without giving anything, himself
    receives gifts._ 89

    _Marshal of Virginia wishes to have the French of saint Sauveur
    hanged._ 261

    _Marriages, how arranged among Canadians._ 61

    _Matachias, chains, and adornments of Canadian women._ 37

    _Matachias, jewels, collected upon the graves of the women._ 92

    _Medicines in use among the Canadians, vapor-baths and rubbing._ 77

    _Membertou, both Sagamore and Autinoin._ 54

    _Membertou had only one wife at a time, even when a Pagan,
    considering Polygamy both wicked and inconvenient._ 65

    _Membertou and his son withdrawn from the hands of the Autmoin, who
    had pronounced their illnesses fatal._ 87

    _Membertou called "the Captain" after his death._ 93

    _Membertou, of all the Canadians who were baptized, profited by his
    baptism._ 109

    _Membertou the first Sagamore to be baptized._ 158

    _Membertou lodged and cared for by the Jesuits in their cabin up to
    the time of his death._ 158

    _Membertou asks to be buried with his fathers; the Jesuits urge
    that this would be contrary to Christianity; he insists for some
    time, then finally yields._ 160, 162

    _Membertou wishes to be well instructed, to make himself a Preacher
    of the Gospel._ 163

    _Membertou advises Father Enemond, who is sick, to write to
    Biencourt, that they did not kill him, but that he died of
    illness._ 202

    _Mementos of France effaced in Canada, by English._ 265, 271

    _Merveille, Captain, a native of St. Malo, being a prisoner,
    performs all the duties of a good Christian._ 173

    _Meuano, Island at the mouth of French Bay._ 254

    _Mine of silver at Baye sainte Marie, in Canada._

    _Mine of iron at the river St. John._ 32

    _Mines of copper at port Royal and Bay of mines._ 32

    _Mocosa, the mainland in which the Virginia of the English is
    situated._ 227

    _Months. Every month of the year in Canada has an abundance of fish
    or game, or both._

    _Montaguets, Souriquois, Etechemins, allies of the French in
    Canada._ 34

    _Mount desert, Island, called_ Pemetiq. 219

    _Dead people buried in a sitting posture, the knees against the
    stomach, the head upon the knees._ 91

    _Codfish abound near the seacoast from the beginning of May until
    the middle of September._ 45


                                  _N_

_Nattes de rozeau, fort menues, & bien tissues, deffendent les cabanes
de la pluye._ 42

_Nauire arriue à propos à ceux de port Royal en leur grande disette._
186

_Nauire captif des François de S. Sauueur commandé par Turnel Anglois
est porté par le vent aux Açores Isles de la coronne d'Espagne._ 281

_Nauire de la Saussaye arriue en Canada._ 216

_Nicolas Adams Iuge de Pembroch en Angleterre, charitable enuers les
Iesuites captifs._ 295

_Noyers frequents en la coste de la riuiere sainct Iean._ 31

_Noms changez aux trespassez apres qu'ils sont enterrez._ 9

_Nopces des Canadois auec solemnelle Tabagie, chants, & danses._ 62

_Norembegue, terre de Canada aussi bonne que nostre France._ 26

_Norembegue, & Acadie païs de la France nouuelle._ 4

_Normans sont allez en la France nouuelle, l'an_ 1500. _deux ans apres
les Bretons._ 3

_Nouuelle France separée de la Guienne de huict cens, ou mille lieües
par mer._

_Nouuelle France, partie occidentale de l'Amerique._ 1

    _N_

    _Mats of reeds, well woven, and very fine, protect the cabins from
    rain._ 42

    _Ship arrives very opportunely for those at port Royal in their
    great need._ 186

    _Ship captured from the French of St. Sauveur, commanded by Turnel,
    an Englishman, is carried by the wind to the Açores Islands of the
    crown of Spain._ 281

    _Ship of la Saussaye arrives in Canada._ 216

    _Nicolas Adams, Judge, of Pembroch in England, kind to the captive
    Jesuits._ 295

    _Nuts abundant upon the banks of the river saint John._ 31

    _Names of the dead changed after they are buried._ 9

    _Nuptials of the Canadians with solemn Tabagie, songs, and dances._
    62

    _Norembegua, country of Canada, as good as France._ 26

    _Norembegua and Acadia, countries of new France._ 4

    _Normans went to new France in the year_ 1500, _two years after the
    Bretons._ 3

    _New France separated from Guienne by eight hundred or one thousand
    leagues of the sea._

    _New France, the western part of America._ 1


                                  _O_

_Oeufs d'oyseaux de proye d'eau abondent en Canada._ 45

_Oyes blanches, & grises, passageres en Canada._ 46

_Oyseaux de proye de mer couurent les Isles de Canada de leurs oeufs._
45

_Oyseaux originaires, & passagers rares en Canada; ceux de proye sont
frequents._ 46

_Onction d'huyle de Loup marin vsitée en Canada contre le chaud, & le
froid._ 77

_Orignacs sont de saison en Feurier & Mars._ 43

_Ours bons à manger en Canada aux mois de Feurier & Mars._ 43

_Outardes, ou Canes sauuages se prennent en Auril._ 45

_Outardes passageres en Canada._ 46

    _O_

    _Eggs of marine birds of prey abundant in Canada._ 45

    _White and grey geese, birds of passage in Canada._ 46

    _Marine birds of prey cover the Islands of Canada with their eggs._
    45

    _Native birds and birds of passage rare in Canada; birds of prey
    common._ 46

    _Anointing with Seal oil used in Canada against heat and cold._ 77

    _The season for moose is in February and March._ 43

    _Bears good to eat in Canada in the months of February and March._
    43

    _Bustards, or wild Ducks, are taken in April._ 45

    _Bustards, birds of passage in Canada._ 46


                                  _P_

_Pembroch, ville principale de Galles en Angleterre._ 292

_Pentegoët riuiere, a vne Sagamie du long de son riuage._ 53

_Pencoït, Isles à vingtcinq lieües de sainct Sauueur._ 228

_Perdrix grises à grãd queüe en Canada._ 46

_Pere Enemond Massé se loge auec Membertou pour apprendre la langue
Canadine._ 200

P_ere Enemond Massé, luy quinziesme renuoyé par l'Anglois en France
dans vne chaloupe._ 252

P. _Biard tient auec soy vn Canadin, pour apprendre la langue sauuage._
201

_Pere Biard, & P. Enemond Massé destinez pour Canada._ 129

_Pere Biard ne veut enseigner aux Anglois le logis de saincte Croix,
dont il court peril de sa vie._ 264

_P. Biard court fortune d'estre ietté en terre deserte, ou en mer par
les soupçons de l'Anglois._ 268

_Pere Biard preuue efficacement au Capitaine Anglois, que les François
de S. Sauueur sont bien aduoüés du Roy de France._ _p._ 244.

_Pesche abondante depuis May, iusques à my-Septembre._ _p._ 45.

_Pesche successiue de diuers poissons dés la my-Mars iusques en
Octobre._ _p._ 44. 45. 46.

_Petun, & fumée d'iceluy practiquée par les Canadois, contre le mauuais
temps, la faim, & autres maux._ _p._ 78.

_Peuples de Canada trois en tout alliés des François._ _p._ 34.

_Pierre du Gas, sieur de Monts Lieutenant du Roy Henry IIII. en la
France nouuelle._ _p._ 5.

_Pilotois, Medecin sorcier._ _p._ 80.

_Pilote François Caluiniste offre toute amitié aux Iesuites captifs des
Anglois._ _p._ 245.

_Plastrier recognoist le sieur de Biencourt._ 157.

_Plaisant discours de Louys Membertou auec le P. Enemond Massé malade._
202.

_Ponamo poisson de Canada fraye sous la glace en Decembre._ _p._ 47.

_Port Royal & Saincte Croix, deux logis bastis par le sieur de Monts en
la France nouuelle._ _p._ 8.

_Port Royal a forme de Peninsule._ _p._ 24.

_Puritain procure tout le mal qu'il peut aux Iesuites._ _p._ 268.

_Port Royal mal enuitaillé sur l'Hyuer, pour grand nombre de
personnes._ _p._ 144.

_Port aux Coquilles à vingt & vne lieuës de Port Royal._ 155.

_Port au Mouton._ 255.

_Port Royal bruslé par l'Anglois._ 271.

_Port Royal à quelles conditions cedé au sieur de Potrincourt par le
sieur de Monts._ 122.

_Port Royal sans aucune def[~e]se perdu pour les Frãçois, & pillé &
bruslé par l'Anglois._ 266

_Port de S. Sauueur nouuellement appellé de ce nom, & destiné à
nouuelle habitatiõ de François._ 220.

_Port de S. Sauueur fort capable, & à l'abry du vent._ 225.

_Presage mauuais d'vn signe paroissant au ciel._ 167.

_Proprieté de Canadois est en la possession du chien, & du sac._ 51.

_Prouision pour Port Royal mal mesnagée à Dieppe, & dans le nauire._
194.

_Pyramides de perches sur les tombeaux des nobles de Canada._ 92.

    _P_

    _Pembroke, the principal city of Wales in England._ 292

    _Pentegoët river has a Sagamie along its banks._ 53

    _Pencoït, Islands twenty-five leagues from saint Sauveur._ 228

    _Gray partridges with large tails, in Canada._ 46

    _Father Enemond Massé goes to live with Membertou to learn the
    Canadian language._ 200

    _Father Enemond Massé, one of fifteen sent by the English to France
    in a shallop._ 252

    _Father Biard keeps with him a Canadian, to learn from him the
    language of the savages._ 201

    _Father Biard and Father Enemond Massé appointed to Canada._ 129

    _Father Biard refuses to disclose to the English the position of
    sainte Croix, for which he is in danger of losing his life._ 264

    _Father Biard runs the risk of being cast upon a desert land, or
    into the sea, through the suspicions of the English._ 268

    _Father Biard proves satisfactorily to the English Captain, that
    the French of St. Sauveur are under the protection of the King of
    France._ _p._ 244

    _Fish abundant from May to the middle of September._ _p._ 45

    _Continuous fishing for different kinds of fish from the middle of
    March until October._ _p._ 44, 45, 46

    _Tobacco used among the Canadians as a protection against bad
    weather, famine, and other evils._ _p._ 78

    _Tribes of Canada, only three are allies of the French._ _p._ 34

    _Pierre du Gas, sieur de Monts, Lieutenant of King Henry IIII. in
    new France._ _p._ 5

    _Pilotois, Medicine man and sorcerer._ _p._ 80

    _French Pilot, a Calvinist, shows great friendliness to the Jesuit
    prisoners of the English._ _p._ 245

    _Plastrier acknowledges sieur de Biencourt._ 157

    _Amusing talk of Louys Membertou with Father Enemond Massé, when he
    was ill._ 202

    _Ponamo, a fish of Canada, spawns under the ice in December._ _p._
    47

    _Port Royal and Sainte Croix, two stations established by sieur de
    Monts, in new France._ _p._ 8

    _Port Royal in the form of a Peninsula._ _p._ 24

    _Puritan makes all the trouble he can for the Jesuits._ _p._ 268

    _Port Royal badly provisioned for the Winter, on account of the
    great number of persons._ _p._ 144

    _Port aux Coquilles, twenty-one leagues from Port Royal._ 155

    _Port au Mouton._ 255

    _Port Royal burned by the English._ 271

    _Port Royal, on what conditions ceded to sieur de Potrincourt by
    sieur de Monts._ 122

    _Port Royal, defenseless, is lost to the French, and pillaged and
    burned by the English._ 266

    _Port of St. Sauveur newly called by this name, and intended as a
    new habitation for the French._ 220

    _Port of St. Sauveur very spacious, and protected from the wind._
    225

    _Presage of evil in a phenomenon appearing in the heavens._ 167

    _Property of the Canadians lies in the possession of a dog and a
    bag._ 51

    _Provisions for Port Royal badly managed at Dieppe and in the
    ship._ 194

    _Pyramids of poles upon the tombs of the grandees of Canada._ 92


                                  R.

_Racine_ Chiquebi _à guise de truffes._ 213.

_Raisons obligeãtes le François à cultiuer Canada._ 331.

_Religion des Canadois, pure sorcelerie._ 93.

_Riuieres & bras de mer fort frequens, rendent Canada beaucoup plus
froid._ 24.

_Robe sacrée, & pretieuse des Autmoins._ 96.

_Roland Sagamo, & autres donnent du pain aux François de S. Sauueur._
255.

    R.

    _Root_, Chiquebi, _resembles truffles._ 213

    _Reasons why the French ought to cultivate Canada._ 331

    _Religion of the Canadians, pure sorcery._ 93

    _Rivers, and many arms of the sea, make Canada much colder._ 24

    _Robe of the Autmoins, sacred and precious._ 96

    _Roland, a Sagamore, and others give bread to the French of St.
    Sauveur._ 255


                                  S.

_Sac, fleches, peaux, chiens, & autres meubles du defunct enseuelis
auec luy._ 92.

_Sagamie au riuage de Saincte Croix._ 53.

_Sagamie au bord de la riuiere S. Iean._ 53.

_Sagamochin, petit Sagamo._ 52.

_Sagamo, est le chef, & Capitaine de quelque puissante famille._ 51.

_Sagamos recogneus de leurs sujects en payant le droict de chasse, & de
pesche._ 51.

_Sagamies diuisées selon la portée des Bayes & Costes de riuieres._ 53.

_Sagamos tiennent les Estats en Esté._ 53.

_Sagamos & Autmoins seuls ont voix és assemblées publiques._ 53. 54.

_Sagamos Armouchiquois retirent bien à propos leurs gens du nauire
François, pour euiter querelle._ 179

_Sainct Iean, riuiere en Canada._ 31

_Sainct Iean, riuiere fort perilleuse en son emboucheure._ 165

_Sainct Laurens, riuiere charrie des glaces enormes bien auant en haute
mer._ 139

_Sainct Sauueur, habitation des François en Canada, en la terre de la
Norembegue._ 19

_Sainct Sauueur, port ainsi nommé de nouueau en la coste d'Acadie,
destiné à vne habitation nouuelle._ 229

_Sainct Sauueur, prins & pillé par les Anglois._ 237

_S. Sauueur bruslé par les Anglois._ 265

_Saincte Croix est au païs des Eteminquois._ 7

_Saincte Croix, Isle en la France nouuelle, premiere demeure du sieur
de Monts, Lieutenant pour le Roy._ 7

_Saincte Croix, Isle de riuiere à six lieües de port aux Coquilles._ 156

_Saussaye arriue en Canada pour dresser nouuelle habitation, & separer
les Iesuites de port Royal._ 215

_Saussaye Capitaine s'amuse trop à cultiuer la terre, & neglige le
bastiment, cause de de la perte de S. Sauueur._ 226.

_Saussaye Capitaine de S. Sauueur ne peut produire ses lettres de
Commission, luy ayans esté secrettement enleuées par l'Anglois._ 239.

_Saussaye Capitaine renuoyé en France par l'Anglois, auec quatorze
François._ 252.

_Schoudon Sagamo, nommé le Pere apres sa mort._ 93.

_Scurbot, ou maladie de la terre, coustumier en Canada._ 14.

_Sepulcres des Canadois voutés auec des bastons, & de la terre dessus._
92.

_Soissons. Le Prince de Soissons Gouuerneur de Canada._ 330.

_Souliers, & greues des Canadois._ 39.

Souriquois, Montaguets & Etechemins _alliés des François en Canada._ 34.

_Tabagie, banquet des Canadois._ 46.

_Tabagie des prouisions du malade ayant testé._ 89.

_Testament des Canadois auant la mort._ 88.

_Thomas Aubert, Normand va en la France nouuelle l'an 1508._ 2

_Thomas Deel, Mareschal d'Angleterre à la Virginie, homme fort aspre
enuers les François captifs._ 261. 300

_Thomas Robin associé du sieur de Potrincourt au negoce de Canada._ 127

_Tortues abondent en Decembre._ 47

_Trocque des peaux de Castors, Eslants, Martres, loups marins en Esté._
33

_Trois peuples alliés aux François en Canada._ 34

_Turnel, Capitaine Anglois tourne son amour en haine contre le P.
Biard, & pourquoy._ 276

_Turnel Lieutenant Anglois soupçonné de son Capitaine pour auoir
conferé auec le P. Biard._ 267

_Turnel Capitaine Anglois porté cõtre son gré aux terres d'Espagne, se
reconcilie aux Iesuites, pour y auoir leur faueur._ 282.

    S.

    _Sack, arrows, skins, dogs, and other property of the deceased
    buried with him._ 92

    _Sagamie on the banks of Sainte Croix._ 53

    _Sagamie on the banks of the river St. John._ 53

    _Sagamochin, little Sagamore._ 52

    _Sagamore is the chief and Captain and some powerful family._ 51

    _Sagamores acknowledged by their subjects by paying a tax of game
    and of fish._ 51

    _Sagamies divided according to the extent of the Bays and river
    Banks._ 53

    _Sagamores hold State Councils in Summer._ 53

    _Sagamores and Autmoins alone have a voice in the public
    assemblies._ 53, 54

    _Sagamores of the Armouchiquois very opportunely withdraw their
    people from the French ship to avoid a quarrel._ 179

    _Saint John, a river of Canada._ 31

    _Saint John, a river which is very dangerous at its mouth._ 165

    _Saint Lawrence, a river whose drift ice extends far out into the
    open sea._ 139

    _Saint Sauveur, a settlement of the French in Canada, in the land
    of Norembegua._ 19

    _Saint Sauveur, a port so named recently, on the coast of Acadia,
    intended for a new settlement._ 229.

    _Saint Sauveur, taken and pillaged by the English._ 237

    _St. Sauveur burned by the English._ 265

    _Sainte Croix is in the country of the Eteminquois._ 7

    _Sainte Croix, an Island in new France, first residence of sieur de
    Monts, Lieutenant for the King._ 7

    _Sainte Croix, an Island of the river, six leagues from port aux
    Coquilles._ 156

    _Saussaye arrives in Canada to establish a new settlement, and take
    the Jesuits from port Royal._ 215

    _Saussaye, Captain, in amusing himself too much with the
    cultivation of the land, neglects the construction of buildings,
    and causes the loss of St. Sauveur._ 226

    _Saussaye, Captain of St. Sauveur, cannot produce the letters
    containing his Commission, these having been secretly appropriated
    by the English._ 239

    _Saussaye, Captain, sent back to France by the English with
    fourteen Frenchmen._ 252

    _Schoudon, Sagamore, called "the Father" after his death._ 93

    _Scurvy, or land disease, common in Canada._ 14

    _Sepulchres of the Canadians arched over with sticks, with earth on
    top._ 92

    _Soissons. The Prince de Soissons, Governor of Canada._ 330

    _Shoes and leggings of the Canadians._ 39

    Souriquois, Montaguets, and Etechemins, _allies of the French in
    Canada._ 34

    _Tabagie, a Canadian banquet._ 46

    _Tabagie from the provisions of a sick man who has made his will._
    89

    _Testament of the Canadians before death._ 88

    _Thomas Aubert, Norman, goes to new France in the year 1508._ 2

    _Thomas Deel, English Marshal in Virginia, a man very severe to the
    French captives._ 261, 300

    _Thomas Robin associated with sieur de Potrincourt in the affairs
    of Canada._ 127

    _Turtles abundant in December._ 47

    _Trade in the skins of Beavers, Elks, Martens, and seals, in
    Summer._ 33

    _Three tribes allied with the French in Canada._ 34

    _Turnel, English Captain, has his love for Father Biard changed
    into hate, and why._ 276

    _Turnel, English Lieutenant, suspected by his Captain for having
    conferred with Father Biard._ 267

    _Turnel, English Captain, carried against his will to the lands of
    Spain, becomes reconciled to the Jesuits, in order to have their
    favor._ 282


                                  V.

_Vessies d'orignac à garder l'huile du loup marin._ 43

_Vible Bullot reçoit en son nauire vne partie des François de S.
Sauueur._ 256

_Virginie. Fort des Anglois en la terre ferme de Mocosa à_ 250. _lieuës
de S. Sauueur._ 227

_Vigne sauuage en plusieurs endroits de Canada, qui meurit en sa
saison._ 31.


FIN.

    V.

    _Bladders of moose skin in which to keep the seal oil._ 43

    _Vible Bullot receives in his ship a part of the French of St.
    Sauveur._ 256

    _Virginia. A fort of the English on the mainland of Mocosa_, 250
    _leagues from St. Sauveur._ 227

    _Vine, wild, in many places in Canada, which ripens in its season._
    31


    END.




Privilege.

MICHEL COYSSARD, Vice-[pro]uincial de la Compagnie de IESVS, en la
Prouince de Lyon, permet, (suiuant le Priuilege dõné par les Roys
tres-Chrestiens à la mesme Compagnie) à LOVYS MVGVET de faire imprimer,
& vendre la Relation de la nouuelle France en Canada, & ce pour le
terme de quatre ans. Faict à Lyon, ce 23. Ianuier 1616.

M. COYSSARD.

    License.

    MICHEL COYSSARD, Vice-provincial of the Society of JESUS, in the
    Province of Lyons, permits, (according to the License granted by
    the most Christian Kings to the same Society) to LOUYS MUGUET to
    have printed, and to sell, the Relation of new France in Canada,
    and this for the term of four years. Done at Lyons, this 23rd of
    January, 1616.

    M. COYSSARD.




                                XV-XVII

                   THREE LETTERS BY CHARLES LALEMANT


    XV.--Au Sievr de Champlain; Kebec, Juillet 28, 1625

    XVI.--Au R. P. Prouincial des RR. Pères Recollects; Kebec, Juillet
    28, 1625

    XVII.--Epistola ad Præpositum Generalem; Nova Francia, Augustus 1,
    [1626]


SOURCE: Documents XV. and XVI., are reprinted from Sagard's _Histoire
du Canada_ (Paris, 1636), pp. 868-870. In Document XVII., we follow
Father Felix Martin's apograph (now in the Archives of St. Mary's
College, Montreal) of the original Latin MS. in the Archives of the
Gesù, Rome.




Lettre du R. P. Charles Lallemant Superievr des Missions en Canada au
Sievr de Champlain.


[868] M_ONSIEVR_,

_Nous voicy graces à Dieu dans le resort de vostre Lieutenance où nous
sommes heureusement arriuez, aprés auoir eu vne des belles trauerses_
[869] _qu'on aye encor experimenté. Monsieur le General aprés nous
auoir declaré qu'il luy estoit impossible de nous loger ou dans
l'habitation où dans le fort, & qu'il faudroit ou, repasser en France,
ou nous retirer chez les Peres Recollects, nous a contrainct d'accepter
ce dernier offre. Les Peres nous ont receus auec tant de charité qu'il
nous ont obligez pour vn iamais. Nostre Seigneur sera leur recompence.
Vn de nos Peres estoit allé à la traicte en intention de passer aux
Hurons ou aux Hiroquois, auec le Pere Recollect qui est venu de Frãce,
selon qu'ils aduiseroient auec le Pere Nicolas, qui se deuoit treuuer à
la traicte & conferer auec eux, mais il est arriué que le pauure Pere
Nicolas au dernier saut s'est noyé, ce qui a esté cause qu'ils sont
retournez, n'ayans ny cognoissance, ny langue, ny information: nous
attendons donc vostre venuë, pour resoudre ce qui sera à propos de
faire. Vous sçaurez tout ce que vous pourrez desirer de ce pays du P.
Ioseph, c'est pourquoy ie me contente de vous asseurer que ie suis,_

  _Monsieur, Vostre tres-affectionné seruiteur_,

  _Charles Lalemant._

  _De Kebec ce 28. Iuillet 1625._

    Letter from the Reverend Father Charles Lallemant,[20] Superior of
    the Missions in Canada, to Sieur de Champlain.

