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The Querist

by

George Berkley

1735



The Querist Containing Several Queries Proposed to the Consideration
of the Public





Part I




Query 1.

Whether there ever was, is, or will be, an industrious nation poor,
or an idle rich?

2. Qu. Whether a people can be called poor, where the common sort
are well fed, clothed, and lodged?

3. Qu. Whether the drift and aim of every wise State should not be,
to encourage industry in its members? And whether those who employ
neither heads nor hands for the common benefit deserve not to be
expelled like drones out of a well-governed State?

4. Qu. Whether the four elements, and man's labour therein, be not
the true source of wealth?

5. Qu. Whether money be not only so far useful, as it stirreth up
industry, enabling men mutually to participate the fruits of each
other's labour?

6. Qu. Whether any other means, equally conducing to excite and
circulate the industry of mankind, may not be as useful as money.

7. Qu. Whether the real end and aim of men be not power? And whether
he who could have everything else at his wish or will would value
money?

8. Qu. Whether the public aim in every well-govern'd State be not
that each member, according to his just pretensions and industry,
should have power?

9. Qu. Whether power be not referred to action; and whether action
doth not follow appetite or will?

10. Qu. Whether fashion doth not create appetites; and whether the
prevailing will of a nation is not the fashion?

11. Qu. Whether the current of industry and commerce be not
determined by this prevailing will?

12. Qu. Whether it be not owing to custom that the fashions are
agreeable?

13. Qu. Whether it may not concern the wisdom of the legislature to
interpose in the making of fashions; and not leave an affair of so
great influence to the management of women and fops, tailors and
vintners?

14. Qu. Whether reasonable fashions are a greater restraint on
freedom than those which are unreasonable?

15. Qu. Whether a general good taste in a people would not greatly
conduce to their thriving? And whether an uneducated gentry be not
the greatest of national evils?

16. Qu. Whether customs and fashions do not supply the place of
reason in the vulgar of all ranks? Whether, therefore, it doth not
very much import that they should be wisely framed?

17. Qu. Whether the imitating those neighbours in our fashions, to
whom we bear no likeness in our circumstances, be not one cause of
distress to this nation?

18. Qu. Whether frugal fashions in the upper rank, and comfortable
living in the lower, be not the means to multiply inhabitants?

19. Qu. Whether the bulk of our Irish natives are not kept from
thriving, by that cynical content in dirt and beggary which they
possess to a degree beyond any other people in Christendom?

20. Qu. Whether the creating of wants be not the likeliest way to
produce industry in a people? And whether, if our peasants were
accustomed to eat beef and wear shoes, they would not be more
industrious?

21. Qu. Whether other things being given, as climate, soil, etc.,
the wealth be not proportioned to the industry, and this to the
circulation of credit, be the credit circulated or transferred by
what marks or tokens soever?

22. Qu. Whether, therefore, less money swiftly circulating, be not,
in effect, equivalent to more money slowly circulating? Or, whether,
if the circulation be reciprocally as the quantity of coin, the
nation can be a loser?

23. Qu. Whether money is to be considered as having an intrinsic
value, or as being a commodity, a standard, a measure, or a pledge,
as is variously suggested by writers? And whether the true idea of
money, as such, be not altogether that of a ticket or counter?

24. Qu. Whether the value or price of things be not a compounded
proportion, directly as the demand, and reciprocally as the plenty?

25. Qu. Whether the terms crown, livre, pound sterling, etc., are
not to be considered as exponents or denominations of such
proportion? And whether gold, silver, and paper are not tickets or
counters for reckoning, recording, and transferring thereof?

26. Qu. Whether the denominations being retained, although the
bullion were gone, things might not nevertheless be rated, bought,
and sold, industry promoted, and a circulation of commerce
maintained?

27. Qu. Whether an equal raising of all sorts of gold, silver, and
copper coin can have any effect in bringing money into the kingdom?
And whether altering the proportions between the kingdom several
sorts can have any other effect but multiplying one kind and
lessening another, without any increase of the sum total?

28. Qu. Whether arbitrary changing the denomination of coin be not a
public cheat?

29. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, the damage would be very
considerable, if by degrees our money were brought back to the
English value there to rest for ever?

30. Qu. Whether the English crown did not formerly pass with us for
six shillings? And what inconvenience ensued to the public upon its
reduction to the present value, and whether what hath been may not
be?

31. Qu. What makes a wealthy people? Whether mines of gold and
silver are capable of doing this? And whether the negroes, amidst
the gold sands of Afric, are not poor and destitute?

32. Qu. Whether there be any vertue in gold or silver, other than as
they set people at work, or create industry?

33. Qu. Whether it be not the opinion or will of the people,
exciting them to industry, that truly enricheth a nation? And
whether this doth not principally depend on the means for counting,
transferring, and preserving power, that is, property of all kinds?

34. Qu. Whether if there was no silver or gold in the kingdom, our
trade might not, nevertheless, supply bills of exchange, sufficient
to answer the demands of absentees in England or elsewhere?

35. Qu. Whether current bank notes may not be deemed money? And
whether they are not actually the greater part of the money of this
kingdom?

36. Qu. Provided the wheels move, whether it is not the same thing,
as to the effect of the machine, be this done by the force of wind,
or water, or animals?

37. Qu. Whether power to command the industry of others be not real
wealth? And whether money be not in truth tickets or tokens for
conveying and recording such power, and whether it be of great
consequence what materials the tickets are made of?

38. Qu. Whether trade, either foreign or domestic, be in truth any
more than this commerce of industry?

39. Qu. Whether to promote, transfer, and secure this commerce, and
this property in human labour, or, in other words, this power, be
not the sole means of enriching a people, and how far this may be
done independently of gold and silver?

40. Qu. Whether it were not wrong to suppose land itself to be
wealth? And whether the industry of the people is not first to be
consider'd, as that which constitutes wealth, which makes even land
and silver to be wealth, neither of which would have, any value but
as means and motives to industry?

41. Qu. Whether in the wastes of America a man might not possess
twenty miles square of land, and yet want his dinner, or a coat to
his back?

42. Qu. Whether a fertile land, and the industry of its inhabitants,
would not prove inexhaustible funds of real wealth, be the counters
for conveying and recording thereof what you will, paper, gold, or
silver?

43. Qu. Whether a single hint be sufficient to overcome a prejudice?
And whether even obvious truths will not sometimes bear repeating?

44. Qu. Whether, if human labour be the true source of wealth, it
doth not follow that idleness should of all things be discouraged in
a wise State?

45. Qu. Whether even gold or silver, if they should lessen the
industry of its inhabitants, would not be ruinous to a country? And
whether Spain be not an instance of this?

46. Qu. Whether the opinion of men, and their industry consequent
thereupon, be not the true wealth of Holland and not the silver
supposed to be deposited in the bank at Amsterdam?

47. Qu. Whether there is in truth any such treasure lying dead? And
whether it be of great consequence to the public that it should be
real rather than notional?

48. Qu. Whether in order to understand the true nature of wealth and
commerce, it would not be right to consider a ship's crew cast upon
a desert island, and by degrees forming themselves to business and
civil life, while industry begot credit, and credit moved to
industry?

49. Qu. Whether such men would not all set themselves to work?
Whether they would not subsist by the mutual participation of each
other's industry? Whether, when one man had in his way procured more
than he could consume, he would not exchange his superfluities to
supply his wants? Whether this must not produce credit? Whether, to
facilitate these conveyances, to record and circulate this credit,
they would not soon agree on certain tallies, tokens, tickets, or
counters?

50. Qu. Whether reflection in the better sort might not soon remedy
our evils? And whether our real defect be not a wrong way of
thinking?

51. Qu. Whether it would not be an unhappy turn in our gentlemen, if
they should take more thought to create an interest to themselves in
this or that county, or borough, than to promote the real interest
of their country?

52. Qu. Whether it be not a bull to call that making an interest,
whereby a man spendeth much and gaineth nothing?

53. Qu. Whether if a man builds a house he doth not in the first
place provide a plan which governs his work? And shall the pubic act
without an end, a view, a plan?

54. Qu. Whether by how much the less particular folk think for
themselves, the public be not so much the more obliged to think for
them?

55. Qu. Whether cunning be not one thing and good sense another? and
whether a cunning tradesman doth not stand in his own light?

56. Qu. Whether small gains be not the way to great profit? And if
our tradesmen are beggars, whether they may not thank themselves for
it?

57. Qu. Whether some way might not be found for making criminals
useful in public works, instead of sending them either to America,
or to the other world?

58. Qu. Whether we may not, as well as other nations, contrive
employment for them? And whether servitude, chains, and hard labour,
for a term of years, would not be a more discouraging as well as a
more adequate punishment for felons than even death itself?

59. Qu. Whether there are not such things in Holland as bettering
houses for bringing young gentlemen to order? And whether such an
institution would be useless among us?

60. Qu. Whether it be true that the poor in Holland have no resource
but their own labour, and yet there are no beggars in their streets?

61. Qu. Whether he whose luxury consumeth foreign products, and
whose industry produceth nothing domestic to exchange for them, is
not so far forth injurious to his country?

62. Qu. Whether, consequently, the fine gentlemen, whose employment
is only to dress, drink, and play, be not a pubic nuisance?

63. Qu. Whether necessity is not to be hearkened to before
convenience, and convenience before luxury?

64. Qu. Whether to provide plentifully for the poor be not feeding
the root, the substance whereof will shoot upwards into the
branches, and cause the top to flourish?

65. Qu. Whether there be any instance of a State wherein the people,
living neatly and plentifully, did not aspire to wealth?

66. Qu. Whether nastiness and beggary do not, on the contrary,
extinguish all such ambition, making men listless, hopeless, and
slothful?

67. Qu. Whether a country inhabited by people well fed, clothed and
lodged would not become every day more populous? And whether a
numerous stock of people in such circumstances would? and how far
the product of not constitute a flourishing nation; our own country
may suffice for the compassing of this end?

68. Qu. Whether a people who had provided themselves with the
necessaries of life in good plenty would not soon extend their
industry to new arts and new branches of commerce?

69. Qu. Whether those same manufactures which England imports from
other countries may not be admitted from Ireland? And, if so,
whether lace, carpets, and tapestry, three considerable articles of
English importation, might not find encouragement in Ireland? And
whether an academy for design might not greatly conduce to the
perfecting those manufactures among us?

70. Qu. Whether France and Flanders could have drawn so much money
from England for figured silks, lace, and tapestry, if they had not
had academies for designing?

71. Qu. Whether, when a room was once prepared, and models in
plaster of Paris, the annual expense of such an academy need stand
the pubic in above two hundred pounds a year?

72. Qu. Whether our linen-manufacture would not find the benefit of
this institution? And whether there be anything that makes us fall
short of the Dutch in damasks, diapers, and printed linen, but our
ignorance in design?

73. Qu. Whether those specimens of our own manufacture, hung up in a
certain public place, do not sufficiently declare such our
ignorance? and whether for the honour of the nation they ought not
to be removed?

74. Qu. Whether those who may slight this affair as notional have
sufficiently considered the extensive use of the art of design, and
its influence in most trades and manufactures, wherein the forms of
things are often more regarded than the materials?

75. Qu. Whether there be any art sooner learned than that of making
carpets? And whether our women, with little time and pains, may not
make more beautiful carpets than those imported from Turkey? And
whether this branch of the woollen manufacture be not open to us?

76. Qu. Whether human industry can produce, from such cheap
materials, a manufacture of so great value by any other art as by
those of sculpture and painting?

77. Qu. Whether pictures and statues are not in fact so much
treasure? And whether Rome and Florence would not be poor towns
without them?

78. Qu. Whether they do not bring ready money as well as jewels?
Whether in Italy debts are not paid, and children portioned with
them, as with gold and silver?

79. Qu. Whether it would not be more prudent, to strike out and
exert ourselves in permitted branches of trade, than to fold our
hands, and repine that we are not allowed the woollen?

80. Qu. Whether it be true that two millions are yearly expended by
England in foreign lace and linen?

81. Qu. Whether immense sums are not drawn yearly into the Northern
countries, for supplying the British navy with hempen manufactures?

82. Qu. Whether there be anything more profitable than hemp? And
whether there should not be great premiums for encouraging our
hempen trade? What advantages may not Great Britain make of a
country where land and labour are so cheap?

83. Qu. Whether Ireland alone might not raise hemp sufficient for
the British navy? And whether it would not be vain to expect this
from the British Colonies in America, where hands are so scarce, and
labour so excessively dear?

84. Qu. Whether, if our own people want will or capacity for such an
attempt, it might not be worth while for some undertaking spirits in
England to make settlements, and raise hemp in the counties of Clare
and Limerick, than which, perhaps, there is not fitter land in the
world for that purpose? And whether both nations would not find
their advantage therein?

85. Qu. Whether if all the idle hands in this kingdom were employed
on hemp and flax, we might not find sufficient vent for these
manufactures?

86. Qu. How far it may be in our own power to better our affairs,
without interfering with our neighbours?

87. Qu. Whether the prohibition of our woollen trade ought not
naturally to put us on other methods which give no jealousy?

88. Qu. Whether paper be not a valuable article of commerce? And
whether it be not true that one single bookseller in London yearly
expended above four thousand pounds in that foreign commodity?

89. Qu. How it comes to pass that the Venetians and Genoese, who
wear so much less linen, and so much worse than we do, should yet
make very good paper, and in great quantity, while we make very
little?

90. Qu. How long it will be before my countrymen find out that it is
worth while to spend a penny in order to get a groat?

91. Qu. If all the land were tilled that is fit for tillage, and all
that sowed with hemp and flax that is fit for raising them, whether
we should have much sheep-walk beyond what was sufficient to supply
the necessities of the kingdom?

92. Qu. Whether other countries have not flourished without the
woollen trade?

93. Qu. Whether it be not a sure sign or effect of a country's
inhabitants? And, thriving, to see it well cultivated and full of;
if so, whether a great quantity of sheep-walk be not ruinous to a
country, rendering it waste and thinly inhabited?

94. Qu. Whether the employing so much of our land under sheep be not
in fact an Irish blunder?

95. Qu. Whether our hankering after our woollen trade be not the
true and only reason which hath created a jealousy in England
towards Ireland? And whether anything can hurt us more than such
jealousy?

96. Qu. Whether it be not the true interest of both nations to
become one people? And whether either be sufficiently apprised of
this?

97. Qu. Whether the upper part of this people are not truly English,
by blood, language, religion, manners, inclination, and interest?

98. Qu. Whether we are not as much Englishmen as the children of old
Romans, born in Britain, were still Romans?

99. Qu. Whether it be not our true interest not to interfere with
them; and, in every other case, whether it be not their true
interest to befriend us?

100. Qu. Whether a mint in Ireland might not be of great convenience
to the kingdom; and whether it could be attended with any possible
inconvenience to Great Britain? And whether there were not mints in
Naples and Sicily, when those kingdoms were provinces to Spain or
the house of Austria?

101. Qu. Whether anything can be more ridiculous than for the north
of Ireland to be jealous of a linen manufacturer in the south?

102. Qu. Whether the county of Tipperary be not much better land
than the county of Armagh; and yet whether the latter is not much
better improved and inhabited than the former?

103. Qu. Whether every landlord in the kingdom doth not know the
cause of this? And yet how few are the better for such their
knowledge?

104. Qu. Whether large farms under few hands, or small ones under
many, are likely to be made most of? And whether flax and tillage do
not naturally multiply hands, and divide land into small holdings,
and well-improved?

105. Qu. Whether, as our exports are lessened, we ought not to
lessen our imports? And whether these will not be lessened as our
demands, and these as our wants, and these as our customs or
fashions? Of how great consequence therefore are fashions to the
public?

106. Qu. Whether it would not be more reasonable to mend our state
than to complain of it; and how far this may be in our own power?

107. Qu. What the nation gains by those who live in Ireland upon the
produce of foreign Countries?

108. Qu. How far the vanity of our ladies in dressing, and of our
gentlemen in drinking, contributes to the general misery of the
people?

109. Qu. Whether nations, as wise and opulent as ours, have not made
sumptuary laws; and what hinders us from doing the same?

