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THE FIGHT FOR THE REPUBLIC IN CHINA

BY B. L. PUTNAM WEALE





PREFACE


This volume tells everything that the student or the casual reader
needs to know about the Chinese Question. It is sufficiently
exhaustive to show very clearly the new forces at work, and to
bring some realisation of the great gulf which separates the
thinking classes of to-day from the men of a few years ago;
whilst, at the same time, it is sufficiently condensed not to
overwhelm the reader with too great a multitude of facts.

Particular attention may be devoted to an unique feature--namely,
the Chinese and Japanese documentation which affords a sharp
contrast between varying types of Eastern brains. Thus, in the
Memorandum of the Black Dragon Society (Chapter VII) we have a
very clear and illuminating revelation of the Japanese political
mind which has been trained to consider problems in the modern
Western way, but which remains saturated with theocratic ideals in
the sharpest conflict with the Twentieth Century. In the pamphlet
of Yang Tu (Chapter VIII) which launched the ill-fated Monarchy
Scheme and contributed so largely to the dramatic death of Yuan
Shih-kai, we have an essentially Chinese mentality of the
reactionary or corrupt type which expresses itself both on home
and foreign issues in a naively dishonest way, helpful to future
diplomacy. In the Letter of Protest (Chapter X) against the
revival of Imperialism written by Liang Ch'i-chao--the most
brilliant scholar living--we have a Chinese of the New or Liberal
China, who in spite of a complete ignorance of foreign languages
shows a marvellous grasp of political absolutes, and is a
harbinger of the great days which must come again to Cathay. In
other chapters dealing with the monarchist plot we see the
official mind at work, the telegraphic despatches exchanged
between Peking and the provinces being of the highest diplomatic
interest. These documents prove conclusively that although the
Japanese is more practical than the Chinese--and more concise--
there can be no question as to which brain is the more fruitful.

Coupled with this discussion there is much matter giving an
insight into the extraordinary and calamitous foreign ignorance
about present-day China, an ignorance which is just as marked
among those resident in the country as among those who have never
visited it. The whole of the material grouped in this novel
fashion should not fail to bring conviction that the Far East,
with its 500 millions of people, is destined to play an important
role in post-bellum history because of the new type of modern
spirit which is being there evolved. The influence of the Chinese
Republic, in the opinion of the writer, cannot fail to be
ultimately world-wide in view of the practically unlimited
resources in man-power which it disposes of.

In the Appendices will be found every document of importance for
the period of under examination,--1911 to 1917. The writer desires
to record his indebtedness to the columns of The Peking Gazette, a
newspaper which under the brilliant editorship of Eugene Ch'en--a
pure Chinese born and educated under the British flag--has fought
consistently and victoriously for Liberalism and Justice and has
made the Republic a reality to countless thousands who otherwise
would have refused to believe in it.

PUTNAM WEALE. PEKING, June, 1917.





CONTENTS


I. GENERAL INTRODUCTION

II. THE ENIGMA OF YUAN SHIH-KA

III. THE DREAM REPUBLIC (From the Manchu Abdication to the
dissolution of Parliament)

IV. THE DICTATOR AT WORK (From the Coup d'etat of the 4th. Nov.
1913 to the outbreak of the World-war, 1. August, 1914)

V. THE FACTOR OF JAPAN

VI. THE TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS

VII. THE ORIGIN OF THE TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS

VIII. THE MONARCHIST PLOT 1 DEGREE The Pamphlet of Yang Tu

IX. THE MONARCHY PLOT 2 DEGREES Dr. Goodnow's Memorandum

X. THE MONARCHY MOVEMENT Is OPPOSED The Appeal of the Scholar
Liang Chi-chao

XI. THE DREAM EMPIRE ("The People's Voice" and the action of the
Powers)

XII. "THE THIRD REVOLUTION" The Revolt of Yunnan

XIII. "THE THIRD REVOLUTION'" (CONTINUED) Downfall and Death of
Yuan Shih-kai

XIV. THE NEW REGIME--FROM 1916 TO 1917

XV. THE REPUBLIC IN COLLISION WITH REALITY: Two TYPICAL INSTANCES
OF "FOREIGN AGGRESSION"

XVI. CHINA AND THE WAR

XVII. THE FINAL PROBLEM:--REMODELLING THE POLITICO-ECONOMIC
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CHINA AND THE WORLD

APPENDICES--DOCUMENTS AND MEMORANDA





THE FIGHT FOR THE REPUBLIC IN CHINA





CHAPTER I

GENERAL INTRODUCTION


The revolution which broke out in China on the 10th October, 1911,
and which was completed with the abdication of the Manchu Dynasty
on the 12th February, 1912, though acclaimed as highly successful,
was in its practical aspects something very different. With the
proclamation of the Republic, the fiction of autocratic rule had
truly enough vanished; yet the tradition survived and with it
sufficient of the essential machinery of Imperialism to defeat the
nominal victors until the death of Yuan Shih-kai.

The movement to expel the Manchus, who had seized the Dragon
Throne in 1644 from the expiring Ming Dynasty, was an old one.
Historians are silent on the subject of the various secret plots
which were always being hatched to achieve that end, their silence
being due to a lack of proper records and to the difficulty of
establishing the simple truth in a country where rumour reigns
supreme. But there is little doubt that the famous Ko-lao-hui, a
Secret Society with its headquarters in the remote province of
Szechuan, owed its origin to the last of the Ming adherents, who
after waging a desperate guerilla warfare from the date of their
expulsion from Peking, finally fell to the low level of inciting
assassinations and general unrest in the vain hope that they might
some day regain their heritage. At least, we know one thing
definitely: that the attempt on the life of the Emperor Chia Ching
in the Peking streets at the beginning of the Nineteenth Century
was a Secret Society plot, and brought to an abrupt end the
pleasant habit of travelling among their subjects which the great
Manchu Emperors K'anghsi and Ch'ien Lung had inaugurated and
always pursued and which had so largely encouraged the growth of
personal loyalty to a foreign House.

From that day onwards for over a century no Emperor ventured out
from behind the frowning Walls of the Forbidden City save for
brief annual ceremonies such as the Worship of Heaven on the
occasion of the Winter Solstice, and during the two "flights"--
first, in 1860 when Peking was occupied by an Anglo-French
expedition and the Court incontinently sought sanctuary in the
mountain Palaces of Jehol; and, again, in 1900, when with the
pricking of the Boxer bubble and the arrival of the International
relief armies, the Imperial Household was forced along the stony
road to faroff Hsianfu.

The effect of this immurement was soon visible; the Manchu rule,
which was emphatically a rule of the sword, was rapidly so
weakened that the emperors became no more than rois faineants at
the mercy of their ministers.

[Footnote: As there is a good deal of misunderstanding on the
subject of the Manchus an explanatory note is useful.

The Manchu people, who belong to the Mongol or Turanian Group,
number at the maximum five million souls. Their distribution at
the time of the revolution of 1911 was roughly as follows: In and
around Peking say two millions, in posts through China say one-
half million,--or possibly three-quarters of a million; in
Manchuria Proper--the home of the race--say two or two and a half
millions. The fighting force was composed in this fashion: When
Peking fell into their hands in 1644 as a result of a stratagem
combined with dissensions among the Chinese themselves, the entire
armed strength was re-organized in Eight Banners or Army Corps,
each corps being composed of three racial divisions, (1) pure
Manchus, (2) Mongols who had assisted in the conquest and (3)
Nothern Chinese who had gone over to the conquerors. These Eight
Banners, each commanded by an "iron-capped" Prince, represented
the authority of the Throne and had their headquarters in Peking
with small garrisons throughout the provinces at various strategic
centres. These garrisons had entirely ceased to have any value
before the 18th Century had closed and were therefore pure
ceremonial and symbolic, all the fighting being done by special
Chinese corps which were raised as neccessity arose.]

The history of the Nineteenth Century is thus logically enough the
history of successive collapses. Not only did overseas foreigners
openly thunder at the gateways of the empire and force an ingress,
but native rebellions were constant and common. Leaving minor
disturbances out of account, there were during this period two
huge Mahommedan rebellions, besides the cataclysmic Taiping rising
which lasted ten years and is supposed to have destroyed the
unbelievable total of one hundred million persons. The empire,
torn by internecine warfare, surrendered many of its essential
prerogatives to foreigners, and by accepting the principle of
extraterritoriality prepared the road to ultimate collapse.

How in such circumstances was it possible to keep alive
absolutism? The answer is so curious that we must be explicit and
exhaustive.

The simple truth is that save during the period of vigour
immediately following each foreign conquest (such as the Mongol
conquest in the Thirteenth Century and the Manchu in the
Seventeenth) not only has there never been any absolutism properly
so-called in China, but that apart from the most meagre and
inefficient tax-collecting and some rough-and-ready policing in
and around the cities there has never been any true governing at
all save what the people did for themselves or what they demanded
of the officials as a protection against one another. Any one who
doubts these statements has no inkling of those facts which are
the crown as well as the foundation of the Chinese group-system,
and which must be patiently studied in the village-life of the
country to be fitly appreciated. To be quite frank, absolutism is
a myth coming down from the days of Kublai Khan when he so proudly
built his Khan-baligh (the Cambaluc of Marco Polo and the forebear
of modern Peking) and filled it with his troops who so soon
vanished like the snows of winter. An elaborate pretence, a
deliberate policy of make-believe, ever since those days invested
Imperial Edicts with a majesty which they have never really
possessed, the effacement of the sovereign during the Nineteenth
Century contributing to the legend that there existed in the
capital a Grand and Fearful Panjandrum for whom no miracle was too
great and to whom people and officials owed trembling obedience.

In reality, the office of emperor was never more than a politico-
religious concept, translated for the benefit of the masses into
socio-economic ordinances. These pronouncements, cast in the form
of periodic homilies called Edicts, were the ritual of government;
their purpose was instructional rather than mandatory; they were
designed to teach and keep alive the State-theory that the Emperor
was the High Priest of the Nation and that obedience to the
morality of the Golden Age, which had been inculcated by all the
philosophers since Confucius and Mencius flourished twenty-five
centuries ago, would not only secure universal happiness but
contribute to national greatness.

The office of Emperor was thus heavenly rather than terrestrial,
and suasion, not arms, was the most potent argument used in
everyday life. The amazing reply (i.e., amazing to foreigners)
made by the great Emperor K'ang-hsi in the tremendous Eighteenth
Century controversy between the Jesuit and the Dominican
missionaries, which ruined the prospects of China's ever becoming
Roman Catholic and which the Pope refused to accept--that the
custom of ancestor-worship was political and not religious--was
absolutely correct, POLITICS IN CHINA UNDER THE EMPIRE BEING ONLY
A SYSTEM OF NATIONAL CONTROL EXERCISED BY INCULCATING OBEDIENCE TO
FOREBEARS. The great efforts which the Manchus made from the end
of the Sixteenth Century (when they were still a small Manchurian
Principality striving for the succession to the Dragon Throne and
launching desperate attacks on the Great Wall of China) to receive
from the Dalai Lama, as well as from the lesser Pontiffs of Tibet
and Mongolia, high-sounding religious titles, prove conclusively
that dignities other than mere possession of the Throne were held
necessary to give solidity to a reign which began in militarism
and which would collapse as the Mongol rule had collapsed by a
mere Palace revolution unless an effective MORAL title were
somehow won.

Nor was the Manchu military Conquest, even after they had entered
Peking, so complete as has been represented by historians. The
Manchus were too small a handful, even with their Mongol and
Chinese auxiliaries, to do more than defeat the Ming armies and
obtain the submission of the chief cities of China. It is well-
known to students of their administrative methods, that whilst
they reigned over China they RULED only in company with the
Chinese, the system in force being a dual control which, beginning
on the Grand Council and in the various great Boards and
Departments in the capital, proceeded as far as the provincial
chief cities, but stopped short there so completely and absolutely
that the huge chains of villages and burgs had their historic
autonomy virtually untouched and lived on as they had always
lived. The elaborate system of examinations, with the splendid
official honours reserved for successful students which was
adopted by the Dynasty, not only conciliated Chinese society but
provided a vast body of men whose interest lay in maintaining the
new conquest; and thus Literature, which had always been the door
to preferment, became not only one of the instruments of
government, but actually the advocate of an alien rule. With their
persons and properties safe, and their women-folk protected by an
elaborate set of capitulations from being requisitioned for the
harems of the invaders, small wonder if the mass of Chinese
welcomed a firm administration after the frightful disorders which
had torn the country during the last days of the Mings. [Footnote:
This most interesting point--the immunity of Chinese women from
forced marriage with Manchus--has been far too little noticed by
historians though it throws a flood of light on the sociological
aspects of the Manchu conquest. Had that conquest been absolute it
would have been impossible for the Chinese people to have
protected their womenfolk in such a significant way.]

It was the foreigner, arriving in force in China after the capture
of Peking and the ratification of the Tientsin Treaties in 1860,
who so greatly contributed to making the false idea of Manchu
absolutism current throughout the world; and in this work it was
the foreign diplomat, coming to the capital saturated with the
tradition of European absolutism, who played a not unimportant
part. Investing the Emperors with an authority with which they
were never really clothed save for ceremonial purposes
(principally perhaps because the Court was entirely withdrawn from
view and very insolent in its foreign intercourse) a conception of
High Mightiness was spread abroad reminiscent of the awe in which
Eighteenth Century nabobs spoke of the Great Mogul of India.
Chinese officials, quickly discovering that their easiest means of
defence against an irresistible pressure was to take refuge behind
the august name of the sovereign, played their role so
successfully that until 1900 it was generally believed by
Europeans that no other form of government than a despotism sans
phrase could be dreamed of. Finding that on the surface an
Imperial Decree enjoyed the majesty of an Ukaze of the Czar,
Europeans were ready enough to interpret as best suited their
enterprises something which they entirely failed to construe in
terms expressive of the negative nature of Chinese civilization;
and so it happened that though the government of China had become
no government at all from the moment that extraterritoriality
destroyed the theory of Imperial inviolability and infallibility,
the miracle of turning state negativism into an active governing
element continued to work after a fashion because of the disguise
which the immense distances afforded.

Adequately to explain the philosophy of distance in China, and
what it has meant historically, would require a whole volume to
itself; but it is sufficient for our purpose to indicate here
certain prime essentials. The old Chinese were so entrenched in
their vastnesses that without the play of forces which were
supernatural to them, i.e., the steam-engine, the telegraph, the
armoured war-vessel, etc., their daily lives could not be
affected. Left to themselves, and assisted by their own methods,
they knew that blows struck across the immense roadless spaces
were so diminished in strength, by the time they reached the spot
aimed at, that they became a mere mockery of force; and, just
because they were so valueless, paved the way to effective
compromises. Being adepts in the art which modern surgeons have
adopted, of leaving wounds as far as possible to heal themselves,
they trusted to time and to nature to solve political differences
which western countries boldly attacked on very different
principles. Nor were they wrong in their view. From the capital to
the Yangtsze Valley (which is the heart of the country), is 800
miles, that is far more than the mileage between Paris and Berlin.
From Peking to Canton is 1,400 miles along a hard and difficult
route; the journey to Yunnan by the Yangtsze river is upwards of
2,000 miles, a distance greater than the greatest march ever
undertaken by Napoleon. And when one speaks of the Outer
Dominions--Mongolia, Tibet, Turkestan--for these hundreds of
miles it is necessary to substitute thousands, and add there to
difficulties of terrain which would have disheartened even Roman
Generals.

Now the old Chinese, accepting distance as the supreme thing, had
made it the starting-point as well as the end of their government.
In the perfected viceregal system which grew up under the Ming
Dynasty, and which was taken over by the Manchus as a sound and
admirable governing principle, though they superimposed their own
military system of Tartar Generals, we have the plan that
nullified the great obstacle. Authority of every kind was
delegated by the Throne to various distant governing centuries in
a most complete and sweeping manner, each group of provinces,
united under a viceroy, being in everything but name so many
independent linked commonwealths, called upon for matricular
contributions in money and grain but otherwise left severely
alone. [Footnote: A very interesting proof--and one that has never
been properly exposed--of the astoundingly rationalistic
principles on which the Chinese polity is founded is to be seen in
the position of priesthoods in China. Unlike every other
civilization in the world, at no stage of the development of the
State has it been necessary for religion in China to intervene
between the rulers and the ruled, saving the people from
oppression. In Europe without the supernatural barrier of the
Church, the position of the common people in the Middle Ages would
have been intolerable, and life, and virtue totally unprotected.
Buckle, in his "History of Civilization," like other extreme
radicals, has failed to understand that established religions have
paradoxically been most valuable because of their vast secular
powers, exercised under the mask of spiritual authority. Without
this ghostly restraint rulers would have been so oppressive as to
have destroyed their peoples. The two greatest monuments to
Chinese civilization, then consist of these twin facts; first,
that the Chinese have never had the need for such supernatural
restraints exercised by a privileged body, and secondly, that they
are absolutely without any feeling of class or caste--prince and
pauper meeting on terms of frank and humorous equality--the race
thus being the only pure and untinctured democracy the world has
ever known.] The chain which bound provincial China to the
metropolitan government was therefore in the last analysis finance
and nothing but finance; and if the system broke down in 1911 it
was because financial reform--to discount the new forces of which
the steam engine was the symbol--had been attempted, like military
reform, both too late and in the wrong way, and instead of
strengthening, had vastly weakened the authority of the Throne.

In pursuance of the reform-plan which became popular after the
Boxer Settlement had allowed the court to return to Peking from
Hsianfu, the viceroys found their most essential prerogative,
which was the control of the provincial purse, largely taken from
them and handed over to Financial Commissioners who were directly
responsible to the Peking Ministry of Finance, a Department which
was attempting to replace the loose system of matricular
contributions by the European system of a directly controlled
taxation every penny of which would be shown in an annual Budget.
No doubt had time been vouchsafed, and had European help been
enlisted on a large scale, this change could ultimately have been
made successful. But it was precisely time which was lacking; and
the Manchus consequently paid the penalty which is always paid by
those who delay until it is too late. The old theories having been
openly abandoned, it needed only the promise of a Parliament
completely to destroy the dignity of the Son of Heaven, and to
leave the viceroys as mere hostages in the hands of rebels. A few
short weeks of rebellion was sufficient in 1911 to cause the
provinces to revert to their condition of the earlier centuries
when they had been vast unfettered agricultural communities. And
once they had tasted the joys of this new independence, it was
impossible to conceive of their becoming "obedient" again.

Here another word of explanation is necessary to show clearly the
precise meaning of regionalism in China.

What had originally created each province was the chief city in
each region, such cities necessarily being the walled repositories
of all increment. Greedy of territory to enhance their wealth, and
jealous of their power, these provincial capitals throughout the
ages had left no stone unturned to extend their influence in every
possible direction and bring under their economic control as much
land as possible, a fact which is abundantly proved by the highly
diversified system of weights and measures throughout the land
deliberately drawn-up to serve as economic barriers. River-
courses, mountain-ranges, climate and soil, no doubt assisted in
governing this expansion, but commercial and financial greed was
the principal force. Of this we have an exceedingly interesting
and conclusive illustration in the struggle still proceeding
between the three Manchurian provinces, Fengtien, Kirin and
Heilungchiang, to seize the lion's share of the virgin land of
Eastern Inner Mongolia which has an "open frontier" of rolling
prairies. Having the strongest provincial capital--Moukden--it
has been Fengtien province which has encroached on the Mongolian
grasslands to such an extent that its jurisdiction to-day envelops
the entire western flank of Kirin province (as can be seen in the
latest Chinese maps) in the form of a salamander, effectively
preventing the latter province from controlling territory that
geographically belongs to it. In the same way in the land-
settlement which is still going on the Mongolian plateau
immediately above Peking, much of what should be Shansi territory
has been added to the metropolitan province of Chihli. Though
adjustments of provincial boundaries have been summarily made in
times past, in the main the considerations we have indicated have
been the dominant factors in determining the area of each unit.

Now in many provinces where settlement is age-old, the regionalism
which results from great distances and bad communications has been
greatly increased by race-admixture. Canton province, which was
largely settled by Chinese adventurers sailing down the coast from
the Yangtsze and intermarrying with Annamese and the older
autochthonous races, has a population-mass possessing very
distinct characteristics, which sharply conflict with Northern
traits. Fuhkien province is not only as diversified but speaks a
dialect which is virtually a foreign language. And so on North and
West of the Yangtsze it is the same story, temperamental
differences of the highest political importance being everywhere
in evidence and leading to perpetual bickerings and jealousies.
For although Chinese civilization resembles in one great
particular the Mahommedan religion, in that it accepts without
question all adherents irrespective of racial origin, POLITICALLY
the effect of this regionalism has been such that up to very
recent times the Central Government has been almost as much a
foreign government in the eyes of many provinces as the government
of Japan. Money alone formed the bond of union; so long as
questions of taxation were not involved, Peking was as far removed
from daily life as the planet Mars.

As we are now able to see very clearly, fifty years ago--that is
at the time of the Taiping Rebellion--the old power and spell of
the National Capital as a military centre had really vanished.
Though in ancient days horsemen armed with bows and lances could
sweep like a tornado over the land, levelling everything save the
walled cities, in the Nineteenth Century such methods had become
impossible. Mongolia and Manchuria had also ceased to be
inexhaustible reservoirs of warlike men; the more adjacent
portions had become commercialized; whilst the outer regions had
sunk to depopulated graziers' lands. The Government, after the
collapse of the Rebellion, being greatly impoverished, had openly
fallen to balancing province against province and personality
against personality, hoping that by some means it would be able to
regain its prestige and a portion of its former wealth. Taking
down the ledgers containing the lists of provincial contributions,
the mandarins of Peking completely revised every schedule,
redistributed every weight, and saw to it that the matricular
levies should fall in such a way as to be crushing. The new
taxation, likin, which, like the income-tax in England, is in
origin purely a war-tax, by gripping inter-provincial commerce by
the throat and rudely controlling it by the barrier-system, was
suddenly disclosed as a new and excellent way of making felt the
menaced sovereignty of the Manchus; and though the system was
plainly a two-edged weapon, the first edge to cut was the Imperial
edge; that is largely why for several decades after the Taipings
China was relatively quiet.

Time was also giving birth to another important development--
important in the sense that it was to prove finally decisive. It
would have been impossible for Peking, unless men of outstanding
genius had been living, to have foreseen that not only had the
real bases of government now become entirely economic control, but
that the very moment that control faltered the central government
of China would openly and absolutely cease to be any government at
all. Modern commercialism, already invading China at many points
through the medium of the treaty-ports, was a force which in the
long run could not be denied. Every year that passed tended to
emphasize the fact that modern conditions were cutting Peking more
and more adrift from the real centres of power--the economic
centres which, with the single exception of Tientsin, lie from 800
to 1,500 miles away. It was these centres that were developing
revolutionary ideas--i. e., ideas at variance with the Socio-
economic principles on which the old Chinese commonwealth had been
slowly built up, and which foreign dynasties such as the Mongol
and the Manchu had never touched. The Government of the post-
Taiping period still imagined that by making their hands lie more
heavily than ever on the people and by tightening the taxation
control--not by true creative work--they could rehabilitate
themselves.

It would take too long, and would weary the indulgence of the
reader to establish in a conclusive manner this thesis which had
long been a subject of inquiry on the part of political students.
Chinese society, being essentially a society organized on a
credit-co-operative system, so nicely adjusted that money, either
coined or fiduciary, was not wanted save for the petty daily
purchases of the people, any system which boldly clutched at the
financial establishments undertaking the movement of sycee
(silver) from province to province for the settlement of trade-
balances, was bound to be effective so long as those financial
establishments remained unshaken.

The best known establishments, united in the great group known as
the Shansi Bankers, being the government bankers, undertook not
only all the remittances of surpluses to Peking, but controlled by
an intricate pass-book system the perquisites of almost every
office-holder in the empire. No sooner did an official, under the
system which had grown up, receive a provincial appointment than
there hastened to him a confidential clerk of one of these
accommodating houses, who in the name of his employers advanced
all the sums necessary for the payment of the official's post, and
then proceeded with him to his province so that moiety by moiety,
as taxation flowed in, advances could be paid off and the
equilibrium re-established. A very intimate and far-reaching
connection thus existed between provincial money-interests and the
official classes. The practical work of governing China was the
balancing of tax-books and native bankers' accounts. Even the
"melting-houses," where sycee was "standardized" for provincial
use, were the joint enterprises of officials and merchants;
bargaining governing every transaction; and only when a violent
break occurred in the machinery, owing to famine or rebellion, did
any other force than money intervene.

There was nothing exceptional in these practices, in the use of
which the old Chinese empire was merely following the precedent of
the Roman Empire. The vast polity that was formed before the time
of Christ by the military and commercial expansion of Rome in the
Mediterranean Basin, and among the wild tribes of Northern Europe,
depended very largely on the genius of Italian financiers and tax-
collectors to whom the revenues were either directly "farmed," or
who "assisted" precisely after the Chinese method in financing
officials and local administrations, and in replenishing a central
treasury which no wealth could satisfy. The Chinese phenomenon was
therefore in no sense new; the dearth of coined money and the
variety of local standards made the methods used economic
necessities. The system was not in itself a bad system: its fatal
quality lay in its woodenness, its lack of adaptability, and in
its growing weakness in the face of foreign competition which it
could never understand. Foreign competition--that was the enemy
destined to achieve an overwhelming triumph and dash to ruins a
hoary survival.

War with Japan sounded the first trumpet-blast which should have
been heeded. In the year 1894, being faced with the necessity of
finding immediately a large sum of specie for purpose of war, the
native bankers proclaimed their total inability to do so, and the
first great foreign loan contract was signed.

[Footnote: (a) This loan was the so-called 7 per cent Silver loan
of 1894 for Shanghai Taels 10,000,000 negotiated by the Hongkong &
Shanghai Bank. It was followed in 1895 by a 3,000,000 pounds Gold
6 per cent Loan, then by two more 6 per cent loans for a million
each in the same year, making a total of 6,635,000 pounds sterling
for the bare war-expenses. The Japanese war indemnity raised in
three successive issues--from 1895 to 1898--of 16,000,000 pounds
each, added 48,000,000 pounds. Thus the Korean imbroglio cost
China nearly 55 millions sterling. As the purchasing power of the
sovereign is eight times larger in China than in Europe, this debt
economically would mean 440 millions in England--say nearly double
what the ruinous South African war cost. It is by such methods of
comparison that the vital nature of the economic factor in recent
Chinese history is made clear.]

Little attention was attracted to what is a turning-point in
Chinese history. There cannot be the slightest doubt that in 1894
the Manchus wrote the first sentences of an abdication which was
only formally pronounced in 1912: they had inaugurated the
financial thraldom under which China still languishes. Within a
period of forty months, in order to settle the disastrous Japanese
war, foreign loans amounting to nearly fifty-five million pounds
were completed. This indebtedness, amounting to nearly three times
the "visible" annual revenues of the country--that is, the
revenues actually accounted for to Peking--was unparalleled in
Chinese history. It was a gold indebtedness subject to all sorts
of manipulations which no Chinese properly understood. It had
special political meaning and special political consequences
because the loans were virtually guaranteed by the Powers. It was
a long-drawn coup d'etat of a nature that all foreigners
understood because it forged external chains.

The internal significance was even greater than the external. The
loans were secured on the most important "direct" revenues
reaching Peking--the Customs receipts, which were concerned with
the most vital function in the new economic life springing up, the
steam-borne coasting and river-trade as well as the purely
foreign trade. That most vital function tended consequently to
become more and more hall-marked as foreign; it no longer depended
in any direct sense on Peking for protection. The hypothecation of
these revenues to foreigners for periods running into decades--
coupled with their administration by foreigners--was such a
distinct restriction of the rights of eminent domain as to amount
to a partial abrogation of sovereignty.

That this was vaguely understood by the masses is now quite
certain. The Boxer movement of 1900, like the great proletarian
risings which occurred in Italy in the pre-Christian era as a
result of the impoverishment and moral disorder brought about by
Roman misgovernment, was simply a socio-economic catastrophe
exhibiting itself in an unexpected form. The dying Manchu dynasty,
at last in open despair, turned the revolt, insanely enough,
against the foreigner--that is against those who already held the
really vital portion of their sovereignty. So far from saving
itself by this act, the dynasty wrote another sentence in its
death-warrant. Economically the Manchus had been for years almost
lost; the Boxer indemnities were the last straw. By more than
doubling the burden of foreign commitments, and by placing the
operation of the indemnities directly in the hands of foreign
bankers by the method of monthly quotas, payable in Shanghai, THE
PEKING GOVERNMENT AS FAR BACK AS FIFTEEN YEARS AGO WAS REDUCED TO
BEING A GOVERNMENT AT THIRTY DAYS' SIGHT, AT THE MERCY OF ANY
SHOCK OF EVENTS WHICH COULD BE PROTRACTED OVER A FEW MONTHLY
SETTLEMENTS. There is no denying this signal fact, which is
probably the most remarkable illustration of the restrictive power
of money which has ever been afforded in the history of Asia.

The phenomenon, however, was complex and we must be careful to
understand its workings. A mercantile curiosity, to find the
parallel for which we must go back to the Middle Ages in Europe,
when "free cities" such as those of the Hanseatic League
plentifully dotted river and coast line, served to increase the
general difficulties of a situation which no one formula could
adequately cover. Extraterritoriality, by creating the "treaty
port" in China, had been the most powerful weapon in undermining
native economics; yet at the same time it had been the agent for
creating powerful new counter-balancing interests. Though the
increasingly large groups of foreigners, residing under their own
laws, and building up, under their own specially protected system
of international exchange, a new and imposing edifice, had made
the hovel-like nature of Chinese economics glaringly evident, the
mercantile classes of the New China, being always quick to avail
themselves of money-making devices, had not only taken shelter
under this new and imposing edifice, but were rapidly extending it
of their own accord. In brief, the trading Chinese were
identifying themselves and their major interests with the treaty-
ports; they were transferring thither their specie and their
credits; making huge investments in land and properties, under the
aegis of foreign flags in which they absolutely trusted. The
money-interests of the country knew instinctively that the native
system was doomed and that with this doom there would come many
changes; these interests, in the way common to money all the world
over, were insuring themselves against the inevitable.

The force of this--politically--became finally evident in 1911;
and what we have said in our opening sentences should now be
clear. The Chinese Revolution was an emotional rising against the
Peking System because it was a bad and inefficient and retrograde
system, just as much as against the Manchus, who after all had
adopted purely Chinese methods and who were no more foreigners
than Scotchmen or Irishmen are foreigners to-day in England. The
Revolution of 1911 derived its meaning and its value--as well as
its mandate--not from what it proclaimed, but for what it stood
for. Historically, 1911 was the lineal descendant of 1900, which
again was the offspring of the economic collapse advertised by the
great foreign loans of the Japanese war, loans made necessary
because the Taipings had disclosed the complete disappearance of
the only raison d'etre of Peking sovereignty, i.e. the old-time
military power. The story is, therefore, clear and well-connected
and so logical in its results that it has about it a finality
suggesting the unrolling of the inevitable.

During the Revolution the one decisive factor was shown to be
almost at once--money, nothing but money. The pinch was felt at
the end of the first thirty days. Provincial remittances ceased;
the Boxer quotas remained unpaid; a foreign embargo was laid upon
the Customs funds. The Northern troops, raised and trained by Yuan
Shih-kai, when he was Viceroy of the Metropolitan province, were,
it is true, proving themselves the masters of the Yangtsze and
South China troops; yet that circumstance was meaningless. Those
troops were fighting for what had already proved itself a lost
cause--the Peking System as well as the Manchu dynasty. The fight
turned more and more into a money-fight. It was foreign money
which brought about the first truce and the transfer of the so-
called republican government from Nanking to Peking. In the
strictest sense of the words every phase of the settlement then
arrived at was a settlement in terms of cash.[Footnote: There is
no doubt that the so-called Belgian loan, 1,800,000 pounds of
which was paid over in cash at the beginning of 1912, was the
instrument which brought every one to terms.]

Had means existed for rapidly replenishing the Chinese Treasury
without having recourse to European stockmarkets (whose actions
are semi-officially controlled when distant regions are involved)
the Republic might have fared better. But placed almost at once
through foreign dictation under a species of police-control,
which while nominally derived from Western conceptions, was
primarily designed to rehabilitate the semblance of the authority
which had been so sensationally extinguished, the Republic
remained only a dream; and the world, taught to believe that there
could be no real stability until the scheme of government
approximated to the conception long formed of Peking absolutism,
waited patiently for the rude awakening which came with the Yuan
Shih-kai coup d'etat of 4th November, 1913. Thus we had this
double paradox; on the one hand the Chinese people awkwardly
trying to be western in a Chinese way and failing: on the other,
foreign officials and foreign governments trying to be Chinese and
making the confusion worse confounded. It was inevitable in such
circumstances that the history of the past six years should have
been the history of a slow tragedy, and that almost every page
should be written over with the name of the man who was the
selected bailiff of the Powers--Yuan Shih-kai.





CHAPTER II

THE ENIGMA OF YUAN SHIH-KAI

THE HISTORY OF THE MAN FROM THE OPENING OF HIS CAREER IN KOREA, IN
1882 TO THE END OF THE REVOLUTION, 12TH FEBRUARY, 1912


Yuan Shih-kai's career falls into two clear-cut parts, almost as
if it had been specially arranged for the biographer; there is the
probationary period in Korea, and the executive in North China.
The first is important only because of the moulding-power which
early influences exerted on the man's character; but it is
interesting in another way since it affords glimpses of the sort
of things which affected this leader's imagination throughout his
life and finally brought him to irretrievable ruin. The second
period is choke-full of action; and over every chapter one can see
the ominous point of interrogation which was finally answered in
his tragic political and physical collapse.

Yuan Shih-kai's origin, without being precisely obscure, is
unimportant. He came of a Honanese family who were nothing more
distinguished than farmers possessing a certain amount of land,
but not too much of the world's possessions. The boy probably ran
wild in the field at an age when the sons of high officials and
literati were already pale and anaemic from overmuch study. To
some such cause the man undoubtedly owed his powerful physique,
his remarkable appetite, his general roughness. Native biographers
state that as a youth he failed to pass his hsiu-tsai
examinations--the lowest civil service degree--because he had
spent too much time in riding and boxing and fencing. An uncle in
official life early took charge of him; and when this relative
died the young man displayed filial piety in accompanying the
corpse back to the family graves and in otherwise manifesting
grief. Through official connections a place was subsequently found
for him in that public department under the Manchus which may be
called the military intendancy, and it was through this branch of
the civil service that he rose to power. Properly speaking Yuan
Shih-kai was never an army-officer; he was a military official--
his highest rank later on being that of military judge, or better,
Judicial Commissioner.

Yuan Shih-kai first emerges into public view in 1882 when, as a
sequel to the opening of Korea through the action of foreign
Powers in forcing the then Hermit kingdom to sign commercial
treaties, China began dispatching troops to Seoul. Yuan Shih-kai,
with two other officers, commanding in all some 3,000 men, arrived
from Shantung, where he had been in the train of a certain General
Wu Chang-ching, and now encamped in the Korean capital nominally
to preserve order, but in reality, to enforce the claims of the
suzerain power. For the Peking Government had never retreated from
the position that Korea had been a vassal state ever since the
Ming Dynasty had saved the country from the clutches of Hideyoshi
and his Japanese invaders in the Sixteenth Century. Yuan Shih-kai
had been personally recommended by this General Wu Chang-ching as
a young man of ability and energy to the famous Li Hung Chang, who
as Tientsin Viceroy and High Commissioner for the Northern Seas
was responsible for the conduct of Korean affairs. The future
dictator of China was then only twenty-five years old.

His very first contact with practical politics gave him a peculiar
manner of viewing political problems. The arrival of Chinese
troops in Seoul marked the beginning of that acute rivalry with
Japan which finally culminated in the short and disastrous war of
1894-95. China, in order to preserve her influence in Korea
against the growing influence of Japan, intrigued night and day in
the Seoul Palaces, allying herself with the Conservative Court
party which was led by the notorious Korean Queen who was
afterwards assassinated. The Chinese agents aided and abetted the
reactionary group, constantly inciting them to attack the Japanese
and drive them out of the country.

Continual outrages were the consequence. The Japanese legation was
attacked and destroyed by the Korean mob not once but on several
occasions during a decade which furnishes one of the most amazing
chapters in the history of Asia. Yuan Shih-kai, being then merely
a junior general officer under the orders of the Chinese Imperial
Resident, is of no particular importance; but it is significant of
the man that he should suddenly come well under the limelight on
the first possible occasion. On 6th December, 1884, leading 2,000
Chinese troops, and acting in concert with 3,000 Korean soldiers,
he attacked the Tong Kwan Palace in which the Japanese Minister
and his staff, protected by two companies of Japanese infantry,
had taken refuge owing to the threatening state of affairs in the
capital. Apparently there was no particular plan--it was the
action of a mob of soldiery tumbling into a political brawl and
assisted by their officers for reasons which appear to-day
nonsensical. The sequel was, however, extraordinary. The Japanese
held the Palace gates as long as possible, and then being
desperate exploded a mine which killed numbers of Koreans and
Chinese soldiery and threw the attack into confusion. They then
fought their way out of the city escaping ultimately to the
nearest sea-port, Chemulpo.

The explanation of this extraordinary episode has never been made
public. The practical result was that after a period of extreme
tension between China and Japan which was expected to lead to war,
that political genius, the late Prince Ito, managed to calm things
down and arrange workable modus vivendi. Yuan Shih-kai, who had
gone to Tientsin to report in person to Li Hung Chang, returned to
Seoul triumphantly in October, 1885, as Imperial Resident. He was
then twenty-eight years old; he had come to the front, no matter
by what means, in a quite remarkable manner.

The history of the next nine years furnishes plenty of minor
incidents, but nothing of historic importance. As the faithful
lieutenant of Li Hung Chang, Yuan Shih-kai's particular business
was simply to combat Japanese influence and hold the threatened
advance in check. He failed, of course, since he was playing a
losing game; and yet he succeeded where he undoubtedly wished to
succeed. By rendering faithful service he established the
reputation he wished to win; and though he did nothing great he
retained his post right up to the act which led to the declaration
of war in 1894. Whether he actually precipitated that war is still
a matter of opinion. On the sinking by the Japanese fleet of the
British steamer Kowshing, which was carrying Chinese
reinforcements from Taku anchorage to Asan Bay to his assistance,
seeing that the game was up, he quietly left the Korean capital
and made his way overland to North China. That swift, silent
journey home ends the period of his novitiate.

It took him a certain period to weather the storm which the utter
collapse of China in her armed encounter with Japan brought about
--and particularly to obtain forgiveness for evacuating Seoul
without orders. Technically his offence was punishable by death--
the old Chinese code being most stringent in such matters. But by
1896 he was back in favour again, and through the influence of his
patron Li Hung Chang, he was at length appointed in command of the
Hsiaochan camp near Tientsin, where he was promoted and given the
task of reforming a division of old-style troops and making them
as efficient as Japanese soldiery. He had already earned a wide
reputation for severity, for willingness to accept responsibility,
for nepotism, and for a rare ability to turn even disasters to his
own advantage--all attributes which up to the last moment stood
him in good stead.

In the Hsiaochan camp the most important chapter of his life
opens; there is every indication that he fully realized it.
Tientsin has always been the gateway to Peking: from there the
road to high preferment is easily reached. Yuan Shih-kai marched
steadily forward, taking the very first turning-point in a manner
which stamped him for many of his compatriots in a way which can
never be obliterated.

It is first necessary to say a word about the troops of his
command, since this has a bearing on present-day politics. The
bulk of the soldiery were so-called Huai Chun--i.e., nominally
troops from the Huai districts, just south of Li Hung Chang's
native province Anhui. These Kiangu men, mixed with Shantung
recruits, had earned a historic place in the favour of the Manchus
owing to the part they had played in the suppression of the
Taiping Rebellion, in which great event General Gordon and Li Hung
Chang had been so closely associated. They and the troops of Hunan
province, led by the celebrated Marquis Tseng Kuo-fan, were "the
loyal troops," resembling the Sikhs during the Indian Mutiny; they
were supposed to be true to their salt to the last man. Certainly
they gave proofs of uncustomary fidelity.

In those military days of twenty years ago Yuan Shih-kai and his
henchmen were, however, concerned with simpler problems. It was
then a question of drill and nothing but drill. In his camp near
Tientsin the future President of the Chinese Republic succeeded in
reorganizing his troops so well that in a very short time the
Hsiaochan Division became known as a corps d'elite. The discipline
was so stern that there were said to be only two ways of noticing
subordinates, either by promoting or beheading them. Devoting
himself to his task Yuan Shih-kai gave promise of being able to
handle much bigger problems.

His zeal soon attracted the attention of the Manchu Court. The
circumstances in Peking at that time were peculiar. The famous old
Empress Dowager, Tzu-Hsi, after the Japanese war, had greatly
relaxed her hold on the Emperor Kwanghsu, who though still in
subjection to her, nominally governed the empire. A well-
intentioned but weak man, he had surrounded himself with advanced
scholars, led by the celebrated Kang Yu Wei, who daily studied
with him and filled him with new doctrines, teaching him to
believe that if he would only exert his power he might rescue the
nation from international ignominy and make for himself an
imperishable name.

The sequel was inevitable. In 1898 the oriental world was
electrified by the so-called Reform Edicts, in which the Emperor
undertook to modernize China, and in which he exhorted the nation
to obey him. The greatest alarm was created in Court circles by
this action; the whole vast body of Metropolitan officialdom,
seeing its future threatened, flooded the Palace of the Empress
Dowager with Secret Memorials praying her to resume power.
Flattered, she gave her secret assent.

Things marched quickly after that. The Empress, nothing loth,
began making certain dispositions. Troops were moved, men were
shifted here and there in a way that presaged action; and the
Emperor, now thoroughly alarmed and yielding to the entreaties of
his followers, sent two members of the Reform Party to Yuan Shih-
kai bearing an alleged autograph order for him to advance
instantly on Peking with all his troops; to surround the Palace,
to secure the person of the Emperor from all danger, and then to
depose the Empress Dowager for ever from power. What happened is
equally well-known. Yuan Shih-kai, after an exhaustive examination
of the message and messengers, as well as other attempts to
substantiate the genuineness of the appeal, communicated its
nature to the then Viceroy of Chihli, the Imperial Clansman Jung
Lu, whose intimacy with the Empress Dowager since the days of her
youth has passed into history. Jung Lu lost no time in acting. He
beheaded the two messengers and personally reported the whole plot
to the Empress Dowager who was already fully warned. The result
was the so-called coup d'etat of September, 1898, when all the
Reformers who had not fled were summarily executed, and the
Emperor Kwanghsu himself closely imprisoned in the Island Palace
within that portion of the Forbidden City known as the Three
Lakes, having (until the Boxer outbreak of 1900 carried him to
Hsianfu), as sole companions his two favourites, the celebrated
odalisques "Pearl" and "Lustre."

This is no place to enter into the controversial aspect of Yuan
Shih-kai's action in 1898 which has been hotly debated by
partisans for many years. For onlookers the verdict must always
remain largely a matter of opinion; certainly this is one of those
matters which cannot be passed upon by any one but a Chinese
tribunal furnished with all the evidence. Those days which
witnessed the imprisonment of Kwang Hsu were great because they
opened wide the portals of the Romance of History: all who were in
Peking can never forget the counter-stroke; the arrival of the
hordes composed of Tung Fu-hsiang's Mahommedan cavalry--men who
had ridden hard across a formidable piece of Asia at the behest of
their Empress and who entered the capital in great clouds of dust.
It was in that year of 1898 also that Legation Guards reappeared
in Peking--a few files for each Legation as in 1860--and it was
then that clear-sighted prophets saw the beginning of the end of
the Manchu Dynasty.

Yuan Shih-kai's reward for his share in this counter-revolution
was his appointment to the governorship of Shantung province. He
moved thither with all his troops in December, 1899. Armed cap-a-
pie he was ready for the next act--the Boxers, who burst on China
in the Summer of 1900. These men were already at work in Shantung
villages with their incantations and alleged witchcraft. There is
evidence that their propaganda had been going on for months, if
not for years, before any one had heard of it. Yuan Shih-kai had
the priceless opportunity of studying them at close range and soon
made up his mind about certain things. When the storm burst,
pretending to see nothing but mad fanatics in those who, realizing
the plight of their country, had adopted the war-cry "Blot out the
Manchus and the foreigner," he struck at them fiercely, driving
the whole savage horde headlong into the metropolitan province of
Chihli. There, seduced by the Manchus, they suddenly changed the
inscription on their flags. Their sole enemy became the foreigner
and all his works, and forthwith they were officially protected.
Far and wide they killed every white face they could find. They
tore up railways, burnt churches and chapels and produced a
general anarchy which could only have one end--European
intervention. The man, sitting on the edge of Chinese history but
not yet identifying himself with its main currents because he was
not strong enough for that, had once again not judged wrongly.
With his Korean experience to assist him, he had seen precisely
what the end must inevitably be.

The crash in Peking, when the siege of the Legations had been
raised by an international army, found him alert and sympathetic--
ready with advice, ready to shoulder new responsibilities, ready
to explain away everything. The signature of the Peace Protocol of
1901 was signalized, by his obtaining the viceroyalty of Chihli,
succeeding the great Li Hung Chang himself, who had been
reappointed to his old post, but had found active duties too
wearisome. This was a marvellous success for a man but little over
forty. And when the fugitive Court at length returned from Hsianfu
in 1902, honours were heaped upon him as a person particularly
worthy of honour because he had kept up appearances and maintained
the authority of the distressed Throne. As if in answer to this he
flooded the Court with memorials praying that in order to restore
the power of the Dynasty a complete army of modern troops be
raised--as numerous as possible but above all efficient.

His advice was listened to. From 1902 until 1907 as Minister of
the Army Reorganization Council--a special post he held
simultaneously with that of metropolitan Viceroy--Yuan Shih-kai's
great effort was concentrated on raising an efficient fighting
force. In those five years, despite all financial embarrassments,
North China raised and equipped six excellent Divisions of field-
troops--75,000 men--all looking to Yuan Shih-kai as their sole
master. So much energy did he display in pushing military
reorganization throughout the provinces that the Court, warned by
jealous rivals of his growing power, suddenly promoted him to a
post where he would be powerless. One day he was brought to Peking
as Grand Councillor and President of the Board of Foreign Affairs,
and ordered to hand over all army matters to his noted rival, the
Manchu Tieh Liang. The time had arrived to muzzle him. His last
phase as a pawn had come.

Few foreign diplomats calling at China's Foreign Office to discuss
matters during that short period which lasted barely a twelve-
month, imagined that the square resolute-looking man who as
President of the Board gave the same energy and attention to
consular squabbles as to the reorganization of a national fighting
force, was almost daily engaged in a fierce clandestine struggle
to maintain even his modest position. Jealousy, which flourishes
in Peking like the upas tree, was for ever blighting his schemes
and blocking his plans. He had been brought to Peking to be tied
up; he was constantly being denounced; and even his all powerful
patroness, the old Empress Dowager, who owed so much to him,
suffered from constant premonitions that the end was fast
approaching, and that with her the Dynasty would die.

In the Autumn of 1908 she took sick. The gravest fears quickly
spread. It was immediately reported that the Emperor Kwanghsu was
also very ill--an ominous coincidence. Very suddenly both
personages collapsed and died, the Empress Dowager slightly before
the Emperor. There is little doubt that the Emperor himself was
poisoned. The legend runs that as he expired not only did he give
his Consort, who was to succeed him in the exercise of the nominal
power of the Throne, a last secret Edict to behead Yuan Shih-kai,
but that his faltering hand described circle after circle in the
air until his followers understood the meaning. In the vernacular
the name of the great viceroy and the word for circle have the
same sound; the gesture signified that the dying monarch's last
wish was revenge on the man who had failed him ten years before.

An ominous calm followed this great break with the past. It was
understood that the Court was torn by two violent factions
regarding the succession which the Empress Tzu-hsi had herself
decided. The fact that another long Regency had become inevitable
through the accession of the child Hsuan Tung aroused instant
apprehensions among foreign observers, whilst it was confidently
predicted that Yuan Shih-kai's last days had come.

The blow fell suddenly on the 2nd January, 1909. In the interval
between the death of the old Empress and his disgrace, Yuan Shih-
kai was actually promoted to the highest rank in the gift of the
Throne, that is made "Senior Guardian of the Heir Apparent" and
placed in charge of the Imperial funeral arrangements--a
lucrative appointment. During that interval it is understood that
the new Regent, brother of the Emperor Kwang-hsu, consulted all
the most trusted magnates of the empire regarding the manner in
which the secret decapitation Decree should be treated. All
advised him to be warned in time, and not to venture on a course
of action which would be condemned both by the nation and by the
Powers. Another Edict was therefore prepared simply dismissing
Yuan Shih-kai from office and ordering him to return to his native
place.

Every one remembers that day in Peking when popular rumour
declared that the man's last hour had come. Warned on every side
to beware, Yuan Shih-kai left the Palace as soon as he had read
the Edict of dismissal in the Grand Council and drove straight to
the railway-station, whence he entrained for Tientsin, dressed as
a simple citizen. Rooms had been taken for him at a European
hotel, the British Consulate approached for protection, when
another train brought down his eldest son bearing a message direct
from the Grand Council Chamber, absolutely guaranteeing the safety
of his life. Accordingly he duly returned to his native place in
Honan province, and for two years--until the outbreak of the
Revolution--devoted himself sedulously to the development of the
large estate he had acquired with the fruits of office. Living
like a patriarch of old, surrounded by his many wives and
children, he announced constantly that he had entirely dropped out
of the political life of China and only desired to be left in
peace. There is reason to believe, however, that his henchmen
continually reported to him the true state of affairs and bade him
bide his time. Certain it is that the firing of the first shots on
the Yangtsze found him alert and issuing private orders to his
followers. It was inevitable that he should have been recalled to
office--and actually within one hundred hours of the first news of
the outbreak the Court sent for him urgently and ungraciously.

From the 14th October, 1911, when he was appointed by Imperial
Edict Viceroy of Hupeh and Hunan and ordered to proceed at once to
the front to quell the insurrection, until the 1st November, when
he was given virtually Supreme Power as President of the Grand
Council in place of Prince Ching, a whole volume is required to
discuss adequately the maze of questions involved. For the
purposes of this account, however, the matter can be dismissed
very briefly in this way. Welcoming the opportunity which had at
last come and determined once for all to settle matters
decisively, so far as he was personally concerned, Yuan Shih-kai
deliberately followed the policy of holding back and delaying
everything until the very incapacity marking both sides--the
Revolutionists quite as much as the Manchus--forced him, as man of
action and man of diplomacy, to be acclaimed the sole mediator and
saviour of the nation.

The detailed course of the Revolution, and the peculiar manner in
which Yuan Shih-kai allowed events rather than men to assert their
mastery has often been related and need not long detain us. It is
generally conceded that in spite of the bravery of the raw
revolutionary levies, their capacity was entirely unequal to the
trump card Yuan Shih-kai held all the while in his hand--the six
fully-equipped Divisions of Field Troops he himself had organized
as Tientsin Viceroy. It was a portion of this field-force which
captured and destroyed the chief revolutionary base in the triple
city of Hankow, Hanyang and Wuchang in November, 1911, and which
he held back just as it was about to give the coup de grace by
crossing the river in force and sweeping the last remnants of the
revolutionary army to perdition. Thus it is correct to declare
that had he so wished Yuan Shih-kai could have crushed the
revolution entirely before the end of 1911; but he was
sufficiently astute to see that the problem he had to solve was
not merely military but moral as well. The Chinese as a nation
were suffering from a grave complaint. Their civilization had been
made almost bankrupt owing to unresisted foreign aggression and to
the native inability to cope with the mass of accumulated wrongs
which a superimposed and exhausted feudalism--the Manchu system--
had brought about. Yuan Shih-kai knew that the Boxers had been
theoretically correct in selecting as they first did the watchword
which they had first placed on their banners--"blot out the
Manchus and all foreign things." Both had sapped the old
civilization to its foundations. But the program they had proposed
was idealistic, not practical. One element could be cleared away--
the other had to be endured. Had the Boxers been sensible they
would have modified their program to the extent of protecting the
foreigners, whilst they assailed the Dynasty which had brought
them so low. The Court Party, as we have said, seduced their
leaders to acting in precisely the reverse sense.

Yuan Shih-kai was neither a Boxer, nor yet a believer in
idealistic foolishness. He had realized that the essence of
successful rule in the China of the Twentieth Century was to
support the foreign point of view--nominally at least--because
foreigners disposed of unlimited monetary resources, and had
science on their side. He knew that so long as he did not openly
flout foreign opinion by indulging in barefaced assassinations, he
would be supported owing to the international reputation he had
established in 1900. Arguing from these premises, his instinct
also told him that an appearance of legality must always be
sedulously preserved and the aspirations of the nation nominally
satisfied. For this reason he arranged matters in such a manner as
to appear always as the instrument of fate. For this reason,
although he destroyed the revolutionists on the mid-Yangtsze, to
equalize matters, on the lower Yangtsze he secretly ordered the
evacuation of Nanking by the Imperialist forces so that he might
have a tangible argument with which to convince the Manchus
regarding the root and branch reform which he knew was necessary.
That reform had been accepted in principle by the Throne when it
agreed to the so-called Nineteen Fundamental Articles, a corpus of
demands which all the Northern Generals had endorsed and had
indeed insisted should be the basis of government before they
would fight the rebellious South in 1911. There is reason to
believe that provided he had been made de facto Regent, Yuan Shih-
kai would have supported to the end a Manchu Monarchy. But the
surprising swiftness of the Revolutionary Party's action in
proclaiming the Republic at Nanking on the 1st January, 1912, and
the support which foreign opinion gave that venture confused him.
He had already consented to peace negotiations with the
revolutionary South in the middle of December, 1911, and once he
was drawn into those negotiations his policy wavered, the
armistice in the field being constantly extended because he saw
that the Foreign Powers, and particularly England, were averse
from further civil war. Having dispatched a former lieutenant,
Tong Shao-yi, to Shanghai as his Plenipotentiary, he soon found
himself committed to a course of action different from what he had
originally contemplated. South China and Central China insisted so
vehemently that the only solution that was acceptable to them was
the permanent and absolute elimination of the Manchu Dynasty, that
he himself was half-convinced, the last argument necessary being
the secret promise that he should become the first President of
the united Republic. In the circumstances, had he been really
loyal, it was his duty either to resume his warfare or resign his
appointment as Prime Minister and go into retirement. He did
neither. In a thoroughly characteristic manner he sought a middle
course, after having vaguely advocated a national convention to
settle the matter. By specious misrepresentation the widow of the
Emperor Kwang Hsu--the Dowager Empress Lung Yu who had succeeded
the Prince Regent Ch'un in her care of the interests of the child
Emperor Hsuan Tung--was induced to believe that ceremonial
retirement was the only course open to the Dynasty if the country
was to be saved from disruption and partition. There is reason to
believe that the Memorial of all the Northern Generals which was
telegraphed to Peking on the 28th January, 1912, and which advised
abdication, was inspired by him. In any case it was certainly Yuan
Shih-kai, who drew up the so-called Articles of Favourable
Treatment for the Manchu House and caused them to be telegraphed
to the South, whence they were telegraphed back to him as the
maximum the Revolutionary Party was prepared to concede: and by a
curious chance the attempt made to assassinate him outside the
Palace Gates actually occurred on the very day he had submitted an
outline of these terms on his bended knees to the Empress Dowager
and secured their qualified acceptance. The pathetic attempt to
confer on him as late as the 26th January the title of Marquess,
the highest rank of nobility which could be given a Chinese, an
attempt which was four times renewed, was the last despairing
gesture of a moribund power. Within very few days the Throne
reluctantly decreed its own abdication in three extremely curious
Edicts which are worthy of study in the appendix. They prove
conclusively that the Imperial Family believed that it was only
abdicating its political power, whilst retaining all ancient
ceremonial rights and titles. Plainly the conception of a
Republic, or a People's Government, as it was termed in the native
ideographs, was unintelligible to Peking.

Yuan Shih-kai had now won everything he wished for. By securing
that the Imperial Commission to organize the Republic and re-unite
the warring sections was placed solely in his hands, he prepared
to give a type of Government about which he knew nothing a trial.
It is interesting to note that he held to the very end of his life
that he derived his powers solely from the Last Edicts, and in
nowise from his compact with the Nanking Republic which had
instituted the so-called Provisional Constitution. He was careful,
however, not to lay this down categorically until many months
later when his dictatorship seemed undisputed. But from the day of
the Manchu Abdication almost, he was constantly engaged in
calculating whether he dared risk everything on one throw of the
dice and ascend the Throne himself; and it is precisely this which
imparts such dramatic interest to the astounding story which
follows.





CHAPTER III

THE DREAM REPUBLIC

(FROM THE 1ST JANUARY, 1912, TO THE DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT)


To describe briefly and intelligibly the series of transactions
from the 1st January, 1912, when the Republic was proclaimed at
Nanking by a handful of provincial delegates, and Dr. Sun Yat Sen
elected Provisional President, to the coup d'etat of 4th November,
1913, when Yuan Shih-kai, elected full President a few weeks
previously, after having acted as Chief Executive for twenty
months, boldly broke up Parliament and made himself de facto
Dictator of China, is a matter of extraordinary difficulty.