    [868] S_IR,_

    _Thanks to God, here we are in the district of your Lieutenancy,
    where we arrived after having one of the most successful voyages_
    [869] _ever yet experienced. Monsieur the General,[21] after
    having told us that was impossible to give us lodging either in
    the settlement or in the fort, and that we must either return to
    France, or withdraw to the Recollect Fathers'[22] obliged us to
    accept the latter offer. The Fathers received us with so much
    charity, that we feel forever under obligations to them. Our
    Lord will be their reward. One of our Fathers, together with the
    Recollect Father who came from France,[23] went to the trading
    station[24] with the intention of going to the Hurons or to the
    Hiroquois, as they should think best after consulting Father
    Nicolas, who was to be at this station to confer with them. But it
    happened that poor Father Nicolas was drowned in the last of the
    rapids,[25] for which reason they returned, as they knew no one
    there, and had no knowledge of the language or of the country. We
    are therefore awaiting your arrival, to determine what it will be
    well to do. You will hear all you wish to know of this country from
    Father Joseph,[26] therefore I am content to assure you that I am,_

    _Sir, Your very affectionate servant,_

    _Charles Lalemant._

    _Kebec, this 28th of July, 1625._




Lettre du R. P. Charles Lallemant Superievr des Missions en Canada au
R. P. Prouincial des RR. Pères Recollects.

  M_ON REUEREND PERE,

  Pax Christi._

_Ce seroit estre par trop mescognoissant de ne point escrire à vostre
Reuerence, pour la remercier, tant des lettres qui furent dernierement
escrites en nostre faueur aux Peres qui sont icy en_ [870] _la
nouuelle France, comme de la charité que nous auons receues desdits
Peres, qui nous ont obligez pour vn iamais, ie supplie nostre bon
Dieu qu'il soit la grande recompence & des vns & des autres, pour mon
particulier i'escris à nos Superieurs, que i'en ay vn tel ressentiment
que l'occasion ne se presentera point que ie ne le fasse paroistre,
& les supplie quoy que d'ailleurs bien affectionnez de tesmoigner à
tout vostre sainct Ordre le mesme ressentiment. Le P. Ioseph dira à
vostre Reuerence le suict de son voyage pour le bon succez duquel,
nous ne cesserons d'offrir & prieres & sacrifices à Dieu, il faut
ceste fois aduancer à bon escient les affaires de nostre Maistre, & ne
rien obmettre de ce qu'on pourra s'aduiser estre necessaire, i'en ay
escrit à tous ceux que i'ay creu y pouuoir contribuer que ie m'asseure
s'y emploieront si les affaires de France le permettent, ie ne doute
point que vostre Reuerence ne s'y porte auec affection, & ainsi_ virtus
vnita, _fera beaucoup d'effet, en attendant le succez ie me recommande
aux saincts Sacrifices de vostre Reuerence, de laquelle ie suis._

  De Kebec ce 28. Iuillet
  1625.

  Tres-humble seruiteur
  Charles Lalemant.

  A mon Reuerend Pere le P. Prouincial
  des RR. Peres Recollects.

    Letter from the Reverend Father Charles Lallemant, Superior of
    the Missions of Canada, to the Reverend Father Provincial of the
    Reverend Recollect Fathers.

    M_Y REVEREND FATHER:

    The peace of Christ be with you._

    _It would be altogether too ungrateful not to write to your
    Reverence to thank you, both for the letters which were recently
    written in our behalf to the Fathers who are here in [870] new
    France, and for the kindness which we have received from these
    Fathers, who have placed us under everlasting obligations to them.
    I pray our good Lord that he may be an ample recompense for both.
    As to me I write to our Superiors that I am so grateful for this
    that I shall lose no opportunity to show my appreciation of it;
    and I implore them, although they are already very much attached
    to your Fathers, to express the same gratitude to all your holy
    Order. Father Joseph will tell your Reverence the purpose of his
    voyage,[27] for the success of which we shall not cease to offer
    prayers and sacrifices to God. The affairs of our Master must be
    advanced in earnest this time, and nothing must be omitted which
    may be deemed necessary. I have written to all of those who, I
    thought, could contribute to this enterprise, and who, I believe,
    will occupy themselves with it, the affairs of France permitting. I
    do not doubt that your Reverence will take an interest in the work,
    and thus_ virtus unita _will achieve good results. In awaiting our
    success I commend myself to the holy Sacrifices of your Reverence,
    of whom I am,_

    Kebec, this 28th of July,
    1625.

    The very humble servant,
    Charles Lalemant.

    To my Reverend Father, the Father Provincial
    of the Reverend Recollect Fathers.




Epistola Patris Caroli Lalemant Superioris Missionis Canadensis ad
Reverendissimum Patrem Mutium Vitelleschi, Præpositum Generalem
Societatis Jesu, Romæ.

(_Transcripsit Pater Felix Martinus ex codice Latino qui in Archivis
Jesu, Romæ, conservatur_).

  ADMODUM REVERENDE IN CHRISTO PATER.

  Pax Christi.

Non miretur Paternitas vestra si nullas a postremis, hoc est ab anno
litteras habuerit a nobis, adeo enim remoti sumus a littore maris,
ut semel duntaxat singulis annis visitemur a Gallis et quidem ab iis
tantum quibus libera est ad nos navigatio, nam cæteris est interdicta;
quo fit ut si casu aliquo perirent naves illæ onerariæ vel certe
a prædonibus caperentur, ab una Dei providentia expectanda essent
alimenta quibus vitam sustentare possemus; a barbaris enim hominibus
vix necessaria ad vitam habentibus nihil sperandum, sed qui hactenus
providit Gallis, hic jam tot annis commorantibus et nihil nisi lucrum
temporale quærentibus non deerit suis uni Dei gloriæ et animarum saluti
invigilantibus. Hoc igitur anno toti pene fuimus in perdiscendo barbaro
idiomate, uno aut altero mense excepto quibus terram coluimus unde
tenuem nobis victum comparare utcumque possemus. Pater Joannes Brebeuf
vir et pius et prudens et corpore robustus acerbum hyemis tempus cum
barbaris transegit, unde maximam peregrinæ linguæ cognitionem hausit;
nos interim ab interpretibus licet maxime alienis a communicando
barbaro hoc idiomate obtinuimus, præter spem et expectationem
omnium, quod sperare poteramus. Sed hæc sunt tantum gemini idiomatis
rudimenta, multo plura supersunt. Ad multiplicationem quippe nationum
multiplicantur idiomata; ac terram hanc longe lateque diffusam incolunt
quinquaginta ut minimum nationes, ingens sane campus in quo nostra
excurrat industria; messis multa operarii pauci qui tamen eo sunt
animo, per Dei gratiam, ut nullis terreantur difficultatibus, quamvis
fructus spes magna nondum affulgeat, adeo rudes sunt incolæ et proxime
at bestias accedentes. Certe hoc unum solatur nos quod Deus optimus,
maximus, in repetenda mercede, fructus non tam sit habiturus rationem
quam voluntatis nostræ et laboris impensi, modo grata sit ipsi hæc
nostra qualiscumque voluntas, non est quod male locatam operam nostram
existimemus: nullus ergo alius hoc anno fructus quam loci, personarum
et idiomatis duarum nationum cognitio, si barbarorum ratio habeatur,
nam Gallis nostris qui tres hic tantum supra quadraginta numerantur
præsto fuimus, quorum generales totius vitæ confessiones audivimus,
habita prius exhortatione de ejus confessionis necessitate, singulis
præterea mensibus geminam ad eos concionem habuimus; his majora dabit
sequens annus Deo bene juvante et totum hoc negotium ut hactenus fecit
promovente.

    Letter from Father Charles Lalemant, Superior of the Missions of
    Canada, to the Very Reverend Father Mutio Vitelleschi,[28] General
    of the Society of Jesus, at Rome.

    (_Transcribed by Father Felix Martin from the original Latin MS.,
    preserved in the Archives of the Gesù, Rome._)

    VERY REVEREND FATHER IN CHRIST:

    The peace of Christ be with you.

    Your Paternity need not be surprised to have received no letters
    from us during the year since our last; for we are so remote from
    the sea-coast that we are visited only once a year by French
    vessels, and then only by those to whom navigation hither is
    allowed, for to others it is interdicted; so that, if by any
    mischance those merchant ships should be wrecked, or be taken
    by pirates,[29] we could look to Divine providence alone for
    our daily bread. For from the savages, who have scarcely the
    necessaries of life for themselves, nothing is to be hoped; but
    he who has hitherto provided for the needs of the French, who
    have dwelt here so many years only with a view to temporal gain,
    will not abandon his faithful ones who seek only the glory of God
    and the salvation of souls. During the past year we have devoted
    ourselves almost entirely to learning the dialect of the savages,
    excepting a month or two spent in cultivating the soil, in order to
    obtain such slight means of subsistence as we could. Father Jean
    Brebeuf,[30] a pious and prudent man, and of a robust constitution,
    passed the sharp winter season among the savages, acquiring a
    very considerable knowledge of this strange tongue. We, meantime,
    learning from interpreters who were very unwilling to communicate
    their knowledge, made as much progress as we could hope, contrary
    to the expectation of all. But these are only the rudiments of two
    languages; many more remain. For the languages are multiplied with
    the number of the tribes; and this land, extending so far in every
    direction, is inhabited by at least fifty different tribes, truly
    an immense field for our zeal. The harvest is great, the laborers
    are few; but they have, by God's grace, a courage undaunted by
    any obstacles, although the promise of success is not yet very
    great, so rude and almost brutish are the natives. We have, truly,
    this one consolation, that God in his goodness and power, in the
    distribution of his rewards will not so much consider our success
    as our good will and our efforts. Provided only that our desires,
    such as they may be, be pleasing in his sight, we shall have no
    reason for deeming our efforts misspent. Our labors this year
    have had no further fruit than a knowledge of the country, of the
    natives, and of the dialects of two tribes, if the savages alone
    be considered. As regards the French, whose number does not exceed
    forty-three, we have not been negligent. We have heard their
    general confessions, relating to their whole past life, after first
    holding an exhortation on the necessity of this confession. Each
    month, moreover, we have preached two sermons to them. To these
    efforts the following year will add still greater ones, if God help
    and promote our enterprise as he has done hitherto.

Valent nostri omnes, per Dei gratiam.... Vix unus utitur linteis cum
decumbit. Quod superest nobis temporis a propria et proximorum salute
id totum in excolenda terra insumitur. Longe alia fuissent virtutum
incrementa, si alium Nostri non desiderassent superiorem. Facile est
Paternitati Vestræ remedium adhibere, longe melius obsequentis quam
imperantis personam sustineo. Dabit hoc mihi ut bene spero Paternitas
Vestra a qua id, qua possum animi demissione, peto, nec hujus remedii
defectu remorabitur diutius alacritatem nostrorum in augendis
virtutibus. E Gallia missi sunt ad nos hoc anno operarii primum hic
domicilium Societatis erecturi quod omnino necessarium indicavimus
propter Gallos nostros hic commorantes et nusquam alibi. Erigentur
postea in aliis nationibus in quibus major speratur fructus. Certas
enim et statas sedes habent, ad eas brevi missuri sumus unum e nostris
vel duos potius, nimirum Patrem Joannem de Brebeuf et Patrem Annam de
Noue, quorum missio si succedat lætissimus aperitur Evangelio campus;
barbarorum opera eo deducendi sunt, neque enim aliis vectoribus uti
possunt. Cum bona superiorum venia redit in Galliam Pater Philibertus
Noyrot, hoc totum negotium ut hactenus fecit promoturus. Indiget
Paternitatis Vestræ auctoritate ut libere possit agere cum iis qui res
nostras curant. Facessunt ipsi aliquid negotii Lutetiæ Patres nostri,
nescio quam ob rem, nonnihil videntur alieni ab hac missione, cui nisi
favisset bonæ memoriæ Pater Cottonus omnino jacuissent res nostræ....
Verum quia rediturus est ineunte vere Pater Noyrot, omnino alius e
nostris erit necessarius Lutetiæ vel Rothomagi qui in ipsius locum
sufficiatur et rerum nostrarum curam suscipiat, necessaria singulis
annis mittat et litteras nostras accipiat; si tamen ita judicaverit
Paternitas Vestra. Septem ergo hic residui erimus. Patres quatuor: P.
Enemundus Masse, admonitor et confessarius, P. Joannes de Brebeuf, P.
Annas de Noue et ego. Coadjutores vero tres: Gilbertus Burel, Joannes
Goffestre et Franciscus Charreton, parati omnes ad quosvis labores pro
Dei gloria suscipiendos. Sanctissimis Paternitatis Vestræ Sacrificiis
commendant se omnes.

  P. V. filius humillimus
      Carolus Lalemant.

  E Nova Francia
      Cal. Aug.

    We are, God be thanked, all well.... Hardly one of us uses
    bed-linen when he sleeps. All our time that is not devoted to
    seeking the salvation of our fellow-men and of ourselves is
    occupied in tilling the soil. Far greater would be our growth in
    virtue, if another of Our Brothers were not more desirable as
    superior. This it is easy for Your Paternity to remedy, as I feel
    myself far better fitted for obedience than for command. I truly
    hope that Your Paternity, from whom I ask it with all possible
    submission, will grant me this, and will not longer hinder, for
    lack of this remedy, the eagerness of our brethren to increase
    their virtues. Some workmen have been sent to us this year from
    France, to construct the first dwelling of the Society here, which
    we considered as quite indispensable on account of our French, who
    settle here and nowhere else. Others will be built later among
    other tribes from whom we expect greater results. To those that
    have fixed settlements we shall in a short time send one of our
    number or rather two; Father Jean de Brebeuf and Father Anne de
    Noue.[31] If their mission is successful, a most promising field
    will be opened for the Gospel. They must be taken there by the
    savages, for they can not use any other boatmen. With consent of
    his superiors, Father Philibert Noyrot[32] returns to France to
    promote as hitherto the interests of our enterprise. He stands
    in need of the influence of Your Paternity in order to negotiate
    freely with those who have charge of our affairs. Our own Fathers
    at Paris, for some reason, put difficulties in our way, and seem
    rather unfriendly to our mission; so that, but for the favor of
    Father Cotton,[33] of blessed memory, our affairs would have fallen
    to the ground.... As Father Noyrot is to return at the beginning
    of spring, another of our members will be absolutely necessary
    at Paris, or at Rouen, to fill his place and to look after our
    interests, sending us yearly what supplies we need, and receiving
    our letters, if Your Paternity so decide. There thus remain seven
    of us here; four priests, Father Enemond Masse,[34] as admonitor
    and confessor, Father Jean de Brebeuf, Father Anne de Noue, and
    myself; and three lay brothers, Gilbert Burel, Jean Goffestre,
    and François Charreton, all of us ready to undertake any labors
    whatsoever for the glory of God. We all commend ourselves to the
    Most Holy Sacrifices of Your Paternity.

    Your Paternity's most humble son
      Charles Lalemant.

    New France,
      August 1st.




                                 XVIII

                          CHARLES LALEMANT'S

                     Lettre au Hierosme l'Allemant

                         Kebec, Aoust 1, 1626

                       PARIS: JEAN BOUCHER, 1627


SOURCE: Title-page and text reprinted from original in Lenox Library.




                                LETTRE
                                DV PERE
                                CHARLES
                              L'ALLEMANT
                        SVPERIEVR DE LA MISSION
                      de Canadas; de la Compagnie
                               de I E S V S.
                 _Enuoyee au Pere Hierosme l'Allemant
                   son frere, de la mesme Compagnie_

    Où sont contenus les moeurs & façons de viure des Sauuages habitans
    de ce païs là; & comme ils se comportent auec les Chrestiens
    François qui y demeurent.

        _Ensemble la description des villes de ceste contree._

  [Illustration]

                               A PARIS,
                  PAR IEAN BOVCHER, ruë des Amandiers
                       à la Verité Royale. 1627.




                                LETTER
                              FROM FATHER
                                CHARLES
                              L'ALLEMANT
                        SUPERIOR OF THE MISSION
                          of the Canadas; of
                         the Society of JESUS.
            _Sent to Father Jerome l'Allemant, his brother,
                         of the same Society_

    In which are contained the manners and customs of the Savages
    inhabiting that country; and on what terms they live with the
    French Christians who reside there.

     _Together with the description of the towns of that country._


                                PARIS,
                    JEAN BOUCHER, ruë des Amandiers
                         Verité Royale. 1627.


[1 i.e., 3] Lettre dv Pere Charles L'Allemant Superieur de la Mission
de Canadas, de la Compagnie de IESVS. Au Pere Hierosme l'Allemant son
frere.


  Pax Christi.

I'ESCRIVIS l'an passé à Vostre Reuerence (enuiron la my-Iuillet) le
succés de nostre voyage; depuis ce temps ie n'ay peu vous escrire, à
cause que les vaisseaux n'abordent icy qu'vne fois l'an. C'est pourquoy
il ne faut attendre des nouuelles de nous que d'annee en annee: Et si
ces vaisseaux venoient vne fois à manquer, ce seroit bien merueille
si vous en receuiez deuant deux ans; outre qu'il nous faudroit ceste
annee attendre de l'vnique prouidence de Dieu les choses necessaires à
l'entretien de ceste vie. Donc depuis mes dernieres, voicy ce que i'ay
peu recognoistre de ce païs, & ce qui s'est passé: Ce païs est d'vne
grande estenduë, ayant bien mille ou douze cens lieuës de longueur; sa
largeur, enuiron le 40. degrez vers l'Orient; il est borné de la mer
Oceane, & vers l'Occident, de la mer de la Chine. Plusieurs Nations
l'habitent: lon m'en a nommé 38. ou 40. sans celles que lon ne cognoist
pas, que les Sauages neantmoins asseurent. Le lieu où les François se
sont habituez appellé Kebec, est par les 46. degrez & demy, sur le
bord d'vn des plus beaux fleuues du monde, appellé par les François,
la riuiere de sainct Laurens, esloigné pres de deux cens lieuës de
l'emboucheure du dit fleuue, & cep[~e]dãt le flot monte encore 35. ou
40. lieuës au dessus de nous. [4] L'endroit le plus estroit de ceste
riuiere est vis à vis de l'habitation, & toutesfois sa largeur y est
plus d'vn quart de lieuë. Or quoy que le païs où nous sommes soit
par les 46 degrez & demy plus Sud que Paris de pres de deux degrez,
si est-ce que l'Hyuer, pour l'ordinaire, y est de 5. mois & demy;
les neiges de 3. ou 4. pieds de hauteur; mais si obstinees qu'elles
ne fondent point pour l'ordinaire que vers la my-Auril, & commencent
tousiours au mois de Nouembre, pendant tout ce temps on ne void point
la terre; voire mesme nos François m'ont dit, qu'ils auoient traisné
le may sur la nege, au premier iour de May: L'annee mesme que nous
arriuasmes, & ce auec des raguettes; car c'est la coustume en ce païs
de marcher sur des raguettes pendãt l'Hyuer, de peur d'enfoncer dans
la neige, à l'imitation des Sauuages, qui ne vont point autrem[~e]t à
la chasse de l'orignac. Le plus doux Hyuer qu'on ait veu, est celuy
que nous y auons passé (disent les Anciens habitans) & cependant les
neiges commencerent le 16. Nouembre, & vers la fin de Mars commencerent
à fondre, la longueur & continuation des neiges est cause que lon
pourroit douter si le froment & le seigle reussiroit bien en ce païs;
i'en ay veu neãtmoins d'aussi beau qu'en vostre France, & mesme le
nostre que nous y auons semé, ne luy cede en rien; pour plus grande
asseurance il faudroit y semer du bled mesteil; l'orge & l'auoine y
viennent le mieux du monde, plus grainuës beaucoup qu'en France. C'est
merueille de voir nos pois tant ils sont beaux. Ainsi la terre n'est
pas ingrate (comme vostre Reuerence peut voir.) Plus on va montant la
riuiere, & plus on s'apperçoit de la bonté d'icelle. Les vents qui
regnent en ce païs, sont, le Nor-d'Est, le Nor-Ouest, & le Sur-Ouest.
Le Nor-d'Est ameine les neges en Hyuer, & les pluyes en autre saison.
Le Nor-Ouest est si froid qu'il penetre iusques aux moüelles des os; le
Ciel est fort serein quand il souffle. Depuis l'emboucheure de ceste
Riuiere iusques icy, il n'y a point de terre defrichee, ce ne sont que
bois. Ceste Nation icy ne s'occupe point à cultiuer la tetre [terre],
il n'y a que 3. ou 4. familles qui en ont defriché 2. ou 3. arpens où
ils sement du bled d'Indes; & ce depuis peu de temps. On m'a dit que
c'estoit les RR. PP. Recolects qui leurs auoient persuadé. Ce qui a
esté cultiué en ce lieu par les François est peu de chose, s'il y a
18. ou 20. arpens de terre [5] c'est tout le bout du monde. A deux
cens lieuës d'icy en montant la Riuiere, il se trouue des Nations plus
stables que celles cy, qui bastissent de grands villages, lesquels
ils fortifient contre leurs ennemis; & trauaillent à bon escient
à la terre; d'où vient qu'elles ont quantité de bled d'Inde, & ne
meur[~e]t pas de faim comme celles cy, si sont-elles plus sauuages en
leurs moeurs, commettans sans se cacher, & sans honte aucune, toute
sortes d'impudences. Or quoy que ceste Riuiere nous conduise à ces
Nations là, si est-ce pourtant qu'il y a bien de la difficulté à y
aller, à cause des saults qui se trouu[~e]t sur la Riuiere (qui sont
de certains precipices d'eau, qui empesch[~e]t tout à fait qu'on ne
puisse nauiger.) C'est pourquoy lors que les Sauuages arriuent à ces
saults là, il faut qu'ils portent leurs batteaux sur leurs espaules,
auec tout leur bagage, & qu'ils s'en aillent par terre quelquesfois
2. 3. 4. & 8 lieuës, & ainsi que passent les François lors qu'ils y
vont. Les RR. PP. Recolects y sont allez quelquesfois, & y ont porté
tous leurs viures pour vn an, ou dequoy en acheter; car d'attendre que
les Sauuages vous en donn[~e]t c'est folie, si ce n'est qu'ils vous
ayent pris sous leur protection, & que vous vouliez demeurer dans leurs
villages & cabanes; car alors il vous nourriront pour rien; Mais qui
s'y pourroit resoudre! les yeux religieux ne peuuent supporter tant
d'impudicitez qui s'y commettent à descouuert: c'est pourquoy les RR.
PP. Recolects ont esté contraints de bastir des Cabanes à part; mais
aussi falloit il qu'ils achetassent leurs viures. En ces Nations il n'y
a eu ceste annee aucun Religieux; quand nous arriuasmes icy l'an passé
il y auoit vn P. Recolet qui s'en venoit auec les Sauuages, au lieu de
la traitte 35. lieuës au dessus de ceste habitation; mais au dernier
sault qu'il passa son canal se renuersa & se noya: En descendant les
Sauuages ne mettent pied à terre pour les sauls; mais seulem[~e]t
en montant. Ainsi ces saults font que ces Nations sont de difficile
abord. Or bien qu'il n'y ait point eu de Religieux en ces Nations, les
marchands n'ont pas laissé d'y enuoyer des François pour entretenir
les Sauuages, & les amener tous les ans à la traitte. Ces François par
consequent n'ont oüy la Messe toute l'annee, ne se sont ny confessez,
ny communiez à Pasques, & viuent dans des occasions tres-grandes de
pecher. _Quæritur_, s'ils peuuent en cõscience y aller de la forte;
Vostre [6] Reuer[~e]ce me fera plaisir de consulter quelqu'vn de nos
Peres pour en sçauoir la resolution & me l'escrire.