110. Qu. Whether those who drink foreign liquors, and deck
themselves and their families with foreign ornaments, are not so far
forth to be reckoned absentees?

111. Qu. Whether, as our trade is limited, we ought not to limit our
expenses; and whether this be not the natural and obvious remedy?

112. Qu. Whether the dirt, and famine, and nakedness of the bulk of
our people might not be remedied, even although we had no foreign
trade? And whether this should not be our first care; and whether,
if this were once provided for, the conveniences of the rich would
not soon follow?

113. Qu. Whether comfortable living doth not produce wants, and
wants industry, and industry wealth?

114. Qu. Whether there is not a great difference between Holland and
Ireland? And whether foreign commerce, without which the one could
not subsist, be so necessary for the other?

115. Qu. Might we not put a hand to the plough, or the spade,
although we had no foreign commerce?

116. Qu. Whether the exigencies of nature are not to be answered by
industry on our own soil? And how far the conveniences and comforts
of life may be procured by a domestic commerce between the several
parts of this kingdom?

117. Qu. Whether the women may not sew, spin, weave, embroider
sufficiently for the embellishment of their persons, and even enough
to raise envy in each other, without being beholden to foreign
countries?

118. Qu. Suppose the bulk of our inhabitants had shoes to their
feet, clothes to their backs, and beef in their bellies, might not
such a state be eligible for the public, even though the squires
were condemned to drink ale and cider?

119. Qu. Whether, if drunkenness be a necessary evil, men may not as
well drink the growth of their own country?

120. Qu. Whether a nation within itself might not have real wealth,
sufficient to give its inhabitants power and distinction, without
the help of gold and silver?

121. Qu. Whether, if the arts of sculpture and painting were
encouraged among us, we might not furnish our houses in a much
nobler manner with our own manufactures?

122. Qu. Whether we have not, or may not have, all the necessary
materials for building at home?

123. Qu. Whether tiles and plaster may not supply the place of
Norway fir for flooring and wainscot?

124. Qu. Whether plaster be not warmer, as well as more secure, than
deal? And whether a modern fashionable house, lined with fir, daubed
over with oil and paint, be not like a fire-ship, ready to be
lighted up by all accidents?

125. Qu. Whether larger houses, better built and furnished, a
greater train of servants, the difference with regard to equipage
and table between finer and coarser, more and less elegant, may not
be sufficient to feed a reasonable share of vanity, or support all
proper distinctions? And whether all these may not be procured by
domestic industry out of the four elements, without ransacking the
four quarters of the globe?

126. Qu. Whether anything is a nobler ornament, in the eye of the
world, than an Italian palace, that is, stone and mortar skilfully
put together, and adorned with sculpture and painting; and whether
this may not be compassed without foreign trade?

127. Qu. Whether an expense in gardens and plantations would not be
an elegant distinction for the rich, a domestic magnificence
employing many hands within, and drawing nothing from abroad?

128. Qu. Whether the apology which is made for foreign luxury in
England, to wit, that they could not carry on their trade without
imports as well as exports, will hold in Ireland?

129. Qu. Whether one may not be allowed to conceive and suppose a
society or nation of human creatures, clad in woollen cloths and
stuffs, eating good bread, beef and mutton, poultry and fish, in
great plenty, drinking ale, mead, and cider, inhabiting decent
houses built of brick and marble, taking their pleasure in fair
parks and gardens, depending on no foreign imports either for food
or raiment? And whether such people ought much to be pitied?

130. Qu. Whether Ireland be not as well qualified for such a state
as any nation under the sun?

131. Qu. Whether in such a state the inhabitants may not contrive to
pass the twenty-four hours with tolerable ease and cheerfulness? And
whether any people upon earth can do more?

132. Qu. Whether they may not eat, drink, play, dress, visit, sleep
in good beds, sit by good fires, build, plant, raise a name, make
estates, and spend them?

133. Qu. Whether, upon the whole, a domestic trade may not suffice
in such a country as Ireland, to nourish and clothe its inhabitants,
and provide them with the reasonable conveniences and even comforts
of life?

134. Qu. Whether a general habit of living well would not produce
numbers and industry' and whether, considering the tendency of human
kind, the consequence thereof would not be foreign trade and riches,
how unnecessary soever?

135. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, it be a crime to inquire how far we
may do without foreign trade, and what would follow on such a
supposition?

136. Qu. Whether the number and welfare of the subjects be not the
true strength of the crown?

137. Qu. Whether in all public institutions there should not be an
end proposed, which is to be the rule and limit of the means?
Whether this end should not be the well-being of the whole? And
whether, in order to this, the first step should not be to clothe
and feed our people?

138. Qu. Whether there be upon earth any Christian or civilized
people so beggarly, wretched, and destitute as the common Irish?

139. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, there is any other people whose
wants may be more easily supplied from home?

140. Qu. Whether, if there was a wall of brass a thousand cubits
high round this kingdom, our natives might not nevertheless live
cleanly and comfortably, till the land, and reap the fruits of it?

141. Qu. What should hinder us from exerting ourselves, using our
hands and brains, doing something or other, man, woman, and child,
like the other inhabitants of God's earth?

142. Qu. Be the restraining our trade well or ill advised in our
neighbours, with respect to their own interest, yet whether it be
not plainly ours to accommodate ourselves to it?

143. Qu. Whether it be not vain to think of persuading other people
to see their interest, while we continue blind to our own?

144. Qu. Whether there be any other nation possess'd of so much good
land, and so many able hands to work it, which yet is beholden for
bread to foreign countries?

145. Qu. Whether it be true that we import corn to the value of two
hundred thousand pounds in some years?

146. Qu. Whether we are not undone by fashions made for other
people? And whether it be not madness in a poor nation to imitate a
rich one?

147. Qu. Whether a woman of fashion ought not to be declared a
public enemy?

148. Qu. Whether it be not certain that from the single town of Cork
were exported, in one year, no less than one hundred and seven
thousand one hundred and sixty-one barrels of beef; seven thousand
three hundred and seventy-nine barrels of pork; thirteen thousand
four hundred and sixty-one casks, and eighty-five thousand seven
hundred and twenty-seven firkins of butter? And what hands were
employed in this manufacture?

149. Qu. Whether a foreigner could imagine that one half of the
people were starving, in a country which sent out such plenty of
provisions?

150. Qu. Whether an Irish lady, set out with French silks and
Flanders lace, may not be said to consume more beef and butter than
a hundred of our labouring peasants?

151. Qu. Whether nine-tenths of our foreign trade be not carried on
singly to support the article of vanity?

152. Qu. Whether it can be hoped that private persons will not
indulge this folly, unless restrained by the public?

153. Qu. How vanity is maintained in other countries? Whether in
Hungary, for instance, a proud nobility are not subsisted with small
imports from abroad?

154. Qu. Whether there be a prouder people upon earth than the noble
Venetians, although they all wear plain black clothes?

155. Qu. Whether a people are to be pitied that will not sacrifice
their little particular vanities to the public good? And yet,
whether each part would not except their own foible from this public
sacrifice, the squire his bottle, the lady her lace?

156. Qu. Whether claret be not often drank rather for vanity than
for health, or pleasure?

157. Qu. Whether it be true that men of nice palates have been
imposed on, by elder wine for French claret, and by mead for palm
sack?

158. Qu. Do not Englishmen abroad purchase beer and cider at ten
times the price of wine?

159. Qu. How many gentlemen are there in England of a thousand
pounds per annum who never drink wine in their own houses? Whether
the same may be said of any in Ireland who have even? one hundred
pounds per annum.

160. Qu. What reasons have our neighbours in England for
discouraging French wines which may not hold with respect to us
also?

161. Qu. How much of the necessary sustenance of our people is
yearly exported for brandy?

162. Qu. Whether, if people must poison themselves, they had not
better do it with their own growth?

163. Qu. If we imported neither claret from France, nor fir from
Norway, what the nation would save by it?

164. Qu. When the root yieldeth insufficient nourishment, whether
men do not top the tree to make the lower branches thrive?

165. Qu. Whether, if our ladies drank sage or balm tea out of Irish
ware, it would be an insupportable national calamity?

166. Qu. Whether it be really true that such wine is best as most
encourages drinking, i.e., that must be given in the largest dose to
produce its effect? And whether this holds with regard to any other
medicine?

167. Qu. Whether that trade should not be accounted most pernicious
wherein the balance is most against us? And whether this be not the
trade with France?

168. Qu. Whether it be not even madness to encourage trade with a
nation that takes nothing of our manufacture?

169. Qu. Whether Ireland can hope to thrive if the major part of her
patriots shall be found in the French interest?

170. Qu. Why, if a bribe by the palate or the purse be in effect the
same thing, they should not be alike infamous?

171. Qu. Whether the vanity and luxury of a few ought to stand in
competition with the interest of a nation?

172. Qu. Whether national wants ought not to be the rule of trade?
And whether the most pressing wants of the majority ought not to be
first consider'd?

173. Qu. Whether it is possible the country should be well improved,
while our beef is exported, and our labourers live upon potatoes?

174. Qu. If it be resolved that we cannot do without foreign trade,
whether, at least, it may not be worth while to consider what
branches thereof deserve to be entertained, and how far we may be
able to carry it on under our present limitations?

175. Qu. What foreign imports may be necessary for clothing and
feeding the families of persons not worth above one hundred pounds a
year? And how many wealthier there are in the kingdom, and what
proportion they bear to the other inhabitants?

176. Qu. Whether trade be not then on a right foot, when foreign
commodities are imported in exchange only for domestic superfluities?

177. Qu. Whether the quantities of beef, butter, wool, and leather,
exported from this island, can be reckoned the superfluities of a
country, where there are so many natives naked and famished?

178. Qu. Whether it would not be wise so to order our trade as to
export manufactures rather than provisions, and of those such as
employ most hands?

179. Qu. Whether she would not be a very vile matron, and justly
thought either mad or foolish, that should give away the necessaries
of life from her naked and famished children, in exchange for pearls
to stick in her hair, and sweetmeats to please her own palate?

180. Qu. Whether a nation might not be consider'd as a family?

181. Qu. Whether other methods may not be found for supplying the
funds, besides the custom on things imported?

182. Qu. Whether any art or manufacture be so difficult as the
making of good laws?

183. Qu. Whether our peers and gentlemen are born legislators? Or,
whether that faculty be acquired by study and reflection?

184. Qu. Whether to comprehend the real interest of a people, and
the means to procure it, doth not imply some fund of knowledge,
historical, moral, and political, with a faculty of reason improved
by learning?

185. Qu. Whether every enemy to learning be not a Goth? And whether
every such Goth among us be not an enemy to the country?

186. Qu. Whether, therefore, it would not be an omen of ill presage,
a dreadful phenomenon in the land, if our great men should take it
in their heads to deride learning and education?

187. Qu. Whether, on the contrary, it should not seem worth while to
erect a mart of literature in this kingdom, under wiser regulations
and better discipline than in any other part of Europe? And whether
this would not be an infallible means of drawing men and money into
the kingdom?

188. Qu. Whether the governed be not too numerous for the governing
part of our college? And whether it might not be expedient to
convert thirty natives-places into twenty fellowships?

189. Qu. Whether, if we had two colleges, there might not spring a
useful emulation between them? And whether it might not be contrived
so to divide the fellows, scholars, and revenues between both, as
that no member should be a loser thereby?

190. Qu. Whether ten thousand pounds well laid out might not build a
decent college, fit to contain two hundred persons; and whether the
purchase money of the chambers would not go a good way towards
defraying the expense?

191. Qu. Where this college should be situated?

192. Qu. Whether it is possible a State should not thrive, whereof
the lower part were industrious, and the upper wise?

193. Qu. Whether the collected wisdom of ages and nations be not
found in books, improved and applied by study?

194. Qu. Whether it was not an Irish professor who first opened the
public schools at Oxford? Whether this island hath not been
anciently famous for learning? And whether at this day it hath any
better chance for being considerable?

195. Qu. Whether we may not with better grace sit down and complain,
when we have done all that lies in our power to help ourselves?

196. Qu. Whether the gentleman of estate hath a right to be idle;
and whether he ought not to be the great promoter and director of
industry among his tenants and neighbours?

197. Qu. Whether the real foundation for wealth must not be laid in
the numbers, the frugality, and the industry of the people? And
whether all attempts to enrich a nation by other means, as raising
the coin, stock-jobbing, and such arts are not vain?

198. Qu. Whether a door ought not to be shut against all other
methods of growing rich, save only by industry and merit? And
whether wealth got otherwise would not be ruinous to the public?

199. Qu. Whether the abuse of banks and paper-money is a just
objection against the use thereof? And whether such abuse might not
easily be prevented?

200. Qu. Whether national banks are not found useful in Venice,
Holland, and Hamburg? And whether it is not possible to contrive one
that may be useful also in Ireland?

201. Qu. Whether any nation ever was in greater want of such an
expedient than Ireland?

202. Qu. Whether the banks of Venice and Amsterdam are not in the
hands of the public?

203. Qu. Whether it may not be worth while to inform ourselves in
the nature of those banks? And what reason can be assigned why
Ireland should not reap the benefit of such public banks as well as
other countries?

204. Qu. Whether a bank of national credit, supported by public
funds and secured by Parliament, be a chimera or impossible thing?
And if not, what would follow from the supposal of such a bank?

205. Qu. Whether the currency of a credit so well secured would not
be of great advantage to our trade and manufactures?

206. Qu. Whether the notes of such public bank would not have a more
general circulation than those of private banks, as being less
subject to frauds and hazards?

207. Qu. Whether it be not agreed that paper hath in many respects
the advantage above coin, as being of more dispatch in payments,
more easily transferred, preserved, and recovered when lost?

208. Qu. Whether, besides these advantages, there be not an evident
necessity for circulating credit by paper, from the defect of coin
in this kingdom?

209. Qu. Whether the public may not as well save the interest which
it now pays?

210. Qu. What would happen if two of our banks should break at once?
And whether it be wise to neglect providing against an event which
experience hath shewn us not to be impossible?

211. Qu. Whether such an accident would not particularly affect the
bankers? And therefore whether a national bank would not be a
security even to private bankers?

212. Qu. Whether we may not easily avoid the inconveniencies
attending the paper-money of New England, which were incurred by
their issuing too great a quantity of notes, by their having no
silver in bank to exchange for notes, by their not insisting upon
repayment of the loans at the time prefixed, and especially by their
want of manufactures to answer their imports from Europe?

213. Qu. Whether a combination of bankers might not do wonders, and
whether bankers know their own strength?

214. Qu. Whether a bank in private hands might not even overturn a
government? and whether this was not the case of the Bank of St.
George in Genoa? [Footnote: See the Vindication and Advancement of
our national Constitution and Credit. Printed in London 1710.]

215. Qu. Whether we may not easily prevent the ill effects of such a
bank as Mr Law proposed for Scotland, which was faulty in not
limiting the quantum of bills, and permitting all persons to take
out what bills they pleased, upon the mortgage of lands, whence by a
glut of paper, the prices of things must rise? Whence also the
fortunes of men must increase in denomination, though not in value;
whence pride, idleness, and beggary?

216. Qu. Whether such banks as those of England and Scotland might
not be attended with great inconveniences, as lodging too much power
in the hands of private men, and giving handle for monopolies,
stock-jobbing, and destructive schemes?

217. Qu. Whether the national bank, projected by an anonymous writer
in the latter end of Queen Anne's reign, might not on the other hand
be attended with as great inconveniencies by lodging too much power
in the Government?

218. Qu. Whether the bank projected by Murray, though it partake, in
many useful particulars, with that of Amsterdam, yet, as it placeth
too great power in the hands of a private society, might not be
dangerous to the public?

219. Qu. Whether it be rightly remarked by some that, as banking
brings no treasure into the kingdom like trade, private wealth must
sink as the bank riseth? And whether whatever causeth industry to
flourish and circulate may not be said to increase our treasure?

220. Qu. Whether the ruinous effects of Mississippi, South Sea, and
such schemes were not owing to an abuse of paper money or credit, in
making it a means for idleness and gaming, instead of a motive and
help to industry?