All through this important period of Chinese history one has the
impression that one is in dreamland and that fleeting emotions
take the place of more solid things. Plot and counter-plot follow
one another so rapidly that an accurate record of them all would
be as wearisome as the Book of Chronicles itself; whilst the
amazing web of financial intrigue which binds the whole together
is so complex--and at the same time so antithetical to the
political struggle--that the two stories seem to run counter to
one another, although they are as closely united as two assassins
pledged to carry through in common a dread adventure. A huge
agglomeration of people estimated to number four hundred millions,
being left without qualified leaders and told that the system of
government, which had been laid down by the Nanking Provisional
Constitution and endorsed by the Abdication Edicts, was a system
in which every man was as good as neighbour, swayed meaninglessly
to and fro, vainly seeking to regain the equilibrium which had
been so sensationally lost. A litigious spirit became so universal
that all authority was openly derided, crimes of every description
being so common as to force most respectable men to withdraw from
public affairs and leave a bare rump of desperadoes in power.

Long embarrassed by the struggle to pay her foreign loans and
indemnities, China was also virtually penniless. The impossibility
of arranging large borrowings on foreign markets without the open
support of foreign governments--a support which was hedged round
with conditions--made necessary a system of petty expedients under
which practically every provincial administration hypothecated
every liquid asset it could lay hands upon in order to pay the
inordinate number of undisciplined soldiery who littered the
countryside. The issue of unguaranteed paper-money soon reached
such an immense figure that the market was flooded with a
worthless currency which it was unable to absorb. The Provincial
leaders, being powerless to introduce improvement, exclaimed that
it was the business of the Central Government as representative of
the sovereign people to find solutions; and so long as they
maintained themselves in office they went their respective ways
with a sublime contempt for the chaos around them.

What was this Central Government? In order successfully to
understand an unparalleled situation we must indicate its nature.

The manoeuvres to which Yuan Shih-kai had so astutely lent himself
from the outbreak of the Revolution had left him at its official
close supreme in name. Not only had he secured an Imperial
Commission from the abdicating Dynasty to organize a popular
Government in obedience to the national wish, but having brought
to Peking the Delegates of the Nanking Revolutionary Body he had
received from them the formal offer of the Presidency.

These arrangements had, of course, been secretly agreed to en bloc
before the fighting had been stopped and the abdication
proclaimed, and were part and parcel of the elaborate scenery
which officialdom always employs in Asia even when it is dealing
with matters within the purview of the masses. They had been made
possible by the so-called "Article of Favourable Treatment" drawn-
up by Yuan Shih-kai himself, after consultation with the
rebellious South. In these Capitulations it had been clearly
stipulated that the Manchu Imperial Family should receive in
perpetuity a Civil List of $4,000,000 Mexican a year, retaining
all their titles as a return for the surrender of their political
power, the bitter pill being gilded in such fashion as to hide its
real meaning, which alone was a grave political error.

In spite of this agreement, however, great mutual suspicion
existed between North and South China. Yuan Shih-kai himself was
unable to forget that the bold attempt to assassinate him in the
Peking streets on the 17th January, when he was actually engaged
in negotiating these very terms of the Abdication, had been
apparently inspired from Nanking; whilst the Southern leaders were
daily reminded by the vernacular press that the man who held the
balance of power had always played the part of traitor in the past
and would certainly do the same again in the near future.

When the Delegates came to Peking in February, by far the most
important matter which was still in dispute was the question of
the oath of office which Yuan Shih-kai was called upon to take to
insure that he would be faithful to the Republic. The Delegates
had been charged specifically to demand on behalf of the seceding
provinces that Yuan Shih-kai should proceed with them to Nanking
to take that oath, a course of action which would have been held
tantamount by the nation to surrender on his part to those who had
been unable to vanquish him in the field. It must also not be
forgotten that from the very beginning a sharp and dangerous
cleavage of opinion existed as to the manner in which the powers
of the new government had been derived. South and Central China
claimed, and claimed rightly, that the Nanking Provincial
Constitution was the Instrument on which the Republic was based:
Yuan Shih-kai declared that the Abdication Edicts, and not the
Nanking Instrument had established the Republic, and that
therefore it lay within his competence to organize the new
government in the way which he considered most fit.

The discussion which raged was suddenly terminated on the night of
the 29th February (1912) when without any warning there occurred
the extraordinary revolt of the 3rd Division, a picked Northern
corps who for forty-eight hours plundered and burnt portions of
the capital without any attempts at interference, there being
little doubt to-day that this manoeuvre was deliberately arranged
as a means of intimidation by Yuan Shih-kai himself. Although the
disorders assumed such dimensions that foreign intervention was
narrowly escaped, the upshot was that the Nanking Delegates were
completely cowed and willing to forget all about forcing the
despot of Peking to proceed to the Southern capital. Yuan Shih-kai
as the man of the hour was enabled on the 10th March, 1912, to
take his oath in Peking as he had wished thus securing full
freedom of action during the succeeding years. [Footnote: The
defective nature of this oath of office will be patent at a
glance: "At the beginning of the Republic there are many things to
be taken care of. I, Yuan Shih-kai, sincerely wish to exert my
utmost to promote the democratic spirit, to remove the dark blots
of despotism, to obey strictly the Constitution, and to abide by
the wish of the people, so as to place the country in a safe,
united, strong, and firm position, and to effect the happiness and
welfare of the divisions of the Chinese race. All these wishes I
will fulfil without fail. As soon as a new President is elected by
the National Assembly I shall at once vacate my present position.
With all sincerity I take this oath before the people of China.
"Dated the tenth day of March in the First Year of the Republic of
China (1912)."

(Signed) Yuan Shih-kai.]

It was on this astounding basis--by means of an organized revolt--
that the Central Government was re-organized; and every act that
followed bears the mark of its tainted parentage. Accepting
readily as his Ministers in the more unimportant government
Departments the nominees of the Southern Confederacy (which was
now formally dissolved), Yuan Shih-kai was careful to reserve for
his own men everything that concerned the control of the army and
the police, as well as the all-important ministry of finance. The
framework having been thus erected, attention was almost
immediately concentrated on the problem of finding money, an
amazing matter which would weary the stoutest reader if given in
all its detail but which being part and parcel of the general
problem must be referred to.

Certain essential features can be very rapidly exposed. We have
already made clear the purely economic nature of the forces which
had sapped the foundations of Chinese society. Primarily it had
been the disastrous nature of Chinese gold-indebtedness which had
given the new ideas the force they required to work their will on
the nation. And just because the question of this gold-
indebtedness had become so serious and such a drain on the nation,
some months before the outbreak of the Revolution an arrangement
had been entered into with the bankers of four nations for a
Currency Loan of 10,000,000 pounds with which to make an organized
effort to re-establish internal credit. But this loan had never
actually been floated, as a six months' safety clause had
permitted a delay during which the Revolution had come. It was
therefore necessary to begin the negotiations anew; and as the
rich prizes to be won in the Chinese lottery had attracted general
attention in the European financial world through the
advertisement which the Revolution had given the country, a host
of alternative loan proposals now lay at the disposal of Peking.

Consequently an extraordinary chapter of bargaining commenced.
Warned that an International Debt Commission was the goal aimed at
by official finance, Yuan Shih-kai and the various parties who
made up the Government of the day, though disagreeing on almost
every other question, were agreed that this danger must be fought
as a common enemy. Though the Four-Power group alleged that they
held the first option on all Chinese loans, money had already been
advanced by a Franco-Belgian Syndicate to the amount of nearly two
million pounds during the critical days of the Abdication. Furious
at the prospect of losing their percentages, the Four Power group
made the confusion worse confounded by blocking all competing
proposals and closing every possible door. Russia and Japan, who
had hitherto not been parties to the official consortium,
perceiving that participation had become a political necessity,
now demanded a place which was grudgingly accorded them; and it
was in this way that the celebrated six-power Group arose.

It was round this group and the proposed issue of a 60,000,000
pounds loan to reorganize Chinese finance that the central battle
raged. The Belgian Syndicate, having been driven out of business
by the financial boycott which the official group was strong
enough to organize on the European bourses, it remained for China
to see whether she could not find some combination or some man who
would be bold enough to ignore all governments.

Her search was not in vain. In September (1912) a London
stockbroker, Mr. Birch Crisp, determined to risk a brilliant coup
by negotiating by himself a Loan of 10,000,000 pounds; and the
world woke up one morning to learn that one man was successfully
opposing six governments. The recollection of the storm raised in
financial circles by this bold attempt will be fresh in many
minds. Every possible weapon was brought into play by
international finance to secure that the impudence of financial
independence should be properly checked; and so it happened that
although 5,000,000 pounds was secured after an intense struggle,
it was soon plain that the large requirements of a derelict
government could not be satisfied in this Quixotic manner. Two
important points had, however, been attained; first, China was
kept financially afloat during the year 1912 by the independence
of a single member of the London Stock Exchange; secondly, using
this coup as a lever the Peking Government secured better terms
than otherwise would have been possible from the official
consortium.

Meanwhile the general internal situation remained deplorable.
Nothing was done for the provinces whose paper currency was
depreciating from month to month in an alarming manner; whilst the
rivalries between the various leaders instead of diminishing
seemed to be increasing. The Tutuhs, or Military Governors, acting
precisely as they saw fit, derided the authority of Peking and
sought to strengthen their old position by adding to their armed
forces. In the capital the old Manchu court, safely entrenched in
the vast Winter Palace from which it has not even to-day been
ejected (1917) published daily the Imperial Gazette, bestowing
honours and decorations on courtiers and clansmen and preserving
all the old etiquette. In the North-western provinces, and in
Manchuria and Mongolia, the socalled Tsung She Tang, or Imperial
Clan Society, intrigued perpetually to create risings which would
hasten the restoration of the fallen House; and although these
intrigues never rose to the rank of a real menace to the country,
the fact that they were surreptitiously supported by the Japanese
secret service was a continual source of anxiety. The question of
Outer Mongolia was also harassing the Central Government. The
Hutuktu or Living Buddha of Urga--the chief city of Outer
Mongolia--had utilized the revolution to throw off his allegiance
to Peking; and the whole of this vast region had been thrown into
complete disorder--which was still further accentuated when Russia
on the 21st October (1912) recognized its independence. It was
known that as a pendent to this Great Britain was about to insist
on the autonomy of Tibet,--a development which greatly hurt
Chinese pride.

On the 15th August, 1912, the deplorable situation was well-
epitomised by an extraordinary act in Peking, when General Chang
Cheng-wu, one of the "heroes" of the original Wuchang rising, who
had been enticed to the capital, was suddenly seized after a
banquet in his honour and shot without trial at midnight.

This event, trivial in itself during times when judicial murders
were common, would have excited nothing more than passing interest
had not the national sentiment been so aroused by the chaotic
conditions. As it was it served to focus attention on the general
maladministration over which Yuan Shih-kai ruled as provisional
President. "What is my crime?" had shrieked the unhappy
revolutionist as he had been shot and then bayonetted to death.
That query was most easily answered. His crime was that he was not
strong enough or big enough to compete against more sanguinary
men, his disappearance being consequently in obedience to an
universal law of nature. Yuan Shih-kai was determined to assert
his mastery by any and every means; and as this man had flouted
him he must die.

The uproar which this crime aroused was, however, not easily
appeased; and the Advisory Council, which was sitting in Peking
pending the assembling of the first Parliament, denounced the
Provisional President so bitterly that to show that these
reproaches were ill-deserved he invited Dr. Sun Yat-sen to the
capital treating him with unparalleled honours and requesting him
to act as intermediary between the rival factions. All such
manoeuvres, however, were inspired with one object,--namely to
prove how nobody but the master of Peking could regulate the
affairs of the country.

Still no Parliament was assembled. Although the Nanking
Provisional Constitution had stipulated that one was to meet
within ten months i. e. before 1st November, 1912, the elections
were purposely delayed, the attention of the Central Government
being concentrated on the problem of destroying all rivals, and
everything being subordinate to this war on persons. Rascals,
getting daily more and more out of hand, worked their will on rich
and poor alike, discrediting by their actions the name of
republicanism and destroying public confidence--which was
precisely what suited Yuan Shih-kai. Dramatic and extraordinary
incidents continually inflamed the public mind, nothing being too
singular for those remarkable days.

Very slowly the problem developed, with everyone exclaiming that
foreign intervention was becoming inevitable. With the beginning
of 1913, being unable to delay the matter any longer, Yuan Shih-
kai allowed elections to be held in the provinces. He was so badly
beaten at the polls that it seemed in spite of his military power
that he would be outvoted and outmanoeuvred in the new National
Assembly and his authority undermined. To prevent this a fresh
assassination was decided upon. The ablest Southern leader, Sung
Chiao-jen, just as he was entraining for Peking with a number of
Parliamentarians at Shanghai, was coolly shot in a crowded railway
station by a desperado who admitted under trial that he had been
paid 200 pounds for the job by the highest authority in the land,
the evidence produced in court including telegrams from Peking
which left no doubt as to who had instigated the murder.

The storm raised by this evil measure made it appear as if no
parliament could ever assemble in Peking. But the feeling had
become general that the situation was so desperate that action had
to be taken. Not only was their reputation at stake, but the
Kuomingtang or Revolutionary Party now knew that the future of
their country was involved just as much as the safety of their own
lives; and so after a rapid consultation they determined that they
would beard the lion in his den. Rather unexpectedly on the 7th
April (1913) Parliament was opened in Peking with a huge Southern
majority and the benediction of all Radicals. [Footnote: The
Parliament of China is composed of a House of Representatives
numbering 596 members and a Senate of 274. The Representatives are
elected by means of a property and educational franchise which is
estimated to give about four million voters (1 per cent of the
population) although in practice relatively few vote. The Senate
is elected by the Provincial Assemblies by direct ballot. In the
opinion of the writer, the Chinese Parliament in spite of obvious
shortcoming, is representative of the country in its present
transitional stage.] Hopes rose with mercurial rapidity as a
solution at last seemed in sight. But hardly had the first
formalities been completed and Speakers been elected to both
Houses, than by a single dramatic stroke Yuan Shih-kai reduced to
nought these labours by stabbing in the back the whole theory and
practice of popular government.

The method he employed was simplicity itself, and it is peculiarly
characteristic of the man that he should have been so bluntly
cynical. Though the Provisional Nanking Constitution, which was
the "law" of China so far as there was any law at all, had laid
down specifically in article XIX that all measures affecting the
National Treasury must receive the assent of Parliament, Yuan
Shih-kai, pretending that the small Advisory Council which had
assisted him during the previous year and which had only just been
dissolved, had sanctioned a foreign loan, peremptorily ordered the
signature of the great Reorganization Loan of 25,000,000 pounds
which had been secretly under negotiation all Winter with the
financial agents of six Powers, [Footnote: The American Group at
the last moment dropped out of the Sextuple combination (prior to
the signature of the contract) after President Wilson had made his
well-known pronouncement deprecating the association of Americans
in any financial undertakings which impinged upon the rights of
sovereignty of a friendly Power,--which was his considered view of
the manner in which foreign governments were assisting their
nationals to gain control of the Salt Administration. The exact
language the President used was that the conditions of the loan
seemed "to touch very nearly the administrative independence of
China itself," and that a loan thus obtained was "obnoxious" to
the principles upon which the American government rests. It is to
be hoped that President Wilson's dictum will be universally
accepted after the war and that meddling in Chinese affairs will
cease.] although the rupture which had come in the previous June
as a forerunner to the Crisp loan had caused the general public to
lose sight of the supreme importance of the financial factor.
Parliament, seeing that apart from the possibility of a Foreign
Debt Commission being created something after the Turkish and
Egyptian models, a direct challenge to its existence had been
offered, raged and stormed and did its utmost to delay the
question; but the Chief Executive having made up his mind shut
himself up in his Palace and absolutely refused to see any
Parliamentary representatives. Although the Minister of Finance
himself hesitated to complete the transaction in the face of the
rising storm and actually fled the capital, he was brought back by
special train and forced to complete the agreement. At four
o'clock in the morning on the 25th April the last documents were
signed in the building of a foreign bank and the Finance Minister,
galloping his carriage suddenly out of the compound to avoid
possible bombs, reported to his master that at last--in spite of
the nominal foreign control which was to govern the disbursement--
a vast sum was at his disposal to further his own ends.

Safe in the knowledge that possession is nine points of the law,
Yuan Shih-kai now treated with derision the resolutions which
Parliament passed that the transaction was illegal and the loan
agreement null and void. Being openly backed by the agents of the
Foreign Powers, he immediately received large cash advances which
enabled him to extend his power in so many directions that further
argument with him seemed useless. It is necessary to record that
the Parliamentary leaders had almost gone down on their knees to
certain of the foreign Ministers in Peking in a vain attempt to
persuade them to delay--as they could very well have done--the
signature of this vital Agreement for forty-eight hours so that it
could be formally passed by the National Assembly, and thus save
the vital portion of the sovereignty of the country from passing
under the heel of one man. But Peking diplomacy is a perverse and
disagreeable thing; and the Foreign Ministers of those days,
although accredited to a government which while it had not then
been formally recognized as a Republic by any Power save the
United States, was bound to be so very shortly, were determined to
be reactionary and were at heart delighted to find things running
back normally to absolutism.

[Footnote: The United States accorded formal recognition to the
Republic on the election of the Speakers of the two Houses of
Parliament: the other Treaty Powers delayed recognition until Yuan
Shih-kai had been elected full President in October. It has been
very generally held that the long delay in foreign recognition of
the Republic contributed greatly to its internal troubles by
making every one doubt the reality of the Nanking transaction.
Most important, however, is the historical fact that a group of
Powers numbering the two great leaders of democracy in Europe--
England and France--did everything they could in Peking to
enthrone Yuan Shih-kai as dictator.]

High finance had at last got hold of everything it required from
China and was in no mood to relax the monopoly of the salt
administration which the Loan Agreement conferred. Nor must be the
fact be lost sight of that of the nominal amount of 25,000,000
pounds which had been borrowed, fully half consisted of repayments
to foreign Banks and never left Europe. According to the schedules
attached to the Agreement, Annex A, comprising the Boxer arrears
and bank advances, absorbed 4,317,778 pounds: Annex B, being so-
called provincial loans, absorbed a further 2,870,000 pounds:
Annex C, being liabilities shortly maturing, amounted to 3,592,263
pounds: Annex D, for disbandment of troops, amounted to 3,000,000
pounds: Annex C, to cover current administrative expenses totalled
5,500,000 pounds: whilst Annex E which covered the reorganization
of the Salt Administration, absorbed the last 2,000,000 pounds.
The bank profits on this loan alone amounted to 1 1/4 million
pounds; whilst Yuan Shih-kai himself was placed in possession by a
system of weekly disbursements of a sum roughly amounting to ten
million sterling, which was amply sufficient to allow him to wreak
his will on his fellow-countrymen. Exasperated to the pitch of
despair by this new development, the Central and Southern
provinces, after a couple of months' vain argument, began openly
to arm. On the 10th July in Kiangse province on the river Yangtsze
the Northern garrisons were fired upon from the Hukow forts by the
provincial troops under General Li Lieh-chun and the so-called
Second Revolution commenced.

The campaign was short and inglorious. The South, ill-furnished
with munitions and practically penniless, and always confronted by
the same well-trained Northern Divisions who had proved themselves
invincible only eighteen months before, fought hard for a while,
but never became a serious menace to the Central Government owing
to the lack of co-operation between the various Rebel forces in
the field. The Kiangse troops under General Li Lieh-chun, who
numbered at most 20,000 men, fought stiffly, it is true, for a
while but were unable to strike with any success and were
gradually driven far back from the river into the mountains of
Kiangse where their numbers rapidly melted away. The redoubtable
revolutionary Huang Hsin, who had proved useful as a propagandist
and a bomb-thrower in earlier days, but who was useless in serious
warfare, although he assumed command of the Nanking garrison which
had revolted to a man, and attempted a march up the Pukow railway
in the direction of Tientsin, found his effort break down almost
immediately from lack of organization and fled to Japan. The
Nanking troops, although deserted by their leader, offered a
strenuous resistance to the capture of the southern capital which
was finally effected by the old reactionary General Chang Hsun
operating in conjunction with General Feng Kuo-chang who had been
dispatched from Peking with a picked force. The attack on the
Shanghai arsenal which had been quietly occupied by a small
Northern Garrison during the months succeeding the great loan
transaction, although pushed with vigour by the South, likewise
ultimately collapsed through lack of artillery and proper
leadership. The navy, which was wholly Southern in its sympathies
and which had been counted upon as a valuable weapon in cutting
off the whole Yangtsze Valley, was at the last moment purchased to
neutrality by a liberal use of money obtained from the foreign
banks, under, it is said, the heading of administrative expenses!
The turbulent city of Canton, although it also rose against the
authority of Peking, had been well provided for by Yuan Shih-kai.
A border General, named Lung Chi-Kwang, with 20,000 semi-savage
Kwangsi troops had been moved near the city and at once attacked
and overawed the garrison. Appointed Military Governor of the
province in return for his services, this Lung Chi-kwang, who was
an infamous brute, for three years ruled the South with heartless
barbarity, until he was finally ejected by the great rising of
1916. Thoroughly disappointed in this and many other directions
the Southern Party was now emasculated; for the moneyed classes
had withheld their support to the end, and without money nothing
is possible in China. The 1913 outbreak, after lasting a bare two
months, ignominiously collapsed with the flight of every one of
the leaders on whose heads prices were put. The road was now left
open for the last step Yuan Shih-kai had in mind, the coup against
Parliament itself, which although unassociated in any direct way
with the rising, had undoubtedly maintained secret relations with
the rebellious generals in the field.

Parliament had further sinned by appointing a Special
Constitutional Drafting Committee which had held its sittings
behind closed doors at the Temple of Heaven. During this drafting
of the Permanent Constitution, admittance had been absolutely
refused to Yuan Shih-kai's delegates who had been sent to urge a
modification of the decentralization which had been such a
characteristic of the Nanking Instrument. Such details as
transpired showed that the principle of absolute money-control was
not only to be the dominant note in the Permanent Constitution,
but that a new and startling innovation was being included to
secure that a de facto Dictatorship should be rendered impossible.
Briefly, it was proposed that when Parliament was not actually in
session there should be left in Peking a special Parliamentary
Committee, charged with supervising and controlling the Executive,
and checking any usurpation of power.

This was enough for Yuan Shih-kai: he felt that he was not only an
object of general suspicion but that he was being treated with
contempt. He determined to finish with it all. He was as yet,
however, only provisional President and it was necessary to show
cunning. Once more he set to work in a characteristic way. By a
liberal use of money Parliament was induced to pass in advance of
the main body of articles the Chapter of the Constitution dealing
with the election and term of office of the President. When that
had been done the two Chambers sitting as an Electoral College,
after the model of the French Parliament, being partly bribed and
partly terrorised by a military display, were induced to elect him
full President.

On the 10th October he took his final oath of office as President
for a term of five years before a great gathering of officials and
the whole diplomatic body in the magnificent Throne Room of the
Winter Palace. Safe now in his Constitutional position nothing
remained for him but to strike. On the 4th November he issued an
arbitrary Mandate, which received the counter-signature of the
whole Cabinet, ordering the unseating of all the so-called
Kuomingtang or Radical Senators and Representatives on the counts
of conspiracy and secret complicity with the July rising and
vaguely referring to the filling of the vacancies thus created by
new elections. [Footnote: According to the official lists
published subsequent to the coup d'etat, 98 Senators and 252
Members of the House of Representatives had their Parliamentary
Certificates impounded by the police as a result of the Mandates
of the 4th November, and were ordered to leave the Capital. In
addition 34 Senators and 54 Members of the Lower House fled from
Peking before their Certificates could be seized. Therefore the
total number affected by the proscription was 132 Senators and 306
Representatives. As the quorums in the case of both Houses are
half the total membership, any further sittings were thus made
impossible.] The Metropolitan Police rigorously carried out the
order and although no brutality was shown, it was made clear that
if any of the indicted men remained in Peking their lives would be
at stake. Having made it impossible for Parliament to sit owing to
the lack of quorums, Yuan Shih-kai was able to proceed with his
work of reorganization in the way that best suited him; and the
novel spectacle was offered of a truly Mexican situation created
in the Far East by and with the assent of the Powers. It is
significant that the day succeeding this coup d'etat of the 4th
November the agreement conceding autonomy to Outer Mongolia was
signed with Russia, China simply retaining the right to station a
diplomatic representative at Urga. [Footnote: A full copy of this
agreement will be found in the appendix.]

In spite of his undisputed power, matters however did not improve.
The police-control, judiciously mingled with assassinations, which
was now put in full vigour was hardly the administration to make
room for which the Manchus had been expelled; and the country
secretly chafed and cursed. But the disillusionment of the people
was complete. Revolt had been tried in vain; and as the support
which the Powers were affording to this regime was well understood
there was nothing to do but to wait, safe in the knowledge that
such a situation possessed no elements of permanency.





CHAPTER IV

THE DICTATOR AT WORK

(FROM THE COUP D'ETAT OF THE 4TH NOVEMBER, 1913, TO THE OUTBREAK
OF THE WORLD-WAR 1ST AUGUST, 1914)


With the Parliament of China effectively destroyed, and the
turbulent Yangtsze Valley dragooned into sullen submission, Yuan
Shih-kai's task had become so vastly simplified that he held the
moment to have arrived when he could openly turn his hand to the
problem of making himself absolutely supreme, de jure as well as
de facto. But there was one remaining thing to be done. To drive
the last nail into the coffin of the Republic it was necessary to
discredit and virtually imprison the man who was Vice-President.

It is highly characteristic that although he had received from the
hero of the Wuchang Rising the most loyal co-operation--a co-
operation of a very arduous character since the Commander of the
Middle Yangtsze had had to resist the most desperate attempts to
force him over to the side of the rebellion in July, 1913,
nevertheless, Yuan Shih-kai was determined to bring this man to
Peking as a prisoner of state.

It was just the fact that General Li Yuan-hung was a national hero
which impelled the Dictator to action. In the election which had
been carried out in October, 1913, by the National Assembly
sitting as a National Convention, in spite of every effort to
destroy his influence, the personal popularity of the Vice-
President had been such that he had received a large number of
votes for the office of full President--which had necessitated not
one but three ballots being taken, making most people declare that
had there been no bribery or intimidation he would have probably
been elected to the supreme office in the land, and ousted the
ambitious usurper. In such circumstances his complete elimination
was deemed an elementary necessity. To secure that end Yuan Shih-
kai suddenly dispatched to Wuchang--where the Vice-President had
resided without break since 1911--the Minister of War, General
Tuan Chi-jui, with implicit instructions to deal with the problem
in any way he deemed satisfactory, stopping short of nothing
should his victim prove recalcitrant.

Fortunately General Tuan Chi-jui did not belong to the ugly breed
of men Yuan Shih-kai loved to surround himself with; and although
he was a loyal and efficient officer the politics of the assassin
were unknown to him. He was therefore able to convince the Vice-
President after a brief discussion that the easiest way out of the
ring of intriguers and plotters in which Yuan Shih-kai was rapidly
surrounding him in Wuchang was to go voluntarily to the capital.
There at least he would be in daily touch with developments and
able to fight his own battles without fear of being stabbed in the
back; since under the eye of the foreign Legations even Yuan Shih-
kai was exhibiting a certain timidity. Indeed after the outcry
which General Chang Cheng-wu's judicial murder had aroused he had
reserved his ugliest deeds for the provinces, only small men being
done to death in Peking. Accordingly, General Li Yuan-hung packed
a bag and accompanied only by an aide-de-camp left abruptly for
the capital where he arrived on the 11th December, 1913.

A great sensation was caused throughout China by this sudden
departure, consternation prevailing among the officers and men of
the Hupeh (Wuchang) army when the newspapers began to hint that
their beloved chief had been virtually abducted. Although
cordially received by Yuan Shih-kai and given as his personal
residence the Island Palace where the unfortunate Emperor Kwang
Hsu had been so long imprisoned by the Empress Dowager Tsu Hsi
after her coup d'etat of 1898, it did not take long for General Li
Yuan-hung to understand that his presence was a source of
embarrassment to the man who would be king. Being, however, gifted
with an astounding fund of patience, he prepared to sit down and
allow the great game which he knew would now unroll to be played
to its normal ending. What General Li Yuan-hung desired above all
was to be forgotten completely and absolutely--springing to life
when the hour of deliverance finally arrived. His policy was shown
to be not only psychologically accurate, but masterly in a
political sense. The greatest ally of honesty in China has always
been time, the inherent decency of the race finally discrediting
scoundrelism in every period of Chinese history.

The year 1914 dawned with so many obstacles removed that Yuan
Shih-kai became more and more peremptory in his methods. In
February the young Empress Lun Yi, widow of the Emperor Kwang Hsu,
who two years previously in her character of guardian of the boy-
Emperor Hsuan Tung, had been cajoled into sanctioning the
Abdication Edicts, unexpectedly expired, her death creating
profound emotion because it snapped the last link with the past.
Yuan Shih-kai's position was considerably strengthened by this
auspicious event which secretly greatly delighted him; and by his
order for three days the defunct Empress lay in State in the Grand
Hall of the Winter Palace and received the obeisance of countless
multitudes who appeared strangely moved by this hitherto unknown
procedure. There was now only a nine-year old boy between the
Dictator and his highest ambitions. Two final problems still
remained to be dealt with: to give a legal form to a purely
autocratic rule, and to find money to govern the country. The
second matter was vastly more important than the first to a man
who did not hesitate to base his whole polity on the teachings of
Machiavelli, legality being looked upon as only so much political
window-dressing to placate foreign opinion and prevent
intervention, whilst without money even the semblance of the
rights of eminent domain could not be preserved. Everything indeed
hinged on the question of finding money.

There was none in China, at least none for the government.
Financial chaos still reigned supreme in spite of the great
Reorganization Loan of 25,000,000 pounds, which had been carefully
arranged more for the purpose of wiping-out international
indebtedness and balancing the books of foreign bankers than to
institute a modern government. All the available specie in the
country had been very quietly remitted in these troubled times by
the native merchant-guilds from every part of China to the vast
emporium of Shanghai for safe custody, where a sum not far short
of a hundred million ounces now choked the vaults of the foreign
banks,--being safe from governmental expropriation. The collection
of provincial revenues having been long disorganized, Yuan Shih-
kai, in spite of his military dictatorship, found it impossible to
secure the proper resumption of the provincial remittances. Fresh
loans became more and more sought after; by means of forced
domestic issues a certain amount of cash was obtained, but the
country lived from hand to mouth and everybody was unhappy. Added
to this by March the formidable insurrection of the "White Wolf"
bandits in Central China--under the legendary leadership of a man
who was said to be invulnerable--necessitated the mobilization of
a fresh army which ran into scores of battalions and which was
vainly engaged for nearly half a year in rounding-up this replica
of the Mexican Villa. So demoralized had the army become from long
license that this guerilla warfare was waged with all possible
slackness until a chance shot mortally wounded the chief brigand
and his immense following automatically dispersed. During six
months these pests had ravaged three provinces and menaced one of
the most strongly fortified cities in Asia--the old capital of
China, Hsianfu, whither the Manchu Court had fled in 1900.

Meanwhile wholesale executions were carried out in the provinces
with monotonous regularity and all attempts at rising ruthlessly
suppressed. In Peking the infamous Chih Fa Chu or Military Court--
a sort of Chinese Star-Chamber--was continually engaged in
summarily dispatching men suspected of conspiring against the
Dictator. Even the printed word was looked upon as seditious, an
unfortunate native editor being actually flogged to death in
Hankow for telling the truth about conditions in the riverine
districts. These cruelties made men more and more determined to
pay off the score the very first moment that was possible.
Although he was increasingly pressed for ready money, Yuan Shih-
kai, by the end of April, 1914, had the situation sufficiently in
hand to bring out his supreme surprise,--a brand-new Constitution
promulgated under the euphonious title of "The Constitutional
Compact."

This precious document, which had no more legality behind it as a
governing instrument than a private letter, can be studied by the
curious in the appendix where it is given in full: here it is
sufficient to say that no such hocuspocus had ever been previously
indulged in China. Drafted by an American legal adviser, Dr.
Goodnow, who was later to earn unenviable international notoriety
as the endorser of the monarchy scheme, it erected what it was
pleased to call the Presidential System; that is, it placed all
power directly in the hands of the President, giving him a single
Secretary of State after the American model and reducing Cabinet
Ministers to mere Department Chiefs who received their
instructions from the State Department but had no real voice in
the actual government. A new provincial system was likewise
invented for the provinces, the Tutuhs or Governors of the
Revolutionary period being turned into Chiang Chun or Military
Officials on the Manchu model and provincial control absolutely
centralized in their hands, whilst the Provincial Assemblies
established under the former dynasty were summarily abolished. The
worship at the Temple of Heaven was also re-established and so was
the official worship of Confucius--both Imperialistic measures--
whilst a brand-new ceremony, the worship of the two titulary
Military Gods, was ordered so as to inculcate military virtue! It
was laid down that in the worship of Heaven the President would
wear the robes of the Dukes of the Chow dynasty, B. C. 1112, a
novel and interesting republican experiment. Excerpts from two
Mandates which belong to these days throw a flood of light on the
kind of reasoning which was held to justify these developments.
The first declares:

... "In a Republic the Sovereign Power is vested in the people,
and the main principle is that all things should be determined in
accordance with the desires of the majority. These desires may be
embraced by two words, namely, existence and happiness. I, the
President, came from my farm because I was unable to bear the
eternal sufferings of the innocent people. I assumed office and
tried vainly to soothe the violent feelings. The greatest evil
nowadays is the misunderstanding of true principles. The
Republicans on the pretext of public interest try to attain
selfish ends, some going so far as to consider the forsaking of
parents as a sign of liberty and regarding the violation of the
laws as a demonstration of equality. I will certainly do my best
to change all this."

In the second Mandate Yuan Shih-kai justifies the re-establishment
of the Confucian worship in a singular way, incidentally showing
how utterly incomprehensible to him is the idea of representative
government, since he would appear to have imagined that by
dispatching circular telegrams to the provincial capitals and
receiving affirmative replies from his creatures all that is
necessary in the way of a national endorsement of high
constitutional measures had been obtained.

... "China's devotion to Confucius began with the reign of the
Emperor Hsiaowu, of the Han dynasty, who rejected the works of the
hundred authors, making the six Confucian classics the leading
books. Confucius, born in the time of the tyranny of the nobility,
in his works declared that after war disturbances comes peace, and
with peace real tranquillity and happiness. This, therefore, is
the fountain of Republicanism. After studying the history of China
and consulting the opinions of scholars, I find that Confucius
must remain the teacher for thousands of generations. But in a
Republic the people possess sovereign power. Therefore circular
telegrams were dispatched to all the provinces to collect
opinions, and many affirmative answers have already been received.
Therefore, all colleges, schools, and public bodies are ordered to
revive the sacrificial ceremony of Confucius, which shall be
carefully and minutely ordained" ...

With the formal promulgation of the Constitutional Compact the
situation had become bizarre in the extreme. Although even the
child-mind might have known that powers for Constitution-making
were vested solely in the National Assembly, and that the re-
division of authority which was now made was wholly illegal,
because Yuan Shih-kai as the bailiff of the Powers was able to do
much as he pleased; and at a moment when Liberal Europe was on the
eve of plunging into the most terrible war in history in defence
of right against might, reaction and Prussianism of the most
repulsive type were passed by unnoticed in China. In a few loosely
drafted chapters not only was the governance of the country
rearranged to suit a purely dictational rule, but the actual
Parliament was permanently extinguished and replaced by a single
Legislative Chamber (Li Fa Yuan) which from its very composition
could be nothing but a harmless debating Society with no greater
significance than a dietine of one of the minor German States.
Meanwhile, as there was no intention of allowing even this chamber
to assemble until the last possible moment, a Senate was got
together as the organ of public opinion, ten Senators being chosen
to draft yet another Constitution which would be the final one.
Remarkable steps were taken a little later in the year (1914) to
secure that the succession to the dictatorship should be left in
Yuan Shih-kai's own hands. An elaborate ritual was contrived and
officially promulgated under the title of the Presidential
Succession Law on the 29th December whereby the Chief Executive
selected three names which were placed in a gold box in a Stone
House in the grounds of the Palace,--the gold box only to be
opened when death or incapacity deprived the nation of its self-
appointed leader. For the term of the presidency was openly
converted into one of ten years and made subject to indefinite
renewal by this precious instrument which was the work of the
puppet senate. In case of the necessity of an election suddenly
arising, an Electoral College was to be formed by fifty members
drawn from the Legislative Chamber and fifty from the Senate, the
Presidential candidates consisting of the President (if he so
desired) and the three whose names were in the gold box in the
Stone House in the Palace grounds. It is not definitely known to
whom these provisions were due, but it is known that at least they
were not the work of the American adviser.

His responsibility, however, was very great; for the keynote of
all this scheme, according to Dr. Goodnow, [Footnote: It is
significant that Dr. Goodnow carried out all his Constitutional
Studies in Germany, specializing in that department known as
Administrative Law which has no place, fortunately, in Anglo-Saxon
conceptions of the State.] was "centralization of power," a
parrot-like phrase which has deluded better men than ever came to
China and which--save as a method necessary during a state of war
--should have no place in modern politics. But it was precisely
this which appealed to Yuan Shih-kai. Although as President he was
ex officio Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, he now turned
this office into a direct and special organization installed
within the precincts of the Imperial City. The flags of this new
dictatorship constantly floated over his palace, whilst scores of
officers were appointed to scores of departments which were
directly concerned with centralizing the control of every armed
man in the country in the master's hands. Meanwhile in order to
placate provincial commanders, a "Palace of Generals," was created
in Peking to which were brought all men it was held desirable to
emasculate. Here, drawing ample salaries, they could sit in
idleness the livelong day, discussing the battles they had never
fought and intriguing against one another, two occupations in
which the product of the older school of men in China excels.
Provincial levies which had any military virtue, were gradually
disbanded, though many of the rascals and rapscallions, who were
open menaces to good government were left with arms in their hands
so as to be an argument in favour of drastic police-rule. Thus it
is significant of the underlying falseness and weakness of the
dictator's character that he never dared to touch the troops of
the reprobate General Chang Hsun, who had made trouble for years,
and who had nearly embroiled China in war with Japan during the
so-called Second Revolution (July-August, 1913) by massacring some
Japanese civilians in the streets of Nanking when the city was
recaptured. So far from disbanding his men, Chang Hsun managed
constantly to increase his army of 30,000 men on the plea that the
post of Inspector-General of the Yangtsze Valley, which had been
given to him as a reward for refusing to throw in his lot with the
Southern rebels, demanded larger forces. Yuan Shih-kai, although
half-afraid of him, found him at various periods useful as a
counterweight to other generals in the provinces; in any case he
was not the man to risk anything by attempting to crush him. As he
was planted with his men astride of the strategically important
Pukow railway, it was always possible to order him at a moment's
notice into the Yangtsze Valley which was thus constantly under
the menace of fire and sword.

Far and wide Yuan Shih-kai now stretched his nets. He even
employed Americans throughout the United States in the capacity of
press-agents in order to keep American public opinion favourable
to him, hoping to invoke their assistance against his life-enemy--
Japan--should that be necessary. The precise details of this
propaganda and the sums spent in its prosecution are known to the
writer; if he refrains from publishing them it is solely for
reasons of policy. England it was not necessary to deal with in
this way. Chance had willed that the British Representative in
Peking should be an old friend who had known the Dictator
intimately since his Korean days; and who faithful to the
extraordinary English love of hero-worship believed that such a
surprising character could do little wrong. British policy which
has always been a somewhat variable quantity in China, owing to
the spasmodic attention devoted to such a distant problem, may be
said to have been non-existent during all this period--a state of
affairs not conducive to international happiness.

Slowly the problem developed in a shiftless, irresolute way.
Unable to see that China had vastly changed, and that government
by rascality had become a physical and moral impossibility, the
Legations in Peking adopted an attitude of indifference leaving
Yuan Shih-kai to wreak his will on the people. The horde of
foreign advisers who had been appointed merely as a piece of
political window-dressing, although they were allowed to do no
work, were useful in running backwards and forwards between the
Legations and the Presidential headquarters and in making each
Power suppose that its influence was of increasing importance. It
was made abundantly clear that in Yuan Shih-kai's estimation the
Legations played in international politics much the same role that
provincial capitals did in domestic politics: so long as you bound
both to benevolent neutrality the main problem--the consolidation
of dictatorial power--could be pushed on with as you wished.
Money, however, remained utterly lacking and a new twenty-five
million sterling loan was spoken of as inevitable--the accumulated
deficit in 1914 being alone estimated at thirty-eight million
pounds. But although this financial dearth was annoying, Chinese
resources were sufficient to allow the account to be carried on
from day to day. Some progress was made in railways, building
concessions being liberally granted to foreign corporations, this
policy having received a great impetus from the manner in which
Dr. Sun Yat Sen had boomed the necessity for better communications
during the short time he had ruled at a National Railway Bureau in
Shanghai, an office from which he had been relieved in 1913 on it
being discovered that he was secretly indenting for quick-firing
guns. Certain questions proved annoying and insoluble, for
instance the Tibetan question concerning which England was very
resolute, as well as the perpetual risings in Inner Mongolia, a
region so close to Peking that constant concentrations of troops
were necessary. But on the whole as time went on there was
increasing indifference both among the Foreign Powers and Chinese
for the extraordinary state of affairs which had been allowed to
grow up.

There was one notable exception, however, Japan. Never relaxing
her grip on a complicated problem, watchful and active, where
others were indifferent and slothful, Japan bided her time.
Knowing that the hour had almost arrived when it would be possible
to strike, Japan was vastly active behind the scenes in China long
before the outbreak of the European war gave her the longed for
opportunity; and largely because of her the pear, which seemed
already almost ripe, finally withered on the tree.





CHAPTER V

THE FACTOR OF JAPAN

(FROM THE OUTBREAK OP THE WORLD-WAR, 1ST AUGUST, 1914, TO THE
FILING OP THE TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS, 18TH JANUARY, 1915)


The thunderclap of the European war shattered the uneasy calm in
China, not because the Chinese knew anything of the mighty issues
which were to be fought out with such desperation and valour, but
because the presence of the German colony of Kiaochow on Chinese
soil and the activity of German cruisers in the Yellow Sea brought
the war to China's very doors. Vaguely conscious that this might
spell disaster to his own ambitious plans, Yuan Shih-kai was
actually in the midst of tentative negotiations with the German
Legation regarding the retrocession of the Kiaochow territory when
the news reached him that Japan, after some rapid negotiations
with her British Ally, had filed an ultimatum on Germany,
peremptorily demanding the handing-over of all those interests
that had been forcibly acquired in Shantung province in the great
leasing-year of 1898.

At once Yuan Shih-kai realized that the Nemesis which had dogged
his footsteps all his life was again close behind him. In the
Japanese attack on Kiaochow he foresaw a web of complications
which even his unrivalled diplomacy might be unable to unravel;
for he knew well from bitter experience that wherever the Japanese
sets his foot there he remains. It is consequently round this
single factor of Japan that the history of the two succeeding
years revolves. From being indisputably the central figure on the
Chinese canvas, Yuan Shih-kai suddenly becomes subordinate to the
terror of Japanese intervention which hangs over him constantly
like a black cloud, and governs every move he made from the 15th
August, 1914, to the day of his dramatic death on the 6th June,
1916. We shall attempt to write down the true explanation of why
this should have been so.

It is extremely hard to discuss the question of Japan for the
benefit of an exclusively Western audience in a convincing way
because Japanese policy has two distinct facets which seem utterly
contradictory, and yet which are in a great measure understandable
if the objects of that diplomacy are set down. Being endowed with
an extraordinary capacity for taking detached views, the Statesmen
of Tokio long ago discerned the necessity of having two
independent policies--an Eastern policy for Eastern Asia and a
Western policy for Western nations--because East and West are
essentially antithetical, and cannot be treated (at least not yet)
in precisely the same manner. Whilst the Western policy is frank
and manly, and is exclusively in the hands of brilliant and
attractive men who have been largely educated in the schools of
Europe and America and who are fully able to deal with all matters
in accordance with the customary traditions of diplomacy, the
Eastern policy is the work of obscurantists whose imaginations are
held by the vast projects which the Military Party believes are
capable of realization in China. There is thus a constant
contradiction in the attitude of Japan which men have sought in
vain to reconcile. It is for this reason that the outer world is
divided into two schools of thought, one believing implicitly in
Japan's bona fides, the other vulgarly covering her with abuse and
declaring that she is the last of all nations in her conceptions
of fair play and honourable treatment. Both views are far-fetched.
It is as true of Japan as it is of every other Government in the
world that her actions are dictated neither by altruism nor by
perfidy, but are merely the result of the faulty working of a
number of fallible brains and as regards the work of
administration in Japan itself the position is equally
extraordinary. Here, at the extreme end of the world, so far from
being in any way threatened, the principle of Divine Right, which
is being denounced and dismembered in Europe as a crude survival
from almost heathen days, stands untouched and still exhibits
itself in all its pristine glory. A highly aristocratic Court,
possessing one of the most complicated and jealously protected
hierarchies in the world, and presided over by a monarch claiming
direct descent from the sacred Jimmu Tenno of twenty-five hundred
years ago, decrees to-day precisely as before, the elaborate
ritual governing every move, every decision and every agreement.
There is something so engaging in this political curiosity,
something so far removed from the vast world-movement now rolling
fiercely to its conclusion, that we may be pardoned for
interpolating certain capital considerations which closely affect
the future of China and therefore cannot fail to be of public
interest.

The Japanese, who owe their whole theocratic conception to the
Chinese, just as they owe all their letters and their learning to
them, still nominally look upon their ruler as the link between
Heaven and Earth, and the central fact dominating their cosmogony.
Although the vast number of well-educated men who to-day crowd the
cities of Japan are fully conscious of the bizarre nature of this
belief in an age which has turned its back on superstition,
nothing has yet been done to modify it because--and this is the
important point--the structure of Japanese society is such that
without a violent upheaval which shall hurl the military clan
system irremediably to the ground, it is absolutely impossible for
human equality to be admitted and the man-god theory to be
destroyed. So long as these two features exist; that is so long as
a privileged military caste supports and attempts to make all-
powerful the man-god theory, so long will Japan be an
international danger-spot because there will lack those democratic
restraints which this war has shown are absolutely essential to
secure a peaceful understanding among the nations. It is for this
reason that Japan will fail to attain the position the art-genius
and industry of her people entitle her to and must limp behind the
progress of the world unless a very radical revision of the
constitution is achieved. The disabilities which arise from an
archaic survival are so great that they will affect China as
adversely as Japan, and therefore should be universally
understood. Japanese history, if stripped of its superficial
aspects, has a certain remarkable quality; it seems steeped in
heroic blood. The doctrine of force, which expresses itself in its
crudest forms in Europe, has always been in Japan a system of
heroic-action so fascinating to humanity at large that until
recent times its international significance has not been realized.
The feudal organization of Japanese society which arose as a
result of the armed conquest of the islands fifteen hundred years
ago, precluded centralizating measures being taken because the
Throne, relying on the virtues of Divine Ancestors rather than on
any well-articulated political theory, was weak in all except
certain quasi-sacerdotal qualities, and forced to rely on great
chieftains for the execution of its mandates as well as for its
defence. The military title of "barbarian-conquering general,"
which was first conferred on a great clan leader eight centuries
ago, was a natural enough development when we remember that the
autochthonous races were even then not yet pushed out of the main
island, and were still battling with the advancing tide of
Japanese civilization which was itself composed of several rival
streams coming from the Asiatic mainland and from the Malayan
archipelagoes. This armed settlement saturates Japanese history
and is responsible for the unending local wars and the
glorification of the warrior. The conception of triumphant
generalship which Hideyoshi attempted unsuccessfully to carry into
Korea in the Sixteenth Century, led directly at the beginning of
the Seventeenth Century to the formal establishment of the
Shogunate, that military dictatorship being the result of the
backwash of the Korean adventure, and the greatest proof of the
disturbance which it had brought in Japanese society. The
persistence of this hereditary military dictatorship for more than
two and a half centuries is a remarkable illustration of the fact
that as in China so in Japan the theocratic conception was
unworkable save in primitive times--civilization demanding
organization rather than precepts and refusing to bow its head to
speechless kings. Although the Restoration of 1868 nominally gave
back to the Throne all it had been forced to leave in other hands
since 1603, that transfer of power was imaginary rather than real,
the new military organization which succeeded the Shogun's
government being the vital portion of the Restoration. In other
words, it was the leaders of Japan's conscript armies who
inherited the real power, a fact made amply evident by the
crushing of the Satsuma Rebellion by these new corps whose
organization allowed them to overthrow the proudest and most
valourous of the Samurai and incidentally to proclaim the triumph
of modern fire-arms.

Now it is important to note that as early as 1874--that is six
years after the Restoration of the Emperor Meiji--these facts were
attracting the widest notice in Japanese society, the agitation
for a Constitution and a popular assembly being very vigourously
pushed. Led by the well-known and aristocratic Itagaki, Japanese
Liberalism had joined battle with out-and-out Imperialism more
than a quarter of a century ago; and although the question of
recovering Tariff and Judicial autonomy and revising the Foreign
Treaties was more urgent in those days, the foreign question was
often pushed aside by the fierceness of the constitutional
agitation.

It was not, however, until 1889 that a Constitution was finally
granted to the Japanese--that instrument being a gift from the
Crown, and nothing more than a conditional warrant to a limited
number of men to become witnesses of the processes of government
but in no sense its controllers. The very first Diet summoned in
1890 was sufficient proof of that. A collision at once occurred
over questions of finance which resulted in the resignation of the
Ministry. And ever since those days, that is for twenty-seven
consecutive years, successive Diets in Japan have been fighting a
forlorn fight for the power which can never be theirs save by
revolution, it being only natural that Socialism should come to be
looked upon by the governing class as Nihilism, whilst the mob-
threat has been very acute ever since the Tokio peace riots of
1905.

Now it is characteristic of the ceremonial respect which all
Japanese have for the Throne that all through this long contest
the main issue should have been purposely obscured. The
traditional feelings of veneration which a loyal and obedient
people feel for a line of monarchs, whose origin is lost in the
mists of antiquity, are such that they have turned what is in
effect an evergrowing struggle against the archaic principle of
divine right into a contest with clan-leaders whom they assert are
acting "unconstitutionally" whenever they choose to assert the
undeniable principles of the Constitution. Thus to-day we have
this paradoxical situation: that although Japanese Liberalism must
from its very essence be revolutionary, i.e., destructive before
it can hope to be constructive, it feigns blindness, hoping that
by suasion rather than by force the principle of parliamentary
government will somehow be grafted on to the body politic and the
emperors, being left outside the controversy, become content to
accept a greatly modified rule.

This hope seems a vain one in the light of all history. Militarism
and the clans are by no means in the last ditch in Japan, and they
will no more surrender their power than would the Russian
bureaucracy. The only argument which is convincing in such a case
is the last one which is ever used; and the mere mention of it by
so-called socialists is sufficient to cause summary arrest in
Japan. Sheltering themselves behind the Throne, and nominally
deriving their latter-day dictatorship from the Imperial mandate,
the military chiefs remain adamant, nothing having yet occurred to
incline them to surrender any of their privileges. By a process of
adaptation to present-day conditions, a formula has now been
discovered which it is hoped will serve many a long year. By
securing by extra-legal means the return of a "majority" in the
House of Representatives the fiction of national support of the
autocracy has been re-invigourated, and the doctrine laid down
that what is good for every other advanced people in the world is
bad for the Japanese, who must be content with what is granted
them and never question the superior intelligence of a privileged
caste. In the opinion of the writer, it is every whit as important
for the peace of the world that the people of Japan should govern
themselves as it is for the people of Germany to do so. The
persistence of the type of military government which we see to-day
in Japan is harmful for all alike because it is as antiquated as
Tsarism and a perpetual menace to a disarmed nation such as China.
So long as that government remains, so long must Japan remain an
international suspect and be denied equal rights in the council-
chambers of the Liberal Powers.

If the situation which arose on the 15th August, 1914, is to be
thoroughly understood, it is necessary to pick up threads of
Chino-Japanese relations from a good many years back. First-hand
familiarity with the actors and the scenes of at least three
decades is essential to give the picture the completeness, the
brilliancy of colouring, and withal the suggestiveness inseparable
from all true works of art. For the Chino-Japanese question is
primarily a work of art and not merely a piece of jejune diplomacy
stretched across the years. As the shuttle of Fate has been cast
swiftly backwards and forwards, the threads of these entwining
relations have been woven into patterns involving the whole Far
East, until to-day we have as it were a complete Gobelin tapestry,
magnificent with meaning, replete with action, and full of
scholastic interest.

Let us follow some of the tracery. It has long been the habit to
affirm that the conflict between China and Japan had its origin in
Korea, when Korea was a vassal state acknowledging the suzerainty
of Peking; and that the conflict merited ending there, since of
the two protagonists contending for empire Japan was left in
undisputed mastery. This statement, being incomplete, is
dangerously false. Dating from that vital period of thirty years
ago, when Yuan Shih-kai first went to Seoul as a general officer
in the train of the Chinese Imperial Resident (on China being
forced to take action in protection of her interests owing to the
"opening" of Korea by the American Treaty of 1882) three
contestants, equally interested in the balance of land-power in
Eastern Asia were constantly pitted against one another with Korea
as their common battling-ground--Russia, China and Japan. The
struggle, which ended in the eclipse of the first two, merely
shifted the venue from the Korean zone to the Manchurian zone; and
from thence gradually extended it further and further afield until
at last not only was Inner Mongolia and the vast belt of country
fronting the Great Wall embraced within its scope, but the entire
aspect of China itself was changed. For these important facts have
to be noted. Until the Russian war of 1904-05 had demonstrated the
utter valuelessness of Tsarism as an international military
factor, Japan had been almost willing to resign herself to a
subordinate role in the Far East. Having eaten bitter bread as the
result of her premature attempt in 1895 (after the Korean war) to
become a continental power--an attempt which had resulted in the
forced retrocession of the Liaotung Peninsula--she had been placed
on her good behaviour, an attitude which was admirably reflected
in 1900 when her Peking Expeditionary Force proved itself so well-
behaved and so gallant as to arouse the world's admiration. But
the war with Russia and the collapse of the Tsar's Manchurian
adventure not only drew her back into territory that she never
hoped to see again, but placed her in possession of a ready-made
railway system which carried her almost up to the Sungari river
and surrendered to her military control vast grasslands stretching
to the Khingan mountains. This Westernly march so greatly enlarged
the Japanese political horizon, and so entirely changed the
Japanese viewpoint, that the statesmen of Tokio in their
excitement threw off their ancient spectacles and found to their
astonishment that their eyes were every whit as good as European
eyes. Now seeing the world as others had long seen it, they
understood that just as with the individuals so with nations the
struggle for existence can most easily be conducted by adopting
that war-principle of Clausewitz--the restless offensive, and not
by writing meaningless dispatches. Prior to the Russian war they
had written to Russia a magnificent series of documents in which
they had pleaded with sincerity for an equitable settlement,--
only to find that all was in vain. Forced to battle, they had
found in combat not only success but a new principle.

The discovery necessitated a new policy. During the eighties, and
in a lesser degree in the nineties, Japan had apart from
everything else been content to act in a modest and retiring way,
because she wished at all costs to avoid testing too severely her
immature strength. But owing to the successive collapses of her
rivals, she now found herself not only forced to attack as the
safest course of action, but driven to the view that the Power
that exerts the maximum pressure constantly and unremittedly is
inevitably the most successful. This conclusion had great
importance. For just as the first article of faith for England in
Asia has been the doctrine that no Power can be permitted to seize
strategic harbours which menace her sea-communications, so did it
now become equally true of Japan that her dominant policy became
not an Eastern Monroe doctrine, as shallow men have supposed, but
simply the Doctrine of Maximum Pressure. To press with all her
strength on China was henceforth considered vital by every
Japanese; and it's in this spirit that every diplomatic pattern
has been woven since the die was cast in 1905. Until this signal
fact has been grasped no useful analysis can be made of the
evolution of present conditions. Standing behind this policy, and
constantly reinforcing it, are the serried ranks of the new
democracy which education and the great increase in material
prosperity have been so rapidly creating. The soaring ambition
which springs from the sea lends to the attacks developed by such
a people the aspect of piracies; and it is but natural in such
circumstances that for Chinese Japan should not only have the
aspect of a sea-monster but that their country should appear as
hapless Andromeda bound to a rock, always awaiting a Perseus who
never comes. ...