    [1 i.e.,3] Letter[35] from Father Charles L'Allemant, Superior of
    the Mission of Canadas, of the Society of JESUS. To Father Jerome
    l'Allemant, his brother.[36]

    The peace of Christ be with you.

    LAST year (about the middle of July) I wrote to Your Reverence
    in regard to the success of our voyage. I have not been able to
    communicate with you since then, because the ships touch here only
    once a year; and therefore news can be expected from us only from
    year to year. And if these ships failed once, it would not be
    surprising if you did not receive news before two years; besides,
    during the intervening year we should be obliged to look entirely
    to the providence of God for the necessaries of life. Now, since
    my last letters, the following is what I have been able to learn
    about this country, and what has been done here. This country is
    of vast extent, being easily a thousand or twelve hundred leagues
    long, and in width extending about 40 degrees toward the Orient.
    It is bounded by the Ocean sea, and towards the West by the sea of
    China. Many Tribes inhabit it, about 38 or 40 having been named to
    me, besides those which are unknown; of the existence of which,
    however, the Savages assure us. The place inhabited by the French,
    called Kebec, is in 46 and one-half degrees, upon the shore of one
    of the most beautiful rivers in the world, called by the French
    the river saint Lawrence. Kebec is about two hundred leagues
    from the mouth of this river, and yet the tide ascends 35 or 40
    leagues above us. [4] The narrowest part of this river is opposite
    the settlement, and yet its width here is more than one-fourth of
    a league. Now although the country where we are, being in latitude
    about 46 and one-half degrees, is farther South than Paris by
    nearly two degrees, yet the Winter generally lasts here 5 months
    and a half; the snow is 3 or 4 feet deep, but it is so firm that
    it does not usually melt until near the middle of April, and it
    always begins in the month of November. During all this time the
    earth is never seen; indeed our Frenchmen have even told me that
    they dragged their maypole over the snow on the first day of May,
    in the very year of our arrival, and that with snowshoes; for it
    is the custom in this country to walk on snowshoes during the
    winter, for fear of sinking into the snow, in imitation of the
    Savages; who never go otherwise to hunt the moose. The mildest
    Winter that has been seen is the one that we have passed here (say
    the Old inhabitants), and yet the snow began to fall on the 16th of
    November and to melt towards the end of March. The long duration of
    the snow might cause one to somewhat doubt whether wheat and rye
    would grow well in this country. But I have seen some as beautiful
    as that produced in your France, and even that which we have
    planted here yields to it in nothing. To better provide against
    scarcity, it would be well to plant some meslin;[37] rye and oats
    grow here the best in the world, the grains being larger and more
    abundant than in France. Our peas are so beautiful; it is wonderful
    to see them. So the earth is not ungrateful (as your Reverence may
    see.) The farther up the river we go, the more we see of the
    fertility of the soil. The prevailing winds in this country are
    the Northeast, Northwest, and Southwest. The Northeast brings the
    snows in Winter, and the rains in other seasons. The Northwest is
    so cold that it penetrates even to the marrow of the bones; yet the
    Sky is very serene when it blows. From the mouth of the River to
    this place, none of the land is cleared, there being nothing but
    forests. This Tribe does not occupy itself in tilling the soil;
    there are only 3 or 4 families who have cleared 2 or 3 acres,
    where they sow Indian corn, and they have been doing this for only
    a short time. I have been told that it was the Reverend Recolect
    Fathers who persuaded them to do it. That cultivated by the French
    in this place is of small area, only 18 or 20 acres [5] at the
    most.[38] Two hundred leagues from here, ascending the River,
    Tribes are found which are more sedentary than those which are
    here; they build large villages which they fortify against their
    enemies, and cultivate the land in earnest. It thus happens that
    they have stores of Indian corn, and do not die of starvation like
    those here. Yet they are more savage in their customs, and commit
    all kinds of shameless acts, without disgrace or any attempt at
    concealment. Now, although this River takes us to these Tribes, yet
    truly the difficulty in getting there is very great, on account of
    the rapids which are found in the River; (these are certain falls
    of water which entirely prevent navigation.) Therefore, when the
    Savages reach these rapids, they are compelled to carry their boats
    upon their shoulders with all their baggage, and to go overland,
    sometimes 2, 3, 4, or 8 leagues; and the French have to do the
    same when they go there. The Reverend Recolect Fathers made this
    journey occasionally and carried all their food for a year, or the
    means of buying it; for to expect the Savages to give it to you is
    folly, unless they have taken you under their protection, and you
    wish to live in their villages and cabins; then they would feed you
    for nothing. But who could make up his mind to do this? Religious
    eyes could not support the sight of so much lewdness, carried on
    openly. Therefore, the Reverend Recolect Fathers were compelled to
    build their cabins apart; but they also, on that account, had to
    buy their food. There has been no Religious among these Tribes this
    year. When we arrived here last year, there was one Recolet Father
    who came with the Savages to the trading station, 35 leagues above
    this settlement; but when coming down the last of the rapids, his
    canoe upset and he was drowned.[25] In descending the river, the
    Savages do not land on reaching the rapids, but only in going up.
    Thus the rapids make these Tribes difficult of access. Although
    there have been no Religious among these Tribes, the merchants have
    not failed to send Frenchmen there to gain the good will of the
    Savages, and to induce them to come yearly to the trading station.
    As a consequence, these Frenchmen have not heard Mass during the
    entire year, have not confessed nor taken the Easter Sacrament, and
    their surroundings are such that there are frequent opportunities
    for sin. _Quæritur_: can they conscientiously go thither under
    these circumstances? Your [6] Reverence will do me the favor to
    consult some one of our Fathers, to know his decision and to write
    to me about it.

Quant aux façons de faire des Sauuages, c'est assez de dire qu'elles
sont tout à fait sauuages. Depuis le matin iusques au soir, ils
n'ont autre soucy que de remplir leur ventre. Ils ne viennent point
nous voir si ce n'est pour demander à manger, & si vous ne leur en
donnez ils tesmoignent du mescontentement. Ils sont de vrais gueux
s'il en fut iamais, & neantmoins superbes au possible. Ils estiment
que les François n'ont point d'esprit au prix d'eux; les vices de la
chair sont fort frequ[~e]ts chez eux; tel qui y espousera plusieurs
femmes qu'il quittera quand bon luy semblera & en prendra d'autres.
Il y en a icy vn qui a espousé sa propre fille; mais tous les autres
Sauuages s'en sont trouuez indignez; de netteté chez eux il ne s'en
parle point, ils sont fort sales en leur manger & dans leurs cabanes,
ont force vermine qu'ils mangent quand ils l'ont prise. La coustume
de ceste Nation est de tuër leurs peres & meres lors qu'ils sont si
vieux qu'ils ne peuu[~e]t plus marcher, pensans en cela leur rendre
de bons seruices; car autrement ils seroient contraints de mourir de
faim, ne pouuans plus suiure les autres lors qu'ils changent de lieu;
& comme ie fis dire vn iour à vn qu'on luy en feroit autant lors qu'il
seroit deuenu vieil; il me respondit qu'il s'y attendoit bien. La
façon de faire la guerre auec leurs ennemis c'est pour l'ordinaire
par trahison, les allans espier lors qu'ils sont à l'escart; & s'ils
ne sont assez forts pour emmener prisonniers ceux ou celuy qu'ils
rencontreut, ils tirent des fleches dessus, puis leur coupp[~e]t la
teste, qu'ils emportent pour monstrer à leurs gens, que s'ils les
peuuent emmener prisonniers iusques en leurs cabanes ils leur font
endurer des cruautez nompareilles, les faisant mourir à petit feu: &
chose etrange! pendant tous ces tourmens, le patient chante tousiours,
resputans à deshonneur s'ils crient & s'ils se plaignent. Apres que
le pati[~e]t est mort, ils le mangent, & n'y a si petit qui n'en ait
sa part, ils font des festins ausquels ils se conuient les vns les
autres, & mesme ils conuient quelques François de leur cognoissance,
& en ces festi[n]s ils donnent à chacun sa part dans des plats ou
escuelles d'escorce & lors que ce sont festins à tout manger, il ne
faut rien laisser, autremement vous estes obligez à payer quelque
chose, & perdriez la reputation de braue [7] homme. Aux festins qu'ils
font pour la mort de quelqu'vn ils font la part au defunt aussi bien
qu'aux autres, laquelle ils iettent dans le feu, & se donnent bien
garde que les chiens ne participe[~e]t à ce festin; & pource ramassent
tous les os & les iettent dans le feu. Ils enterrent les morts & auec
eux tout ce qu'ils auoient, comme chandeliers, peaux, cousteaux, &c.
Et comme ie demãday vn iour à vn vieillard pourquoy ils mettoient tout
ce bagage dans les fosses, il me respondit qu'ils le mettoient afin
que le mort s'en seruist dans l'autre monde; & comme ie luy repartis
que toutes les fois que lon regardoit dãs les fosses on y trouuoit
tousiours le bagage, qui estoit vn temoignage que le mort ne s'en
seruoit pas; il me respõdit, qu'à la verité le corps des chaudieres,
peaux, cousteaux, &c. demeuroit; mais que l'ame des chaudieres,
cousteaux, &c. s'en alloit dans l'autre monde auec le mort, & que là
il s'en seruoit. Ainsi ils croyent, (comme V.R. void) l'immortalité
de nos Ames; & de fait ils asseurent qu'apres la mort, ils vont au
Ciel où elles mangent des champignons, & se communiquent les vnes auec
les autres. Ils appellent le Soleil IESVS; & lon tient en ce païs que
ce sont les Basques qui y ont cy-deuant habité, qui sont Autheurs de
ceste denomination. De là vient que quand nous faisons nos Prieres,
il leur semble que comme eux nous addressons nos Prieres au Soleil. A
ce propos du Soleil, ces Sauuages icy croyent que la terre est percee
de part en part, & que lors qu'il se couche, il est caché en vn trou
de la terre, & sort le lendemain par l'autre. Ils n'ont aucun culte
diuin, ny aucunes sortes de Prieres. Ils croyent neantmoins qu'il y en
a Vn qui a tout fait; mais pourtant ils ne luy rendent aucun honneur.
Entr'eux ils ont quelques personnes qui font estat de parler au Diable;
ceux là sont aussi les Medecins, & guarissent de toute maladie. Les
Sauuages craignent grandement ces gens-là, & les caress[~e]t de peur
qu'ils n'en reçoiuent du mal. Nous apprendrons peu à peu ce qui est des
autres Nations, lesquelles sont plus stables en leurs demeures; Car
pour celles-cy où nous sommes maintenant auec les François, elle est
seulement vagabonde six mois l'annee, qui sont les six mois d'Hyuer,
errans çà & là selon la chasse qu'ils trouuent, & ne se cabanent
que deux ou trois familles ensemble en vn endroit, deux ou trois en
l'autre, & les autres de mesme. Ez autres [8] six mois de l'annee,
vingt ou trente s'assemblent sur le bord de la Riuiere pres de nostre
habitation, autant à Thadoussac, & autant à quarante lieuës au dessus
de nous, & là ils viuent de la chasse qu'ils ont faicte l'Hyuer,
c'est à dire, de viande d'orignac, boucanee, & de viures qu'ils ont
traité auec les François. Ie croy auoir escrit l'an passé ce qui est
de leurs vestemens, & comme ils sont tousiours nud teste, leurs corps
sont seulem[~e]t couuerts d'vne peau, ou d'orignac, ou d'vne robbe de
Castor, qui sont 5. ou 6. Castors cousus ensemble, & vestent ces peaux,
comme sans comparaison, les Ecclesiastiques les Chappes, n'estans
attachez par deuant que d'vne courroye: quelquefois ils se ceignent
d'vne ceinture, quelquefois ils n'en ont point du tout, & neantmoins
pour lors on ne void rien de deshonneste, cachans fort decemment les
parties que l'honnesteté veut estre couuertes. En Hyuer ils ont des
chausses & des souliers faits de peau d'orignac; mais les souliers,
tant dessus que dessous sont souples comme vn gand. Ils ont la plus
part du temps leurs visages peints de rouge ou de gris brun & ce en
diuerses façons, selon la fantaisie des femmes, qui peignent leurs
maris & leurs enfans, desquels ils graissent aussi les cheueux de
graisse d'ours, ou d'orignac. Les hommes n'ont non plus de barbe que
les femmes, ils se l'arrachent afin de plaire dauantage aux femmes.
Ie n'en ay veu que trois ou quatre qui ne se la sont point arrachee
depuis peu de temps à l'imitation des François; mais pourtant ils n'en
sont pas fournis. La couleur de leur chair tire fort sur le noir; on
n'en void pas vn qui aye la charnure blanche, neantmoins il n'y a rien
de si blanc que leurs dents. Ils võt sur les riuieres dans de petits
canaux d'escorce de bouleau, fort proprement faits: dans les moindres
il y peut tenir 4 ou 5. personnes, encore y mettent-ils leurs petits
bagages. Les auirons sont proportionnez aux canaux l'vn deuant l'autre
derriere, c'est d'ordinaire la femme qui tient celuy de derriere, & par
consequent qui gouuerne. Ces pauures femmes sont de vrais mulets de
charge, portant toute la fatigue; sont-elles accouchees, deux heures
apres elles s'en vont aux bois pour fournir au feu de la cabane. En
Hyuer lors qu'ils decabanent elles trainent les meilleurs pacquets
sur la neige; bref les hommes ne semblent auoir pour partage que la
chasse, la guerre, & la traitte. A propos de la [9] traitte, ie n'en ay
encores rien dit, aussi est-ce l'vnique chose qui me reste touchant les
Sauuages. Toutes leurs richesses sont les peaux de diuers animaux; mais
principalement de Castors. Auparauant l'association de ces Messieurs
ausquels le Roy a donné ceste traitte pour certain temps, moïennant
quelques conditions portees par les Articles, les Sauuages estoient
visitez de plusieurs personnes, iusques là qu'vn des Anci[~e]s m'a
dit qu'il a veu iusques à vingt nauires dans le port de Tadoussac;
mais maintenant que ceste traitte a esté accordee à l'association qui
est auiourd'huy priuatiuement à tous autres, lon ne void plus icy que
deux nauires qui appartiennent à l'Association, & ce, vne fois l'an
seulement, enuiron le commencement du mois de Iuin. Ces deux nauires
apportent toutes les marchandises que ces Messieurs traictent auec
les Sauuages, c'est à sçauoir des capaux, des couuertures, bonnets de
nuict, chapeaux, chemises, draps, haches, fers de fleches, aleines,
espees, des tranches pour rompre la glace en Hyuer, des coutteaux, des
chaudieres, pruneaux, raisins, du bled d'Inde, des pois, du biscuit,
ou de la galette, & du petun; & outre ce qui est necessaire pour le
viure des François, qui demeur[~e]t en ce païs là, en eschange ils
emportent des peaux d'orignac, de loup ceruier, de regnard, de loutre,
& quelquefois il s'en rencontre de noires, de mattre, de blaireau, &
de rat musqué; mais principalement de Castor, qui est le plus grand
de leur gain: On m'a dit que pour vne annee ils en auoient remporté
iusques à 22000. L'ordinaire de chaque année est de 15000. ou 12000.
à vne pistole la piece, ce n'est pas mal allé; il est bien vray que
les frais qu'ils font sont assez grands, ayant icy quarante personnes
& plus qui sont gagez & nourris; outre les frais de tout l'equipage
de deux nauires, où il se retrouue bien 150. hõmes qui reçoiuent
des gages & se nourrissent. Ces gages ne sont pas tous d'vne façon:
L'ordinaire est de 106. liures, il y en a qui ont cent escus. Ie
cognois vn Truchement qui a cent pistoles, & quelque nombre de peaux
qu'il luy est permis d'emporter chaque annee. Il est vray qu'il les
traicte de sa marchãdise. Vostre Reuerence le verra ceste annee, c'est
vn de ceux qui nous ont grandement aidé. Vostre Reuerence lui fera,
s'il luy plaist, bon raqueil; il est pour retourner & rendre icy de
grands seruices à N. Seigneur. Reste maintenant [10] à mander à vostre
Reuerence ce que nous auons fait depuis nostre arriuee en ce païs, qui
fut à la fin de Iuin. Le mois de Iuillet & d'Aoust se passerent, partie
à escrire des lettres, partie à nous recognoistre vn peu dans le païs,
& à chercher quelque lieu propre pour y establir nostre demeure: Afin
de tesmoigner aux RR. PP. Recolects, que nous desiriõs les deliurer au
plustost de l'incõmodité que nous leur apportions. Apres auoir bien
consideré tous les endroits, & apres auoir pris langue des François, &
principalement des Reuerends Peres Recolects le 1. iour de Septembre
nous plantasmes la saincte Croix, au lieu que nous auions choisi, auec
toute la solemnité qui nous fut possible. Les Reuerends Peres Recolects
y assisterent auec les plus apparens des François, qui apres le disner
se mirent tous à trauailler. Nous auons depuis tousiours continué,
nous cinq, à desraciner ler [les] arbres, & à bescher la terre
tant que le t[~e]ps nous a permis. Les neiges venantes nous fusmes
contraints de sursoir iusques au Prin-temps pendant le trauail nous
ne laissions pas de penser comment nous viendrions à bout du langage
du païs; car des Truchemens, disoit-on il ne faut rien attendre; si
est-ce neantmoins qu'apres auoir recommandé l'affaire à Dieu, i'ay
pris resolution de m'addresser au Truchement de ceste Nation, quitte,
disie en moy-mesme pour estre refusé aussi bien que les autres. Donc
apres m'estre efforcé par des exhortations que ie faisois & par nostre
conuersation, de donner d'autres impressiõs de nostre Compagnie, qu'on
n'auoit en ce païs, Vostre Reuerence croiroit-elle bien que nous y auõs
trouué l'Anti-Coton, que lon faisoit courir de chambre en chambre,
& qu'enfin lon a bruslé quatre mois apres nostre arriuee; ayant,
disie, tasché de donner d'autres impressions. Ie m'adressay donc au
Truchement de ceste Nation, & le priay de nous donner cognoissance du
langage. Chose estrãge, il me promist sur l'heure, qu'il me donneroit
pendant l'hyuer tout le cõtentement que ie pourrois desirer de luy.
Or c'est icy où il faut admirer vne particuliere prouidence de Dieu:
car il faut remarquer, que le General estoit chargé de ses associez de
repasser en France, ou bien de luy diminuer ses gages & luy pressoit
si fort de retourner la mesme annee que nous arriuasmes qu'il fallut
que le General vsast de commandement absolu auec asseurance que ses
gages ne luy seroient [11] point diminuees, pour le faire demeurer
cette annee; & de fait il est demeuré à nostre grand contentement.
_Secundo notandum_; Que ce Truchement n'auoit iamais voulu communiquer
a personne la cognoissance qu'il auoit de ce langage, non pas mesme
aux RR. PP. Recolects, qui depuis dix ans n'auoient cessé de l'en
importuner; & cependant à la premiere priere que ie luy fis, me
promist ce que ie vous ay dit, & s'est acquité fidelement de sa
promesse pendant cet Hyuer. Or neantmoins parce que nous n'estions
pas asseurez qu'il deust estre fidele en sa promesse, craignans que
l'Hyuer se passast sans rien auancer en la cognoissance de la langue.
Ie consultay auec nos Peres, s'il ne seroit point à propos que deux
de nous allassent passer l'Hyuer auec les Sauuages, bien auant dans
les bois, afin que leur hantise nous donnast la cognoissance que nous
cherchions; nos Peres fur[~e]t d'auis que ce seroit assez qu'vn y
allast, & que l'autre demeureroit pour satisfaire à la deuotion des
François. Ainsi ce fut le P. Brebeuf qui eut ce bonheur; il partit
le 20. d'Octobre, & retourna le 27. de Mars, ayant tousiours esté
esloigné de nous de 20. ou 25. lieux. Pendant son absence ie sommay le
Truchement de sa promesse à laquelle il ne manqua point; A peine eusie
tiré de luy ce que ie desirois, que ie me resolus d'aller passer le
reste de l'Hyuer auec le premier Sauuage qui nous viendroit voir; Ie
m'y en allay donc le 8. de Ianuier; mais ie fus contraint de retourner
11. iours apres; car ne trouuans pas dequoy viure eux-mesme, ils furent
contraints de retourner voir les François. A mon retour, sans perdre
temps, ie sollicitay le Truchement d'vne autre Nation de me communiquer
ce qu'il sçauoit; dont ie m'estonne comme il le fit si franchement,
ayant esté par le passé si reserué a l'endroit des Reuerends Peres
Recolets. Il nous donna tout ce que nous luy demandasmes; il est bien
vray que nous ne luy demandasmes pas tout ce qu'eussions bien desiré;
car comme nous recogneusmes en luy vn esprit assez grossier, ce n'eust
pas esté nostre aduantage de le presser par de la sa portee, nous
fusmes neantmoins tres contens de ce qu'il nous donna; & ce qui est à
remarquer afin de recognoistre d'auantage la prouidence de Dieu en ce
fait, cedit Truchement s'en deuoit retourner en France la mesme annee
que nous ariuasmes, & ce par l'entremise des Peres Recolets, & de nous
qui le iugiõs necessaire pour [12] le bien de son ame, & de fait nous
l'emportasmes pardessus le General de la flotte, qui a toute force le
vouloit renuoyer en la Nation de laquelle il est Truchement, le voila
donc arriué icy où nous sommes auec des François qui reuenoient de la
traitte, en resolution de s'en retourner en France, les vaisseaux sont
sur le point de partir: la veille du depart il vint nous voir chez
les Reuerends Peres Recolets pour nous dire Adieu. Ce grand Dieu fit
ioüer tout à propos vn ressort de sa Prouidence, comme il estoit chez
nous voila vne forte pleuresie qui le prend & le voilà couché au lict,
si bien & si beau qu'il fallut que les vaisseaux s'en retournassent
sans luy; & par ce moyen le voilà qui nous demeure, hors des dangers
neantmoins de se perdre, ce qui nous auoit fait solliter son retour.
Ie vous laisse à penser si pendant sa maladie nous oubliasmes de luy
rendre tout deuoir de charité; il suffit de dire qu'auparauant qu'il
fust releué de ceste maladie, pour laquelle il n'attendoit que la mort;
il nous asseura qu'il estoit entierement à nostre deuotion, & que s'il
plaisoit à Dieu luy rendre la santé, l'Hyuer ne ce passeroit iamais
sans nous donner tout contentement, dequoy il s'est fort bien acquitté,
graces à Dieu.