221. Qu. Whether those effects could have happened had there been no
stock-jobbing? And whether stock-jobbing could at first have been
set on foot, without an imaginary foundation of some improvement to
the stock by trade? Whether, therefore, when there are no such
prospects, or cheats, or private schemes proposed, the same effects
can be justly feared?

222. Qu. Whether by a national bank, be not properly understood a
bank, not only established by public authority as the Bank of
England, but a bank in the hands of the public, wherein there are no
shares: whereof the public alone is proprietor, and reaps all the
benefit?

223. Qu. Whether, having considered the conveniencies of banking and
paper-credit in some countries, and the inconveniencies thereof in
others, we may not contrive to adopt the former, and avoid the
latter?

224. Qu. Whether great evils, to which other schemes are liable, may
not be prevented, by excluding the managers of the bank from a share
in the legislature?

225. Qu. Whether the rise of the bank of Amsterdam was not purely
casual, for the security and dispatch of payments? And whether the
good effects thereof, in supplying the place of coin, and promoting
a ready circulation of industry and commerce may not be a lesson to
us, to do that by design which others fell upon by chance?

226. Qu. Whether the bank proposed to be established in Ireland,
under the notion of a national bank, by the voluntary subscription
of three hundred thousand pounds, to pay off the national debt, the
interest of which sum to be paid the subscribers, subject to certain
terms of redemption, be not in reality a private bank, as those of
England and Scotland, which are national only in name, being in the
hands of particular persons, and making dividends on the money paid
in by subscribers? [Footnote: See a Proposal for the Relief of
Ireland, &c. Printed in Dublin A. D. 1734]

227. Qu. Whether plenty of small cash be not absolutely necessary
for keeping up a circulation among the people; that is, whether
copper be not more necessary than gold?

228. Qu. Whether it is not worth while to reflect on the expedients
made use of by other nations, paper-money, bank-notes, public funds,
and credit in all its shapes, to examine what hath been done and
devised to add to our own animadversions, and upon the whole offer
such hints as seem not unworthy the attention of the public?

229. Qu. Whether that, which increaseth the stock of a nation be not
a means of increasing its trade? And whether that which increaseth
the current credit of a nation may not be said to increase its
stock?

230. Qu. Whether it may not be expedient to appoint certain funds or
stock for a national bank, under direction of certain persons,
one-third whereof to be named by the Government, and one-third by
each House of Parliament?

231. Qu. Whether the directors should not be excluded from sitting
in either House, and whether they should not be subject to the audit
and visitation of a standing committee of both Houses?

232. Qu. Whether such committee of inspectors should not be changed
every two years, one-half going out, and another coming in by
ballot?

233. Qu. Whether the notes ought not to be issued in lots, to be let
at interest on mortgaged lands, the whole number of lots to be
divided among the four provinces, rateably to the number of hearths
in each?

234. Qu. Whether it may not be expedient to appoint four
counting-houses, one in each province, for converting notes into
specie?

235. Qu. Whether a limit should not be fixed, which no person might
exceed, in taking out notes?

236. Qu. Whether, the better to answer domestic circulation, it may
not be right to issue notes as low as twenty shillings?

237. Qu. Whether all the bills should be issued at once, or rather
by degrees, that so men may be gradually accustomed and reconciled
to the bank?

238. Qu. Whether the keeping of the cash, and the direction of the
bank, ought not to be in different hands, and both under public
control?

239. Qu. Whether the same rule should not alway be observed, of
lending out money or notes, only to half the value of the mortgaged
land? and whether this value should not alway be rated at the same
number of years' purchase as at first?

240. Qu. Whether care should not be taken to prevent an undue rise
of the value of land?

241. Qu. Whether the increase of industry and people will not of
course raise the value of land? And whether this rise may not be
sufficient?

242. Qu. Whether land may not be apt to rise on the issuing too
great plenty of notes?

243. Qu. Whether this may not be prevented by the gradual and slow
issuing of notes, and by frequent sales of lands?

244. Qu. Whether interest doth not measure the true value of land;
for instance, where money is at five per cent, whether land is not
worth twenty years' purchase?

245. Qu. Whether too small a proportion of money would not hurt the
landed man, and too great a proportion the monied man? And whether
the quantum of notes ought not to bear proportion to the pubic
demand? And whether trial must not shew what this demand will be?

246. Qu. Whether the exceeding this measure might not produce divers
bad effects, one whereof would be the loss of our silver?

247. Qu. Whether interest paid into the bank ought not to go on
augmenting its stock?

248. Qu. Whether it would or would not be right to appoint that the
said interest be paid in notes only?

249. Qu. Whether the notes of this national bank should not be
received in all payments into the exchequer?

250. Qu. Whether on supposition that the specie should fail, the
credit would not, nevertheless, still pass, being admitted in all
payments of the public revenue?

251. Qu. Whether the pubic can become bankrupt so long as the notes
are issued on good security?

252. Qu. Whether mismanagement, prodigal living, hazards by trade,
which often affect private banks, are equally to be apprehended in a
pubic one?

253. Qu. Whether as credit became current, and this raised the value
of land, the security must not of course rise?

254. Qu. Whether, as our current domestic credit grew, industry
would not grow likewise; and if industry, our manufactures; and if
these, our foreign credit?

255. Qu. Whether by degrees, as business and people multiplied, more
bills may not be issued, without augmenting the capital stock,
provided still, that they are issued on good security; which further
issuing of new bills, not to be without consent of Parliament?

256. Qu. Whether such bank would not be secure? Whether the profits
accruing to the pubic would not be very considerable? And whether
industry in private persons would not be supplied, and a general
circulation encouraged?

257. Qu. Whether such bank should, or should not, be allowed to
issue notes for money deposited therein? And, if not, whether the
bankers would have cause to complain?

258. Qu. Whether, if the public thrives, all particular persons must
not feel the benefit thereof, even the bankers themselves?

259. Qu. Whether, beside the Bank-Company, there are not in England
many private wealthy bankers, and whether they were more before the
erecting of that company?

260. Qu. Whether as industry increased, our manufactures would not
flourish; and as these flourished, whether better returns would not
be made from estates to their landlords, both within and without the
kingdom?

261. Qu. Whether we have not paper-money circulating among, whether,
therefore, we might not as well have that us already which is
secured by the public, and whereof the pubic reaps the benefit?

262. Qu. Whether there are not two general ways of circulating
money, to wit, play and traffic? and whether stock-jobbing is not to
be ranked under the former?

263. Qu. Whether there are more than two things that might draw
silver out of the bank, when its credit was once well established,
to wit, foreign demands and small payments at home?

264. Qu. Whether, if our trade with France were checked, the former
of these causes could be supposed to operate at all? and whether the
latter could operate to any great degree?

265. Qu. Whether the sure way to supply people with tools and
materials, and to set them at work, be not a free circulation of
money, whether silver or paper?

266. Qu. Whether in New England all trade and business is not as
much at a stand, upon a scarcity of paper-money, as with us from the
want of specie?

267. Qu. Whether paper-money or notes may not be issued from the
national bank, on the security of hemp, of linen, or other
manufactures whereby the poor might be supported in their industry?

268. Qu. Whether it be certain that the quantity of silver in the
bank of Amsterdam be greater now than at first; but whether it be
not certain that there is a greater circulation of industry and
extent of trade, more people, ships, houses, and commodities of all
sorts, more power by sea and land?

269. Qu. Whether money, lying dead in the bank of Amsterdam, would
not be as useless as in the mine?

270. Qu. Whether our visible security in land could be doubted? And
whether there be anything like this in the bank of Amsterdam?

271. Qu. Whether it be just to apprehend danger from trusting a
national bank with power to extend its credit, to circulate notes
which it shall be felony to counterfeit, to receive goods on loans,
to purchase lands, to sell also or alienate them, and to deal in
bills of exchange; when these powers are no other than have been
trusted for many years with the bank of England, although in truth
but a private bank?

272. Qu. Whether the objection from monopolies and an overgrowth of
power, which are made against private banks, can possibly hold
against a national one?

273. Qu. Whether banks raised by private subscription would be as
advantageous to the public as to the subscribers? and whether risks
and frauds might not be more justly apprehended from them?

274. Qu. Whether the evil effects which of late years have attended
paper-money and credit in Europe did not spring from subscriptions,
shares, dividends, and stock-jobbing?

275. Qu. Whether the great evils attending paper-money in the
British Plantations of America have not sprung from the overrating
their lands, and issuing paper without discretion, and from the
legislators breaking their own rules in favour of themselves, thus
sacrificing the public to their private benefit? And whether a
little sense and honesty might not easily prevent all such
inconveniences?

276. Qu. Whether an argument from the abuse of things, against the
use of them, be conclusive?

277. Qu. Whether he who is bred to a part be fitted to judge of the
whole?

278. Qu. Whether interest be not apt to bias judgment? and whether
traders only are to be consulted about trade, or bankers about
money?

279. Qu. Whether the subject of Freethinking in religion be not
exhausted? And whether it be not high time for our freethinkers to
turn their thoughts to the improvement of their country?

280. Qu. Whether any man hath a right to judge, that will not be at
the pains to distinguish?

281. Qu. Whether there be not a wide difference between the profits
going to augment the national stock, and being divided among private
sharers? And whether, in the former case, there can possibly be any
gaming or stock-jobbing?

282. Qu. Whether it must not be ruinous for a nation to sit down to
game, be it with silver or with paper?

283. Qu. Whether, therefore, the circulating paper, in the late
ruinous schemes of France and England, was the true evil, and not
rather the circulating thereof without industry? And whether the
bank of Amsterdam, where industry had been for so many years
subsisted and circulated by transfers on paper, doth not clearly
decide this point?

284. Qu. Whether there are not to be seen in America fair towns,
wherein the people are well lodged, fed, and clothed, without a
beggar in their streets, although there be not one grain of gold or
silver current among them?

285. Qu. Whether these people do not exercise all arts and trades,
build ships and navigate them to all parts of the world, purchase
lands, till and reap the fruits of them, buy and sell, educate and
provide for their children? Whether they do not even indulge
themselves in foreign vanities?

286. Qu. Whether, whatever inconveniences those people may have
incurred from not observing either rules or bounds in their paper
money, yet it be not certain that they are in a more flourishing
condition, have larger and better built towns, more plenty, more
industry, more arts and civility, and a more extensive commerce,
than when they had gold and silver current among them?

287. Qu. Whether a view of the ruinous effects of absurd schemes and
credit mismanaged, so as to produce gaming and madness instead of
industry, can be any just objection against a national bank
calculated purely to promote industry?

288. Qu. Whether a scheme for the welfare of this nation should not
take in the whole inhabitants? And whether it be not a vain attempt,
to project the flourishing of our Protestant gentry, exclusive of
the bulk of the natives?

289. Qu. Whether, therefore, it doth not greatly concern the State,
that our Irish natives should be converted, and the whole nation
united in the same religion, the same allegiance, and the same
interest? and how this may most probably be effected?

290. Qu. Whether an oath, testifying allegiance to the king, and
disclaiming the pope's authority in temporals, may not be justly
required of the Roman Catholics? And whether, in common prudence or
policy, any priest should be tolerated who refuseth to take it?

291. Qu. Whether there have not been Popish recusants? and, if so,
whether it would be right to object against the foregoing oath, that
all would take it, and none think themselves bound by it?

292. Qu. Whether those of the Church of Rome, in converting the
Moors of Spain or the Protestants of France, have not set us an
example which might justify a similar treatment of themselves, if
the laws of Christianity allowed thereof?

293. Qu. Whether compelling men to a profession of faith is not the
worst thing in Popery, and, consequently, whether to copy after the
Church of Rome therein, were not to become Papists ourselves in the
worst sense?

294. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, we may not imitate the Church of
Rome, in certain places, where Jews are tolerated, by obliging our
Irish Papists, at stated times, to hear Protestant sermons? and
whether this would not make missionaries in the Irish tongue useful?

295. Qu. Whether the mere act of hearing, without making any
profession of faith, or joining in any part of worship, be a
religious act; and, consequently, whether their being obliged to
hear, may not consist with the toleration of Roman Catholics?

296. Qu. Whether, if penal laws should be thought oppressive, we may
not at least be allowed to give premiums? And whether it would be
wrong, if the public encouraged Popish families to become hearers,
by paying their hearth-money for them?

297. Qu. Whether in granting toleration, we ought not to distinguish
between doctrines purely religious, and such as affect the State?

298. Qu. Whether the case be not very different in regard to a man
who only eats fish on Fridays, says his prayers in Latin, or
believes transubstantiation, and one who professeth in temporals a
subjection to foreign powers, who holdeth himself absolved from all
obedience to his natural prince and the laws of his country? who is
even persuaded, it may be meritorious to destroy the powers that
are?

299. Qu. Whether, therefore, a distinction should not be made
between mere Papists and recusants? And whether the latter can
expect the same protection from the Government as the former?

300. Qu. Whether our Papists in this kingdom can complain, if they
are allowed to be as much Papists as the subjects of France or of
the Empire?

301. Qu. Whether there is any such thing as a body of inhabitants,
in any Roman Catholic country under the sun, that profess an
absolute submission to the pope's orders in matters of an
indifferent nature, or that in such points do not think it their
duty to obey the civil government?

302. Qu. Whether since the peace of Utrecht, mass was not celebrated
and the sacraments administered in divers dioceses of Sicily,
notwithstanding the Pope's interdict?

303. Qu. Whether every plea of conscience is to be regarded?
Whether, for instance, the German Anabaptists, Levellers, or Fifth
Monarchy men would be tolerated on that pretence?

304. Qu. Whether Popish children bred in charity schools, when bound
out in apprenticeship to Protestant masters, do generally continue
Protestants?

305. Qu. Whether a Sum, which would go but a little way towards
erecting hospitals for maintaining and educating the children of the
native Irish, might not go far in binding them out apprentices to
Protestant masters, for husbandry, useful trades, and the service of
families?

306. Qu. Whether if the parents are overlooked, there can be any
great hopes of success in converting the children?

307. Qu. Whether there be any instance, of a people's being
converted in a Christian sense, otherwise than by preaching to them
and instructing them in their own language?

308. Qu. Whether catechists in the Irish tongue may not easily be
procured and subsisted? And whether this would not be the most
practicable means for converting the natives?

309. Qu. Whether it be not of great advantage to the Church of Rome,
that she hath clergy suited to all ranks of men, in gradual
subordination from cardinals down to mendicants?

310. Qu. Whether her numerous poor clergy are not very useful in
missions, and of much influence with the people?

311. Qu. Whether, in defect of able missionaries, persons conversant
in low life, and speaking the Irish tongue, if well instructed in
the first principles of religion, and in the popish controversy,
though for the rest on a level with the parish clerks, or the
school-masters of charity-schools, may not be fit to mix with and
bring over our poor illiterate natives to the Established Church?
Whether it is not to be wished that some parts of our liturgy and
homilies were publicly read in the Irish language? And whether, in
these views, it may not be right to breed up some of the better sort
of children in the charity-schools, and qualify them for
missionaries, catechists, and readers?

312. Qu. Whether there be any nation of men governed by reason? And
yet, if there was not, whether this would be a good argument against
the use of reason in pubic affairs?

313. Qu. Whether, as others have supposed an Atlantis or Utopia, we
also may not suppose an Hyperborean island inhabited by reasonable
creatures?

314. Qu. Whether an indifferent person, who looks into all hands,
may not be a better judge of the game than a party who sees only his
own?

315. Qu. Whether one, whose end is to make his countrymen think, may
not gain his end, even though they should not think as he doth?

316. Qu. Whether he, who only asks, asserts? and whether any man can
fairly confute the querist?

317. Qu. Whether the interest of a part will not always be preferred
to that of the whole?


FINIS


ERRATA.


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Part II




Query 1.

Whether there be any country in Christendom more capable of
improvement than Ireland?

2. Qu. Whether we are not as far before other nations with respect
to natural advantages, as we are behind them with respect to arts
and industry?

3. Qu. Whether we do not live in a most fertile soil and temperate
climate, and yet whether our people in general do not feel great
want and misery?