The Revolution of 1911 had been entirely unexpected in Japan.
Whilst large outbreaks had been certainly counted on since the
Chinese Revolutionary party had for years used Japan as an asylum
and a base of operations, never had it been anticipated that the
fall of an ancient Dynasty could be so easily encompassed.
Consequently, the abdication of the Manchus as the result of
intrigues rather than of warfare was looked upon as little short
of a catastrophe because it hopelessly complicated the outlook,
broke the pattern which had been so carefully woven for so many
years, and interjected harsh elements which could not be assigned
an orderly place. Not only was a well-articulated State-system
suddenly consigned to the flames, but the ruin threatened to be so
general that the balance of power throughout the Far East would be
twisted out of shape. Japanese statesmen had desired a weak China,
a China which would ultimately turn to them for assistance because
they were a kindred race, but not a China that looked to the
French Revolution for its inspiration. To a people as slow to
adjust themselves to violent surprises as are the Japanese, there
was an air of desperation about the whole business which greatly
alarmed them, and made them determined at the earliest possible
moment to throw every ounce of their weight in the direction which
would best serve them by bringing matters back to their original
starting-point. For this reason they were not only prepared in
theory in 1911 to lend armed assistance to the Manchus but would
have speedily done so had not England strongly dissented from such
a course of action when she was privately sounded about the
matter. Even to-day, when a temporary adjustment of Japanese
policy has been successfully arranged, it is of the highest
importance for political students to remember that the dynastic
influences in Tokio have never departed from the view that the
legitimate sovereignty of China remains vested in the Manchu House
and that everything that has taken place since 1911 is irregular
and unconstitutional.

For the time being, however, two dissimilar circumstances demanded
caution: first, the enthusiasm which the Japanese democracy, fed
by a highly excited press, exhibited towards the Young China which
had been so largely grounded in the Tokio schools and which had
carried out the Revolution: secondly--and far more important--the
deep, abiding and ineradicable animosity which Japanese of all
classes felt for the man who had come out of the contest head and
shoulders above everybody else--Yuan Shih-kai. These two
remarkable features ended by completely thrusting into the
background during the period 1911-1914 every other element in
Japanese statesmanship; and of the two the second must be counted
the decisive one. Dating back to Korea, when Yuan Shih-kai's
extraordinary diplomatic talents constantly allowed him to worst
his Japanese rivals and to make Chinese counsels supreme at the
Korean Court up to the very moment when the first shots of the war
of 1894 were fired, this ancient dislike, which amounted to a
consuming hatred, had become a fixed idea. Restrained by the
world's opinion during the period prior to the outbreak of the
world-war as well as by the necessity of acting financially in
concert with the other Powers, it was not until August, 1914, that
the longed-for opportunity came and that Japan prepared to act in
a most remarkable way.

The campaign against Kiaochow was unpopular from the outset among
the Japanese public because it was felt that they were not
legitimately called upon to interest themselves in such a remote
question as the balance of power among European nations, which was
what British warfare against Germany seemed to them to be. Though
some ill-will was felt against Germany for the part played by her
in the intervention of 1895, it must not be forgotten that just as
the Japanese navy is the child of the British navy, so is the
Japanese army the child of the German army--and that Japanese army
chiefs largely control Japan. These men were averse from "spoiling
their army" in a contest which did not interest them. There was
also the feeling abroad that England by calling upon her Ally to
carry out the essential provisions of her Alliance had shown that
she had the better part of a bargain, and that she was exploiting
an old advantage in a way which could not fail to react adversely
on Japan's future world's relationships. Furthermore, it is
necessary to underline the fact that official Japan was displeased
by the tacit support an uninterested British Foreign Office had
consistently given to the Yuan Shih-kai regime. That the Chinese
experiment was looked upon in England more with amusement than
with concern irritated the Japanese--more particularly as the
British Foreign Office was issuing in the form of White Papers
documents covering Yuan Shih-kai's public declarations as if they
were contributions to contemporary history. Thus in the preceding
year (1913) under the nomenclature of "affairs in China" the text
of a dementi regarding the President of China's Imperial
aspirations had been published,--a document which Japanese had
classified as a studied lie, and as an act of presumption because
its wording showed that its author intended to keep his back
turned on Japan. The Dictator had declared:--

... "From my student days, I, Yuan Shih-kai, have admired the
example of the Emperors Yao and Shun, who treated the empire as a
public trust, and considered that the record of a dynasty in
history for good or ill is inseparably bound up with the public
spirit or self-seeking by which it has been animated. On attaining
middle age I grew more familiar with foreign affairs, was struck
by the admirable republican system in France and America, and felt
that they were a true embodiment of the democratic precepts of the
ancients. When last year the patriotic crusade started in Wuchang
its echoes went forth into all the provinces, with the result that
this ancient nation with its 2,000 years of despotism adopted with
one bound the republican system of government.

It was my good fortune to see this glorious day at my life's late
eve; I cherished the hope that I might dwell in the seclusion of
my own home and participate in the blessings of an age of peace.

But once again my fellow-countrymen honoured me with the pressing
request that I should again assume a heavy burden, and on the day
on which the Republic was proclaimed I announced it the whole
nation that never again should a monarchy be permitted in China.
At my inauguration I again took this solemn oath in the sight of
heaven above and earth beneath. Yet of late ignorant persons in
the provinces have fabricated wild rumours to delude men's minds,
and have adduced the career of the First Napoleon on which to base
their erroneous speculations. It is best not to inquire as to
their motives; in some cases misconception may be the cause, in
others deliberate malice.

The Republic has now been proclaimed for six months; so far there
is no prospect of recognition from the Powers, while order is far
from being restored in the provinces. Our fate hangs upon a hair;
the slightest negligence may forfeit all. I, who bear this arduous
responsibility, feel it my bounden duty to stand at the helm in
the hope of successfully breasting the wild waves.

But while those in office are striving with all their might to
effect a satisfactory solution, spectators seem to find a
difficulty in maintaining a generous forbearance. They forget that
I, who have received this charge from my countrymen, cannot
possibly look dispassionately on when the fate of the nation is in
the balance. If I were aware that the task was impossible and
played a part of easy acquiescence, so that the future of the
Republic might become irreparable, others might not reproach me,
but my own conscience would never leave me alone.

My thoughts are manifest in the sight of high heaven. But at this
season of construction and dire crisis how shall these mutual
suspicions find a place? Once more I issue this announcement; if
you, my fellow countrymen, do indeed place the safety of China
before all other considerations, it behooves you to be large-
minded. Beware of lightly heeding the plausible voice of calumny,
and of thus furnishing a medium for fostering anarchy. If evilly
disposed persons, who are bent on destruction, seize the excuse
for sowing dissension to the jeopardy of the situation, I, Yuan
Shih-kai, shall follow the behest of my fellow-countrymen in
placing such men beyond the pale of humanity.

A vital issue is involved. It is my duty to lay before you my
inmost thought, so that suspicion may be dissipated. Those who
know have the right to impose their censure. It is for public
opinion to take due notice."

Moreover Yuan Shih-kai had also shown in his selection and use of
foreign Advisers, that he was determined to proceed in such a
manner as to advertise his suspicion and enmity of Japan. After
the Coup d'etat of the 4th November, 1913, and the scattering of
Parliament, it was an American Adviser who was set to work on the
new "Constitution"; and although a Japanese, Dr. Ariga, who was in
receipt of a princely salary, aided and abetted this work, his
endorsement of the dictatorial rule was looked upon as traitorous
by the bulk of his countrymen. Similarly, it was perfectly well-
known that Yuan Shih-kai was spending large sums of money in Tokio
in bribing certain organs of the Japanese Press and in attempting
to win adherents among Japanese members of Parliament. Remarkable
stories are current which compromise very highly-placed Japanese
but which the writer hesitates to set down in black and white as
documentary proof is not available. In any case, be this as it
may, it was felt in Tokio that the time had arrived to give a
proper definition to the relations between the two states,--the
more so as Yuan Shih-kai, by publicly proclaiming a small war-zone
in Shantung within the limits of which the Japanese were alone
permitted to wage war against the Germans, had shown himself
indifferent to the majesty of Japan. The Japanese having captured
Kiaochow by assault before the end of 1914 decided to accept the
view that a de facto Dictatorship existed in China. Therefore on
the 18th of January, 1915, the Japanese Minister, Dr. Hioki,
personally served on Yuan Shih-kai the now famous Twenty-one
Demands, a list designed to satisfy every present and future need
of Japanese policy and to reduce China to a state of vassalage.





CHAPTER VI

THE TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS


Although the press of the world gave a certain prominence at the
time to the astounding demarche with which we now have to deal,
there was such persistent mystery about the matter and so many
official dementis accompanied every publication of the facts that
even to this day the nature of the assault which Japan delivered
on China is not adequately realized, nor is the narrow escape
assigned its proper place in estimates of the future. Briefly, had
there not been publication of the facts and had not British
diplomacy been aroused to action there is little doubt that Japan
would have forced matters so far that Chinese independence would
now be virtually a thing of the past. Fortunately, however, China
in her hour of need found many who were willing to succour her;
with the result that although she lost something in these
negotiations, Japan nevertheless failed in a very signal fashion
to attain her main objective. The Pyrrhic victory which she won
with her eleventh hour ultimatum will indeed in the end cost her
more than would have a complete failure, for Chinese suspicion and
hostility are now so deep-seated that nothing will ever completely
eradicate them. It is therefore only proper that an accurate
record should be here incorporated of a chapter of history which
has much international importance; and if we invite close
attention to the mass of documents that follow it is because we
hold that an adequate comprehension of them is essential to
securing the future peace of the Far East. Let us first give the
official text of the original Demands:

JAPAN'S ORIGINAL TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS

Translations of Documents Handed to the President, Yuan shih-kai,
by Mr. Hioki, the Japanese Minister, on January 18th, 1915.

GROUP I

The Japanese Government and the Chinese Government being desirous
of maintaining the general peace in Eastern Asia and further
strengthening the friendly relations and good neighbourhood
existing between the two nations agree to the following articles:--

Article 1. The Chinese Government engages to give full assent to
all matters upon which the Japanese Government may hereafter agree
with the German Government relating to the disposition of all
rights, interests and concessions, which Germany, by virtue of
treaties or otherwise, possesses in relation to the Province of
Shantung.

Article 2. The Chinese Government engages that within the Province
of Shantung and along its coast no territory or island will be
ceded or leased to a third Power under any pretext.

Article 3. The Chinese Government consents to Japan's building a
railway from Chefoo or Lungkow to join the Kiaochou-Tsinanfu
railway.

Article 4. The Chinese Government engages, in the interest of
trade and for the residence of foreigners, to open by herself as
soon as possible certain important cities and towns in the
Province of Shantung as Commercial Ports. What places shall be
opened are to be jointly decided upon in a separate agreement.

GROUP II

The Japanese Government and the Chinese Government, since the
Chinese Government has always acknowledged the special position
enjoyed by Japan in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia,
agree to the following articles:--

Article 1. The two Contracting Parties mutually agree that the
term of lease of Port Arthur and Dalny and the term of lease of
the South Manchurian Railway and the Antung-Mukden Railway shall
be extended to the period of 99 years.

Article 2. Japanese subjects in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner
Mongolia shall have the right to lease or own land required either
for erecting suitable buildings for trade and manufacture or for
farming.

Article 3. Japanese subjects shall be free to reside and travel in
South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia and to engage in
business and in manufacture of any kind whatsoever.

Article 4. The Chinese Government agrees to grant to Japanese
subjects the right of opening the mines in South Manchuria and
Eastern Inner Mongolia. As regards what mines are to be opened,
they shall be decided upon jointly.

Article 5. The Chinese Government agrees that in respect of the
(two) cases mentioned herein below the Japanese Government's
consent shall be first obtained before action is taken:--

(a) Whenever permission is granted to the subject of a third Power
to build a railway or to make a loan with a third Power for the
purpose of building a railway in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner
Mongolia.

(b) Whenever a loan is to be made with a third Power pledging the
local taxes of South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia as
security.

Article 6. The Chinese Government agrees that if the Chinese
Government employs political, financial or military advisers or
instructors in South Manchuria or Eastern Inner Mongolia, the
Japanese Government shall first be consulted.

Article 7. The Chinese Government agrees that the control and
management of the Kirin-Changchun Railway shall be handed over to
the Japanese Government for a term of 99 years dating from the
signing of this Agreement.

GROUP III

The Japanese Government and the Chinese Government, seeing that
Japanese financiers and the Hanyehping Co. have dose relations
with each other at present and desiring that the common interests
of the two nations shall be advanced, agree to the following
articles:--

Article 1. The two Contracting Parties mutually agree that when
the opportune moment arrives the Hanyehping Company shall be made
a joint concern of the two nations and they further agree that
without the previous consent of Japan, China shall not by her own
act dispose of the rights and property of whatsoever nature of the
said Company nor cause the said Company to dispose freely of the
same.

Article 2. The Chinese Government agrees that all mines in the
neighbourhood of those owned by the Hanyehping Company shall not
be permitted, without the consent of the said Company, to be
worked by other persons outside of the said Company; and further
agrees that if it is desired to carry out any undertaking which,
it is apprehended, may directly or indirectly affect the interests
of the said Company, the consent of the said Company shall first
be obtained.

GROUP IV

The Japanese Government and the Chinese Government with the object
of effectively preserving the territorial integrity of China agree
to the following special articles:--

The Chinese Government engages not to cede or lease to a third
Power any harbour or bay or island along the coast of China.

GROUP V

Article 1. The Chinese Central Government shall employ influential
Japanese advisers in political, financial and military affairs.

Article 2. Japanese hospitals, churches and schools in the
interior of China shall be granted the right of owning land.

Article 3. Inasmuch as the Japanese Government and the Chinese
Government have had many cases of dispute between Japanese and
Chinese police to settle cases which caused no little
misunderstanding, it is for this reason necessary that the police
departments of important places (in China) shall be jointly
administered by Japanese and Chinese or that the police
departments of these places shall employ numerous Japanese, so
that they may at the same time help to plan for the improvement of
the Chinese Police Service.

Article 4. China shall purchase from Japan a fixed amount of
munitions of war (say 50% or more) of what is needed by the
Chinese Government or that there shall be established in China a
Sino-Japanese jointly worked arsenal. Japanese technical experts
are to be employed and Japanese material to be purchased.

Article 5. China agrees to grant to Japan the right of
constructing a railway connecting Wuchang with Kiukiang and
Nanchang, another line between Nanchang and Hanchow, and another
between Nanchang and Chaochou.

Article 6. If China needs foreign capital to work mines, build
railways and construct harbour-works (including dock-yards) in the
Provinces of Fukien, Japan shall be first consulted.

Article 7. China agrees that Japanese subjects shall have the
right of missionary propaganda in China. [Footnote: Refers to
preaching Buddhism.]

The five groups into which the Japanese divided their demands
possess a remarkable interest not because of their sequence, or
the style of their phraseology, but because every word reveals a
peculiar and very illuminating chemistry of the soul. To study the
original Chinese text is to pass as it were into the secret
recesses of the Japanese brain, and to find in that darkened
chamber a whole world of things which advertise ambitions mixed
with limitations, hesitations overwhelmed by audacities,
greatnesses succumbing to littlenesses, and vanities having the
appearance of velleities. Given an intimate knowledge of Far
Eastern politics and Far Eastern languages, only a few minutes are
required to re-write the demands in the sequence in which they
were originally conceived as well as to trace the natural history
of their genesis. Unfortunately a great deal is lost in their
official translation, and the menace revealed in the Chinese
original partly cloaked: for by transferring Eastern thoughts into
Western moulds, things that are like nails in the hands of soft
sensitive Oriental beings are made to appear to the steel-clad
West as cold-blooded, evolutionary necessities which may be
repellent but which are never cruel. The more the matter is
studied the more convinced must the political student be that in
this affair of the 18th January we have an international coup
destined to become classic in the new text-books of political
science. All the way through the twenty-one articles it is easy to
see the desire for action, the love of accomplished facts,
struggling with the necessity to observe the conventions of a
stereotyped diplomacy and often overwhelming those conventions. As
the thoughts thicken and the plot develops, the effort to mask the
real intention lying behind every word plainly breaks down, and a
growing exultation rings louder and louder as if the coveted
Chinese prize were already firmly grasped. One sees as it were the
Japanese nation, released from bondage imposed by the Treaties
which have been binding on all nations since 1860, swarming madly
through the breached walls of ancient Cathay and disputing hotly
the spoils of age-old domains.

Group I, which deals with the fruits of victory in Shantung, has
little to detain us since events which have just unrolled there
have already told the story of those demands. In Shantung we have
a simple and easily-understood repeated performance of the
history of 1905 and the settlement of the Russo-Japanese War.
Placed at the very head of the list of demands, though its
legitimate position should be after Manchuria, obviously the
purpose of Group I is conspicuously to call attention to the fact
that Japan had been at war with Germany, and is still at war with
her. This flourish of trumpets, after the battle is over, however,
scarcely serves to disguise that the fate of Shantung, following
so hard on the heels of the Russian debacle in Manchuria, is the
great moral which Western peoples are called upon to note. Japan,
determined as she has repeatedly announced to preserve the peace
of the Orient by any means she deems necessary, has found the one
and only formula that is satisfactory--that of methodically
annexing everything worth fighting about.

So far so good. The insertion of a special preamble to Group II,
which covers not only South Manchuria but Eastern Inner Mongolia
as well, is an ingenious piece of work since it shows that the hot
mood of conquest suitable for Shantung must be exchanged for a
certain judicial detachment. The preamble undoubtedly betrays the
guiding hand of Viscount Kato, the then astute Minister of Foreign
Affairs, who saturated in the great series of international
undertakings made by Japan since the first Anglo-Japanese Treaty
of 1902, clearly believes that the stately Elizabethan manner
which still characterizes British official phrasing is an
admirable method to be here employed. The preamble is quite
English; it is so English that one is almost lulled into believing
that one's previous reasoning has been at fault and that Japan is
only demanding what she is entitled to. Yet study Group II closely
and subtleties gradually emerge. By boldly and categorically
placing Eastern Inner Mongolia on precisely the same footing as
Southern Manchuria--though they have nothing in common--the
assumption is made that the collapse in 1908 of the great Anglo-
American scheme to run a neutral railway up the flank of Southern
Manchuria to Northern Manchuria (the once celebrated Chinchow-
Aigun scheme), coupled with general agreement with Russia which
was then arrived at, now impose upon China the necessity of
publicly resigning herself to a Japanese overlordship of that
region. In other words, the preamble of Group II lays down that
Eastern Inner Mongolia has become part and parcel of the
Manchurian Question because Japan has found a parallel for what
she is doing in the acts of European Powers.

These things, however, need not detain us. Not that Manchuria or
the adjoining Mongolian plain is not important; not that the
threads of destiny are not woven thickly there. For it is certain
that the vast region immediately beyond the Great Wall of China is
the Flanders of the Far East--and that the next inevitable war
which will destroy China or make her something of a nation must be
fought on that soil just as two other wars have been fought there
during the past twenty years. But this does not belong to
contemporary politics; it is possibly an affair of the Chinese
army of 1925 or 1935. Some day China will fight for Manchuria, if
it is impossible to recover it in any other way,--nobody need
doubt that. For Manchuria is absolutely Chinese--people must
remember. No matter how far the town-dwelling Japanese may invade
the country during the next two or three decades, no matter what
large alien garrisons may be planted there, the Chinese must and
will remain the dominant racial element, since their population
which already numbers twenty-five millions is growing at the rate
of half a million a year, and in a few decades will equal the
population of a first-class European Power.

When we reach Group III we touch matters that are not only
immediately vital but quite new in their type of audacity and
which every one can to-day understand since they are politico-
industrial. Group III, as it stands in the original text, is
SIMPLY THE PLAN FOR THE CONQUEST OF THE MINERAL WEALTH OF THE
YANGTSZE VALLEY which mainly centres round Hankow because the vast
alluvial plains of the lower reaches of this greatest of rivers
were once the floor of the Yellow Sea, the upper provinces of
Hupeh, Hunan, Kiangsi being the region of prehistoric forests
clothing the coasts, which once looked down upon the slowly-
receding waste of waters, and which to-day contain all the coal
and iron. Hitherto every one has always believed that the Yang
tsze Valley was par excellence the British sphere in China; and
every one has always thought that that belief was enough. It is
true that political students, going carefully over all published
documents, have ended their search by declaring that the matter
certainly required further elucidation. To be precise, this so-
called British sphere is not an enclave at all in the proper
sense; indeed it can only seem one to those who still believe that
it is still possible to pre-empt provinces by ministerial
declarations. The Japanese have been the first to dare to say that
the preconceived general belief was stupid. They know, of course,
that it was a British force which invaded the Yangtsze Valley
seventy-five years ago, and forced the signature of the Treaty of
Nanking which first opened China to the world's trade; but they
are by no means impressed with the rights which that action has
been held to confer, since the mineral resources of this region
are priceless in their eyes and must somehow be won.

The study of twenty years of history proves this assumption to be
correct. Ever since 1895, Japan has been driving wedges into the
Yangtsze Valley of a peculiar kind to form the foundations for her
sweeping claims of 1915. Thus after the war with China in 1894-95,
she opened by her Treaty of Peace four ports in the Yangtsze
Valley region, Soochow, Hangchow, Chungking and Shasi; that is, at
the two extreme ends of the valley she established politico-
commercial points d'appui from which to direct her campaign.
Whilst the proximity of Soochow and Hangchow to the British
stronghold of Shanghai made it difficult to carry out any
"penetration" work at the lower end of the river save in the form
of subsidized steam-shipping, the case was different in Hunan and
Hupeh provinces. There she was unendingly busy, and in 1903 by a
fresh treaty she formally opened to trade Changsha, the capital of
the turbulent Hunan province. Changsha for years remained a secret
centre possessing the greatest political importance for her, and
serving as a focus for most varied activities involving Hunan,
Hupeh, and Kiangsi, as well as a vast hinterland. The great Tayeh
iron-mines, although entirely Chinese-owned, were already being
tapped to supply iron-ore for the Japanese Government Foundry at
Wakamatsu on the island of Kiushiu. The rich coal mines of
Pinghsiang, being conveniently near, supplied the great Chinese
Government arsenal of Hanyang with fuel; and since Japan had very
little coal or iron of her own, she decided that it would be best
to embrace as soon as possible the whole area of interests in one
categorical demand--that is to claim a dominant share in the
Hanyang arsenal, the Tayeh iron-mines and the Ping-hsiang
collieries. [Footnote: The reader will observe, that the
expression "Hanyehping enterprises" is compounded by linking
together characters denoting the triple industry.] By lending
money to these enterprises, which were grouped together under the
name of Hanyehping, she had early established a claim on them
which she turned at the psychological moment into an international
question.

We can pass quickly by Group IV which is of little importance,
except to say that in taking upon herself, without consultation
with the senior ally, the duty of asking from China a declaration
concerning the future non-leasing of harbours and islands, Japan
has attempted to assume a protectorship of Chinese territory which
does not belong to her historically. It is well also to note that
although Japan wished it to appear to the world that this action
was dictated by her desire to prevent Germany from acquiring a
fresh foothold in China after the war, in reality Group IV was
drafted as a general warning to the nations, one point being that
she believed that the United States was contemplating the
reorganization of the Foochow Arsenal in Fuhkien province, and
that as a corollary to that reorganization would be given the
lease of an adjoining harbour such as Santuao.

It is not, however, until we reach Group V that the real purpose
of the Japanese demands becomes unalterably clear, for in this
Group we have seven sketches of things designed to serve as the
coup de grace. Not only is a new sphere--Fuhkien province--
indicated; not only is the mid-Yangtsze, from the vicinity of
Kiukiang, to serve as the terminus for a system of Japanese
railways, radiating from the great river to the coasts of South
China; but the gleaming knife of the Japanese surgeon is to aid
the Japanese teacher in the great work of propaganda; the Japanese
monk and the Japanese policeman are to be dispersed like
skirmishers throughout the land; Japanese arsenals are to supply
all the necessary arms, or failing that a special Japanese arsenal
is to be established; Japanese advisers are to give the necessary
advice in finance, in politics, in every department--foreshadowing
a complete and all embracing political control. Never was a more
sweeping program of supervision presented, and small wonder if
Chinese when they learnt of this climax exclaimed that the fate of
Korea was to be their own. For a number of weeks after the
presentation of these demands everything remained clothed in
impenetrable mystery, and despite every effort on the part of
diplomatists reliable details of what was occurring could not be
obtained. Gradually, however, the admission was forced that the
secrecy being preserved was due to the Japanese threat that
publicity would be met with the harshest reprisals; and presently
the veil was entirely lifted by newspaper publication and foreign
Ambassadors began making inquiries in Tokio. The nature and scope
of the Twenty-one Demands could now be no longer hidden; and in
response to the growing indignation which began to be voiced by
the press and the pressure which British diplomacy brought to
bear, Japan found it necessary to modify some of the most
important items. She had held twenty-four meetings at the Chinese
Foreign Office, and although the Chinese negotiators had been
forced to give way in such matters as extending the "leasing"
periods of railways and territories in Manchuria and in admitting
the Japanese right to succeed to all German interests and rights
in Shantung (Group I and II), in the essential matters of the
Hanyehping concessions (Group III) and the noxious demands of
Group V China had stood absolutely firm, declining even to discuss
some of the items.

Accordingly Japanese diplomacy was forced to re-state and re-group
the whole corpus of the demands. On the 26th April, acting under
direct instructions from Tokio, the Japanese Minister to Peking
presented a revised list for renewed consideration, the demands
being expanded to twenty-four articles (in place of the original
twenty-one largely because discussion had shown the necessity of
breaking up into smaller units some of the original articles).
Most significant, however, is the fact that Group V, (which in its
original form was a more vicious assault on Chinese sovereignty
than the Austrian Ultimatum to Serbia of June, 1914) was so
remodelled as to convey a very different meaning, the group
heading disappearing entirely and an innocent-looking exchange of
notes being asked for. It is necessary to recall that, when taxed
with making Demands which were entirely in conflict with the
spirit of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, the Japanese Government
through its ambassadors abroad had categorically denied that they
had ever laid any such Demands on the Chinese Government. It was
claimed that there had never been twenty-one Demands, as the
Chinese alleged, but only fourteen, the seven items of Group V
being desiderata which it was in the interests of china to endorse
but which Japan had no intention of forcing upon her. The writer,
being acquainted from first to last with everything that took
place in Peking from the 18th January to the filing of the
Japanese ultimatum of the 7th May, has no hesitation in
stigmatising this statement as false. The whole aim and object of
these negotiations was to force through Group V. Japan would have
gladly postponed sine die the discussion of all the other Groups
had China assented to provisions which would have made her
independence a thing of the past. Every Chinese knew that, in the
main, Group V was simply a repetition of the measures undertaken
in Korea after the Russo-Japanese war of 1905 as a forerunner to
annexation; and although obviously in the case of China no such
rapid surgery could be practised, the endorsement of these
measures would have meant a virtual Japanese Protectorate. Even a
cursory study of the text that follows will confirm in every
particular these capital contentions:

JAPAN'S REVISED DEMANDS

Japan's Revised Demands on China, twenty-four in all, presented
April 26, 1915.

NOTE ON ORIGINAL TEXT:

[The revised list of articles is a Chinese translation of the
Japanese text. It is hereby declared that when a final decision is
reached, there shall be a revision of the wording of the text.]

GROUP I

The Japanese Government and the Chinese Government, being desirous
of maintaining the general peace in Eastern Asia and further
strengthening the friendly relations and good neighbourhood
existing between the two nations, agree to the following
articles:--

Article 1. The Chinese Government engages to give full assent to
all matters upon which the Japanese Government may hereafter agree
with the German Government, relating to the disposition of all
rights, interests and concessions, which Germany, by virtue of
treaties or otherwise, possesses in relation to the Province of
Shangtung.

Article 2. (Changed into an exchange of notes.)

The Chinese Government declares that within the Province of
Shantung and along its coast no territory or island will be ceded
or leased to any Power under any pretext.

Article 3. The Chinese Government consents that as regards the
railway to be built by China herself from Chefoo or Lung kow to
connect with the Kiaochow-Tsinanfu Railway, if Germany is willing
to abandon the privilege of financing the Chefoo-Weihsien line.
China will approach Japanese capitalists to negotiate for a loan.

Article 4. The Chinese Government engages, in the interest of
trade and for the residence of foreigners, to open by China
herself as soon as possible certain suitable places in the
Province of Shantung as Commercial Ports.

(Supplementary Exchange of Notes)

The places which ought to be opened are to be chosen and the
regulations are to be drafted, by the Chinese Government, but the
Japanese Minister must be consulted before making a decision.

GROUP II

The Japanese Government and the Chinese Government, with a view to
developing their economic relations in South Manchuria and Eastern
Inner Mongolia, agree to the following articles:--

Article 1. The two contracting Powers mutually agree that the term
of lease of Port Arthur and Dalny and the terms of the South
Manchuria Railway and the Antung-Mukden Railway shall be extended
to 99 years.

(Supplementary Exchange of Notes)

The term of lease of Port Arthur and Dalny shall expire in the
86th year of the Republic or 1997. The date for restoring the
South Manchurian Railway to China shall fall due in the 91st year
of the Republic or 2002. Article 12 in the original South
Manchurian Railway Agreement stating that it may be redeemed by
China after 36 years after the traffic is opened is hereby
cancelled. The term of the Antung-Mukden Railway shall expire in
the 96th year of the Republic or 2007.

Article 2. Japanese subjects in South Manchuria may lease or
purchase the necessary land for erecting suitable buildings for
trade and manufacture or for prosecuting agricultural enterprises.

Article 3. Japanese subjects shall be free to reside and travel in
South Manchuria and to engage in business and manufacture of any
kind whatsoever.

Article 3a. The Japanese subjects referred to in the preceding two
articles, besides being required to register with the local
authorities pass-ports which they must procure under the existing
regulations, shall also submit to police laws and ordinances and
tax regulations, which are approved by the Japanese consul. Civil
and criminal cases in which the defendants are Japanese shall be
tried and adjudicated by the Japanese consul; those in which the
defendants are Chinese shall be tried and adjudicated by Chinese
Authorities. In either case an officer can be deputed to the court
to attend the proceedings. But mixed civil cases between Chinese
and Japanese relating to land shall be tried and adjudicated by
delegates of both nations conjointly in accordance with Chinese
law and local usage. When the judicial system in the said region
is completely reformed, all civil and criminal cases concerning
Japanese subjects shall be tried entirely by Chinese law courts.

Article 4. (Changed to an exchange of notes.)

The Chinese Government agrees that Japanese subjects shall be
permitted forthwith to investigate, select, and then prospect for
and open mines at the following places in South Manchuria, apart
from those mining areas in which mines are being prospected for or
worked; until the Mining Ordinance is definitely settled methods
at present in force shall be followed.

    PROVINCE OF FENG-TIEN

    Locality              District        Mineral

    Niu Hsin T'ai         Pen-hsi         Coal
    Tien Shih Fu Kou      Pen-hsi         Coal
    Sha Sung Kang         Hai-lung        Coal
    T'ieh Ch'ang          Tung-hua        Coal
    Nuan Ti Tang          Chin            Coal
    An Shan Chan region   From Liao-yang
                          to Pen-hsi      Iron

    PROVINCE of KIRIN
    (Southern portion)

    Sha Sung Kang         Ho-lung          Coal and Iron
    Kang Yao              Chi-lin (Kirin)  Coal
    Chia P'i Kou          Hua-tien         Gold

Article 5. (Changed to an exchange of notes.) The Chinese
Government declares that China will hereafter provide funds for
building railways in South Manchuria; if foreign capital is
required, the Chinese Government agrees to negotiate for the loan
with Japanese capitalists first.

Article 5a. (Changed to an exchange of notes.) The Chinese
Government agrees that hereafter, when a foreign loan is to be
made on the security of the taxes of South Manchuria (not
including customs and salt revenue on the security of which loans
have already been made by the Central Government), it will
negotiate for the loan with Japanese capitalists first.

Article 6. (Changed to an exchange of notes.) The Chinese
Government declares that hereafter if foreign advisers or
instructors on political, financial, military or police matters,
are to be employed in South Manchuria, Japanese will be employed
first.

Article 7. The Chinese Government agrees speedily to make a
fundamental revision of the Kirin-Changchun Railway Loan
Agreement, taking as a standard the provisions in railroad loan
agreements made heretofore between China and foreign financiers.
If, in future, more advantageous terms than those in existing
railway loan agreements are granted to foreign financiers, in
connection with railway loans, the above agreement shall again be
revised in accordance with Japan's wishes.

All existing treaties between China and Japan relating to
Manchuria shall, except where otherwise provided for by this
Convention, remain in force.

1. The Chinese Government agrees that hereafter when a foreign
loan is to be made on the security of the taxes of Eastern Inner
Mongolia, China must negotiate with the Japanese Government first.

2. The Chinese Government agrees that China will herself provide
funds for building the railways in Eastern Inner Mongolia; if
foreign capital is required, she must negotiate with the Japanese
Government first.

3. The Chinese Government agrees, in the interest of trade and for
the residence of foreigners, to open by China herself, as soon as
possible, certain suitable places in Eastern Inner Mongolia as
Commercial Ports. The places which ought to be opened are to be
chosen, and the regulations are to be drafted, by the Chinese
Government, but the Japanese Minister must be consulted before
making a decision.

4. In the event of Japanese and Chinese desiring jointly to
undertake agricultural enterprises and industries incidental
thereto, the Chinese Government shall give its permission.

GROUP III

The relations between Japan and the Hanyehping Company being very
intimate, if those interested in the said Company come to an
agreement with the Japanese capitalists for co-operation, the
Chinese Government shall forthwith give its consent thereto. The
Chinese Government further agrees that, without the consent of the
Japanese capitalists, China will not convert the Company into a
state enterprise, nor confiscate it, nor cause it to borrow and
use foreign capital other than Japanese.

GROUP IV

China to give a pronouncement by herself in accordance with the
following principle:--

No bay, harbour, or island along the coast of China may be ceded
or leased to any Power.

Notes to be Exchanged A

As regards the right of financing a railway from Wuchang to
connect with the Kiu-kiang-Nanchang line, the Nanchang-Hangchow
railway, and the Nanchang-Chaochow railway, if it is clearly
ascertained that other Powers have no objection, China shall grant
the said right to Japan.

B

As regards the rights of financing a railway from Wuchang to
connect with the Kiu-kiang-Nanchang railway, a railway from
Nanchang to Hangchow and another from Nanchang to Chaochow, the
Chinese Government shall not grant the said right to any foreign
Power before Japan comes to an understanding with the other Power
which is heretofore interested therein.

NOTES TO BE EXCHANGED

The Chinese Government agrees that no nation whatever is to be
permitted to construct, on the coast of Fukien Province, a
dockyard, a coaling station for military use, or a naval base; not
to be authorized to set up any other military establishment. The
Chinese Government further agrees not to use foreign capital for
setting up the above mentioned construction or establishment.

Mr. Lu, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, stated as follows:--

1. The Chinese Government, shall, whenever, in future, it
considers this step necessary, engage numerous Japanese advisers.

2. Whenever, in future, Japanese subjects desire to lease or
purchase land in the interior of China for establishing schools or
hospitals, the Chinese Government shall forthwith give its consent
thereto.

3. When a suitable opportunity arises in future, the Chinese
Government will send military officers to Japan to negotiate with
Japanese military authorities the matter of purchasing arms or
that of establishing a joint arsenal.

Mr. Hioki, the Japanese Minister, stated as follows:--

As relates to the question of the right of missionary propaganda
the same shall be taken up again for negotiation in future.

An ominous silence followed the delivery of this document. The
Chinese Foreign Office had already exhausted itself in a
discussion which had lasted three months, and pursuant to
instructions from the Presidential Palace prepared an exhaustive
Memorandum on the subject. It was understood by now that all the
Foreign Offices in the world were interesting themselves very
particularly in the matter; and that all were agreed that the
situation which had so strangely developed was very serious. On
the 1st May, proceeding by appointment to the Waichiaopu (Foreign
Office) the Japanese Minister had read to him the following
Memorandum which it is very necessary to grasp as it shows how
solicitous China had become of terminating the business before
there was an open international break. It will also be seen that
this Memorandum was obviously composed for purpose of public
record, the fifth group being dealt with in such a way as to fix
upon Japan the guilt of having concealed from her British Ally
matters which conflicted vitally with the aims and objects of the
Anglo-Japanese Alliance Treaty.

MEMORANDUM

Read by the Minister of Foreign Affairs to Mr. Hioki, the Japanese
Minister, at a Conference held at Wai Chiao Pu, May 1, 1915.

The list of demands which the Japanese Government first presented
to the Chinese Government consists of five groups, the first
relating to Shantung, the second relating to South Manchuria and
Eastern Inner Mongolia, the third relating to Hanyehping Company,
the fourth asking for non-alienation of the coast of the country,
and the fifth relating to the questions of national advisers,
national police, national arms, missionary propaganda, Yangtsze
Valley railways, and Fukien Province. Out of profound regard for
the intentions entertained by Japan, the Chinese Government took
these momentous demands into grave and careful consideration and
decided to negotiate with the Japanese Government frankly and
sincerely what were possible to negotiate. This is a manifestation
to Japan of the most profound regard which the Chinese Government
entertains for the relations between the two nations.

Ever since the opening of the negotiations China has been doing
her best to hasten their progress holding as many as three
conferences a week. As regards the articles in the second group,
the Chinese Government being disposed to allow the Japanese
Government to develop the economic relations of the two countries
in South Manchuria, realizing that the Japanese Government
attaches importance to its interests in that region, and wishing
to meet the hope of Japan, made a painful effort, without
hesitation, to agree to the extension of the 25-year lease of Port
Arthur and Dalny, the 36-year period of the South Manchurian
Railway and the 15-year period of the Antung-Mukden Railway, all
to 99 years; and to abandon its own cherished hopes to regain
control of these places and properties at the expiration of their
respective original terms of lease. It cannot but be admitted that
this is a most genuine proof of China's friendship for Japan.

As to the right of opening mines in South Manchuria, the Chinese
Government has already agreed to permit Japanese to work mines
within the mining areas designated by Japan. China has further
agreed to give Japan a right of preference in the event of
borrowing foreign capital for building railways or of making a
loan on the security of the local taxes in South Manchuria. The
question of revising the arrangement for the Kirin-Changchun
Railway has been settled in accordance with the proposal made by
Japan. The Chinese Government has further agreed to employ
Japanese first in the event of employing foreign advisers on
political, military, financial and police matters.

Furthermore, the provision about the repurchase period in the
South Manchurian Railway was not mentioned in Japan's original
proposal. Subsequently, the Japanese Government alleging that its
meaning was not clear, asked China to cancel the provision
altogether. Again, Japan at first demanded the right of Japanese
to carry on farming in South Manchuria, but subsequently she
considered the word "farming" was not broad enough and asked to
replace it with the phrase "agricultural enterprises." To these
requests the Chinese Government, though well aware that the
proposed changes could only benefit Japan, still acceded without
delay. This, too, is a proof of China's frankness and sincerity
towards Japan.

As regards matters relating to Shangtung the Chinese Government
has agreed to a majority of the demands.

The question of inland residence in South Manchuria is, in the
opinion of the Chinese Government, incompatible with the treaties
China had entered into with Japan and other Powers, still the
Chinese Government did its best to consider how it was possible to
avoid that incompatibility. At first, China suggested that the
Chinese Authorities should have full rights of jurisdiction over
Japanese settlers. Japan declined to agree to it. Thereupon China
reconsidered the question and revised her counter-proposal five or
six times, each time making some definite concession, and went so
far to agree that all civil and criminal cases between Chinese and
Japanese should be arranged according to existing treaties. Only
cases relating to land or lease contracts were reserved to be
adjudicated by Chinese Courts, as a mark of China's sovereignty
over the region. This is another proof of China's readiness to
concede as much as possible.

Eastern Inner Mongolia is not an enlightened region as yet and the
conditions existing there are entirely different from those
prevailing in South Manchuria. The two places, therefore, cannot
be considered in the same light. Accordingly, China agreed to open
commercial marts first, in the interests of foreign trade.

The Hanyehping Company mentioned in the third group is entirely a
private company, and the Chinese Government is precluded from
interfering with it and negotiating with another government to
make any disposal of the same as the Government likes, but having
regard for the interests of the Japanese capitalists, the Chinese
Government agreed that whenever, in future, the said company and
the Japanese capitalists should arrive at a satisfactory
arrangement for co-operation, China will give her assent thereto.
Thus the interests of the Japanese capitalists are amply
safeguarded.

Although the demand in the fourth group asking for a declaration
not to alienate China's coast is an infringement of her sovereign
rights, yet the Chinese Government offered to make a voluntary
pronouncement so far as it comports with China's sovereign rights.
Thus, it is seen that the Chinese Government, in deference to the
wishes of Japan, gave a most serious consideration even to those
demands, which gravely affect the sovereignty and territorial
rights of China as well as the principle of equal opportunity and
the treaties with foreign Powers. All this was a painful effort on
the part of the Chinese Government to meet the situation--a fact
of which the Japanese Government must be aware.

As regards the demands in the fifth group, they all infringe
China's sovereignty, the treaty rights of other Powers or the
principle of equal opportunity. Although Japan did not indicate
any difference between this group and the preceding four in the
list which she presented to China in respect to their character,
the Chinese Government, in view of their palpably objectionable
features, persuaded itself that these could not have been intended
by Japan as anything other than Japan's mere advice to China.
Accordingly China has declared from the very beginning that while
she entertains the most profound regard for Japan's wishes, she
was unable to admit that any of these matters could be made the
subject of an understanding with Japan. Much as she desired to pay
regard to Japan's wishes, China cannot but respect her own
sovereign rights and the existing treaties with other Powers. In
order to be rid of the seed for future misunderstanding and to
strengthen the basis of friendship, China was constrained to
iterate the reasons for refusing to negotiate on any of the
articles in the fifth group, yet in view of Japan's wishes China
has expressed her readiness to state that no foreign money was
borrowed to construct harbour work in Fukien Province. Thus it is
clear that China went so far as to see a solution for Japan of a
question that really did not admit of negotiation. Was there,
then, evasion, on the part of China?

Now, since the Japanese Government has presented a revised list of
demands and declared at the same time, that it will restore the
leased territory of Kiaochow, the Chinese Government reconsiders
the whole question and herewith submits a new reply to the
friendly Japanese Government.

In this reply the unsettled articles in the first group are stated
again for discussion.

As regards the second group, those articles which have already
been initialled are omitted. In connection with the question of
inland residence the police regulation clause has been revised in
a more restrictive sense. As for the trial of cases relating to
land and lease contracts the Chinese Government now permits the
Japanese Consul to send an officer to attend the proceedings.

Of the four demands in connection with that part of Eastern Inner
Mongolia which is within the jurisdiction of South Manchuria and
the Jehol intendency, China agrees to three.

China, also, agrees to the article relating to the Hanyehping
Company as revised by Japan.

It is hoped that the Japanese Government will appreciate the
conciliatory spirit of the Chinese Government in making this final
concession and forthwith give her assent thereto.

There is one more point. At the beginning of the present
negotiations it was mutually agreed to observe secrecy but
unfortunately a few days after the presentation of the demands by
Japan an Osaka newspaper published an "Extra" giving the text of
the demands. The foreign and the Chinese press has since been
paying considerable attention to this question and frequently
publishing pro-Chinese or pro-Japanese comments in order to call
forth the World's conjecture--a matter which the Chinese
Government deeply regrets.

The Chinese Government has never carried on any newspaper campaign
and the Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs has repeatedly
declared this to the Japanese Minister.

In conclusion, the Chinese Government wishes to express its hope
that the negotiations now pending between the two countries will
soon come to an end and whatever misgivings foreign countries
entertain toward the present situation may be quickly dispelled.

The Peking Government, although fully aware of the perils now
confronting it, had dared to draft a complete reply to the revised
Demands and had reduced Japanese redundancy to effective limits.
Not only were various articles made more compact, but the
phraseology employed conveyed unmistakably, if in a somewhat
subtle way, that China was not a subordinate State treating with a
suzerain. Moreover, after dealing succinctly and seriously with
Groups I, II and III, the Chinese reply terminates abruptly, the
other points in the Japanese List being left entirely unanswered.
It is important to seize these points in the text that follows.

CHINA'S REPLY TO REVISED DEMANDS

China's Reply of May 1, 1915, to the Japanese Revised Demands of
April 26, 1915.

GROUP I

The Chinese Government and the Japanese Government, being desirous
of maintaining the general peace in Eastern Asia and further
strengthening the friendly relations and good neighbourhood
existing between the two nations, agree to the following
articles:--

Article 1. The Chinese Government declares that they will give
full assent to all matters upon which the Japanese and German
Governments may hereafter mutually agree, relating to the
disposition of all interests, which Germany, by virtue of treaties
or recorded cases, possesses in relation to the Province of
Shantung.

The Japanese Government declares that when the Chinese Government
give their assent to the disposition of interests above referred
to, Japan will restore the leased territory of Kiaochow to China;
and further recognize the right of the Chinese Government to
participate in the negotiations referred to above between Japan
and Germany.

Article 2. The Japanese Government consents to be responsible for
the indemnification of all losses occasioned by Japan's military
operation around the leased territory of Kiaochow. The customs,
telegraphs and post offices within the leased territory of
Kiaochow shall, prior to the restoration of the said leased
territory to China, be administered as heretofore for the time
being. The railways and telegraph lines erected by Japan for
military purposes are to be removed forthwith. The Japanese troops
now stationed outside the original leased territory of Kiaochow
are now to be withdrawn first, those within the original leased
territory are to be withdrawn on the restoration of the said
leased territory to China.

Article 3. (Changed to an exchange of notes.)

The Chinese Government declares that within the Province of
Shantung and along its coast no territory or island will be ceded
or leased to any Power under any pretext.

Article 4. The Chinese Government consent that as regards the
railway to be built by China herself from Chefoo or Lung kow to
connect with the Kiaochow-Tsinanfu railway, if Germany is willing
to abandon the privilege of financing the Chefoo-Weihsien line,
China will approach Japanese capitalists for a loan.

Article 5. The Chinese Government engage, in the interest of trade
and for the residence of foreigners, to open by herself as soon as
possible certain suitable places in the Province of Shantung as
Commercial Ports.

(Supplementary Exchange of Notes)

The places which ought to be opened are to be chosen, and the
regulations are to be drafted by the Chinese Government, but the
Japanese Minister must be consulted before making a decision.

Article 6. If the Japanese and German Governments are not able to
come to a definite agreement in future in their negotiations
respecting transfer, etc., this provisional agreement contained in
the foregoing articles shall be void.

GROUP II [Footnote: Six articles found in Japan's Revised Demands
are omitted here as they had already been initiated by the Chinese
Foreign Minister and the Japanese minister.]

The Chinese Government and the Japanese Government, with a view to
developing their economic relations in South Manchuria, agree to
the following articles:--

Article 2. Japanese subjects in South Manchuria may, by
arrangement with the owners, lease land required for erecting
suitable buildings for trade and manufacture or agricultural
enterprises.

Article 3. Japanese subjects shall be free to reside and travel in
South Manchuria and to engage in business and manufacture of any
kind whatsoever.

Article 3a. The Japanese subjects referred to in the preceding two
articles, besides being required to register with the local
authorities pass-ports which they must procure under the existing
regulations, shall also observe police rules and regulations and
pay taxes in the same manner as Chinese. Civil and criminal cases
shall be tried and adjudicated by the authorities of the defendant
nationality and an officer can be deputed to attend the
proceedings. But all cases purely between Japanese subjects and
mixed cases between Japanese or Chinese, relating to land or
disputes arising from lease contracts, shall be tried and
adjudicated by Chinese Authorities and the Japanese Consul may
also depute an officer to attend the proceedings. When the
judicial system in the said Province is completely reformed, all
the civil and criminal cases concerning Japanese subjects shall be
tried entirely by Chinese law courts.

RELATING TO EASTERN INNER MONGOLIA (To be Exchanged by Notes)

1. The Chinese Government declare that China will not in future
pledge the taxes, other than customs and salt revenue of that part
of Eastern Inner Mongolia under the jurisdiction of South
Manchuria and Jehol Intendency, as security for raising a foreign
loan.

2. The Chinese Government declare that China will herself provide
funds for building the railways in the part of Eastern Inner
Mongolia under the jurisdiction of South Manchuria and the Jehol
Intendency; if foreign capital is required, China will negotiate
with Japanese capitalists first, provided this does not conflict
with agreements already concluded with other Powers.

The Chinese Government agree, in the interest of trade and for the
residence of foreigners, to open by China herself certain suitable
places in that part of Eastern Inner Mongolia under the
jurisdiction of South Manchurian and the Jehol Intendency, as
Commercial Marts.

The regulations for the said Commercial Marts will be made in
accordance with those of other Commercial Marts opened by China
herself.

GROUP III

The relations between Japan and the Hanyehping Company being very
intimate, if the said Company comes to an agreement with the
Japanese capitalists for co-operation, the Chinese Government
shall forthwith give their consent thereto. The Chinese Government
further declare that China will not convert the company into a
state enterprise, not confiscate it, nor cause it to borrow and
use foreign capital other than Japanese.

Letter to be addressed by the Japanese Minister to the Chinese
Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Excellency: I have the honour to state that a report has reached
me that the Chinese Government have given permission to foreign
nations to construct, on the coast of Fukien Province, dock-yards,
coaling stations for military use, naval bases and other
establishments for military purposes; and further, that the
Chinese Government are borrowing foreign capital for putting up
the above-mentioned constructions or establishments. I shall be
much obliged if the Chinese Government will inform me whether or
not these reports are well founded in fact.

Reply to be addressed by the Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs
to the Japanese Minister.

Excellency: I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your
Excellency's Note of ... In reply I beg to state that the
Chinese Government have not given permission to foreign Powers to
construct, on the coast of Fukien Province, dock-yards, coaling
stations for military use, naval bases or other establishments for
military purposes; nor do they contemplate to borrow foreign
capital for putting up such constructions or establishments.

Within forty-eight hours of this passage-at-arms of the 1st May it
was understood in Peking that Japan was meditating a serious step.
That vague feeling of unrest which so speedily comes in capitals
when national affairs reach a crisis was very evident, and the
word "ultimatum" began to be whispered. It was felt that whilst
China had held to her rights to the utmost and had received
valuable indirect support from both England and the United States,
the world-situation was such that it would be difficult to prevent
Japan from proceeding to extremities. Accordingly there was little
real surprise when on the 7th May Japan filed an ultimatum
demanding a satisfactory reply within 48 hours to her Revised
Demands--failing which those steps deemed necessary would be
taken. A perusal of the text of the Ultimatum will show an
interesting change in the language employed. Coaxing having
failed, and Japan being 'now convinced that so long as she did not
seek to annex the rights of other Foreign Powers in China open
opposition could not be offered to her,' states her case very
defiantly. One significant point, however, must be carefully
noted--that she agrees "to detach Group V from the present
negotiations and to discuss it separately in the future." It is
this fact which remains the sword of Damocles hanging over China's
head; and until this sword has been flung back into the waters of
the Yellow Sea the Far Eastern situation will remain perilous.

JAPAN'S ULTIMATUM TO CHINA

Japan's Ultimatum delivered by the Japanese Minister to the
Chinese Government, on May 7th, 1915.

The reason why the Imperial Government opened the present
negotiations with the Chinese Government is first to endeavour to
dispose of the complications arising out of the war between Japan
and China, and secondly to attempt to solve those various
questions which are detrimental to the intimate relations of China
and Japan with a view to solidifying the foundation of cordial
friendship subsisting between the two countries to the end that
the peace of the Far East may be effectually and permanently
preserved. With this object in view, definite proposals were
presented to the Chinese Government in January of this year, and
up to today as many as twenty-five conferences have been held with
the Chinese Government in perfect sincerity and frankness.

In the course of the negotiation the Imperial Government have
consistently explained the aims and objects of the proposals in a
conciliatory spirit, while on the other hand the proposals of the
Chinese Government, whether important or unimportant, have been
attended to without any reserve.

It may be stated with confidence that no effort has been spared to
arrive at a satisfactory and amicable settlement of those
questions.

The discussion of the entire corpus of the proposals was
practically at an end at the twenty-fourth conference; that is on
the 17th of the last month. The Imperial Government, taking a
broad view of the negotiation and in consideration of the points
raised by the Chinese Government, modified the original proposals
with considerable concessions and presented to the Chinese
Government on the 26th of the same month the revised proposals for
agreement, and at the same time it was offered that, on the
acceptance of the revised proposals, the Imperial Government
would, at a suitable opportunity, restore, with fair and proper
conditions, to the Chinese Government the Kiaochow territory, in
the acquisition of which the Imperial Government had made a great
sacrifice.

On the 1st of May, the Chinese Government delivered the reply to
the revised proposals of the Japanese Government, which is
contrary to the expectations of the Imperial Government. The
Chinese Government not only did not give a careful consideration
to the revised proposals but even with regard to the offer of the
Japanese Government to restore Kiaochow to the Chinese Government
the latter did not manifest the least appreciation for Japan's
good will and difficulties.

From the commercial and military point of view Kiaochow is an
important place, in the acquisition of which the Japanese Empire
sacrificed much blood and money, and, after the acquisition the
Empire incurs no obligation to restore it to China. But with the
object of increasing the future friendly relations of the two
countries, they went to the extent of proposing its restoration,
yet to her great regret, the Chinese Government did not take into
consideration the good intention of Japan and manifest
appreciation of her difficulties. Furthermore, the Chinese
Government not only ignored the friendly feelings of the Imperial
Government in offering the restoration of Kiaochow Bay, but also
in replying to the revised proposals they even demanded its
unconditional restoration; and again China demanded that Japan
should bear the responsibility of paying indemnity for all the
unavoidable losses and damages resulting from Japan's military
operations at Kiaochow; and still further in connection with the
territory of Kiaochow China advanced other demands and declared
that she has the right of participation at the future peace
conference to be held between Japan and Germany. Although China is
fully aware that the unconditional restoration of Kiaochow and
Japan's responsibility of indemnification for the unavoidable
losses and damages can never be tolerated by Japan yet she
purposely advanced these demands and declared that this reply was
final and decisive.

Since Japan could not tolerate such demands the settlement of the
other questions, however compromising it may be, would not be to
her interest. The consequence is that the present reply of the
Chinese Government is, on the whole, vague and meaningless.

Furthermore, in the reply of the Chinese Government to the other
proposals in the revised list of the Imperial Government, such as
South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia, where Japan
particularly has geographical, commercial, industrial and
strategic relations, as recognized by all the nations, and made
more remarkable in consequence of the two wars in which Japan was
engaged the Chinese Government overlooks these facts and does not
respect Japan's position in that place. The Chinese Government
even freely altered those articles which the Imperial Government,
in a compromising spirit, have formulated in accordance with the
statement of the Chinese Representatives thereby making the
statements of the Representatives an empty talk; and on seeing
them conceding with the one hand and withholding with the other it
is very difficult to attribute faithfulness and sincerity to the
Chinese authorities.

As regards the articles relating to the employment of advisers,
the establishment of schools, and hospitals, the supply of arms
and ammunition and the establishment of arsenals and railway
concessions in South China in the revised proposals they were
either proposed with the proviso that the consent of the Power
concerned must be obtained, or they are merely to be recorded in
the minutes in accordance with the statements of the Chinese
delegates, and thus they are not in the least in conflict either
with Chinese sovereignty or her treaties with the Foreign Powers,
yet the Chinese Government in their reply to the proposals,
alleging that these proposals are incompatible with their
sovereign rights and treaties with Foreign Powers, defeat the
expectations of the Imperial Government. However in spite of such
attitude of the Chinese Government, the Imperial Government,
though regretting to see that there is no room for further
negotiations, yet warmly attached to the preservation of the peace
of the Far East, is still hoping for a satisfactory settlement in
order to avoid the disturbance of the relations.

So in spite of the circumstances which admitted no patience, they
have reconsidered the feelings of the Government of their
neighbouring country and, with the exception of the article
relating to Fukien which is to be the subject of an exchange of
notes as has already been agreed upon by the Representatives of
both nations, will undertake to detach the Group V from the
present negotiation and discuss it separately in the future.
Therefore the Chinese Government should appreciate the friendly
feelings of the Imperial Government by immediately accepting
without any alteration all the articles of Group I, II, III, and
IV and the exchange of notes in connection with Fukien province in
Group V as contained in the revised proposals presented on the
26th of April.

The Imperial Government hereby again offer their advice and hope
that the Chinese Government, upon this advice, will give a
satisfactory reply by 6 o'clock P. M. on the 9th day of May. It is
hereby declared that if no satisfactory reply is received before
or at the specified time, the Imperial Government will take steps
they may deem necessary.

EXPLANATORY NOTE

Accompanying Ultimatum delivered to the Minister of Foreign
Affairs by the Japanese Minister, May 7th, 1915.

1. With the exception of the question of Fukien to be arranged by
an exchange of notes, the five articles postponed for later
negotiation refer to (a) the employment of advisers, (b) the
establishment of schools and hospitals, (c) the railway
concessions in South China, (d) the supply of arms and ammunition
and the establishment of arsenals and (e) right of Missionary
propaganda.

2. The acceptance by the Chinese Government of the article
relating to Fukien may be either in the form as proposed by the
Japanese Minister on the 26th of April or in that contained in the
Reply of the Chinese Government of May 1st. Although the Ultimatum
calls for the immediate acceptance by China of the modified
proposals presented on April 26th, without alteration but it
should be noted that it merely states the principle and does not
apply to this article and articles 4 and 5 of this note.

3. If the Chinese Government accept all the articles as demanded
in the Ultimatum the offer of the Japanese Government to restore
Kiaochow to China, made on the 26th of April, will still hold
good.

4. Article 2 of Group II relating to the lease or purchase of
land, the terms "lease" and "purchase" may be replaced by the
terms "temporary lease" and "perpetual lease" or "lease on
consultation," which means a long-term lease with its
unconditional renewal.