    As to the customs of the Savages, it is enough to say that they
    are altogether savage. From morning until night they have no
    other thought than to fill their stomachs. They come to see us
    only to ask for something to eat; and if you do not give it to
    them they show their dissatisfaction. They are real beggars, if
    there ever were any, and yet proud as they can be. They consider
    the French less intelligent than they. Vices of the flesh are very
    common among them. One of them will marry several women, and will
    leave them when he pleases, and take others. There is one here who
    married his own daughter, but all the other Savages were indignant
    at him for it. As to cleanliness among them, that never enters
    into the question; they are very dirty about their eating, and in
    their cabins they are covered with vermin, which they eat when they
    catch them. It is a custom of this Tribe to kill their fathers and
    mothers when they are so old that they can walk no longer, thinking
    that they are thus doing them a good service; for otherwise they
    would be compelled to die of hunger, as they have become unable
    to follow the others when they change their location. When I had
    it explained to one of them one day that the same thing would be
    done for him when he became old, he answered that he certainly
    expected it. Their method of making war against their enemies is
    generally through treachery, watching to find them alone; and, if
    they are not strong enough to make prisoners of those whom they
    encounter, they shoot them with their arrows, then cut off their
    heads, which they bring back to show their people. But, if they
    can take them to their cabins as prisoners, they subject them to
    unparalleled cruelties, killing them by inches; and, strange to
    say, during all of these tortures, the victim sings constantly,
    considering it a dishonor if he cries out or complains. After
    the victim is dead, they eat him, and no one is so insignificant
    that he does not get his share. They have feasts to which they
    invite each other, and even some of their French acquaintances; at
    these feasts they give to each one his part on a dish or plate of
    bark; and when they are "eat-all" feasts, nothing must be left,
    otherwise you would be compelled to pay something, and would lose
    your reputation as a brave [7] man. At the feasts which are given
    in honor of the death of some one, they set aside a part for the
    deceased as well as for the others, which they throw into the fire;
    they are very careful that the dogs shall not share in this feast,
    and to this end, they gather up all the bones and throw them into
    the fire. They bury the dead, and with them all their belongings,
    such as candlesticks, furs, knives, etc. When I asked an old man
    one day why they placed all this baggage in the grave, he replied
    that they did so in order that the deceased might use it in the
    other world; and when I answered him that when any one looked into
    the grave all the baggage was seen there, which was a proof that
    the deceased did not use it, he replied, that in truth the body of
    the kettles, furs, knives, etc., remained, but that the soul of
    the kettles, knives, etc., went off to the other world with the
    deceased, and that he made use of them there. Thus they believe
    (as Your Reverence sees) in the immortality of our Souls; and, in
    fact, they assure you that after death they go to Heaven, where
    they eat mushrooms and hold intercourse with each other. They call
    the Sun JESUS;[39] and it is believed that the Basques,[40] who
    formerly frequented these places, Introduced this name. It thus
    happens that when we offer Prayers, it seems to them that we
    address our Prayers to the Sun, as they do. While on the subject
    of the Sun, the Savages here believe that the earth is pierced
    through and through; and that, when the sun sets, it hides in one
    hole in the earth, and comes out next morning through the other.
    They have no form of divine worship, nor any kind of Prayers. They
    believe, however, that there is One who made all, but they do not
    render him any homage. Among them there are persons who make a
    profession of talking to the Devil; these are also the Physicians,
    and cure all kinds of diseases. The Savages have great fear of
    these people, and humor them lest they do them some injury. Little
    by little we shall learn more of the other Tribes, who are more
    sedentary in their habits; but, as to these where we now are with
    the French, they are wanderers only during six months of the year,
    which are the six Winter months,--roving here and there, according
    as they may find game, only two or three families erecting their
    cabins together in one place, two or three in another, and so
    on. The other [8] six months of the year, twenty or thirty come
    together upon the shore of the River near our settlement, part at
    Thadoussac, and the same number forty leagues above us; and there
    they live upon the game which they have captured during the Winter;
    that is to say, on smoked moose meat, and food for which they have
    traded with the French. I believe I wrote something about their
    clothing last year, and how they always go bare-headed; they wear
    no other clothes than a moose skin or a Beaver robe, which consists
    of 5 or 6 Beaver Skins sewed together; and they wear these skins
    as, without making any comparison, the Ecclesiastics wear their
    Capes, attached in front only by a leather strap. Sometimes they
    wear a belt, sometimes none at all, and nevertheless, nothing
    improper is noticed on that account, as they very modestly cover
    the parts which decency demands should be covered. In Winter they
    have leggings and shoes made of moose skin, but the shoes, the
    uppers as well as the soles, are as pliable as a glove. Their faces
    are usually painted red or grayish brown, and this is done in
    different styles, according to the fancy of the women, who paint
    their husbands and children, whose hair they also oil with bear or
    moose grease. The men are no more bearded than the women; they pull
    their beards out in order to be more agreeable to the women. I have
    seen only three or four who had not done so, and this but recently
    in imitation of the French; yet they did not have beards. The color
    of their skin is strongly inclined to black; not one is seen whose
    skin is white, and yet nothing is so white as their teeth. They go
    upon the rivers in light birch-bark canoes, very neatly made; the
    smallest of them can hold 4 or 5 persons and leave room for their
    little baggage. The oars are proportioned to the canoes, one at
    the bow and one at the stern; ordinarily, the woman holds the one
    at the stern, and consequently steers. These poor women are real
    pack mules, enduring all hardships. When delivered of a child,
    they go to the woods two hours later to replenish the fire of the
    cabin.[41] In the Winter, when they break camp, the women drag the
    heaviest loads over the snow; in short, the men seem to have as
    their share only hunting, war, and trading. Apropos of [9] trading,
    I have as yet said nothing, and it is also the last thing which
    remains to be said in regard to the Savages. All of their wealth
    consists in the furs of different animals, but principally of the
    Beaver. Before the time of the association of those Gentlemen to
    whom the King gave this trade for a certain time in consideration
    of certain conditions mentioned in the Articles,[21] the Savages
    were visited by many people, to such an extent that an Old Man told
    me he had seen as many as twenty ships in the port of Tadoussac.
    But now since this business has been granted to the association,
    which to-day has a monopoly over all others, we see here not more
    than two ships which belong to it, and that only once a year, about
    the beginning of the month of June. These two ships bring all the
    merchandise which these Gentlemen use in trading with the Savages;
    that is to say, the cloaks, blankets, nightcaps, hats, shirts,
    sheets, hatchets, iron arrowheads, bodkins, swords, picks to
    break the ice in Winter, knives, kettles, prunes, raisins, Indian
    corn, peas, crackers or sea biscuits, and tobacco; and what is
    necessary for the sustenance of the French in this country besides.
    In exchange for these they carry back hides of the moose, lynx,
    fox, otter, black ones being encountered occasionally, martens,
    badgers, and muskrats; but they deal principally in Beavers, in
    which they find their greatest profit. I was told that during one
    year they carried back as many as 22,000. The usual number for one
    year is 15,000 or 12,000, at one pistole each, which is not doing
    badly.[19] It is true their expenses are very heavy, as they keep
    here forty persons and more, who are paid and maintained; this in
    addition to the expense of the crews of two ships, which consist of
    at least 150 men, who receive their wages and food. These wages are
    not all the same. They are generally 106 livres, but some receive
    a hundred écus. I know an Interpreter who receives one hundred
    pistoles, and a certain number of hides which he is permitted to
    carry away each year.[42] It is true that he trades them off as
    his own merchandise. Your Reverence will see him this year; he is
    one of those who have very effectively assisted us. Your Reverence
    will, if you please, give him a kind greeting; for he is going to
    return, and do great service here for Our Lord. It remains now [10]
    to tell your Reverence what we have done since our arrival in this
    country, which was the last of June. The months of July and August
    passed by, partly in writing letters, partly in getting a little
    acquainted with the country, and in seeking a proper place for our
    settlement, that we might show the Reverend Recolect Fathers that
    we desired to relieve them as soon as possible of the inconvenience
    which we caused them. After having carefully considered all the
    places, and after having consulted with the French people, and
    especially with the Reverend Recolect Fathers, we planted the holy
    Cross on the 1st day of September, with all possible solemnity,
    upon the place which we had chosen. The Reverend Recolect Fathers
    took part in the ceremony with the most prominent of the French,
    and after dinner all of them went to work. We have continued
    this work ever since, we five, uprooting trees and breaking the
    ground whenever we had time. The snow intervened, and we were
    compelled to give up our work until Spring. During the work, the
    thought of acquiring a knowledge of the language of this country
    was constantly in our minds; for it was said that we could expect
    nothing from the Interpreters. Nevertheless, after having commended
    the matter to God, I made up my mind to speak to the Interpreter
    of this Tribe, saying to myself that at the worst, I could only
    be refused as the others had been. So, after having striven by
    my exhortations and our conversation to correct the impressions
    concerning our Society that exist in this country, can Your
    Reverence believe that we have found here the "Anti-Coton,"[43]
    which was circulated from chamber to chamber, and which was finally
    burned, about four months after our arrival? Having, I say, tried
    to give other impressions, I applied then to the Interpreter of
    this Tribe and begged him to teach us the language. Strange to
    say, he at once promised me that, during the winter, he would give
    me all the help that I could ask of him. Now in this a special
    providence of God must be admired, because it must be observed that
    the General[21] was ordered by his associates to send him back
    to France, or else to reduce his wages; and he [the interpreter]
    begged him so earnestly to return the same year that we arrived,
    that the General was compelled to use imperative authority, and
    to tell him that his wages would [11] not be reduced, to make
    him stay this year; and, in fact, he remained, to our great
    satisfaction. _Secundo notandum_; This Interpreter had never wanted
    to communicate his knowledge of the language to any one, not even
    to the Reverend Recolect Fathers, who had constantly importuned him
    for ten years; and yet he promised me what I have told you, the
    first time I urged him to do so, and he kept his promise faithfully
    during that Winter. However, as we did not feel certain that he
    would keep his word, and fearing the Winter would pass and we would
    make no progress in the language, I consulted with our Fathers
    as to the propriety of two of us going to spend the Winter with
    the Savages, far into the depths of the forest, in order that, by
    constant association with them, we might gain the knowledge we
    sought. Our Fathers were of the opinion that it would be sufficient
    for one to go, and that the other ought to remain to attend to the
    spiritual needs of the French. So this good fortune fell to the lot
    of Father Brebeuf.[30] He left on the 20th of October and returned
    on the 27th of March, having been distant from us 20 or 25 leagues
    all the time. During his absence I reminded the Interpreter of his
    promise, which he did not fail to keep. I had hardly learned from
    him what I desired, when I determined to go and spend the remainder
    of the Winter with the first Savage who should come to see us. So
    I went off with one on the 8th of January, but I was compelled
    to return 11 days later; for, as they could not find enough for
    themselves to eat, they were compelled to come back to the French.
    As soon as I returned, I lost no time in urging the Interpreter of
    another Tribe to teach me what he knew; and I was astonished that
    he should do it so freely, as in the past he had been so reserved
    in regard to the Reverend Recolet Fathers. He gave us all that we
    asked for; it is quite true that we did not ask all that we would
    have wished; as we noticed in him a mind somewhat coarse, it would
    not have been to our advantage to have urged him beyond his depth.
    We were, however, highly pleased with what he gave us; and what
    is noteworthy, in order to better recognize the providence of God
    in this matter, this very Interpreter was to return to France the
    same year that we arrived, and this was to be done through the
    intervention of the Recolet Fathers and through our influence,
    as we deemed it necessary for [12] the good of his soul; and in
    fact we carried the day over the head of the General of the fleet,
    who was resolved in any event to send him back to the Tribe whose
    Interpreter he was. So he arrived here where we are, with the
    French who were returning from the trading station, resolved to
    go back to France, the ships being on the point of leaving. The
    evening before his intended departure, he came to see us at the
    Reverend Recolet Fathers', to bid us Farewell. The great God showed
    his Providential designs very propitiously then; while he was with
    us he was taken with a severe attack of pleurisy and was put to
    bed, so nicely and comfortably, that the ships were obliged to go
    back without him, and by this means he remained with us, out of
    all danger of ruining himself; for it was the fear of this which
    had caused us to urge his return. You will readily understand that
    during his sickness we performed every act of charity for him.
    It suffices to say that, before he recovered from this sickness,
    in which he expected to die, he assured us that he was entirely
    devoted to us; and that if it pleased God to restore his health,
    the Winter would never pass by without his giving us assistance, a
    promise which he kept in every respect, thank God.

Ie me suis peut-estre estendu plus que de raison à racõpter cecy; mais
ie me plais tant à racompter les traits de la prouidence particuliere
de Dieu, qu'il me se semble que tout le mõde y doit prendre plaisir;
& de fait s'il s'en fust retourné en France ceste annee là, nous
estions pour n'auancer gueres plus que les Reuerends Peres Recolets
en 10. ans. Dieu soit loüé de tout, voila donc à quoy se passa la
meilleure partie de l'hyuer. Outre ces occupatiõs ie n'ay point manqué
à mon tour d'aller les festes & Dimanches dire la Messe aux François,
ausquels i'ay fait exhortation toutes les fois que i'y ay esté: le
Pere Brebeuf de son costé en faisoit autant, & auons si bien auancé
par la grace de Dieu, que nous auons gaigné le coeur de tous ceux de
l'habitation, auons fait faire des confessions generales à la plus
part, & auons vescu en tres-bonne intelligence auec le Chef. Enuiron le
milieu du Caresme ie m'hazarday de prier le Capitaine de nous donner
les Charpentiers de l'habitation pour nous aider à dresser vne petite
cabane au lieu que nous auons commencé à défricher, ce qu'il m'accorda
auec beaucoup de courtoisie: les charpentiers ne souhaitoient [13] rien
tant que de trauailler pour nous; & de fait ils nous auoient donné
le mot auparauant: aussi trauaillerent-ils auec tant d'affection,
que nonobstant l'incommodité du temps & de la saison (car il y auoit
encore vn pied & demy de neige) ils eurent acheué nostre cabane le
Lundy de la semaine Saincte, & cependant ils cierent plus de 250.
aix, tant pour la couuerture, que pour le tour de la cabane; vingt
cheurons, & dolerent plus de vingt-cinq grosses pieces necessaires pour
l'erection de la cabane. Voila des commencemens assez heureux graces
à Dieu, ie ne sçay quel sera le progrés à cause de la continuation
de mes imperfections. Au reste parmy ces Sauuages nos vies ne sont
pas asseurées. Si quelque François leur a fait quelque déplaisir ils
s'en vengent par la mort du premier qu'ils rencontrent, sans auoir
esgard à plaisir aucun qu'ils ayent receu de celuy qu'ils attaquent.
S'ils ont songé la nuict qu'il faut qu'ils tuënt quelque François,
gar[d]e le premier qu'ils rencontrent à l'escart. Ils ajoustent grande
croyance à leurs songes. Quelques-vns deux vous diront deux iours
auparauant la venuë des vaisseaux l'heure à laquelle ils arriueront, &
ne vous diront autre chose sinon qu'ils l'ont veu en dormant. Ceux-la
sont en reputation parmy eux de parler au Diable. Leur conuersion ne
nous donnera pas peu d'affaire. Leur vie libertine & faineante, leur
esprit grossier, & qui ne peut guere comprendre, la disette des mots
qu'ils ont pour expliquer nos mysteres, n'ayans iamais eu aucun culte
diuin, nous exercera à bon escient. Mais pourtant nous ne perdons pas
courage graces à Dieu, appuyez sur cette verité, que Dieu n'aura pas
tant esgard au fruict que nous ferons, qu'à la bonne volonté & au
trauail que nous prendrons; & puis plus il y aura difficulté en leur
conuersion, & plus y aura-t'il de défiance de nous-mesmes; tant y a
que nostre esperance est en Dieu. Si ie puis ie me transporteray en
d'autres nations: si cela est, il ne faut plus attendre de nouuelles,
car ie seray si loin d'eux, qu'à grand peine pourray-ie leur écrire;
car au cas que cela arriue ie vous dy adieu & à tout le monde iusques
à ce que nous nous reuoyons au Ciel. N'oubliez pas les suffrages pour
nostre ame, & faites les de fois à autres. A tout hazard lors que
vous vous souuiendrez de nous en vos saincts sacrifices, dites pour
vn tel vif ou mort. Le secours qui nous est venu de France est vn
bon commencement pour cette Mission; mais les affaires [14] ne sont
pas encore en tel estat que Dieu puisse y estre seruy fidellement.
L'heretique y a autant encore d'empire que iamais, c'est pourquoy ie
renuoye le Pere Noiroit selon la permissiõ que les Superieurs m'en
ont faite, afin qu'il paracheue ce qu'il a commencé; il est le mieux
entendu en cette affaire. Si nos Peres desirent l'affermissement, &
le bon succes de cette Mission, il est du tout expedient qu'ils le
laissent faire. C'est bien à son corps defendant qu'il s'en retourne,
veu principalement qu'il est tant incommodé dessus la mer. I'enuoye
son compagnon auec le Pere Brebeuf à 300 lieux d'icy à vne de ces
nations qui sont stables en leur demeure, ils y seront bien tost s'ils
trouuent des Sauuages qui les y vueillent conduire, autrement ils
seront contraints de retourner vers nous; i'attends tous les iours
de leurs nouuelles. Ie viens d'apprendre tout maintenant qu'ils sont
partis. Le Diable qui craint la touche a voulu jouër des siennes, car
nos Peres estans desia embarquez, les Sauuages par deux ou trois fois
les voulurent faire desembarquer, alleguans que leurs canaux estoient
trop chargez; mais en fin Dieu l'emporta par dessus luy, on gaigna les
Sauuages à force de presents. S'il plaist à Dieu faire reüssir cette
mission, voila vne entrée dans des nations infinies pour ainsi dire,
qui sont tousiours stables en leur demeure. I'eusse bien desiré estre
de la partie, mais nos Peres ne l'ont pas iugé à propos, iugeans qu'il
estoit necessaire que ie demeurasse icy, tant pour l'éstablissement
de nostre petit domicille, que pour l'entretien des François. Vostre
R. s'estonnera peut-estre de ce que i'ay enuoyé le P. Brebeuf qui
auoit desia quelque commencement à la langue de cette nation, mais
les talents que Dieu luy a departy m'y ont fait resoudre; le fruict
que l'on attend de ces natiõs là estant bien autre que celuy que l'on
espere de celle cy. S'il plaist à Dieu benir leurs trauaux nous aurons
grand besoin d'ouuriers; les dispositions du costé des Sauuages sont
telles, qu'on en peut esperer quelque chose de bon. Le truchement ayant
demandé en ma presence à l'vn de leurs Capitaines s'ils seroi[~e]t tous
contens que quelques-vns des nostres allassent demeurer en leur pays
pour leur apprendre à cognoistre Dieu, il respondit qu'il ne falloit
demander cela & qu'ils ne souhaittoient rien tant, puis ayant consideré
la maison des Recollets où nous estions, il adiousta qu'à la verité
ils ne pourroient pas nous bastir vne maison de pierre semblable à
celle-là, [15] mais demandés leur, dit-il au truchement, s'ils seroient
contans de trouuer à leur arriuee vne cabane faicte semblable aux
nostres. Il ne pouuoit nous tesmoigner plus d'affection; De plus il y
a eu de la sterilité dans leur pays cette année, & ils l'attribuent à
cause qu'ils n'y ont point eu de Religieux, tout cela nous fait bien
esperer. Pour ceux de cette Nation ie les ay fait sommer de respondre,
s'ils ne vouloient pas se faire instruire; & nous donner leurs enfans
pour le mesme sujet: ils nous ont tous respondu qu'ils le desiroient.
Ils attendent que nous ayons basty, c'est à nous cependant de mesnager
leur affection & apprendre bien leur langue. Au demeurant ie supplirois
volontiers ceux qui ont de l'affection pour ce pays, qu'ils ne se
dégoustassent point s'ils n'entendent promptement des nouuelles du
fruict que l'on espere. La conuersion des Sauuages demande du temps.
Les premieres six ou sept annees sembleront steriles à quelques vns.
Et si i'adioustois iusqu'à dix ou douze, possible ne m'éloigneroisie
pas de la verité. Mais est ce à dire pourtãt qu'il faille tout quitter
là? Ne faut-il pas des cõmencemens par tout? Ne faut-il pas des
dispositions pour arriuer où on pretend? Quand à moy ie vous confesse
que Dieu me fait cette misericorde, qu'encor que ie n'esperasse aucun
profit tout le temps qu'il luy plaira me conseruer en vie, pourueu
qu'il eust nos trauaux agreables, & qu'il voulust s'en seruir comme de
preparation pour ceux qui viendront apres nous, ie me tiendrois trop
heureux d'employer & ma vie & mes forces, & n'épargner rien de ce qui
seroit en mon pouuoir, non pas mesme mon sang pour semblable suiet.
Neantmoins si nos Superieurs ne sont point d'aduis qu'on passe outre,
me voicy tout prés de me sousmettre à leur volonté, & suiure leur
iugement. Voicy vn petit Huron qui s'en va vous voir, il est passionné
de voir la France. Il nous affectionne grandement & fait paroistre vn
grand desir d'estre instruict; neantmoins le pere & le Capitaine de la
nation, le veulent reuoir l'an prochain, nous asseurant que s'il est
contant il le nous donnera pour quelques annees. Il est fort important
de le bien contenter; car si vne fois cet enfant est bien instruit,
voila vne partie ouuerte pour entrer en beaucoup de nations où il
seruira grandement. Et tout à propos le truchement de cetre [cette]
nation la est retourn[é] en France. Truchement qu'il aime tant, qu'il
l'appelle son pere. Ie prie nostre Seigneur qu'il luy plaise benir le
voyage. Au reste ie remercie V. R. du courage [16] qu'elle m'a donné.
I'ay leu ses lettres, quatre ou cinq fois; mais ie n'ay peu gaigner
sur moy que ce n'ait esté la larme à l'oeil, pour plusieurs raisons,
mais specialement sur la souuenance de mes imperfections (_coram Deo
loquor_) qui m'éloignent grandement, du merite de cette vocation, & me
fait viuement apprehender que ie n'aille trauerser les desseins de la
grace de Dieu, en l'établissement du Christianisme en ce pays. Apres
cela ie ne crains rien. Ie vous supplie en vertu de ce que vous aimez
mieux dans le Ciel, de ne vous lasser point de solliciter la diuine
bonté, ou qu'il me face la grace de m'en défaire, ou si mon idignité
est venuë iusques là qu'il m'y faille encore tremper, que ce ne soit au
preiudice de nos pauures Sauuages; que ma misere n'empesche point les
effects de sa misericorde, & le desordre de ma volonté fragile, l'ordre
que sa bonté veut établir en ce pays. Nous continuons plus que iamais
les bonnes intelligences auec le Pere Ioseph, qui est icy l'vnique
Prestre de son Ordre, l'vn estant allé auec nos Peres aux Hurons; &
l'autre s'en retournant en France; il a deux bons freres auec luy. Mr.
Champlain est tousiours fort affectionné en nostre endroit, m'a pris
pour directeur de sa conscience, aussi bien que Gaumont, duquel i'auray
vn soin particulier selon les recommandations de vostre R. L'aduis que
vostre R. me donne touchant la dedicace de nostre premiere Eglise, est
fort conforme à ma deuotion si les Superieurs m'en laissent la liberté,
elle ne sera iamais appellee autrement que N. Dame des Anges; c'est
pourquoy ie supplie V. R. de nous faire auoir quelque beau Tableau
enuironné d'Anges. C'est vne des grãdes Festes des PP. Recolets, qui
ont dedié leur Chappelle à S. Charles; & la Riuiere sur laquelle, eux
& nous; sommes logez, s'appelle la riuiere S. Charles, ainsi nõmee
quelque temps auparauant que nous vinsiõs. Pour les lettres ie ne pense
pas auoir obmis personne, tant de nos bien-faiteurs plus signalez, que
de ceux qui m'ont escrit. Aussi vous confessay je que ie suis vn peu
las; voicy la 68 & si ce n'est pas la derniere. Plaise à nostre bon
Dieu que le tout soit à sa gloire. Nostre R. P. Assistant se monstre
fort affectiõné à ceste Mission; ie luy enuoye vne charte de ce pays,
asseurant que ie demeureray toute ma vie, de Vostre Reuerence,

  Seruiteur tres-affectionné en N Seigneur
  CHARLES L'ALLEMANT.