4. Qu. Whether my countrymen are not readier at finding excuses than
remedies?

5. Qu. Whether it can be reasonably hoped, that our state will mend,
so long as property is insecure among us?

6. Qu. Whether in that case the wisest government, or the best laws
can avail us?

7. Qu. Whether a few mishaps to particular persons may not throw
this nation into the utmost confusion?

8. Qu. Whether the public is not even on the brink of being undone
by private accidents?

9. Qu. Whether the wealth and prosperity of our country do not hang
by a hair, the probity of one banker, the caution of another, and
the lives of all?

10. Qu. Whether we have not been sufficiently admonished of this by
some late events?

11. Qu. Whether therefore it be not high time to open our eyes?

12. Qu. Whether a national bank would not at once secure our
properties, put an end to usury, facilitate commerce, supply the
want of coin, and produce ready payments in all parts of the
kingdom?

13. Qu. Whether the use or nature of money, which all men so eagerly
pursue, be yet sufficiently understood or considered by all?

14. Qu. Whether mankind are not governed by Citation rather than by
reason?

15. Qu. Whether there be not a measure or limit, within which gold
and silver are useful, and beyond which they may be hurtful?

16. Qu. Whether that measure be not the circulating of industry?

17. Qu. Whether a discovery of the richest gold mine that ever was,
in the heart of this kingdom, would be a real advantage to us?

18. Qu. Whether it would not tempt foreigners to prey upon us?

19. Qu. Whether it would not render us a lazy, proud, and dastardly
people?

20. Qu. Whether every man who had money enough would not be a
gentleman? And whether a nation of gentlemen would not be a wretched
nation?

21. Qu. Whether all things would not bear a high price? And whether
men would not increase their fortunes without being the better for
it?

22. Qu. Whether the same evils would be apprehended from paper-money
under an honest and thrifty regulation?

23. Qu. Whether, therefore, a national bank would not be more
beneficial than even a mine of gold?

24. Qu. Whether private ends are not prosecuted with more attention
and vigour than the public? And yet, whether all private ends are
not included in the pubic?

25. Qu. Whether banking be not absolutely necessary to the pubic
weal?

26. Qu. Whether even our private banks, though attended with such
hazards as we all know them to be, are not of singular use in defect
of a national bank?

27. Qu. Whether without them what little business and industry there
is would not stagnate? But whether it be not a mighty privilege for
a private person to be able to create a hundred pounds with a dash
of his pen?

28. Qu. Whether the mystery of banking did not derive its original
from the Italians? Whether this acute people were not, upon a time,
bankers over all Europe? Whether that business was not practised by
some of their noblest families who made immense profits by it, and
whether to that the house of Medici did not originally owe its
greatness?

29. Qu. Whether the wise state of Venice was not the first that
conceived the advantage of a national bank?

30. Qu. Whether at Venice all payments of bills of exchange and
merchants' contracts are not made in the national or pubic bank, the
greatest affairs being transacted only by writing the names of the
parties, one as debtor the other as creditor in the bank-book?

31. Qu. Whether nevertheless it was not found expedient to provide a
chest of ready cash for answering all demands that should happen to
be made on account of payments in detail?

32. Qu. Whether this offer of ready cash, instead of transfers in
the bank, hath not been found to augment rather than diminish the
stock thereof?

33. Qu. Whether at Venice, the difference in the value of bank money
above other money be not fixed at twenty per cent?

34. Qu. Whether the bank of Venice be not shut up four times in the
year twenty days each time?

35. Qu. Whether by means of this bank the public be not mistress of
a million and a half sterling?

36. Qu. Whether the great exactness and integrity with which this
bank is managed be not the chief support of that republic?

37. Qu. Whether we may not hope for as much skill and honesty in a
Protestant Irish Parliament as in a Popish Senate of Venice?

38. Qu. Whether the bank of Amsterdam was not begun about one
hundred and thirty years ago, and whether at this day its stock be
not conceived to amount to three thousand tons of gold, or thirty
millions sterling?

39. Qu. Whether besides coined money, there be not also great
quantities of ingots or bars of gold and silver lodged in this bank?

40. Qu. Whether all payments of contracts for goods in gross, and
letters of exchange, must not be made by transfers in the
bank-books, provided the sum exceed three hundred florins?

41. Qu. Whether it be not true, that the bank of Amsterdam never
makes payments in cash?

42. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, it be not also true, that no man who
hath credit in the bank can want money from particular persons, who
are willing to become creditors in his stead?

43. Qu. Whether any man thinks himself the poorer, because his money
is in the bank?

44. Qu. Whether the creditors of the bank of Amsterdam are not at
liberty to withdraw their money when they please, and whether this
liberty doth not make them less desirous to use it?

45. Qu. Whether this bank be not shut up twice in the year for ten
or fifteen days, during which time the accounts are balanced?

46. Qu. Whether it be not owing to this bank that the city of
Amsterdam, without the least confusion, hazard, or trouble,
maintains and every day promotes so general and quick a circulation
of industry?

47. Qu. Whether it be not the greatest help and spur to commerce
that property can be so readily conveyed and so well secured by a
compte en banc, that is, by only writing one man's name for
another's in the bank-book?

48. Qu. Whether, at the beginning of the last century, those who had
lent money to the public during the war with Spain were not
satisfied by the sole expedient of placing their names in a compte
en banc, with liberty to transfer their claims?

49. Qu. Whether the example of those easy transfers in the compte en
banc, thus casually erected, did not tempt other men to become
creditors to the public, in order to profit by the same secure and
expeditious method of keeping and transferring their wealth?

50. Qu. Whether this compte en banc hath not proved better than a
mine of gold to Amsterdam?

51. Qu. Whether that city may not be said to owe her greatness to
the unpromising accident of her having been in debt more than she
was able to Pay?

52. Qu. Whether it be known that any State from such small
beginnings, in so short a time, ever grew to so great wealth and
power as the province of Holland hath done; and whether the bank of
Amsterdam hath not been the real cause of such extraordinary growth?

53. Qu. Whether we are by nature a more stupid people than the
Dutch? And yet whether these things are sufficiently considered by
our patriots?

54. Qu. Whether anything less than the utter subversion of those
Republics can break the banks of Venice and Amsterdam?

55. Qu. Whether at Hamburgh the citizens have not the management of
the bank, without the meddling or inspection of the Senate?

56. Qu. Whether the directors be not four principal burghers chosen
by plurality of voices, whose business is to see the rules observed,
and furnish the cashiers with money?

57. Qu. Whether the book-keepers are not obliged to balance their
accounts every week, and exhibit them to the controllers or
directors?

58. Qu. Whether any besides the citizens are admitted to have compte
en banc at Hamburgh?

59. Qu. Whether there be not a certain limit, under which no sum can
be entered into the bank?

60. Qu. Whether each particular person doth not pay a fee in order
to be admitted to a compte en banc at Hamburgh and Amsterdam?

61. Qu. Whether the effects lodged in the bank of Hamburgh are
liable to be seized for debt or forfeiture?

62. Qu. Whether this bank doth not lend money upon pawns at low
interest and only for half a year, after which term, in default of
payment, the pawns are punctually sold by auction?

63. Qu. Whether the book-keepers of the bank of Hamburgh are not
obliged upon oath never to reveal what sums of money are paid in or
out of the bank, or what effects any particular person has therein?

64. Qu. Whether, therefore, it be possible to know the state or
stock of this bank; and yet whether it be not of the greatest
reputation and most established credit throughout the North?

65. Qu. Whether the success of those public banks in Venice,
Amsterdam and Hamburg would not naturally produce in other States an
inclination to the same methods?

66. Qu. Whether an absolute monarchy be so apt to gain credit, and
whether the vivacity of some humours could so well suit with the
slow steps and discreet management which a bank requires?

67. Qu. Whether the bank called the general bank of France,
contrived by Mr Law, and established by letters patent in May, 1716,
was not in truth a particular and not a national bank, being in the
hands of a particular company privileged and protected by the
Government?

68. Qu. Whether the Government did not order that the notes of this
bank should pass on a par with ready money in all payments of the
revenue?

69. Qu. Whether this bank was not obliged to issue only such notes
as were payable at sight?

70. Qu. Whether it was not made a capital crime to forge the notes
of this bank?

71. Qu. Whether this bank was not restrained from trading either by
sea or land, and from taking up money upon interest?

72. Qu. Whether the original stock thereof was not six millions of
livres, divided into actions of a thousand crowns each?

73. Qu. Whether the proprietors were not to hold general assemblies
twice in the year, for the regulating of their affairs?

74. Qu. Whether the accompts of this bank were not balanced twice
every year?

75. Qu. Whether there were not two chests belonging to this bank,
the one called the general chest containing their specie, their
bills and their copper plates for the printing of those bills, under
the custody of three locks, whereof the keys were kept by the
director, the inspector and treasurer, also another called the
ordinary chest, containing part of the stock not exceeding two
hundred thousand crowns, under the key of the treasurer?

76. Qu. Whether out of this last mentioned sum, each particular
cashier was not to be intrusted with a share not exceeding the value
of twenty thousand crowns at a time, and that under good security?

77. Qu. Whether the Regent did not reserve to himself the power of
calling this bank to account, so often as he should think good, and
of appointing the inspector?

78. Qu. Whether in the beginning of the year 1719 the French King
did not convert the general bank of France into a Banque Royale,
having himself purchased the stock of the company and taken it into
his own hands, and appointed the Duke of Orleans chief manager
thereof?

79. Qu. Whether from that time, all matters relating to the bank
were not transacted in the name, and by the sole authority, of the
king?

80. Qu. Whether his Majesty did not undertake to receive and keep
the cash of all particular persons, subjects, or foreigners, in his
said Royale Banque, without being paid for that trouble? And whether
it was not declared, that such cash should not be liable to seizure
on any pretext, not even on the king's own account?

81. Qu. Whether the treasurer alone did not sign all the bills,
receive all the stock paid into the bank, and keep account of all
the in-goings and out-goings?

82. Qu. Whether there were not three registers for the enregistering
of the bills kept in the Banque Royale, one by the inspector,
another by the controller, and a third by the treasurer?

83. Qu. Whether there was not also a fourth register, containing the
profits of the bank, which was visited, at least once a week, by the
inspector and controller?

84. Qu. Whether, beside the general bureau or compter in the city of
Paris, there were not also appointed five more in the towns of
Lyons, Tours, Rochelle, Orleans, and Amiens, each whereof was
provided with two chests, one of specie for discharging bills at
sight, and another of bank bills to be issued as there should be
demand?

85. Qu. Whether, in the above mentioned towns, it was not prohibited
to make payments in silver, exceeding the sum of six hundred livres?

86. Qu. Whether all creditors were not empowered to demand payment
in bank bills instead of specie?

87. Qu. Whether, in a short compass of time, this bank did not
undergo many new changes and regulations by several successive acts
of council?

88. Qu. Whether the untimely, repeated, and boundless fabrication of
bills did not precipitate the ruin of this bank?

89. Qu. Whether it be not true, that before the end of July, 1719,
they had fabricated four hundred millions of livres in bank-notes,
to which they added the sum of one hundred and twenty millions more
on the twelfth of September following, also the same sum of one
hundred and twenty millions on the twenty-fourth of 3 October, and
again on the twenty-ninth of December, in the same year, the farther
sum of three hundred and sixty millions, making the whole, from an
original stock of six millions, mount, within the compass of one
year, to a thousand millions of livres?

90. Qu. Whether on the twenty-eighth of February, 1720, the king did
not make an union of the bank with the united company of the East
and West Indies, which from that time had the administration and
profits of the Banque Royale?

91. Qu. Whether the king did not still profess himself responsible
for the value of the bank bills, and whether the company were not
responsible to his Majesty for their management?

92. Qu. Whether sixteen hundred millions of livres, lent to his
majesty by the company, was not a sufficient pledge to indemnify the
king?

93. Qu. Whether the new directors were not prohibited to make any
more bills without an act of council?

94. Qu. Whether the chests and books of the Banque were not
subjected to the joint inspection of a Counsellor of State, and the
Prevot des Marchands, assisted by two Echevins, a judge, and a
consul, who had power to visit when they would and without warning?

95. Qu. Whether in less than two years the actions or shares of the
Indian Company (first established for Mississippi, and afterwards
increased by the addition of other compares and further? and whether
this privileges) did not rise to near 2000 per cent must be ascribed
to real advantages of trade, or to mere frenzy?

96. Qu. Whether, from first to last, there were not fabricated bank
bills, of one kind or other, to the value of more than two thousand
and six hundred millions of livres, or one hundred and thirty
millions sterling?

97. Qu. Whether the credit of the bank did not decline from its
union with the Indian Company?

98. Qu. Whether, notwithstanding all the above-mentioned
extraordinary measures, the bank bills did not still pass at par
with gold and silver to May, 1720, when the French king thought fit,
by a new act of council, to make a reduction of their value, which
proved a fatal blow, the effects whereof, though soon retracted, no
subsequent skill or management could ever repair?

99. Qu. Whether, what no reason, reflexion, or foresight could do,
this simple matter of fact (the most powerful argument with the
multitude) did not do at once, to wit, open the eyes of the people?

100. Qu. Whether the dealers in that sort of ware had ever troubled
their heads with the nature of credit, or the true use and end of
banks, but only considered their bills and actions as things, to
which the general demand gave a price?

101. Qu. Whether the Government was not in great perplexity to
contrive expedients for the getting rid of those bank bills, which
had been lately multiplied with such an unlimited passion?

102. Qu. Whether notes to the value of about ninety millions were
not sunk by being paid off in specie, with the cash of the Compagnie
des Indes, with that of the bank, and that of the Hotels des
Monnoyes? Whether five hundred and thirty millions were not
converted into annuities at the royal treasury? Whether several
hundred millions more in bank bills were not extinguished and
replaced by annuities on the City of Paris, on taxes throughout the
provinces, &c., &c?

103. Qu. Whether, after all other shifts, the last and grand
resource for exhausting that ocean, was not the erecting of a compte
en banc in several towns of France?

104. Qu. Whether, when the imagination of a people is thoroughly
wrought upon and heated by their own example, and the arts of
designing men, this doth not produce a sort of enthusiasm which
takes place of reason, and is the most dangerous distemper in a
State?

105. Qu. Whether this epidemical madness should not be always before
the eyes of a legislature, in the framing of a national bank?

106. Qu. Whether, therefore, it may not be fatal to engraft trade on
a national bank, or to propose dividends on the stock thereof?

107. Qu. Whether it be possible for a national bank to subsist and
maintain its credit under a French government?

108. Qu. Whether it may not be as useful a lesson to consider the
bad management of some as the good management of others?

109. Qu. Whether the rapid and surprising success of the schemes of
those who directed the French bank did not turn their brains?

110. Qu. Whether the best institutions may not be made subservient
to bad ends?

111. Qu. Whether, as the aim of industry is power, and the aim of a
bank is to circulate and secure this power to each individual, it
doth not follow that absolute power in one hand is inconsistent with
a lasting and a flourishing bank?

112. Qu. Whether our natural appetites, as well as powers, are not
limited to their respective ends and uses? But whether artificial
appetites may not be infinite?

113. Qu. Whether the simple getting of money, or passing it from
hand to hand without industry, be an object worthy of a wise
government?

114. Qu. Whether, if money be considered as an end, the appetite
thereof be not infinite? But whether the ends of money itself be not
bounded?

115. Qu. Whether the mistaking of the means for the end was not a
fundamental error in the French councils?

116. Qu. Whether the total sum of all other powers, be it of
enjoyment or action, which belong to man, or to all mankind
together, is not in truth a very narrow and limited quantity? But
whether fancy is not boundless?

117. Qu. Whether this capricious tyrant, which usurps the place of
reason, doth not most cruelly torment and delude those poor men, the
usurers, stockjobbers, and projectors, of content to themselves from
heaping up riches, that is, from gathering counters, from
multiplying figures, from enlarging denominations, without knowing
what they would be at, and without having a proper regard to the use
or end or nature of things?

118. Qu. Whether the ignis fatuus of fancy doth not kindle
immoderate desires, and lead men into endless pursuits and wild
labyrinths?