Article 4 of Group II relating to the approval of police laws and
Ordinances and local taxes by the Japanese Council may form the
subject of a secret agreement.

5. The phrase "to consult with the Japanese Government" in
connection with questions of pledging the local taxes for raising
loans and the loans for the construction of railways, in Eastern
Inner Mongolia, which is similar to the agreement in Manchuria
relating to the matters of the same kind, may be replaced by the
phrase "to consult with the Japanese capitalists."

The article relating to the opening of trade marts in Eastern
Inner Mongolia in respect to location and regulations, may,
following their precedent set in Shantung, be the subject of an
exchange of notes.

6. From the phrase "those interested in the Company" in Group III
of the revised list of demands, the words "those interested in"
may be deleted.

7. The Japanese version of the Formal Agreement and its annexes
shall be the official text or both the Chinese and Japanese shall
be the official texts.

Whilst it would be an exaggeration to say that open panic followed
the filing of this document, there was certainly very acute
alarm,--so much so that it is today known in Peking that the
Japanese Legation cabled urgently to Tokio that even better terms
could be obtained if the matter was left to the discretion of the
men on the spot. But the Japanese Government had by now passed
through a sufficiently anxious time itself, being in possession of
certain unmistakable warnings regarding what was likely to happen
after a world-peace had come,--if matters were pressed too far.
Consequently nothing more was done, and on the following day China
signified her acceptance of the Ultimatum in the following terms.

Reply of the Chinese Government to the Ultimatum of the Japanese
Government, delivered to the Japanese Minister by the Minister of
Foreign Affairs on the 8th of May, 1915,

On the 7th of this month, at three o'clock P. M. the Chinese
Government received an Ultimatum from the Japanese Government
together with an Explanatory Note of seven articles. The Ultimatum
concluded with the hope that the Chinese Government by six o'clock
P. M. on the 9th of May will give a satisfactory reply, and it is
hereby declared that if no satisfactory reply is received before
or at the specified time, the Japanese Government will take steps
she may deem necessary.

The Chinese Government with a view to preserving the peace of the
Far East hereby accepts, with the exception of those five articles
of Group V postponed for later negotiation, all the articles of
Group I, II, III, and IV and the exchange of notes in connection
with Fukien Province in Group V as contained in the revised
proposals presented on the 26th of April, and in accordance with
the Explanatory Note of seven articles accompanying the Ultimatum
of the Japanese Government with the hope that thereby all the
outstanding questions are settled, so that the cordial
relationship between the two countries may be further
consolidated. The Japanese Minister is hereby requested to appoint
a day to call at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to make the
literary improvement of the text and sign the Agreement as soon as
possible.

Thus ended one of the most extraordinary diplomatic negotiations
ever undertaken in Peking.





CHAPTER VII

THE ORIGIN OF THE TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS


The key to this remarkable business was supplied by a cover sent
anonymously to the writer during the course of these negotiations
with no indication as to its origin. The documents which this
envelope contained are so interesting that they merit attention at
the hands of all students of history, explaining as they do the
psychology of the Demands as well as throwing much light on the
manner in which the world-war has been viewed in Japan.

The first document is purely introductory, but is none the less
interesting. It is a fragment, or rather a precis of the momentous
conversation which took place between Yuan Shih-kai and the
Japanese Minister when the latter personally served the Demands on
the Chief Executive and took the opportunity to use language
unprecedented even in the diplomatic history of Peking.

The precis begins in a curious way. After saying that "the
Japanese Minister tried to influence President Yuan Shih-kai with
the following words," several long lines of asterisks suggest that
after reflection the unknown chronicler had decided, for political
reasons of the highest importance, to allow others to guess how
the "conversation" opened. From the context it seems absolutely
clear that the excised words have to deal with the possibility of
the re-establishment of the Empire in China--a very important
conclusion in view of what followed later in the year. Indeed
there is no reason to doubt that the Japanese Envoy actually told
Yuan Shih-kai that as he was already virtually Emperor it lay
within his power to settle the whole business and to secure his
position at one blow. In any case the precis begins with these
illuminating sentences:

... Furthermore, the Chinese revolutionists are in close touch and
have intimate relations with numerous irresponsible Japanese, some
of whom have great influence and whose policy is for strong
measures. Our Government has not been influenced by this policy,
but if your Government does not quickly agree to these
stipulations, it will be impossible to prevent some of our
irresponsible people from inciting the Chinese revolutionists to
create trouble in China.

The majority of the Japanese people are also opposed to President
Yuan and Yuan's Government. They all declare that the President
entertains anti-Japanese feeling and adopts the policy of
"befriending the Far" (Europe and America) and "antagonizing the
Near" (Japan). Japanese public opinion is therefore exceedingly
hostile.

Our Government has all along from first to last exerted its best
efforts to help the Chinese Government, and if the Chinese
Government will speedily agree to these stipulations it will have
thus manifested its friendship for Japan.

The Japanese people will then be able to say that the President
never entertained anti-Japanese feelings, or adopted the policy of
"befriending the Far and antagonizing the Near." Will not this
then be indeed a bona fide proof of our friendly relations?

The Japanese Government also will then be inclined to render
assistance to President Yuan's Government whenever it is necessary
... .

We are admittedly living in a remarkable age which is making waste
paper of our dearest principles. But in all the welter which the
world war has made it would be difficult to find anything more
extraordinary than these few paragraphs. Japan, through her
official representative, boldly tears down the veil hiding her
ambitions, and using the undoubted menace which Chinese
revolutionary activities then held for the Peking Government,
declares in so many words that unless President Yuan Shih-kai bows
his head to the dictation of Tokio, the duel which began in Seoul
twenty-five years ago would be openly resumed.

Immediately following the "conversation" is the principal document
in the dossier. This is nothing less than an exhaustive
Memorandum, divided into two sections, containing the policy
advocated by the Japanese secret society, called the Black Dragon
Society, which is said to have assumed that name on account of the
members (military officers) having studied the situation in the
Heilungchiang (or "Black Dragon") province of Manchuria. The
memorandum is the most remarkable document dealing with the Far
East which has come to light since the famous Cassini Convention
was published in 1896. Written presumably late in the autumn of
1914 and immediately presented to the Japanese Government, it may
undoubtedly be called the fulminate which exploded the Japanese
mine of the 18th January, 1915. It shows such sound knowledge of
world-conditions, and is so scientific in its detachment that
little doubt can exist that distinguished Japanese took part in
its drafting. It can therefore be looked upon as a genuine
expression of the highly educated Japanese mind, and as such
cannot fail to arouse serious misgivings. The first part is a
general review of the European War and the Chinese Question: the
second is concerned with the Defensive Alliance between China and
Japan which is looked upon as the one goal of all Japanese
Diplomacy.

PART I. THE EUROPEAN WAR AND THE CHINESE QUESTION

The present gigantic struggle in Europe has no parallel in
history. Not only will the equilibrium of Europe be affected and
its effect felt all over the globe, but its results will create a
New Era in the political and social world. Therefore, whether or
not the Imperial Japanese Government can settle the Far Eastern
Question and bring to realization our great Imperial policy
depends on our being able to skilfully avail ourselves of the
world's general trend of affairs so as to extend our influence and
to decide upon a course of action towards China which shall be
practical in execution. If our authorities and people view the
present European War with indifference and without deep concern,
merely devoting their attention to the attack on Kiaochow,
neglecting the larger issues of the war, they will have brought to
nought our great Imperial policy, and committed a blunder greater
than which it can not be conceived. We are constrained to submit
this statement of policy for the consideration of our authorities,
not because we are fond of argument but because we are deeply
anxious for our national welfare.

No one at present can foretell the outcome of the European War. If
the Allies meet with reverses and victory shall crown the arms of
the Germans and Austrians, German militarism will undoubtedly
dominate the European Continent and extend southward and eastward
to other parts of the world. Should such a state of affairs happen
to take place the consequences resulting therefrom will be indeed
great and extensive. On this account we must devote our most
serious attention to the subject. If, on the other hand, the
Germans and Austrians should be crushed by the Allies, Germany
will be deprived of her present status as a Federated State under
a Kaiser. The Federation will be disintegrated into separate
states, and Prussia will have to be content with the status of a
second-rate Power. Austria and Hungary, on account of this defeat,
will consequently be divided. What their final fate shall be, no
one would now venture to predict. In the meantime Russia will
annex Galicia and the Austrian Poland: France will repossess
Alsace and Lorraine: Great Britain will occupy the German Colonies
in Africa and the South Pacific; Servia and Montenegro will take
Bosnia, Herzegovina and a certain portion of Austrian Territory;
thus making such great changes in the map of Europe that even the
Napoleonic War in 1815 could not find a parallel.

When these events take place, not only will Europe experience
great changes, but we should not ignore the fact that they will
occur also in China and in the South Pacific. After Russia has
replaced Germany in the territories lost by Germany and Austria,
she will hold a controlling influence in Europe, and, for a long
time to come, will have nothing to fear from her western frontier.
Immediately after the war she will make an effort to carry out her
policy of expansion in the East and will not relax that effort
until she has acquired a controlling influence in China. At the
same time Great Britain will strengthen her position in the
Yangtsze Valley and prohibit any other country from getting a
footing there. France will do likewise in Yunnan province using it
as her base of operations for further encroachments upon China and
never hesitate to extend her advantages. We must therefore
seriously study the situation remembering always that the combined
action of Great Britain, Russia, and France will not only affect
Europe but that we can even foresee that it will also affect
China.

Whether this combined action on the part of England, France and
Russia is to terminate at the end of the war or to continue to
operate, we can not now predict. But after peace in Europe is
restored, these Powers will certainly turn their attention to the
expansion of their several spheres of interest in China, and, in
the adjustment, their interests will most likely conflict with one
another. If their interests do not conflict, they will work
jointly to solve the Chinese Question. On this point we have not
the least doubt. If England, France and Russia are actually to
combine for the coercion of China, what course is to be adopted by
the Imperial Japanese Government to meet the situation? What
proper means shall we employ to maintain our influence and extend
our interests within this ring of rivalry and competition? It is
necessary that we bear in mind the final results of the European
War and forestall the trend of events succeeding it so as to be
able to decide upon a policy towards China and determine the
action to be ultimately taken. If we remain passive, the Imperial
Japanese Government's policy towards China will lose that
subjective influence and our diplomacy will be checked forever by
the combined force of the other Powers. The peace of the Far East
will be thus endangered and even the existence of the Japanese
Empire as a nation will no doubt be imperilled. It is therefore
our first important duty at this moment to enquire of our
Government what course is to be adopted to face that general
situation after the war? What preparations are being made to meet
the combined pressure of the Allies upon China? What policy has
been followed to solve the Chinese Question? When the European War
is terminated and peace restored we are not concerned so much with
the question whether it be the Dual Monarchies or the Triple
Entente which emerge victorious but whether, in anticipation of
the future expansion of European influence in the Continents of
Europe and Asia, the Imperial Japanese Government should or should
not hesitate to employ force to check the movement before this
occurrence. Now is the most opportune moment for Japan to quickly
solve the Chinese Question. Such an opportunity will not occur for
hundreds of years to come. Not only is it Japan's divine duty to
act now, but present conditions in China favour the execution of
such a plan. We should by all means decide and act at once. If our
authorities do not avail themselves of this rare opportunity,
great difficulty will surely be encountered in future in the
settlement of this Chinese Question. Japan will be isolated from
the European Powers after the war, and will be regarded by them
with envy and jealousy just as Germany is now regarded. Is it not
then a vital necessity for Japan to solve at this very moment the
Chinese Question?

No one--not even those who care nothing for politics--can deny
that there is in this document an astounding disclosure of the
mental attitude of the Japanese not only towards their enemies but
towards their friends as well. They trust nobody, befriend nobody,
envy nobody; they content themselves with believing that the whole
world may in the not distant future turn against them. The burden
of their argument swings just as much against their British ally
as against Germany and Austria; and the one and only matter which
preoccupies Japanese who make it their business to think about
such things is to secure that Japan shall forestall Europe in
seizing control of China. It is admitted in so many words that it
is too early to know who is to triumph in the gigantic European
struggle; it is also admitted that Germany will forever be the
enemy. At the same time it is expected, should the issue of the
struggle be clearcut and decisive in favour of the Allies, that a
new three-Power combination formed by England, France and Russia
may be made to operate against Japan. Although the alliance with
England, twice renewed since 1902, should occupy as important a
place in the Far East as the Entente between England and France
occupies in Europe, not one Japanese in a hundred knows or cares
anything about such an arrangement; and even if he has knowledge
of it, he coolly assigns to his country's major international
commitment a minimum and constantly diminishing importance. In his
view the British Alliance is nothing but a piece of paper which
may be consumed in the great bonfire now shedding such a lurid
light over the world. What is germane to the matter is his own
plan, his own method of taking up arms in a sea of troubles. The
second part of the Black Dragon Society's Memorandum, pursuing the
argument logically and inexorably and disclosing traces of real
political genius, makes this unalterably clear.

Having established clearly the attitude of Japan towards the
world--and more particularly towards the rival political
combinations now locked together in a terrible death-struggle,
this second part of the Memorandum is concerned solely with China
and can be broken into two convenient sections. The first section
is constructive--the plan for the reconstruction of China is
outlined in terms suited to the Japanese genius. This part begins
with an illuminating piece of rhetoric.

PART II. THE CHINESE QUESTION AND THE DEFENSIVE ALLIANCE

It is a very important matter of policy whether the Japanese
Government, in obedience to its divine mission, shall solve the
Chinese Question in a heroic manner by making China voluntarily
rely upon Japan. To force China to such a position there is
nothing else for the Imperial Japanese Government to do but to
take advantage of the present opportunity to seize the reigns of
political and financial power and to enter by all means into a
defensive alliance with her under secret terms as enumerated
below:

The Secret Terms of the Defensive Alliance

The Imperial Japanese Government, with due respect for the
Sovereignty and Integrity of China and with the object and hope of
maintaining the peace of the Far East, undertakes to share the
responsibility of co-operating with China to guard her against
internal trouble and foreign invasion and China shall accord to
Japan special facilities in the matter of China's National
Defence, or the protection of Japan's special rights and
privileges and for these objects the following treaty of Alliance
is to be entered into between the two contracting parties:

1. When there is internal trouble in China or when she is at war
with another nation or nations, Japan shall send her army to
render assistance, to assume the responsibility of guarding
Chinese territory and to maintain peace and order in China.

2. China agrees to recognize Japan's privileged position in South
Manchuria and Inner Mongolia and to cede the sovereign rights of
these regions to Japan to enable her to carry out a scheme of
local defence on a permanent basis.

3. After the Japanese occupation of Kiaochow, Japan shall acquire
all the rights and privileges hitherto enjoyed by the Germans in
regard to railways, mines and all other interests, and after peace
and order is restored in Tsingtao, the place shall be handed back
to China to be opened as an International Treaty port.

4. For the maritime defence of China and Japan, China shall lease
strategic harbours along the coast of the Fukien province to Japan
to be converted into naval bases and grant to Japan in the said
province all railway and mining rights.

5. For the reorganization of the Chinese army China shall entrust
the training and drilling of the army to Japan.

6. For the unification of China's firearms and munitions of war,
China shall adopt firearms of Japanese pattern, and at the same
time establish arsenals (with the help of Japan) in different
strategic points.

7. With the object of creating and maintaining a Chinese Navy,
China shall entrust the training of her navy to Japan.

8. With the object of reorganizing her finances and improving the
methods of taxation, China shall entrust the work to Japan, and
the latter shall elect competent financial experts who shall act
as first-class advisers to the Chinese Government.

9. China shall engage Japanese educational experts as educational
advisers and extensively establish schools in different parts of
the country to teach Japanese so as to raise the educational
standard of the country.

10. China shall first consult with and obtain the consent of Japan
before she can enter into an agreement with another Power for
making loans, the leasing of territory, or the cession of the
same.

From the date of the signing of this Defensive Alliance, Japan and
China shall work together hand-in-hand. Japan will assume the
responsibility of safeguarding Chinese territory and maintaining
the peace and order in China. This will relieve China of all
future anxieties and enable her to proceed energetically with her
reforms, and, with a sense of territorial security, she may wait
for her national development and regeneration. Even after the
present European War is over and peace is restored China will
absolutely have nothing to fear in the future of having pressure
brought against her by the foreign powers. It is only thus that
permanent peace can be secured in the Far East.

But before concluding this Defensive Alliance, two points must
first be ascertained and settled. (1) Its bearing on the Chinese
Government. (2) Its bearing on those Powers having intimate
relations with and great interests in China.

In considering its effect on the Chinese Government, Japan must
try to foresee whether the position of China's present ruler Yuan
Shih-kai shall be permanent or not; whether the present
Government's policy will enjoy the confidence of a large section
of the Chinese people; whether Yuan Shi-kai will readily agree to
the Japanese Government's proposal to enter into a treaty of
alliance with us. These are points to which we are bound to give a
thorough consideration. Judging by the attitude hitherto adopted
by Yuan Shi-kai we know he has always resorted to the policy of
expediency in his diplomatic dealings, and although he may now
outwardly show friendliness towards us, he will in fact rely upon
the influence of the different Powers as the easiest check against
us and refuse to accede to our demands. Take for a single
instance, his conduct towards us since the Imperial Government
declared war against Germany and his action will then be clear to
all. Whether we can rely upon the ordinary friendly methods of
diplomacy to gain our object or not it does not require much
wisdom to decide. After the gigantic struggle in Europe is over,
leaving aside America which will not press for advantage, China
will not be able to obtain any loans from the other Powers. With a
depleted treasury, without means to pay the officials and the
army, with local bandits inciting the poverty-stricken populace to
trouble, with the revolutionists waiting for opportunities to
rise, should an insurrection actually occur while no outside
assistance can be rendered to quell it we are certain it will be
impossible for Yuan Shi-kai, single-handed, to restore order and
consolidate the country. The result will be that the nation will
be cut up into many parts beyond all hope of remedy. That this
state of affairs will come is not difficult to foresee. When this
occurs, shall we uphold Yuan's Government and assist him to
suppress the internal insurrection with the certain assurance that
we could influence him to agree to our demands, or shall we help
the revolutionists to achieve a success and realize our object
through them? This question must be definitely decided upon this
very moment so that we may put it into practical execution. If we
do not look into the future fate of China but go blindly to uphold
Yuan's Government, to enter into a Defensive Alliance with China,
hoping thus to secure a complete realization of our object by
assisting him to suppress the revolutionists, it is obviously a
wrong policy. Why? Because the majority of the Chinese people have
lost all faith in the tottering Yuan Shi-kai who is discredited
and attacked by the whole nation for having sold his country. If
Japan gives Yuan the support, his Government, though in a very
precarious state, may possibly avoid destruction. Yuan Shi-kai
belongs to that school of politicians who are fond of employing
craftiness and cunning. He may be friendly to us for a time, but
he will certainly abandon us and again befriend the other Powers
when the European war is at an end. Judging by his past we have no
doubt as to what he will do in the future. For Japan to ignore the
general sentiment of the Chinese people and support Yuan Shi-kai
with the hope that we can settle with him the Chinese Question is
a blunder indeed. Therefore in order to secure the permanent peace
of the Far East, instead of supporting a Chinese Government which
can neither be long continued in power nor assist in the
attainment of our object, we should rather support the 400,000,000
Chinese people to renovate their corrupt Government, to change its
present form, to maintain peace and order in the land and to usher
into China a new era of prosperity so that China and Japan may in
fact as well as in name be brought into the most intimate and
vital relations with each other. China's era of prosperity is
based on the China-Japanese Alliance and this Alliance is the
foundational power for the repelling of the foreign aggression
that is to be directed against the Far East at the conclusion of
the European war. This Alliance is also the foundation-stone of
the peace of the world. Japan therefore should take this as the
last warning and immediately solve this question. Since the
Imperial Japanese Government has considered it imperative to
support the Chinese people, we should induce the Chinese
revolutionists, the Imperialists and other Chinese malcontents to
create trouble all over China. The whole country will be thrown
into disorder and Yuan's Government will consequently be
overthrown. We shall then select a man from amongst the most
influential and most noted of the 400,000,000 of Chinese and help
him to organize a new form of Government and to consolidate the
whole country. In the meantime our army must assist in the
restoration of peace and order in the country, and in the
protection of the lives and properties of the people, so that they
may gladly tender their allegiance to the new Government which
will then naturally confide in and rely upon Japan. It is after
the accomplishment of only these things that we shall without
difficulty gain our object by the conclusion of a Defensive
Alliance with China.

For us to incite the Chinese revolutionists and malcontents to
rise in China we consider the present to be the most opportune
moment. The reason why these men can not now carry on an active
campaign is because they are insufficiently provided with funds.
If the Imperial Government can take advantage of this fact to make
them a loan and instruct them to rise simultaneously, great
commotion and disorder will surely prevail all over China. We can
intervene and easily adjust matters.

The progress of the European War warns Japan with greater urgency
of the imperative necessity of solving this most vital of
questions. The Imperial Government can not be considered as
embarking on a rash project. This opportunity will not repeat
itself for our benefit. We must avail ourselves of this chance and
under no circumstances hesitate. Why should we wait for the
spontaneous uprising of the revolutionists and malcontents? Why
should we not think out and lay down a plan beforehand? When we
examine into the form of Government in China, we must ask whether
the existing Republic is well suited to the national temperament
and well adapted to the thoughts and aspirations of the Chinese
people. From the time the Republic of China was established up to
the present moment, if what it has passed through is to be
compared to what it ought to be in the matter of administration
and unification, we find disappointment everywhere. Even the
revolutionists themselves, the very ones who first advocated the
Republican form of government, acknowledge that they have made a
mistake. The retention of the Republican form of Government in
China will be a great future obstacle in the way of a Chino-
Japanese Alliance. And why must it be so? Because, in a Republic
the fundamental principles of government as well as the social and
moral aims of the people are distinctly different from that of a
Constitutional Monarchy. Their laws and administration also
conflict. If Japan act as a guide to China and China models
herself after Japan, it will only then be possible for the two
nations to solve by mutual effort the Far East Question without
differences and disagreements. Therefore to start from the
foundation for the purpose of reconstructing the Chinese
Government, of establishing a Chino-Japanese Alliance, of
maintaining the permanent peace of the Far East and of realizing
the consummation of Japan's Imperial policy, we must take
advantage of the present opportunity to alter China's Republican
form of Government into a Constitutional Monarchy which shall
necessarily be identical, in all its details, to the
Constitutional Monarchy of Japan, and to no other. This is really
the key and first principle to be firmly held for the actual
reconstruction of the form of Government in China. If China
changes her Republican form of Government to that of a
Constitutional Monarchy, shall we, in the selection of a new
ruler, restore the Emperor Hsuan T'ung to his throne or choose the
most capable man from the Monarchists or select the most worthy
member from among the revolutionists? We think, however, that it
is advisable at present to leave this question to the exigency of
the future when the matter is brought up for decision. But we must
not lose sight of the fact that to actually put into execution
this policy of a Chino-Japanese Alliance and the transformation of
the Republic of China into a Constitutional Monarchy, is, in
reality, the fundamental principle to be adopted for the
reconstruction of China.

We shall now consider the bearing of this Defensive Alliance on
the other Powers. Needless to say, Japan and China will in no way
impair the rights and interests already acquired by the Powers. At
this moment it is of paramount importance for Japan to come to a
special understanding with Russia to define our respective spheres
in Manchuria and Mongolia so that the two countries may co-operate
with each other in the future. This means that Japan after the
acquisition of sovereign rights in South Manchuria and Inner
Mongolia will work together with Russia after her acquisition of
sovereign rights in North Manchuria and Outer Mongolia to maintain
the status quo, and endeavour by every effort to protect the peace
of the Far East. Russia, since the outbreak of the European War,
has not only laid aside all ill-feelings against Japan, but has
adopted the same attitude as her Allies and shown warm friendship
for us. No matter how we regard the Manchurian and Mongolian
Questions in the future she is anxious that we find some way of
settlement. Therefore we need not doubt but that Russia, in her
attitude towards this Chinese Question, will be able to come to an
understanding with us for mutual co-operation.

The British sphere of influence and interest in China is centred
in Tibet and the Yangtsze Valley. Therefore if Japan can come to
some satisfactory arrangement with China in regard to Tibet and
also give certain privileges to Great Britain in the Yangtsze
Valley, with an assurance to protect those privileges, no matter
how powerful Great Britain might be, she will surely not oppose
Japan's policy in regard to this Chinese Question. While this
present European War is going on Great Britain has never asked
Japan to render her assistance. That her strength will certainly
not enable her to oppose us in the future need not be doubted in
the least.

Since Great Britain and Russia will not oppose Japan's policy
towards China, it can readily be seen what attitude France will
adopt in regard to the subject. What Japan must now somewhat
reckon with is America. But America in her attitude towards us
regarding our policy towards China has already declared the
principle of maintaining China's territorial integrity and equal
opportunity and will be satisfied, if we do not impair America's
already acquired rights and privileges. We think America will also
have no cause for complaint. Nevertheless America has in the East
a naval force which can be fairly relied upon, though not
sufficiently strong to be feared. Therefore in Japan's attitude
towards America there is nothing really for us to be afraid of.

Since China's condition is such on the one hand and the Powers'
relation towards China is such on the other hand, Japan should
avail herself in the meantime of the European War to definitely
decide upon a policy towards China, the most important move being
the transformation of the Chinese Government to be followed up by
preparing for the conclusion of the Defensive Alliance. The
precipitate action on the part of our present Cabinet in acceding
to the request of Great Britain to declare war against Germany
without having definitely settled our policy towards China has no
real connection with our future negotiations with China or affect
the political condition in the Far East. Consequently all
intelligent Japanese, of every walk of life throughout the land,
are very deeply concerned about the matter.

Our Imperial Government should now definitely change our dependent
foreign policy which is being directed by others into an
independent foreign policy which shall direct others, proclaiming
the same with solemn sincerity to the world and carrying it out
with determination. If we do so, even the gods and spirits will
give way. These are important points in our policy towards China
and the result depends on how we carry them out. Can our
authorities firmly make up their mind to solve this Chinese
Question by the actual carrying out of this fundamental principle?
If they show irresolution while we have this heaven-conferred
chance and merely depend on the good will of the other Powers, we
shall eventually have greater pressure to be brought against the
Far East after the European War is over, when the present
equilibrium will be destroyed. That day will then be too late for
us to repent of our folly. We are therefore impelled by force of
circumstances to urge our authorities to a quicker sense of the
situation and to come to a determination.

The first point which leaps out of this extraordinarily frank
disquisition is that the origin of the Twenty-one Demands is at
last disclosed. A perusal of the ten articles forming the basis of
the Defensive alliance proposed by the Black Dragon Society,
allows us to understand everything that occurred in Peking in the
spring of 1915. As far back as November, 1914, it was generally
rumoured in Peking that Japan had a surprise of an extraordinary
nature in her diplomatic archives, and that it would be merely a
matter of weeks before it was sprung. Comparing this elaborate
memorandum of the Black Dragon Society with the original text of
the Twenty-one Demands it is plain that the proposed plan, having
been handed to Viscount Kato, had to be passed through the
diplomatic filters again and again until all gritty matter had
been removed, and an appearance of innocuousness given to it. It
is for this reason that the defensive alliance finally emerges as
five compact little "groups" of demands, with the vital things
directly affecting Chinese sovereignty labelled desiderata, so
that Japanese ambassadors abroad could leave very warm assurances
at every Foreign Office that there was nothing in what Japan
desired which in any way conflicted with the Treaty rights of the
Powers in China. The air of mystery which surrounded the whole
business from the 18th January to the 7th May--the day of the
ultimatum--was due to the fact that Japan attempted to translate
the conspiracy into terms of ordinary intercourse, only to find
that in spite of the "filtering" the atmosphere of plotting could
not be shaken off or the political threat adequately hidden. There
is an arresting piece of psychology in this.

The conviction expressed in the first portion of the Memorandum
that bankruptcy was the rock on which the Peking administration
must sooner or later split, and that the moment which Japan must
seize is the outbreak of insurrections, is also highly instructive
in view of what happened later. Still more subtle is the manner in
which the ultimate solution is left open: it is consistently
admitted throughout the mass of reasoning that there is no means
of knowing whether suasion or force will ultimately be necessary.
Force, however, always beckons to Japan because that is the
simplest formula. And since Japan is the self-appointed defender
of the dumb four hundred millions, her influence will be thrown on
the side of the populace in order "to usher into China a new era
of prosperity" so that China and Japan may in fact as well as in
name be brought into the most intimate and vital relations with
each other.

The object of the subsidized insurrections is also clearly stated:
it is to alter China's republican form of government into a
Constitutional Monarchy which shall necessarily be identical in
all its details to the Constitutional Monarchy of Japan and to no
other. Who the new Emperor is to be is a point left in suspense,
although we may here again recall that in 1912 in the midst of the
revolution Japan privately sounded England regarding the
advisability of lending the Manchus armed assistance, a proposal
which was immediately vetoed. But there are other things: nothing
is forgotten in the Memorandum. Russia is to be specially
placated, England to be specially negotiated with, thus
incidentally explaining Japan's recent attitude regarding the
Yangtsze Railways. Japan, released from her dependent foreign
policy, that is from a policy which is bound by conventions and
treaties which others respect, can then carry out her own plans
without fear of molestation.

And this brings us to the two last documents of the dossier--the
method of subsidizing and arranging insurrections in China when
and wherever necessary.

The first document is a detailed agreement between the
Revolutionary Party and various Japanese merchants. Trained
leaders are to be used in the provinces South of the Yellow River,
and the matter of result is so systematized that the agreement
specifies the amount of compensation to be paid for every Japanese
killed on active service; it declares that the Japanese will
deliver arms and ammunition in the districts of Jihchow in
Shantung and Haichow in Kiangsu; and it ends by stating that the
first instalment of cash, Yen 400,000, had been paid over in
accordance with the terms of the agreement. The second document is
an additional loan agreement between the interested parties
creating a special "trading" corporation, perhaps satirically
named "The Europe and Asia Trading Company," which in a
consideration of a loan of half a million yen gives Japanese prior
rights over all the mines of China.

ALLEGED SECRET AGREEMENT MADE BETWEEN SUN WEN (SUN YAT SEN) AND
THE JAPANESE

In order to preserve the peace in the Far East, it is necessary
for China and Japan to enter into an offensive and defensive
alliance whereby in case of war with any other nation or nations
Japan shall supply the military force while China shall be
responsible for the finances. It is impossible for the present
Chinese Government to work hand in hand with the Japanese
Government nor does the Japanese Government desire to co-operate
with the former. Consequently Japanese politicians and merchants
who have the peace of the Far East at heart are anxious to assist
China in her reconstruction. For this object the following
Agreement is entered into by the two parties:

1. Before an uprising is started, Terao, Okura, Tseji Karoku and
their associates shall provide the necessary funds, weapons and
military force, but the funds so provided must not exceed
1,500,000 yen and rifles not to exceed 100,000 pieces.

2. Before the uprising takes place the loan shall be temporarily
secured by 10,000,000 yen worth of bonds to be issued by Sun Wen
(Sun Yat Sen). It shall however be secured afterwards by all the
movable properties of the occupied territory. (See Article 14 of
this Agreement.)

3. The funds from the present loan and military force to be
provided are for operations in the provinces South of the Yellow
River viz: Yunnan, Kweichow, Hunan, Hupeh, Szechuan, Kiangsi,
Anhuei, Kiangsu, Chekiang, Fukien, Kwangsi and Kwangtung. If it is
intended to invade the Northern provinces North of the Yellow
River, Tseji Karoku and his associates shall participate with the
revolutionists in all deliberations connected with such
operations.

4. The Japanese volunteer force shall be allowed from the date of
their enrolment active service pay in accordance with the
regulations of the Japanese army. After the occupation of a place,
the two parties will settle the mode of rewarding the meritorious
and compensating the family of the killed, adopting the most
generous practice in vogue in China and Japan. In the case of the
killed, compensation for each soldier shall, at the least, be more
than 1,000 yen.

5. Wherever the revolutionary army might be located the Japanese
military officers accompanying these expeditions shall have the
right to advise a continuation or cessation of operations.

6. After the revolutionary army has occupied a region and
strengthened its defences, all industrial undertakings and railway
construction and the like, not mentioned in the Treaties with
other foreign Powers, shall be worked with joint capital together
with the Japanese.

7. On the establishment of a new Government in China, all Japan's
demands on China shall be recognized by the new Government as
settled and binding.

8. All Japanese Military Officers holding the rank of Captain or
higher ranks engaged by the Chinese revolutionary army shall have
the privilege of being continued in their employment with a limit
as to date and shall have the right to ask to be thus employed.

9. The loan shall be paid over in three instalments. The first
instalment will be 400,000 yen, the second instalment ... yen and
the third instalment ... yen. After the first instalment is paid
over, Okura who advances the loan shall have the right to appoint
men to supervise the expenditure of the money.

10. The Japanese shall undertake to deliver all arms and
ammunition in the Districts of Jih Chao and Haichow (in Shantung
and Kiangsu, South of Kiaochow).

11. The payment of the first instalment of the loan shall be made
not later than three days after the signing of this Agreement.

12. All the employed Japanese Military officers and Japanese
volunteers are in duty bound to obey the orders of the Commander
of the revolutionary army.

13. The Commander of the revolutionary army shall have the right
to send back to Japan those Japanese military officers and
Japanese volunteers who disobey his orders and their passage money
shall not be paid if such decision meets with the approval of
three or more of the Japanese who accompany the revolutionary
force.

14. All the commissariat departments in the occupied territory
must employ Japanese experts to co-operate in their management.

15. This Agreement takes effect immediately it is signed by the
two parties.

The foregoing fifteen articles have been discussed several times
between the two parties and signed by them in February. The first
instalment of 400,000 yen has been paid according to the terms of
this Agreement.

LOAN AGREEMENT MADE BETWEEN THE REVOLUTIONARY PARTY REPRESENTED BY
CHANG YAO CHING AND HIS ASSOCIATES OF THE FIRST PART AND KAWASAKI
KULANOSKE OF THE SECOND PART

1. The Europe and Asia Trading Company undertakes to raise a loan
of 500,000 yen. After the Agreement is signed and sealed by the
contracting parties the Japanese Central Bank shall hand over 3/10
of the loan as the first instalment. When Chang Yao Ching and his
associates arrive at their proper destination the sum of 150,000
yen shall be paid over as the second instalment. When final
arrangements are made the third and last instalment of 200,000 yen
shall be paid.

2. When money is to be paid out, the Europe and Asia Trading
Company shall appoint supervisers. Responsible individuals of the
contracting parties shall jointly affix their seals (to the
checks) before money is drawn for expenditure.

3. The Europe and Asia Trading Company shall secure a volunteer
force of 150 men, only retired officers of the Japanese army to be
eligible.

4. On leaving Japan the travelling expenses and personal effects
of the volunteers shall be borne by themselves. After reaching
China, Chang Yao Ching and his associates shall give the
volunteers the pay of officers of the subordinate grade according
to the established regulations of the Japanese army.

5. If a volunteer is wounded while on duty Chang Yao Ching and his
associates shall pay him a provisional compensation of not
exceeding 1,000 yen. When wounded seriously a provisional
compensation of 5,000 yen shall be paid as well as a life pension
in accordance with the rules of the Japanese army. If a volunteer
meets with an accident, thus losing his life, an indemnity of
50,000 yen shall be paid to his family.

6. If a volunteer is not qualified for duty Chang Yao-ching and
his associates shall have the power to dismiss him. All volunteers
are subject to the orders of Chang Yao-ching and his associates
and to their command in the battlefields.

7. When volunteers are required to attack a certain selected place
it shall be their duty to do so. But the necessary expenses for
the undertaking shall be determined beforehand by both parties
after investigating into existing conditions.

8. The volunteer force shall be organized after the model of the
Japanese army. Two Japanese officers recommended by the Europe and
Asia Trading Company shall be employed.

9. The Europe and Asia Trading Company shall have the power to
dispose of the public properties in the places occupied by the
volunteer force.

10. The Europe and Asia Trading Company shall have the first
preference for working the mines in places occupied and protected
by the volunteer force.

And here ends this extraordinary collection of papers. Is fiction
mixed with fact--are these only "trial" drafts, or are they real
documents signed, sealed, and delivered? The point seems
unimportant. The thing of importance is the undoubted fact that
assembled and treated in the way we have treated them they present
a complete and arresting picture of the aims and ambitions of the
ordinary Japanese; of their desire to push home the attack to the
last gasp and so to secure the infeodation of China.





CHAPTER VIII

THE MONARCHIST PLOT

THE PAMPHLET OF YANG TU


A shiver of impotent rage passed over the country when the nature
and acceptance of the Japanese Ultimatum became generally known.
The Chinese, always an emotional people responding with quasi-
feminine volubility to oppressive acts, cried aloud at the
ignominy of the diplomacy which had so cruelly crucified them. One
and all declared that the day of shame which had been so harshly
imposed upon them would never be forgotten and that Japan would
indeed pay bitterly for her policy of extortion.

Two movements were started at once: one to raise a National
Salvation Fund to be applied towards strengthening the nation in
any way the government might decide; the other, to boycott all
Japanese articles of commerce. Both soon attained formidable
proportions. The nation became deeply and fervently interested in
the double-idea; and had Yuan Shih-kai possessed true political
vision there is little doubt that by responding to this national
call he might have ultimately been borne to the highest pinnacles
of his ambitions without effort on his part. His oldest enemies
now openly declared that henceforth he had only to work honourably
and whole-heartedly in the nation's interest to find them
supporting him, and to have every black mark set against his name
wiped out.

In these circumstances what did he do? His actions form one of the
most incredible and, let it be said, contemptible chapters of
contemporary history.

In dealing with the origins of the Twenty-one Demands we have
already discussed the hints the Japan Representative had
officially made when presenting his now famous Memorandum. Briefly
Yuan Shih-kai had been told in so many words that since he was
already autocrat of all the Chinese, he had only to endorse the
principle of Japanese guidance in his administration to find that
his Throne would be as good as publicly and solidly established.
Being saturated with the doleful diplomacy of Korea, and seeing in
these proposals a mere trap, Yuan Shih-kai, as we have shown, had
drawn back in apparent alarm. Nevertheless the words spoken had
sunk in deep, for the simple and excellent reason that ever since
the coup d'etat of the 4th November, 1913, the necessity of
"consolidating" his position by something more permanent than a
display of armed force had been a daily subject of conversation in
the bosom of his family. The problem, as this misguided man saw
it, was simply by means of an unrivalled display of cunning to
profit by the Japanese suggestion, and at the same time to leave
the Japanese in the lurch.

His eldest son, an individual of whom it has been said that he had
absorbed every theory his foreign teachers had taught him without
being capable of applying a single one, was the leader in this
family intrigue. The unhappy victim of a brutal attempt to kill
him during the Revolution, this eldest son had been for years
semi-paralyzed: but brooding over his disaster had only fortified
in him the resolve to succeed his father as legitimate Heir.
Having saturated himself in Napoleonic literature, and being fully
aware of how far a bold leader can go in times of emergency, he
daily preached to his father the necessity of plucking the pear as
soon as it was ripe. The older man, being more skilled and more
cautious in statecraft than this youthful visionary, purposely
rejected the idea so long as its execution seemed to him
premature. But at last the point was reached when he was persuaded
to give the monarchy advocates the free hand they solicited, being
largely helped to this decision by the argument that almost
anything in China could be accomplished under cover of the war,--
SO LONG AS VESTED FOREIGN INTERESTS WERE NOT JEOPARDIZED.

In accordance with this decision, very shortly after the 18th
January, the dictator's lieutenants had begun to sound the leaders
of public opinion regarding the feasibility of substituting for
the nominal Republic a Constitutional Monarchy. Thus, in a highly
characteristic way, all through the tortuous course of the
Japanese negotiations, to which he was supposed to be devoting his
sole attention in order to save his menaced fatherland, Yuan Shih-
kai was assisting his henchmen to indoctrinate Peking officialdom
with the idea that the salvation of the State depended more on
restoring on a modified basis the old empire than in beating off
the Japanese assault. It was his belief that if some scholar of
national repute could be found, who would openly champion these
ideas and urge them with such persuasiveness and authority that
they became accepted as a Categorical Imperative, the game would
be as good as won, the Foreign Powers being too deeply committed
abroad to pay much attention to the Far East. The one man who
could have produced that result in the way Yuan Shih-kai desired
to see it, the brilliant reformer Liang Chi-chao, famous ever
since 1898, however, obstinately refused to lend himself to such
work; and, sooner than be involved in any way in the plot, threw
up his post of Minister of Justice and retired to the neighbouring
city of Tientsin from which centre he was destined to play a
notable part.

This hitch occasioned a delay in the public propaganda, though not
for long. Forced to turn to a man of secondary ability, Yuan Shih-
kai now invoked the services of a scholar who had been known to be
his secret agent in the Old Imperial Senate under the Manchus--a
certain Yang Tu--whose constant appeals in that chamber had indeed
been the means of forcing the Manchus to summon Yuan Shih-kai back
to office to their rescue on the outbreak of the Wuchang rebellion
in 1911. After very little discussion everything was arranged. In
the person of this ex-Senator, whose whole appearance was
curiously Machiavellian and decadent, the neo-imperialists at last
found their champion.

Events now moved quickly enough. In the Eastern way, very few
weeks after the Japanese Ultimatum, a society was founded called
the Society for the Preservation of Peace (Chou An Hut) and
hundreds of affiliations opened in the provinces. Money was spent
like water to secure adherents, and when the time was deemed ripe
the now famous pamphlet of Yang Tu was published broadcast, being
in everybody's hands during the idle summer month of August. This
document is so remarkable as an illustration of the working of
that type of Chinese mind which has assimilated some portion of
the facts of the modern world and yet remains thoroughly
reactionary and illogical, that special attention must be directed
to it. Couched in the form of an argument between two individuals
--one the inquirer, the other the expounder--it has something of
the old Testament about it both in its blind faith and in its
insistence on a few simple essentials. It embodies everything
essential to an understanding of the old mentality of China which
has not yet been completely destroyed. From a literary standpoint
it has also much that is valuable because it is so naive; and
although it is concerned with such a distant region of the world
as China its treatment of modern political ideas is so bizarre and
yet so acute that it will repay study.

It was not, however, for some time, that the significance of this
pamphlet was generally understood. It was such an amazing
departure from old precedents for the Peking Government to lend
itself to public propaganda as a revolutionary weapon that the
mind of the people refused to credit the fatal turn things were
taking. But presently when it became known that the "Society for
the Preservation of Peace" was actually housed in the Imperial
City and in daily relations with the President's Palace; and that
furthermore the Procurator-General of Peking, in response to
innumerable memorials of denunciation, having attempted to proceed
against the author and publishers of the pamphlet, as well as
against the Society, had been forced to leave the capital under
threats against his life, the document was accepted at its face-
value. Almost with a gasp of incredulity China at last realized
that Yuan Shih-kai had been seduced to the point of openly
attempting to make himself Emperor. From those August days of 1915
until the 6th June of the succeeding year, when Fate had her own
grim revenge, Peking was given up to one of the most amazing
episodes that has ever been chronicled in the dramatic history of
the capital. It was as if the old city walls, which had looked
down on so much real drama, had determined to lend themselves to
the staging of an unreal comedy. For from first to last the
monarchy movement had something unreal about it, and might have
been the scenario of some vast picture-play. It was acting pure
and simple--acting done in the hope that the people might find it
so admirable that they would acclaim it as real, and call the
Dictator their King. But it is time to turn to the arguments of
Yang Tu and allow a Chinese to picture the state of his country:

A DEFENCE OF THE MONARCHICAL MOVEMENT PART I

Mr. Ko (or 'the stranger'): Since the establishment of the
Republic four years have passed, and upon the President depends
the preservation of order at home and the maintenance of prestige
abroad. I suppose that after improving her internal administration
for ten or twenty years, China will become a rich and prosperous
country, and will be able to stand in the front rank with western
nations.

Mr. Hu: No! No! If China does not make any change in the form of
government there is no hope for her becoming strong and rich;
there is even no hope for her having a constitutional government.
I say that China is doomed to perish.

Mr. Ko: Why so?

Mr. Hu: The republican form of government is responsible. The
Chinese people are fond of good names, but they do not care much
about the real welfare of the nation. No plan to save the country
is possible. The formation of the Republic as a result of the
first revolution has prevented that.

Mr. Ko: Why is it that there is no hope of China's becoming
strong?

Mr. Hu: The people of a republic are accustomed to listen to the
talk of equality and freedom which must affect the political and
more especially the military administration. In normal
circumstances both the military and student classes are required
to lay great emphasis upon unquestioned obedience and respect for
those who hold high titles. The German and Japanese troops observe
strict discipline and obey the orders of their chiefs. That is why
they are regarded as the best soldiers in the world. France and
America are in a different position. They are rich but not strong.
The sole difference is that Germany and Japan are ruled by
monarchs while France and America are republics. Our conclusion
therefore is that no republic can be strong.

But since the French and American peoples possess general
education, they are in a position to assume responsibility for the
good government of their nations which they keep in good order. On
that account, although these republics are not strong in dealing
with the Powers, they can maintain peace at home. China, however,
is unlike these countries, for her standard of popular education
is very low. Most of the Chinese soldiers declare as a
commonplace; "We eat the imperial food and we must therefore serve
the imperial master." But now the Imperial family is gone, and for
it has been substituted an impersonal republic, of which they know
nothing whatsoever. These soldiers are now law-abiding because
they have awe-inspiring and respectful feelings for the man at the
head of the state. But as the talk of equality and freedom has
gradually influenced them, it has become a more difficult task to
control them. As an example of this corrupt spirit, the commanders
of the Southern troops formerly had to obey their subordinate
officers and the subordinate officers had to obey their soldiers.
Whenever there was an important question to be discussed, the
soldiers demanded a voice and a share in the solution. These
soldiers were called the republican army. Although the Northern
troops have not yet become so degenerate, still they never
hesitate to disobey the order of their superiors whenever they are
ordered to proceed to distant localities. Now we have come to the
point when we are deeply satisfied if the army of the Republic
does not openly mutiny! We cannot expect any more from them save
to hope that they will not mutiny and that they will be able to
suppress internal disturbances. In the circumstances there is no
use talking about resistance of a foreign invasion by these
soldiers. As China, a republic, is situated between two countries,
Japan and Russia, both of which have monarchical governments, how
can we resist their aggression once diplomatic conversations
begin? From this it is quite evident that there is nothing which
can save China from destruction. Therefore I say there is no hope
of China becoming strong.

Mr. Ko: But why is it that there is no hope of China ever becoming
rich?

Mr. Hu: People may not believe that while France and America are
rich China must remain poor. Nevertheless, the reason why France
and America are rich is that they were allowed to work out their
own salvation without foreign intervention for many years, and
that at the same time they were free from internal disturbances.
If any nation wishes to become rich, it must depend upon
industries for its wealth. Now, what industries most fear is
disorder and civil war. During the last two years order has been
restored and many things have returned their former State, but our
industrial condition is the same as under the Manchu Dynasty.
Merchants who lost their capital during the troublous times and
who are now poor have no way of retrieving their losses, while
those who are rich are unwilling to invest their money in
industrial undertakings, fearing that another civil war may break
out at any moment, since they take the recent abortive second
revolution as their warning. In future, we shall have disquietude
every few years; that is whenever the president is changed. Then
our industrial and commercial condition will be in a still worse
condition. If our industries are not developed, how can we expect
to be strong? Take Mexico as a warning. There is very little
difference between that country and China, which certainly cannot
be compared with France and America. Therefore I say there is no
hope for China ever becoming rich.

Mr. Ko: Why is it that you say there is no hope for China having a
Constitutional Government?

Mr. Hu: A true republic must be conducted by many people
possessing general education, political experience and a certain
political morality. Its president is invested with power by the
people to manage the general affairs of the state. Should the
people desire to elect Mr. A their president today and Mr. B
tomorrow, it does not make much difference; for the policy of the
country may be changed together with the change of the president
without there being any danger of disorder of chaos following such
change. We have a very different problem to solve in China. The
majority of our people do not know what the republic is, nor do
they know anything about a Constitution nor have they any true
sense of equality and freedom. Having overthrown the Empire and
established in its place a republic they believe that from now on
they are subservient to no one, and they think they can do as they
please. Ambitious men hold that any person may be president and if
they cannot get the presidency by fair means of election they are
prepared to fight for it with the assistance of troops and
robbers. The second revolution is an illustration of this point.
From the moment that the Emperor was deposed, the centralization
of power in the government was destroyed; and no matter who may be
at the head of the country, he cannot restore peace except by the
re-establishment of the monarchy. So at the time when the republic
was formed, those who had previously advocated Constitutional
Government turned into monarchists. Although we have a Provisional
Constitution now and we have all kinds of legislative organs,
which give to the country an appearance of a constitutional
government, China has a constitutional government in name only and
is a monarchy in spirit. Had the government refrained from
exercising monarchical power during the last four years, the
people could not have enjoyed one day of peace. In short, China's
republic must be governed by a monarchy through a constitutional
government. If the constitutional government cannot govern the
republic, the latter cannot remain. The question of constitutional
government is therefore very important, but it will take ten or
twenty years before it can be solved.

Look at the people of China today! They know that something
terrible is going to come sooner or later. They dare not think of
the future. The corrupt official lines his pocket with unrighteous
money, preparing to flee to foreign countries or at least to the
Foreign Settlements for safety. The cautious work quietly and do
not desire to earn merit but merely try to avoid giving offence.
The scholars and politicians are grandiloquent and discourse upon
their subjects in a sublime vein, but they are no better than the
corrupt officials. As for our President, he can remain at the head
of the State for a few years. At most he may hold office for
several terms,--or perhaps for his whole life. Then questions must
arise as to who shall succeed him; how to elect his successor; how
many rivals will there be; whether their policies will be
different from his, etc., etc. He personally has no idea regarding
the solution of these questions. Even if the president is a
sagacious and capable man, he will not be able to make a policy
for the country or fix a Constitution which will last for a
hundred years. Because of this he is driven merely to adopt a
policy so as to maintain peace in his own country and to keep the
nation intact so long as he may live. In the circumstances such a
president can be considered the best executive head we can have.
Those who are worshippers of the constitutional government cannot
do more than he does. Here we find the reason for the silence of
the former advocates of a constitutional administration. They have
realized that by the formation of the republic the fundamental
problem of the country has been left unsolved. In this wise it
happens that the situation is something like this. Whilst the
country is governed by an able president, the people enjoy peace
and prosperity. But once an incapable man assumes the presidency,
chaos will become the order of the day, a state of affairs which
will finally lead to the overthrow of the president himself and
the destruction of the country. In such circumstances, how can you
devise a general policy for the country which will last for a
hundred years? I say that there is no hope for China establishing
a truly constitutional government.

Mr. Ko: In your opinion there is no hope for China becoming strong
and rich or for her acquiring a constitutional government. She has
no choice save ultimately to disappear. And yet is there no plan
possible whereby she may be saved?

Mr. Hu: If China wishes to save herself from ultimate
disappearance from the face of the earth, first of all she must
get rid of the republic. Should she desire wealth and strength,
she must adopt a constitutional government. Should she want
constitutional government she must first establish a monarchy.

Mr. Ko: How is it that should China desire wealth and strength she
must first adopt the constitutional form of government?

Mr. Hu: Wealth and strength is the object of the country, and a
constitutional government is the means to realizing this object.
In the past able rulers could accomplish their purpose without a
constitutional government. We refer to Emperor Wu of the Han
Dynasty and Emperor Tai Chung of the Tang Dynasty. However, when
these able rulers died their system of administration died with
them. This contention can be supported by numerous historical
instances; but suffice to say that in China as well as in Europe,
the lack of a constitutional government has been the cause of the
weakness of most of the nations in ancient times. Japan was never
known as a strong nation until she adopted a constitutional
government. The reason is this: when there is no constitutional
government, the country cannot continue to carry out a definite
policy.

Within comparatively recent times there was born in Europe the
constitutional form of government. European nations adopted it,
and they became strong. The most dangerous fate that can confront
a nation is that after the death of an able ruler the system of
administration he has established disappears with him; but this
the constitutional form of government is able to avert. Take for
instance William I of Germany who is dead but whose country
continues to this day strong and prosperous. It is because of
constitutional government. The same is true of Japan, which has
adopted constitutional government and which is becoming stronger
and stronger every day. The change of her executive cannot affect
her progress in respect of her strength. From this it is quite
clear that constitutional government is a useful instrument for
building up a country. It is a government with a set of fixed laws
which guard the actions of both the people and the president none
of whom can overstep the boundary as specified in the laws. No
ruler, whether be he a good man or a bad man, can change one iota
of the laws. The people reap the benefit of this in consequence.
It is easy to make a country strong and rich but it is difficult
to establish a constitutional government. When a constitutional
government has been established, everything will take care of
itself, prosperity following naturally enough. The adoption of a
constitutional government at the present moment can be compared to
the problem of a derailed train. It is hard to put the train back
on the track, but once on the track it is very easy to move the
train. What we should worry about is not how to make the country
rich and prosperous, but how to form a genuine constitutional
government. Therefore I say that if China desires to be strong and
prosperous, she should first of all adopt the constitutional form
of government.

Mr. Ko: I do not understand why it is that a monarchy should be
established before the constitutional form of government can be
formed?

Mr. Hu: Because if the present system continues there will be
intermittent trouble. At every change of the president there will
be riot and civil war. In order to avert the possibility of such
aweful times place the president in a position which is permanent.
It follows that the best thing is to make him Emperor. When that
bone of contention is removed, the people will settle down to
business and feel peace in their hearts, and devote their whole
energy and time to the pursuit of their vocations. It is logical
to assume that after the adoption of the monarchy they will
concentrate their attention on securing a constitutional
government which they know is the only salvation for their
country. As for the Emperor, knowing that he derives his position
from the change from a republic, and filled with the desire of
pacifying the people, he cannot help sanctioning the formation of
the constitutional form of government, which in addition, will
insure to his offspring the continuation of the Throne. Should he
adopt any other course, he will be exposed to great personal
danger. If he is broadminded, he will further recognize the fact
that if no constitutional form of government is introduced, his
policy will perish after his death. Therefore I say that before
the adoption of the constitutional form of government, a monarchy
should be established. William I of Germany and the Emperor Meiji
of Japan both tried the constitutional form of government and
found it a success.

Mr. Ko: Please summarize your discussion.

Mr. Hu: In short, the country cannot be saved except through the
establishment of a constitutional form of government. No
constitutional government can be formed except through the
establishment of a monarchy. The constitutional form of government
has a set of fixed laws, and the monarchy has a definite head who
cannot be changed, in which matters lies the source of national
strength and wealth.

Mr. Ko: What you have said in regard to the adoption of the
constitutional monarchy as a means of saving the country from
dismemberment is quite true, but I would like to have your opinion
on the relative advantages and disadvantages of a republic and a
monarchy, assuming that China adopts the scheme of a monarchy.

Mr. Hu: I am only too glad to give you my humble opinion on this
momentous question.

Mr. Ko: You have said that China would be devastated by contending
armies of rival leaders trying to capture the presidency. At what
precise moment will that occur?

Mr. Hu: The four hundred million people of China now rely upon the
President alone for the protection of their lives and property.
Upon him likewise falls the burden of preserving both peace and
the balance of power in the Far East. There is no time in the
history of China that the Head of the State has had to assume such
a heavy responsibility for the protection of life and property and
for the preservation of peace in Asia; and at no time in our
history has the country been in greater danger than at the present
moment. China can enjoy peace so long as His Excellency Yuan Shih-
kai remains the President, and no longer. Should anything befall
the President, every business activity will at once be suspended,
shops will be closed, disquietude will prevail, people will become
panic-stricken, the troops uncontrollable, and foreign warship
will enter our harbours. European and American newspapers will be
full of special dispatches about the complicated events in China,
and martial law will be declared in every part of the country. All
this will be due to the uncertainty regarding the succession to
the presidency.

 It will be seen from the first section of this long and
extraordinary pamphlet how the author develops his argument. One
of his major premises is the inherent unruliness of Republican
soldiery,--the armies of republics not to be compared with the
armed forces of monarchies,--and consequently constituting a
perpetual menace to good government. Passing on from this, he lays
down the proposition that China cannot hope to become rich so long
as the fear of civil war is ever-present; and that without a
proper universal education a republic is an impossibility. The
exercise of monarchical power in such circumstances can only be
called an inevitable development,--the one goal to be aimed at
being the substitution of Constitutional Government for the
dictatorial rule. The author deals at great length with the
background to this idea, playing on popular fears to reinforce his
casuistry. For although constitutional government is insisted upon
as the sole solution, he speedily shows that this
constitutionalism will depend more on the benevolence of the
dictator than on the action of the people. And should his advice
be not heeded, when Fortune wills that Yuan Shih-kai's rule shall
end, chaos will ensue owing to the "uncertainty" regarding the
succession.

Here the discussion reaches its climax--for the demand that
salvation be sought by enthroning Yuan Shih-kai now becomes clear
and unmistakable. Let the author speak for himself.

 Mr. Ko: But it is provided in the Constitutional Compact that a
president must be selected from among the three candidates whose
names are now kept in a golden box locked in a stone room. Do you
think this provision is not sufficient to avert the terrible times
which you have just described?