  A Kebec ce 1.
  d'Aoust 1626.

    I have, perhaps, dwelt longer upon this than was necessary, but
    I am so pleased to relate the special acts of God's providence,
    as it seems to me every one must take pleasure in them; and in
    fact, if he had gone back to France that year, we would have made
    hardly any more progress than the Reverend Recolet Fathers did in
    10 years. May God be praised for all! In this way we passed the
    greater part of the  winter. Besides these occupations, I, in
    my turn, have not failed to go, on holydays and Sundays, to say
    Mass for the French, to whom I have made an exhortation every time
    I have been there. Father Brebeuf did the same on his part; and,
    by the grace of God, we have made such progress that we have won
    the hearts of all the people of the settlement, and have induced
    most of them to make general confessions, and have lived on good
    terms with the Chief. About the middle of Lent, I ventured to
    ask the Captain to give us the Carpenters of the settlement to
    help us erect a little cabin at the place we had begun to clear
    away, and he very courteously granted my request. The carpenters
    asked for [13] nothing better than to work for us, and in fact
    they had previously given us their promise; so they worked with
    such good will, that, notwithstanding the unfavorableness of the
    weather and of the season (for there was still a foot and a half
    of snow), they had finished our cabin by Monday of Holy week; and
    besides, they had sawed over 250 planks, both for the roof and for
    the sides of the cabin, twenty rafters, and hewn over twenty-five
    large pieces necessary for the erection of the cabin. These are
    very happy beginnings, thank God; but, considering my imperfections
    still continue, I do not know how much progress will be made.
    Further, there is no security for our lives among these Savages.
    If a Frenchman has in some way offended them, they take revenge
    by killing the first one they meet, without any regard for favors
    which they may have received from the one whom they attack. If
    during the night they dream they must kill a Frenchman, woe to the
    first one whom they meet alone. They attach great faith to their
    dreams. Some of  them will tell you two days before the coming of
    a ship the hour of its arrival, and will give no other explanation
    except that they have seen it while asleep. These are reputed
    among them to have intercourse with the Devil. Their conversion
    will give us no little trouble. Their licentious and lazy lives,
    their rude and untutored minds, able to comprehend so little, the
    scarcity of words they have to explain our mysteries, never having
    had any form of divine worship, will tax our wits. And yet we do
    not lose courage, thank God; trusting in this truth, that God will
    not have so much regard to the fruits that we produce, as to our
    good will and the trouble we take; and besides, the greater the
    difficulty in their conversion, and the more distrust we have in
    ourselves, so much the greater will be our trust in God. If I can,
    I shall go among some of the other tribes; and, in that event, no
    further news need be expected from me, because I shall be so far
    away that it will be very hard to communicate with you; and if
    that should happen, I say farewell to you and to every one until
    we meet in Heaven. Do not forget the prayers for our souls, and
    make them from time to time. In any case when you remember us
    in your holy sacrifices, offer them up for such and such a one,
    living or dead. The help which has reached us from France is a good
    beginning for this Mission, but things [14] are not yet in such
    a condition that God can be faithfully served here. The heretic
    holds as complete dominion here as ever, and therefore I send back
    Father Noiroit, according to the permission that I have received
    from the Superiors, in order that he may finish what he has begun;
    he is the most capable one for this affair. If our Fathers wish
    the strengthening and the success of this Mission, it is by all
    means proper that they should allow him to proceed.[32] He returns
    very much against his inclination, principally on account of his
    sufferings upon the sea. I send his companion[31] with Father
    Brebeuf, 300 leagues from here, to one of those tribes which has a
    permanent location. They will soon be there if they find Savages
    to conduct them, otherwise they will be obliged to return here; I
    am expecting news from them daily. I have just learned that they
    have gone. The Devil, who feared their approach, tried to play
    some of his tricks on them, for, when our Fathers had embarked,
    the Savages tried two or three times to make them go ashore,
    asserting that their canoes were too heavily loaded; but at last
    God triumphed over him, and the Savages were won by means of
    presents. If it please God to give success to this mission, it will
    open a way, so to speak, to an infinite number of tribes which have
    permanent settlements. I should have been very glad to be one of
    the party; but our Fathers did not deem it expedient, considering
    it well that I should remain here, both for the establishment of
    our little home and for the welfare of the French. Your Reverence
    will be astonished, perhaps, at my having sent Father Brebeuf, who
    already had some knowledge of the language of this tribe; but the
    talents that God has given him influenced me, the fruits which are
    expected from those tribes being very different from those hoped
    for here. If it please God to bless their labors, we shall have
    great need of workers; the disposition on the part of the Savages
    is such that something good may be looked for. When the interpreter
    asked one of their Captains in my presence, if they would all
    be glad if some one of us should go among them to teach them to
    know God, he answered that it was not necessary to ask that, that
    they desired nothing better; then, having examined the house of
    the Recollets where we were, he added that they indeed could not
    build us a stone house like that one; [15] "But ask them," said he
    to the interpreter, "if they will be satisfied upon their arrival
    to find a cabin made similar to ours." He could not manifest more
    affection for us than he did. Moreover, there was a drought in
    their country this year, and they attributed it to the fact that
    they had no Religious among them; all this gives us strong hopes.
    As to the people of this Tribe, I had them called together to say
    whether they wanted to be instructed, and to give us their children
    for the same purpose. They all answered that they did. They are
    waiting for us to build; and it is for us, in the meantime, to
    cultivate their affection and to learn their language. Meanwhile,
    I would request those who are interested in this country not
    to be disappointed if they do not promptly receive news of the
    hoped-for converts. The conversion of the Savages takes time. The
    first six or seven years will appear sterile to some; and, if I
    should say ten or twelve, I would possibly not be far from the
    truth. But is that any reason why all should be abandoned? Are
    not beginnings necessary everywhere? Are not preparations needed
    for the attainment of every object? For my part, I confess that,
    if God shows me mercy, although I expect no fruits as long as it
    will please him to preserve my life, provided that our labors are
    acceptable to him, and that he may be pleased to make use of them
    as a preparation for those who will come after us, I shall hold
    myself only too happy to employ  my life and my strength, and to
    spare nothing in my power, not even my blood, for such a purpose.
    However, if our Superiors do not think we should go farther, I
    am ready to submit to their will and to follow their judgment. A
    little Huron is going to see you; he longs to see France. He is
    very fond of us and manifests a strong desire to be instructed;
    nevertheless, his father and the Captain of the nation wishes to
    see him next year, assuring us that, if he is satisfied, he will
    give him to us for some years. It is of importance that he should
    be thoroughly satisfied; for, if this child is once instructed,
    it will open the way to many tribes where he will be very useful.
    And the return of the interpreter of that tribe to France is very
    opportune,--the Interpreter whom he loves so much, that he calls
    him his father. I pray our Lord to be pleased to bless his voyage.
    I also thank Your Reverence for the courage [16] you have given
    me. I have read your letters four or five times, and I have not
    been able to keep the tears from my eyes for several reasons;
    but especially in reflecting upon my imperfections (_coram Deo
    loquor_) which are far from the merit necessary for this vocation,
    and inspire me with grave fears that I am opposing the purposes of
    God's grace in the establishment of Christianity in this country.
    After that, I fear nothing. I beseech you, in the name of all
    you hold most dear in Heaven, not to become weary in appealing
    to the divine goodness, either to do me the favor of removing me
    from here, or, if my unworthiness is so great that I must yet be
    chastened, let it not be to the disadvantage of our poor Savages;
    let not my shortcomings prevent the effects of his mercy, nor my
    weak will be a hindrance to the order that his  goodness wishes
    to establish in this country. Our sympathetic relations with Father
    Joseph[26] are stronger than ever. He is the only Priest of his
    Order here, one having gone with our Fathers to the Hurons, and the
    other now returning to France; he has two good brothers with him.
    Mr. Champlain is always very kind to us, and has chosen me as his
    confessor. Gaumont has done the same, and I shall take special care
    of him, according to the recommendations of your Reverence. The
    advice which your Reverence gives me in regard to the dedication
    of our first Church, is in thorough harmony with my views. If the
    Superiors leave it to me, it will never be otherwise named than
    "N. Dame des Anges." Therefore I beg Your Reverence to send us a
    beautiful Picture surrounded by Angels. It is one of the great Fête
    days of the Recolet Fathers, who have dedicated their Chapel to St.
    Charles; the River upon which they and we live is called the river
    St. Charles, so called some time before our arrival. As to sending
    letters, I think I have not passed over any one, either of our
    well-known benefactors or any of those who have written to me; and
    I confess to you that I am a little tired; this is the 68th, and it
    is not the last. May it please our good God that everything may be
    done here for his glory. Our Reverend Father Assistant manifests a
    great deal of affection for this Mission; I send him a map of this
    country. With assurances that I will be, during my life, of Your
    Reverence,

    The very affectionate servant in Our Lord,
    CHARLES L'ALLEMANT.

    Kebec, this 1st of
    August, 1626.




                                  XIX

                          CHARLES LALEMANT'S

       Lettre au R.P. Supérieur du Collége des Jésuites à Paris

                      BORDEAUX: Nouembre 22, 1629


SOURCE: The Title-page and Avant-Propos follow O'Callaghan's Reprint,
No. 3; but the Text has been compared with the original publication
in Champlain's _Voyages_ (Paris, 1632), part ii., pp. 275-279. The
bracketed pagination in the Text is that of Champlain.




                                LETTRE
                             du Reuerend
                           PÈRE L'ALLEMAND,
            _Supérieur de la Mission des Pères Iésuites_,
                                en la
                           _NOUUELLE FRANCE_

  Enuoyée de Bordeaux au R.P. Supérieur du Collége des Iésuites à PARIS,
                   et datée du 22 _Nouembre_, 1629.

[Illustration]

  Imprimée d'après l'exemplaire que l'on trouve dans les Voyages du
                           Sieur Champlain.

                               A PARIS,
                             M. DC. XXXII.




                                LETTER
                           from the Reverend
                          FATHER L'ALLEMAND,
             _Superior of the Mission of Jesuit Fathers_,
                                  in
                             _NEW FRANCE_


   Sent from Bordeaux to the Reverend Father Superior of the Jesuit
                           College at PARIS,
                   and dated 22nd _November_, 1629.


        Reprinted from the copy to be found in the Voyages of
                           Sieur Champlain.

                                PARIS,
                             M. DC. XXXII.




Avant-Propos.


L_E R. Père CHARLES LALLEMANT, qui a écrit la Lettre suivante, entra
à l'âge de vingt ans dans la Compagnie de Jésus. En 1613, il avait
accompagné M. de la Saussaye, à Pentagouët. Argal s'étant emparé de
cet établissemement, le P. Lallemant s'en retourna en France, d'où il
partit pour le Canada en 1625. C'estoit la première fois que des Pères
Jésuites entrerent dans ce Pays. Quelques années aprés, il fût envoyé
avec le P. Philibert Noyrot, Procureur de la Mission, chercher en
France du secours pour la Colonie, et ayant trouvé de quoi fretter un
batiment avec des vivres, ils s'y étoient embarqués vers la fin du mois
de Juillet, 1629. Le vaisseau fit naufrage sur la côte de l'Acadie, et
c'est de cet naufrage et d'autres événements qui suivirent que traitte
la presente lettre._ [O'Callaghan.]

    Preface.

    T_HE Reverend Father CHARLES LALLEMANT, who wrote the following
    Letter, entered the Society of Jesus at the age of twenty years.
    In 1613, he accompanied M. de la Saussaye to Pentagoüet.[44] Argal
    took possession of this settlement, and Father Lallemant returned
    to France, whence he departed for Canada in 1625. This was the
    first time that the Jesuit Fathers had entered that Country.
    Several years later, he was sent with Father Philibert Noyrot,
    Agent for the Mission, to France, to seek aid for the Colony;
    and, having secured the means to load a ship with supplies,
    they embarked upon it toward the end of July, 1629. The ship
    was wrecked upon the Acadian coast; and it is this shipwreck
    and other subsequent events that the present letter describes._
    [O'Callaghan.]




Lettre du Reuerend P. l'Allemand, au R.P. Supérieur, à Paris.


[275] A_ÃYT sejourné deux iours à Dieppe ie m'acheminay à Rouën, où ie
m'arrestay deux autres iours, & appris comme le vaisseau des Reuerends
Peres l'Allemand & Noyrot s'estoient perdus vers les Isles de Canseau,
& me fit-on voir vne lettre dudit Reuerend Pere l'Allemand, Superieur
de la Mission des Peres Iesuites, en la nouuelle France, enuoyée de
Bordeaux au R.P. Superieur du College des Iesuites à Paris, & dattée du
22. Nouembre 1629. comme il s'ensuit._ [Champlain.]

    Letter from the Reverend Father l'Allemand to the Reverend Father
    Superior, at Paris.

    [275] A_FTER having sojourned two days at Dieppe, I journeyed to
    Rouën, where I remained two more days, and learned how the ship of
    the Reverend Fathers l'Allemand and Noyrot had been wrecked upon
    the Canseau Islands; and I was shown a letter from the Reverend
    Father l'Allemand, Superior of the Mission of the Jesuit Fathers
    in new France, sent from Bordeaux to the Reverend Father Superior
    of the Jesuit College at Paris, and dated November 22nd, 1629, as
    follows._ [Champlain.]


  [276] MON REVEREND PERE,

  Pax Christi.

Castigans castigauit me Dominus & morti non tradidit me, _Chastiment
qui m'a esté d'autant plus sensible que le naufrage a estè accompagné
de la mort du R.P. Noyrot & de nostre frere Louys, deux hõmes qui
deuoient, ce me semble grandem[~e]t seruir à nostre Seminaire. Or
neantmoins puis que Dieu a disposé de la sorte, il nous faut chercher
nos contentements dans ses sainctes volontez, hors desquelles il n'y
eut iamais esprit solide ny content, & ie m'asseure que l'experience
aura fait voir à vostre reuerence que l'amertume de nos ressentiments
détrempée dans la douceur du bon plaisir de Dieu, auquel vne ame
s'attache inseparablement, perd (ou le tout) ou la meilleure partie
de son fiel; Si que s'il reste encore quelques souspirs pour les
souffrances, ou passées ou presentes, ce n'est que pour aspirer
dauantage vers le Ciel, & perfectionner auec merite ceste conformité
dans laquelle l'ame a pris resolution de passer le reste de ses iours;
De quatre des nostres que nous estions dans la barque, Dieu partageant
à l'esgal, en a pris deux, & a laissé les deux autres. Ces deux bons
Religieux tresbien disposez & resignez à la mort, seruiront de victime
pour appaiser la colere de Dieu iustement iettée contre nous pour nos
deffauts, & pour nous rendre deformais sa bonté fauorable au succeds du
dessein entrepris._

    [276] MY REVEREND FATHER,

    The peace of Christ be with you.

    Castigans castigavit me Dominus & morti non tradidit me, _a
    Chastisement all the more keenly felt by me, as the shipwreck was
    accompanied by the death of the Reverend Father Noyrot and of our
    brother Louys,[20] two men who were destined, it seems to me, to
    be of great service to our Seminary. But nevertheless, since God
    has so ordained, we must seek our consolation in his holy will,
    outside of which there never was a peaceful or contented mind; and
    I feel sure that experience will have shown your reverence that the
    bitterness of our grief, tempered with the sweetness of doing the
    will of God, to whom a soul is inseparably attached, loses (either
    all) or the greater part of its sting. And yet, if there still
    remain some sighs for the sufferings either of the past or of the
    present, it is only to make us aspire more earnestly to Heaven, and
    to perfect with merit this harmony in which the soul is determined
    to pass the rest of its days. Of the four of us who were in the
    barque, God equally divided them, taking two and leaving two. These
    two good Religious, who were thoroughly prepared and resigned to
    die, will serve as victims to appease the wrath of God, justly
    provoked against us for our shortcomings, and to cause him to grant
    in the future his goodness, that it may be favorable to the success
    of the project undertaken._

_Ce qui nous perdit fut vn grand coup de vent de Suest, qui s'efleua
lors que nous estions à la riue des terres, vent si impetueux que
quelque soin & diligence que peust apporter nostre Pilote auec ses
Matelots, Quelques voeux & prieres que nous peussions faire pour
destourner ce coup, iamais nous ne peusmes faire en sorte que nous
n'allassions heurter contre les rochers: ce fut le 26. iour d'apres
nostre depart, iour de sainct Barthelemy, enuiron sur les neuf heures
du soir; De 24. que nous estions dans la barque, dix seulement
eschapperent, les autres furent estouffez dans les eaux. Les deux
nepueux du Pere Noyrot tindrent compagnie à leur oncle, leurs corps
ont esté enterrez,_ [277] _entre autres celuy du P. Noyrot & de
nostre frere, des sept autres nous n'en auons eu aucune nouuelles,
quelque recherche que nous en ayons peu faire. De vous dire comment
le Pere de Vieuxpont & moy auons eschappé du naufrage, il me seroit
bien difficille, & croy que Dieu seul en a cognoissance, qui suiuans
les desseins de sa diuine prouid[~e]ce nous a preseruez, car pour
mon regard ne iugeant pas dans les apparences humaines qu'il me fust
possible d'éuiter ce danger, i'auois pris resolution de me tenir dans
la chambre du nauire auec nostre frere Louys, nous disposans tous
deux à receuoir le coup de la mort, qui ne pouuoit tarder plus de
trois_ Miserere, _lors que i'entendis qu'on m'appelloit sur le haut
du nauire, ie croyois que c'estoit quelqu'vn qui auoit affaire de mon
secours, ie montay en haut, & trouuay que c'estoit le P. Noyrot qui
me demandoit derechef l'absolution: Apres luy auoir donnée, & chanté
tous ensemble le_ Salue Regina, _ie fus contrainct de demeurer en
haut; car de descendre il n'y auoit plus de moyen, la mer estoit si
haute, & le vent si furieux, qu'en moins de rien le costé qui panchoit
sur le rocher fut mis en pieces, i'estois proche du P. Noirot lors
qu'vn coup de mer vint si impetueusement donner contre le costé sur
lequel nous estions qui rompit tout, & me separa du P. Noyrot, de la
bouche duquel i'entendis ces dernieres paroles_, In manus tuas Domine,
&c. _Pour moy de ce coup ie me trouuay engagé entre quatre pieces de
bois, deux desquelles me donnerent si rudement contre la poictrine,
& les deux autres me briserent si fort le dos que ie croyois mourir
auparauant que d'estre enueloppé des flots, mais voicy vn autre coup
de mer qui me desengageant de ces bois m'enleua, & mon bonnet & mes
pantoufles, & mist le reste du nauire tout à plat dans la mer: Ie
tombay heureusement sur vne planche que ie n'abandonnay point, de
rencontre elle estoit liée auec le reste du coste de ce nauire. Nous
voilà doncques à la mercy des flots, qui ne nous espargnoient point;
ains s'esleuans ie ne sçay combien de couldées au dessus de nous,
tomboient par apres sur nos testes. Apres auoir flotté longtemps de
la sorte dans l'obscurité de la nuict, qui estoit desia commencée,
regardant à l'entour de moy ie m'apperceus que nous estions enfermez
d'espines & sur tout enuironnez & prest du costau qui sembloit vne
isle, puis regardant vn peu plus attentiuement ie contay six personnes
qui n'estoient pas fort esloignées de moy, deux desquels m'apperceuans
m'exciterent à faire tous mes efforts pour m'approcher, ce ne_ [278]
_fut pas sans peine, car les coups que i'auois receus dans le debris
du vaisseau m'auoient fort affoiblis: Ie fis tant neantmoins, qu'auec
mes planches i'arriuay au lieu où ils estoient, & auec leur secours
ie me trouuay assis sur le grand mast, qui tenait encore ferme auec
vne partie du vaisseau, ie n'y fus pas long-temps car comme nous
approchions plus prés de cette isle, nos Matelots se lancerent
bien-tost à terre, & auec leur assistance tous ceux qui estoient sur
le costé du nauire y furent bien tost apres. Nous voilà donc sept de
compagnie, ie n'auois bonnet ny souliers, ma soutane & habits estoient
tous deschirez, & si moulus de coups que ie ne pouuois me soustenir, &
de faict il fallut qu'on me soustint pour aller iusques dans le bois,
aussi auois-ie receu deux rudes coups aux deux jambes, mais sur tout à
la dextre, dont ie me ressens encore, les mains fenduës auec quelque
contusion, la hanche escorchée, la poitrine sur tout fort offencée,
nous nous retirasmes donc tous sept dans le bois, moüillez comme ceux
qui venoient d'estre trempez dans la mer: la premiere chose que nous
fismes fut de remercier Dieu de ce qu'il nous auoit preseruez, & puis
le prier pour ceux qui pourroi[~e]t estre morts. Cela faict pour nous
eschauffer nous nous couchasmes les vns proches des autres, la terre
& l'herbe qui auoient esté moüillez de la pluye du iour n'estoient
encore propre pour nous seicher, nous passasmes ainsi le reste de la
nuict, pendant laquelle le P. de Vieuxpont (qui graces à Dieu n'estoit
point offencé) dormit fort bien. Le l'endemain si tost qu'il fut iour
nous allasmes recognoistre le lieu où nous estions, & trouuasmes que
c'estoit vne isle de laquelle nous pouuions passer à la terre ferme,
sur le riuage nous trouuasmes force choses que la mer y auoit ietté,
i'y trouuay deux pantoufles, vn bonnet, vn chappeau, vne soutanne, &
plusieurs autres choses necessaires. Sur tout Dieu nous y enuoya pour
viures cinq bariques de vin, quelques dix pieces de lard, de l'huile,
du pain, des fromages, & vne harquebuse, & de la pouldre tout à propos
pour faire du feu. Apres qu'on eut ainsi tout retiré, le iour de sainct
Louys tous s'employerent à faire le possible pour bastir vne chalouppe
du desbris du vaisseau, auec laquelle nous irions rangeant la coste
chercher quelque nauire de pescheurs: On se mit doncques à trauailler
auec meschans ferremens que l'on trouua, elle estoit bien aduancée le
quatriesme iour, lors que nous eusmes cognoissance d'vne chalouppe qui
estoit sous voile venant vers le lieu où nous estions, ils receurent
dedans vn de nos matelots qui alla tout seul plus proche du lieu_ [279]
_où elle deuoit passer, ils le menerent dans leur vaisseau parler au
Maistre, auquel il racõta nostre disgrace, le maistre tout aussi-tost
s'embarqua dans vne chalouppe & nous vint trouuer, nous offrit à tous
le passage: Nous voila en asseurance, car le lendemain tous les hommes
coucherent dans son vaisseau: C'estoit vn vaisseau Basque qui faisoit
pesche â vne lieuë & demie du rocher, où nous fismes naufrage, & pour
autãt qu'il restoit encores bien du temps pour acheuer leur pesche,
nous demeurasmes auec eux ce qui restoit du mois d'Aoust, & tout le
mois de Septembre. Le premier d' Octobre arriua vn Sauuage qui dist au
Maistre que s'il ne s'en alloit il y auroit danger que les Anglois ne
le surprissent. Cette nouvelle le disposa au depart: Le mesme Sauuage
nous dist que le Capitaine Daniel estoit â vingt-cinq lieuës de là qui
bastissoit vne maison, & y laissoit des François auec vn de nos Peres:
Cela me donna occasion de dire au P. de Vieuxpont qui me pressoit fort
que ie luy accordasse de demeurer auec ce Sauuage dans ceste coste,
qui estoit bien l'vn des meilleurs Sauuages qui se puisse rencontrer,
Mon Pere voicy le moyen de contenter vostre reuerence, le Pere Vimond
fera bien aise d'auoir vn compagnon. Ce Sauuage s'offre de mener
vostre Reuerence iusques au lieu où est Monsieur Daniel, si elle veut
demeurer là elle y demeurera, si elle veut aller quelque mois auec les
Sauuages, pour apprendre la langue elle le pourra faire, & ainsi le R.
Pere Vimond & vostre Reuerence auront leur contentement: le bon Pere
fut extresmement ioyeux de ceste occasion qui se presentoit, ainsi il
s'embarque dans la chalouppe du Sauuage, ie luy laissay tout ce que
nous auions sauué, horsmis le grand Tableau duquel le matelot Basque
s'estoit saisi, mais i'auois bien pensé au retour de luy faire rendre,
si vne autre disgrace ne nous fut arriuée. Nous partismes donc de la
coste le 6. Octobre, & apres auoir enduré de si furieuses tempestes
que nous n'auions encores experim[~e]tées, le quarantiesme iour de
nostre depart entrãt dãs vn port proche de S. Sebasti[~e], nous fismes
de rechef vn second naufrage, le Nauire rompu en mille piéces, toute
la moluë perduë, ce que ie peus faire ce fut de me sauuer dans vne
chalouppe, dans laquelle ie me iettay auec des pantoufles aux pieds, &
vn bonnet de nuict en teste, & en ceste esquippage m'en aller trouuer
nos Peres à S. Sebastien, d'où ie partis il y a huict iours, & suis
arriué à Bourdeuac proche de Bordeaux le 20. de ce mois. Voila le
succeds de nostre voyage, par lequel vostre Reuerence peut iuger des
obligations que i'ay à D I E V._