119. Qu. Whether counters be not referred to other things, which, so
long as they keep pace and proportion with the counters, it must be
owned the counters are useful; but whether beyond that to value or
covet counters be not direct folly?

120. Qu. Whether the public aim ought not to be, that men's industry
should supply their present wants, and the overplus be converted
into a stock of power?

121. Qu. Whether the better this power is secured, and the more
easily it is transferred, industry be not so much the more
encouraged?

122. Qu. Whether money, more than is expedient for those purposes,
be not upon the whole hurtful rather than beneficial to a State?

123. Qu. Whether there should not be a constant care to keep the
bills at par?

124. Qu. Whether, therefore, bank bills should at any time be
multiplied but as trade and business were also multiplied?

125. Qu. Whether it was not madness in France to mint bills and
actions, merely to humour the people and rob them of their cash?

126. Qu. Whether we may not profit by their mistakes, and as some
things are to be avoided, whether there may not be others worthy of
imitation in the conduct of our neighbours?

127. Qu. Whether the way be not clear and open and easy, and whether
anything but the will is wanting to our legislature?

128. Qu. Whether jobs and tricks are not detested on all hands, but
whether it be not the joint interest of prince and people to promote
industry?

129. Qu. Whether, all things considered, a national bank be not the
most practicable, sure, and speedy method to mend our affairs, and
cause industry to flourish among us?

130. Qu. Whether a compte en banc or current bank bills would best
answer our occasions?

131. Qu. Whether a public compte en banc, where effects are
received, and accounts kept with particular persons, be not an
excellent expedient for a great city?

132. Qu. What effect a general compte en banc would have in the
metropolis of this kingdom with one in each province subordinate
thereunto?

133. Qu. Whether it may not be proper for a great kingdom to unite
both expedients, to wit, bank notes and a compte en banc?

134. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, it would be advisable to begin with
both at once, or rather to proceed first with the bills, and
afterwards, as business multiplied, and money or effects flowed in,
to open the compte en banc?

135. Qu. Whether, for greater security, double books of compte en
banc should not be kept in different places and hands?

136. Qu. Whether it would not be right to build the compters and
public treasuries, where books and bank notes are kept, without
wood, all arched and floored with brick or stone, having chests also
and cabinets of iron?

137. Qu. Whether divers registers of the bank notes should not be
kept in different hands?

138. Qu. Whether there should not be great discretion in the
uttering of bank notes, and whether the attempting to do things per
saltum be not often the way to undo them?

139. Qu. Whether the main art be not by slow degrees and cautious
measures to reconcile the bank to the public, to wind it insensibly
into the affections of men, and interweave it with the constitution?

140. Qu. Whether the promoting of industry should not be always in
view, as the true and sole end, the rule and measure, of a national
bank? And whether all deviations from that object should not be
carefully avoided?

141. Qu. Whether a national bank may not prevent the drawing of
specie out of the country (where it circulates in small payments),
to be shut up in the chests of particular persons?

142. Qu. Whether it may not be useful, for supplying manufactures
and trade with stock, for regulating exchange, for quickening
commerce, for putting spirit into the people?

143. Qu. Whether tenants or debtors could have cause to complain of
our monies being reduced to the English value if it were withal
multiplied in the same, or in a greater proportion? and whether this
would not be the consequence of a nation al bank?

144. Qu. If there be an open sure way to thrive, without hazard to
ourselves or prejudice to our neighbours, what should hinder us from
putting it in practice?

145. Qu. Whether in so numerous a Senate, as that of this kingdom,
it may not be easie to find men of pure hands and clear heads fit to
contrive and model a public bank?

146. Qu. Whether a view of the precipice be not sufficient, or
whether we must tumble headlong before we are roused?

147. Qu. Whether in this drooping and dispirited country, men are
quite awake?

148. Qu. Whether we are sufficiently sensible of the peculiar
security there is in having a bank that consists of land and paper,
one of which cannot be exported, and the other is in no danger of
being exported?

149. Qu. Whether it be not delightful to complain? And whether there
be not many who had rather utter their complaints than redress their
evils?

150. Qu. Whether, if 'the crown of the wise be their riches' (Prov.,
xiv.24), we are not the foolishest people in Christendom?

151. Qu. Whether we have not all the while great civil as well as
natural advantages?

152. Qu. Whether there be any people who have more leisure to
cultivate the arts of peace, and study the public weal?

153. Qu. Whether other nations who enjoy any share of freedom, and
have great objects in view, be not unavoidably embarrassed and
distracted by factions? But whether we do not divide upon trifles,
and whether our parties are not a burlesque upon politics?

154. Qu. Whether it be not an advantage that we are not embroiled in
foreign affairs, that we hold not the balance of Europe, that we are
protected by other fleets and armies, that it is the true interest
of a powerful people, from whom we are descended, to guard us on all
sides?

155. Qu. Whether England doth not really love us and wish well to
us, as bone of her bone, and flesh of her flesh? And whether it be
not our part to cultivate this love and affection all manner of
ways?

156. Qu. Whether, if we do not reap the benefits that may be made of
our country and government, want of will in the lower people, or
want of wit in the upper, be most in fault?

157. Qu. What sea-ports or foreign trade have the Swisses; and yet
how warm are those people, and how well provided?

158. Qu. Whether there may not be found a people who so contrive as
to be impoverished by their trade? And whether we are not that
people?

159. Qu. Whether it would not be better for this island, if all our
fine folk of both sexes were shipped off, to remain in foreign
countries, rather than that they should spend their estates at home
in foreign luxury, and spread the contagion thereof through their
native land?

160. Qu. Whether our gentry understand or have a notion of
magnificence, and whether for want thereof they do not affect very
wretched distinctions?

161. Qu. Whether there be not an art or skill in governing human
pride, so as to render it subservient to the pubic aim?

162. Qu. Whether the great and general aim of the public should not
be to employ the people?

163. Qu. What right an eldest son hath to the worst education?

164. Qu. Whether men's counsels are not the result of their
knowledge and their principles?

165. Qu. Whether an assembly of freethinkers, petit maitres, and
smart Fellows would not make an admirable Senate?

166. Qu. Whether there be not labour of the brains as well as of the
hands, and whether the former is beneath a gentleman?

167. Qu. Whether the public be more interested to protect the
property acquired by mere birth than that which is the Mediate fruit
of learning and vertue?

168. Qu. Whether it would not be a poor and ill-judged project to
attempt to promote the good of the community, by invading the rights
of one part thereof, or of one particular order of men?

169. Qu. Whether the public happiness be not proposed by the
legislature, and whether such happiness doth not contain that of the
individuals?

170. Qu. Whether, therefore, a legislator should be content with a
vulgar share of knowledge? Whether he should not be a person of
reflexion and thought, who hath made it his study to understand the
true nature and interest of mankind, how to guide men's humours and
passions, how to incite their active powers, how to make their
several talents co-operate to the mutual benefit of each other, and
the general good of the whole?

171. Qu. Whether it doth not follow that above all things a
gentleman's care should be to keep his own faculties sound and
entire?

172. Qu. Whether the natural phlegm of this island needs any
additional stupefier?

173. Qu. Whether all spirituous liquors are not in truth opiates?

174. Qu. Whether our men of business are not generally very grave by
fifty?

175. Qu. Whether there be really among us any parents so silly, as
to encourage drinking in their children?

176. Qu. Whence it is, that our ladies are more alive, and bear age
so much better than our gentlemen?

177. Qu. Whether all men have not faculties of mind or body which
may be employed for the public benefit?

178. Qu. Whether the main point be not to multiply and employ our
people?

179. Qu. Whether hearty food and warm clothing would not enable and
encourage the lower sort to labour?

180. Qu. Whether, in such a soil as ours, if there was industry,
there could be want?

181. Qu. Whether the way to make men industrious be not to let them
taste the fruits of their industry? And whether the labouring ox
should be muzzled?

182. Qu. Whether our landlords are to be told that industry and
numbers would raise the value of their lands, or that one acre about
the Tholsel is worth ten thousand acres in Connaught?

183. Qu. Whether our old native Irish are not the most indolent and
supine people in Christendom?

184. Qu. Whether they are yet civilized, and whether their
habitations and furniture are not more sordid than those of the
savage Americans?

185. Qu. Whether this be altogether their own fault?

186. Qu. Whether it be not a sad circumstance to live among lazy
beggars? And whether, on the other hand, it would not be delightful
to live in a country swarming, like China, with busy people?

187. Qu. Whether we should not cast about, by all manner of means,
to excite industry, and to remove whatever hinders it? And whether
every one should not lend a helping hand?

188. Qu. Whether vanity itself should not be engaged in this good
work? And whether it is not to be wished that the finding of
employment for themselves and others were a fashionable distinction
among the ladies?

189. Qu. Whether idleness be the mother or the daughter of spleen?

190. Qu. Whether it may not be worth while to publish the
conversation of Ischomachus and his wife in Xenophon, for the use of
our ladies?

191. Qu. Whether it is true that there have been, upon a time, one
hundred millions of people employed in China, without the woollen
trade, or any foreign commerce?

192. Qu. Whether the natural inducements to sloth are not greater in
the Mogul's country than in Ireland, and yet whether, in that
suffocating and dispiriting climate, the Banyans are not all, men,
women, and children, constantly employed?

193. Qu. Whether it be not true that the great Mogul's subjects
might undersell us even in our own markets, and clothe our people
with their stuffs and calicoes, if they were imported duty free?

194. Qu. Whether there can be a greater reproach on the leading men
and the patriots of a country, than that the people should want
employment? And whether methods may not be found to employ even the
lame and the blind, the dumb, the deaf, and the maimed, in some or
other branch of our manufactures?

195. Qu. Whether much may not be expected from a biennial
consultation of so many wise men about the public good?

196. Qu. Whether a tax upon dirt would not be one way of encouraging
industry?

197. Qu. Whether it may not be right to appoint censors in every
parish to observe and make returns of the idle hands?

198. Qu. Whether a register or history of the idleness and industry
of a people would be an useless thing?

199. Qu. Whether we are apprized, of all the uses that may be made
of political arithmetic?

200. Qu. Whether it would be a great hardship if every parish were
obliged to find work for their poor?

201. Qu. Whether children especially should not be inured to labour
betimes?

202. Qu. Whether there should not be erected, in each province, an
hospital for orphans and foundlings, at the expense of old
bachelors?

203. Qu. Whether it be true that in the Dutch workhouses things are
so managed that a child four years old may earn its own livelihood?

204. Qu. What a folly is it to build fine houses, or establish
lucrative posts and large incomes, under the notion of providing for
the poor?

205. Qu. Whether the poor, grown up and in health, need any other
provision but their own industry, under public inspection?

206. Qu. Whether the poor-tax in England hath lessened or increased
the number of the poor?

207. Qu. Why the workhouse in Dublin, with so good an endowment,
should yet be of so little use? and whether this may not be owing to
that very endowment?

208. Qu. Whether that income might not, by this time, have gone
through the whole kingdom, and erected a dozen workhouses in every
county?

209. Qu. Whether workhouses should not be made at the least expense,
with clay floors, and walls of rough stone, without plastering,
ceiling, or glazing?

210. Qu. Whether the tax on chairs or hackney coaches be not paid,
rather by the country gentlemen, than the citizens of Dublin?

211. Qu. Whether it be an impossible attempt to set our people at
work, or whether industry be a habit which, like other habits, may
by time and skill be introduced among any people?

212. Qu. Whether all manner of means should not be employed to
possess the nation in general with an aversion and contempt for
idleness and all idle folk?

213. Qu. Whether it would be a hardship on people destitute of all
things, if the public furnished them with necessaries which they
should be obliged to earn by their labour?

214. Qu. Whether other nations have not found great benefit from the
use of slaves in repairing high roads, making rivers navigable,
draining bogs, erecting public buildings, bridges, and manufactures?

215. Qu. Whether temporary servitude would not be the best cure for
idleness and beggary?

216. Qu. Whether the public hath not a right to employ those who
cannot or who will not find employment for themselves?

217. Qu. Whether all sturdy beggars should not be seized and made
slaves to the public for a certain term of years?

218. Qu. Whether he who is chained in a jail or dungeon hath not,
for the time, lost his liberty? And if so, whether temporary slavery
be not already admitted among us?

219. Qu. Whether a state of servitude, wherein he should be well
worked, fed, and clothed, would not be a preferment to such a
fellow?

220. Qu. Whether criminals in the freest country may not forfeit
their liberty, and repair the damage they have done the public by
hard labour?

221. Qu. What the word 'servant' signifies in the New Testament?

222. Qu. Whether the view of criminals chained in pairs and kept at
hard labour would not be very edifying to the multitude?

223. Qu. Whether the want of such an institution be not plainly seen
in England, where the disbelief of a future state hardeneth rogues
against the fear of death, and where, through the great growth of
robbers and housebreakers, it becomes every day more necessary?

224. Qu. Whether it be not easier to prevent than to remedy, and
whether we should not profit by the example of others?

225. Qu. Whether felons are not often spared, and therefore
encouraged, by the compassion of those who should prosecute them?

226. Qu. Whether many that would not take away the life of a thief
may not nevertheless be willing to bring him to a more adequate
punishment?

227. Qu. Whether there should not be a difference between the
treatment of criminals and that of other slaves?

228. Qu. Whether the most indolent would be fond of idleness, if
they regarded it as the sure road to hard labour?

229. Qu. Whether the industry of the lower part of our people doth
not much depend on the expense of the upper?

230. Qu. What would be the consequence if our gentry affected to
distinguish themselves by fine houses rather than fine clothes?

231. Qu. Whether any people in Europe are so meanly provided with
houses and furniture, in proportion to their incomes, as the men of
estates in Ireland?

232. Qu. Whether building would not peculiarly encourage all other
arts in this kingdom?

233. Qu. Whether smiths, masons, bricklayers, plasterers,
carpenters, joiners, tilers, plumbers, and glaziers would not all
find employment if the humour of building prevailed?

234. Qu. Whether the ornaments and furniture of a good house do not
employ a number of all sorts of artificers, in iron, wood, marble,
brass, pewter, copper, wool, flax, and divers other materials?

235. Qu. Whether in buildings and gardens a great number of
day-labourers do not find employment?

236. Qu. Whether by these means much of that sustenance and wealth
of this nation which now goes to foreigners would not be kept at
home, and nourish and circulate among our own people?

237. Qu. Whether, as industry produced good living, the number of
hands and mouths would not be increased; and in proportion
thereunto, whether there would not be every day more occasion for
agriculture? And whether this article alone would not employ a world
of people?

238. Qu. Whether such management would not equally provide for the
magnificence of the rich, and the necessities of the poor?

239. Qu. Whether an expense in building and improvements doth not
remain at home, pass to the heir, and adorn the public? And whether
any of those things can be said of claret?

240. Qu. Whether fools do not make fashions, and wise men follow
them?

241. Qu. Whether, for one who hurts his fortune by improvements,
twenty do not ruin themselves by foreign luxury?

242. Qu. Whether in proportion as Ireland was improved and
beautified by fine seats, the number of absentees would not
decrease?

243. Qu. Whether he who employs men in buildings and manufactures
doth not put life in the country, and whether the neighbourhood
round him be not observed to thrive?

244. Qu. Whether money circulated on the landlord's own lands, and
among his own tenants, doth not return into his own pocket?

245. Qu. Whether every squire that made his domain swarm with busy
hands, like a bee-hive or ant-hill, would not serve his own
interest, as well as that of his country?

246. Qu. Whether a gentleman who hath seen a little of the world,
and observed how men live elsewhere, can contentedly sit down in a
cold, damp, sordid habitation, in the midst of a bleak country,
inhabited by thieves and beggars?

247. Qu. Whether, on the other hand, a handsome seat amidst
well-improved lands, fair villages, and a thriving neighbourhood may
not invite a man to dwell on his own estate, and quit the life of an
insignificant saunterer about town for that of a useful
country-gentleman?

248. Qu. Whether it would not be of use and ornament if the towns
throughout this kingdom were provided with decent churches,
townhouses, workhouses, market-places, and paved streets, with some
order taken for cleanliness?