Mr. Hu: The provision you have mentioned is useless. Can you find
any person who is able to be at the head of the state besides His
Excellency Yuan Shih-kai? The man who can succeed President Yuan
must enjoy the implicit confidence of the people and must have
extended his influence all over the country and be known both at
home and abroad. He must be able to maintain order, and then no
matter what the constitution provides, he will be unanimously
elected President. He must also be able to assure himself that the
two other candidates for the presidency have no hope for success
in the presidential campaign. The provision in the constitution,
as well as the golden casket in which the names of the three
candidates are kept which you have mentioned, are nothing but
nominal measures. Moreover there is no man in China who answers
the description of a suitable successor which I have just given.
Here arises a difficult problem; and what has been specified in
the Constitutional Compact is a vain attempt to solve it. It is
pertinent to ask why the law-makers should not have made the law
in such a way that the people could exercise their free choice in
the matter of the presidential successor? The answer is that there
is reason to fear that a bad man may be elected president by
manipulations carried out with a masterly hand, thereby
jeopardizing the national welfare. This fear has influenced the
constitution-makers to settle upon three candidates from among
whom the president must be elected. Then it may be asked why not
fix upon one man instead of upon three since you have already
deprived the people of part of their freedom? The answer is that:
there is not a single man whose qualifications are high enough to
be the successor. As it is, three candidates of equal
qualifications are put forward for the people to their selection.
No matter how one may argue this important question from the legal
point of view, there is the fact that the law makers fixed upon
three candidates for the presidency, believing that we do not
possess a suitable presidential successor. The vital question of
the day setting aside all paper talk, is whether or not China has
a suitable man to succeed President Yuan Shih-kai. Whether or not
the constitutional compact can be actually carried out in future I
do not know; but I do know that that instrument will eventually
become ineffective.

Mr. Ko: I desire a true picture of the chaos which you have hinted
will ensue in this country. Can you tell me anything along that
line?

Mr. Hu: In a time of confusion, the soldiers play the most
important part, virtuous and experienced and learned statesmen
being unable to cope with the situation. The only qualification
which a leader at such a time needs to possess is the control of
the military, and the ability to suppress Parliament. Should such
a person be made the president, he cannot long hold his enviable
post in view of the fact that he cannot possess sufficient
influence to control the troops of the whole country. The generals
of equal rank and standing will not obey each other, while the
soldiers and politicians, seeing a chance in these differences for
their advancement, will stir up their feelings and incite one
another to fight. They will fight hard among themselves. The
rebels, who are now exiles in foreign lands, taking advantage of
the chaos in China, will return in very little time to perpetrate
the worst crimes known in human history. The royalists who are in
retirement will likewise come out to fish in muddy waters. Persons
who have the qualifications of leaders will be used as tools to
fight for the self-aggrandizement of those who use them. I do not
wish to mention names, but I can safely predict that more than ten
different parties will arise at the psychological moment. Men who
will never be satisfied until they become president, and those who
know they cannot get the presidency but who are unwilling to serve
others, will come out one after another. Confusion and disturbance
will follow with great rapidity. Then foreign countries which have
entertained wild ambitions, availing themselves of the distressful
situation in China, will stir up ill-feelings among these parties
and so increase the disturbances. When the proper time comes,
various countries, unwilling to let a single country enjoy the
privilege of controlling China, will resort to armed intervention.
In consequence the eastern problem will end in a rupture of the
international peace. Whether China will be turned at that time
into a battleground for the Chinese people or for the foreign
Powers I cannot tell you. It is too dreadful to think of the
future which is enshrouded in a veil of mystery. However, I can
tell you that the result of this awful turmoil will be either the
slicing of China like a melon or the suppression of internal
trouble with foreign assistance which will lead to dismemberment.
As to the second result some explanation is necessary. After
foreign countries have helped us to suppress internal
disturbances, they will select a man of the type of Li Wang of
Korea, who betrayed his country to Japan, and make him Emperor of
China. Whether this man will be the deposed emperor or a member of
the Imperial family or the leader of the rebel party, remains to
be seen. In any event he will be a figurehead in whose hand will
not be vested political, financial and military power, which will
be controlled by foreigners. All the valuable mines, various kinds
of industries and our abundant natural resources will likewise be
developed by others. China will thus disappear as a nation.

In selecting a man of the Li Wang type, the aforesaid foreign
countries will desire merely to facilitate the acquisition of
China's territory. But there can be easily found such a man who
bears remarkable resemblance to Li Wang, and who will be willing
to make a treaty with the foreigners whereby he unpatriotically
sells his country in exchange for a throne which he can never
obtain or keep without outside assistance. His procedure will be
something like this: He will make an alliance with a foreign
nation by which the latter will be given the power to carry on
foreign relations on behalf of his country. In the eyes of
foreigners, China will have been destroyed, but the people will
continue deceived and made to believe that their country is still
in existence. This is the first step. The second step will be to
imitate the example of Korea and make a treaty with a certain
power, whereby China is annexed and the throne abolished. The
imperial figure-head then flees to the foreign country where he
enjoys an empty title. Should you then try to make him devise
means for regaining the lost territory it will be too late. For
China will have been entirely destroyed by that time. This is the
second procedure in the annexation of Chinese territory. The
reason why that foreign country desires to change the republic
into the monarchy is to set one man on the throne and make him
witness the whole process of annexation of his country, thereby
simplifying the matter. When that time has come, the people will
not be permitted to make any comment upon the form of government
suitable for China, or upon the destruction of their country. The
rebels who raised the standard of the republic have no principles
and if they now find that some other tactics will help to increase
their power they will adopt these tactics. China's republic is
doomed, no matter what happens. If we do not change it ourselves,
others will do it for us. Should we undertake the change ourselves
we can save the nation: otherwise there is no hope for China to
remain a nation. It is to be regretted that our people now assume
an attitude of indifference, being reluctant to look forward to
the future, and caring not what may happen to them and their
country. They are doomed to become slaves after the loss of their
national independence.

Mr. Ko: I am very much frightened by what you have said. You have
stated that the adoption of a constitutional monarchy can avert
such terrible consequences; but is there not likely to be
disturbance during the change of the republic to monarchy, since
such disturbance must always accompany the presidential election?

Mr. Hu: No comparison can be formed between these two things.
There may be tumult during the change of the form of government,
but it will be better in comparison with the chaos that will some
day ensue in the republic. There is no executive head in the
country when a republic endeavours to select a presidential
successor. At such a time, the ambitious try to improve their
future, while the patriotic are at a loss now to do anything which
will assist in the maintenance of order. Those who are rebellious
rise in revolt while those who are peace-loving are compelled by
circumstances to join their rank and file. Should the form of
government be transformed into a monarchical one, and should the
time for change of the head of the state come, the successor
having already been provided for, that will be well-known to the
people. Those who are patriotic will exert their utmost to
preserve peace, and as result the heir-apparent can peacefully
step on the throne. There are persons who will contend for the
office of the President, but not for the throne. Those who contend
for the office of President do not commit any crime, but those who
try to seize the throne are rebels. Who dares to contend for the
Throne?

At the time of the change of the president in a republic,
ambitious persons arise with the intention of capturing this most
honourable office, but not so when the emperor is changed. Should
there be a body of persons hostile to the heir-apparent, that body
must be very small. Therefore I say that the enemies of a
succeeding Emperor are a few, whilst there are many in the case of
a presidential successor. This is the first difference.

Those who oppose the monarchy are republican enthusiasts or
persons who desire to make use of the name of the republic for
their own benefit. These persons will raise trouble even without
the change of the government. They do not mind disturbing the
peace of the country at the present time when the republic exists.
It is almost certain that at the first unfurling of the imperial
flags they will at once grasp such an opportune moment and try to
satisfy their ambition. Should they rise in revolt at the time
when the Emperor is changed the Government, supported by the loyal
statesmen and officials, whose interests are bound up with the
welfare of the imperial family and whose influence has spread far
and wide, will be able to deal easily with any situation which may
develop. Therefore I declare that the successor to the throne has
more supporters while the presidential successor has few. This is
the second difference between the republic and the constitutional
monarchy.

Why certain persons will contend for the office of the President
can be explained by the fact that there is not a single man in the
country whose qualifications are above all the others. Succession
to the throne is a question of blood-relation with the reigning
Emperor, and not a question of qualifications. The high officials
whose qualifications are unusually good are not subservient to
others but they are obedient to the succeeding Emperor, because of
their gratitude for what the imperial family has done for them,
and because their well-being is closely associated with that of
the imperial household. I can cite an historical incident to
support my contention. Under the Manchu Dynasty, at one time
General Chu Chung-tang was entrusted with the task of suppressing
the Mohammedan rebellion. He appointed General Liu Sung San
generalissimo. Upon the death of General Liu, Chu Chung-tang
appointed his subordinate officers to lead the army, but the
subordinate officers competed for power. Chu Chung-tang finally
made the step-son of General Liu the Commander-in-Chief and the
officers and soldiers all obeyed his order as they did his
father's. But it may be mentioned that this young man was not more
able than any of his father's subordinate commanders. Nevertheless
prestige counted. He owed his success to his natural
qualification, being a step-son to General Liu. So is the case
with the emperor whose successor nobody dares openly to defy--to
say nothing of actually disputing his right to the throne. This is
the third difference between the republic and the monarchy.

I will not discuss the question: as to whether there being no
righteous and able heir-apparent to succeed his Emperor-father,
great danger may not confront the nation. However, in order to
provide against any such case, I advocate that the formation of a
constitutional government should go hand in hand with the
establishment of the monarchy. At first it is difficult to
establish and carry out a constitutional government, but once it
is formed it will be comparatively easy. When the constitutional
government has been established, the Emperor will have to seek his
fame in such useful things as the defence of his country and the
conquest of his enemy. Everything has to progress, and men
possessing European education will be made use of by the reigning
family. The first Emperor will certainly do all he can to capture
the hearts of the people by means of adopting and carrying out in
letter as well as in spirit constitutional government. The heir-
apparent will pay attention to all new reforms and new things.
Should he do so, the people will be able to console themselves by
saying that they will always be the people of a constitutional
monarchy even after the succession to the throne of the heir-
apparent. When the time comes for the heir-apparent to mount the
throne the people will extend to him their cordial welcome, and
there will be no need to worry about internal disturbances.

Therefore, I conclude that the successor to the presidential chair
has to prevent chaos by wielding the monarchical power, while the
new emperor can avert internal disquietude forever by means of his
constitutional government. This is the fourth difference between
the republic and the monarchy. These four differences are
accountable for the fact that there will not be as much
disturbance at the time of the change of emperors as at the time
when the president is changed.

Mr. Ko: I can understand what you have said with regard to the
advantages and disadvantages of the republic and the monarchy, but
there are many problems connected with the formation of a
constitutional monarchy which we have to solve. Why is it that the
attempt to introduce constitutional government during the last
years of the Manchu Dynasty proved a failure?

Mr. Hu: The constitutional government of the Manchu Dynasty was
one in name only, and as such the forerunner of the revolution of
1911. Towards the end of the Manchu Dynasty, the talk of starting
a revolution to overthrow the imperial regime was in everybody's
mouth, although the constitutional party endeavoured to accomplish
something really useful. At that time His Excellency Yuan Shih-kai
was the grand chancellor, and realizing the fact that nothing
except the adoption of a constitutional government could save the
throne of the Manchus, he assumed the leadership of the
constitutional party, which surpassed in strength the
revolutionary party as a result of his active support. The
people's hearts completely turned to the constitutional party for
salvation, while the revolutionary party lost that popular support
which it had formerly enjoyed. Then it seemed that the imperial
household would soon adopt the constitutional monarchy and the
threatening revolution could be averted. Unfortunately, the
elaborate plans of His Excellency Yuan Shih-kai regarding the
adoption of the constitutional government were not carried out by
the imperial household. A great change took place: His Excellency
retired to his native province; and after losing this powerful
leader the constitutional party was pitilessly shattered. A
monarchist party suddenly made its appearance on the political
arena to assist the imperial family, which pretended to do its
very best for the development of a constitutional government, but
secretly exerted itself to the utmost for the possession and
retention of the real power. This double-dealing resulted in
bringing about the revolution of 1911. For instance, when the
people cried for the convening of a parliament, the imperial
family said "No." The people also failed to secure the abolition
of certain official organs for the imperialists. They lost
confidence in the Reigning House, and simultaneously the
revolutionary party raised its banner and gathered its supporters
from every part of the country. As soon as the revolt started at
Wuchang the troops all over the country joined in the movement to
overthrow the Manchu Dynasty. The members of the Imperial Senate,
most of whom were members of the constitutional party, could not
help showing their sympathy with the revolutionists. At last the
imperial household issued a proclamation containing Nineteen
Articles--a veritable magna carta--but it was too late. The
constitutional government which was about to be formed was thus
laid aside. What the imperial family did was the mere organization
of an advisory council. A famous foreign scholar aptly remarked:
"A false constitutional government will eventually result in a
true revolution." In trying to deceive the people by means of a
false constitutional government the imperial house encompassed its
own destruction. Once His Excellency Yuan Shih-kai stated in a
memorial to the throne that there were only two alternatives: to
give the people a constitutional government or to have them
revolt. What happened afterwards is a matter of common knowledge.
Therefore I say that the government which the imperial family
attempted to form was not a constitutional government.

Mr. Ko: Thank you for your discussion of the attempt of the
imperial household to establish a constitutional government; but
how about the Provisional Constitution, the parliament and the
cabinet in the first and second years of the Republic? The
parliament was then so powerful that the government was absolutely
at its mercy, thereby disturbing the peaceful condition of the
country. The people have tasted much of the bitterness of
constitutional government. Should you mention the name of
constitutional government again they would be thoroughly
frightened. Is that true?

Mr. Hu: During the first and second years of the Republic, in my
many conversations with the members of the Kuo Ming Tang, I said
that the republic could not form an efficient method of control,
and that there would be an over centration of power through the
adoption of monarchical methods of ruling, knowing as well as I
did the standards of our people. When the members of the Kuo Ming
Tang came to draw up the Provisional Constitution they purposely
took precisely the opposite course of action and ignored my
suggestion. It may, however, be mentioned that the Provisional
Constitution made in Nanking was not so bad, but after the
government was removed to Peking, the Kuo Ming Tang people tied
the hand and foot of the government by means of the Cabinet System
and other restrictions with the intention of weakening the power
of the central administration in order that they might be able to
start another revolution. From the dissolution of the Nanking
government to the time of the second revolution they had this one
object in view, namely to weaken the power of the central
administration so that they could contend for the office of the
president by raising further internal troubles in China. Those
members of the Kuo Ming Tang who made the constitution know as
well as I that China's republic must be governed through a
monarchical administration; and therefore the unreasonable
restrictions in the Provisional Constitution were purposely
inserted.

Mr. Ko: What is the difference between the constitutional
government which you have proposed and the constitutional
government which the Manchu Dynasty intended to adopt?

Mr. Hu: The difference lies in the proper method of procedure and
in honesty of purpose, which are imperative if constitutional
government expects to be successful.

Mr. Ko: What do you mean by the proper method of procedure?

Mr. Hu: The Provisional Constitution made in Nanking, which was
considered good, is not suitable for insertion in the future
constitution, should a constitutional monarchy be established. In
making a constitution for the future constitutional monarchy we
have to consult the constitutions of the monarchies of the world.
They can be divided into three classes which are represented by
England, Prussia and Japan. England is advanced in its
constitutional government, which has been in existence for
thousands of years, (sic) and is the best of all in the world. The
English king enjoys his empty title and the real power of the
country is exercised by the parliament, which makes all the laws
for the nation. As to Prussia, the constitutional monarchy was
established when the people started a revolution. The ruler of
Prussia was compelled to convene a parliament and submitted to
that legal body a constitution. Prussia's constitution was made by
its ruler together with the parliament. Its constitutional
government is not so good as the English. As to the Japanese
constitutional monarchy, the Emperor made a constitution and then
convened a parliament. The constitutional power of the Japanese
people is still less than that of the Prussian people. According
to the standard of our people we cannot adopt the English
constitution as our model, for it is too advanced. The best thing
for us to do is to adopt part of the Prussian and part of the
Japanese in our constitution-making. As our people are better
educated now than ever before, it is decidedly unwise entirely to
adopt the Japanese method, that is, for the Emperor to make a
constitution without the approval of the parliament and then to
convoke a legislative body. In the circumstances China should
adopt the Prussian method as described above with some
modifications, which will be very suitable to our conditions. As
to the contents of the constitution we can copy such articles as
those providing the right for the issue of urgent orders and
appropriation of special funds, etc. from the Japanese
Constitution, so that the power of the ruler can be increased
without showing the slightest contempt for the legislative organ.
I consider that this is the proper method of procedure for the
formation of a constitutional monarchy for China.

Mr. Ko: Can I know something about the contents of our future
constitution in advance?

Mr. Hu: If you want to know them in detail I recommend you to read
the Constitutions of Prussia and Japan. But I can tell you this
much. Needless to say that such stipulations as articles
guaranteeing the rights of the people and the power of the
parliament will surely be worked into the future constitution.
These are found in almost every constitution in the world. But as
the former Provisional Constitution has so provided that the power
of the parliament is unlimited, while that of the president is
very small the Chief Executive, besides conferring decorations and
giving Orders of Merit, having almost nothing to do without the
approval of the Senate, it is certain that nothing will be taken
from that instrument for the future constitution. Nor will the
makers of the future constitution take anything from the nineteen
capitulations offered by the Manchu Government, which gave too
much power to the legislative organ. According to the Nineteen
Articles the Advisory Council was to draw up the constitution,
which was to be ratified by the parliament; the Premier being
elected by the parliament; whilst the use of the army and navy
required the parliament's sanction; the making of treaties with
foreign countries have likewise to be approved by the parliament,
etc., etc. Such strict stipulations which are not even known in
such an advanced country in matters constitutional as England were
extorted from the imperial family by the advisory council.
Therefore it is most unlikely that the makers of the future
constitution will take any article from the nineteen capitulations
of "confidence." They will use the Constitutions of Japan and
Prussia as joint model and will always have in their mind the
actual conditions of this country and the standard of the people.
In short, they will copy some of the articles in the Japanese
constitution, and adopt the Prussian method of procedure for the
making of the constitution.

Mr. Ko: What do you mean by honesty?

Mr. Hu: It is a bad policy to deceive the people. Individually the
people are simple, but they cannot be deceived collectively. The
Manchu Government committed an irretrievable mistake by promising
the people a constitutional government but never carrying out
their promise. This attitude on the part of the then reigning
house brought about the first revolution. As the standard of our
people at the present time is not very high, they will be
satisfied with less power if it is properly given to them. Should
any one attempt to deceive them his cause will finally be lost. I
do not know how much power the people and the parliament will get
in the constitutional monarchy, but I would like to point out here
that it is better to give them less power than to deceive them. If
they are given less power, and if they want more, they will
contend for it. Should the government deem it advisable to give
them a little more, well and good. Should they be unfit for the
possession of greater power, the government can issue a
proclamation giving the reasons for not complying with their
request, and they will not raise trouble knowing the true
intention of the government. However, honesty is the most
important element in the creation of a constitutional monarchy. It
is easy and simple to practise it. The parliament must have the
power to decide the laws and fix the budgets. Should its decision
be too idealistic or contrary to the real welfare of the country,
the Government can explain its faults and request it to reconsider
its decision. Should the parliament return the same decision, the
Government can dissolve it and convoke another parliament. In so
doing the Government respects the parliament instead of despising
it. But what the parliament has decided should be carried out
strictly by the Government, and thus we will have a real
constitutional Government. It is easy to talk but difficult to
act, but China like all other countries has to go through the
experimental stage and face all kinds of difficulties before a
genuine constitutional government can be evolved. The beginning is
difficult but once the difficulty is over everything will go on
smoothly. I emphasize that it is better to give the people less
power at the beginning than to deceive them. Be honest with them
is my policy.

Mr. Ko: I thank you very much for what you have said. Your
discussion is interesting and I can understand it well. The proper
method of procedure and honesty of purpose which you have
mentioned will tend to wipe out all former corruption.

Mr. Ko, or the stranger, then departed.

 On this note the pamphleteer abruptly ends. Having discussed ad
nauseam the inadequacy of all existing arrangements, even those
made by Yuan Shih-kai himself, to secure a peaceful succession to
the presidency; and having again insisted upon the evil part
soldiery cannot fail to play, he introduces a new peril, the
certainty that the foreign Powers will set up a puppet Emperor
unless China solves this problem herself, the case of Korea being
invoked as an example of the fate of divided nations. Fear of
Japan and the precedent of Korea, being familiar phenomena, are
given a capital in all this debate, being secondary only to the
crucial business of ensuring the peaceful succession to the
supreme office. The transparent manner in which the history of the
first three years of the Republic is handled in order to drive
home these arguments will be very apparent. A fit crown is put on
the whole business by the final suggestion that the Constitutional
Government of China under the new empire must be a mixture of the
Prussian and Japanese systems, Yang Tu's last words being that it
is best to be honest with the people! No more damning indictment
of Yuan Shih-kai's regime could possibly have been penned.





CHAPTER IX

THE MONARCHY PLOT

THE MEMORANDUM OF DR. GOODNOW


Although this extraordinary pamphlet was soon accepted by Chinese
society as a semi-official warning of what was coming, it alone
was not sufficient to launch a movement which to be successful
required the benign endorsement of foreign opinion. The Chinese
pamphleteer had dealt with the emotional side of the case: it was
necessary to reinforce his arguments with an appeal which would be
understood by Western statesmen as well as by Eastern politicians.
Yuan Shih-kai, still pretending to stand aside, had kept his
attention concentrated on this very essential matter; for, as we
have repeatedly pointed out, he never failed to understand the
superlative value of foreign support in all his enterprises,--that
support being given an exaggerated value by the public thanks to
China's reliance on foreign money. Accordingly, as if still
unconvinced, he now very naively requested the opinion of his
chief legal adviser, Dr. Goodnow, an American who had been
appointed to his office through the instrumentality of the Board
of the Carnegie Institute as a most competent authority on
Administrative Law.

Even in this most serious matter the element of comedy was not
lacking. Dr. Goodnow had by special arrangement returned to Peking
at the psychological moment; for having kicked his heels during
many weary months in the capital, he had been permitted in 1914 to
take up the appointment of President of an American University on
condition that he would be available for legal "advice" whenever
wanted. The Summer vacation gave him the opportunity of revisiting
in the capacity of a transient the scenes of his former idleness;
and the holiday-task set him by his large-hearted patron was to
prove in as few folios as possible that China ought to be a
Monarchy and not a Republic--a theme on which every schoolboy
could no doubt write with fluency. Consequently Dr. Goodnow,
arming himself with a limited amount of paper and ink, produced in
very few days the Memorandum which follows,--a document which it
is difficult to speak of dispassionately since it seems to have
been deliberately designed to play into the hands of a man who was
now openly set on betraying the trust the nation reposed in him,
and who was ready to wade through rivers of blood to satisfy his
insensate ambition.

Nothing precisely similar to this Goodnow Memorandum has ever been
seen before in the history of Asia: it was the ultramodern spirit
impressed into the service of mediaeval minds. In any other
capital of the world the publication of such a subversive
document, following the Yang Tu pamphlet, would have led to riot
and tumult. In China, the home of pacifism, the politicians and
people bowed their heads and bided their time. Even foreign
circles in China were somewhat nonplussed by the insouciance
displayed by the peripatetic legal authority; and the Memorandum
was for many days spoken of as an unnecessary indiscretion.
[Footnote: It is perhaps of importance to note that Dr. Goodnow
carried out all his studies in Germany.] Fastening at once on the
point to which Yang Tu had ascribed such importance--the question
of succession--Dr. Goodnow in his arguments certainly shows a
detachment from received principles which has an old-world flavour
about it, and which has damned him forever in the eyes of the
rising generation in China. The version which follows is the
translation of the Chinese translation, the original English
Memorandum having been either mislaid or destroyed; and it is best
that this argument should be carefully digested before we add our
comments.

DR. GOODNOW'S MEMORANDUM

A country must have a certain form of government, and usually the
particular form of government of a particular country is not the
result of the choice of the people of that country. There is not
any possibility even for the most intellectual to exercise any
mental influence over the question. Whether it be a monarchy or
republic, it cannot be the creation of human power except when it
is suitable to the historical, habitual, social and financial
conditions of that country. If an unsuitable form of government is
decided upon, it may remain for a short while, but eventually a
system better suited will take its place.

In short, the form of government of a country is usually the
natural and only result of its circumstances. The reasons for such
an outcome are many, but the principal one is Force. If we study
the monarchical countries we will find that usually a dynasty is
created by a person who is capable of controlling the force of the
entire country and overthrowing other persons opposed to him,
working towards his goal with an undaunted spirit. If this man is
capable of ruling the nation and if he is a rare genius of the
day, and the conditions of the country are suited for a
monarchical government, he as a rule creates a new dynasty and his
descendants inherit the same from generation to generation.

If this is so, then the solution of a difficult position of a
country is to be found in a monarchy rather than a republic. For
on the death of a monarch no doubt exists as to who shall succeed
him, and there is no need of an election or other procedure.
Englishmen say, "The King is dead, Long live the King." This
expresses the point. But in order to attain this point it is
necessary that the law of succession be definitely defined and
publicly approved; otherwise there will not be lacking, on the
death of the monarch, men aspiring to the throne; and as no one is
qualified to settle the dispute for power, internal disturbance
will be the result.

Historically speaking no law of succession is so permanently
satisfactory as that used by the nations of Europe. According to
this system the right of succession belongs to the eldest son of
the monarch, or failing him, the nearest and eldest male relative.
The right of succession, however, may be voluntarily surrendered
by the rightful successor if he so desires; thus if the eldest son
declines to succeed to the throne the second son takes his place.
This is the rule of Europe.

If instead of this law of a succession a system is adopted by
which the successor is chosen by the monarch from among his sons
or relatives without any provision being made for the rights of
the eldest son, disturbance will be the inevitable result. There
will not be a few who would like to take possession of the throne
and they will certainly plot in the very confines of the palace,
resulting in an increase of the sufferings of an aged monarch;
and, even if the disaster of civil war be avoided, much dispute
will arise owing to the uncertainty of the successor--a dangerous
situation indeed.

Such is the lesson we learn from history. The conclusion is,
speaking from the viewpoint of the problem of transmission of
power, that the superiority of the monarchical system over the
republican system is seen in the law of succession,--that is the
eldest son of the ruler should succeed to the throne.

Leaving out the nations of ancient times, the majority of
countries in Europe and Asia have adopted the monarchical system.
There are, however, exceptions such as Wen-ni-shih (Venice) and
Switzerland, which adopted the republican form of government; but
they are in the minority while most of the great nations of the
world have adopted the monarchical form of government.

During the recent century and a half the attitude of Europe has
undergone a sudden change and the general tendency is to discredit
monarchism and adopt republicanism. The one great European power
which first attempted to make a trial of republicanism is Great
Britain. In the Seventeenth Century a revolution broke out in
England and King Charles I was condemned to death by Parliament
and executed as a traitor to the nation. A republic was
established and the administration was called republican with
Cromwell as regent, i.e. President, Cromwell was able to control
the power of government because at the head of the revolutionary
army he defeated the King. This English republic however, only
existed for a few years and was finally defeated in turn. The
reason was that the problem of succession after the death of
Cromwell was difficult to solve. Cromwell had a desire to place
his son in his place as regent after his death, but as the English
people were then unsuited for a republic and his son had not the
ability to act as chief executive, the republic of England
suddenly disappeared. The British people then abandoned the
republican system and readopted the monarchical system. Thus
Charles II, the son of Charles I, was made King not only with the
support of the army but also with the general consent of the
country.

The second European race which attempted to have a republic was
the American. In the Eighteenth Century the United States of
America was established in consequence of the success of a
revolution. But the American revolution was not at first intended
to overthrow the monarchy. What it sought to do was to throw off
the yoke of the monarchy and become independent. The revolution,
however, succeeded and the circumstances were such that there was
no other alternative but to have a republic: for there was no
royal or Imperial descendant to shoulder the responsibilities of
the state. Another factor was the influence of the advocates of
republicanism who came to America in the previous century from
England and saturated the minds of the Americans with the ideas of
republicanism. The minds of the American people were so imbued
with the ideas of republicanism that a republican form of
government was the ideal of the entire race. Had General
Washington--the leader of the revolutionary army--had the desire
to become a monarch himself he would probably have been
successful. But Washington's one aim was to respect republicanism
and he had no aspiration to become King. Besides he had no son
capable of succeeding him on the throne. Consequently on the day
independence was won, the republican form of government was
adopted without hesitation, and it has survived over a hundred
years.

There is no need to ask whether the result of the establishment of
the American Republic has been good or bad. The republican form of
government is really the making of the United States of America.
But it should be remembered that long before the establishment of
the republic, the American people had already learned the good
laws and ordinances of England, and the constitution and
parliamentary system of England had been long in use in America
for over a hundred years. Therefore the change in 1789 from a
colony into a Republic was not a sudden change from a monarchy to
a republic. Thorough preparations had been made and self-
government was well practised before the establishment of the
republic. Not only this, but the intellectual standard of the
American people was then already very high; for ever since the
beginning of American history attention was given to universal
education. No youth could be found who could not read, and the
extent of education can thus be gauged.

Soon after the formation of the American Republic, the French
Republic followed in her footsteps. Now in France a monarchical
government was in existence before the declaration of
independence, and the supreme power of administration was in the
hands of the King. The people, having never participated in the
administration and lacking experience in self-government, made a
poor experiment of the republican system which they suddenly set
up. The result was that for many years disorder reigned, and the
tyranny of the military governments held sway one after another.
After the defeat of Napoleon, the monarchical system was restored
as a result of the intervention of other Powers. The second
revolution in 1830 again resulted in the restoration of the
monarchy but the power of the common people was considerably
increased. The monarchy was again overthrown in 1848 and a
Republic formed in its stead--the nephew of Napoleon was then made
President. This President, however, once more discarded
republicanism and set up a monarchy for himself. It was not until
after the Franco-Prussian war of 1870 that Napoleon III was
overthrown and the final Republic established which has lived for
half a century now, there being every likelihood of its continuing
in its present form.

Indeed the Republic of France has every prospect of being
permanent, but the permanency is only the result of a hundred
years' political revolution. For a hundred years the foundations
were being laid by means of an energetic and persistent campaign
of education, which increased the political knowledge of the
people. The people were also allowed to participate in political
affairs, and so gained experience in self-government. This is why
the French Republic is a success. Then in France and America they
have found a solution for the difficult problem of the nation,
that is the problem of succession of the government in power. The
President of France is elected by the Parliament while the
President of America is elected by the people. The people of these
two countries are all experienced in self-government as a result
of participation in political affairs. Furthermore, for the last
fifty years these two countries have all laid emphasis on
universal education by having an extensive system of schools,
subsidized by the Government. The intellectual standard of these
two people is therefore fairly high.

As a result of the examples set up by France and America, at the
end of the Eighteenth Century the Spanish colonies in Central and
South America also declared their independence one after the
other. The conditions then prevailing in those countries were
somewhat similar to those of America. When their independence was
declared, it seemed that the republican system was best suited to
their condition. For on the one hand there was no imperial house
to direct the people, on the other hand the Republic of North
America was a good example to follow. Public opinion was at that
time unanimous that since the republican form of government was
the ideal form, it was suitable for any country and any people.
The idea thus quickly spread and almost every country became a
republic. The independence of these countries, however, was
secured only at the cost of a hard struggle and once the spirit of
rebellion was aroused it became difficult to suppress in a short
while. And since education was not then universal the intellect of
the people was low. What they were expert in was in autocratic
methods. No task is harder than to establish a republic in a
country, the intelligence of whose people is low. These republics,
therefore, reaped no good results although they tried to retain
republicanism unnaturally. The consequence is that the republics
of Central and South America have been a living drama of
continuous internal disturbance. One after another their military
leaders have grasped the power of administration. Occasionally
there has been peace but this peace has only been secured by the
iron hand of one or two powerful men holding the power. Such
powerful men, however, seldom pay any attention to educational
matters, and one never hears of their establishing any schools. As
to the people under them, they are not allowed to participate in
political affairs by which their experience in politics may be
ripened. The result is, on the man in power becoming sick or
dying--and the iron rule relaxed--that those who wish to usurp the
power of the state rise at once; and as the satisfactory solution
of the problem of succession cannot be found, those undertakings
which have made progress during the time of peace are swept away
without a single exception. In extreme cases the disturbances
continues to such an extent that the country falls into a state of
anarchy. Thus the social and financial factors of the whole
country are trodden on and destroyed under foot. The conditions
now prevailing in Mexico have been many times duplicated in other
republics in Central and South America. For this can be the only
result from adopting the republican form of government where the
political and financial conditions are unsuited. Diaz, a military
leader, once held the power of state in his own hand, and when he
became the President of Mexico it looked as if the political
problem was solved thereby. Diaz, however, did not push education
but instead oppressed the people and did not allow them to
participate in politics. When he was advanced in age and his
influence decreased, he lost entire control once the banner of
rebellion was raised. Ever since the overthrow of Diaz, military
leaders of that country have been fighting one another and the
disturbance is developing even today. In the present circumstances
there is no other means to solve the political problem of Mexico
except by intervention from abroad. (Sic.)

Among the republics of Central and South America, however, there
are some which have made fairly good progress, the most prominent
of which are Argentina, Chili, and Peru. For some time there was
disorder in the first two republics immediately after the adoption
of the republican system, but later peace was gradually restored
and the people have been enjoying peace. As regards Peru, although
some disturbances have occurred since the establishment of the
republican government, the life of the Republic as a whole has
been peaceful. All of these three countries, however, developed
constitutional government with the utmost vigour. Even as far back
as in the earlier part of the Nineteenth Century Argentina and
Chili were already endeavouring to excel each other in their
progress, and as for Peru, its people were encouraged even while
under the Imperial regime, to participate in political affairs.
The success of these three republics is, therefore, not a mere
chance happening.

The study of the experiences of these republics of Central and
South America and the history of France and the United States
brings forward two points which we should carefully consider:--

1. In order to make a satisfactory solution of the problem of
succession to the chief executive in a republican country, it is
necessary that the country be in possession of an extensive system
of schools; that the intellect of its people has been brought up
to a high Standard by means of a patient process of universal
education; and that they be given a chance to participate in
political affairs for the purpose of gaining the needed
experience, before the republican form can be adopted without
harm;

2. It is certain that the adoption of a republican form of
government in a country where the people are low in intellect and
lack experience and knowledge in political affairs, will not yield
any good result. For as the position of the President is not
hereditary, and consequently the problem of succession cannot be
satisfactorily solved, the result will be a military dictatorship.
It might be possible to have a short-lived peace but such a period
of peace is usually intermingled with periods of disturbances,
during which the unduly ambitious people may rise and struggle
with each other for the control of power, and the disaster which
will follow will be irremediable.

This is not all. The present tendency is that the European and
other western Powers will not tolerate the existence of a military
government in the world; for experience shows that the result of
military government is anarchy. Now this is of vital importance to
the interests of the European Powers. Since their financial
influence has extended so far, their capital as well as their
commercial undertakings of all branches and sorts have reached
every corner of the world, they will not hesitate to express their
views for the sake of peace, as to the system of government a
country should adopt, although they have no right to interfere
with the adoption of a form of government by another nation. For
unless this is done they cannot hope to get the due profit on the
capital they have invested. If this view is carried to the
extreme, the political independence of a nation may be interfered
with or even the Government may be replaced with some other organ.
If such steps are necessary to attain their views the Powers will
not scruple to take them. Therefore no nation will be allowed
hereafter to choose its own form of government if that results in
constant revolution, as in the case of South America in the last
century. The Governments of the future should, therefore,
carefully consider the system to be adopted for the maintenance of
peace; otherwise control by foreigners will be unavoidable.

We will now proceed to consider what significance these points
reviewed above have for the political conditions of China. China,
owing to the folly of an absolute monarchical system, has
neglected the education of the masses, whose intellectual
attainments have been consequently of a low standard. Then, there
is the additional fact that the people have never had a voice in
the doings of their government. Therefore they have not the
ability to discuss politics. Four years ago the absolute monarchy
was suddenly changed into a Republic. This movement was all too
sudden to expect good results. If the Manchus had not been an
alien race, which the country wished to overthrow, the best step
which could then have been adopted was to retain the Emperor and
gradually lead him to a constitutional government. What the
Commissioners on Constitutional Government suggested was quite
practical if carried out gradually until perfection was reached.
Unfortunately the feeling of alien control was bitter to the
people and the maintenance of the throne was an utter
impossibility. Thus the monarchy was overthrown and the adoption
of a republican system was the only alternative.

Thus we see that China has during the last few years been
progressing in constitutional government. The pioneering stage of
the process was, however, not ideal. The results could have been
much better if a person of royal blood, respected by the people,
had come out and offered his service. Under the present conditions
China has not yet solved the problem of the succession to the
Presidency. What provisions we have now are not perfect. If the
President should one day give up his power the difficulties
experienced by other nations will manifest themselves again in
China. The conditions in other Countries are similar to those
obtaining in China and the dangers are also the same. It is quite
within the bounds of possibility that the situation might threaten
China's independence if internal disturbance should occur in
connection with this problem and not be immediately put down.

What attitude then should those who have the good of the nation at
heart, take under the present circumstances? Should they advocate
the continuance of the Republic or suggest a change for a
monarchy? It is difficult to answer these questions. But I have no
doubt in saying that the monarchical system is better suited to
China than the republican system. For, if China's independence is
to be maintained, the government should be constitutional, and in
consideration of China's conditions as well as her relations with
other Powers, it will be easier to form a constitutional
government by adopting a monarchy than a Republic.

However, it must be remembered that in order to secure the best
results from changing the Republic into a Monarchy not a single
one of the following points can be dispensed with:

1. Such a change must not arouse the opposition of the Chinese
people or the Foreign Powers, which will cause the disturbances so
energetically suppressed by the Republican Government to appear
again in China. For the peace now prevailing in the country should
be maintained at any price so that no danger may come therefrom.

2. If the law of succession be not definitely defined in such a
way that it will leave no doubts as to the proper successor, no
good can come from the change from Republic to Monarchy. I have
said enough about the necessity of not allowing the monarch to
choose his own successor. Although the power of an Emperor is
greater than that of a President, when the majority of the people
know nothing, it is more respected by the people. But the reason
for such a change will not be valid if the change is brought about
merely to add to the power of the chief executive without the
question of succession being definitely settled. For the
definiteness about succession is the most prominent point of
superiority of the monarchical system over the republican system.

3. If the Government should fail to make provisions for the
development of the constitutional government, no permanent benefit
will result from the change of a republic into a monarchy. For if
China wishes to occupy a suitable place among the world powers,
the patriotism of her people must be made to grow so that the
government will be more than strong enough to cope with outside
aggression. The patriotism of the people will not grow if they are
not allowed to participate in political affairs, and without the
hearty assistance of the people no government can become strong.
For the reason why the people will assist the government is
because they feel they are a part of the government. Therefore the
government should make the people realize that the government is
the organ which aims at bringing blessing to the people, and make
the people understand that they have the right to superintend the
government before the government can achieve great things.

Every one of the points mentioned above are indispensable for the
change of the Republic into a monarchy. Whether the necessary
conditions are present must be left to those who know China well
and are responsible for her future progress. If these conditions
are all present then I have no doubt that the change of the form
of the government will be for the benefit of China.

The first illuminating point, as we have already said, to leap up
and lock attention to the exclusion of everything else in this
memorandum, is that the chief difficulty which perplexes Dr.
Goodnow is not the consolidation of a new government which had
been recognized by all the Treaty Powers only two years previously
but the question of succession to the supreme office in the land,
a point which had already been fully provided for in the one
chapter of the Permanent Constitution which had been legally
passed prior to the Coup d'etat of the 4th November, 1913. But
Yuan Shih-kai's first care after that coup d'etat had been to
promulgate with the assistance of Dr. Goodnow and others, a bogus
Law, resting on no other sanction than his personal volition, with
an elaborate flummery about three candidates whose names were to
be deposited in the gold box in the Stone House in the gardens of
the Palace. Therefore since the provisional nature of this
prestidigitation had always been clear, the learned doctor's only
solution is to recommend the overthrow of the government; the
restoration of the Empire under the name of Constitutional
Monarchy; and, by means of a fresh plot to do in China what all
Europe has long been on the point of abandoning, namely, to
substitute Family rule for National rule.

Now had these suggestions been gravely made in any country but
China by a person officially employed it is difficult to know what
would have happened. Even in China had an Englishman published or
caused to be published--especially after the repeated statements
Yuan Shih-kai had given out that any attempt to force the sceptre
on him would cause him to leave the country and end his days
abroad [Footnote: The most widely-quoted statement on this subject
is the remarkable interview, published in the first week of July,
1915, throughout the metropolitan press, between President Yuan
Shih-kai and General Feng Kuo-chang, commanding the forces on the
lower Yangtsze. This statement was telegraphed by foreign
correspondents all over the world. Referring to the many rumours
afloat that titles of nobility would be revived as a precursor to
the monarchy the President declared that even if he seized the
Throne that would not increase his powers, whilst as for
transmitting the Imperial Yellow to his sons none were fitted for
that honour which would mean the collapse of any new dynasty. Here
General Feng Kuo-chang interrupted with the remark that the people
of South China would not oppose such a change ultimately, though
they thought it was too early to talk about it just now. Thereupon
the president's features became stern and he declared in a
heightened voice: "You and others seem still to believe that I
harbour secret ambitions. I affirm positively that when I sent my
sons to study in England, I privately ordered the purchase of a
small estate there as a possible home. If the people of China
insist upon my accepting the sceptre I shall leave this country
and spend the remaining days of my life abroad." This interview,
so far from being denied, has been affirmed to the present writer
as being substantially correct.]--that Englishman, we say, would
have been liable under the Orders in Council to summary
imprisonment, the possibility of tumult and widespread internal
disturbances being sufficient to force a British Court to take
action. What are the forces which brought an American to say
things which an Englishman would not dare to say--that in 1915
there was a sanction for a fresh revolutionary movement in China?
First, an interpretation of history so superficial, combined with
such an amazing suppression of contemporary political thought,
that it is difficult to believe that the requirements of the
country were taken in the least bit seriously; secondly, in the
comparisons made between China and the Latin republics, a
deliberate scouting of the all-important racial factor; and,
lastly, a total ignorance of the intellectual qualities which are
by far the most outstanding feature of Chinese civilization.

Dr. Goodnow's method is simplicity itself. In order to prove the
superiority of Monarchism over Republicanism--and thus
deliberately ignoring the moral of the present cataclysmic war--he
ransacks the dust-laden centuries. The English Commonwealth, which
disappeared nearly three hundred years ago, is brought forward as
an example of the dangers which beset a republic, though it is
difficult to see what relation an experiment made before the idea
of representative government had been even understood bears to our
times. But there is worse. The statement is deliberately made that
the reason for the disappearance of that Commonwealth was "that
the problem of succession after the death of Cromwell was
difficult to solve." English historians would no doubt have
numerous remarks to offer on this strange untruth which dismiss a
remarkably interesting chapter of history in the most misleading
way, and which tells Chinese political students nothing about the
complete failure which military government--not republicanism--
must always have among the Anglo-Saxon peoples and which is the
sole reason why Cromwellism disappeared. Even when treating the
history of his own country Dr. Goodnow seems to take pleasure in
being absurd. For he says: "The mind of the American people was so
imbued with the idea of republicanism that a republican form of
government was the ideal of the whole race"; then adding as if to
refute his own statements, "Had General Washington--the leader of
the revolutionary army--had the desire to become a monarch he
would probably have been successful." We do not know how Americans
will like this kind of interpretation of their history; but at
least they will not fail to note what dismal results it hastened
on in China. With the experimental Eighteenth Century French
Republic; with the old Spanish Colonies of Central and South
America; and above all with Mexico, Dr. Goodnow deals in the same
vein. Vast movements, which can be handled only tentatively even
in exhaustive essays are dismissed in misleading sentences framed
so as to serve as mere introduction to the inevitable climax--the
Chinese Constitutional Monarchy of 1915 with Yuan Shih-kai as
Emperor.

Yet this is not all. As if in alarm at the very conclusions he so
purposely reaches, at the end of his Memorandum he reduces these
conclusions to naught by stating that three impossible conditions
are necessary to consummate the Restoration of the Monarchy in
China, (1) no opposition should be aroused, (2) the law of
succession must be properly settled, (3) full provision must be
made for the development of Constitutional Government. That these
conditions were known to be impossible, everyone in the Far East
had long admitted. Had Dr. Goodnow paid the slightest attention to
the course of history in China he would have known (a) that any
usurpation of the Throne would infallibly lead to rebellion in
China and intervention on the part of Japan, (b) that Yuan Shih-
kai's power was purely personal and as such could not be
transmitted to any son by any means known to the human intellect,
(c) that all Yuan Shih-kai's sons were worthless, the eldest son
being semi-paralyzed, (d) that constitutional government and the
Eastern conception of kingship, which is purely theocratic, are so
antithetical that they cannot possibly co-exist, any re-
establishment of the throne being ipso facto the re-establishment
of a theocracy, (e) that although he so constantly speaks of the
low political knowledge of the people, the Chinese have had a most
complete form of local self-government from the earliest times,
the political problem of the day being simply to gather up and
express these local forms in some centralized system: (f) the so-
called non-patriotism of the Chinese is non-existent and is an
idea which has been spread abroad owing to the complete foreign
misunderstanding of certain basic facts--for instance that under
the Empire foreign affairs were the sole concern of the Emperors,
provincial China prior to 1911 being a socio-economic
confederation resembling mediaeval contrivances such as the
Hanseatic League--a provincial confederation not concerning
itself with any matter which lay outside its everyday economic
life, such as territorial overlordship or frontier questions or
the regulation of sea-port intercourse etc., because such matters
were meaningless. It was only when foreign encroachment in the
POST-Japanese war period (i. e. after 1895) carried problems from
the fringes of the Empire into the economic life of the people
that their pride was touched and that in spite of "their lack of
experience and knowledge in political affairs" they suddenly
displayed a remarkable patriotic feeling, the history of China
during the past two decades being only comprehensible when this
capital contention, namely the reality of Chinese patriotism, is
given the central place.

It is useless, however, to pursue the subject: we have said enough
to disclose the utter levity of those who should have realized
from the first that the New China is a matter of life and death to
the people, and that the first business of the foreigner is to
uphold the new beliefs. The Goodnow Memorandum, immediately it was
published, was put to precisely those base uses which any one with
an elementary knowledge of China might have foreseen: it was
simply exploited in an unscrupulous way, its recommendations being
carried out in such a manner as to increase one's contempt for the
men who were pushing the monarchist plot with any means that they
could seize hold of, and who were not averse from making
responsible foreigners their tools.





CHAPTER X

THE MONARCHY MOVEMENT IS OPPOSED

THE APPEAL OF THE SCHOLAR LIANG CH'I-CHAO


We have already referred in several places to the extraordinary
role scholarship and the literary appeal play in the governance of
China. It is necessary to go back to the times of the birth of the
Roman Empire, and to invoke the great figure of Cicero, to
understand how greatly the voice of men of recognized intellectual
qualities influences the nation. Liang Ch'i-chao, a man of some
forty-five years, had long been distinguished for his literary
attainments and for the skill with which, though unversed in any
Western language, he had expounded the European theory and
practice of government to his fellow-countrymen. To his brain is
due the coining of many exact expressions necessary for
parliamentary government, his mentality having grown with the
modern growth of China and adapted itself rather marvellously to
the requirements of the Twentieth Century. A reformer of 1898--
that is one of the small devoted band of men who under Kang Yu Wei
almost succeeded in winning over the ill-fated Emperor Kwang Hsu
to carrying out a policy of modernizing the country in the teeth
of fierce mandarin opposition, he possessed in his armoury every
possible argument against the usurpation Yuan Shih-kai proposed to
practise. He knew precisely where to strike--and with what
strength; and he delivered himself over to his task with whole-
hearted fervour. It having become known that he was engaged in
preparing this brief for the people of China, every influence was
brought to bear to prevent such a disastrous publication.
Influential deputations were sent to him to implore him to
remember the parlous international situation China found herself
in,--a situation which would result in open disaster if subjected
to the strain of further discords. For a time he hesitated
launching his counter-stroke. But at length the Republican Party
persuaded him to deal the tyrant the needed blow; and his now
famous accusation of the Chief Executive was published.

Its effect was immediate and very far-reaching. Men understood
that armed revolt was in the air. The almost Biblical fervour
which pervades this extraordinary document shows an unusual sense
of moral outrage. The masterly analysis of the Diaz regime in
Mexico coupled with the manner in which--always pretending to be
examining the conduct of the Mexican--he stabs at Yuan Shih-kai,
won the applause of a race that delights in oblique attacks and
was ample proof that great trouble was brewing. The document was
read in every part of China and everywhere approved. Although it
suffers from translation, the text remains singularly interesting
as a disclosure of the Chinese mentality; whilst the exhaustive
examination of political terms it contains shows that some day
Chinese will carry their inventive genius into fields they have
hitherto never openly invaded. Especially interesting is it to
contrast the arguments of such a man with those of a decadent such
as Yang Tu.

FROM REPUBLIC TO MONARCHY

Before I proceed with my argument I wish to make plain two points.
One is that I am not one of those reformers whose ears are their
brains, and who are intoxicated with the doctrine of
republicanism. I have, therefore, no partiality for the republican
form of government nor any bias for or against other forms of
government. This can be proved by my literary work during the last
ten years. The second point is that I am not one of the veteran
conservatives who lay so much stress on the importance of having a
dynasty. For such are the thoughts of men who only seek to adjust
themselves to existing conditions. If one wishes to consider the
present situation of the country without bias or prejudice he must
disregard the rise or fall of any particular family. Only those
who bear in mind these two points can read my argument with real
understanding.

I. THE QUESTION OF KUO-TI

Some time ago I said that, as political students, we should only
care for Cheng-ti, i.e., the form of government and not for kuo-
ti, i.e., the form of state. Do not call this trifling with words,
for it is a principle which all critics of politics should follow
and never depart from. The reason is that critics of politics
should not, because they cannot, influence the question of kuo-ti.
They should not influence the question of kuo-ti because so long
as the question of kuo-ti remains unsettled the major portion of
the administration remains at a stand-still. Thus there will be no
political situation properly so called and there will be no
political questions to discuss (here the term political means
really administrative). If a critic of politics, therefore,
interfere with the question of Kuo-ti, he will be leading the
nation into a condition of political instability, thus undermining
the ground on which the people stand. Such critics can be likened
unto a man trying to enter a house without ascending the steps or
crossing a river without a boat.

They cannot influence the question of Kuo-ti. The force which
drives and steers the change of one form of State or vice versa is
generally not derived from mere politics. If the time is not ripe,
then no amount of advocacy on the part of critics can hasten it.
If the time is ripe, nothing the critics say can prevent it. He
who indulges himself in the discussion of the problem of Kuo-ti--
i.e., the form of States, as a political student, is ignorant of
his own limitations and capacity. This is as true of the active
politicians as of the critics; for the first duty of an active
politician is to seek for the improvement and progress of the
administration of the existing foundation of government. A step
beyond this line is revolution and intrigue, and such cannot be
the attitude of a right-minded active politician or statesman.
This is looking at it from the negative side.

From the positive, that is, the progressive point of view, there
is also a boundary. Such actions under one form of government are
political activities, and under the opposite form of government
are also political activities. But these are not questions of
political principle. For only when a man sacrifices the ideals
which he has advocated and cherished during the whole of his life
does the question of principle arise. Therefore the great
principle of looking to the actual state of administration of the
form of government and leaving the mere form of state in the back-
ground is a principle that is applicable under all circumstances
and should be followed by all critics of politics.

II. THE ARGUMENT AGAINST CHANGE

No form of government is ideal. Its reason of existence can only
be judged by what it has achieved. It is the height of folly to
rely on theoretical conclusions as a basis for artificial
arbitration as to what should be accepted and what discarded. Mere
folly, however, is not to be seriously condemned. But the danger
and harm to the country will be unmeasurable if a person has
prejudiced views respecting a certain form of government and in
order to prove the correctness of his prejudiced views, creates
artificially a situation all by himself. For this reason my view
has always been not to oppose any form of government. But I am
always opposed to any one who engages in a propaganda in favour of
a form of government other than the one under which we actually
live. In the past I opposed those who tried to spread the
republican form of government while the country was under
monarchical government, and the arguments I advanced in support of
my views were written in no fewer than 200,000 words. Even so late
as the ninth month after the outbreak of the Revolution I issued a
pamphlet entitled "The Problem of the Building of the New China,"
which was my last attempt to express my views respecting the
maintenance of the old form of government.

What obligations had I to the then Imperial House? Did it not heap
persecution and humiliation on me to the utmost of its power and
resources? I would have been an exile even to this day had it not
been for the Revolution. Further, I was no child and I was fully
aware of the disappointment which the then Government caused in
the minds of the people. Yet I risked the opposition of the whole
country and attempted to prolong the life of the dying dynasty. I
had no other view in mind except that there would be some
possibility of our hope being realized if the whole nation would
unite in efforts to improve the administration under the then
existing form of government. I believed that because the people
were not educated for a change. But if the status of the country
should be changed before the people are educated and accustomed to
the new order of things, the danger and hardship during the
transitional period of several years would be incalculable. In
certain circumstances this might lead to the destruction of the
nation. Even if we are spared the tragedy of national extinction,
the losses sustained by the retarding of the progress of the
administration would be unredeemable. It is painful to recall past
experiences; but if my readers will read once more my articles in
the Hsin Mim Tung Pao during the years 1905 and 1906 they will see
that all the sufferings which the Republic has experienced bear
out the predictions made then. The different stages of the
sinister development have been unfolding themselves one by one
just as I said they would. It was unfortunate that my words were
not heeded although I wept and pleaded. Such has been the
consequence of the change of the state of the country--a change of
Kuo-ti.

Yet before we have hardly ceased panting, this talk of a second
change is on us. I am not in a position to say exactly how this
talk had its beginning. Ostensibly it was started by the remarks
of Dr. Goodnow. But I am unable to say whether Dr. Goodnow
actually gave out such a view or for what purpose he expressed
such a view. From what he told the representative of a Peking
newspaper he never expressed the views attributed to him. Be this
as it may, I cannot help having my doubts. All Dr. Goodnow is
alleged to have said bearing on the merits of the monarchical and
republican system of government as an abstract subject of
discussion, such as the necessity of the form of state (Kuo-ti)
being suited to the general conditions of the country and the
lessons we should learn from the Central and South American
republics, are really points of a very simple nature and easily
deduced. How strange that among all this large number of
politicians and scholars, who are as numerous as the trees in the
forest and the perch in the stream, should have failed for all
these years to notice these simple points; and now suddenly make a
fetish of them because they have come out of the mouth of a
foreigner. Is it because no one except a foreign doctor can
discover such facts? Why even a humble learner like myself, though
not so learned even to the extent of one ten-thousandth part of
his knowledge, more than ten years ago anticipated what the good
doctor has said; and I said much more and in much more
comprehensive terms. I have no desire to talk about my work, but
let my readers glance through the copies of the Hsin Min Tsung
Pao, Yin Ping Shih Wen Chi, the "Fight between Constitutional
Advocates" and "Revolutionary Advocates," the "Question of the
Building of the New China," etc., etc. My regret is that my eyes
are not blue and my hair not brown, and hence my words were not
acceptable to the nation!

III. RES JUDICATA

I do not say that the merits or otherwise of the republican system
should not be discussed, but the time for such a discussion has
passed. The most opportune time for such a discussion was in 1911
when the Revolution had just begun; but since then further
discussions should not be tolerated. There might have been some
excuse if this subject had been brought up for discussion when the
second revolution broke out at Hukow on the Yangtsze river or
before the President was formally inaugurated, or before the
Powers formally recognized the Republic; but the excuse even then
would have been a weak one. Where were you then, advocates of
monarchy? Could you not at that time have brought out an essay by
one of the great scholars of the world as a subject for
discussion? Could you not have cited the cases of American
republics as a warning for us that these republic were by no means
peaceful? Yet at that time when the heroes of discretion were
daily pushing the progress of the republican cause, stating that
republicanism was the panacea for all the world's administrations
and that republicanism was not a new factor in Chinese history, a
humble and ignorant man like myself, then a stranger in a foreign
land, was burdened with the fear of the unsuitability of the
republican system to China and wrote articles in support of his
own views and wept till his eyes were dry.

Do you not realize that the State is a thing of great importance
and should not be disturbed carelessly? How can you then
experiment with it and treat it as if you were putting a chest
into a dead hole, saying "Let me place it here for the moment and
I will see to it later." The status of the State can be likened to
marriage between man and woman. The greatest care should be taken
during courtship. The lady should then exercise care to see that
the man whom she is taking to be a life companion is worthy of
her. During this period it is the duty of her relatives and
friends to point out to her any danger or misunderstanding even to
the extent of offending her feelings. But if you leave her alone
at this stage when there is plenty of time to change her course,
and--what is more--urge her to tie the knot despite
incompatibility, what right have you afterward to make the
impudent suggestion to the wife that her husband is not a man to
whom she should cling for life? Is such a course a charitable way
of doing things?