    _Our wreck was caused by a heavy gust of wind from the Southeast,
    which arose when we were near the shore,--a wind so strong that
    in spite of all the diligence of our Pilot and his Sailors, and
    the vows and prayers which we made to avert the disaster, we could
    not avoid striking upon the rocks. This was on the 26th day after
    our departure, saint Barthelemy's day, about nine o'clock in the
    evening. Of the 24 who were in the barque, ten only escaped, the
    others being suffocated in the water. The two nephews of Father
    Noyrot kept company with their uncle, and there the bodies were
    buried,_ [277] _among others that of Father Noyrot and our brother;
    of the seven others we have no tidings, notwithstanding the search
    that has been made. It would be difficult for me to tell you how
    Father de Vieuxpont[45] and I escaped shipwreck, and I believe it
    is known only to God, who, in harmony with the purposes of his
    divine providence, has preserved us; for in regard to myself, not
    thinking it within the bounds of human possibility that I could
    escape this danger, I had resolved to remain in the ship's cabin
    with our brother Louys. We were preparing ourselves to meet death,
    which could not be farther away than three_ Miserere's, _when I
    heard some one call me on the deck of the ship. I thought it might
    be some one who was planning my rescue. I went up and found it
    was Father Noyrot, who asked me to again give him absolution. After
    having given it to him, and having all sung together the_ Salve
    Regina, _I was obliged to remain above, for there was no means of
    descending; the sea being so high and the wind so furious, that,
    in less than no time, the side which leaned toward the rocks was
    broken in pieces. I was near Father Noyrot, when a wave struck the
    ship so hard on the side where we were that it broke everything,
    separating me from Father Noyrot, from whose lips I heard these
    last words_: In manus tuas Domine, &c. _I found myself after this
    blow entangled in four pieces of wood, two of which struck me so
    hard on the chest and the other two hit me so heavily upon the
    back, that I thought I should die before being engulfed in the
    waves; but then came another sea, which, freeing me from these
    pieces of wood, carried me off, and my cap and slippers, and
    scattered the rest of the ship over the sea. Fortunately, I fell
    upon a plank to which I clung, and which happened to be attached
    to the rest of the side of the ship. We were then at the mercy
    of the waves, which did not spare us, but which rose, I know not
    how many cubits above us, and then fell forward over our heads.
    After having floated about a long time in this manner, in the
    darkness of the night, which had already set in, looking around
    me I saw that we were surrounded on all sides by pine trees, and
    everywhere environed by, and near the shores of what seemed to
    be an island; then examining a little more closely I counted six
    persons who were not far from me, two of whom noticed me, and
    motioned for me to try and come near them. This_ [278] _was not
    without difficulty, for the blows I had received from the debris
    of the ship had weakened me. I did so well, however, that with
    the aid of my planks, I reached the place where they were, and,
    with their assistance, I found myself sitting upon the mainmast,
    which was still firmly fastened to a part of the ship. I did not
    remain there long, for as we neared the island our Sailors soon
    leaped to the land; and, with their assistance, all those who were
    on the side of the ship were soon brought to the shore. There
    were then seven of us together; I had neither cap nor shoes, my
    cassock and clothes were all torn, and I was so bruised by blows
    from the wreck, that I could not stand up; and, in fact, some one
    had to support me while I was trying to reach the woods; for I
    had received two hard blows upon both legs, but especially upon
    the right one, which I still feel; my hands were cut and bruised,
    the flesh torn from my hips; above all I was badly wounded in the
    chest. All seven of us withdrew into the woods, as wet as those who
    have just been soaked in the sea. The first thing we did was to
    thank God for having preserved us, and then we prayed to him for
    those who might be dead. This done, we lay down very near to each
    other to keep warm; the ground and the grass, which had been wet
    by the rain of the previous day, were not yet in a condition to
    dry us; thus we spent the rest of the night, during which Father
    de Vieuxpont (who, thank God, was unharmed) slept well. The next
    morning, at day-break, we reconnoitered the place where we were,
    and discovered that it was an island, from which we could go to the
    mainland. We found many things upon the shore that had been thrown
    up by the sea; I found there two slippers, a cap, a hat, a cassock,
    and several other necessary articles. Best of all, God sent us as
    food, five barrels of wine, about ten pieces of lard; oil, bread,
    and cheese; also an arquebuse, powder, and everything necessary
    to make a fire. After having drawn all these upon the shore, on
    saint Louis's day, everybody went to work in earnest to build a
    boat out of the wreck of the ship, in which we might sail along
    the coast in search of some fishing boat. So we began to work with
    the poor tools at our disposal, and considerable progress was made
    by the fourth day, when we learned of a boat under sail, coming
    towards the place where we were. They received on board one of our
    sailors, who went alone to the place_ [279] _near which it was to
    pass. They took him into their ship to speak with their Captain,
    to whom he related our misfortune. The captain immediately entered
    a boat and came in search of us, offering a passage to all of us.
    Behold us then in safety, for the next night we all slept in his
    ship. It was a Basque, which was fishing a league and a half from
    the rock where we were wrecked; and, as they would not finish their
    fishing for some time, we stayed with them during the remainder of
    the month of August and the entire month of September. On the first
    of October a Savage arrived, and told the Master that if he did not
    leave he would be in danger of being surprised by the English. This
    news decided his departure. The same Savage told us that Captain
    Daniel[46] was twenty-five leagues away, and was building a house,
    and that he had left the French with one of our Fathers there.
    This led me to say to Father de Vieuxpont, who urged me earnestly
    to permit him to remain with this Savage upon this coast, for he
    was one of the best Savages that could be found; "My Father, here
    is the way we can satisfy your reverence; Father Vimond[47] will
    be very happy to have a companion. This Savage offers to conduct
    your Reverence to the place where Monsieur Daniel is; if you wish
    to remain there, you may do so; if you wish to go to spend a
    few months with the Savages to learn their language, you may do
    so; and so the Reverend Father Vimond and your Reverence will
    be satisfied." The good Father was very happy at this opportunity
    which offered itself, so he embarked in the Savage's boat. I gave
    him all that we had saved, except the large Painting, which the
    Basque sailor had taken possession of; but I had intended to make
    him surrender it upon our return, if another misfortune had not
    overtaken us. So we left the coast on the 6th of October; and
    after having suffered the most furious tempests that we had yet
    experienced, we entered, the fortieth day after our departure, the
    port near St. Sebastien, where we were wrecked a second time, the
    Ship being broken into a thousand pieces and all the codfish being
    lost. All I could do was to escape in a shallop into which I threw
    myself, in my slippers and nightcap, and in this outfit I went to
    find our Fathers at St. Sebastien, whence I departed eight days
    later, and arrived at Bourdevac, near Bordeaux, the 20th of this
    month. This is the result of our voyage, from which your Reverence
    can judge of my obligations to G O D._




BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL IV


XIV

Chapters xxvi.-xxxvii., completing the document, are given in the
present volume. The preceding chapters, with Bibliographical Data, are
found in our Volume III.


XV-XVII

Documents XV. and XVI. are letters from Charles Lalemant to Sieur de
Champlain and the provincial of the Récollets, respectively, dated
at Quebec, July 28, 1625. They are taken from Sagard's _Histoire du
Canada_ (Paris, 1636), pp. 868, 869, 870; in the Tross reprint of
Sagard (Paris, 1865), they are in vol. iii., pp. 789, 790.[48]

Document XVII. is a letter from Lalemant to his general, at Rome, dated
New France, August 1, (presumably 1626). It was written in Latin, the
original being preserved in the Archives of the Gesù at Rome. This
is one of the letters copied for Carayon, by Father Martin, in 1858,
and translated by the latter into French, for the _Première Mission_,
where it appears on pp. 117-121,--see Bibliographical Data for Document
XIII., in our Volume III. We follow the Martin apograph, in Latin
(preserved at St. Mary's College, Montreal), and our translation into
English is made therefrom.[49]

The above three letters by Lalemant were selected by O'Callaghan from
Sagard and Carayon,--the third being, of course, Martin's French
translation,--and published at Albany in 1870, with a brief "Avis"
giving the sources of the documents. This publication, known in the
Lenox Catalogue as "O'Callaghan Reprint No. 2," bears the following
title-page:

Copie de Trois | Lettres | escrittes ès années 1625. et 1626. | Par
le P. Charles Lallemant | Superieur des Missions de la Compagnie | de
Iesvs en la | Novvelle France. | A Albanie | De l'Imprimerie de J.
Munsell | M.DCCC.LXX.

_Collation of O'Callaghan's Reprint._ Title, 1 p.; reverse of title,
with inscription: "Edition tirée à vingt cinq exemplaires. O'C.," 1 p.;
"Avis" (by O'Callaghan), 1 p.; text, pp. 5-14.

For further references, see Brown, vol. ii., no. 316 and p. 166;
Harrisse, nos. 426, 427, 429; Sabin, vol. x., no. 38679; O'Callaghan,
nos. 1209, 1250; Winsor, p. 301; Lenox, p. 18.


XVIII

We follow the original publication (Paris, 1627), now in the Lenox
Library, of Lalemant's letter to his brother, Jerome; it is described
in the Lenox Catalogue, p. 4, under "H. 41."

There are extant, four different reprints of this document, as follows:

1. It appears to have first been reprinted in _Mercure François_, tome
xiii., pp. 12-34; the portion of the journal wherein this is found, is
devoted to the events of the year 1626, but the royal Privilege for
the volume was "Donné au camp de la Rochelle le 28. de Septembre, l'an
de grace 1628." The original publication appeared without statement of
Privilege; it is, therefore, impossible to say when in 1627 permission
to print was granted. In the Quebec edition of the _Relations_ (1858),
it is inadvertently stated (vol. i.) that this letter commences on p.
1 (instead of p. 12) of tome xiii. of _Mercure_, an error which Sabin,
Harrisse, and others have repeated. As will be seen by a comparison
of our text with that of issues which follow the _Mercure_, the
differences between the original and this first reprint are slight.

2. The next reprint appears in Danjou's _Archives Curieuses_, 2nd
series, tome iii. (Paris, 1838), pp. (405-426). This follows the text
of the original, and not that of the _Mercure_. The following clause in
the Lenox Catalogue, p. 19,--the final sentence of note under "7(b)" in
list of O'Callaghan's Reprints,--is misleading: "The copy in the Astor
Library of that work is printed from the original letter of 1627." The
"copy in the Astor" is simply this reprint in _Archives Curieuses_, of
which rare collection the Astor has a set.

3. The third reprint, but the first in separate form, was issued by
O'Callaghan at Albany, 1870, and is the one designated in the Lenox
Catalogue (p. 19) as "7(b)." The text of the _Mercure_ reprint is
followed, with a made-up title-page, as follows:

Relation | de ce qvi s'est passé | en la | Novvelle France | en l'annee
M.DC.XXVI. | Enuoyée au Père Hierosme L'Allemant | par le P. Charles
L'Allemant Superievr de | la Mission de la Compagnie de Iesvs | en |
Canada. | D'après la Copie dans le Mercure François | Tome 13. | A
Paris | Chez Estienne Richer ruë S. Iean de Latran | M.DC.XXIX.

_Collation of same._ Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription:
"Edition tirée a vingt-cinq exemplaires, O'C.," 1 p.; Tables des
Matieres, 2 pp.; text, pp. 1-51; Table, pp. 53-59.

4. A second separate reprint was issued by O'Callaghan in 1871, and is
that referred to in the Lenox Catalogue (p. 19) as "7(a)." This follows
the original text, and not that of the _Mercure_; it is set in small
type in imitation of the original (Paris, 1627), and comes into the
same number of pages. Upon the otherwise blank page facing the last
page of the text, is the inscription: "Calqué sur l'exemplaire dans
la collection | de Mr. James Lenox, de New York." The title-page is
apparently photo-lithographed from the original.

For further references to this document, which has had a curious
bibliographical history, see Harrisse, no. 41; Sabin, vol. x., no.
38680 (original), and no. 38682 (reprint); Carayon, nos. 1254, 1255,
and p. 1179; Ternaux, no. 496; Winsor, pp. 300, 301; _Historical
Magazine_, vol. iii., p. 19; Brown, vol. ii., p. 166; Lenox, p. 4 (H.
41), 19; and the Barlow (no. 1272), Murphy (no. 1480), and O'Callaghan
(nos. 1250, 1982) sale catalogues.

_Title-page._ We give a photographic facsimile of original.

_Collation of Original._ Title, 1 p.; text, pp. 1-16.


XIX

Charles Lalemant's letter of Nov. 22, 1629, to the superior of
the Jesuit College at Paris, originally appeared without title or
headlines, in _Les voyages du Sieur de Champlain_ (Paris, 1632), 2nd
part, pp. 275-279. O'Callaghan reprinted it in what is known in the
Lenox list as "No. 3," of which,--as with others of the O'Callaghan
series,--but twenty-five copies were published. He omitted the
preliminary editorial note, on p. 275, made up a title-page of his
own, and furnished the Avant-Propos. In the present issue, we
reproduce the O'Callaghan title-page and Avant-Propos, but in all
other respects strictly follow the original publication. See further
references in Winsor, p. 301; Sabin, vol. x., no. 38681; Lenox, p. 18.

_Title-page._ We imitate O'Callaghan's Reprint.

_Collation of O'Callaghan's Reprint._ Title, 1 p.; reverse of title,
with inscription: "Tirée à vingt cinq exemplaires, lesquels ne font |
pas à vendre. O'C.," 1 p.; Avant-Propos (by O'Callaghan), 1 p.; blank,
1 p.; text, pp. 5-15; colophon, 1 p.: "Achevé d'Imprimer à Albany, N.
Y., par | J. Munsell, çe 14 Juin, 1870."




NOTES TO VOL. IV


(_Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of
English text._)

1 (p. 15).--_The pilot_: see vol. ii., _note_ 88.

2 (p. 15).--_Pretended Religion_: see vol. iii., _note_ 31.

3 (p. 21).--On Turnell, see vol. i, _note_ 66.

4 (p. 33).--_The Marshal_: Sir Thomas Dale (spelled Deel, by Biard).
See vol. i, _note_ 64.

5 (p. 33).--_The General_: this was Sir Thomas Gates, one of the
prominent men of his time in both military and civil service. He was of
Devonshire, and probably at this time a little over 50 years of age;
had been an officer in the Drake-Sidney expedition to America (1585-86)
and published an account of it in 1589; later, had military commands in
Spain and Holland; was commander of the English expedition to Virginia
in 1608, and appointed the first sole and absolute governor to the
colony there; returned to England in April, 1614. He lived about six
years longer, and took much interest in the affairs of Virginia. Both
he and Dale were men of energy and executive ability; to their efforts
are mainly ascribed the establishment and continuance of the Jamestown
colony.

6 (p. 69).--The French name for the English Channel; given on account
of its shape, resembling a sleeve (Fr. _manche_). It gives its name to
the maritime department of France in which are situated Cherbourg and
St. Lô.

7 (p. 75).--_The ambassador_: see vol. ii., _note_ 94.

8 (p. 85).--On Betsabes, see vol. iii., _note_ 16.

9 (p. 91).--_River of smelts_: the Liesse River of Lescarbot (see vol.
ii., _note_ 37).

10 (p. 95).--On this point, cf. Maurault (_Hist. Abenakis_, p. 95,
_note_ 4): "The Abnakis always exhibited profound grief at the death of
a child; the parents were inconsolable. The cause of this great sorrow
was the belief of the savages that a child was wretched in the other
world, because it was too young and weak to procure for itself the
necessities of life there."

11 (p. 101).--The letters patent here referred to were those issued
to Sir Thomas Gates and others, for the establishment of colonies in
Virginia, and constituted the colonial charter. This document, dated
April 10, 1606, granted some 20,000 square miles to the two companies,
but claimed for the crown all of North America between 34° and 45°
north latitude, presumably amounting to some 2,000,000 square miles, as
the width of the continent was then understood. The text is given, with
collateral and illustrative papers, in Brown's _Genesis_, pp. 52 _et
seq._

12 (p. 105).--For a graphic account of the colonial enterprises of Jean
Ribaut and René de Laudonnière in Florida (1562-65), consult Parkman's
_Pioneers_, pp. 33-150. Cf. Laudonnière's own narrative, and Ribaut's
journal, as given in Goldsmid's _Hakluyt_, vol. xiii., pp. 407-507;
also Guérin's _Navigateurs Français_, (Paris, 1846), pp. 180-204.

13 (p. 105).--Concerning these early discoveries by the French, see
vol. ii., _notes_ 49, 72; and vol. iii., _notes_ 5, 9.

14 (p. 107).--Biard here refers to the colony established in 1610
by John Guy and others at Cupids Harbor (opening into Conception
Bay), N. F. Lord Bacon was prominent in this enterprise, and it was
his influence that secured the charter and subsidies granted to the
Newfoundland Colonization Company, as it was called. The company seems
to have existed till at least 1628. For Guy's charter, and letters
written by him, with an account of his enterprise and of other early
colonies in that region, see Prowse's _Hist. N.F._, pp. 92-133.

15 (p. 107).--The map of Ortelius (1570) shows New France as extending
southward to 40°. Van der Aa's "Canada" (1619, _ca._) and Blaeu's
"Extrema Americæ" (1620), give the Kennebec river as the dividing line
between New England and New France; the latter region is extended
by Van der Aa to the south of the Great Lakes, and as far as the
Mississippi river. Winsor gives (_Cartier to Frontenac_, p. 9), a
sketch reduced from a tracing of the alleged map of Denis (1506),
mentioned in vol. iii, of the present series, _note_ 4.

16 (p. 109).--Reference is here made to the "Pandects," or _Corpus
Juris Civilis_, a collection of the Roman civil law, made in the
sixth century by Emperor Justinian. The "law of Alluvions" has
two branches,--the law of abandonment, and that of accretion
(_acquirendo_). Biard's reference is to the _Corpus Juris Civilis_,
Digest, book 41 ("_De adquirendo rerum dominio_"), 29 and 30. The sign
ff, used in our text, was employed by early jurisconsults to signify
the Digest, and even the Pandects as a whole; it is supposed to be
a corruption of the Greek character [^p] (or perhaps of [th]).--See
Hermann Hugo's _De Prima Scribendi Origine_ (Antwerp, 1617), p. 153.

17 (p. 109).--Regarding the Count de Soissons, see vol. ii., _note_ 24.