249. Qu. Whether, if each of these towns were addicted to some
peculiar manufacture, we should not find that the employing many
hands together on the same work was the way to perfect our workmen?
And whether all these things might not soon be provided by a
domestic industry, if money were not wanting?

250. Qu. Whether money could ever be wanting to the demands of
industry, if we had a national bank?

251. Qu. Whether when a motion was made once upon a time to
establish a private bank in this kingdom by public authority, divers
gentlemen did not shew themselves forward to embark in that design?

252. Qu. Whether it may not now be hoped, that our patriots will be
as forward to examine and consider the proposal of a public bank
calculated only for the public good?

253. Qu. Whether any people upon earth shew a more early zeal for
the service of their country, greater eagerness to bear a part in
the legislature, or a more general parturiency with respect to
politics and public counsels?

254. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, a light and ludicrous vein be not
the reigning humour; but whether there was ever greater cause to be
serious?


FINIS.

ERRATUM


Qu. 168, for Indulg'd, read ill judg'd.






Part III




Query 1.

Whether the fable of Hercules and the carter ever suited any
nation like this nation of Ireland?

2. Qu. Whether it be not a new spectacle under the sun, to behold,
in such a climate and such a soil, and under such a gentle
government, so many roads untrodden, fields untilled, houses
desolate, and hands unemployed?

3. Qu. Whether there is any country in Christendom, either kingdom
or republic, depending or independent, free or enslaved, which may
not afford us a useful lesson?

4. Qu. Whether the frugal Swisses have any other commodities but
their butter and cheese and a few cattle, for exportation; whether,
nevertheless, the single canton of Berne hath not in her public
treasury two millions sterling?

5. Qu. Whether that small town of Berne, with its scanty barren
territory, in a mountainous corner, without sea-ports, without
manufactures, without mines, be not rich by mere dint of frugality?

6. Qu. Whether the Swisses in general have not sumptuary laws,
prohibiting the use of gold, jewels, silver, silk, and lace in their
apparel, and indulging the women only to wear silk on festivals,
weddings, and public solemnities?

7. Qu. Whether there be not two ways of growing rich, sparing and
getting? But whether the lazy spendthrift must not be doubly poor?

8. Qu. Whether money circulating be not the life of industry; and
whether the want thereof doth not render a State gouty and inactive?

9. Qu. But whether, if we had a national bank, and our present cash
(small as it is) were put into the most convenient shape, men should
hear any public complaints for want of money?

10. Qu. Whether all circulation be not alike a circulation of
credit, whatsoever medium (metal or paper) is employed, and whether
gold be any more than credit for so much power?

11. Qu. Whether the wealth of the richest nations in Christendom
doth not consist in paper vastly more than in gold and silver?

12. Qu. Whether Lord Clarendon doth not aver of his own knowledge,
that the Prince of Orange, with the best credit, and the assistance
of the richest men in Amsterdam, was above ten days endeavouring to
raise L20,000 in specie, without being able to raise half the sum in
all that time? (See Clarendon's History, BK. XII)

13. Qu. Whether the whole city of Amsterdam would not have been
troubled to have brought together twenty thousand pounds in one
room?

14. Qu. Whether it be not absolutely necessary that there must be a
bank and must be a trust? And, if so, whether it be not the most
safe and prudent course to have a national bank and trust the
legislature?

15. Qu. Whether objections against trust in general avail, when it
is allowed there must be a trust, and the only question is where to
place this trust, whether in the legislature or in private hands?

16. Qu. Whether it can be expected that private persons should have
more regard to the public than the public itself?

17. Qu. Whether, if there be hazards from mismanagement, those may
not be provided against in the framing of a pubic bank; but whether
any provision can be made against the mismanagement of private banks
that are under no check, control, or inspection?

18. Qu. Whatever may be said for the sake of objecting, yet, whether
it be not false in fact, that men would prefer a private security to
a public security?

19. Qu. Whether a national bank ought to be considered as a new
experiment; and whether it be not a motive to try this scheme that
it hath been already tried with success in other countries?

20. Qu. If power followeth money, whether this can be anywhere more
properly and securely placed, than in the same hands wherein the
supreme power is already placed?

21. Qu. Whether there be more danger of abuse in a private than in a
public management?

22. Qu. Whether the proper usual remedy for abuses of private banks
be not to bring them before Parliament, and subject them to the
inspection of a committee; and whether it be not more prudent to
prevent than to redress an evil?

23. Qu. Supposing there had been hitherto no such thing as a bank,
and the question were now first proposed, whether it would be safer
to circulate unlimited bills in a private credit, or bills to a
limited value on the public credit of the community, what would men
think?

24. Qu. Whether experience and example be not the plainest proof;
and whether any instance can be assigned where a national bank hath
not been attended with great advantage to the public?

25. Qu. Whether the evils apprehended from a national bank are not
much more to be apprehended from private banks; but whether men by
custom are not familiarized and reconciled to common dangers, which
are therefore thought less than they really are?

26. Qu. Whether it would not be very hard to suppose all sense,
honesty, and public spirit were in the keeping of only a few private
men, and the public was not fit to be trusted?

27. Qu. Whether it be not ridiculous to suppose a legislature should
be afraid to trust itself?

28. Qu. But, whether a private interest be not generally supported
and pursued with more zeal than a public?

29. Qu. Whether the maxim, 'What is everybody's business is
nobody's,' prevails in any country under the sun more than in
Ireland?

30. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, the community of danger, which lulls
private men asleep, ought not to awaken the public?

31. Qu. Whether there be not less security where there are more
temptations and fewer checks?

32. Qu. If a man is to risk his fortune, whether it be more prudent
to risk it on the credit of private men, or in that of the great
assembly of the nation?

33. Qu. Where is it most reasonable to expect wise and punctual
dealing, whether in a secret impenetrable recess, where credit
depends on secrecy, or in a public management regulated and
inspected by Parliament?

34. Qu. Whether a supine security be not catching, and whether
numbers running the same risk, as they lessen the caution, may not
increase the danger?

35. Qu. What real objection lies against a national bank erected by
the legislature, and in the management of public deputies, appointed
and inspected by the legislature?

36. Qu. What have we to fear from such a bank, which may not be as
well feared without it?

37. Qu. How, why, by what means, or for what end, should it become
an instrument of oppression?

38. Qu. Whether we can possibly be on a more precarious foot than we
are already? Whether it be not in the power of any particular person
at once to disappear and convey himself into foreign parts? or
whether there can be any security in an estate of land when the
demands upon it are unknown?

39. Qu. Whether the establishing of a national bank, if we suppose a
concurrence of the government, be not very practicable?

40. Qu. But, whether though a scheme be never so evidently
practicable and useful to the pubic, yet, if conceived to interfere
with a private interest, it be not forthwith in danger of appearing
doubtful, difficult, and impracticable?

41. Qu. Whether the legislative body hath not already sufficient
power to hurt, if they may be supposed capable of it, and whether a
bank would give them any new power?

42. Qu. What should tempt the pubic to defraud itself?

43. Qu. Whether, if the legislature destroyed the public, it would
not be felo de se; and whether it be reasonable to suppose it bent
on its own destruction?

44. Qu. Whether the objection to a pubic national bank, from want of
secrecy, be not in truth an argument for it?

45. Qu. Whether the secrecy of private banks be not the very thing
that renders them so hazardous? and whether, without that, there
could have been of late so many sufferers?

46. Qu. Whether when all objections are answered it be still
incumbent to answer surmises?

47. Qu. Whether it were just to insinuate that gentlemen would be
against any proposal they could not turn into a job?

48. Qu. Suppose the legislature passed their word for any private
banker, and regularly visited his books, would not money lodged in
his bank be therefore reckoned more secure?

49. Qu. In a country where the legislative body is not fit to be
trusted, what security can there be for trusting any one else?

50. Qu. If it be not ridiculous to question whether the pubic can
find cash to circulate bills of a limited value when private bankers
are supposed to find enough to circulate them to an unlimited value?

51. Qu. Whether the united stock of a nation be not the best
security? And whether anything but the ruin of the State can produce
a national bankruptcy?

52. Qu. Whether the total sum of the public treasure, power, and
wisdom, all co-operating, be not most likely to establish a bank of
credit, sufficient to answer the ends, relieve the wants, and
satisfy the scruples of all people?

53. Qu. Whether those hazards that in a greater degree attend
private banks can be admitted as objections against a public one?

54. Qu. Whether that which is an objection to everything be an
objection to anything; and whether the possibility of an abuse be
not of that kind?

55. Qu. Whether, in fact, all things are not more or less abused,
and yet notwithstanding such abuse, whether many things are not upon
the whole expedient and useful?

56. Qu. Whether those things that are subject to the most general
inspection are not the least subject to abuse?

57. Qu. Whether, for private ends, it may not be sometimes expedient
to object novelty to things that have been often tried, difficulty
to the plainest things, and hazard to the safest?

58. Qu. Whether some men will not be apt to argue as if the question
was between money and credit, and not (as in fact it is) which ought
to be preferred, private credit or public credit?

59. Qu. Whether they will not prudently overlook the evils felt, or
to be feared, on one side?

60. Qu. Whether, therefore, those that would make an impartial
judgment ought not to be on their guard, keeping both prospects
always in view, balancing the inconveniencies on each side and
considering neither absolutely?

61. Qu. Whether wilful mistakes, examples without a likeness, and
general addresses to the passions are not often more successful than
arguments?

62. Qu. Whether there be not an art to puzzle plain cases as well as
to explain obscure ones?

63. Qu. Whether private men are not often an over-match for the
public; want of weight being made up for by activity?

64. Qu. If we suppose neither sense nor honesty in our leaders or
representatives, whether we are not already undone, and so have
nothing further to fear?

65. Qu. Suppose a power in the government to hurt the pubic by means
of a national bank, yet what should give them the will to do this?
Or supposing a will to do mischief, yet how could a national bank,
modelled and administered by Parliament, put it in their power?

66. Qu. Whether even a wicked will entrusted with power can be
supposed to abuse it for no end?

67. Qu. Whether it be not much more probable that those who maketh
such objections do not believe them?

68. Qu. Whether it be not vain to object that our fellow-subjects of
Great Britain would malign or obstruct our industry when it is
exerted in a way which cannot interfere with their own?

66. Qu. Whether it is to be supposed they should take delight in the
dirt and nakedness and famine of our people, or envy them shoes for
their feet and beef for their belies?

70. Qu. What possible handle or inclination could our having a
national bank give other people to distress us?

71. Qu. Whether it be not ridiculous to conceive that a project for
cloathing and feeding our natives should give any umbrage to
England?

72. Qu. Whether such unworthy surmises are not the pure effect of
spleen?

73. Qu. Whether London is not to be considered as the metropolis of
Ireland? And whether our wealth (such as it is) doth not circulate
through London and throughout all England, as freely as that of any
part of his Majesty's dominions?

74. Qu. Whether therefore it be not evidently the interest of the
people of England to encourage rather than to oppose a national bank
in this kingdom, as well as every other means for advancing our
wealth which shall not impair their own?

75. Qu. Whether it is not our interest to be useful to them rather
than rival them; and whether in that case we may not be sure of
their good offices?

76. Qu. Whether we can propose to thrive so long as we entertain a
wrongheaded distrust of England?

77. Qu. Whether, as a national bank would increase our industry, and
that our wealth, England may not be a proportionable gainer; and
whether we should not consider the gains of our mother-country as
some accession to our own?

78. Qu. Whether the Protestant colony in this kingdom can ever
forget what they owe to England?

79. Qu. Whether there ever was in any part of the world a country in
such wretched circumstances, and which, at the same time, could be
so easily remedied, and nevertheless the remedy not applied?

80. Qu. What must become of a people that can neither see the
plainest things nor do the easiest?

81. Qu. Be the money lodged in the bank what it will, yet whether an
Act to make good deficiencies would not remove all scruples?

82. Qu. If it be objected that a national bank must lower interest,
and therefore hurt the monied man, whether the same objection would
not hold as strong against multiplying our gold and silver?

83. Qu. But whether a bank that utters bills, with the sole view of
promoting the public weal, may not so proportion their quantity as
to avoid several inconveniencies which might attend private banks?

84. Qu. Whether there be any difficulty in comprehending that the
whole wealth of the nation is in truth the stock of a national bank?
And whether any more than the right comprehension of this be
necessary to make all men easy with regard to its credit?

85. Qu. Whether any Thing be more reasonable than that the pubic,
which makes the whole profit of the bank, should engage to make good
its credit?

86. Qu. Whether the prejudices about gold and silver are not strong,
but whether they are not still prejudices?

87. Qu. Whether paper doth not by its stamp and signature acquire a
local value, and become as precious and as scarce as gold? And
whether it be not much fitter to circulate large sums, and therefore
preferable to gold?

88. Qu. Whether, in order to make men see and feel, it be not often
necessary to inculcate the same thing, and place it in different
lights?

89. Qu. Whether it doth not much import to have a right conception
of money? And whether its true and just idea be not that of a
ticket, entitling to power, and fitted to record and transfer such
power?

90. Qu. Whether the managers and officers of a national bank ought
to be considered otherwise than as the cashiers and clerks of
private banks? Whether they are not in effect as little trusted,
have as little power, are as much limited by rules, and as liable to
inspection?

91. Qu. Whether the mistaking this point may not create some
prejudice against a national bank, as if it depended on the credit,
or wisdom, or honesty, of private men, rather than on the pubic,
which is really the sole proprietor and director thereof, and as
such obliged to support it?

92. Qu. Though the bank of Amsterdam doth very rarely, if at all,
pay out money, yet whether every man possess'd of specie be not
ready to convert it into paper, and act as cashier to the bank? And
whether, from the same motive, every monied man throughout this
kingdom would not be cashier to our national bank?

93. Qu. Whether a national bank would not be the great means and
motive for employing our poor in manufactures?

94. Qu. Whether money, though lent out only to the rich, would not
soon circulate among the poor? And whether any man borrows but with
an intent to circulate?

95. Qu. Whether both government and people would not in the event be
gainers by a national bank? And whether anything but wrong
conceptions of its nature can make those that wish well to either
averse from it?

96. Qu. Whether it may not be right to think, and to have it
thought, that England and Ireland, prince and people, have one and
the same interest?

97. Qu. Whether, if we had more means to set on foot such
manufactures and such commerce as consists with the interest of
England, there would not of course be less sheep-walk, and less wool
exported to foreign countries? And whether a national bank would not
supply such means?

98. Qu. Whether we may not obtain that as friends which it is in
vain to hope for as rivals?

99. Qu. Whether in every instance by which we prejudice England, we
do not in a greater degree prejudice ourselves? See Part II. qu. 153
and 154.

100. Qu. Whether in the rude original of society the first step was
not the exchanging of commodities; the next a substituting of metals
by weight as the common medium of circulation; after this the making
use of coin; lastly, a further refinement by the use of paper with
proper marks and signatures? And whether this, as it is the last, so
it be not the greatest improvement?

101. Qu. Whether we are not in fact the only people who may be said
to starve in the midst of plenty?

102. Qu. Whether business in general doth not languish among us?
Whether our land is not untilled? Whether its inhabitants are not
upon the wing?

103. Qu. Whether there can be a worse sign than that people should
quit their country for a livelihood? Though men often leave their
country for health, or pleasure, or riches, yet to leave it merely
for a livelihood, whether this be not exceeding bad, and sheweth
some peculiar mismanagement?

104. Qu. Whether our circumstances do not call aloud for some
present remedy? And whether that remedy be not in our power?

105. Qu. Whether, in order to redress our evils, artificial helps
are not most wanted in a land where industry is most against the
natural grain of the people?

106. Qu. Whether, of all the helps to industry that ever were
invented, there be any more secure, more easy, and more effectual
than a national bank?

107. Qu. Whether medicines do not recommend themselves by
experience, even though their reasons be obscure? But whether reason
and fact are not equally clear in favour of this political medicine?

108. Qu. Whether, although the prepossessions about gold and silver
have taken deep root, yet the example of our Colonies in America
doth not make it as plain as day-light that they are not so
necessary to the wealth of a nation as the vulgar of all ranks
imagine?