If indeed the republican cause is enough to cause the destruction
of the nation then you, the advocates of monarchy, have placed the
country in a position from which she has no hope of ever coming
out independent. You are the men, who--to the best of your
ability--inculcated and pressed the adoption of the republican
cause. The proverb says, "If now, why not then?" How many days can
a person live that you, not satisfied with one great sin, are
again to commit another. It is not long since the Republic was
first established; yet you, the veterans of republicanism, are the
leaders today in advocating the overthrow of the Republic. Yes. It
is indeed strange that I, a man who once opposed the republican
cause, should now be opposing you. Nothing is stranger and nothing
is so fateful.

But our modern critics say we prefer a constitutional monarchy to
an autocratic republic. Now whether we are constitutional or not
is a question concerning the administration, while the question
whether we are republican or not is a question concerning the form
or status of the country. We have always held that the question of
Kuo-ti is above discussion and that what we should consider is the
actual condition of administration. If the administration
(government) is constitutional, then it matters not whether the
country is a Republic or a Monarchy. If the government is not
constitutional then neither a republic nor a monarchy will avail.
There is no connexion, therefore, between the question of Kuo-ti
and the question of Cheng-ti. It is an absurd idea to say that in
order to improve the administration we must change the Kuo-ti--the
status or form of the country--as a necessity. If this idea is to
be entertained for a single moment the changes even in
constitutional countries will be endless. But the curious paradox
is that in former days the critics said that only a republic, not
a monarchy, could be constitutional; whereas, the critics now say
that a monarchy, not a republic, can alone be constitutional!

IV. THE PRESIDENT AND THE CONSTITUTION

Let me therefore lay down a simple definition of what a
Constitution is before discussing whether the contentions of the
critics are reasonable. My opponents will agree with me that the
main principle of a constitutional government is that the
legislative organ should always balance the executive and that the
exercising of the administrative power is always limited to a
certain extent. They will also agree that the most important point
of a so-called constitutional monarchy is that the monarch should
act as a figurehead, and that the establishment of a responsible
cabinet is an indispensable accompaniment. If these simple
principles are recognized then we must put up the theory for
discussion. Let us then raise the question who shall be the
monarch. In plain words, is the person in our mind the President?
or any other person? (In view of the repeated declarations of the
President that he will never consent to become an Emperor, this
suggestion on my part is a gross insult to his character, but I
crave to excuse myself as this is only mere speculation and
supposition.) What shall we do with the President if we find
another man? The President, having so long borne the burdens of
the State, will certainly be only too willing to vacate his post
to live in retirement as far as his own person is concerned, but
can we imagine that the country will allow the President to
retire? If not, then are we going to ask the President to form a
responsible cabinet under a figurehead monarch? Even if we take it
for granted that the President, out of love for the country, would
be willing to sacrifice his own principles and yield to the wish
of the country, it will be dangerous indeed if he--a person on
whom the whole nation depends--is placed in the path of
parliament. Therefore the contention that a constitutional
monarchy will be attained if a person other than the President be
made a monarch is false and baseless.

Shall we then make the present President a monarch? Of course the
President will not consent to this. But leaving this aside let us
suppose that the President, in consideration of the permanent
welfare of the country, is willing to sacrifice everything to
satisfy the wish of the people, do we expect that he will become a
mere figurehead? A figurehead monarch is, to adapt the saying of
the west a fat porker, a guinea-pig, that is, good as an expensive
ornament. Will it be wise to place so valuable a personage in so
idle a position at a time when the situation is so extremely
critical?

Even if we are willing to suffer the President to become a
figurehead it will remain a question whether a responsible cabinet
can ever be formed. I do not say that the President will not allow
a responsible cabinet to exist under him. My contention is that
there is no one within my knowledge, who commands respect enough
and is capable of taking over the responsibilities of President
Yuan. For who can replace the Great President in coping with our
numerous difficulties? If we select an ordinary man and make him
bear the great burdens, we will find that in addition to his lack
of ability rendering him unequal to the occasion, his lack of
dominating influence will disqualify him from exercising
authority. It was for the purpose of meeting the requirements of
the existing conditions that the Cabinet system was changed into a
Presidential system--an excellent substitution for a weakened
administration. Conditions in the next two or three years will not
be very much different from what they are now. Therefore, the
contention that the administration will be changed overnight for
the better after a change in the form of the State is, if not a
wicked untruth to deceive the common people, the ridiculous
absurdity of a bookworm. Thus the theory that a constitutional
monarchy will immediately follow, if the President consents to
become a monarch, is also fallacious.

Can it be possible that those who are now holding up the
constitutional principle as a shield for their monarchical views
have a different definition for the term "constitution"? The Ching
(Manchu) Dynasty considered itself as possessing a constitution in
its last days. Did we recognize it as such? Let me also ask the
critics what guarantee they have to offer that the constitution
will be put into effect without hindrance as soon as the form of
State is changed. If they cannot give any definite guarantee, then
what they advocate is merely an absolute monarchy and not a
constitutional monarchy. As it is not likely to be a
constitutional monarchy, we may safely assume that it will be an
imperial autocracy. I cannot regard it as a wise plan if, owing to
dislike of its defects, the Republic should be transformed into an
Imperial autocracy. Owing to various unavoidable reasons, it is
excusable in spite of violent opposition to adopt temporarily
autocratic methods in a republican country. But if the plan
proposed by present-day critics be put into effect, that on the
promise of a constitution we should agree to the adoption of a
monarchy, then the promise must be definitely made to the country
at the time of transition that a constitutional government will
become an actuality. But if, after the promise is made, existing
conditions are alleged to justify the continuance of autocratic
methods, I am afraid the whole country will not be so tolerant
towards the Chief Executive. To assume outwardly the role of
constitutional government, but in reality to rule in an
unconstitutional manner, was the cause of the downfall of the
Ching Dynasty. The object lesson is not obscure. Let us take
warning by it.

V. FALLACIES OF THE MONARCHISTS

If, on the other hand, the present day critics are really in
earnest for a constitution, then I am unable to understand why
they believe that this cannot be secured under the Republic but
must be obtained in a roundabout way by means of a monarchy. In my
view the real hindrances to the adoption of a constitution at the
present day in China are the existing conditions, viz. the
attitude of the officials and the traditions and intellectual
standards of the people. But these hindrances have not resulted
from the adoption of republicanism. Therefore they cannot be
expected to disappear with the disappearance of the Republic. For
instance, from the President downward to the minor official of
every official organ in the capital or in the provinces, every one
inclines to be independent of the law, and considers it convenient
to deal with affairs as he pleases. This is the greatest obstacle
to constitutional government. Now has that anything to do with the
change or not of the form of State? Again, the absence, on the
part of the people, of interest in political affairs, of knowledge
of politics, of political morality and strength, and their
inability to organize proper political parties to make use of an
inviolable parliament, are also hindrances to the attainment of a
constitution. Now what have these things to do with a change in
the form of the States? If I were to go on naming such hindrances
one by one, I should count my fingers many times over and I should
not be through. Yet it is quite plain that not a single one of
these hindrances can be attributed to republicanism.

To say that what we cannot get under the republic can be secured
immediately upon accepting a monarchical regime, or to say that
what can be secured under a monarchical regime can never be
secured in a republican period is beyond the understanding of a
stupid man like myself, although I have searched my brain for a
valid reason.

My view is that if China is really in earnest for a constitution,
the President should set the example himself by treating the
Constitutional Compact as sacredly inviolable and compel his
subordinates to do the same. Every letter of the compact should be
carried out and no attempt should be made to step beyond its
limits.

Meantime give the people as many opportunities as possible to
acquaint themselves with political affairs, and do not stifle the
aspirations of the people or weaken their strength or damp their
interest or crush their self-respect. Then within a few years we
shall be rewarded with results. If, instead of doing all these
things, we vainly blame the form of State, we are, as Chu Tse
says, like a boat that blames the creek for its curves.

The most powerful argument of those who advocate a change to a
monarchy is that there is every possibility of disturbance at the
time of a Presidential election. This is a real danger. It is for
this reason that ten years ago I did not dare to associate myself
with the advocates of republicanism. If the critics want to attack
me on this point to support of their contentions, I advise them
not to write another article but to reprint my articles written
some time ago, which, I think, will be more effective.
Fortunately, however, we have discovered a comparatively effective
remedy. For, according to the latest President Election Law the
term of the President is to all intents and purposes a term for
life. It is therefore impossible for such dangers to appear during
the life of the President. What concerns us is therefore what will
happen after the departure of the present President for another
world. This, of course, is a question that we do not wish to touch
upon; but since every one, even the patriarchs must die some day,
let us face the matter openly. If Heaven blesses China and allows
the Great President to devote himself to the country for ten or
more years--during which he will be able to assert the authority
of the government, cleanse officialdom, store-up strength,
consolidate the country, and banish all hidden dangers--then there
will be nothing to choose between a republic or a monarchy. If, on
the other hand, Heaven should not be pleased so to favour us and
takes away our Great President before he is half through with his
great task, then the fate of China is sealed. No changes in the
form of State will avail under any circumstances. Therefore the
question whether China will be left in peace or not depends
entirely on the length of years the Great President will live and
what he will be able to accomplish in his lifetime. Whether the
country is ruled as a republic or a monarchy, the consequences
will be the same.

Do you still doubt my words? Let me go deeper into the analysis.
The difference between a republic and a monarchy lies only in the
methods of succession of the head of the nation. It is evident
that although a certain law of succession may be made during the
life-time of the Head, it cannot take effect until his death; and
whether or not the effect thus intended will come up to
expectations will depend on two factors: (1) whether or not the
merits and personal influence of the predecessor will continue
effective after his death, and (2) whether or not there will be
unscrupulous and insubordinate claimants at the death of the Head,
and, if any, the number of such men and whether the point of
dispute they raise be well-founded. If these are taken as the
basis for discerning the future we will arrive at the same
conclusion whether the country be a republic or a monarchy.

VI. THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION LAW

The Presidential Election Law, however, provides that the
successor should be nominated by his predecessor, and the name of
the successor so nominated is to be locked in the golden box in
the stone strong-room. The President may now, on the one hand,
multiply his merits and strengthen his personal influence so that
the whole country will gladly bow to his wishes to the extent that
even after his death they will not want to disobey his last wish,
and on the other hand, the President may quietly ascertain the
likely causes which would produce dissension, and take suitable
steps to prevent and be rid of them. If the seed of dissension is
in the ordinances, then alter the ordinances so that they may not
be used as a tool by possible claimants. If the seed of dissension
is in a person then cultivate that man, lead him to righteousness,
place him in a suitable position so that he may be protected from
temptation. Meanwhile let the President carefully select his
successor on whom he may eventually lay the responsibilities of
State (according to the Presidential Election Law the President is
at liberty to suggest any one he likes, his own son or some one
else). Let the nominee be placed in a responsible position so as
to bring him to public notice. Give him real authority so that he
may establish his influence. Place his name at the head of other
men of little consequence in the golden box. Then there will be
absolutely no ground for dispute when the time comes to open the
box.

If every President will do likewise this system can be used
without fear of a break for hundreds of years. Otherwise we will
have only the Imperial system on paper to rely on for assistance,
which is not even to be thought of. A glance through the pages of
Chinese history will show the numerous cases in the reign of
Emperors when princes fought in the very confines of the Emperor's
palace while the corpse of their royal father lay unburied in the
hall. Thus it is seen that the hidden cause of the safety or
otherwise of the country does not lie with the mere formality of a
constitution either in a republic or a monarchy.

VII. THE CASE OF DIAZ, THE DICTATOR

The critics bring up the example of Mexico where live rivals have
been struggling with each other for the presidency, and the
internal confusion of the Central and South American republics as
well as Portugal, as an unquestionable proof of their contention
that a republic is not so good as a monarchy. I imagine that the
idea of these critics is that all these disturbances can be
avoided if all these republics were changed into monarchies. Let
me tell them that Diaz ruled over Mexico for thirty years, and
only died as an exile in May last (I am not quite sure of the
exact month). If indeed the struggle in Mexico was a fight for
succession then the fight should not have begun until this year.
And indeed if it were necessary to have a monarch to avoid the
disturbance, and supposing that Diaz, thirty years ago, had a man
like Dr. Goodnow to make the suggestion, and men like the Chou An
Hui to spread it, and suppose that Diaz boldly took the advice and
set up an Imperial system for himself, would Mexico then have a
peace that would last as long as the ages?

If Diaz had assumed the throne I am positive he would long ago
have been an exile in a foreign country before his imperial system
could have come into effect or he himself become the proud founder
of a new dynasty. What he would have held as an imperial charter
would have become a mere scrap of paper. If he could not prevent
rebellion even during his life-time how can we expect an empty
Imperial system to prevent it after his death. Even a child can
see this. The disturbances in Mexico were unavoidable no matter
under a republic or a monarchy. The reason? It is because Diaz,
under the mask of a republic, actually played the role of a
despot. During all the thirty years he held office he never
devoted himself to the strengthening of the fundamental things of
State, but diligently strengthened his own position. He massed an
enormous number of troops for his own protection so that he might
overawe the people. For fear that the troops might become arrogant
and insubordinate, he provoked disagreement among them in order
that he might play them round his fingers. He banished all those
who opposed him, relying on force alone. In dealing with those who
were really patriotic, he either corrupted their character by
buying them with silver or removed them by assassination. He was a
vainglorious man and spent money like water. From the foreign
capitalists he borrowed in a most indiscriminate manner, while on
the Mexican people he levied all sorts of cruel taxes. Thus the
strength of the people was drained and the resources of the
country were exhausted, creating a position over which he
eventually had no control whatever. Ten years ago I wrote an
article in the Hsin Mim Tsung Pao remarking that Diaz was a
matchless fraud. I said then that a nation-wide calamity would
befall Mexico after his death and that the Mexican nation would be
reduced to a mere shadow. (My friend Mr. Tang Chio-tun also wrote
an article, before the internal strife in Mexico broke out, on the
same subject and in an even more comprehensive way). Luckily for
Diaz he ruled under the mask of republicanism, for only by so
doing did he manage to usurp and keep the presidential chair for
thirty years. He would long ago have disappeared had he attempted
to assume the role of an emperor. This is also true of the other
republics of Central and South America. Their presidents almost
without a single exception used military force as a stepping-stone
to the presidential chair. We have yet to see the last military
aspirant. The unsuitability of the country to the republican
system is of course one of the reasons but I cannot agree with
those who say that this is the only reason.

As to Portugal it is true that the change from the monarchy to
republic has not stopped internal disturbance; but is it not a
fact that Portugal became a republic as a result of internal
disturbance and was it not during the existence of the monarch
that the disturbance started? It is ridiculous to suppose that a
republic will surely court disturbance while a monarchy will
surely ensure peace and order. Is not Persia a monarchy? Is not
Turkey a monarchy? Is not Russia a monarchy?

Read their history in recent decades and see how many years of
peace they have had. There have been no election of presidents in
these countries. Why then such unrest?

Again, why was the state of affairs during the Sixteen States of
the Five Dynasty-Period and the Ten States of the Five Successions
as deplorably miserable and disastrous as the state of affairs now
prevailing in Mexico, although there was no election of Presidents
then? In quoting objective facts as illustrations the critic
should not allow his choice to be dictated by his personal like or
dislike. Otherwise he will not be deceiving others than himself.
Soberly speaking, any form of state is capable of either ensuring
a successful government or causing rebellion. And nine cases out
of ten the cause of rebellion lies in the conditions of the
administration and not in the form of state. It cannot be denied,
however, that the chances of rebellion and dissension are more
frequent and easier when the form of state does not suit the
conditions of the people. That is why I did not advocate
republicanism; and even now I am not a blind believer in
republicanism. In this I agree with you, the Chou An Hui people.

The reason why I have not decided to advocate boldly a change in
the form of state is because for years my heart has been burdened
with an unspeakable sorrow and pain, believing that ever since the
mistake made in 1911 the hope for China's future has dwindled to
almost nothing. On one hand I have been troubled with our
inability to make the Republic a success, and on the other I have
been worrying over the fact that it would be impossible to restore
the monarchy. The situation has so worked on my troubled mind that
at times I seemed to be beside myself. But as the whole country
seemed to be already in a state of desperation I have come to the
conclusion that it would not do any good to add pain to sorrow.
Therefore, instead of uttering pessimistic views I have been
speaking words of encouragement to raise our spirits. In this,
however, I have exhausted my own strength. My friend, Mr. Hsu Fo-
su, told me some five or six years ago that it was impossible for
China to escape a revolution, and as a result of the revolution
could not escape from becoming a republic, and by becoming a
republic China would be bound to disappear as a nation. I have
been meditating on these words of ill omen and sought to help the
country to escape from his prediction but I have not yet found the
way.

IX. "DIVINITY DOTH HEDGE A KING"

Now my friends, you have stated in a worthy manner the reasons why
the republican form of state cannot assist China to maintain her
existence; now let me state why it is impossible to restore the
monarchical system. The maintenance of the dignity of a monarch
depends on a sort of mystical, historical, traditional influence
or belief. Such an influence was capable of producing
unconsciously and spontaneously a kind of effect to assist
directly or indirectly in maintaining order and imparting blessing
to the country. In this lies the value of a monarchy. But dignity
is a thing not to be trifled with. Once it is trodden down it can
never rise again. We carve wood or mould clay into the image of a
person and call it a god (idol). Place it in a beautiful temple,
and seat it in a glorious shrine and the people will worship it
and find it miraculously potent. But suppose some insane person
should pull it down, tread it under foot and throw it into a dirty
pond and suppose some one should discover it and carry it back to
its original sacred abode, you will find the charm has gone from
it. Ever since the days of monarchical government the people have
looked on the monarch with a sort of divine reverence, and never
dared to question or criticize his position. After a period of
republicanism, however, this attitude on the part of the common
people has been abruptly terminated with no possibility of
resurrection. A survey of all the republics of the world will tell
us that although a large number of them suffered under republican
rule, not a single one succeeded in shaking itself free of the
republican fetters. Among the world republics only France has had
her monarchical system revived twice after the republic was first
inaugurated. The monarchy, however, disappeared almost
immediately. Thus we may well understand how difficult it is for a
country to return to its monarchical state after a republican
regime. It may be said that China has had only a short experience
of the republican regime; but it must also be remembered that the
situation has been developing for more than ten years and in
actual existence for about four years. During the period of
development the revolutionists denounced the monarch in most
extravagant terms and compared him to the devil. Their aim was to
kill the mystic belief of the people in the Emperor; for only by
diminishing the dignity of the monarch could the revolutionary
cause make headway. And during and after the change all the
official documents, school textbooks, press views and social
gossip have always coupled the word monarch with reprobation. Thus
for a long while this glorious image has been lying in the dirty
pond! Leaving out the question that it is difficult to restore the
monarchy at the present day, let us suppose that by arbitrary
method we do succeed in restoring it. You will then find that it
will be impossible for it to regain in former dignity and
influence.

Turning to another aspect, the most natural course would seem to
be a revival of the last dynasty. It might have been possible for
a Charles II and Louis XVIII of China to appear again, if not for
the hatred of racial domination. But since the last dynasty was
Manchu this is out of the question. If a new dynasty were set up
it would require many years of hard labour and a great deal of
organizing to succeed. Even then only a few have succeeded in this
way in prolonging their dynasties by actually convincing the
people of their merits. Therefore for several years I have been
saying to myself that it would be easier to strengthen the country
and place it on a sounder basis if it were possible for us to
return to our monarchical state. And to revive the monarchical
government there are two ways.

One is that after thoroughly reforming the internal administration
under the leadership of the present Great President, that is, when
all the neglected affairs of the country have been well attended
to, every family in the land made happy and prosperous, the army
well-trained and all the necessary bitterness "eaten," the
President, when a suitable opportunity presented itself, should
have the rare fortune to gain a decisive victory over a foreign
foe; then his achievements would be such that the millions of
people would compel him to ascend the throne, and so he would hand
his sceptre on to his descendants for endless ages.

The second possibility is that after a second great internal
disturbance, resulting in the whole country being thrown into a
state of utter confusion and cut up into small independent states,
the President should suppress them and unite the country into one
empire. We will, of course, not pray for the second possibility to
come about as then there will be little left of the Chinese
people. And no one can be certain whether the person who shall
succeed in suppressing the internal strife will be a man of our
own race or not. Thus the result will not differ very much from
national extinction. As to the first possibility, we know that an
exceedingly capable man is now in a most powerful position; let
him be given time and he will soon show himself to be a man of
success. Does not the last ray of hope for China depend on this?

X. THE UNRIPE PEAR.

This is why I say we should not deliberately create trouble for
the Republic at this time to add to the worries of the Great
President so that he might devote his puissant thoughts and
energies to the institution of great reforms. Then our final hope
will be satisfied some day. But what a year and what a day we are
now living in? The great crisis (Note: The reference is to the
Japanese demands) has just passed and we have not yet had time for
a respite. By the pressure of a powerful neighbour we have been
compelled to sign a "certain" Treaty. Floods, drought, epidemics
and locusts visit our country and the land is full of suffering
while robbers plunder the people. In ancient times this would have
been a day for the Imperial Court to remove their ornaments and
live in humiliation. What do the people of our day mean by
advising and urging the President to ascend the throne? To pluck
the fruit before it is ripe, injures the roots of the tree; and to
force the premature birth of a child kills the mother. If the last
"ray of hope" for China should be extinguished by the failure of a
premature attempt to force matters, how could the advocates of
such a premature attempt excuse themselves before the whole
country? Let the members of the Chou An Hui meditate on this
point.

The odes say, "The people are tired. Let them have a respite." In
less than four years' time from the 8th moon of the year Hsin Hai
we have had many changes. Like a bolt from the blue we had the
Manchu Constitution, then "the Republic of Five Races," then the
Provisional President, then the formal Presidency, then the
Provisional Constitution was promulgated, then it was suddenly
amended, suddenly the National Assembly was convoked, suddenly it
was dissolved, suddenly we had a Cabinet System, suddenly it was
changed to a Presidential System, suddenly it was a short-term
Presidency, suddenly it was a life-term Presidency, suddenly the
Provisional Constitution was temporarily placed in a legal
position as a Permanent Constitution, suddenly the drafting of the
Permanent Constitution was pressed. Generally speaking the average
life of each new system has been less than six months, after which
a new system quite contrary to the last succeeded it. Thus the
whole country has been at a loss to know where it stood and how to
act; and thus the dignity and credit of the Government in the eyes
of the people have been lowered down to the dust. There are many
subjects respecting internal and diplomatic affairs which we can
profitably discuss. If you wish to serve the country in a
patriotic way you have many ways to do so. Why stir the peaceful
water and create a sea of troubles by your vain attempt to excite
the people and sow seeds of discord for the State?

XI. THE ASSEVERATIONS OF THE PRESIDENT

One or two points more, and I am finished. These will be in the
nature of a straight talk to the Chou An Hui. The question I would
ask in plain words is, who is the person you have in your mind as
the future Emperor? Do you wish to select a person other than the
Great President? You know only too well that the moment the
President relieves his shoulder of the burdens of State the
country will be thrown into confusion. If you entertain this plot
with the deliberation of a person bent upon the destruction of the
country, then the four hundred million of people will not excuse
you.

Is the man you have in mind the present President? Heaven and
earth as well as all living creatures in China and other lands
know what the President swore to when he took the oath of office
as President. Rumours have indeed been circulated, but whenever
they reached the ears of the President he has never hesitated to
express his righteous mind, saying that no amount of pressure
could compel him to change his determination. All officials who
have come into close contact with the President have heard such
sentiments from the lips of the President on not a few occasions.
To me his words are still ringing in my ears. General Feng Kuo-
chang has conveyed to me what he was told by the President. He
says that the President has prepared a "few rooms" in England, and
that if the people would not spare him he would flee to the refuge
he has prepared. Thus we may clearly see how determined the
President is. Can it be possible that you have never heard of this
and thus raise this extraordinary subject without any cause. If
the situation should become such that the President should be
compelled to carry out his threat and desert the Palace, what
would you say and do then?

Or, perhaps, you are measuring the lordly conduct of a gentleman
with the heart of a mean man, saying to yourself that what the
President has been saying cannot be the truth, but, as Confucius
has said, "say you are not but make a point to do it," and that,
knowing that he would not condemn you, you have taken the risk. If
so, then what do you take the President for? To go back on one's
words is an act despised by a vagabond. To suggest such an act as
being capable of the President is an insult, the hideousness of
which cannot be equalled by the number of hairs on one's head. Any
one guilty of such an insult should not be spared by the four
hundred million of people.

XII. THE CHOU AN HUI AND THE LAW

Next let me ask if you have read the Provisional Constitution, the
Provisional Code, the Meeting and Association Law, the Press
Regulations, the various mandates bearing on the punishment of
persons who dare conspire against the existing form of state? Do
you not know that you, as citizens of the Republic, must in duty
bound observe the Constitution and obey the laws and mandates? Yet
you have dared openly to call together your partisans and incite a
revolution (the recognized definition in political science for
revolution is "to change the existing form of state"). As the
Judiciary have not been courageous enough to deal with you since
you are all so closely in touch with the President, you have
become bolder still and carry out your sinister scheme in broad
daylight. I do not wish to say what sort of peace you are planning
for China; but this much I know, that the law has been violated by
you to the last letter. I will be silent if you believe that a
nation can be governed without law. Otherwise tell me what you
have got to say?

It is quite apparent that you will not be satisfied with mere
shouting and what you aim at is the actual fulfilment of your
expectations. That is, you wish that once the expected monarchy is
established it may continue for ever. Now by what principle can
such a monarchy continue for ever, except that the laws and orders
of that dynasty be obeyed, and obeyed implicitly by all, from the
Court down to the common people? For one to adopt methods that
violate the law while engaged in creating a new dynasty is like a
man, who to secure a wife, induces the virtuous virgin to commit
fornication with him, on the plea that as a marriage will be
arranged preservation of her virtue need not be insisted upon. Can
such a man blame his wife for immorality after marriage? If, while
still citizens of a republican country, one may openly and boldly
call meetings and organize societies for the overthrow of the
Republic, who shall say that we may not in due time openly and
boldly call meetings and organize societies for the overthrow of
the monarchy? What shall you say if in future there should be
another foreign doctor to suggest another theory and another
society to engage in another form of activity? The Odes have it,
"To prevent the monkey from climbing a tree is like putting mud on
a man in the mire." For a person to adopt such methods while
engaged in the making of a dynasty is the height of folly. Mencius
says, "a Chuntse when creating a dynasty aims at things that can
be handed down as good examples." Is it not the greatest
misfortune to set up an example that cannot be handed down as a
precedent? The present state of affairs is causing me no small
amount of anxiety.

XIII. A POSTSCRIPT

A copy of Yang Tu's pamphlet, "Constitutional Monarchy or the
Salvation of China" reached me after I had finished writing the
above discussion. On a casual glance through it I alighted upon
the following passage: "What is known as a constitutional country
is a country which has definite laws and in which no one, from the
ruler down to the common people, can take any action that is not
permitted by law. Good men cannot do good outside of the bounds of
law; neither can bad men do evil in violation of it." This is
indeed a passage that breathes the very spirit of
constitutionalism. Let us ask Mr. Yang if the activities of the
Chou An Hui, of which he is the President, are acts within the
bounds of law? Mr. Yang is a good man. It is therefore possible
for him to believe that he is not doing evil in violation of the
law; but has he not at least been doing good outside of the bounds
of law? If an advocate of constitutional monarchy is capable of
doing such unlawful acts, we may easily imagine what sort of a
constitutional monarchy he advocates; and we may also easily
imagine what the fate of his constitutional monarchy will be.

Mencius says, "Am I argumentative? I cannot help it." Who would
have thought that a man, who cares not for the question of the
form of state like myself and who opposed you--Mr. Yang Tu--
during your first campaign for the change in the form of State--
you were a Republican then--would be opposing you again now that
you are engaged in advocating another change in the form of state?
A change in the form of government is a manifestation of progress
while a change in the status of the State is a sign of revolution.
The path of progress leads to further progress, but the path of
revolution leads to more revolution. This is a fact proved by
theory as well as actual experience. Therefore a man who has any
love for his country, is afraid to mention revolution; and as for
myself I am always opposed to revolution. I am now opposing your
theory of monarchical revolution, just as I once opposed your
theory of republican revolution, in the same spirit, and I am
doing the same duty. My belief is that since the country is now in
a most weakened state, we may yet fail even if we do all we can at
all times to nurse its wound and gather up its scattered strength.
How can any one devote his time and energy to the discussion of a
question of no importance such as the form of state, and so
obstruct the progress of the administration? But this is not all.
The whole country is now stirred up to an excited state and is
wondering how long this ever-changing situation is going to stop.
The loss caused by this state of affairs, though unnoticed, is
incalculable. In the Odes, it is written "Alas! my brethren.
Befriended of the countrymen. No one wants rebellion. What has no
parents?'" Let the critics remember this--let them remember.

Some will say to me that a revolution is an unavoidable thing. Of
all things only the facts cannot be undone. Why then should I
bother myself especially as my last effort fell on deaf ears. This
I realize; but it is not my nature to abandon what is my
conviction. Therefore, although aware of the futility of my words,
I cannot refrain from uttering them all the same. Chu Yuan drowned
himself in the Pilo and Chia Sheng died from his horse. Ask them
why they did these things, they will say they did not know. Once I
wrote a piece of poetry containing the following lines:

    "Ten years after you will think of me,
    The country is excited. To whom shall I speak?"

I have spoken much in my life, and all my words have become
subjects for meditation ten years after they were uttered. Never,
however, have any of my words attracted the attention of my own
countrymen before a decade has spent itself. Is it a misfortune
for my words or a misfortune to the Country? My hope is that there
will be no occasion for the country to think of my present words
ten years hence.





CHAPTER XI

THE DREAM EMPIRE

"THE PEOPLE'S VOICE," AND THE ACTION OF THE POWERS (FROM SEPTEMBER
TO DECEMBER, 1915)


The effect of Liang Ch'i-chao's appeal was noticeable at once:
there were ominous mutterings among all the great class of
"intellectuals" who form such a remarkable element throughout the
country. Nevertheless there were no overt acts attempted against
the authority of Peking. Although literary and liberal China was
now thoroughly convinced that the usurpation which Yuan Shih-kai
proposed to practise would be a national disgrace and lead to far-
reaching complications, this force were too scattered and too much
under the power of the military to tender at once any active
opposition as would have been the case in Western countries. Yuan
Shih-kai, measuring this situation very accurately, and aware that
he could easily become an object of popular detestation if the
people followed the lead of the scholars, decided to place himself
outside and beyond the controversy by throwing the entire
responsibility on the Tsan Cheng Yuan, the puppet Senate he had
erected in place of the parliament destroyed by his coup d'etat of
the 4th November, 1913. In a message issued to that body on the
6th September, 1915, he declared that although in his opinion the
time was inappropriate for making any change in the form of State,
the matter demanded the most careful and serious consideration
which he had no doubt would be given to it. If a change of so
momentous a character as was now being publicly advocated were
decided in too great a haste it might create grave complications:
therefore the opinion of the nation should be consulted by the
method of the ballot. And with this nunc dimittis he officially
washed his hands of a plot in which he had been the prime mover.

The Senate now openly delivered itself over to the accomplishment
of the scheme which had been broached by Yang Tu, the monarchist
pamphleteer. Although this individual still posed as the leader of
the movement, in reality he was nothing but the tool of a
remarkable man, one Liang Shih-yi, famous throughout the country
as the most unscrupulous and adroit politician the Revolution had
thrown up. This person, who is known to have been gravely
implicated in many assassinations, and who was the instrument used
in 1912 by Yuan Shih-kai to persuade the Manchu Imperial Family to
abdicate, had in a brief four years accumulated a vast fortune by
the manipulations he had indulged in as Director-General of The
Bank of Communications, an institution which, because it disposed
of all the railway receipts, was always in funds even when the
Central Treasury itself was empty. By making himself financially
indispensable to Yuan Shih-kai he had become recognized as the
power behind the Throne; for although, owing to foreign clamour,
he had been dismissed from his old office of Chief Secretary to
the President (which he had utilized to effect the sale of offices
far and wide) he was a daily visitor to the Presidential Palace
and his creatures daily pulled all the numerous strings.

The scheme now adopted by the Senate was to cause the provinces to
flood Peking with petitions, sent up through the agency of "The
Society for the Preservation of Peace," demanding that the
Republic be replaced by that form of government which the people
alone understood, the name Constitutional Monarchy being selected
merely as a piece of political window-dressing to please the
foreign world. A vast amount of organizing had to be done behind
the scenes before the preliminaries were completed: but on the 6th
October the scheme was so far advanced that in response to "hosts
of petitions" the Senate, sitting in its capacity of Legislative
Chamber (Li Fa Yuan) passed a so-called King-making bill in which
elaborate regulations were adopted for referring the question
under discussion to a provincial referendum. According to this
naive document the provinces were to be organized into electoral
colleges, and the votes of the electors, after being recorded,
were to be sent up to Peking for scrutiny. Some attempt was made
to follow Dr. Goodnow's advice to secure as far as possible that
the various classes of the community should be specially
represented: and provision was therefore made in the voting for
the inclusion of "learned scholars," Chambers of Commerce, and
"oversea merchants," whose votes were to be directly recorded by
their special delegates. To secure uniformly satisfactory results,
the whole election was placed absolutely and without restriction
in the hands of the high provincial authorities, who were invited
to bestow on the matter their most earnest attention.

In a Mandate, issued in response to this Bill, Yuan Shih-kai
merely limits himself to handing over the control of the elections
and voting to the local authorities, safe in the knowledge that
every detail of the plot had been carefully worked out in advance.
By this time the fact that a serious and dangerous movement was
being actively pushed had been well-impressed on the Peking
Legations, and some anxiety was publicly manifested. It was known
that Japan, as the active enemy of Yuan Shih-kai, could not remain
permanently silent: and on the 28th October in association with
Great Britain and Russia, she indeed made official inquiries at
the Chinese Foreign Office regarding the meaning of the movement.
She was careful, however, to declare that it was her solicitude
for the general peace that alone dictated her action. [Footnote: A
very remarkable illustration of the manner in which Yuan Shih-kai
was trapped by official Japan during the monarchist movement has
recently been extensively quoted in the Far Eastern press. Here is
the substance of a Japanese (vernacular) newspaper account showing
the uses to which Japanese politicians put the Press:

"... When that question was being hotly discussed in China Marquis
Okuma, interviewed by the Press, stated that monarchy was the
right form of government for China and that in case a monarchical
regime was revived Yuan Shih-kai was the only suitable person to
sit on the Throne. When this statement by Marquis Okuma was
published in the Japanese papers, Yuan Shih-kai naturally
concluded that the Japanese Government, at the head of which
Marquis Okuma was, was favourably disposed towards him and the
monarchical movement. It can well be imagined, therefore, how
intense was his surprise when he later received a warning from the
Japanese Government against the resuscitation of the monarchy in
China. When this inconsistency in the Marquis's actions was called
in question in the Japanese House of Representatives, the ex-
Premier absolutely denied the truth of the statement attributed to
him by the Japanese papers, without any show of hesitancy, and
thus boldly shirked the responsibility which, in reality, lay on
him ... "] Nevertheless, her warning had an unmistakable note about
it and occasioned grave anxiety, since the ultimatum of the
previous May in connection with the Twenty-one Demands had not
been forgotten. At the beginning of November the Chinese Minister
of Foreign Affairs, replying verbally to these representations,
alleged that the movement had gone too far for it to be stopped
and insisted that no apprehensions need be felt by the Foreign
Powers regarding the public safety. Dissatisfied by this reply all
the Entente Powers, now including France and Italy, renewed their
representations, receiving a few days later a formal Note in which
absolute guarantees were given that law and order would be
sedulously preserved. Baffled by this firmness, and conscious that
further intervention in such matter would be fraught with grave
difficulties, the Entente Powers decided to maintain a watchful
attitude but to do no more publicly. Consequently events marched
forward so rapidlly that by December the deed was done, and Yuan
Shih-kai had apparently been elected unanimously Emperor of China
by the provincial ballot.

The explanation of this extraordinary business was only made
public months later with the outbreak of the Yunnan rebellion and
the secession of the Southern provinces. In a remarkable
publication, entitled satirically "The People's Will," the
Southern Republican Party, which now possessed access to all the
confidential archives of the provinces, published in full the
secret instructions from Peking which had brought about this
elaborate comedy. Though considerations of space prevent all
documents being included in our analysis, the salient ones are
here textually quoted so as to exhibit in its proper historical
light the character of the chief actor, and the regime the Powers
had supported--until they were forced by Japan to be more honest.
These documents, consisting mainly of telegraphic despatches sent
from Peking to the provinces, do more to explain the working of
the Government of China than a dozen treatises; for they drag into
the garish light of day the most secret Yamen machinery and show
precisely how it is worked.

The play was set in motion by a circular code telegram sent out on
the 30th August by Tuan Chih-kuei, Governor of Moukden and one of
Yuan Shih-kai's most trusted lieutenants, the device of utilizing
a centre other than the capital to propagate revolutionary ideas
being a familiar one and looked upon as a very discreet procedure.
This initial telegram is a document that speaks for itself:

CODE TELEGRAM DATED AUGUST 30, 1915, FROM TUAN CHI-KUEI, MILITARY
GOVERNOR OF MOUKDEN, ET ALIA, CONTAINING INSTRUCTIONS FOR
PRESENTING PETITIONS TO PEKING IN THE NAME OF THE CITIZENS OF THE
PROVINCES

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces:--(To be
deciphered personally with the Council of State Code)

The proposal of changing the form of the State into a monarchy
having been unanimously agreed to by the provinces, the first step
to be taken has now to be decided. We propose that petitions be
sent in the name of the citizens of the respective provinces to
the Senate acting in the capacity of Legislative Chamber, so as to
demonstrate the wish of the people to have a monarchy. The acting
Legislative Chamber will then decide upon the course to be
adopted.

The plan suggested is for each province to send in a separate
petition, the draft of which will be made in Peking and wired to
the respective provinces in due course. If you approve, you will
insert your name as well as those of the gentry and merchants of
the province who agree to the draft. These petitions are to be
presented one by one to the Legislative Chamber, as soon as it is
convoked. At all events, the change in the form of the State will
have to be effected under the colour of carrying out the people's
will.

As leading members of political and military bodies, we should
wait till the opportune moment arrives when we will give
collateral support to the movement. Details of the plan will be
made known to you from time to time.

 This method of circular telegrams, which had been inherited from
the last days of the Manchus, and vastly extended during the POST-
revolutionary period, was now to be used to the very utmost in
indoctrinating the provinces with the idea that not only was the
Republic doomed but that prompt steps must be taken to erect the
Constitutional Monarchy by use of fictitious legal machinery so
that it should not be said that the whole enterprise was a mere
plot. Accordingly, on the 10th September, as a sequel to the
telegram we have just quoted, an enormous circular message of
several thousand words was sent in code from Peking to all the
Military and Civil Governors in the provinces instructing them
precisely how to act in order to throw a cloak over the nefarious
deed. After explaining the so-called "Law on the General
Convention of the Citizens' Representatives" (i. e. national
referendum) the following illuminating sentences occur which
require no comment showing as they do what apt pupils reactionary
Chinese are in the matter of ballot-fraud.

... (1) The fact that no fewer than one hundred petitions for a
change in the form of State have been received from people
residing in all parts of the country shows that the people are of
one mind concerning this matter. Hence the words in the "General
Convention Law": "to be decided by the General Convention of the
Citizens' Representatives," refer to nothing more than the formal
approval of the Convention and are by no means intended to give
room for discussion of any kind. Indeed, it was never intended
that the citizens should have any choice between a republic and a
monarchy. For this reason at the time of voting all the
representatives must be made unanimously to advocate a change of
the Republic into a Monarchy.

It behooves you, therefore, prior to the election and voting,
privately to search for such persons as are willing to express the
people's will in the sense above indicated. You will also make the
necessary arrangements beforehand, and devise every means to have
such persons elected, so that there may be no divergence of
opinion when the time arrives for putting the form of the State to
the vote.

(2) Article 2 provides: "The citizens' representatives shall be
elected by separate ballot signed by the person voting. The person
who obtains the greatest number of votes cast shall be declared
elected."

The citizens' representatives, though nominally elected by. the
electors, are really appointed beforehand by you acting in the
capacity of Superintendent of Election. The principle of separate
signed ballot is adopted in this article with the object of
preventing the voters from casting their votes otherwise than as
directed, and of awakening in them a sense of responsibility for
their votes ... .

These admirable principles having been officially laid down by
Peking, it is not hard to understand that the Military and Civil
Governors in the provinces, being anxious to retain their posts
and conciliate the great personage who would be king, gave the
problem their most earnest attention, and left no stone unturned
to secure that there should be no awkward contretemps. On the 28th
September, the Peking Government, being now entirely surrendered
into the hands of the plotters, thought it advisable to give the
common people a direct hint of what was coming, by sending
circular instructions regarding the non-observance of the
Republican anniversary (10th October). The message in question is
so frankly ingenuous that it merits inclusion in this singular
DOSSIER:

CODE TELEGRAM DATED SEPTEMBER 26, 1915, FROM THE COUNCIL OF STATE
TO THE MILITARY AND CIVIL GOVERNORS OF THE PROVINCES RESPECTING
THE NON-OBSERVANCE OF THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE REPUBLIC

To the Military and Civil Governors and the Military Commissioners
of the Provinces and the Intendant of Shanghai:--

(Code Telegram)

Now that a monarchical form of government has been advocated, the
National Anniversary in commemoration of the Republic should, of
course, be observed with least possible display, under the pretext
either of the necessity for economy owing to the impoverished
condition of the people, or of the advisability of celebrating the
occasion quietly so as to prevent disturbances arising in
consequence of the many rumours now afloat. In this way public
peace and order may be maintained on the one hand, money and
trouble saved on the other. How to put this suggestion into
practice will be left to your discretion.

(Signed) COUNCIL OF STATE.

By October such progress had been made in Peking in the general
work of organizing this coup d'etat that as we have seen, the
Senate had passed on the 6th of that month the so-called "King-
making Bill." The very next day, so that nothing should be left in
doubt, the following circular telegram was dispatched to all the
provinces:

CODE TELEGRAM DATED OCTOBER 7, 1915, FROM CHU CHI-CHUN, MINISTER
OF THE INTERIOR, ET ALIA, DEVISING PLANS FOR NOMINATING YUAN SHIH-
KAI AS EMPEROR

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces:--

(To be deciphered with the Hua Code)

Our telegram of the 12th ult. must have reached you by this time.

The Administrative Council, at a meeting held on the 4th inst.,
passed the Bill for a General Convention of the Citizens'
Representatives. Article 12 of the Bill was amended so as to
contain the following clause:--"The Superintendent of Election
may, in case of necessity, delegate his functions to the several
district magistrates." This will soon be communicated officially
to the provinces. You are therefore requested to make the
necessary preparations beforehand in accordance with the
instructions contained in our telegram of the 29th September.

We propose that the following steps be taken after the votes have
been duly polled:--

(1) After the form of the state has been put to the vote, the
result should be reported to the sovereign (meaning Yuan-shihkai)
and to the Administrative Council in the name of the General
Convention of the Citizens' Representatives.

(2) In the telegrams to be sent by the General Convention of the
Citizens' Representatives for nominating the emperor, the
following words should be specifically used: "We respectfully
nominate the present President Yuan Shih-kai as Emperor of the
Chinese Empire."

(3) The telegrams investing the Administrative Council with
general powers to act on behalf of the General Convention of the
Citizens' Representatives should be dispatched in the name of the
General Convention of the Citizens of the Provinces.

The drafts of the dispatches under the above-mentioned three heads
will be wired to you beforehand. As soon as the votes are cast,
these are to be shown to the representatives, who will sign them
after perusal. Peking should be immediately informed by telegram.

As for the telegrams to be sent by the commercial, military, and
political bodies, they should bear as many signatures as possible,
and be wired to the Central Government within three days after the
voting.

When the enthronement is promulgated by edict, letters of
congratulation from the General Convention of the Citizens'
Representatives, as well as from the commercial, military, and
political bodies, will also have to be sent in. You are therefore
requested to draw up these letters in advance.

This is specially wired for your information beforehand. The
details will be communicated by letter.

In ordinary circumstances it would have been thought that
sufficiently implicit instructions had already been given to
permit leaving the matter in the hands of the provincial
authorities. Great anxiety, however, was beginning to reign in
Peking owing to continual rumours that dangerous opposition, both
internal and external, was developing. It was therefore held
necessary to clinch the matter in such a way that no possible
questions should be raised later. Accordingly, before the end of
October--and only two days before the "advice" was tendered by
Japan and her Allies,--the following additional instructions were
telegraphed wholesale to the provinces, being purposely designed
to make it absolutely impossible for any slip to occur between cup
and lip. The careful student will not fail to notice in these
remarkable messages that as the game develops, all disguise is
thrown to the four winds, and the central and only important
point, namely the prompt election and enthronement of Yuan Shih-
kai as Emperor, insisted on with almost indecent directness, every
possible precaution being taken to secure that end:

CODE TELEGRAM DATED OCTOBER 26, 1915, FROM CUU CHI-CUUN, MINISTER
OF THE INTERIOR, ET ALIA, RESPECTING THE NOMINATION OF YUAN SHIH-
KAI AS EMPEROR

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces:--

(To be deciphered with the Hua Code)

Your telegram of the 24th inst. came duly to hand. After the form
of the state has been put to the vote, the nomination of Yuan
Shih-kai as emperor should be made forthwith without further
voting. You should address the representatives and tell them that
a monarchy having been decided on, not even a single day should
pass without an emperor; that the citizens' representatives
present should nominate Yuan Shih-kai as the Great Emperor of the
Chinese Empire; and that if they are in favour of the proposal,
they should signify their assent by standing up. This done, the
text of the proposed letter of nomination from the citizens should
be handed to the representatives for their signatures; after which
you should again address them to the effect that in all matters
concerning the nomination and the petition for immediate
enthronement, they may, in the name of the citizens'
representatives, invest the acting Legislative Council with
general powers to act on their behalf and to do the necessary
things until their petition is granted. The text (already
prepared) of the proposed telegram from the citizens'
representatives to the acting Legislative Council should then be
shown to the representatives for approval. Whereupon three
separate telegrams are to be drawn up: one giving the number of
votes in favour of a change in the form of the state, one
containing the original text of the letter of nomination, and the
third concerning the vesting of the acting Legislative Council
with general powers to act on behalf of the citizens'
representatives. These should be sent officially to the acting
Legislative Council in the name of the citizens' representatives.
You should at the same time wire to the President all that has
taken place. The votes and the letter of nomination are to be
forwarded to Peking in due course.

As for the exact words to be inserted in the letter of nomination,
they have been communicated to you in our telegram of the 23rd
inst. These characters, forty-five in all, must on no account be
altered. The rest of the text is left to your discretion.

We may add that since the letter of nomination and the vesting of
the acting Legislative Council with general powers to act on
behalf of the citizens' representatives are matters which
transgress the bounds of the law, you are earnestly requested not
to send to the National Convention Bureau any telegraphic enquiry
concerning them, so that the latter may not find itself in the
awkward position of having to reply.

Two days after this telegram had been dispatched the long-feared
action on the part of Japan had been taken and a new situation had
been created. The Japanese "advice" of the 28th October was in
fact a veritable bombshell playing havoc with the house of cards
which had been so carefully erected. But the intrigue had gone so
far, and the prizes to be won by the monarchical supporters were
so great that nothing could induce them to retrace their
footsteps. For a week and more a desperate struggle went on behind
the scenes in the Presidential Palace, since Yuan Shih-kai was too
astute a man not to understand that a most perilous situation was
being rapidly created and that if things went wrong he would be
the chief victim. But family influences and the voice of the
intriguers proved too strong for him, and in the end he gave his
reluctant consent to a further step. The monarchists, boldly
acting on the principle that possession is nine points of the law,
called upon the provinces to anticipate the vote and to substitute
the title of Emperor for that of President in all government
documents and petitions so that morally the question would be
chose jugee.

CODE TELEGRAM DATED NOVEMBER 7, 1915, FROM CHU CHI-CHUN, MINISTER.
OF THE INTERIOR, ET ALIA, ENJOINING A STRONG ATTITUDE TOWARDS
INTERFERENCE ON THE PART OF A CERTAIN FOREIGN POWER

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces:--

(To be deciphered personally with the Council of State Code)

A certain foreign power, under the pretext that the Chinese people
are not of one mind and that troubles are to be apprehended, has
lately forced England and Russia to take part in tendering advice
to China. In truth, all foreign nations know perfectly well that
there will be no trouble, and they are obliged to follow the
example of that power. If we accept the advice of other Powers
concerning our domestic affairs and postpone the enthronement, we
should be recognizing their right to interfere. Hence action
should under no circumstance be deferred. When all the votes of
the provinces unanimously recommending the enthronement shall have
reached Peking, the Government will, of course, ostensibly assume
a wavering and compromising attitude, so as to give due regard to
international relations. The people, on the other hand, should
show their firm determination to proceed with the matter at all
costs, so as to let the foreign powers know that our people are of
one mind. If we can only make them believe that the change of the
republic into a monarchy will not in the least give rise to
trouble of any kind, the effects of the advice tendered by Japan
will ipso facto come to nought.

At present the whole nation is determined to nominate Yuan Shih-
kai Emperor. All civil and military officers, being the natural
leaders of the people, should accordingly give effect to the
nomination. If this can be done without friction, the confidence
of both Chinese and foreigners in the Government will be greatly
strengthened. This is why we suggested to you in a previous
telegram the necessity of immediately substituting the title of
"Emperor" for "President." We trust you will concur in our
suggestion and carry it out without delay.

We may add that this matter should be treated as strictly
confidential.

A reply is requested.

(Signed)

The die now being cast all that was left to be done was to rush
through the voting in the Provinces. Obsequious officials returned
to the use of the old Imperial phraseology and Yuan Shih-kai, even
before his "election," was memorialized as though he were the
legitimate successor of the immense line of Chinese sovereigns who
stretch back to the mythical days of Yao and Shun (2,800 B.C.).
The beginning of December saw the voting completed and the results
telegraphed to Peking; and on the 11th December, the Senate
hastily meeting, and finding that "the National Convention of
Citizens" had unanimously elected Yuan Shih-kai Emperor, formally
offered him the Throne in a humble petition. Yuan Shih-kai
modestly refused: a second petition was promptly handed to him,
which he was pleased to accept in the following historic document:

YUAN SHIH-KAI's ACCEPTANCE OF THE IMPERIAL THRONE

The prosperity and decline of the country is a part of the
responsibility of every individual, and my love for the country is
certainly not less than that of others. But the task imposed on me
by the designation of the millions of people is of extraordinary
magnitude. It is therefore impossible for one without merit and
without virtue like myself to shoulder the burdens of State
involved in the enhancing of the welfare of the people, the
strengthening of the standing of the country, the reformation of
the administration and the advancement of civilization. My former
declaration was, therefore, the expression of a sincere heart and
not a mere expression of modesty. My fear was such that I could
not but utter the words which I have expressed. The people,
however, have viewed with increasing impatience that declaration
and their expectation of me is now more pressing than ever. Thus I
find myself unable to offer further argument just as I am unable
to escape the position. The laying of a great foundation is,
however, a thing of paramount importance and it must not be done
in a hurry. I, therefore, order that the different Ministries and
Bureaux take concerted action in making the necessary preparations
in the affairs in which they are concerned; and when that is done,
let the same be reported to me for promulgation. Meanwhile all our
citizens should go on peacefully in their daily vocations with the
view to obtain mutual benefit. Let not your doubts and suspicions
hinder you in your work. All the officials should on their part be
faithful at their posts and maintain to the best of their ability
peace and order in their localities, so that the ambition of the
Great President to work for the welfare of the people may thus be
realized. Besides forwarding the memorial of the principal
representatives of the Convention of the Representatives of
Citizens and that of the provinces and special administrative area
to the Cheng Shih Tang and publishing the same by a mandate, I
have the honour to notify the acting Li Fan Yuan as the principal
representatives of the Convention of the Representatives of
Citizens, to this effect.

Cautious to the end, it will be seen that Yuan Shih-kai's very
acceptance is so worded as to convey the idea that he is being
forced to a course of action which is against his better
instincts. There is no word of what came to be called the Grand
Ceremony i. e. the enthronement. That matter is carefully left in
abeyance and the government departments simply told to make the
necessary preparations. The attitude of Peking officialdom is
well-illustrated in a circular telegram dispatched to the
provinces three days later, the analysis of Japan's relationship
to the Entente Powers being particularly revealing. The obsequious
note which pervades this document is also particularly noticeable
and shows how deeply the canker of sycophancy had now eaten in.

CODE TELEGRAM DATED DECEMBER 14, 1915, FROM THE OFFICE OF
COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE LAND AND NAVAL FORCES, RESPECTING
CHINA'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS FOREIGN NATIONS

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces:--(To be
deciphered with the Hua Code)

On the 11th inst. the acting Legislature Council submitted a
memorial to the Emperor, reporting on the number of votes cast by
the people in favour of a monarchy and the letters of nomination
of Yuan Shih-kai as Emperor received from all parts of the
country, and begged that he would ascend the Throne at an early
date. His Majesty was, however, so modest as to decline. The
Council presented a second memorial couched in the most entreating
terms, and received an order to the effect that all the ministries
and departments were to make the necessary preparations for the
enthronement. The details of this decision appeared in the
Presidential Orders of the past few days, so need not be repeated
now.

The people are unanimously of the opinion that in a republic the
foundation of the state is very apt to be shaken and the policy of
the government to be changed; and that consequently there is no
possibility of enjoying everlasting peace and prosperity, nor any
hope for the nation to become powerful. Now that the form of the
state has been decided in favour of a monarchy and the person who
is to sit on the Throne agreed upon, the country is placed on a
secure basis, and the way to national prosperity and strength is
thus paved.

Being the trustworthy ministers and, as it were, the hands and
feet of His Majesty, we are united to him by more ties than one.
On this account we should with one mind exert our utmost efforts
in discharging our duty of loyalty to the country. This should be
the spirit which guides us in our action at the beginning of the
new dynasty. As for the enthronement, it is purely a matter of
ceremony. Whether it takes place earlier or later is of no moment.
Moreover His Majesty has always been modest, and does everything
with circumspection. We should all appreciate his attitude.

So far as our external relations are concerned, a thorough
understanding must be come to with the foreign nations, so that
recognition of the new regime may not be delayed and diplomatic
intercourse interrupted. Japan, has, in conjunction with the
Entente Powers, tendered advice to postpone the change of the
Republic into an empire. As a divergence of opinion exists between
Japan and the Entente Powers, the advice is of no great effect.
Besides, the Elders and the Military Party in Japan are all
opposed to the action taken by their Government. Only the press in
Tokyo has spread all sorts of threatening rumours. This is
obviously the upshot of ingenious plots on the part of
irresponsible persons. If we postpone the change we shall be
subject to foreign interference, and the country will consequently
cease to exist as an independent state. On the other hand, if we
proclaim the enthronement forthwith, we shall then be flatly
rejecting the advice,--an act which, we apprehend, will not be
tolerated by Japan. As a result, she will place obstacles in the
way of recognition of the new order of things.

Since a monarchy has been decided to be the future form of the
state, and His Majesty has consented to accept the Throne, the
change may be said to be an accomplished fact. There is no
question about it. All persons of whatever walk of life can
henceforth continue their pursuits without anxiety. In the
meantime we will proceed slowly and surely with the enthronement,
as it involves many ceremonies and diplomatic etiquette. In this
way both our domestic and our foreign policies will remain
unchanged.

We hope you will comprehend our ideas and treat them as strictly
confidential.

(Signed) Office of the Commander-in-Chief of the Land and Naval
Force.

After this one last step remained to be taken--it was necessary to
burn all the incriminating evidence. On the 21st December, the
last circular telegram in connection with this extraordinary
business was dispatched from Peking, a delightful naivete being
displayed regarding the possibility of certain letters and
telegrams having transgressed the bounds of the law. All such
delinquencies are to be mercifully wiped out by the simple and
admirable method of invoking the help of the kitchen-fires. And in
this appropriate way does the monster-play end.

CODE TELEGRAM DATED DECEMBER 21, 1915, FROM THE NATIONAL
CONVENTION BUREAU, ORDERING THE DESTRUCTION OF DOCUMENTS CONNECTED
WITH THE ELECTIONS

To the Military and Civil Governors of the Provinces, the Military
Commissioners at Foochow and Kweiyang; the Military Commandants at
Changteh, Kweihuating, and Kalgan; and the Commissioner of Defence
at Tachienlu:--

(To be deciphered with the Hua Code)

The change in the form of the state is now happily accomplished.
This is due not only to the unity of the people's minds, but more
especially to the skill with which, in realizing the object of
saving the country, you have carried out the propaganda from the
beginning, managed affairs according to the exigencies of the
occasions, and adapted the law to suit the circumstances. The
people have, to be sure, become tired of the Republic; yet unless
you had taken the lead, they would not have dared to voice their
sentiments. We all appreciate your noble efforts.