18 (p. 109).--Cf. with these arguments of Biard, Champlain's "_Abregé
des decovvertvres de la Nouuelle France_," in his _Voyages_ (ed. 1632),
part 2, pp. 290-296; and Hinsdale's "Right of Discovery," in _Ohio
Archæol. and Hist. Quarterly_, Dec., 1888.

19 (p. 113).--Concerning the French fisheries in Newfoundland, which,
with the neighboring Banks, furnished the greater part of the Canadian
product, see Prowse's _Hist. N.F._, pp. 49-50; and Dionne's _Nouv.
France_, chaps. viii., ix. For a detailed account of the Canadian
fisheries at the present time, see Joncas's "Fisheries of Canada," in
_Canadian Economics_ (Montreal, 1884), pp. 41-73.

Lalemant says (doc. no. xviii., _post_) that the usual exportation
of beaver skins from New France was 12,000 to 15,000 annually; and
that it had, in one year, been 22,000. These skins were sold in
France at a pistole each, or ten livres. The Company of Merchants
is said to have realized an annual dividend of 40 per cent on its
investment. Garneau cites De Caen as saying, when Quebec was restored
to him by Kirk, in 1632: "But as for our settlement, my people have
found it utterly consumed, along with 9,000 beaver skins, valued at
40,000 livres."--_Histoire du Canada_ (4th ed., Montreal, 1882),
vol. i., p. 127, _note_ *. See, also, chapter on "New France and the
Fur-trade," in H. H. Bancroft's _N.W. Coast_, vol. i., pp. 378-403; and
Dionne's _Nouv. France_, chap. xiii. Gagnon's _Essai de bibliographie
canadienne_ (Quebec, 1895), p. 128, mentions Bruslons's _Dictionnaire
universel de commerce_ (Savary's ed., Paris, 1723) as "an immense
compilation, containing highly valuable information in regard to
Canadian commerce in the seventeenth century."

20 (p. 171).--Charles Lalemant (also written L'Alemand, L'Almand,
Lallemant, and Allemand) was born at Paris Nov. 17, 1587, and became a
novice of the Jesuits July 29, 1607, at Rouen. He studied philosophy
at La Flèche, 1609-12; during the following three years, he was an
instructor in the college of Nevers; four years more he devoted to
the study of theology at La Flèche, and one year at Paris. He was a
professor in the college at Bourges, 1620-22; and, for three years
more, principal of the boarding school of Clermont, Paris. In March,
1625, he was appointed superior of the mission at Quebec, whither he
went with his brethren Massé and Brébeuf, and the Récollet missionary
Joseph La Roche-Daillon, arriving in June of that year. Here Lalemant
remained till November, 1627, when he went to France to procure
supplies. Returning in the following May, the ship was captured by
Admiral Kirk, the Jesuits being sent to England, and later to France.
In June, 1629, Lalemant, with several other Jesuits, made a second
attempt to return to Canada; but they were shipwrecked on the rocks
near Canso. Noyrot and Malot perished in the waves, Vieuxpont joined
Father Vimont at Grand Cibou, and Lalemant was taken back to France by
a Basque fishing vessel, arriving at St. Sebastien after still another
shipwreck. Quebec having been meanwhile captured by the English, the
Canadian missions were interrupted until 1632, when the region was
restored to France. Lalemant, upon his return to France, in 1629, was
appointed rector of the college at Eu; and, later, of that at Rouen.
In April, 1634, his superiors granted his earnest request that he
might again go to Canada. He was placed in charge, with Massé and De
Nouë, of the chapel "Notre-Dame de Récouvrance" (built by Champlain on
his return to New France), and was the latter's friend and spiritual
director, attending him at his death. Lalemant returned to France in
1639, and there, during several years, acted as agent for the Canadian
missions; he was afterwards successively rector of the colleges at
Rouen, La Flèche, and Paris, and at the last place superior of the
Maison Professe. There he died, Nov. 18, 1674.

21 (p. 171).--_The General._ This was Emery de Caen, who, with his
uncle, Guillaume de Caen, was placed by Montmorency in charge of
commercial affairs in New France; both were Huguenots--the latter a
merchant, the former a naval captain.

It is necessary, in this connection, to outline the commercial
monopolies that successively dominated New France in its infancy. For
an account of the first of these, granted to De Monts, see vol. i.,
_note_ 2. His patent was finally canceled in 1609; and in January,
1611, he gave up his claims in America to Madame de Guercheville.
Meanwhile, Champlain (see vol. ii., _note_ 42) was continued as
lieutenant of the King in New France, with personal command over the
Quebec colony, which was sustained mainly through his efforts, with the
aid of the Rouen merchants who had been associated with De Monts.

_Company of Associates._--The Rouen associates withdrew from the
enterprise, toward the close of 1611; and, in the following year,
Champlain undertook the formation of a new company, to be composed of
merchants from Rouen, Havre, St. Malo and La Rochelle. It was open to
all who were willing to share both the profits and the losses, thus
avoiding the jealousies that had been aroused against the limited
membership of De Monts's company. The Rochelle men finally declined
to enter the company, which afterwards lost heavily by the illicit
trade in which the former engaged with the savages. Champlain also
accuses these merchants of selling arms and ammunition to the natives,
and exciting their hostility against the Quebec colonists.--See his
_Voyages_ (1632), part 2, pp. 2, 3. The Count de Soissons (vol. ii,
of this series, _note_ 24) was appointed governor of New France, with
Champlain as his lieutenant. After considerable delay, the Company of
Associates was organized (1613-14); among its members were, besides De
Monts and Champlain, Thomas Porée, Lucas Legendre, Mathieu Dusterlo,
and Daniel Boyer. Quarrels arose among the associates, caused by
commercial and even religious differences of opinion; and some of
them tried to eject Champlain from his command. Although this attempt
failed, his work was greatly hindered and embarrassed, until the Duke
of Montmorency, Condé's successor as viceroy, came to his aid (1620).

_Company of De Caen._--Dissensions and complaints still arising,
the Company of Associates was summarily dissolved by Montmorency,
in November, 1620, and a new company formed. At its head were the
De Caens; there were, also, Guillaume Robin, Jacques de Troyes, and
François Hervé, merchants; François de Troyes, chief of royal finance
at Orléans; Claude Le Ragois, receiver-general of finance at Limoges;
Pierre de Verton, counselor and secretary of the King; and others. The
old company had resented Montmorency's order of dissolution; but within
a year its membership and interests were consolidated with those of
the new association. The latter received a monopoly for eleven years,
to which the King added eleven more; but it also was dissolved by
Richelieu, early in 1627, to make room for his "Company of New France,"
also known as the "Company of the Hundred Associates."

_Company of New France._--This association was personally controlled
and managed by Richelieu; and had members in official positions about
the court, and in Paris, Rouen, and other cities of France. Among
these were Marquis Deffiat, superintendent of finance; Champlain;
Claude de Roquemont; the Commander de Razilly; Sebastian Cramoisy, the
Parisian publisher; Jean de Lauson, long the president of the company,
and intendant of Canada; Louis Houel, secretary of the King, and
controller of the salt works at Brouage; and several leading merchants
of Paris, Rouen, Dieppe, and Bordeaux. The reasons for the formation
of this company, the royal charter granted to it, and its articles of
association, are given in _Mercure François_, vol. xiv. (1628), pp.
232-267. For a complete list of the (107) members, see Creuxius' _Hist.
Canad._; for a copy of the list, with the company's charter, and other
interesting particulars, see Sulte's _Histoire des Canadiens-Français_
(Montreal, 1882-84), vol. ii., pp. 27-33. The company was granted
jurisdiction over the territory extending from Florida to the Arctic
Circle, and from Newfoundland to the "great fresh lake" (Huron). Only
Catholics were permitted to join this association, or to settle in its
colonies; and no Huguenot or foreigner might enter Canada. The capture
of Quebec by the English (1629) temporarily broke up this monopoly; but
it resumed operations when that region was retroceded to France (vol.
ii., _note_ 42). The charter of the company obliged it to send 4,000
colonists thither before 1643; to lodge and support them during three
years; and then to give them cleared lands for their maintenance. The
vast expense attending this undertaking was beyond the ability of the
Associates; therefore, in 1645, they transferred to the inhabitants
of Quebec their monopoly of the fur trade, with their debts and other
obligations,--retaining, however, their seigniorial rights. Finally
(Feb. 24, 1663), the Hundred Associates abandoned their charter, and
New France again became the property of the crown.

All these monopolies appear to have sought mainly their own financial
interests. They sustained the Quebec settlement, but in penurious
fashion, and only so far as it aided their trade with the natives; but
they did nothing to make it an agricultural community, or to forward
Champlain's schemes for the permanent colonization of Canada,--neither
of which objects could well be attained under the feudal tenure by
which the colonists held land under the companies.

For more extended accounts of these enterprises, see Parkman's
_Pioneers_, pp. 364-366, 419-432; his _Jesuits_, pp. 155-157, 194, 195,
331; Ferland's _Cours d'Histoire_, vol. i, pp. 161, 162, 167, 185, 189,
197-201, 215, 217, 220, 226, 338-340; Rochemonteix's _Jésuites_, vol.
i., pp. 128-135, 159, 163, 164, and vol. ii., pp. 65-66; Slafter's
"Memoir of Champlain," in _Voyages_ (Prince Soc.), vol. i., pp.
110-114, 122, 144-158, 187; Faillon's _Colon. Fr._, vol. i., pp.
132-136, 150, 160-175, 189-232, 268-272, 333-352; Winsor's _Cartier to
Frontenac_, pp. 130, 131, 167, 168; Garneau's _Canada_, vol. i., pp.
63-75; and Margry's _Collection de manuscrits relatifs à la Nouvelle
France_ (Quebec, 1883), vol. i., pp. 62-85.

The losses of the De Caens at the capture of Quebec (referred to _note
ante_, 19) were heavy; and, as some compensation therefor, they were
granted a monopoly of the fur trade in the Gulf of St. Lawrence for
one year. Emery De Caen was therefore appointed provisional governor
of Canada for that period, upon the restitution of the province by the
English; and on July 13, 1632, he took formal possession of Quebec in
the name of his King. Laverdière gives (_Champlain_, close of vol. ii.)
numerous "Pièces justificatives;" see pp. 6-31 of these, for documents
showing De Caen's losses through Kirk's attack, and his attempts to
secure redress from the latter through the English government. L'Abbé
H. A. B. Verreau, in _Report on Canadian Archives_ (1874), p. 197,
mentions that in Paris he found documents granting islands in the West
Indies to De Caen, in 1633 and 1640.

22 (p. 171).--Champlain, in thorough accord with the policy then
dominant at the court of France, was fully as desirous of establishing
the Christian religion among the savages of America as of gaining
new possessions for France. He had tried, in 1612, to induce Madame
de Guercheville to send the Jesuits to Quebec, and to aid De Monts in
establishing a colony there; see his _Voyages_ (1632), pt. i., pp. 112,
113. This proposal was rejected, on account of De Monts's Calvinistic
faith. But when the Company of Merchants was formed, two years later,
Champlain at once made plans for the establishment of missions in New
France. Consulting Louis Houel, of Brouage, the latter advised him to
apply to the Récollets (vol. ii., of the present series, _note_ 41),
who had already won renown from their successful missions in Spanish
America.

That Order gladly responded to the appeal; and, having secured the
consent of the King of France and of the Pope, and assurances of
aid from the Company of Merchants, the first Récollet missionaries
to Canada departed from France, April 24, 1615.--See Introduction,
vol. i., pp. xx., xxi. Other Récollets were sent over, from time to
time; and, in 1620-21, they built a convent and chapel (the first in
Canada) on St. Charles River, about half a French league from the
fort of Quebec. This they named Notre-Dame des Anges; it was situated
(according to Laverdière) on the spot where now stands the General
Hospital.

By 1624, five Récollet missions had been established--at Tadoussac,
Quebec, and Three Rivers; at Carhagouha, in the Huron country; and
among the Nipissings. There was another, in Acadia, on St. John River,
founded in 1619, conducted by three Récollets from Aquitaine, and
supported by certain commercial companies at Bordeaux. This mission was
closed in July, 1624; and, immediately thereafter, its priests joined
their brethren at Quebec.

Just before their arrival, a conference of the Récollet missionaries
was held at Quebec, at which they resolved to ask the coöperation of
the Jesuits (also noted for the success of their foreign missions)
in the Canadian field, which was far too large and arduous for their
limited resources, hoping that the latter order would send some
missionaries at its own expense. The Récollets, even more austere
than the other Franciscan orders, were forbidden by their rules to
own property; hence their missionaries could not look to their own
order for aid. The Company of Merchants had agreed with Champlain
to support six of the Récollets; but, as many of its members were
Protestants, this outlay was probably an unwelcome burden to them.
Moreover, the religious dissensions constantly arising between the
Huguenots and the Catholics were felt to be a hindrance to the labors
of the missionaries, who would have preferred that Protestants should
be entirely excluded from the management of affairs. Sagard says
(_Canada_, pp. 860, 861) that he complained to Montmorency of the
disorders in Canada, for which he blamed the Huguenots; and that
the Récollet provincial at Paris, with Father Irenæus Piat (envoy
from the Canadian missionaries, to negotiate with the Jesuits), made
formal charges against them in the council, to the same effect. The
viceroy (in Rochemonteix's phrase, "a man of the world, who loved
pleasures quite as well as honors") had meanwhile gladly disposed
of his troublesome Canadian dignities (January, 1625) to his nephew
Henri de Lévis, duke of Ventadour, a pious man who cared not for trade
or conquest, but only for the conversion of the savages. De Lévis's
spiritual director was a Jesuit; the application of the Récollets
for aid from the Society of Jesus came at an opportune time for both
orders. It is also probable that the influences of the court, at that
time strongly inclined toward the Jesuits, helped to bring about
the arrangement. There was, however, considerable opposition to its
consummation, especially from the Company of Merchants; but, according
to Faillon, the new viceroy asserted his authority over them, and
obliged them to yield. In accordance with the agreement, the Jesuit
fathers Lalemant, Massé, and Brébeuf, with the coadjutors François
Charreton, Jean Goffestre, and Gilbert Burel, were sent to New France
in April, 1625. There they pursued their missionary labors until the
capture of Quebec by the English, four years later. After that event,
Kirk sent all the missionaries back to France, by way of England. When
the French returned (1632), they were accompanied solely by Jesuit
priests, for Richelieu would not allow the Récollets to resume their
Canadian missions.

For accounts of this transaction, from a Récollet standpoint, see
Shea's _Le Clercq_, pp. 224-233; and Sagard's _Canada_, pp. 860-865.
The Jesuit view is given in Rochemonteix's _Jésuites_, vol. i., pp.
137-153. Cf. Faillon's _Colon. Fr._, vol. i., pp. 206-212.

23 (p. 171).--This was Joseph de la Roche-Daillon (written also
d'Allion), a Récollet priest of the province of St. Denis, allied to
the house of the counts du Lud (or Lude). He accompanied the Jesuit
missionaries to Canada, and, after remaining at Quebec for a year, went
to the Huron country with Brébeuf and De Nouë. In October, 1626, he
visited the Neutral Nation, and spent the winter there. In the summer
of 1628, he returned from the Huron mission to Quebec, remaining there
until its capture; Champlain mentions his visit to "Father la Roche,"
just before that event, to ask if the Récollets could supply any grain
to the colony. Sagard gives (_Canada_, pp. 880-892) a letter written
to a friend by Daillon, describing his visit to the Neutrals; it is
reproduced by Le Clercq (Shea's ed., vol. i., pp. 263-272). Harris
(citing Noiseux's _Liste chronologique_) gives the date of Daillon's
death as July 16, 1656.--_Early Missions in Western Canada_ (Toronto,
1893), p. 56, _note_.

24 (p. 171).--_The trading station_: Three Rivers (see vol. ii.,
_note_ 52). This point was long a favorite fur-trade rendezvous for
the Indians. The Récollet missionaries established a residence here
in June, 1615, which was maintained until 1628. The fortified French
settlement at Three Rivers was established by Champlain in July, 1634,
to protect the Huron and Algonkin fur trade from the incursions of
the Iroquois, and to serve as an outpost of defence for Quebec. The
first colonist was Jacques Hertel, who in 1633 had obtained a grant of
land there. The Jesuit missionaries were also among the proprietors
of the new town, having obtained from the Company of New France (see
_note_ 21, _ante_), by a grant dated Feb. 15, 1634, six arpents of
land at Three Rivers; but they did not secure possession of this till
Montmagny delivered it to them (1637). However, within two months
after La Violette, Champlain's lieutenant, had erected his stockade at
Three Rivers, two of the Jesuit fathers,--Le Jeune and Buteux,--had
established a residence there, which was for many years an important
center of missionary work.--See Sulte's _Can.-Français_, vol. ii., pp.
48-54: he gives a list; containing also much genealogical information,
of the early inhabitants of Three Rivers; and the document granting
land there to the Society of Jesus, copied from _Titres seigneuriaux_
(Quebec, 1852), p. 70. Cf. Ferland's _Cours d'Histoire_, vol. i., p.
270; he states that the church registers of Three Rivers are continuous
since February, 1635; and that these records are the oldest existing in
Canada. The first entry gives the exact date on which the settlement
was begun--July 4, 1634.

Sulte has published, at Montreal, several works concerning this
town: _Histoire de la ville des Trois-Rivières_ (1870), _Chronique
trifluvienne_ (1879), and _Album de l'Histoire des Trois-Rivières_
(1881).

25 (p. 171).--Father Nicholas Viel, then stationed at Montargis,
France, was sent to the Canadian mission of the Récollets, with Brother
Gabriel Sagard (see _note_ 48, _post_), in 1623. Arriving at Quebec,
June 28 of that year, they at once accompanied Father Joseph Le Caron
to the Huron country, which they reached in August, and settled at
the residence already established at Quieunonascaran. At the end of
ten months, Le Caron and Sagard returned to Quebec, leaving Viel in
charge of the mission. In the summer of 1625, he went with the Hurons
on their annual trading voyage to Quebec, taking with him an Indian lad
named Ahautsic, whom he had baptized and confirmed. A storm scattering
the fleet, the three Hurons in his canoe viciously threw him and his
disciple into the water, at the last rapid above Montreal, which from
that time has borne the name of Sault au Récollet. Sagard and Le Clercq
give full accounts of Father Viel's missionary work, and of his tragic
death. The latter states that Viel left a dictionary of the Huron
language, with other memoirs, in the hands of certain Frenchmen then
living in the Huron country, who, later, conveyed the MSS. to Father Le
Caron, at Quebec.

26 (p. 171).--Joseph Le Caron was one of the four Récollets who began
the mission of that order in Canada (see _note_ 22, _ante_). Verbal
permission to engage in this work was given them by the papal nuncio
at Paris, that their departure might not be delayed by waiting for
the usual brief; for some unknown reason the issue of this paper was
delayed until March 20, 1618. The original document is now in the
departmental archives of France, according to Faillon (_Col. Fr._, vol.
i., p. 146). It is addressed to Father Le Caron and other Récollet
brothers and priests: Sagard copies it in his _Canada_, pp. 12-17.

Upon arriving at Tadoussac, May 25, 1615, Jamay (the superior) went
with Le Caron to Three Rivers, where they at once proceeded to
establish a sedentary mission for the Indians. Leaving this in the care
of Jamay (whose headquarters were at Quebec), Le Caron departed for
the Huron country, living with the savages at their town of Carhagouha
(near Thunder Bay; later known as Toanché). Here he remained until the
following May, meanwhile visiting with Champlain the Tobacco Nation
and adjoining tribes. By these Indians he was cruelly treated, at the
instigation of the medicine men (whom the French missionaries styled
"sorcerers").

In July, 1616, the Récollet missionaries held at Quebec a conference
with Champlain and other friends of their work, at which it was
decided that they needed more missionaries, more French colonists,
and a seminary for the education of Indian children. To obtain aid
in these directions, Jamay and Le Caron soon afterwards went with
Champlain to France, where at first they received but little help or
encouragement. Jamay remained to forward the interests of the mission;
while Le Caron, now appointed its superior, returned to Canada in the
spring of 1617, accompanied by Father Paul Huet. A year later, desiring
to work personally among the savages, Le Caron delegated to Father
d'Olbeau his authority as superior, and spent a year at Tadoussac,
with the Montagnais. During 1619-22, he labored at Quebec, then again
wintered with the Montagnais; and in July, 1623, returned to the Huron
mission, accompanied by Viel and Sagard (see _notes_ 25, 48). During
his year's stay there, he did much to aid Champlain in securing the
temporary treaty of peace which, in July, 1624, was concluded between
the Iroquois, on one part, and the French and their savage allies on
the other.

In August, 1625, Le Caron went to France on the affairs of the
mission, and returned the following year with Brother Gervase Mohier
and a reinforcement of Jesuit missionaries. He remained at Quebec, as
superior of his mission, until 1629, when all the priests were sent
back to France by Kirk. As the Récollets expected to resume work on the
Canadian mission, Le Caron was appointed its procurator in France; but
he died on March 29, 1632,--according to Le Clercq--through grief at
the exclusion of his order from Canada.

Upon the invasion of Canada by the English, the Récollet missionaries
had been urged by their savage disciples to take refuge with them in
their towns, where they would be safe from attack, and could minister
to the religious wants of the natives until the French should return.
The fathers wished to accept this proposal; but as it was opposed by
the council of Quebec, Le Caron felt obliged to decline it, for which
he was afterwards blamed by some of his brethren in France.

Full details of his work are given by Le Clercq and Sagard: the
former copies a letter written by La Caron to his provincial at
Paris, Aug. 7, 1618; also fragments of memoirs sent by him to that
officer in 1624.--See Shea's _Le Clercq_, vol. i., pp. 134-137,
and 213-224. He is said to have prepared a dictionary of the Huron
language (_Ibid._, p. 249). Other MSS. of his were burned in March,
1631, as a result of sanitary measures then taken against a contagious
disease in the convent of St. Margaret, near Gisors, Normandy, of
which he was superior.--See "Memorial of the Récollets, 1637," in
Margry's _Découvertes et établissements des Français dans l'Amérique
septentrionale_ (Paris, 1876-86), vol. i., p. 11.

27 (p. 173).--_The purpose of his voyage._ Sagard tells us (_Canada_,
p. 871) that this was to improve the condition of Canada, and to ask
the King for funds to support the children and new converts in the
seminary planned by the Récollets. Le Clercq asserts that it was
through Le Caron's influence that Emery de Caen was recalled from
Canada, and replaced by a Catholic, Raymond de la Ralde (who had been
De Caen's lieutenant); also that the same influence had much to do
with the formation of Richelieu's Company of New France.--See Shea's
_Le Clercq_, vol. i., pp. 253-259. Rochemonteix, however, claims
(_Jésuites_, vol. i., p. 165) that Richelieu's determination to replace
Montmorency's company by that of the Hundred Associates was due mainly
to Father Noyrot's influence, and to his representations of the state
of affairs in Canada.