109. Qu. Whether it be not evident that we may maintain a much
greater inward and outward commerce, and be five times richer than
we are, nay, and our bills abroad be of far greater credit, though
we had not one ounce of gold or silver in the whole island?

110. Qu. Whether wrongheaded maxims, customs, and fashions are not
sufficient to destroy any people which hath so few resources as the
inhabitants of Ireland.

111. Qu. Whether it would not be a horrible thing to see our matrons
make dress and play their chief concern?

112. Qu. Whether our ladies might not as well endow monasteries as
wear Flanders lace? And whether it be not true that Popish nuns are
maintained by Protestant contributions?

113. Qu. Whether England, which hath a free trade, whatever she
remits for foreign luxury with one hand, doth not with the other
receive much more from abroad? Whether, nevertheless, this nation
would not be a gainer, if our women would content themselves with
the same moderation in point of expense as the English ladies?

114. Qu. But whether it be not a notorious truth that our Irish
ladies are on a foot, as to dress, with those of five times their
fortune in England?

115. Qu. Whether it be not even certain that the matrons of this
forlorn country send out a greater proportion of its wealth, for
fine apparel, than any other females on the whole surface of this
terraqueous globe?

116. Qu. Whether the expense, great as it is, be the greatest evil;
but whether this folly may not produce many other follies, an entire
derangement of domestic life, absurd manners, neglect of duties, bad
mothers, a general corruption in both sexes?

117. Qu. Whether therefore a tax on all gold and silver in apparel,
on all foreign laces and silks, may not raise a fund for the bank,
and at the same time have other salutary effects on the public?

118. Qu. But, if gentlemen had rather tax themselves in another way,
whether an additional tax of ten shillings the hogshead on wines may
not supply a sufficient fund for the national bank, all defects to
be made good by Parliament?

119. Qu. Whether upon the whole it may not be right to appoint a
national bank?

120. Qu. Whether the stock and security of such bank would not be,
in truth, the national stock, or the total sum of the wealth of this
kingdom?

121. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, there should not be a particular
fund for present use in answering bills and circulating credit?

122. Qu. Whether for this end any fund may not suffice, provided an
Act be passed for making good deficiencies?

123. Qu. Whether the sole proprietor of such bank should not be the
public, and the sole director the legislature?

124. Qu. Whether the managers, officers, and cashiers should not be
servants of the pubic, acting by orders and limited by rules of the
legislature?

125. Qu. Whether there should not be a standing number of
inspectors, one-third men in great office, the rest members of both
houses, half whereof to go out, and half to come in every session?

126. Qu. Whether those inspectors should not, all in a body, visit
twice a year, and three as often as they pleased?

127. Qu. Whether the general bank should not be in Dublin, and
subordinate banks or compters one in each province of Munster,
Ulster, and Connaught?

128. Qu. Whether there should not be such provisions of stamps,
signatures, checks, strong boxes, and all other measures for
securing the bank notes and cash, as are usual in other banks?

129. Qu. Whether these ten or a dozen last queries may not easily be
converted into heads of a bill?

130. Qu. Whether any one concerns himself about the security or
funds of the banks of Venice or Amsterdam? And whether in a little
time the case would not be the same as to our bank?

131. Qu. Whether the first beginning of expedients do not always
meet with prejudices? And whether even the prejudices of a people
ought not to be respected?

132. Qu. Whether a national bank be not the true philosopher's stone
in a State?

133. Qu. Whether it be not the most obvious remedy for all the
inconveniencies we labour under with regard to our coin?

134. Qu. Whether it be not agreed on all hands that our coin is on
very bad foot, and calls for some present remedy?

135. Qu. Whether the want of silver hath not introduced a sort of
traffic for change, which is purchased at no inconsiderable discount
to the great obstruction of our domestic commerce?

136. Qu. Whether, though it be evident silver is wanted, it be yet
so evident which is the best way of providing for this want? Whether
by lowering the gold, or raising the silver, or partly one, partly
the other?

137. Qu. Whether a partial raising of one species be not, in truth,
wanting a premium to our bankers for importing such species? And
what that species is which deserves most to be encouraged?

138. Qu. Whether it be not just, that all gold should be alike rated
according to its weight and fineness?

139. Qu. Whether this may be best done, by lowering some certain
species of gold, or by raising others, or by joining both methods
together?

140. Qu. Whether all regulations of coin should not be made with a
view to encourage industry, and a circulation of commerce,
throughout the kingdom?

141. Qu. Whether the North and the South have not, in truth, one and
the same interest in this matter?

142. Qu. Whether to oil the wheels of commerce be not a common
benefit? And whether this be not done by avoiding fractions and
multiplying small silver?

143. Qu. But, whether a pubic benefit ought to be obtained by unjust
methods, and therefore, whether any reduction of coin should be
thought of which may hurt the properties of private men?

144. Qu. Whether those parts of the kingdom where commerce doth most
abound would not be the greatest gainers by having our coin placed
on a right foot?

145. Qu. Whether, in case a reduction of coin be thought expedient,
the uttering of bank bills at the same time may not prevent the
inconveniencies of such a reduction?

146. Qu. But, whether any pubic expediency could countervail a real
pressure on those who are least able to bear it, tenants and
debtors?

147. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, the political body, as well as the
natural, must not sometimes be worse in order to be better?

148. Qu. Whether, all things considered, a general raising the value
of gold and silver be not so far from bringing greater quantities
thereof into the kingdom that it would produce a direct contrary
effect, inasmuch as less, in that case, would serve, and therefore
less be wanted? And whether men do not import a commodity in
proportion to the demand or want of it?

149. Qu. Whether the lowering of our gold would not create a fever
in the State? And whether a fever be not sometimes a cure, but
whether it be not the last cure a man would choose?

150. Qu. What if our other gold were raised to a par with Portugal
gold, and the value of silver in general raised with regard to that
of gold?

151. Qu. Whether the pubic ends may or may not be better answered by
such augmentation, than by a reduction of our coin?

152. Qu. Provided silver is multiplied, be it by raising or
diminishing the value of our coin, whether the great end is not
answered?

153. Qu. Whether raising the value of a particular species will not
tend to multiply such species, and to lessen others in proportion
thereunto? And whether a much less quantity of cash in silver would
not, in reality, enrich the nation more than a much greater in gold?

154. Qu. Whether, if a reduction be thought necessary, the obvious
means to prevent all hardships and injustice be not a national bank?

155. Qu. Upon supposition that the cash of this kingdom was five
hundred thousand pounds, and by lowering the various species each
one-fifth of its value the whole sum was reduced to four hundred
thousand pounds, whether the difficulty of getting money, and
consequently of paying rents, would not be increased in the
proportion of five to four?

156. Qu. Whether such difficulty would not be a great and unmerited
distress on all the tenants in the nation? But if at the same time
with the aforesaid reduction there were uttered one hundred thousand
pounds additional to the former current stock, whether such
difficulty or inconvenience would then be felt?

157. Qu. Whether, ceteris paribus, it be not true that the prices of
things increase as the quantity of money increaseth, and are
diminished as that is diminished? And whether, by the quantity of
money is not to be understood the amount of the denominations, all
contracts being nominal for pounds, shillings, and pence, and not
for weights of gold or silver?

158. Qu. Whether in any foreign market, twopence advance in a
kilderkin of corn could greatly affect our trade?

159. Qu. Whether in regard of the far greater changes and
fluctuations of prices from the difference of seasons and other
accidents, that small rise should seem considerable?

160. Qu. Whether our exports do not consist of such necessaries as
other countries cannot well be without?

161. Qu. Whether upon the circulation of a national bank more land
would not be tilled, more hands employed, and consequently more
commodities exported?

162. Qu. Whether, setting aside the assistance of a national bank,
it will be easy to reduce or lower our coin without some hardship
(at least for the present) on a great number of particular persons?

163. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, the scheme of a national bank doth
not entirely stand clear of this question; and whether such bank may
not completely subsist and answer its ends, although there should be
no alteration at all made in the value of our coin?

164. Qu. Whether, if the ill state of our coin be not redressed,
that scheme would not be still more necessary, inasmuch as a
national bank, by putting new life and vigour into our commerce, may
prevent our feeling the ill effects of the want of such redress?

165. Qu. Whether men united by interest are not often divided by
opinion; and whether such difference in opinion be not an effect of
misapprehension?

166. Qu. Whether two things are not manifest, first, that some
alteration in the value of our coin is highly expedient, secondly,
that whatever alteration is made, the tenderest care should be had
of the properties of the people, and even a regard paid to their
prejudices?

167. Qu. Whether our taking the coin of another nation for more than
it is worth be not, in reality and in event, a cheat upon ourselves?

168. Qu. Whether a particular coin over-rated will not be sure to
flow in upon us from other countries beside that where it is coined?

169. Qu. Whether, in case the wisdom of the nation shall think fit
to alter our coin, without erecting a national bank, the rule for
lessening or avoiding present inconvenience should not be so to
order matters, by raising the silver and depressing the gold, as
that the total sum of coined cash within the kingdom shall, in
denomination, remain the same, or amount to the same nominal value,
after the change that it did before?

170. Qu. Whether all inconvenience ought not to be lessened as much
as may be; but after, whether it would be prudent, for the sake of a
small inconvenience, to obstruct a much greater good? And whether it
may not sometimes happen that an inconvenience which in fancy and
general discourse seems great shall, when accurately inspected and
cast up, appear inconsiderable?

171. Qu. Whether in public councils the sum of things, here and
there, present and future, ought not to be regarded?

172. Qu. Whether silver and small money be not that which circulates
the quickest, and passeth through all hands, on the road, in the
market, at the shop?

173. Qu. Whether, all things considered, it would not be better for
a kingdom that its cash consisted of half a million in small silver,
than of five times that sum in gold?

174. Qu. Whether there be not every day five hundred lesser payments
made for one that requires gold?

175. Qu. Whether Spain, where gold bears the highest value, be not
the laziest, and China, where it bears the lowest, be not the most
industrious country in the known world?

176. Qu. Money being a ticket which entitles to power and records
the title, whether such power avails otherwise than as it is exerted
into act?

177. Qu. Whether it be not evidently the interest of every State,
that its money should rather circulate than stagnate?

178. Qu. Whether the principal use of cash be not its ready passing
from hand to hand, to answer common occasions of the common people,
and whether common occasions of all sorts of people are not small
ones?

179. Qu. Whether business at fairs and markets is not often at a
stand and often hindered, even though the seller hath his
commodities at hand and the purchaser his gold, yet for want of
change?

180. Qu. Whether beside that value of money which is rated by
weight, there be not also another value consisting in its aptness to
circulate?

181. Qu. As wealth is really power, and coin a ticket conveying
power, whether those tickets which are the fittest for that use
ought not to be preferred?

182. Qu. Whether those tickets which singly transfer small shares of
power, and, being multiplied, large shares, are not fitter for
common use than those which singly transfer large shares?

183. Qu. Whether the public is not more benefited by a shilling that
circulates than a pound that lies dead?

184. Qu. Whether sixpence twice paid be not as good as a shilling
once paid?

185. Qu. Whether the same shilling circulating in a village may not
supply one man with bread, another with stockings, a third with a
knife, a fourth with paper, a fifth with nails, and so answer many
wants which must otherwise have remained unsatisfied?

186. Qu. Whether facilitating and quickening the circulation of
power to supply wants be not the promoting of wealth and industry
among the lower people? And whether upon this the wealth of the
great doth not depend?

187. Qu. Whether, without the proper means of circulation, it be not
vain to hope for thriving manufacturers and a busy people?

188. Qu. Whether four pounds in small cash may not circulate and
enliven an Irish market, which many four-pound pieces would permit
to stagnate?

189. Qu. Whether a man that could move nothing less than a
hundred-pound weight would not be much at a loss to supply his
wants; and whether it would not be better for him to be less strong
and more active?

190. Qu. Whether the natural body can be in a state of health and
vigour without a due circulation of the extremities, even? And
whether the political body, any in the fingers and toes more than
the natural, can thrive without a proportionable circulation through
the minutest and most inconsiderable parts thereof?

191. Qu. If we had a mint for coining only shillings, sixpences, and
copper-money, whether the nation would not soon feel the good
effects thereof?

192. Qu. Whether the greater waste by wearing of small coins would
not be abundantly overbalanced by their usefulness?

193. Qu. Whether it be not the industry of common people that feeds
the State, and whether it be possible to keep this industry alive
without small money?

194. Qu. Whether the want of this be not a great bar to our
employing the people in these manufactures which are open to us, and
do not interfere with Great Britain?

195. Qu. Whether therefore such want doth not drive men into the
lazy way of employing land under sheep-walk?

196. Qu. Whether the running of wool from Ireland can so effectually
be prevented as by encouraging other business and manufactures among
our people?

197. Qu. Whatever commodities Great Britain importeth which we might
supply, whether it be not her real interest to import them from us
rather than from any other people?

198. Qu. Whether the apprehension of many among us (who for that
very reason stick to their wool), that England may hereafter
prohibit, limit, or discourage our linen trade, when it hath been
once, with great pains and expense, thoroughly introduced and
settled in this land, be not altogether groundless and unjust?

199. Qu. Whether it is possible for this country, which hath neither
mines of gold nor a free trade, to support for any time the sending
out of specie?

200. Qu. Whether in fact our payments are not made by bills? And
whether our foreign credit doth not depend on our domestic industry,
and our bills on that credit?

201. Qu. Whether, in order to mend it, we ought not first to know
the peculiar wretchedness of our state? And whether there be any
knowing of this but by comparison?

202. Qu. Whether there are not single market towns in England that
turn more money in buying and selling than whole counties (perhaps
provinces) with us?

203. Qu. Whether the small town of Birmingham alone doth not, upon
an average, circulate every week, one way or other, to the value of
fifty thousand pounds? But whether the same crown may not be often
paid?

204. Qu. Whether there be any woollen manufacture in Birmingham?

205. Qu. Whether bad management may not be worse than slavery? And
whether any part of Christendom be in a more languishing condition
than this kingdom?

206. Qu. Whether any kingdom in Europe be so good a customer at
Bordeaux as Ireland?

207. Qu. Whether the police and economy of France be not governed by
wise councils? And whether any one from this country, who sees their
towns, and manufactures, and commerce, will not wonder what our
senators have been doing?

208. Qu. What variety and number of excellent manufactures are to be
met with throughout the whole kingdom of France?

209. Qu. Whether there are not everywhere some or other mills for
many uses, forges and furnaces for iron-work, looms for tapestry,
glass-houses, and so forth?

210. Qu. What quantities of paper, stockings, hats; what
manufactures of wool, silk, linen, hemp, leather, wax, earthenware,
brass, lead, tin, &c?

211. Qu. Whether the manufactures and commerce of the single town of
Lyons do not amount to a greater value than all the manufactures and
all the trade of this kingdom taken together?

212. Qu. Whether it be not true, that within the compass of one year
there flowed from the South Sea, when that commerce was open, into
the single town of St. Malo's, a sum in gold and silver equal to
four times the whole specie of this kingdom? And whether that same
part of France doth not at present draw from Cadiz, upwards of two
hundred thousand pounds per annum?

213. Qu. Whether, in the anniversary fair at the small town of
Beaucaire upon the Rhone, there be not as much money laid out as the
current cash of this kingdom amounts to?

214. Qu. Whether it be true that the Dutch make ten millions of
livres, every return of the flota and galleons, by their sales at
the Indies and at Cadiz?

215. Qu. Whether it be true that England makes at least one hundred
thousand pounds per annum by the single article of hats sold in
Spain?

216. Qu. Whether the very shreds shorn from woollen cloth, which are
thrown away in Ireland, do not make a beautiful tapestry in France?

217. Qu. Whether the toys of Thiers do not employ five thousand
families?

218. Qu. Whether there be not a small town Or two in France which
supply all Spain with cards?

219. Qu. Whether there be not French towns subsisted merely by
making pins?

220. Qu. Whether the coarse fingers of those very women, those same
peasants who one part of the year till the ground and dress the
vineyards, are not another employed in making the finest French
point?