Ever since the monarchical movement was started, the people as
well as the high officials in the different localities have
repeatedly petitioned for the change, a fact which proves that the
people's will is in favour of it. In order to enable the people to
express their will through a properly constituted organ, the
General Convention of the Citizens' Representatives has been
created.

Since the promulgation of the Law on the Organization of the
Citizens' Representatives, we, who are devoted to the welfare of
the state, desire to see that the decisions of that Convention do
not run counter to the wishes of the people. We are so anxious
about the matter that we have striven so to apply the law to meet
the circumstances as to carry out our designs. It is out of
patriotic motives that we have adopted the policy of adhering to
the law, whenever possible, and, at the same time, of yielding to
expediency, whenever necessary. During the progress of this scheme
there may have been certain letters and telegrams, both official
and private, which have transgressed the bounds of the law. They
will become absolutely useless after the affair is finished.
Moreover, no matter how carefully their secrets may have been
guarded, still they remain as permanent records which might
compromise us; and in the event of their becoming known to
foreigners, we shall not escape severe criticism and bitter
attacks, and, what is worse, should they be handed down as part of
the national records, they will stain the opening pages of the
history of the new dynasty. The Central Government, after
carefully considering the matter, has concluded that it would be
better to sort out and burn the document so as to remove all
unnecessary records and prevent regrettable consequences. For
these reasons you are hereby requested to sift out all telegrams,
letters, and dispatches concerning the change in the form of the
state, whether official or private, whether received from Peking
or the provinces (excepting those required by law to be filed on
record), and cause the same to be burnt in your presence. As for
those which have already been communicated to the local officials,
you are likewise requested to order them to be returned
immediately; to commit them to the flames; and to report to this
Bureau for future reference the total number of documents so
destroyed.

The present change in the form of the state constitutes the most
glorious episode of our national history. Not only is this far
superior to the succession of dynasties by right of conquest or in
virtue of voluntary transfer (as in the days of Yao and Shun), but
it compares favourably with all the peaceful changes that have
taken place in western politics. Everything will be perfect if
whatever mars it (meaning the documents) is done away with.

All of you have acquired greatness in founding the dynasty. You
will doubtless concur with us, and will, we earnestly hope, lose
no time in cautiously and secretly carrying out our request.

We respectfully submit this to your consideration and wait for a
reply.

(Signed) NATIONAL CONVENTION BUREAU.





CHAPTER XII

"THE THIRD REVOLUTION"

THE REVOLT OF YUNNAN


In all the circumstances it was only natural that the
extraordinary chapter of history we have just narrated should have
marched to its appointed end in just as extraordinary a manner as
it had commenced. Yuan Shih-kai, the uncrowned king, actually
enjoyed in peace his empty title only for a bare fortnight, the
curious air of unreality becoming more and more noticeable after
the first burst of excitement occasioned by his acceptance of the
Throne had subsided. Though the year 1915 ended with Peking
brightly illuminated in honour of the new regime, which had
adopted in conformity with Eastern precedents a new calendar under
the style of Hung Hsien or "glorious Constitutionalism," that
official joy was just as false as the rest had been and awakened
the incredulity of the crowd.

On Christmas Day ominous rumours had spread in the diplomatic
circle that dramatic developments in South China had come which
not only directly challenged the patient plotting of months but
made a debacle appear inevitable. Very few days afterwards it was
generally known that the southernmost province of China, Yunnan--
on the borders of French-Indo-China--had telegraphed the Central
Government a thinly veiled ultimatum, that either the monarchy
must be cancelled and the chief monarchists executed at once or
the province would take such steps as were deemed advisable. The
text of these telegrams which follows was published by the
courageous editor of the Peking Gazette on the 31st December and
electrified the capital. The reader will not fail to note how
richly allegorical they are in spite of their dramatic nature:

FIRST TELEGRAM

To the Great President:

Since the question of Kuo-ti (form of State) was raised
consternation has seized the public mind; and on account of the
interference of various Powers the spirit of the people has been
more and more aroused. They have asked the question:--"Who has
invited the disaster, and brought upon us such great disgrace?"
Some one must be responsible for the alien insults heaped on us.

We have learned that each day is given to rapid preparations for
the Grand Ceremony; and it is now true that, internally, public
opinion has been slighted, and, externally, occasions have been
offered to foreigners to encroach on our rights. Our blood runs
cold when we face the dangers at the door. Not once but twice hath
the President taken the oath to observe and obey the Constitution
and protect and maintain the Republic. The oath was sworn before
Heaven and Earth; and it is on record in the hearts of millions of
people and the words thereof still echo in the ears of the people
of all nations. In the Classics it is said that "in dealing with
the people of the country, faith is of the essence of great rule."
Again it is written that "without faith a people cannot endure as
a nation." How then can one rule the people when he "eats" his own
words and tears his own oath? Principle has now been cast to the
winds and the Kuo-ti has been changed. We know not how the country
can be administered.

Since the suspension of the National Assembly and the revision of
the Constitution, the powers of Government have been centred in
one person, with the implied freedom to do whatever seems meet
without let or hindrance. If the Government were to use this power
in order to reform the administration and consolidate the
foundations of the nation, there would be no fear of failure. For
the whole country would submit to the measures of the Central
Government. Thus there is not the least necessity to commit
treason by changing the Kuo-ti.

But although the recent decision of the Citizens' Representatives
in favour of a monarchy and the request of the high local
officials for the President's accession to the Throne have been
represented as inspired by the unanimous will of the people, it is
well known that the same has been the work of ignoble men whose
bribery and intimidation have been sanctioned by the authorities.
Although inept efforts have been made to disguise the deceit, the
same is unhidden to the eyes of the world.

Fortunately it is said that the President has from the very
beginning maintained a calm attitude, speaking not his mind on the
subject. It is now as easy to turn the tide as the reversing of
the palm. It may be objected that if the "face" of the nation is
not preserved in view of the interference of Foreign Powers, there
will be great danger in future. But it must be observed that
official declaration can only be made in accordance with the will
of the people, the tendency of which can easily be ascertained by
searching for the facts. If the will of the people that the
country should be the common property of the Nation be obeyed and
the idea of the President that a Dynasty is as cheap as a worn-out
shoe is heeded, the latter has it in his power to loosen the
string that suspends the bell just as much as the person who has
hung it. If the wrong path is not forsaken, it is feared that as
soon as the heart of the people is gone, the country will be
broken to pieces and the dismemberment of the Nation will take
place when alien pressure is applied to us. We who have hitherto
received favours from the President and have received high
appointments from him hereby offer our faithful advice in the
spirit of men who are sailing in common in a boat that is in
danger; we speak as do those who love sincerity and cherish the
unbroken word. We hope that the President will, with courage,
refuse to listen to the speech of evil counsellors and heed the
voice of conscience and of honour. We further hope that he will
renew his promise to protect the Republic; and will publicly swear
that a monarchical system will never again appear.

Thus the heart of the people will be settled and the foundations
of the Nation will be consolidated. Then by enlisting the services
of sagacious colleagues in order to surmount the difficulties of
the time and sweeping away all corruption and beginning anew with
the people, it may be that the welfare and interest of the Nation
will be furthered. In sending this telegram our eyes are wet with
tears knowing not what more to say. We respectfully await the
order of the President with our troops under arms.

(Signed) THE GOVERNORS OF YUNNAN.

SECOND TELEGRAM

For the Perusal of the Great President:--

In our humble opinion the reason why the people--Chinese and
foreign--cannot excuse the President is because the movement for
the change of Kuo-ti has been inspired, and indeed actually
originated in Peking, and that the ringleaders of the plot against
the Min Kuo are all "bosom-men" of the President. The Chou An Hui,
organized by Yang Tu and five other men, set the fire ablaze and
the circular telegram sent by Chu Chi-chien and six other persons
precipitated the destruction of the Republican structure. The
President knew that the bad deed was being done and yet he did
nothing to arrest the same or punish the evil-doers. The people
therefore, are suspicious. A mandate was issued on the 24th of the
11th month of the 3rd year in which it is affirmed: "Democracy and
republicanism are laid down in the Constitutional Compact; and
there is also a law relating to the punishment of those who spread
sedition in order to disturb the minds of the people. If any one
shall hereafter dare to advance strange doctrines and misconstrue
the meaning of the Constitution, he will be punished severely in
accordance with the law of sedition."

Yang Tu for having publicly organized the said Society and Chu
Chi-chien for having directly plotted by telegram are the
principal offenders in the present flagrant case of sedition. As
their crimes are obvious and the subject of abundant proof, we
hereby ask the President to carry out at once the terms of the
said mandate and publicly execute Yang Tu, Sun Yu-yun, Yen Fu, Liu
Shih-pei, Li Hsieh-ho, Hu Ying, Chu Chi-chien, Tuan Chih-kuei,
Chow Tze-chi, Liang Shih-yi, Chang Cheng-fang and Yuan Nai-kuan
to the end that the whole nation may be pacified. Then, and not
till then, will the world believe in the sincerity of the
President, in his love for the country and his intention to abide
by the law. All the troops and people here are in anger; and
unless a substantial proof from the Central Authorities is
forthcoming, guaranteeing the maintenance of the Republic, it will
be impossible to suppress or pacify them. We await a reply within
twenty-four hours.

(Signed) THE GOVERNORS OF YUNNAN PROVINCE.

It was evident from the beginning that pride prevented Yuan Shih-
kai from retreating from the false position he had taken up. Under
his instructions the State Department sent a stream of powerful
telegraphic messages to Yunnan attempting to dissuade the
Republican leaders from revolt. But the die had been cast and very
gravely the standard of rebellion was raised in the capital city
of Yunnan and the people exhorted to shed their blood. Everything
pointed to the fact that this rising was to be very different from
the abortive July outbreak of 1913. There was a soberness and a
deliberation about it all which impressed close observers with a
sense of the ominous end which was now in sight.

Still Peking remained purblind. During the month of January the
splendour of the dream empire, which was already dissolving into
thin air, filled the newspapers. It was reported that an Imperial
Edict printed on Yellow Paper announcing the enthronement was
ready for universal distribution: that twelve new Imperial Seals
in jade or gold were being manufactured: that a golden chair and a
magnificent State Coach in the style of Louis XV were almost
ready. Homage to the portrait of Yuan Shih-kai by all officials
throughout the country was soon to be ordered; sycophantic
scholars were busily preparing a volume poetically entitled "The
Golden Mirror of the Empire," in which the virtues of the new
sovereign were extolled in high-sounding language. A recondite
significance, it was said, was to be given to the old ceremonial
dress, which was to be revived, from the fact that every official
would carry a Hu or Ivory Tablet to be held against the breast.
The very mention of this was sufficient to make the local price of
ivory leap skywards! In the privacy of drawing-rooms the story
went the rounds that Yuan Shih-kai, now completely deluded into
believing in the success of his great scheme, had held a full-
dress rehearsal of a ceremony which would be the first one at his
new Court when he would invest the numerous ladies of his
establishment with royal rank. Seated on his Throne he had been
engaged in instructing these interested females, already robed in
magnificent costumes, in the parts they were to play, when he had
noticed the absence of the Korean Lady--a consort he had won, it
is said, in his Seoul days in competition against the Japanese
Envoy accredited to Korea, thereby precipitating the war of 1894-
95. [Footnote: This story is firmly believed by many, namely that
a beautiful woman caused the loss of Korea.] The Korean Lady had
refused to enter the Throne-room, he was told, because she was
dissatisfied with the rank he proposed to confer on her. Sternly
he sent for her and told her to take her place in the circle. But
no sooner had she arrived than hysterically she screamed, "You
told me when you wedded me that no wife would be my superior: now
I am counted only a secondary consort." With that she hurled
herself at the eldest wife who was occupying the post of honour
and assailed her bitterly. Amidst the general confusion the would-
be-Emperor hastily descended from his Throne and vainly
intervened, but the women were not to be parted until their robes
were in tatters.

In such childishnesses did Peking indulge when a great disaster
was preparing. To explain what had occurred in Yunnan it is
necessary to go back and tell the story of a remarkable young
Chinese-General Tsao-ao, the soul of the new revolt.

In the revolution of 1911 each province had acted on the
assumption that it possessed inherent autonomous rights and could
assume sovereignty as soon as local arrangements had allowed the
organization of a complete provisional government. Yunnan had been
one of the earliest provinces to follow the lead of the Wu-chang
rebels and had virtually erected itself into a separate republic,
which attracted much attention because of the iron discipline
which was preserved. Possessing a fairly well-organized military
system, largely owing to the proximity of the French frontier and
the efforts which a succession of Viceroys had made to provide
adequate frontier defence, it was amply able to guarantee its
newly won autonomy. General Tsao-ao, then in command of a division
of troops had been elected Generalissimo of the province; and
bending himself to his task in very few weeks he had driven into
exile all officials who adhered to the Imperialist cause and made
all local institutions completely self-supporting. Even in 1911 it
had been reported that this young man dreamed of founding a
dynasty for himself in the mountains of South China--an ambition
by no means impossible of realization since he had received a
first-class military education in the Tokio Military Schools and
was thoroughly up-to-date and conversant with modern theories of
government.

These reports had at the time greatly concerned Yuan Shih-kai who
heard it stated by all who knew him that the Yunnan leader was a
genius in his own way. In conformity with his policy of bringing
to Peking all who might challenge his authority, he had induced
General Tsao-ao, since the latter had played no part in the
rebellion of 1913, to lay down his office of Yunnan Governor-
General and join him in the capital at the beginning of 1914--
another high provincial appointment being held out to him as a
bait.

Once in Peking, however, General Tsao-ao had been merely placed in
charge of an office concerned with the reorganization of the land-
tax, nominally a very important piece of work long advocated by
foreign critics. But as there were no funds available, and as the
purpose was plainly merely to keep him under observation, he
fretted at the restraint, and became engaged in secret political
correspondence with men who had been exiled abroad. As he was soon
an open suspect, in order to avoid arrest he had taken the bold
step at the very inception of the monarchy movement of heading the
list of Generals in residence in Peking who petitioned the Senate
to institute a Monarchy, this act securing him against summary
treatment. But owing to his secret connection with the scholar
Liang Chi-chao, who had thrown up his post of Minister of Justice
and left the capital in order to oppose the new movement, he was
watched more and more carefully--his death being even hinted at.

He was clever enough to meet this ugly development with a masterly
piece of trickery conceived in the Eastern vein. One day a
carefully arranged dispute took place between him and his wife,
and the police were angrily called in to see that his family and
all their belongings were taken away to Tientsin as he refused any
longer to share the same roof with them. Being now alone in the
capital, he apparently abandoned himself to a life of shameless
debauch, going nightly to the haunts of pleasure and becoming a
notorious figure in the great district in the Outer City of Peking
which is filled with adventure and adventuresses and which is the
locality from which Haroun-Al Raschid obtained through the medium
of Arab travellers his great story of "Aladdin and the Wonderful
Lamp." When governmental suspicions were thoroughly lulled, he
arranged with a singing-girl to let him out by the backdoor of her
house at dawn from whence he escaped to the railway-station,
rapidly reaching Tientsin entirely unobserved.

The morning was well-advanced before the detectives who nightly
watched his movements became suspicious. Then finding that his
whereabouts were unknown to the coachman dozing on the box of his
carriage, they roughly entered the house where he had passed the
night only to find that the bird had flown. Hasty telegrams were
dispatched in every direction, particularly to Tientsin--the great
centre for political refugees--and his summary arrest ordered.
But fortune favoured him. A bare quarter-of-an-hour before the
police began their search he had embarked with his family on a
Japanese steamer lying in the Tientsin river and could snap his
fingers at Yuan Shih-kai.

Once in Japan he lost no time in assembling his revolutionary
friends and in a body they embarked for South China. As rapidly as
possible he reached Yunnan province from Hongkong, travelling by
way of the French Tonkin railway. Entering the province early in
December he found everything fairly ready for revolt, though there
was a deficiency in arms and munitions which had to be made good.
Yuan Shih-kai, furious at this evasion, had telegraphed to
confidential agents in Yunnan to kill him at sight, but
fortunately he was warned and spared to perform his important
work. Had a fortnight of grace been vouchsafed him, he would have
probably made the most brilliant modern campaign that has been
witnessed in China, for he was an excellent soldier. Acting from
the natural fortress of Yunnan it was his plan to descend suddenly
on the Yangtsze Valley by way of Chungking and to capture the
upper river in one victorious march thus closing the vast province
of Szechuan to the Northern troops. But circumstances had made it
imperative for him and his friends to telegraph the Yunnan
ultimatum a fortnight sooner than it should have been dispatched,
and the warning thus conveyed to the Central Government largely
crippled the Yunnan offensive.

The circumstances which had made instant action necessary were as
follows. As we have seen from the record of the previous risings,
the region of the Yangtsze river has superlative value in Chinese
politics. Offering as it does an easy road into the heart of the
country and touching more than half the Provinces, it is indeed a
priceless means of communication, and for this reason Yuan Shih-
kai had been careful after the crushing of the rebellion of 1913
to load the river-towns with his troops under the command of
Generals he believed incorruptible. Chief of these was General
Feng Kuo-chang at Nanking who held the balance of power on the
great river, and whose politics, though not entirely above
suspicion, had been proof against all the tempting offers South
China made to him until the ill-fated monarchy movement had
commenced. But during this movement General Feng Kuo-chang had
expressed himself in such contemptuous terms of the would-be
Emperor that orders had been given to another high official--
Admiral Tseng, Garrison Commissioner at Shanghai--to have him
assassinated. Instead of obeying his instructions, Admiral Tseng
had conveyed a warning to his proposed victim, the consequence
being that the unfortunate admiral was himself brutally murdered
on the streets of Shanghai by revolver-shots for betraying the
confidence of his master. After this denouement it was not very
strange that General Feng Kuo-chang should have intimated to the
Republican Party that as soon as they entered the Yangtsze Valley
he would throw his lot with them together with all his troops. Of
this Yuan Shih-kai became aware through his extraordinary system
of intelligence; and following his usual practice he had ordered
General Feng Kuo-chang to Peking as Chief of the General Staff--an
appointment which would place him under direct surveillance. First
on one excuse, then on another, General Feng Kuo-chang had managed
to delay his departure from day to day without actually coming
under the grave charge of refusing to obey orders. But finally the
position was such that he telegraphed to General Tsao-ao that
unless the Yunnan arrangements were hastened he would have to
leave Nanking--and abandon this important centre to one of Yuan
Shih-kai's own henchmen--which meant the end of all hopes of the
Yangtsze Valley rising EN MASSE.

It was to save Feng Kuo-chang, then, that the young patriot Tsao-
ao caused the ultimatum to be dispatched fourteen days too soon
i.e., before the Yunnan troops had marched over the mountain-
barrier into the neighbouring province of Szechuan and seized the
city of Chungking--which would have barred the advance of the
Northern troops permanently as the river defiles even when lightly
defended are impassable here to the strongest force. It was
largely due to the hardships of forced marches conducted over
these rugged mountains, which raise their precipitous peaks to the
heavens, that Tsao-ao subsequently lost his life, his health being
undermined by exposure, tuberculosis finally claiming him. But one
thing at least did his resolute action secure. With Yunnan in open
revolt and several other provinces about to follow suit, General
Feng Yuo-chang was able to telegraph Peking that it was impossible
for him to leave his post at Nanking without rebellion breaking
out. This veiled threat was understood by Yuan Shih-kai. Grimly he
accepted the checkmate.

Yet all the while he was acting with his customary energy. Troops
were dispatched towards Szechuan in great numbers, being tracked
up the rapids of the upper river on board fleets of junks which
were ruthlessly commandeered. Now commenced an extraordinary race
between the Yunnan mountaineers and the Northern plainsmen for the
strategic city of Chungking. For some weeks the result was in
doubt; for although Szechuan province was held by Northern
garrisons, they were relatively speaking weak and surrounded by
hostile Szechuan troops whose politics were doubtful. In the end,
however, Yuan Shih-kai's men reached their goal first and
Chungking was saved. Heavy and continuous mountain-fighting
ensued, in which the Southern troops were only partially
successful. Being less well-equipped in mountain artillery and
less well-found in general supplies they were forced to rely
largely on guerilla warfare. There is little accurate record of
the desperate fighting which occurred in this wild region but it
is known that the original Yunnan force was nearly annihilated,
and that of the remnant numbers perished from disease and
exposure.

Other events were, however, hastening the debacle. Kueichow
province had almost at once followed the example of Yunnan. A
third province, Kwangsi, under a veteran who was much respected,
General Lu Yun Ting, was soon added; and gradually as in 1911 it
became clear that the army was only one chessman in a complicated
and very ingenious game.





CHAPTER XIII

"THE THIRD REVOLUTION" (Continued)

THE DOWNFALL AND DEATH OP YUAN SHIH-KAI


As had been the case during the previous revolts, it was not
publicly or on the battlefield that the most crucial work was
performed: the decisive elements in this new and conclusive
struggle were marshalled behind the scenes and performed their
task unseen. Though the mandarinate, at the head of which stood
Yuan Shih-kai, left no stone unturned to save itself from its
impending fate, all was in vain. Slowly but inexorably it was
shown that a final reckoning had to be faced.

The reasons are not far to seek. Too long had the moral sense of
educated men been outraged by common fraud and deceit for any
continuance of a regime which had disgraced China for four long
years to be humanly possible. Far and wide the word was rapidly
passing that Yuan Shih-kai was not the man he had once been: he
was in reality feeble and choleric--prematurely old from too much
history-making and too many hours spent in the harem. He had
indeed become a mere Colossus with feet of clay,--a man who could
be hurled to the ground by precisely the same methods he had used
to destroy the Manchus. Even his foreign supporters were becoming
tired and suspicious of him, endless trouble being now associated
with his name, there being no promise that quieter times could
possibly come so long as he lived. A very full comprehension of
the general position is given by perusing the valedictory letter
of the leader of the Chinese intellectuals, that remarkable man--
Liang Chi-ch'ao, who in December had silently and secretly fled
from Tientsin on information reaching him that his assassination
was being planned. On the eve of his departure he had sent the
following brilliant document to the Emperor-elect as a reply to an
attempt to entrap him to Peking, a document the meaning of which
was clear to every educated man. Its exquisite irony mixed with
its bluntness told all that was necessary to tell--and forecasted
the inevitable fall. It runs:--

For the Kind Perusal of the Great President:--

A respectful reading of your kind instructions reveals to me your
modesty and the brotherly love which you cherish for your humble
servant, who is so moved by your heart-touching sympathy that he
does not know how to return your kindness. A desire then seized
him to submit his humble views for your wise consideration; though
on the one hand he has thought that he might fail to express what
he wishes to say if he were to do so in a set of brief words,
while on the other hand he has no desire to trouble the busy mind
of one on whose shoulders fall myriads of affairs, with views
expressed in many words. Furthermore, what Ch'i-chao desires to
say relates to what can be likened to the anxiety of one who,
fearing that the heavens may some day fall on him, strives to ward
off the catastrophe. If his words should be misunderstood, it
would only increase his offence. Time and again he has essayed to
write; but each time he has stopped short. Now he is going South
to visit his parents; and looking at the Palace-Gate from afar, he
realizes that he is leaving the Capital indefinitely. The thought
that he has been a protege of the Great President and that dangers
loom ahead before the nation as well as his sense of duty and
friendly obligations, charge him with the responsibility of saying
something. He therefore begs to take the liberty of presenting his
humble but extravagant views for the kind consideration of the
Great President.

The problem of Kuo-ti (form of State) appears to have gone too far
for reconsideration: the position is like unto a man riding on the
back of a wild tiger. ...Ch'i-chao therefore at one moment thought
he would say no more about it, since added comment thereon might
make him all the more open to suspicion. But a sober study of the
general situation and a quiet consideration of the possible future
make him tremble like an autumn leaf; for the more he meditates,
the more dangerous the situation appears. It is true that the
minor trouble of "foreign advice" and rebel plotting can be
settled and guarded against; but what Ch'i-chao bitterly deplores
is that the original intention of the Great President to devote
his life and energy to the interest of the country--an intention
he has fulfilled during the past four years--will be difficult to
explain to the world in future. The trust of the world in the
Great President would be shattered with the result that the
foundation of the country will be unsettled. Do not the Sages say:
"In dealing with the people aim at faithfulness?" If faithfulness
to promises be observed by those in authority, then the people
will naturally surrender themselves. Once, however, a promise is
broken, it will be as hard to win back the people's trust as to
ascend to the very Heavens. Several times have oaths of office
been uttered; yet even before the lips are dry, action hath
falsified the words of promise. In these circumstances, how can
one hope to send forth his orders to the country in the future,
and expect them to be obeyed? The people will say "he started in
righteousness but ended in self-seeking: how can we trust our
lives in his hands, if he should choose to pursue even further his
love of self-enrichment?" It is possible for Ch'i-chao to believe
that the Great President has no desire to make profit for himself
by the sacrifice of the country, but how can the mass of the
people--who believe only what they are told--understand what
Ch'i-chao may, perchance, believe?

The Great President sees no one but those who are always near him;
and these are the people who have tried to win his favour and gain
rewards by concocting the alleged unanimous petitions of the whole
country urging his accession to the Throne. In reality, however,
the will of the people is precisely the opposite. Even the high
officials in the Capital talk about the matter in a jeering and
sarcastic way. As for the tone of the newspapers outside Peking,
that is better left unmentioned. And as for the "small people" who
crowd the streets and the market-places, they go about as if
something untoward might happen at any moment. If a kingdom can be
maintained by mere force, then the disturbance at the time of
Ch'in Chih-huang and Sui Yang Ti could not have been successful.
If, on the other hand, it is necessary to secure the co-operation
and the willing submission of the hearts of the people, then is it
not time that our Great President bethinks himself and boldly
takes his own stand?

Some argue that to hesitate in the middle of a course after
indulging in much pomp and pageantry at the beginning will result
in ridicule and derision and that the dignity of the Chief
Executive will be lowered. But do they even know whether the Great
President has taken the least part in connection with the
phantasies of the past four months? Do they know that the Great
President has, on many occasions, sworn fidelity before high
Heaven and the noon-day sun? Now if he carries out his sacrosanct
promise and is deaf to the unrighteous advice of evil counsellors,
his high virtue will be made even more manifest than ever before.
Wherein then is there need of doubt or fear? Others may even
suggest that since the proposal was initiated by military men, the
tie that has hitherto bound the latter to the Great President may
be snapped in case the pear fails to ripen. But in the humble
opinion of Ch'i-chao, the troops are now all fully inspired with a
sense of obedience to the Chief Executive. Who then can claim the
right to drag our Great President into unrighteousness for the
sake of vanity and vainglory? Who will dare disobey the behests of
the Great President if he should elect to open his heart and
follow the path of honour and unbroken vows? If today, as Head of
the nation, he is powerless to silence the riotous clamour of the
soldiery as happened at Chen-chiao in ancient time, then be sure
in the capacity of an Emperor he will not be able to suppress an
outbreak of troops even as it happened once at Yuyang in the Tang
dynasty. [Footnote: The incident of Chen-chiao is very celebrated
in Chinese annals. A yellow robe, the symbol of Imperial
authority, was thrown around General Chao Kuang-ying, at a place
called Chen-chiao, by his soldiers and officers when he commanded
a force ordered to the front. Chao returned to the Capital
immediately to assume the Imperial Throne, and was thus
"compelled" to become the founder of the famous Sung dynasty. The
"incident of Yuyang" refers to the execution of Yang Kuei-fei, the
favourite concubine of Emperor Yuan Tsung of the Tang dynasty. The
Emperor for a long time was under the alluring influence of Yang
Kuei-fei, who had a paramour named An Lo-hsan. The latter finally
rebelled against the Emperor. The Emperor left the capital and
proceeded to another place together with his favourite concubine,
guarded by a large force of troops. Midway, however, the soldiers
threatened to rebel unless the concubine was killed on the spot.
The clamour was such that the Emperor was forced to sacrifice the
favourite of his harem, putting her to death in the presence of
his soldiers.] To give them the handle of the sword is simply
courting trouble for the future. But can we suspect the troops--
so long trained under the Great President--of such unworthy
conduct?

The ancients say "However a thing is done, do not hurt the
feelings of those who love you, or let your enemy have a chance to
rejoice." Recently calamities in the forms of drought and flood
have repeatedly visited China; and the ancients warn us that in
such ways does Heaven manifest its Will regarding great movements
in our country. In addition to these we must remember the
prevailing evils of a corrupt officialdom, the incessant ravages
of robbers, excesses in punishment, the unusually heavy burdens of
taxation, as well as the irregularity of weather and rain, which
all go to increase the murmurs and complaints of the people.
Internally, the rebels are accumulating strength against an
opportune time to rise; externally, powerful neighbouring
countries are waiting for an opportunity to harass us. Why then
should our Great President risk his precious person and become a
target of public criticism; or "abandon the rock of peace in
search of the tiger's tail"; or discourage the loyalty of faithful
ones and encourage the sinister ambitions of the unscrupulous?
Ch'i-chao sincerely hopes that the Great President will devote
himself to the establishment of a new era which shall be an
inspiration to heroism and thus escape the fate of those who are
stigmatized in our annals with the name of Traitor. He hopes that
the renown of the Great President will long be remembered in the
land of Chung Hua (China) and he prays that the fate of China may
not end with any abrupt ending that may befall the Great
President. He therefore submits his views with a bleeding heart.
He realizes that his words may not win the approval of one who is
wise and clever; but Ch'i-chao feels that unless he unburdens what
is in his heart, he will be false to the duty which bids him speak
and be true to the kindness that has been showered on him by the
Great President. Whether his loyalty to the Imperative Word will
be rewarded with approval or with reproof, the order of the Great
President will say.

There are other words of which Ch'i-chao wishes to tender to the
Great President. To be an independent nation today, we must need
follow the ways of the present age. One who opposes the current of
the world and protects himself against the enriching influence of
the world-spirit must eventually share the fate of the unselected.
It is sincerely hoped that the Great President will refrain to
some extent from restoring the old and withal work for real
reform. Law can only be made a living force by both the ruler and
the people obeying it with sincerity. When the law loses its
strength, the people will not know how to act; and then the
dignity of Government will disappear. It is hoped that the Great
President will keep himself within the bounds of law and not lead
the officials and the people to juggle with words. Participation
in politics and patriotism are closely related. Bear well in mind
that it is impossible to expect the people to share the
responsibilities of the country, unless they are given a voice in
the transaction of public business. The hope is expressed that the
Great President will establish a real organ representing the true
will of the people and encourage the natural growth of the free
expression of public opinion. Let us not become so arrogant and
oppressive that the people will have no chance to express their
views, as this may inspire hatred on the part of the people. The
relation between the Central Government and the provincial centres
is like that between the trunk and branches of a tree. If the
branches are all withered, how can the trunk continue to grow? It
is hoped that the Great President, while giving due consideration
to the maintenance of the dignity of the Central Government, will
at the same time allow the local life of the provinces to develop.
Ethics, Righteousness, Purity and Conscientiousness are four great
principles. When these four principles are neglected, a country
dies. If the whole country should come in spirit to be like
"concubines and women," weak and open to be coerced and forced
along with whomsoever be on the stronger side, how can a State be
established? May the Great President encourage principle, and
virtue, stimulate purity of character, reject men of covetous and
mean character, and grant wise tolerance to those who know no fear
in defending the right. Only then will the vitality of the country
be retained in some degree; and in time of emergency, there will
be a reserve of strength to be drawn upon in support of the State.
All these considerations are of the order of obvious truths and it
must be assumed that the Great President, who is greatly wise, is
not unaware of the same. The reason why Ch'i-chao ventures to
repeat them is this. He holds it true that a duty is laid on him
to submit whatever humble thoughts are his, and at the same time
he believes that the Great President will not condemn a proper
physic even though it may be cheap and simple. How fortunate will
Ch'i-chao be if advice so tendered shall meet with approval. He is
proceeding farther and farther away from the Palace every day and
he does not know how soon he will be able to seek an audience
again. He writes these words with tears dropping into the ink-slab
and he trusts that his words may receive the attention of the
Great President.

So ends this remarkable missive which has become an historic
document in the archives of the Republic. Once again it was
whispered that so great an impression did this fateful warning
produce on the Emperor-elect that he was within an ace of
cancelling the disastrous scheme which now enmeshed him. But in
the end family influence won the day; and stubbornly and doggedly
the doomed man pushed on with his attempt to crush revolt and
consolidate his crumbling position.

Every possible effort was made to minimize the effect of
international influence on the situation. As the sycophantic
vernacular press of the capital, long drilled to blind
subservience, had begun to speak of his enthronement as a
certainty on the 9th February, a Circular Note was sent to the
Five Allied Powers that no such date had been fixed, and that the
newspaper reports to that effect were inventions. In order
specially to conciliate Japan, a high official was appointed to
proceed on an Embassy to Tokio to grant special industrial
concessions--a manoeuvre which was met with the official refusal
of the Tokio Government to be so placated. Peking was coldly
informed that owing to "court engagements" it would be impossible
for the Emperor of Japan to receive any Chinese Mission. After
this open rebuff attention was concentrated on "the punitive
expedition" to chastise the disaffected South, 80,000 men being
put in the field and a reserve of 80,000 mobilized behind them. An
attempt was also made to win over waverers by an indiscriminate
distribution of patents of nobility. Princes, Dukes, Marquises,
Viscounts and Barons were created in great batches overnight only
to be declined in very many cases, one of the most precious
possessions of the Chinese race being its sense of humour. Every
one, or almost every one, knew that the new patents were not worth
the paper they were written on, and that in future years the
members of this spurious nobility would be exposed to something
worse than contempt. France was invited to close the Tonkin
frontier, but this request also met with a rebuff, and
revolutionists and arms were conveyed in an ever-more menacing
manner into the revolted province of Yunnan by the French
railways. A Princedom was at length conferred on Lung Chi Kwang,
the Military Governor of Canton, Canton being a pivotal point and
Lung Chi Kwang, one of the most cold-blooded murderers in China,
in the hope that this would spur him to such an orgy of crime that
the South would be crushed. Precisely the opposite occurred, since
even murderers are able to read the signs of the times. Attempts
were likewise made to enforce the use of the new Imperial
Calendar, but little success crowned such efforts, no one outside
the metropolis believing for a moment that this innovation
possessed any of the elements of permanence. Meanwhile the
monetary position steadily worsened, the lack of money becoming so
marked as to spread panic. Still, in spite of this, the leaders
refused to take warning, and although the political impasse was
constantly discussed, the utmost concession the monarchists were
willing to make was to turn China into a Federal Empire with the
provinces constituted into self-governing units. The over-issue of
paper currency to make good the gaps in the National Finance, now
slowly destroyed the credit of the Central Government and made the
suspension of specie payment a mere matter of time. By the end of
February the province of Kueichow was not only officially admitted
by the Peking Government to be in open revolt as well as Yunnan,
but rebel troops were reported to be invading the neighbouring
province of Hunan. Kwangsi was also reported to be preparing for
secession whilst in Szechuan local troops were revolting in
increasing numbers. Rumours of an attempted assassination of Yuan
Shih-kai by means of bombs now circulated,--and there were many
arrests and suicides in the capital. Though by a mandate issued on
the 23rd February, the enthronement ceremony was indefinitely
postponed, that move came too late. The whole country was plainly
trembling on the edge of a huge outbreak when, less than four
weeks later, Yuan Shih-kai reluctantly and publicly admitted that
the game was up. It is understood that a fateful interview he had
with the British Minister greatly influenced him, though the
formal declaration of independence of Kwangsi on the 16th March,
whither the scholar Liang Ch'i-chao had gone, was also a powerful
argument. On the 22nd March the Emperor-elect issued the mandate
categorically cancelling the entire monarchy scheme, it being
declared that he would now form a Responsible Cabinet. Until that
date the Government Gazette had actually perpetrated the folly of
publishing side by side Imperial Edicts and Presidential Mandates
--the first for Chinese eyes, the second for foreign consumption.
Never before even in China had such a farce been seen. A rapid
perusal of the Mandate of Cancellation will show how lamely and
poorly the retreat is made:

DECREE CANCELLING THE EMPIRE (22D MARCH)

After the establishment of the Min Kuo (i.e. the Republic),
disturbances rapidly followed one another; and a man of little
virtue like me was called to take up the vast burden of the State.
Fearing that disaster might befall us any day, all those who had
the welfare of the country at heart advocated the reinstitution of
the monarchical system of government to the end that a stop be put
to all strife for power and a regime of peace be inaugurated.
Suggestions in this sense have unceasingly been made to me since
the days of Kuei Chou (the year of the first Revolution, 1911) and
each time a sharp rebuke has been administered to the one making
the suggestion. But the situation last year was indeed so
different from the circumstances of preceding years that it was
impossible to prevent the spread of such ideas.

It was said that China could never hope to continue as a nation
unless the constitutional monarchical form of state were adopted;
and if quarrels like those occurring in Mexico and Portugal were
to take place in China, we would soon share the fate of Annam and
Burmah. A large number of people then advocated the restoration of
a monarchy and advanced arguments which were reasonable. In this
proposal all the military and civil officials, scholars and people
concurred; and prayers were addressed to me in most earnest tone
by telegram and in petitions. Owing to the position I was at the
time holding, which laid on me the duty of maintaining the then
existing situation, I repeatedly made declarations resisting the
adoption of the advice; but the people did not seem to realize my
embarrassment. And so it was decided by the acting Li Fa Yuan
(i.e. the Senate) that the question of Kuo-ti (form of State)
should be settled by the Convention of Citizens' Representatives.
As the result, the representatives of the Provinces and of the
Special Administrative Areas unanimously decided in favour of a
constitutional monarchy, and in one united voice elected me as the
Emperor. Since the sovereignty of the country has been vested in
the citizens of China and as the decision was made by the entire
body of the representatives, there was no room left to me for
further discussion. Nevertheless, I continued to be of the
conviction that my sudden elevation to the Great Seat would be a
violation of my oath and would compromise my good faith, leaving
me unable to explain myself; I, therefore, declined in earnest
words in order to make clear the view which hath always been mine.
The said Senate however, stated with firmness that the oath of the
Chief Executive rested on a peculiar sanction and should be
observed or discarded according to the will of the people. Their
arguments were so irresistible that there was in truth no excuse
for me further to decline the offer.

Therefore I took refuge behind the excuse of "preparations" in
order that the desire of the people might be satisfied. But I took
no steps actually to carry out the program. When the trouble in
Yunnan and Kueichow arose, a mandate was officially issued
announcing the decision to postpone the measure and forbidding
further presentation of petitions praying for the enthronement. I
then hastened the convocation of the Li Fa Yuan (i.e., a new
Parliament) in order to secure the views of that body and hoping
thus to turn back to the original state of affairs, I, being a man
of bitter experiences, had at once given up all ideas of world
affairs; and having retired into the obscurity of the river Yuan
(in Honan), I had no appetite for the political affairs of the
country. As the result of the revolution in Hsin Hai, I was by
mistake elected by the people. Reluctantly I came out of my
retirement and endeavoured to prop up the tottering structure. I
cared for nothing, but the salvation of the country. A perusal of
our history of several thousand years will reveal in vivid manner
the sad fate of the descendants of ancient kings and emperors.
What then could have prompted me to aspire to the Throne? Yet
while the representatives of the people were unwilling to believe
in the sincerity of my refusal of the offer, a section of the
people appear to have suspected me of harbouring the desire of
gaining more power and privileges. Such difference in thought has
resulted in the creation of an exceedingly dangerous situation. As
my sincerity has not been such as to win the hearts of the people
and my judgment has not been sound enough to appraise every man, I
have myself alone to blame for lack of virtue. Why then should I
blame others? The people have been thrown into misery and my
soldiers have been made to bear hardships; and further the people
have been cast into panic and commerce has rapidly declined. When
I search my own heart a measure of sorrow fills it. I shall,
therefore, not be unwilling to suppress myself in order to yield
to others.

I am still of the opinion that the "designation petitions"
submitted through the Tsan Cheng Yuan are unsuited to the demands
of the time; and the official acceptance of the Imperial Throne
made on the 11th day of the 12th month of last year (11th
December, 1915) is hereby cancelled. The "designation petitions"
of the Provinces and of the Special Administrative Areas are
hereby all returned through the State Department to the Tsan Cheng
Yuan, i.e., the acting Li Fa Yuan (Parliament), to be forwarded to
the petitioners for destruction; and all the preparations
connected therewith are to cease at once. In this wise I hope to
imitate the sincerity of the Ancients by taking on myself all the
blame so that my action may fall in line with the spirit of
humanity which is the expression of the will of Heaven. I now
cleanse my heart and wash my thoughts to the end that trouble may
be averted and the people may have peace. Those who advocated the
monarchical system were prompted by the desire to strengthen the
foundation of the country; but as their methods have proved
unsuitable their patriotism might harm the country. Those who have
opposed the monarchy have done so out of their desire to express
their political views. It may be therefore presumed that they
would not go to the extreme and so endanger the country. They
should, therefore, all hearken to the voice of their own
conscience and sacrifice their prejudices, and with one mind and
one purpose unite in the effort of saving the situation so that
the glorious descendants of the Sacred Continent may be spared the
horrors of internal warfare and the bad omens may be changed into
lucky signs.

In brief I now confess that all the faults of the country are the
result of my own faults. Now that the acceptance of the Imperial
Throne has been cancelled every man will be responsible for his
own action if he further disturbs the peace of the locality and
thus give an opportunity to others. I, the Great President, being
charged with the duty of ruling over the whole country, cannot
remain idle while the country is racing to perdition. At the
present moment the homesteads are in misery, discipline has been
disregarded, administration is being neglected and real talents
have not been given a chance. When I think of such conditions I
awake in the darkness of midnight. How can we stand as a nation if
such a state of affairs is allowed to continue? Hereafter all
officials should thoroughly get rid of their corrupt habits and
endeavour to achieve merits. They should work with might and main
in their duties, whether in introducing reforms or in abolishing
old corruptions. Let all be not satisfied with empty words and
entertain no bias regarding any affair. They should hold up as
their main principle of administration the policy that only
reality will count and deal out reward or punishment with strict
promptness. Let all our generals, officials, soldiers and people
all, all, act in accordance with this ideal.

This attempt at an Amende honourable, so far from being well-
received, was universally looked upon as an admission that Yuan
Shih-kai had almost been beaten and that a little more would
complete his ruin. Though, as we have said, the Northern troops
were fighting well in his cause on the upper reaches of the great
Yangtsze, the movement against him was now spreading as though it
had been a dread contagious disease, the entire South uniting
against Peking. His promise to open a proper Legislative Chamber
on 1st May was met with derision. By the middle of April five
provinces--Yunnan, Kueichow, Kwangsi, Kwangtung and Chekiang--had
declared their independence, and eight others were preparing to
follow suit. A Southern Confederacy, with a Supreme Military
Council sitting at Canton, was organized, the brutal Governor Lung
Chi Kwang having been won over against his master, and the scholar
Liang Ch'i-chao flitting from place to place, inspiring move after
move. The old parliament of 1913 was reported to be assembling in
Shanghai, whilst terrorist methods against Peking officials were
bruited abroad precipitating a panic in the capital and leading to
an exodus of well-to-do families who feared a general massacre.

An open agitation to secure Yuan Shih-kai's complete retirement
and exile now commenced. From every quarter notables began
telegraphing him that he must go,--including General Feng Kuo-
chang who still held the balance of power on the Yangtsze. Every
enemy Yuan Shih-kai had ever had was also racing back to China
from exile. By the beginning of May the situation was so
threatening that the Foreign Legations became alarmed and talked
of concerting measures to insure their safety. On the 6th May came
the coup de grace. The great province of Szechuan, which has a
population greater than the population of France, declared its
independence; and the whole Northern army on the upper reaches of
the Yangtsze was caught in a trap. The story is still told with
bated breath of the terrible manner in which Yuan Shih-kai sated
his rage when this news reached him--Szechuan being governed by a
man he had hitherto thoroughly trusted--one General Chen Yi.
Arming himself with a sword and beside himself with rage he burst
into the room where his favourite concubine was lying with her
newly-delivered baby. With a few savage blows he butchered them
both, leaving them lying in their gore, thus relieving the
apoplectic stroke which threatened to overwhelm him. Nothing
better illustrates the real nature of the man who had been so long
the selected bailiff of the Powers. On the 12th May it became
necessary to suspend specie payment in Peking, the government
banks having scarcely a dollar of silver left, a last attempt to
negotiate a loan in America having failed. Meanwhile under
inspiration of General Feng Kuo-chang, a conference to deal with
the situation was assembling at Nanking; but on the 11th May, the
Canton Military Government, representing the Southern Confederacy,
had already unanimously elected Vice-President Li Yuan Hung as
president of the Republic, it being held that legally Yuan Shih-
kai had ceased to be President when he had accepted the Throne on
the previous 13th December. The Vice-President, who had managed to
remove his residence outside the Palace, had already received
friendly offers of protection from certain Powers which he
declined, showing courage to the end. Even the Nanking Conference,
though composed of trimmers and wobblers, decided that the
retirement of Yuan Shih-kai was a political necessity, General
Feng Kuo-chang as chairman of the Conference producing at the last
moment a telegram from the fallen Dictator declaring that he was
willing to go if his life and property were guaranteed.

A more dramatic collapse was, however, in store. As May drew to an
end it was plain that there was no government at all left in
Peking. The last phase had been truly reached. Yuan Shih-kai's
nervous collapse was known to all the Legations which were
exceedingly anxious about the possibility of a soldiers' revolt in
the capital. The arrival of a first detachment of the savage
hordes of General Chang Hsun added Byzantine touches to a picture
already lurid with a sickened ruler and the Mephistophelian figure
of that ruler's ame damnee, the Secretary Liang Shih-yi, vainly
striving to transmute paper into silver, and find the wherewithal
to prevent a sack of the capital. It was said at the time that
Liang Shih-yi had won over his master to trying one last throw of
the dice. The troops of the remaining loyal Generals, such as Ni
Shih-chung of Anhui, were transported up the Yangtsze in an
attempt to restore the situation by a savage display,--but that
effort came to nought.

The situation had become truly appalling in Peking. It was even
said that the neighbouring province of Shantung was to become a
separate state under Japanese protection. Although the Peking
administration was still nominally the Central Government of
China, it was amply clear to observers on the spot that by a
process of successive collapses all that was left of government
was simply that pertaining to a city-state of the antique Greek
type--a mal-administration dominated by the enigmatic personality
of Liang Shih-yi. The writ of the capital no longer ran more than
ten miles beyond the city walls. The very Government Departments,
disgusted with, and distrustful of, the many hidden influences at
work, had virtually declared their independence and went their own
way, demanding foreign dollars and foreign banknotes from the
public, and refusing all Chinese money. The fine residium of
undisputed power left in the hands of the Mal-administrator-in-
Chief, Liang Shih-yi, was the control of the copper cash market
which he busily juggled with to the very end netting a few last
thousands for his own purse, and showing that men like water
inevitably find their true level. In all China's tribulations
nothing similar had ever been seen. Even in 1900, after the Boxer
bubble had been pricked and the Court had sought safety in flight,
there was a certain dignity and majesty left. Then an immense
misfortune had fallen across the capital; but that misfortune was
like a cloak which hid the nakedness of the victim; and there was
at least no pretence at authority. In the Summer of 1916, had it
not been for the fact that an admirable police and gendarmerie
system, comprising 16,000 men, secured the safety of the people,
there can be little doubt that firing and looting would have daily
taken place and no woman been safe. It was the last phase of
political collapse with a vengeance: and small wonder if all
Chinese officials, including even high police officers, sent their
valuables either out of the city or into the Legation Quarter for
safe custody. Extraordinary rumours circulated endlessly among the
common people that there would be great trouble on the occasion of
the Dragon Festival, the 5th June; and what actually took place
was perhaps more than a coincidence.

Early on the 6th June an electric thrill ran through Peking--Yuan
Shih-kai was dead! At first the news was not believed, but by
eleven o'clock it was definitely known in the Legation Quarter
that he had died a few minutes after ten o'clock that morning from
uraemia of the blood--the surgeon of the French Legation being in
attendance almost to the last. A certificate issued later by this
gentleman immediately quieted the rumours of suicide, though many
still refused to believe that he was actually dead. "I did not
wish this end," he is reported to have whispered hoarsely a few
minutes before he expired, "I did not wish to be Emperor. Those
around me said that the people wanted a king and named me for the
Throne. I believed and was misled." And in this way did his light
flicker out. If there are sermons in stones and books in the
running brooks surely there is an eloquent lesson in this tragedy!
Before expiring the wretched man issued the following Death
Mandate in accordance with the ancient tradition, attempting as
the long night fell on him to make his peace with men:--

LAST MANDATE OF YUAN SHIH-KAI

The Min Kuo has been established for five years. Unworthily have
I, the Great President, been entrusted with the great task by the
citizens. Owing to my lack of virtue and ability I have not been
able fully to transform into deeds what I have desired to
accomplish; and I blush to say that I have not realized one ten-
thousandth part of my original intention to save the country and
the people. I have, since my assumption of the office, worked in
day and thought in the night, planning for the country. It is true
that the foundation of the country is not yet consolidated, the
hardships of the people not yet relieved, and innumerable reforms
are still unattended to. But by the valuable services of the civil
officials and militarymen, some semblance of peace and order has
been maintained in the provinces and friendly relations with the
Powers upheld till now.

While on the one hand I comfort myself with such things
accomplished, on the other hand I have much to blame myself for. I
was just thinking how I could retire into private life and rest
myself in the forest and near the springs in fulfilment of my
original desire, when illness has suddenly overtaken me. As the
affairs of the State are of gravest importance, the right man must
be secured to take over charge of the same. In accordance with
Article 29 of the Provisional Constitution, which states that in
case the office of the Great President should be vacated for
certain reasons or when the Great President is incapacitated from
doing his duties, the Vice-President shall exercise authority and
power in his stead. I, the Great President, declare in accordance
with the Provisional Constitution that the Vice-President shall
exercise in an acting capacity, the authority and power of the
Great President of the Chung Hua Min Kuo.

The Vice-President being a man of courtesy, good nature,
benevolence and wisdom, will certainly be capable of greatly
lessening the difficulties of the day and place the country on the
foundation of peace, and so remedy the defects of me, the Great
President, and satisfy the expectations of the people of the whole
country. The civil and military officials outside of the Capital
as well as the troops, police and scholars and people should
doubly keep in mind the difficulties and perils of the nation, and
endeavour to maintain peace and order to the best of their
ability, placing before everything else the welfare of the
country. The ancients once said: "It is only when the living do
try to become strong that the dead are not dead." This is also the
wish of me, the Great President.

(Signed) TUAN CHI-JUI, Secretary of State and Minister of War,
TSAO JU-LIN, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Communications.

WANG YI-TANG, Minister of Interior.

CHOW TZU-CHI, Minister of Finance.

LIU-KUAN-HSIUNG, Minister of Navy.

CHANG TSUNG-HSIANG, Minister of Justice and Agriculture and
Commerce.

CHANG KUO-KAN, Minister of Education.

6th day of the 6th month of the 5th year of Chung Hua Min Kuo.

This tragic denouement did not fail to awaken within very few days
among thinking minds a feeling of profound sympathy for the dead
man coupled with sharp disgust for the part that foreigners had
played--not all, of course--but a great number of them. Briefly,
when all the facts are properly grouped it can be said that Yuan
Shih-kai was killed by his foreign friends--by the sort of advice
he has been consistently given in Constitutional Law, in Finance,
in Politics, in Diplomacy. It is easy to trace step by step the
broad road he had been tempted to travel, and to see how at each
turning-point the men who should have taught him how to be true
and loyal to the Western things the country had nominally adhered
to from the proclamation of the Republic, showed him how to be
disloyal and untrue. The tragedy is one which is bound to be
deeply studied throughout the whole world when the facts are
properly known and there is time to think about them, and if there
is anything today left to poetic justice the West will know to
whom to apportion the blame.

Yuan Shih-kai, the man, when he came out of retirement in 1911,
was in many ways a wonderful Chinese: he was a fount of energy and
of a physical sturdiness rare in a country whose governing classes
have hitherto been recruited from attenuated men, pale from study
and the lotus life. He had a certain task to which to put his
hand, a huge task, indeed, since the reformation of four hundred
millions was involved, yet one which was not beyond him if wisely
advised. He was an ignorant man in certain matters, but he had had
much political experience and apparently possessed a marvellous
aptitude for learning. The people needed a leader to guide them
through the great gateway of the West, to help them to acquire
those jewels of wisdom and experience which are a common heritage.
An almost Elizabethan eagerness rilled them, as if a New World
they had never dreamed of had been suddenly discovered for them
and lay open to their endeavours. China, hitherto derided as a
decaying land, had been born anew; and in single massive gesture
had proclaimed that she, too, would belong to the elect and be
governed accordingly.

What was the foreign response--the official response? In every
transaction into which it was possible to import them, reaction
and obscurantism were not only commonly employed but heartily
recommended. Not one trace of genuine statesmanship, not one flash
of altruism, was ever seen save the American flash in the pan of
1913, when President Wilson refused to allow American
participation in the great Reorganization Loan because he held
that the terms on which it was to be granted infringed upon
China's sovereign rights. Otherwise there was nothing but a tacit
endorsement of the very policy which has been tearing the entrails
out of Europe--namely militarism. That was the fine fruit which
was offered to a hopeful nation--something that would wither on
the branch or poison the people as they plucked it. They were
taught to believe that political instinct was the ability to
misrepresent in a convincing way the actions and arguments of your
opponents and to profit by their mistakes--not that it is a mighty
impulse which can re-make nations. The Republic was declared by
the actions of Western bureaucrats to be a Republic pour rire, not
a serious thing; and by this false and cruel assumption they
killed Yuan Shih-kai.

If that epitaph is written on his political tombstone, it will be
as full of blinding truth as is only possible with Last Things.





CHAPTER XIV

THE NEW REGIME,--FROM 1916 TO 1917


Within an hour of the death of Yuan Shih-kai, the veteran General
Tuan Chi-jui, in his capacity of Secretary of State, had called on
Vice-President Li Yuan-hung--the man whom years before he had
been sent to the Yangtsze to bring captive to Peking--and welcomed
him as President of the Republic. At one o'clock on the same day
the Ministers of the Allied Powers who had hastily assembled at
the Waichiaopu (Foreign Office), were informed that General Li
Yuan-hung had duly assumed office and that the peace and security
of the capital were fully guaranteed. No unrest of any sort need
be apprehended; for whilst rumours would no doubt circulate wildly
as soon as the populace realized the tragic nature of the climax
which had come, the Gendarmerie Corps and the Metropolitan Police
--two forces that numbered 18,000 armed men--were taking every
possible precaution.

In spite of these assurances great uneasiness was felt. The
foreign Legations, which are very imperfectly informed regarding
Chinese affairs although living in the midst of them, could not be
convinced that internal peace could be so suddenly attained after
five years of such fierce rivalries. Among the many gloomy
predictions made at the time, the most common to fall from the
lips of Foreign Plenipotentiaries was the remark that the Japanese
would be in full occupation of the country within three months--
the one effective barrier to their advance having been removed. No
better illustration could be given of the inadequate grasp of
politics possessed by those whose peculiar business it should be
to become expert in the science of cause and effect. In China, as
in the Balkans, professional diplomacy errs so constantly because
it has in the main neither the desire nor the training to study
dispassionately from day to day all those complex phenomena which
go to make up modern nationalism. Guided in its conduct almost
entirely by a policy of personal predilections, which is fitfully
reinforced by the recollection of precedents, it is small wonder
if such mountains of mistakes choke every Legation dossier.
Determined to having nothing whatever to do, save in the last
resort, with anything that savours of Radicalism, and inclining
naturally towards ideals which have long been abandoned in the
workaday world, diplomacy is the instinctive lover of obscurantism
and the furtive enemy of progress. Distrusting all those generous
movements which spring from the popular desire to benefit by
change, it follows from this that the diplomatic brotherhood
inclines towards those truly detestable things--secret compacts.
In the present instance, having been bitterly disappointed by the
complete collapse of the strong man theory, it was only natural
that consolation should be sought by casting doubt on the future.
Never have sensible men been so absurd. The life-story of Yuan
Shih-kai, and the part European and Japanese diplomacy played in
that story, form a chapter which should be taught as a warning to
all who enter politics as a career, since there is exhibited in
this history a complete compendium of all the more vicious traits
of Byzantinism.

The first acts of President Li Yuan-hung rapidly restored
confidence and advertised to the keen-eyed that the end of the
long drawn-out Revolution had come. Calling before him all the
generals in the capital, he told them with sincerity and
simplicity that their country's fortunes rested in their hands;
and he asked them to take such steps as would be in the nature of
a permanent insurance against foreign interference in the affairs
of the Republic. He was at once given fervent support. A mass
meeting of the military was followed by the whole body of
commissioned men volunteering to hold themselves personally
responsible for the maintenance of peace and order in the capital.
The dreadful disorders which had ushered in the Yuan Shih-kai
regime were thus made impossible; and almost at once men went
about their business as usual.

The financial wreckage left by the mad monarchy adventure was,
however, appalling. Not only was there no money in the capital but
hardly any food as well; for since the suspension of specie
payments country supplies had ceased entering the city as farmers
refused to accept inconvertible paper in payment for their
produce. It became necessary for the government to sell at a
nominal price the enormous quantities of grain which had been
accumulated for the army and the punitive expedition against the
South; and for many days a familiar sight was the endless blue-
coated queues waiting patiently to receive as in war-time their
stipulated pittance.