28 (p. 177).--Mutio Vitelleschi was born at Rome, in 1565; on Nov.
15, 1615, he became Aquaviva's successor as general of the Society
of Jesus; his death occurred Feb. 9, 1645. Ranke, in _History of
the Popes_ (Foster's tr., London, 1871), vol. ii., p. 388, says:
"Vitelleschi was by nature mild, indulgent, and conciliatory; his
intimates called him the angel of peace; and he found consolation
on his deathbed from the conviction that he had never injured any
one. These were admirable qualities of a most amiable man, but did
not suffice to fit him for the government of an order so widely
extended, active, and powerful. He was unable to enforce strictness of
discipline, even with regard to dress; still less could he oppose an
effectual resistance to the demands of determined ambition." Daurignac,
in _History of the Society of Jesus_ (Clements's tr., Baltimore,
1878), vol. i., p. 398, says that he was designated "the Angel" by
Pope Urban VIII., on account of his docility and humility. It was
under his generalship (Feb. 12, 1622) that Loyola, the founder of the
Jesuit order, and Francis Xavier, were canonized by Gregory XV.; that
the first centenary of the society was held (Sept. 25, 1639), when its
reports showed that it occupied 36 provinces, and had 800 houses and
15,000 members; and that the great controversy between the Jansenists
and Jesuits began. Even more important, according to Ranke, was the
change which occurred, during this administration, in the government
and discipline of the society, by which the "professed" members
attained supremacy, and occupied positions in business, administration,
and other affairs of the world, which before had belonged mainly to the
coadjutors,--those of provincials, rectors, and superiors of colleges.
The former ascetic strictness of discipline was relaxed; and the
society became less ardent in its devotion to the interests of the Holy
See. Vitelleschi and his immediate successors strove, but with little
success, to correct these tendencies.--See Ranke, _ut supra_, pp.
387-393; he obtains most of his information from a MS. in the Corsini
library at Rome, entitled _Discorso sopra la religione de' padri
Gesuiti, e loro modo di governare_ (1681-86, _circa_). Cf. Daurignac's
account (_ut supra_, pp. 324-398) of the order under Vitelleschi's
administration.

29 (p. 177).--During the seventeenth century, all navigated seas were
infested with pirates. Lescarbot mentions (vol. ii. of the present
series, p. 131) that Poutrincourt met, in the English Channel, a ship
of "Forbans" or pirates; the word "forban" means, literally, one
banished, an outlaw, and characterizes most of the European pirates
of the time. Sagard (_Canada_, 115, 120, 121), relates that, on his
journey to New France, his ship was threatened by a Dutch pirate, in
the very harbor of Rochelle. Sulte (_Can.-Français_, vol. ii., p. 20,
_note_) cites the case of one of De Caen's vessels, which was captured
(September, 1624) while en route from Gaspé to Bordeaux, by Turks, near
the coast of Brittany; the Frenchmen were carried away as slaves.

Brown (_Cape Breton_, p. 110), who says he obtained his information
from original documents in the Public Record office at London, writes:
"The fishermen of Newfoundland were cruelly harassed by pirates. In
eight years (1612-20), the damage done by the pirates was estimated
at 40,800 _l._; besides the loss of 180 pieces of ordnance, and 1,080
fishermen and mechanics carried off by force. On August 8, 1625,
the Mayor of Poole wrote to the Privy Council, saying that, unless
protection were afforded to the Newfoundland fleet of 250 sail, 'of the
Western Ports,' they would be surprised by the Turkish pirates; and, on
the 12th of the same month, the Mayor of Plymouth informed the Council
that twenty-seven ships and 200 men had been taken by pirates in ten
days." Brown also cites _Discourse and Discovery of Newfoundland_
(London, 1623), written by one Captain Whitbourne, who was sent out in
1615, to hold a court of admiralty for inquiry into certain abuses; and
who says that Peter Easton, a pirate, had ten sail of well-appointed
ships, that he was master of the seas, and levied a regular tax on
fishing vessels.

As early as 1620, John Mason, then governor of Newfoundland, received
a commission from the English admiralty to suppress pirates; and he
captured, among others, a Sallee (or Moorish) pirate in the Irish
harbor of Crookhaven (1625). Prowse (_Hist. N.F._, pp. 108, 174, 182),
gives the text of this commission; he also states that Placentia
was raided five times previous to 1685, by English buccaneers, who
plundered the town of all movable property.

30 (p. 177).--Jean de Brébeuf was born March 25, 1593, at
Condé-sur-Vire, Normandy. He belonged to a noble family, from which,
according to the _Biographie Universelle_ (Paris, 1843-66), the English
family of Arundel had its descent. Entering the Society of Jesus Nov.
8, 1617, at Rouen, he was ordained five years later; and in 1625 was
sent to Canada as one of the first Jesuit missionaries (_note_ 22,
_ante_). The first year he spent among the Montagnais; but in 1626
went, with De Nouë, to the Huron country, where they settled at Toanché
(known to the Récollets as Carhagouha; see _note_ 26, _ante_), in
the bark cabin which Le Caron had erected eleven years before. Here
Brébeuf remained (alone, after the first year) until the capture of
Quebec. Returning to Canada with Champlain (1633), he at once resumed
work in the Huron country, where he labored until his death (excepting
1641-44, when at Quebec). During the winter of 1640-41, he endeavored
(but without success) to establish a mission in the Neutral Nation.
He lived successively at Ihonatiria, a new village built not far from
the deserted Toanché; Teanaustayé, called by the missionaries St.
Joseph, in the present township of Médonte, Simcoe county, Ontario;
and St. Ignace and St. Louis, about half-way between the former towns.
In March, 1649, a thousand Iroquois attacked and destroyed the two
last-named villages capturing there Brébeuf and Gabriel Lalemant,
both of whom were put to death with cruel tortures,--the former dying
March 16, the latter on the day following. Their bodies were rescued
by their brethren and their bones afterwards taken to Quebec,--where,
in the Hôtel Dieu, Brébeuf's head is still preserved, inclosed in a
silver bust sent from France by his family. A minute account of this
martyrdom is given by one of the lay brothers of the Huron mission,
Christophe Regnaut (Regnault), in a MS. written at Caen in 1678. A copy
of this document, with an English translation, is given by Brymner, in
_Canadian Archives_, 1884, pp. lxiii.-lxvii., and will in due course be
reproduced in the present series.

Harris (_Miss. West. Canada._, p. 212, _note_) states that he has seen
in St. Martin's church (Ritualist), Brighton, England, a figured window
in memory of Father Brébeuf. A memorial church, in honor of all the
Jesuit martyrs in the Huron country, is now (January, 1897) approaching
completion at Penetanguishene, Ontario; an illustration thereof will
appear in vol. v. of this series.

Brébeuf's _Relations_ of the Huron mission will appear in succeeding
volumes of our series; that for 1636 contains an elaborate account
of the social condition, manners, and customs of that nation, and a
treatise on their language--this last being reproduced, in an English
translation, by Albert Gallatin in _Transactions of Amer. Antiquarian
Society_, vol. ii., (Cambridge, 1836), pp. 236-238. At the close
of Champlain's _Voyages_ (ed. 1632) may be found translations into
Montagnais of Ledesma's "_Christian Doctrine_," by Brébeuf; and of the
Lord's Prayer, Apostles' Creed, etc., by Massé.

31 (p. 181).--Anne de Nouë was born Aug. 7, 1587; his father was the
seigneur of Prières and of Villers, near Rheims, France. Anne's early
years were spent at court, first as a page, then as an officer of the
King's bedchamber; but at the age of twenty-five he devoted himself to
a religious life, and entered the Jesuit novitiate (Sept. 20, 1612).
He spent ten years in the study of philosophy and theology, at the
Jesuit colleges of Paris, La Flèche, and Nevers; then became acting
rector at Bourges, where he remained until sent to Canada (1626).
Accompanying Brébeuf to the Huron country, he came back to Quebec in
the following spring, apparently remaining there until the English
invasion. During this time he essayed to spend a winter with the
Montagnais, but suffered so greatly from cold and hunger that he was
obliged to leave them. Returning to Canada with De Caen (1632), his
first care was to repair the convent and other buildings destroyed
by the English. Unable, after repeated efforts, either to learn the
native languages, or to endure the hardships of life among the savages,
he spent the remainder of his life in the French settlements on the
St. Lawrence,--ministering to the sick and dying, instructing the
colonists, supplying the temporal needs of his brethren, directing
workmen who repaired buildings or cultivated the ground,--as
Rochemonteix says, "he became, in the mission, the servant of all." His
disposition was enthusiastic and impetuous, yet gentle, lovable, and
self-sacrificing. On a journey to Fort Richelieu, to administer the
sacraments to the garrison there, he was frozen to death on the St.
Lawrence river, Feb. 1, 1646.

32 (p. 181).--Philibert Noyrot was born October, 1592, in the diocese
of Autun; he entered the Jesuit order Oct. 16, 1617, and spent four
years in study at Paris and Bourges. Four years later, having been
ordained as a priest, he was appointed procuror of the latter college,
retaining this office until his death. It was by his advice, according
to Rochemonteix, that Ventadour (whose confessor he was) bought the
viceroyalty of Canada from Montmorency. In 1626, Noyrot went to Quebec,
taking with him twenty workmen to build a residence for the Jesuit
missionaries there. Lalemant immediately sent him back to France, to
report to Richelieu on the affairs of Canada, and to secure the removal
of the Huguenots from the direction of the mercantile company. This
resulted in the formation of the Company of New France (see _note_ 27,
_ante_). In order to relieve the scarcity at Quebec, Noyrot loaded a
ship with a year's supply of provisions for the missionaries and their
workmen; but, according to Le Clercq, these supplies were stopped
at Honfleur by De Caen and La Ralde, from resentment at Noyrot's
complaints about their conduct. In consequence of this disappointment,
the workmen of the mission were taken back to France by Lalemant. Twice
again did Noyrot seek to convey supplies to his brethren at Quebec:
the first time (July, 1628), he was driven back by Admiral Kirk; the
second (June, 1629), he perished by shipwreck near Canso (see _note_
20, _ante_).

33 (p. 181).--Regarding Cotton, (Coton) see vol. ii., _note_ 68.

34 (p. 183).--For sketch of Massé, see vol. i., _note_ 39.

35 (p. 191).--Le Clercq, apparently without good reason, mentions
this letter as "falsely attributed to Lalemant."--See Rochemonteix's
_Jésuites_, vol. i., p. 155, _note_.

36 (p. 191).--A younger brother of Charles Lalemant; a sketch of his
life will be given in a later volume.

37 (p. 193).--_Meslin_ (or _maslin_; derived from Latin _miscere_):
mixed grain, especially a mixture of rye and wheat.

38 (p. 195).--Champlain wished to make Quebec an agricultural colony,
but his efforts were thwarted by the narrow and selfish policy of the
mercantile companies, who cared only to develop the fur trade. They
gave the colonists no means for cultivating the soil, and, according to
Champlain, "had not themselves cleared an arpent and a half of land
in the 22 years during which they were, according to his Majesty's
intention, to have peopled and cultivated the colony of Quebec."
Sagard says (_Canada_, p. 168) that the space cleared was not even
one arpent. The merchants even oppressed Hébert (vol. ii., _note_
80),--"the only colonist who supported his family from the produce of
his land, making many illegal claims upon him for his yearly harvests,
and compelling him to sell only to the company, and that at a specified
rate."--Champlain's _Voyages_ (1632), part 2, pp. 144, 183, 184. Cf.
_Mercure François_, vol. xiv. (1628), p. 234. The Récollet missionaries
were cultivators, and, desirous of leading the savages from a nomadic
to a sedentary life, even induced a few of the latter to imitate their
example. The Jesuits also paid much attention to agriculture.--See
Faillon's _Col. Fr._, vol. i., pp. 161-164; Rochemonteix's _Jésuites_,
vol. i., pp. 154-157; and Sulte's _Can.-Français_, vol. ii., p. 18.

Champlain says (Laverdière's ed., pp. 1144, 1155) that the plow was
first used in Canada, April 27, 1628; this was doubtless by Couillard,
Hébert's son-in-law.

_Arpent_: a word of Celtic derivation, according to Columelle and
Littré; it occurs as early as the eleventh century (e.g., _Chanson de
Roland_). An old French land measure, containing 100 square perches,
but varying in different provinces. The linear arpent of Paris was 180
French feet (variously computed at from 191.83 to 192.3 English feet),
the common arpent 200, and the standard arpent 220. The first of these
was the one used in New France, under the _Coutume de Paris_, and it
still remains the legal measure in all the seigniories of Quebec.
The Quebec Department of Crown Lands, which we adopt as preferable
authority, translates the arpent into 191.85 English feet.

Bourdon's map of the settlements on the St. Lawrence, from Quebec to
Cape Tourmente (1641; reproduced at end of Tanguay's _Dict. Généal._,
vol. i.), indicates that each lot had seven arpents of river frontage,
and a depth of a French league or more (84 arpents to the league).
Giffard's concession at Beauport (the first of the seigniories)
was 1½ leagues along the river, and the same in depth.--Sulte's
_Can.-Français_, vol. ii., pp. 47-48. Duralde's survey of the Illinois
country (1770) assigned to each inhabitant a lot, measuring from one
to four arpents wide, and forty arpents deep.--See H. W. Williams's
chapter on "St. Louis Land Titles," in Scharf's _History of St. Louis_
(Phila., 1883), vol. i., pp. 316-329. Williams, whom Scharf indorses as
an authority, computes the arpent at 192 feet 6 inches, English measure.

The assignment of lands throughout New France in long, narrow strips,
was obviously made to secure for each settler a frontage on the river,
then the main highway; and to bring the inhabitants of each settlement
into close neighborhood, for social and defensive purposes. The same
reasons, of course, governed the allotment of lands in Roger Williams's
colony at Providence (1640),--an interesting similarity to French
Canadian custom. The "home-lots" at Providence had an (estimated) river
frontage of 105 to 120 English feet, all running up to a common highway
along the crest of the back-lying ridge; each lot contained from 4½ to
5½ acres. For description and plats, see Charles W. Hopkins's _Home
Lots of the Early Settlers of Providence Plantations_ (Providence,
1886).

39 (p. 201).--Cf. vol. iii., _note_ 22.

40 (p. 201).--See vol. ii., _note_ 21.

41 (p. 205).--Cf. vol. iii., _note_ 19.

42 (p. 209).--For value of écu, see vol. i., _note_ 34. The livre was a
money of account, in value somewhat less than the modern franc; but in
ordinary speech, both terms signified the same value; six livres = one
crown. The livre of Tours was worth 20 sous; that of Paris, 25 sous.
The pistole was a money of account, equal to ten livres tournois, and
worth ten francs of the present currency.

43 (p. 211) _Anti-Coton_: a sarcastic pamphlet, published in September,
1610; it attacked the Jesuits, and especially Father Coton, the
confessor of Henry IV., of whose murder the Jesuits had been accused
by their enemies. Daurignac says (_Hist. Soc. Jesus_, vol. i., p. 205)
that this pamphlet was attributed to Pierre Dumoulin, a Protestant
minister of Charenton. This and other like attacks on the Jesuits had
been circulated in Canada, and had prejudiced against them even many
Catholics.

44 (p. 233).--This mention of Lalemant being at Pentegoët in 1613, has
been copied by some later writers; but it is apparently an oversight.
Biard would certainly have included Lalemant in his account of the
Acadian missions, if the latter had been there.

45 (p. 237).--Alexander Vieuxpont was born Dec. 25, 1599, at Auxeville,
Normandy. He became a Jesuit novice Sept. 13, 1620, at Rouen, and for
seven years pursued his studies there, at Rennes, and at La Flèche.
Thence he was sent to Alençon, and two years later (June, 1629), he
went with Noyrot to Canada. Cast ashore near Canso, in the shipwreck
wherein the latter perished, Vieuxpont went to Grand Cibou, to join
Father Vimont, then laboring among the savages of Cape Breton. In 1630,
recalled to France by his superiors, he became a traveling preacher in
the rural districts near Rouen; he did not return to Canada.

46 (p. 243).--After the destruction of Port Royal (1613), the English
took no immediate steps to secure possession of Acadia. Eight years
later, Sir William Alexander (afterwards secretary of state for
Scotland) obtained from James I. a grant of all the lands from the St.
Croix River to the St. Lawrence, under the title of "Nova Scotia;" thus
were ignored all French rights in that region. In 1625, this grant
was renewed by Charles I., with considerable additions. Alexander,
not having the necessary funds, was unable to establish any colonies
there until 1627; when (having associated with himself Gervase Kirk
and his sons, William Berkley, John Love, and others, under the title
of "Merchant Adventurers of Canada"), he sent his son, as governor of
Nova Scotia, with a few Scotch emigrants, to form a settlement at Port
Royal. David Kirk, whose vessel had conveyed them, returned to England
for reinforcements; and, in the following year, he seized Miscou, and
all the French fishing vessels in the Gulf; threatened Quebec; and
captured De Roquemont's squadron, sent by the Hundred Associates with
supplies and artillery for Champlain's succor. In 1629, he captured
Quebec. Early in that year, Sir James Stewart, who had purchased a
tract of land from Alexander, brought a colony to Port Baleines, Cape
Breton (near the present Louisburg); he also began to seize the French
vessels fishing on that coast. This excited the anger of Captain
Charles Daniel (one of the Hundred Associates, and a brother of the
Jesuit Antoine Daniel), who had recently come from France; he seized
and demolished Stewart's fort, and proceeded to erect another at Grand
Cibou. (This name, meaning "the great river," was doubtless applied by
the natives to the estuary now known as Great Bras d'Or; but Daniel's
colony was planted at St. Anne's Bay,--thus named by him,--just north
of the Bras d'Or). Charles Leigh, who made a voyage to Cape Breton
in 1597, mentions "the harborow of Cibo;" see Goldsmid's _Hakluyt_,
vol. xiii., p. 69. Here he left a garrison of forty men, with the two
Jesuits Vimond and Vieuxpont, and took the English colonists back
to their own country (except a few, whom he carried to France as
prisoners). Champlain, arriving in Dieppe Dec. 31, 1629, met Daniel
there, and obtained from him his "Relation" of the above enterprise,
which is given in Champlain's _Voyages_ (1632), part 2, pp. 271-275.

In the following year, Daniel returned to this fort, and settled
certain disorders that had arisen during his absence. It is not
definitely known how long the garrison was kept here; but, when De Caen
took possession of Canada (1632), the Jesuits Davost and Antoine Daniel
also came to Cape Breton (probably with Charles, the latter's brother),
and carried on the mission begun by Vimont. Denys, a few years later,
had an important settlement at St. Anne's.

47 (p. 243).--Vimont remained at Cape Breton but a year, and did
not return to Canada until 1639. A sketch of his life will appear
hereafter.

48 (p. 247).--Gabriel Sagard Theodat, a lay brother, was one of the
Récollet missionaries to Canada, where he arrived June 24, 1623, in
company with Father Nicholas Viel. He states, in his _Canada_, p. 11,
that he desired to go on this mission in 1615, at which time he was in
a Récollet convent in Paris; but his superiors would not then consent.
Sagard's missionary labors were among the Hurons, with whom he remained
nearly one year; returning then to France, he wrote and published two
books,--_Grand voyage du pays des Hurons_ (Paris, 1632), and _Histoire
du Canada_ (Paris, 1636). In these works he minutely describes the
customs, social condition, religion, etc., of the Indian tribes; and
gives a history of the missionary labors of the Récollets, up to their
expulsion in 1629. To the _Grand Voyage_ he appends a dictionary of the
Huron language. He died in 1650.

There is some confusion among historians in regard to the dates of
Sagard's sojourn in New France, which apparently arises from his own
inaccuracy of statement, or possibly from a typographical error. In his
_Histoire_ (Tross ed., 1866), p. 115, he says that he left France in
1623; but, in the _Grand Voyage_ (Tross ed., 1865), p. 5, he gives the
year as "vingt-quatre;" while, in the former work, p. 759, he gives in
full the letter of his provincial recalling him to France, dated March
9, 1625. Champlain, however, says that Sagard arrived at Quebec in
June, 1623, and returned from the Huron country in July, 1624.

Sagard's works are rare, and command high prices. Brunet says (in
Michaud's _Biog. Univ._) that five and even eight guineas were paid for
a copy at public sales in London; and that, in France, one was valued
in 1851 at 210 francs. Chevalier says, in his edition of the _Histoire_
(Paris, 1866), p. iii., _note_, that 1,200 francs had in vain been
offered for a copy of that work. Gagnon (_Bibliog. Canad._) states that
a copy brought $38 at the Fraser sale in Quebec, 1860; and that one had
been offered by a Paris bookseller, in 1890, for 1,200 francs.

49 (p. 247).--Father Felix Martin was born Oct. 4, 1804, at Auray,
in Bretagne, France; in September, 1823, he became a novice in the
Jesuit order, entering the convent of Montrouge, at Paris. During
nearly twenty years, he was employed in various colleges and missions
throughout Western Europe; and, early in 1842, was sent to Canada.
There he labored, especially in Montreal, until August, 1851, when he
became the first rector of St. Mary's College in that city; he was its
founder, and the designer of its building. In this position he remained
until 1857, when he became superior of the residence at Quebec. Four
years later, he returned to France, where he was, successively, rector
of St. Francis Xavier's college at Vannes, and superior at Poitiers
and Rouen. He died at Paris, Nov. 25, 1892.

Father Martin published (Montreal, 1852) a French translation of
Bressani's _Breve Relatione_ (1653), accompanied by explanatory notes
and a biographical sketch of Bressani. Later, he wrote the lives
of Jogues, Brébeuf, and other early missionaries; and, in 1886, a
biography of his sister, Mother St. Stanislas, a French nun. He was
also noted as an antiquarian and collector, especially in regard
to the Jesuit _Relations_ and the history of Canada. Carayon's
_Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada_ (Paris, 1864), described in
Bibliographical Data for Doc. xiii. in vol. iii., p. 285, a valuable
collection of documents, all of which are embodied in our series,
consists of manuscripts collected by Father Martin, chiefly in 1858,
while on a visit to Europe.




Transcriber's Note.

Variable spelling and hyphenation have been retained. Minor punctuation
inconsistencies have been silently repaired.


Corrections.

The first line indicates the original, the second the correction.

p. 58:

  il ne luy peut iamais defraciner
  il ne luy peut iamais desraciner

p. 138:

  Femmes Candoises peu fecondes à cause de leurs trauaux continuels.
  Femmes Canadoises peu fecondes à cause de leurs trauaux continuels.

p. 268:

  from a nomadic to a sendentary life
  from a nomadic to a sedentary life


Errata.

The first line indicates the original, the second how it should read.

p. 8:

  nostre Capitaine de tous tous costés,
  nostre Capitaine de tous costés,

p. 22:

  la chaloupe se trouua conpetemment
  la chaloupe se trouua completemment

p. 42:

  qu'il estoit estoit indigne que les Anglois
  qu'il estoit indigne que les Anglois

p. 126:

  Canadois ont honne memoire des choses sensibles.
  Canadois ont bonne memoire des choses sensibles.

p. 162:

  cause de de la perte de S. Sauueur.
  cause de la perte de S. Sauueur.