221. Qu. Whether there is not a great number of idle fingers among
the wives and daughters of our peasants?

222. Qu. Whether, about twenty-five years ago, they did not first
attempt to make porcelain in France; and whether, in a few years,
they did not make it so well, as to rival that which comes from
China?

223. Qu. Whether the French do not raise a trade from saffron,
dyeing drugs, and the like products, which may do with us as well as
with them?

224. Qu. Whether we may not have materials of our own growth to
supply all manufactures, as well as France, except silk, and whether
the bulk of what silk even France manufactures be not imported?

225. Qu. Whether it be possible for this country to grow rich, so
long as what is made by domestic industry is spent in foreign
luxury?

226. Qu. Whether part of the profits of the bank should not be
employed in erecting manufactures of several kinds, which are not
likely to be set on foot and carried on to perfection without great
stock, public encouragement, general regulations, and the
concurrence of many hands?

227. Qu. Whether our natural Irish are not partly Spaniards and
partly Tartars, and whether they do not bear signatures of their
descent from both these nations, which is also confirmed by all
their histories?

228. Qu. Whether the Tartar progeny is not numerous in this land?
And whether there is an idler occupation under the sun than to
attend flocks and herds of cattle?

229. Qu. Whether the wisdom of the State should not wrestle with
this hereditary disposition of our Tartars, and with a high hand
introduce agriculture?

230. Qu. Whether it were not to be wished that our people shewed
their descent from Spain, rather by their honour and honesty than
their pride, and if so, whether they might not easily insinuate
themselves into a larger share of the Spanish trade?

231. Qu. Whether once upon a time France did not, by her linen
alone, draw yearly from Spain about eight millions of livres?

232. Qu. Whether the French have not suffered in their linen trade
with Spain, by not making their cloth of due breadth; and whether
any other people have suffered, and are still likely to suffer,
through the same prevarication?

233. Qu. Whether the Spaniards are not rich and lazy, and whether
they have not a particular inclination and favour for the
inhabitants of this island? But whether a punctual people do not
love punctual dealers?

234. Qu. Whether about fourteen years ago we had not come into a
considerable share of the linen trade with Spain, and what put a
stop to this?

235. Qu. Whether we may not, with common industry and common
honesty, undersell any nation in Europe?

236. Qu. Whether, if the linen manufacture were carried on in the
other provinces as well as in the North, the merchants of Cork,
Limerick, and Galway would not soon find the way to Spain?

237. Qu. Whether the woollen manufacture of England is not divided
into several parts or branches, appropriated to particular places,
where they are only or principally manufactured; fine cloths in
Somersetshire, coarse in Yorkshire, long ells at Exeter, saies at
Sudbury, crapes at Norwich, linseys at Kendal, blankets at Witney,
and so forth?

238. Qu. Whether the united skill, industry, and emulation of many
together on the same work be not the way to advance it? And whether
it had been otherwise possible for England to have carried on her
woollen manufacture to so great perfection?

239. Qu. Whether it would not on many accounts be right if we
observed the same course with respect to our linen manufacture; and
that diapers were made in one town or district, damasks in another,
sheeting in a third, fine wearing linen in a fourth, coarse in a
fifth, in another cambrics, in another thread and stockings, in
others stamped linen, or striped linen, or tickings, or dyed linen,
of which last kinds there is so great a consumption among the
seafaring men of all nations?

240. Qu. Whether it may not be worth while to inform ourselves of
the different sorts of linen which are in request among different
people?

241. Qu. Whether we do not yearly consume of French wines about a
thousand tuns more than either Sweden or Denmark, and yet whether
those nations pay ready money as we do?

242. Qu. Whether they are not the Swiss that make hay and gather in
the harvest throughout Alsatia?

243. Qu. Whether it be not a custom for some thousands of Frenchmen
to go about the beginning of March into Spain, and having tilled the
lands and gathered the harvest of Spain, to return home with money
in their pockets about the end of November?

244. Qu. Whether of late years our Irish labourers do not carry on
the same business in England to the great discontent of many there?
But whether we have not much more reason than the people of England
to be displeased at this commerce?

245. Qu. Whether, notwithstanding the cash supposed to be brought
into it, any nation is, in truth, a gainer by such traffic?

246. Qu. Whether the industry of our people employed in foreign
lands, while our own are left uncultivated, be not a great loss to
the country?

247. Qu. Whether it would not be much better for us, if, instead of
sending our men abroad, we could draw men from the neighbouring
countries to cultivate our own?

248. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, we are not apt to think the money
imported by our labourers to be so much clear gains to this country,
but whether a little reflexion and a little political arithmetic may
not shew us our mistake?

249. Qu. Whether our prejudices about gold and silver are not very
apt to infect or misguide our judgments and reasonings about the
public weal?

250. Qu. Whether it be not a good rule whereby to judge of the trade
of any city, and its usefulness, to observe whether there is a
circulation through the extremities, and whether the people round
about are busy and warm?

251. Qu. Whether we had not, some years since, a manufacture of hats
at Athlone, and of earthenware at Arklow, and what became of those
manufactures?

252. Qu. Why we do not make tiles of our own, for flooring and
roofing, rather than bring them from Holland?

253. Qu. What manufactures are there in France and Venice of
gilt-leather, how cheap and how splendid a furniture?

254. Qu. Whether we may not, for the same use, manufacture divers
things at home of more beauty and variety than wainscot, which is
imported at such expense from Norway?

255. Qu. Whether the use and the fashion will not soon make a
manufacture?

256. Qu. Whether, if our gentry used to drink mead and cider, we
should not soon have those liquors in the utmost perfection and
plenty?

257. Qu. Whether it be not wonderful that with such pastures, and so
many black cattle, we do not find ourselves in cheese?

258. Qu. Whether great profits may not be made by fisheries; but
whether those of our Irish who live by that business do not contrive
to be drunk and unemployed one half of the year?

259. Qu. Whether it be not folly to think an inward commerce cannot
enrich a State, because it doth not increase its quantity of gold
and silver? And whether it is possible a country should? not thrive,
while wants are supplied, and business goes on?

260. Qu. Whether plenty of all the necessaries and comforts of life
be not real wealth?

261. Qu. Whether Lyons, by the advantage of her midland situation
and the rivers Rhone and Saone, be not a great magazine or mart for
inward commerce? And whether she doth not maintain a constant trade
with most parts of France; with Provence for oils and dried fruits,
for wines and cloth with Languedoc, for stuffs with Champagne, for
linen with Picardy, Normandy, and Brittany, for corn with Burgundy?

262. Qu. Whether she doth not receive and utter all those
commodities, and raise a profit from the distribution thereof, as
well as of her own manufactures, throughout the kingdom of France?

263. Qu. Whether the charge of making good roads and navigable
rivers across the country would not be really repaid by an inward
commerce?

264. Qu. Whether, as our trade and manufactures increased, magazines
should not be established in proper places, fitted by their
situation, near great roads and navigable rivers, lakes, or canals,
for the ready reception and distribution of all sorts of commodities
from and to the several parts of the kingdom; and whether the town
of Athlone, for instance, may not be fitly situated for such a
magazine, or centre of domestic commerce?

265. Qu. Whether an inward trade would not cause industry to
flourish, and multiply the circulation of our coin, and whether this
may not do as well as multiplying the coin itself?

266. Qu. Whether the benefits of a domestic commerce are
sufficiently understood and attended to; and whether the cause
thereof be not the prejudiced and narrow way of thinking about gold
and silver?

267. Qu. Whether there be any other more easy and unenvied method of
increasing the wealth of a people?

268. Qu. Whether we of this island are not from our peculiar
circumstances determined to this very commerce above any other, from
the number of necessaries and good things that we possess within
ourselves, from the extent and variety of our soil, from the
navigable rivers and good roads which we have or may have, at a less
expense than any people in Europe, from our great plenty of
materials for manufactures, and particularly from the restraints we
lie under with regard to our foreign trade?

269. Qu. Whether commissioners of trade or other proper persons
should not be appointed to draw up plans of our commerce both
foreign and domestic, and lay them at the beginning of every session
before the Parliament?

270. Qu. Whether registers of industry should not be kept, and the
pubic from time to time acquainted what new manufactures are
introduced, what increase or decrease of old ones?

271. Qu. Whether annual inventories should not be published of the
fairs throughout the kingdom, in order to judge of the growth of its
commerce?

272. Qu. Whether there be not every year more cash circulated at the
card tables of Dublin than at all the fairs of Ireland?

273. Qu. Whether the wealth of a country will not bear proportion to
the skill and industry of its inhabitants?

274. Qu. Whether foreign imports that tend to promote industry
should not be encouraged, and such as have a tendency to promote
luxury should not be discouraged?

275. Qu. Whether the annual balance of trade between Italy and Lyons
be not about four millions in favour of the former, and yet, whether
Lyons be not a gainer by this trade?

276. Qu. Whether the general rule, of determining the profit of a
commerce by its balance, doth not, like other general rules, admit
of exceptions?

277. Qu. Whether it would not be a monstrous folly to import nothing
but gold and silver, supposing we might do it, from every foreign
part to which we trade? And yet, whether some men may not think this
foolish circumstance a very happy one?

278. Qu. But whether we do not all see the ridicule of the Mogul's
subjects, who take from us nothing but our silver, and bury it under
ground, in order to make sure thereof against the resurrection?

279. Qu. Whether he must not be a wrongheaded patriot or politician,
whose ultimate view was drawing money into a country, and keeping it
there?

280. Qu. Whether it be not evident that not gold but industry
causeth a country to flourish?

281. Qu. Whether it would not be a silly project in any nation to
hope to grow rich by prohibiting the exportation of gold and silver?

282. Qu. Whether there can be a greater mistake in politics than to
measure the wealth of the nation by its gold and silver?

283. Qu. Whether gold and silver be not a drug, where they do not
promote industry? Whether they be not even the bane and undoing of
an idle people?

284. Qu. Whether gold will not cause either industry or vice to
flourish? And whether a country, where it flowed in without labour,
must not be wretched and dissolute like an island inhabited by
buccaneers?

285. Qu. Whether arts and vertue are not likely to thrive, where
money is made a means to industry? But whether money without this
would be a blessing to any people?

286. Qu. Whether therefore Mississippi, South Sea, and such like
schemes were not calculated for pubic ruin?

287. Qu. Whether keeping cash at home, or sending it abroad, just as
it most serves to promote industry, be not the real interest of
every nation?

288. Qu. Whether commodities of all kinds do not naturally flow
where there is the greatest demand? Whether the greatest demand for
a thing be not where it is of most use? Whether money, like other
things, hath not its proper use? Whether this use be not to
circulate? Whether therefore there must not of course be money where
there is a circulation of industry?

289. Qu. Whether all such princes and statesmen are not greatly
deceived who imagine that gold and silver, any way got, will enrich
a country?

290. Qu. Whether it is not a great point to know what we would be
at? And whether whole States, as well as private persons, do not
often fluctuate for want of this knowledge?

291. Qu. Whether gold may not be compared to Sejanus's horse, if we
consider its passage through the world, and the fate of those
nations which have been successively possess'd thereof?

292. Qu. Whether the effect is not to be considered more than the
kind or quantity of money?

293. Qu. Whether means are not so far useful as they answer the end?
And whether, in different circumstances, the same ends are not
obtained by different means?

294. Qu. If we are a poor nation, abounding with very poor people,
will it not follow that a far greater proportion of our stock should
be in the smallest and lowest species than would suit with England?

295. Qu. Whether, therefore, it would not be highly expedient if our
money were coined of peculiar values, best fitted to the
circumstances and uses of our own country; and whether any other
people could take umbrage at our consulting our own convenience, in
an affair entirely domestic, and that lies within ourselves?

296. Qu. Whether every man doth not know, and hath not long known,
that the want of a mint causeth many other wants in this kingdom?

297. Qu. What harm did England sustain about three centuries ago,
when silver was coined in this kingdom?

298. Qu. What harm was it to Spain that her provinces of Naples and
Sicily had all along mints of their own?

299. Qu. Whether those who have the interests of this kingdom at
heart, and are concerned in the councils thereof, ought not to make
the most humble and earnest representations to his Majesty, that he
may vouchsafe to grant us that favour, the want of which is ruinous
to our domestic industry, and the having of which would interfere
with no interest of our fellow-subjects?

300. Qu. Whether it may not be presumed that our not having a
privilege which every other kingdom in the world enjoys, be not
owing to our want of diligence and unanimity in soliciting for it?

301. Qu. Whether his most gracious Majesty hath ever been addressed
on this head in a proper manner, and had the case fairly stated for
his royal consideration, and if not, whether we may not blame
ourselves?

302. Qu. If his Majesty would be pleased to grant us a mint, whether
the consequences thereof may not prove a valuable consideration to
the crown?

303. Qu. Whether it be not the interest of England that we should
cultivate a domestic commerce among ourselves? And whether it could
give them any possible jealousy, if our small sum of cash was
contrived to go a little further, if there was a little more life in
our markets, a little more buying and selling in our shops, a little
better provision for the backs and bellies of so many forlorn
wretches throughout the towns and villages of this island?

304. Qu. Whether Great Britain ought not to promote the prosperity
of her Colonies, by all methods consistent with her own? And whether
the Colonies themselves ought to wish or aim at it by others?

305. Qu. Whether the remotest parts from the metropolis, and the
lowest of the people, are not to be regarded as the extremities and
capillaries of the political body?

306. Qu. Whether, although the capillary vessels are small, yet
obstructions in them do not produce great chronical diseases?

307. Qu. Whether faculties are not enlarged and improved by
exercise?

308. Qu. Whether the sum of the faculties put into act, or, in other
words, the united action of a whole people, doth not constitute the
momentum of a State?

309. Qu. Whether such momentum be not the real stock or wealth of a
State; and whether its credit be not proportional thereunto?

310. Qu. Whether in every wise State the faculties of the mind are
not most considered?

311. Qu. Whether every kind of employment or business, as it implies
more skill and exercise of the higher powers, be not more valued?

312. Qu. Whether the momentum of a State doth not imply the whole
exertion of its faculties, intellectual and corporeal; and whether
the latter without the former could act in concert?

313. Qu. Whether the divided force of men, acting singly, would not
be a rope of sand?

314. Qu. Whether the particular motions of the members of a State,
in opposite directions, will not destroy each other, and lessen the
momentum of the whole; but whether they must not conspire to produce
a great effect?

315. Qu. Whether the ready means to put spirit into this State, to
fortify and increase its momentum, would not be a national bank, and
plenty of small cash?

316. Qu. Whether private endeavours without assistance from the
public are likely to advance our manufactures and commerce to any
great degree? But whether, as bills uttered from a national bank
upon private mortgages would facilitate the purchases and projects
of private men, even so the same bills uttered on the public
security alone may not answer pubic ends in promoting new works and
manufactures throughout the kingdom?

317. Qu. Whether that which employs and exerts the force of a
community deserves not to be well considered and well understood?

318. Qu. Whether the immediate mover, the blood and spirits, be not
money, paper, or metal; and whether the soul or will of the
community, which is the prime mover that governs and directs the
whole, be not the legislature?

319. Qu. Supposing the inhabitants of a country quite sunk in sloth,
or even fast asleep, whether, upon the gradual awakening and
exertion, first of the sensitive and locomotive faculties, next of
reason and reflexion, then of justice and piety, the momentum of
such country or State would not, in proportion thereunto, become
still more and more considerable?

320. Qu. Whether that which in the growth is last attained, and is
the finishing perfection of a people, be not the first thing lost in
their declension?

321. Qu. Whether force be not of consequence, as it is exerted; and
whether great force without great wisdom may not be a nuisance?

322. Qu. Whether the force of a child, applied with art, may not
produce greater effects than that of a giant? And whether a small
stock in the hands of a wise State may not go further, and produce
more considerable effects, than immense sums in the hands of a
foolish one?

323. Qu. Whether as many as wish well to their country ought not to
aim at increasing its momentum?

324. Qu. Whose fault is it if poor Ireland still continues poor?


FINIS




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Prices. p. 32 l. 21 r. to be. p. 39, l. 8 r. as Mills.