Meanwhile, although the troops remained loyal to the new regime,
not so the monarchist politicians. Seeing that their hour of
obliteration had come, they spared no effort to sow secret
dissensions and prevent the provinces from uniting again with
Peking. It would be wearisome to give in full detail the
innumerable schemes which were now hourly formulated, to secure
that the control of the country should not be exercised in a
lawful way. Finding that it was impossible to conquer the general
detestation felt for them, the monarchists, led by Liang Shih-yi,
changed their tactics and exhausted themselves in attempting to
secure the issue of a general annesty decree. But in spite of
every argument President Li Yuan-hung remained unmoved and refused
absolutely to consider their pardon. A just and merciful man, it
was his intention to allow the nation to speak its mind before
issuing orders on the subject; but to show that he was no advocate
of the terrorist methods practised by his predecessor, he now
issued a Mandate summarily abolishing the infamous Chih Fa Chu, or
Military Court, which Yuan Shih-kai had turned into an engine of
judicial assassination, and within whose gloomy precincts many
thousands of unfortunate men had perished practically untried in
the period 1911-1916.

Meanwhile the general situation throughout the country only slowly
ameliorated. The Northern Military party, determined to prevent
political power from passing solely into the hands of the Southern
Radicals, bitterly opposed the revival of the Nanking Provisional
Constitution, and denounced the re-convocation of the old
Parliament of 1913, which had already assembled in Shanghai,
preparatory to coming up to the capital. It needed a sharp
manoeuvre to bring them to their senses. The Chinese Navy,
assembled in the waters near Shanghai, took action; and in an
ultimatum communicated to Peking by their Admiral, declared that
so long as the government in the hands of General Tuan Chi-jui
refused to conform to popular wishes by reviving the Nanking
Provisional Constitution and resummoning the old Parliament, so
long would the Navy refuse to recognize the authority of the
Central Government. With the fleet in the hands of the Southern
Confederacy, which had not yet been formally dissolved, the Peking
Government was powerless in the whole region of the Yangtsze;
consequently, after many vain manoeuvres to avoid this reasonable
and proper solution, it was at last agreed that things should be
brought back precisely where they had been before the coup d'etat
of the 4th November, 1913--the Peking Government being
reconstituted by means of a coalition cabinet in which there would
be both nominees of the North and South--the premiership remaining
in the hands of General Tuan Chi-jui.

On the 28th June a long funeral procession wended its way from the
Presidential Palace to the railway station; it was the remains of
the great dictator being taken to their last resting-place in
Honan. Conspicuous in this cortege was the magnificent stagecoach
which had been designed to bear the founder of the new dynasty to
his throne but which only accompanied him to his grave. The
detached attitude of the crowds and the studied simplicity of the
procession, which was designed to be republican, proved more
clearly than reams of arguments that China--despite herself
perhaps--had become somewhat modernized, the oldest country in the
world being now the youngest republic and timidly trying to learn
the lessons of youth.

Once Yuan Shih-kai had been buried, a Mandate ordering the summary
arrest of all the chief monarchist plotters was issued; but the
gang of corrupt men had already sought safety in ignominious
flight; and it was understood that so long as they remained on
soil under foreign jurisdiction, no attempt would be made even to
confiscate their goods and chattels as would certainly have been
done under former governments. The days of treachery and double-
dealing and cowardly revenge were indeed passing away and the new
regime was committed to decency and fairplay. The task of the new
President was no mean one, and in all the circumstances if he
managed to steer a safe middle course and avoid both Caesarism and
complete effacement, that is a tribute to his training. Born in
1864 in Hupeh, one of the most important mid-Yangtsze provinces,
President Li Yuan-hung was now fifty-two years old, and in the
prime of life; but although he had been accustomed to a military
atmosphere from his earliest youth his policy had never been
militaristic. His father having been in command of a force in
North China for many years, rising from the ranks to the post of
tsan chiang (Lieutenant-Colonel), had been constrained to give him
the advantage of a thoroughly modern training. At the age of 20 he
had entered the Naval School at Tientsin; whence six years later
he had graduated, seeing service in the navy as an engineer
officer during the Chino-Japanese war of 1894. After that campaign
he had been invited by Viceroy Chang Chih-tung, then one of the
most distinguished of the older viceroys, to join his staff at
Nanking, and had been entrusted with the supervision of the
construction of the modern forts at the old Southern capital,
which played such a notable part in the Revolution. When Chang
Chih-tung was transferred to the Wuchang viceroyalty, General Li
Yuan-hung had accompanied him, actively participating in the
training of the new Hupeh army, and being assisted in that work by
German instructors. In 1897 he had gone to Japan to study
educational, military and administrative methods, returning to
China after a short stay, but again proceeding to Tokyo in 1897 as
an officer attached to the Imperial Guards. In the autumn of the
following year he had returned to Wuchang and been appointed
Commander of the Cavalry. Yet another visit was paid by him to
Japan in 1902 to attend the grand military manoeuvres, these
journeys giving him a good working knowledge of Japanese, in
addition to the English which had been an important item in the
curriculum of the Naval School, and which he understands
moderately well. In 1903 he was promoted Brigadier General, being
subsequently gazetted as the Commander of the 2nd Division of
Regulars (Chang Pei Chun) of Hupeh. He also constantly held
various subsidiary posts, in addition to his substantive
appointment, connected with educational and administrative work of
various kinds, and has therefore a sound grasp of provincial
government. He was Commander-in-Chief of the 8th Division during
the famous military manoeuvres of 1906 at Changtehfu in Honan
province, which are said to have been given birth to the idea of a
universal revolt against the Manchus by using the army as the
chief instrument.

On the memorable day of October 11, 1911, when the standard of
revolt was raised at Wuchang, somewhat against his will as he was
a loyal officer, he was elected military Governor, thus becoming
the first real leader of the Republic. Within the space of ten
days his leadership had secured the adhesion of fourteen provinces
to the Republican cause; and though confronted by grave
difficulties owing to insufficiency of equipment and military
supplies, he fought the Northern soldiery for two months around
Wuchang with varying success. He it was, when the Republic had
been formally established and the Manchu regime made a thing of
the past, who worked earnestly to bring about better relations
between the armies of North and South China which had been arrayed
against one another during many bitter weeks. It was he, also, who
was the first to advocate the complete separation of the civil and
military administration--the administrative powers in the early
days of the Republic being entirely in the hands of the military
governors of the provinces who recruited soldiery in total
disregard to the wishes of the Central Government. Although this
reform has even today only been partially successful, there is no
reason to doubt that before the Republic is many years older the
idea of the military dictating the policy and administration of
the country will pass away. The so-called Second Revolution of
1913 awakened no sympathy in General Li Yuan-hung, because he was
opposed to internal strife and held that all Chinese should work
for unity and concerted reform rather than indulge in fruitless
dissensions. His disapproval of the monarchy movement had been
equally emphatic in the face of an ugly outlook. He was repeatedly
approached by the highest personages to give in his adhesion to
Yuan Shih-kai becoming emperor, but he persistently refused
although grave fears were publicly expressed that he would be
assassinated. Upon the formal acceptance of the Throne by Yuan
Shih-kai, he had had conferred on him a princedom which he
steadfastly refused to accept; and when the allowances of a prince
were brought to him from the Palace he returned them with the
statement that as he had not accepted the title the money was not
his. Every effort to break his will proved unavailing, his
patience and calmness contributing very materially to the vast
moral opposition which finally destroyed Yuan Shih-kai.

Such was the man who was called upon to preside over the new
government and parliament which was now assembling in Peking; and
certainly it may be counted as an evidence of China's traditional
luck which brought him to the helm. General Li Yuan Hung knew well
that the cool and singular plan which had been pursued to forge a
national mandate for a revival of the empire would take years
completely to obliterate, and that the octopus-hold of the
Military Party--the army being the one effective organization
which had survived the Revolution--could not be loosened in a
day,--in fact would have to be tolerated until the nation asserted
itself and showed that it could and would be master. In the
circumstances his authority could not but be very limited,
disclosing itself in passive rather than in active ways. Wishing
to be above all a constitutional President, he quickly saw that an
interregnum must be philosophically accepted during which the
Permanent Constitution would be worked out and the various parties
forced to a general agreement; and thanks to this decision the
year which has now elapsed since Yuan Shih-kai's death has been
almost entirely eventless, with the exception of the crisis which
arose over the war-issue, a matter which is fully discussed
elsewhere.

Meanwhile, in the closing months of 1916, the position was not a
little singular. Two great political parties had arisen through
the Revolution--the Kuo Ming Tang or Nationalists, who included
all the Radical elements, and the Chinputang or Progressives,
whose adherents were mainly men of the older official classes, and
therefore conservative. The Yunnan movement, which had led to the
overthrow of Yuan Shih-kai, had been inspired and very largely
directed by the scholar Liang Ch'i-chao, a leader of the
Chinputang. To this party, then, though numerically inferior to
the Kuo Ming Tang, was due the honour and credit of re-
establishing the Republic, the Kuo Ming Tang being under a cloud
owing to the failure of the Second Revolution of 1913 which it had
engineered. Nevertheless, owing to the Kuo Ming Tang being more
genuinely republican, since it was mainly composed of younger and
more modern minds, it was from its ranks that the greatest check
to militarism sprang; and therefore although its work was
necessarily confined to the Council-chamber, its moral influence
was very great and constantly representative of the civilian
element as opposed to the militarist. By staking everything on the
necessity of adhering to the Nanking Provisional Constitution
until a permanent instrument was drawn up, the Kuo Ming Tang
rapidly established an ascendancy; for although the Nanking
Constitution had admittedly failed to bring representative
government because of the difficulty of defining powers in such a
way as to make a practical autocracy impossible, it had at least
established as a basic principle that China could no longer be
ruled as a family possession, which in itself marked a great
advance on all previous conceptions. President Li Yuan-hung's
policy, in the circumstances, was to play the part of a moderator
and to seek to bring harmony to a mass of heterogeneous elements
that had to carry out the practical work of government over four
hundred millions of people.

His success was at the outset hampered by the appeal the military
were quick in making to a new method--to offset the power of
Parliament in Peking. We have already dealt with the evils of the
circular telegram in China--surely one of the most unexpected
results of adapting foreign inventions to native life. By means of
these telegraphic campaigns a rapid exchange of views is made
possible among the provincial governors; and consequently in the
autumn of 1916, inspired by the Military Party, a wholly illegal
Conference of generals was organized by the redoubtable old
General Chang Hsun on the Pukow railway for the purpose of
overawing parliament, and securing that the Military Party
retained a controlling hand behind the scenes. It is perhaps
unnecessary today to do more than note the fact that the peace of
the country was badly strained by this procedure; but thanks to
moderate counsels and the wisdom of the President no open breach
occurred and there is reason to believe that this experiment will
not be repeated,--at least not in the same way. [Footnote:
Although the events dealt with in Chapter XVI have brought China
face to face with a new crisis the force of the arguments used
here is in no wise weakened.]

The difficulty to be solved is of an unique nature. It is not that
the generals and the Military Party are necessarily reactionary:
it is that, not belonging to the intellectual-literary portion of
the ruling elements, they are less advanced and less accustomed to
foreign ways, and therefore more in touch with the older China
which lingers on in the vast agricultural districts, and in all
those myriad of townships which are dotted far and wide across the
provinces to the confines of Central Asia. Naturally it is hard
for a class of men who hold the balance of power and carry on much
of the actual work of governing to submit to the paper decrees of
an institution they do not accept as being responsible and
representative: but many indications are available that when a
Permanent Constitution has been promulgated, and made an article
of faith in all the schools, a change for the better will come and
the old antagonisms gradually disappear.

It is on this Constitution that Parliament has been at work ever
since it re-assembled in August, 1916, and which is now
practically completed. Sitting together three times a week as a
National Convention, the two Houses have subjected the Draft
Constitution (which was prepared by a Special Parliamentary
Drafting Committee) to a very exhaustive examination and
discussion. Many violent scenes have naturally marked the progress
of this important work, the two great parties, the Kuo Ming Tang
and the Chinputang, coming to loggerheads again and again. But in
the main the debates and the decisions arrived at have been
satisfactory and important, because they have tended to express in
a concrete and indisputable form the present state of the Chinese
mind and its immense underlying commonsense. Remarkable
discussions and fierce enmities, for instance, marked the final
decision not to make the Confucian cult the State Religion; but
there is not the slightest doubt that in formally registering this
veritable revolution in the secret stronghold of Chinese political
thought, a Bastille has been overthrown and the ground left clear
for the development of individualism and personal responsibility
in a way which was impossible under the leaden formulae of the
greatest of the Chinese sages. In defining the relationship which
must exist between the Central Government and the provinces even
more formidable difficulties have been encountered, the apostles
of decentralization and the advocates of centralization refusing
for many months to agree on the so-called Provincial system, and
then fighting a battle A OUTRANCE on the question of whether this
body of law should form a chapter in the Constitution or be simply
an annexure to the main instrument. The agreement which was
finally arrived at--to make it part and parcel of the
Constitution--was masterly in that it has secured that the
sovereignty of the people will not tend to be expressed in the
provincial dietines which have now been re-erected (after having
been summarily destroyed by Yuan Shih-kai) the Central Parliament
being left the absolute master. This for a number of years will no
doubt be more of a theory than a practice; but there is every
indication that parliamentary government will within a limited
period be more successful in China than in some European
countries; and that the Chinese with their love of well-
established procedure and cautious action, will select open debate
as the best method of sifting the grain from the chaff and
deciding every important matter by the vote of the majority.
Already in the period of 1916-1917 Parliament has more than
justified its re-convocation by becoming a National Watch
Committee. Interpellations on every conceivable subject have been
constant and frequent; fierce verbal assaults are delivered on
Cabinet Ministers; and slowly but inexorably a real sense of
Ministerial responsibility is being created, the fear of having to
run the gauntlet of Parliament abating, if it has not yet entirely
destroyed, many malpractices. In the opinion of the writer in less
than ten years Parliament will have succeeded in coalescing the
country into an organic whole, and will have placed the Cabinet in
such close daily relations with it that something very similar to
the Anglo-Saxon theory of government will be impregnably
entrenched in Peking. That such a miracle should be possible in
extreme Eastern Asia is one more proof that there are no victories
beyond the capacity of the human mind.

Meanwhile, for the time being, in China as in countries ten
thousand miles away, ministerial irresponsibility is the enemy;
that is to say that so-called Cabinet-rule, with the effacement of
the Chief Executive, has tended to make Cabinet Ministers removed
from effective daily control. All sorts of things are done which
should not be done and men are still in charge of portfolios who
should be summarily expelled from the capital for malpractices.
[Footnote: Since this was written two Cabinet Ministers have been
summarily arrested.] But although Chinese are slow to take action
and prefer to delay all decisions until they have about them the
inexorable quality which is associated with Fate, there is not the
slightest doubt that in the long run the dishonest suffer, and an
increasingly efficient body of men take their place. From every
point of view then there is reason for congratulation in the
present position, and every hope that the future will unroll
peacefully.

A visit to Parliament under the new regime is a revelation to most
men: the candid come away with an impression which is never
effaced from their minds. There is a peculiar suggestiveness even
in the location of the Houses of the National Assembly. They are
tucked away in the distant Western city immediately under the
shadow of the vast Tartar Wall as if it had been fully expected
when they were called into being that they would never justify
their existence, and that the crushing weight of the great bastion
of brick and stone surrounding the capital would soon prove to
them how futile it was for such palpable intruders to aspire to
national control. Under Yuan Shih-kai, as under the Manchus, they
were an exercise in the arm of government, something which was
never to be allowed to harden into a settled practice. They were
first cousins to railways, to electrical power, to metalled
roadways and all those other modern instances beginning to modify
an ancient civilization entirely based on agriculture; and because
they were so distantly related to the real China of the farm-yard
it was thought that they would always stand outside the national
life.

That was what the fools believed. Yet in a copy of the rules of
procedure of the old Imperial Senate (Tzuchengyuan) the writer
finds this note written in 1910: "The Debates of this body have
been remarkable during the very first session. They make it seem
clear that the first National Parliament of 1913 will seize
control of China and nullify the power of the Throne. Result,
revolution--" Though the dating is a little confused, the prophecy
is worthy of record.

The watchfulness of the special police surrounding the Parliament
of 1916-1917 and the great number of these men also tells a story
as eloquent as the location of the building. It is not so much
that any contemplated violence sets these guardians here as the
necessity to advertise that there has been unconstitutional
violence in the past which, if possible, will be rigidly defeated
in the future. Probably no National Assembly in the world has been
held up to greater contempt than the Parliament of Peking and
probably no body deserves it less. An afternoon spent in the House
of Representatives would certainly surprise most open-minded men
who have been content to believe that the Chinese experiment was
what some critics have alleged it to be. The Chinese as a people,
being used to guild-house proceedings, debates, in which the
welfare of the majority is decided after an examination of the
principles at stake, are a very old and well-established custom;
and though at present there are awkwardnesses and gaucheries to be
noted, when practice has become better fixed, the common sense of
the race will abundantly disclose itself and make a lasting mark
on contemporary history. There can be no doubt about this at all.
Take your seat in the gallery and see for yourself. The first
question which rises to the lips is--where are the young men,
those crude and callow youths masquerading as legislators which
the vernacular press has so excessively lampooned? The majority of
the members, so far from being young, are men of thirty or forty,
or even fifty, with intelligent and tired faces that have lost the
Spring of youth. Here and there you will even see venerable
greybeards suffering from rheumy coughs who ought to be at home;
and though occasionally there is a lithe youngster in European
clothes with the veneer he acquired abroad not yet completely
rubbed off, the total impression is that of oldish men who have
reached years of maturity and who are as representative of the
country and as good as the country is in a position today to
provide. No one who knows the real China can deny that.

The Continental arrangement of the Members' desks and the raised
tribune of the Speaker, with its rows of clerks and recorders,
make an impression of orderliness, tinged nevertheless with a
faint revolutionary flavour. Perhaps it is the straight black
Chinese hair and the rich silk clothing, set on a very plain and
unadorned background, which recall the pictures of the French
Revolution. It is somehow natural in such circumstances that there
should occasionally be dramatic outbursts with the blood of
offenders bitterly demanded as though we were not living in the
Twentieth Century when blood alone is admittedly no satisfaction.
The presence of armed House police at every door, and in the front
rows of the strangers' gallery as well, contributes to this
impression which has certain qualities of the theatre about it and
is oddly stimulating. China at work legislating has already
created her first traditions: she is proceeding deliberately
armed--with the lessons of the immediate past fully noted.

This being the home of a literary race, papers and notebooks are
on most Members' desks. As the electric bells ring sharply an
unending procession of men file in to take their seats, for there
has been a recess and the House has been only half-filled. Nearly
every one is in Chinese dress (pien-yi) with the Member's badge
pinned conspicuously on the breast. The idea speedily becomes a
conviction that this after all is not extraneous to the nation but
actually of the living flesh, a vital and imperative thing. The
vastness and audacity of it all cannot fail to strike the
imaginative mind, for the four or five hundred men who are
gathered here typify, if they do not yet represent, the four or
five hundred millions who make up the country. You see as it were
the nation in profile, a ponderous, slow-moving mass, quickly
responsive to curious subconscious influences--suddenly angry and
suddenly calm again because Reason has after all always been the
great goddess which is perpetually worshipped. All are scholarly
and deliberate in their movements. When the Speaker calls the
House in order and the debate commences, deep silence comes save
for the movement of hundreds of nervous hands that touch papers or
fidget to and fro. Every man uses his hands, particularly when he
speaks, not clenched as a European would do, but open, with the
slim figures speaking a language of their own, twisting, turning,
insinuating, deriding, a little history of compromises. It would
be interesting to write the story of China from a study of the
hands.

Each man goes to the rostrum to speak, and each has much to say.
Soon another impression deepens--that the Northerners with their
clear-cut speech and their fuller voices have an advantage over
the Southerners of the kind that all public performers know. The
mandarin language of Peking is after all the mother-language of
officialdom, the madre linqua, less nervous and more precise than
any other dialect and invested with a certain air of authority
which cannot be denied. The sharp-sounding, high-pitched Southern
voice, though it may argue very acutely and rapidly, appears at an
increasing disadvantage. There seems to be a tendency inherent in
it to become querulous, to make its pleading sound specious
because of over-much speech. These are curious little things which
have been not without influence in other regions of the world.

The applause when it comes proves the same thing as applause does
everywhere; that if you want to drive home your points in a large
assembly you must be condensed and simple, using broad, slashing
arguments. This is precisely what distinguishes melodrama from
drama, and which explains why excessive analysis is no argument in
the popular mind. Generally, however, there is not much applause
and the voice of the speaker wanders through the hall
uninterrupted by signs of content or discontent. Sometimes,
although rather rarely, there is a gust of laughter as a point is
scored against a hated rival. But it dies away as suddenly as it
arose--almost before you have noted it, as if it were superfluous
and must make room for more serious things.

With the closing of a debate there is the vote. An electric bell
rings again, and with a rough hand the House police close all the
exits. The clerks come down into the aisles. They seem to move
listlessly and indifferently; yet very quickly they have checked
the membership to insure that the excessively large quorum
requisite is present. Now the Speaker calls for the vote.
Massively and stiffly, as at a word of command the "ayes" rise in
their seats. There is a round of applause; the bill has been
carried almost unanimously. That, however, is not always so. When
there is an obstreperous mood abroad, the House will decline to
proceed with the agenda, and a dozen men will rise at a time and
speak from behind their desks, trying to talk each other down. The
Speaker stands patiently wrestling with the problem of procedure--
and often failing since practice is still in process of being
formed. Years must elapse before absolutely hard-and-fast rules
are established. Still the progress already made since August,
1916, is remarkable, and something is being learned every day. The
business of a Parliament is after all to debate--to give voice to
the uppermost thoughts in the nation's mind; and how those
thoughts are expressed is a continual exposition of the real state
of the nation's political beliefs. Parliament is--or should be--a
microcosm of the race; parliament is never any better or any worse
than the mass of the people. The rule of the majority as expressed
in the voting of the National Assembly must be taken as a
fundamental thing; China is no exception to the rule--the rule of
the majority must be decisive.

But here another complexity of the new Chinese political life
enters into the problem. The existence of a responsible Cabinet,
which is not yet linked to the Legislative body in any well-
understood way, and which furthermore has frequently acted in
opposition to the President's office, makes for a daily struggle
in the administration of the country which is strongly to be
condemned and which has already led to some ugly clashes. But
nevertheless there are increasing indications that parliamentary
government is making steady headway and that when both the
Permanent Constitution and the Local Government system have been
enforced, a new note will be struck. No doubt it will need a
younger generation in office to secure a complete abandonment of
all the old ways, but the writer has noted with astonishment
during the past twelve-month how eager even viceroys belonging to
the old Manchu regime have become to fall in with the new order
and to lend their help, a sharp competition to obtain ministerial
posts being evident in spite of the fact that the gauntlet of
Parliament has to be run and a majority vote recorded before any
appointment is valid.

One last anomaly has, however, yet to be done away with in Peking.
The deposed boy Emperor still resides in the Winter Palace
surrounded by a miniature court,--a state of affairs which should
not be tolerated any longer as it no doubt tends to assist the
rumours which every now and again are mysteriously spread by
interested parties that a Restoration is imminent. The time has
arrived when not only must the Manchu Imperial Family be removed
far from the capital but a scheme worked out for commuting the
pension-system of so-called Bannerman families who still draw
their monthly allowances as under the Manchus, thanks to the
articles of Favourable Treatment signed at the time of abdication
of 1912. When these two important questions have been settled,
imperialism in China will tend rapidly to fade into complete
oblivion.





CHAPTER XV

THE REPUBLIC IN COLLISION WITH REALITY: TWO TYPICAL INSTANCES OF
"FOREIGN AGGRESSION"


Such, then, were the internal conditions which the new
administration was called upon to face with the death of Yuan
Shih-kai. With very little money in the National Treasury and with
the provinces unable or unwilling to remit to the capital a single
dollar, it was fortunate that at least one public service, erected
under foreign pressure, should be brilliantly justifying its
existence. The Salt Administration, efficiently reorganized in the
space of three years by the great Indian authority, Sir Richard
Dane, was now providing a monthly surplus of nearly five million
dollars; and it was this revenue which kept China alive during a
troubled transitional period when every one was declaring that she
must die. By husbanding this hard cash and mixing it liberally
with paper money, the Central Government has been able since June,
1916, to meet its current obligations and to keep the general
machinery from breaking down.

But in a country such as China new dangers have to be constantly
faced and smoothed away--the interests of the outer world pressing
on the country and conflicting with the native interest at a
myriad points. And in order to illustrate and make clear the sort
of daily exacerbation which the nation must endure because of the
vastness of its territory and the octopus-hold of the foreigner we
give two typical cases of international trouble which have
occurred since Yuan Shih-kai's death. The first is the well-known
Chengchiatun incident which occurred in Manchuria in August, 1916:
the second is the Laohsikai affair which took place in Tientsin in
November of the same year and created a storm of rage against
France throughout North China which, at the moment of writing has
not yet abated.

The facts about the Chengchiatun incident are incredibly simple
and merit being properly told. Chengchiatun is a small Mongol-
Manchurian market-down lying some sixty miles west of the South
Manchurian railway by the ordinary cart-roads, though as the crow
flies the distance is much less. The country round about is "new
country," the prefecture in which Chengchiatun lies being
originally purely Mongol territory on which Chinese squatted in
such numbers that it was necessary to erect the ordinary Chinese
civil administration. Thirty or forty miles due west of the town
cultivation practically ceases; and then nothing meets the eye but
the rolling grasslands of Mongolia, with their sparse encampments
of nomad horsemen and shepherds which stretch so monotonously into
the infinities of High Asia.

The region is strategically important because the trade-routes
converge there from the growing marts of the Taonanfu
administration, which is the extreme westernly limit of Chinese
authority in the Mongolian borderland. A rich exchange in hides,
furs, skins, cattle and foodstuffs has given this frontier-town
from year to year an increasing importance in the eyes of the
Chinese who are fully aware of the dangers of a laissez aller
policy and are determined to protect the rights they have acquired
by pre-emption. The fact that notorious Mongol brigand-chiefs,
such as the famous Babachapu who was allied to the Manchu
Restoration Party and who was said to have been subsidized by the
Japanese Military Party, had been making Chengchiatun one of their
objectives, brought concern early in 1916 to the Moukden Governor,
the energetic General Chang Tso-lin, who in order to cope with the
danger promptly established a military cordon round the district,
with a relatively large reserve based on Chengchiatun, drawn from
the 28th Army Division. A certain amount of desultory fighting
months before any one had heard of the town had given Chengchiatun
the odour of the camp; and when in the summer the Japanese began
military manoeuvres in the district with various scattered
detachments, on the excuse that the South Manchuria railway zone
where they alone had the right under the Portsmouth Peace Treaty
to be, was too cramped for field exercises, it became apparent
that dangerous developments might be expected--particularly as a
body of Japanese infantry was billeted right in the centre of the
town.

On the 13th August a Japanese civilian at Chengchiatun--there is
a small Japanese trading community there--approached a Chinese boy
who was selling fish. On the boy refusing to sell at the price
offered him, the Japanese caught hold of him and started beating
him. A Chinese soldier of the 28th Division who was passing
intervened; and a scuffle commenced in which other Chinese
soldiers joined and which resulted in the Japanese being severely
handled. After the Chinese had left him, the man betook himself to
the nearest Japanese post and reported that he had been grievously
assaulted by Chinese soldiers for no reason whatsoever. A Japanese
gensdarme made a preliminary investigation in company with the
man; then returning to the Japanese barracks, declared that he
could find no one in authority; that his attempts at discovering
the culprits had been resisted; and that he must have help. The
Japanese officer in command, who was a captain, detailed a
lieutenant and twenty men to proceed to the Chinese barracks to
obtain satisfaction from the Chinese Commander--using force if
necessary. It was precisely in this way that the play was set in
motion.

The detachment marched off to the headquarters of the offending
Chinese detachment, which was billeted in a pawnshop, and tried to
force their way past a sentry who stood his ground, into the inner
courtyards. A long parley ensued with lowered bayonets; and at
last on the Chinese soldier absolutely refusing to give way, the
lieutenant gave orders to cut him down. There appears to be no
doubt about these important facts--that is to say, that the act
of war was the deliberate attack by a Japanese armed detachment on
a Chinese sentry who was guarding the quarters of his Commander.

A frightful scene followed. It appears that scattered groups of
Chinese soldiers, some with their arms, and some without, had
collected during this crisis and point-blank firing at once
commenced. The first shots appear to have been fired--though this
was never proved--by a Chinese regimental groom, who was standing
with some horses some distance away in the gateway of some
stabling and who is said to have killed or wounded the largest
number of Japanese. In any case seven Japanese soldiers were
killed outright, five more mortally wounded and four severely so,
the Chinese themselves losing four killed, besides a number of
wounded. The remnant of the Japanese detachment after this rude
reverse managed to retreat with their wounded officer to their own
barracks where the whole detachment barricaded themselves in,
firing for many hours at everything that moved on the roads though
absolutely no attempt was made by the Chinese soldiery to advance
against them.

The sound of this heavy firing, and the wild report that many
Japanese had been killed, had meanwhile spread panic throughout
the town, and there was a general sauve qui pent, a terrible
retribution being feared. The local Magistrate finally restored
some semblance of order; and after dark proceeded in person with
some notables of the town to the Japanese barracks to tender his
regrets and to arrange for the removal of the Japanese corpses
which were lying just as they had fallen, and which Chinese custom
demanded should be decently cared for, though they constituted
important and irrefragible evidence of the armed invasion which
had been practised. The Japanese Commander, instead of meeting
these conciliatory attempts half-way, thereupon illegally arrested
the Magistrate and locked him up, being impelled to this action by
the general fear among his men that a mass attack would be made in
the night by the Chinese troops in garrison and the whole command
wiped out. Nothing, however, occurred and on the 14th instant the
Magistrate was duly released on his sending for his son to take
his place as hostage. On the 16th the Magistrate had successfully
arranged the withdrawal of all Chinese troops five miles outside
the town to prevent further clashes. On the 15th Japanese cavalry
and infantry began to arrive in large numbers from the South
Manchuria railway zone (where they alone have the Treaty right to
be) and the town of Chengchiatun was arbitrarily placed by them in
a state of siege.

Here is the stuff of which the whole incident was made: there is
nothing material beyond the facts stated which illustrate very
glaringly the manner in which a strong Power acts towards a weak
one.

Meanwhile the effect in Tokyo of these happenings had been
electrical. Relying on the well-known Japanese police axiom, that
the man who gets in his story first is the prosecutor and the
accused the guilty party, irrespective of what the evidence may
be, the newspapers all came out with the same account of a
calculated attack by "ferocious Chinese soldiers" on a Japanese
detachment and the general public were asked to believe that a
number of their enlisted nationals had been deliberately and
brutally murdered. It was not, however, until more than a week
after the incident that an official report was published by the
Tokyo Foreign Office, when the following garbled account was
distributed far and wide as the Japanese case:--

"When one Kiyokishy Yoshimoto, aged 27, an employee of a Japanese
apothecary at Chengchiatun, was passing the headquarters of the
Chinese troops on the 13th instant, a Chinese soldier stopped him,
and, with some remarks, which were unintelligible to the Japanese,
suddenly struck him on the head. Yoshimoto became enraged, but was
soon surrounded by a large number of Chinese soldiers and others,
who subjected him to all kind of humiliation. As a result of this
lawlessness on the part of the Chinese, the Japanese sustained
injuries in seven or eight places, but somehow he managed to break
away and reach a Japanese police box, where he applied for help.
On receipt of this news, a policeman, named Kowase, hastened to
the spot, but by the time he arrived there all the offenders had
fled. He therefore repaired to the headquarters of the Chinese to
lay a complaint, but the sentry stopped him, and presented a
pistol at him, and under these circumstances he was obliged to
apply to the Japanese Garrison headquarters, where Captain Inone
instructed Lieutenant Matsuo with twenty men to escort the
policeman to the Chinese headquarters. When the party approached
the Chinese headquarters, Chinese troops began to fire, and the
policemen and others were either killed or wounded. Despite the
fact that the Japanese troops retired, the Chinese troops did not
give up firing, but besieged the Japanese garrison, delivering
several severe attacks. Soon after the fighting ceased, the
Chinese authorities visited the Japanese barracks, and expressed
the desire that the affair be settled amicably. It was the
original intention of the Japanese troops to fight it out, but
they were completely out-numbered, and lest the safety of the
Japanese residents be endangered, they stopped fighting. On
examination of the dead bodies of seven Japanese soldiers, who
were attacked outside the barracks, it was discovered that they
had been all slain by the Chinese troops, the bodies bearing marks
of violence."

Without entering again into the merits of the case, we would ask
those who are acquainted with recent history whether it is likely
that Chinese soldiers, knowing all the pains and penalties
attaching to such action, would deliberately attack a body of
twenty armed Japanese under an officer as the Japanese official
account states? We believe that no impartial tribunal,
investigating the matter on the spot, could fail to point out the
real aggressors and withal lay bare the web of a most amazing
state of affairs. For in order to understand what occurred, on the
13th August, 1916, it is necessary to turn far away from
Chengchiatun and see what lies behind it all.

At the back of the brain of the Japanese Military Party, which by
no means represents the Japanese nation or the Japanese Government
although it exercises a powerful influence on both, is the fixed
idea that South Manchuria and Inner Mongolia must be turned into a
strongly held and fortified Japanese ENCLAVE, if the balance of
power in Eastern Asia is to be maintained. Pursuant to this idea,
Japanese diplomacy was induced many months ago to concentrate its
efforts on winning--if not wringing--from Russia the
strategically important strip of railway south of the Sungari
River, because (and this should be carefully noted) with the
Sungari as the undisputed dividing-line between the Russian and
Japanese spheres in Manchuria, and with Japanese shallow-draft
gun-boats navigating that waterway and entering the Nonni river,
it would be easily possible for Japan to complete a "Continental
quadrilateral" which would include Korea, South Manchuria and
Inner Mongolia, the extreme western barrier of which would be the
new system of Inner Mongolian railways centring round Taonanfu and
terminating at Jehol, for which Japan already holds the building
rights. [Footnote: Russian diplomats now deny that the Japanese
proposals regarding the cession of the railway south of the
Sungari river have ever been formally agreed to.] policing rights
--in the outer zone of this enclave,--with a total exclusion of all
Chinese garrisons, is the preliminary goal towards which the
Japanese Military Party has been long plainly marching; and long
before anybody had heard of Chengchiatun, a scheme of
reconnoitring detachments had been put in force to spy out the
land and form working alliances with the Mongol bands in order to
harass and drive away all the representatives of Chinese
authority. What occurred, then, at Chengchiatun might have taken
place at any one of half-a-dozen other places in this vast and
little-known region whither Japanese detachments have silently
gone; and if Chinese diplomacy in the month of August, 1916, was
faced with a rude surprise, it was only what political students
had long been expecting. For though Japan should be the real
defender of Chinese liberties, it is a fact that in Chinese
affairs Japanese diplomacy has been too long dictated to by the
Military Party in Tokio and attempts nothing save when violence
allows it to tear from China some fresh portion of her
independence.

And here we reach the crux of the matter. One of the little known
peculiarities of the day lies in the fact that Japan is the land
of political inaction because there is no tradition of action save
that which has been built up by the military and naval chiefs
since the Chinese war of 1894-95. Having only visualized the world
in international terms during two short decades, there has been no
time for a proper tradition to be created by the civil government
of Japan; and because there is no such tradition, the island
empire of the East has no true foreign policy and is at the mercy
of manufactured crises, being too often committed to petty
adventures which really range her on the side of those in Europe
the Allies have set themselves to destroy. It is for this reason
that the Chinese are consistently treated as though they were
hewers of wood and drawers of water, helots who are occasionally
flattered in the columns of the daily press and yet are secretly
looked upon as men who have been born merely to be cuffed and
conquered. The Moukden Governor, General Chang Tso-ling,
discussing the Chengchiatun affair with the writer, put the matter
in a nutshell. Striking the table he exclaimed: "After all we are
not made of wood like this, we too are flesh and blood and must
defend our own people. A dozen times I have said, 'Let them come
and take Manchuria openly if they dare, but let them cease their
childish intrigues.' Why do they not do so? Because they are not
sure they can swallow us--not at all sure. Do you understand? We
are weak, we are stupid, we are divided, but we are innumerable,
and in the end, if they persist, China will burst the Japanese
stomach."

Such passionate periods are all very well, but when it comes to
the sober business of the council chamber it is a regrettable fact
that Chinese, although foreign friends implore them to do so, do
not properly use the many weapons in their armoury. Thus in this
particular case, instead of at once hurrying to Chengchiatun some
of the many foreign advisers who sit kicking their heels in Peking
from one end of the year to the other and who number competent
jurisconsults, China did next to nothing. No proper report was
drawn up on the spot; sworn statements were not gathered, nor were
witnesses brought to Peking; and it therefore happened that when
Japan filed her demands for redress, China had not in her
possession anything save an utterly inadequate defence. Mainly
because of this she was forced to agree to foregoing any direct
discussion of the rights and wrongs of the case, proceeding
directly to negotiations based on the various claims which Japan
filed and which were as follows:--

1. Punishment of the General commanding the 28th Division.

2. The dismissal of officers at Chengchiatun responsible for the
occurrence as well as the severe punishment of those who took
direct part in the fracas.

3. Proclamations to be posted ordering all Chinese soldiers and
civilians in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia to refrain
from any act calculated to provoke a breach of the peace with
Japanese soldiers or civilians.

4. China to agree to the stationing of Japanese police officers in
places in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia where their
presence was considered necessary for the protection of Japanese
subjects. China also to agree to the engagement by the officials
of South Manchuria of Japanese police advisers.

And in addition:--

1. Chinese troops stationed in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner
Mongolia to employ a certain number of Japanese Military officers
as advisers.

2. Chinese Military Cadet schools to employ a certain number of
Japanese Military officers as instructors.

3. The Military Governor of Moukden to proceed personally to Port
Arthur to the Japanese Military Governor of Kwantung to apologize
for the occurrence and to tender similar personal apologies to the
Japanese Consul General in Moukden.

4. Adequate compensation to be paid by China to the Japanese
sufferers and to the families of those killed.

The merest tyro will see at once that so far from caring very much
about the killing of her soldiery, Japan was bent on utilizing the
opportunity to gain a certain number of new rights and privileges
in the zone of Southern Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia--
notably an extension of her police and military-supervision
rights. In spite, however, of the faulty procedure to which she
had consented, China showed considerable tenacity in the course of
negotiations which lasted nearly half a year, and by the end of
January, 1917, had whittled down the question of Japanese
compensation to fairly meagre proportions. To be precise the two
governments agreed to embody by the exchange of Notes the five
following stipulations:

1. The General commanding the 28th Division to be reprimanded.

2. Officers responsible to be punished according to law. If the
law provides for severe punishment, such punishment will be
inflicted.

3. Proclamations to be issued enjoining Chinese soldiers and
civilians in the districts where there is mixed residence to
accord considerate treatment to Japanese soldiers and civilians.

4. The Military Governor of Moukden to send a representative to
Port Arthur to convey his regret when the Military Governor of
Kwantung and Japanese Consul General at Moukden are there
together,

5. A solatium of $500 (Five Hundred Dollars) to be given to the
Japanese merchant Yoshimoto.

But though the incident was thus nominally closed, and amicable
relations restored, the most important point--the question of
Japanese police-rights in Southern Manchuria and Eastern Inner
Mongolia--was left precisely where it had been before, the most
vigorous Chinese protests not having induced Japan to abate in the
slightest her pretensions. During previous years a number of
Japanese police-stations and police-boxes had been established in
defiance of the local authorities in these regions, and although
China in these negotiations recorded her strongest possible
objection to their presence as being the principal cause of the
continual friction between Chinese and Japanese, Japan refused to
withdraw from her contention that they did not constitute any
extension of the principle of extraterritoriality, and that indeed
Japanese police, distributed at such points as the Japanese
consular authorities considered necessary, must be permanently
accepted. Here then is a matter which will require careful
consideration when the Powers meet to revise their Chinese
Treaties as they must revise them after the world-war; for Japan
in Manchuria is fundamentally in no different a position from
England in the Yangtsze Valley and what applies to one must apply
to the other. The new Chinese police which are being distributed
in ever greater numbers throughout China form an admirable force
and are superior to Japanese police in the performance of nearly
all their duties. It is monstrous that Japan, as well as other
Powers, should act in such a reprehensible manner when the Chinese
administration is doing all it can to provide efficient guardians
of the peace.

The second case was one in which French officialdom by a curious
act of folly gravely alienated Chinese sympathies and gave a
powerful weapon to the German propaganda in China at the end of
1916. The Lao-hsi-kai dispute, which involved a bare 333 acres of
land in Tientsin, has now taken its place beside the Chengchiatun
affair, and has become a leading case in that great dossier of
griefs which many Chinese declare make up the corpus of Euro-
Chinese relations. Here again the facts are absolutely simple and
absolutely undisputed. In 1902 the French consular authorities in
Tientsin filed a request to have their Concession extended on the
ground that they were becoming cramped. The Chinese authorities,
although not wishing to grant the request and indeed ignoring it
for a long time, were finally induced to begin fitful
negotiations; and in October, 1916, after having passed through
various processes of alteration, reduction, and re-statement
during the interval of fourteen years, the issue had been so fined
down that a virtual agreement regarding the administration of the
new area had been reached--an agreement which the Peking
Government was prepared to put into force subject to one
reasonable stipulation, that the local opposition to the new grant
of territory which was very real, as Chinese feel passionately on
the subject of the police-control of their land-acreage, was first
overcome. The whole essence or soul of the disputes lay therein:
that the lords of the soil, the people of China, and in this case
more particularly the population of Tientsin, should accept the
decision arrived at which was that a joint Franco-Chinese
administration be established under a Chinese Chairman.

When the terms of this proposed agreement were communicated to the
Tientsin Consulate by the French Legation the arrangement did not
please the French Consul-General, who was under transfer to
Shanghai and who proposed to settle the case to the satisfaction
of his nationals before he left. There is absolutely no dispute
about this fact either--namely that the main pre-occupation of a
consular officer, charged primarily under the Treaties with the
simple preservation of law and order among his nationals, was the
closing-up of a vexatious outstanding case, by force if necessary,
before he handed over his office to his successor. It was with
this idea that an ultimatum was drawn up by the French Consul
General and, having been weakly approved by the French Legation,
was handed to the Chinese local authorities. It gave them a time-
limit of twenty-four hours in which to effect the complete police
evacuation of the coveted strip of territory on the ground that
the delay in the signature of a formal Protocol had been wilful
and deliberate and had closed the door to further negotiations;
and as no response came at the end of the time-limit, an open
invasion of Chinese territory was practised by an armed French
detachment; nine uniformed Chinese constables on duty being
forcibly removed and locked up in French barracks and French
sentries posted on the disputed boundary.

The result of this misguided action was an enormous Chinese outcry
and the beginning of a boycott of the French in North China,--and
this in the middle of a war when France has acted with inspiring
nobility. Some 2,000 native police, servants and employes promptly
deserted the French Concession en masse; popular unions were
formed to keep alive resentment; and although in the end the
arrested police were set at liberty, the friendly intervention of
the Allies proved unable to effect a settlement of the case which
at the moment of writing remains precisely where it was a year
ago. [Footnote: A further illustration of the action of French
diplomacy in China has just been provided (April, 1917) in the
protest lodged by France against the building of a railway in
Kwangsi Province by American engineers with American capital,--
France claiming exclusive rights in Kwangsi by virtue of a letter
sent by the Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs to the French
Legation in 1914 as settlement for a frontier dispute in that
year. The text of the letter is as follows:

"The dispute that rose in consequence of the disturbance at the
border of Annam and Kwangsi has been examined into by the Joint
Committee detailed by both parties concerned, and a conclusion has
been reached to the effect that all matters relating to the
solution of the case would be carried out in accordance with the
request of Your Excellency.

"In order to demonstrate the especially good friendly relations
existing between the two countries, the Republican Government
assures Your Excellency that in case a railway construction or a
mining enterprise being undertaken in Kwangsi Province in the
future, for which foreign capital is required, France would first
be consulted for a loan of the necessary capital. On such an
occasion, the Governor of Kwangsi will directly negotiate with a
French syndicate and report to the Government." It is high time
that the United States raises the whole question of the open door
in China again, and refuses to tolerate any longer the old
disruptive and dog-in-the-manger policy of the Powers. America is
now happily in a position to inaugurate a new era in the Far East
as in the Far West and to stop exploitation.]

Here you have the matter of foreign interests in China explained
in the sense that they appear to Chinese. It is not too much to
say that this illustration of the deliberate lawlessness, which
has too often been practised in the past by consuls who are simply
Justices of the Peace, would be incredible elsewhere; and yet it
is this lawlessness which has come to be accepted as part and
parcel of what is called "policy" in China because in the fifty
years preceding the establishment of the Republic a weak and
effeminate mandarinate consistently sought safety in surrenders.
It is this lawlessness which must at all costs be suppressed if we
are to have a happy future. The Chinese people have so far
contented themselves by pacific retaliation and have not exploded
into rage; but those who see in the gospel of boycott an ugly
manifestation of what lies slumbering should give thanks nightly
that they live in a land where reason is so supreme. Think of what
might not happen in China if the people were not wholly
reasonable! Throughout the length and breadth of the land you have
small communities of foreigners, mere drops in a mighty ocean of
four hundred millions, living absolutely secure although
absolutely at the mercy of their huge swarms of neighbours. All
such foreigners--or nearly all--have come to China for purposes of
profit; they depend for their livelihood on co-operation with the
Chinese; and once that co-operation ceases they might as well be
dead and buried for all the good residence will do them. In such
circumstances it would be reasonable to suppose that a certain
decency would inspire their attitude, and that a policy of give-
and-take would always be sedulously practised; and we are happy to
say that there is more of this than there used to be. It is only
when incidents such as the Chengchiatun and Laihsikai affairs
occur that the placid population is stirred to action. Even then,
instead of turning and rending the many little defenceless
communities--as European mobs would certainly do--they simply
confine themselves to boycotting the offenders and hoping that
this evidence of their displeasure will finally induce the world
to believe that they are determined to get reasonable treatment.
The Chinese as a people may be very irritating in the slowness
with which they do certain things--though they are as quick in
business as the quickest Anglo-Saxon--but that is no excuse why
men who call themselves superior should treat them with contempt.
The Chinese are the first to acknowledge that it will take them a
generation at least to modernize effectively their country and
their government; but they believe that having erected a Republic
and having declared themselves as disciples of the West they are
justified in expecting the same treatment and consideration which
are to be given after the war even to the smallest and weakest
nations of Europe.





CHAPTER XVI

CHINA AND THE WAR


The question of Chinese sentiments on the subject of the war, as
well as the precise relations between the Chinese Government and
the two groups of belligerents, are matters which have been
totally misunderstood. To those who have grasped the significance
of the exhaustive preceding account of the Republic in travail,
this statement should not cause surprise; for China has been in no
condition to play anything but an insignificant and unsatisfactory
role in world-politics.

When the world-war broke out China was still in the throes of her
domestic troubles and without any money at all in her Central
Treasury; and although Yuan Shih-kai, on being suddenly confronted
with an unparalleled international situation, did initiate certain
negotiations with the German Legation with a view to securing a
cancellation of the Kiaochow lease, the ultimatum which Japan
dispatched to Germany on the 15th August, 1914, completely
nullified his tentative proposals. Yuan Shih-kai had, indeed, not
been in the slightest degree prepared for such a sensational
development as war between Japan and Germany over the question of
a cruiser-base established on territory leased from China; and
although he considered the possibility of sending a Chinese force
to co-operate in the attack on the German stronghold, that project
was never matured, whilst his subsequent contrivances, notably the
establishment of a so-called war-zone in Shantung, were without
international value, and attracted no attention save in Japan.

Chinese, however, did not remain blind to the trend of events.
After the fall of Tsingtao and the subsequent complications with
Japan, which so greatly served to increase the complexities of a
nebulous situation, certain lines of thought insensibly developed.
That the influential classes in China should have desired that
Germany should by some means rehabilitate herself in Europe and so
be placed in a position to chastise a nation that for twenty years
had brought nothing but sorrow to them was perhaps only natural;
and it is primarily to this one cause that so-called sympathy with
Germany during the first part of the war has been due. But it must
also be noticed that the immense German propaganda in China during
the first two years of the war, coupled with the successes won in
Russia and elsewhere, powerfully impressed the population--not so
much because they were attracted by the feats of a Power that had
enthroned militarism, but because they wrongly supposed that
sooner or later the effects of this military display would be not
only to secure the relaxation of the Japanese grip on the country
but would compel the Powers to re-cast their pre-war policies in
China and abandon their attempts at placing the country under
financial supervision. Thus, by the irony of Fate, Germany in
Eastern Asia for the best part of 1914, 1915 and 1916, stood for
the aspirations of the oppressed--a moral which we may very
reasonably hope will not escape the attention of the Foreign
Offices of the world. Nor must it be forgotten that the modern
Chinese army, being like the Japanese, largely Germany-trained and
Germany-armed, had a natural predilection for Teutonism; and since
the army, as we have shown, plays a powerful role in the politics
of the Republic, public opinion was greatly swayed by what it
proclaimed through its accredited organs.

Be this as it may, it was humanly impossible for such a vast
country with such vast resources in men and raw materials to
remain permanently quiescent during an universal conflagration
when there was so much to be salvaged. Slowly the idea became
general in China that something had to be done; that is that a
state of technical neutrality would lead nowhere save possibly to
Avernus.

As early as November, 1915, Yuan Shih-kai and his immediate
henchmen had indeed realized the internal advantages to be derived
from a formal war-partnership with the signatories of the Pact of
London, the impulse to the movement being given by certain
important shipments of arms and ammunition from China which were
then made. A half-surreptitious attempt to discuss terms in Peking
caused no little excitement, the matter being, however, only
debated in very general terms. The principal item proposed by the
Peking government was characteristically the stipulation that an
immediate loan of two million pounds should be made to China, in
return for her technical belligerency. But when the proposal was
taken to Tokio, Japan rightly saw that its main purpose was simply
to secure an indirect foreign endorsement of Yuan Shih-kai's
candidature as Emperor; and for that reason she threw cold-water
on the whole project. To subscribe to a formula, which besides
enthroning Yuan Shih-kai would have been a grievous blow to her
Continental ambitions, was an unthinkable thing; and therefore the
manoeuvre was foredoomed to failure.

The death of Yuan Shih-kai in the Summer of 1916 radically altered
the situation. Powerful influences were again set to work to stamp
out the German cult and to incline the minority of educated men
who control the destinies of the country to see that their real
interests could only lie with the Allies, who were beginning to
export Chinese man-power as an auxiliary war-aid and who were very
anxious to place the whole matter on a sounder footing. Little
real progress was, however, made in the face of the renewed German
efforts to swamp the country with their propaganda. By means of
war-maps, printed in English and Chinese, and also by means of an
exhaustive daily telegraphic service which hammered home every
possible fact illustrative of German invincibility, the German
position in China, so far from being weakened, was actually
strengthened during the period when Rumania was being overrun. By
a singular destiny, any one advocating an alliance with the Allies
was bitterly attacked not only by the Germans but by the Japanese
as well--this somewhat naive identification of Japan's political
interest with those of an enemy country being an unique feature of
the situation worthy of permanent record.

It was not until President Wilson sent out his Peace offering of
the 19th December, 1916, that a distant change came. On this
document being formally communicated to the Chinese Government
great interest was aroused, and the old hopes were revived that it
would be somehow possible for China to gain entry at the
definitive Peace Congress which would settle beyond repeal the
question of the disposal of Kiaochow and the whole of German
interests in Shantung Provinces,--a subject of burning interest to
the country not only because of the harsh treatment which had been
experienced at the hands of Japan, but because the precedent
established in 1905 at the Portsmouth Treaty was one which it was
felt must be utterly shattered if China was not to abandon her
claim of being considered a sovereign international State. On that
occasion Japan had simply negotiated direct with Russia concerning
all matters affecting Manchuria, dispatching a Plenipotentiary to
Peking, after the Treaty of Peace had been signed, to secure
China's adhesion to all clauses EN BLOC without discussion. True
enough, by filing the Twenty-one Demands on China in 1915--when
the war was hardly half-a-year old--and by forcing China's assent
to all Shantung questions under the threat of an Ultimatum, Japan
had reversed the Portsmouth Treaty procedure and apparently
settled the issues at stake for all time; nevertheless the Chinese
hoped when the facts were properly known to the world that this
species of diplomacy would not be endorsed, and that indeed the
Shantung question could be reopened.

Consequently great pains were taken at the Chinese Foreign Office
to draft a reply to the Wilson Note which would tell its own
story. The authorized translation of the document handed to the
American Legation on the 8th January has therefore a peculiar
political interest. It runs as follows:--

"I have examined with the care which the gravity of the question
demands the note concerning peace which President Wilson has
addressed to the Governments of the Allies and the Central Powers
now at war and the text of which Your Excellency has been good
enough to transmit to me under instructions of your Government.

"China, a nation traditionally pacific, has recently again
manifested her sentiments in concluding treaties concerning the
pacific settlement of international disputes, responding thus to
the voeux of the Peace Conference held at the Hague.

"On the other hand, the present war, by its prolongation, has
seriously affected the interests of China, more so perhaps than
those of other Powers which have remained neutral. She is at
present at a time of reorganization which demands economically and
industrially the co-operation of foreign countries, a co-operation
which a large number of them are unable to accord on account of
the war in which they are engaged.

"In manifesting her sympathy for the spirit of the President's
Note, having in view the ending as soon as possible of the
hostilities, China is but acting in conformity not only with her
interests but also with her profound sentiments.

"On account of the extent which modern wars are apt to assume and
the repercussions which they bring about, their effects are no
longer limited to belligerent States. All countries are interested
in seeing wars becoming as rare as possible. Consequently China
cannot but show satisfaction with the views of the Government and
people of the United States of America who declare themselves
ready, and even eager, to co-operate when the war is over, by all
proper means to assure the respect of the principle of the
equality of nations, whatever their power may be, and to relieve
them of the peril of wrong and violence. China is ready to join
her efforts with theirs for the attainment of such results which
can only be obtained through the help of all."

Already, then, before there had been any question of Germany's
ruthless submarine war necessitating a decisive move, China had
commenced to show that she could not remain passive during a
world-conflict which was indirectly endangering her interests.
America, by placing herself in direct communication with the
Peking Government on the subject of a possible peace, had given a
direct hint that she was solicitous of China's future and
determined to help her as far as possible. All this was in strict
accordance with the traditional policy of the United States in
China, a policy which although too idealistic to have had much
practical value--being too little supported by battleships and
bayonets to be respected--has nevertheless for sixty years
tempered the wind to the shorn lamb. The ground had consequently
been well prepared for the remarkable denouement which came on the
9th February, 1917, and which surprised all the world.

On the fourth of that month the United States formally
communicated with China on the subject of the threatened German
submarine war against neutral shipping and invited her to
associate herself with America in breaking-off diplomatic
relations with Germany. China had meanwhile received a telegraphic
communication from the Chinese Minister in Berlin transmitting a
Note from the German Government making known the measures
endangering all merchant vessels navigating the prescribed zones.
The effect of these two communications on the mind of the Chinese
Government was at first admittedly stunning and very varied
expressions of opinion were heard in Peking. For the first time in
the history of the country the government had been invited to take
a step which meant the inauguration of a definite Foreign policy
from which there could be no retreat. For four days a discussion
raged which created the greatest uneasiness; but by the 8th
February, President Li Yuan-hung had made up his mind--the final
problem being simply the "conversion" of the Military Party to the
idea that a decisive step, which would forever separate them from
Germany, must at last be taken. It is known that the brilliant
Scholar Liang Ch'i-chao, who was hastily summoned to Peking,
proved a decisive influence and performed the seemingly impossible
in a few hours' discussion. Realizing at once the advantages which
would accrue from a single masculine decision he advised instant
action in such a convincing way that the military leaders
surrendered. Accordingly on the 9th February the presence of the
German Minister was requested at the Chinese Foreign Office when
the following Note was read to him and subsequently transmitted
telegraphically to Berlin.

Your Excellency:

A telegraphic communication has been received from the Chinese
Minister at Berlin transmitting a note from the German Government
dated February 1st, 1917, which makes known that the measures of
blockade newly adopted by the Government of Germany will, from
that day, endanger neutral merchant vessels navigating in certain
prescribed zones.

The new measures of submarine warfare, inaugurated by Germany,
imperilling the lives and property of Chinese citizens to even a
greater extent than the measures previously taken which have
already cost so many human lives to China, constitute a violation
of the principles of public international law at present in force;
the tolerance of their application would have as a result the
introduction into international law of arbitrary principles
incompatible with even legitimate commercial intercourse between
neutral states and between neutral states and belligerent powers.

The Chinese Government, therefore, protests energetically to the
Imperial German Government against the measures proclaimed on
February 1st, and sincerely hopes that with a view to respecting
the rights of neutral states and to maintaining the friendly
relations between these two countries, the said measures will not
be carried out.

In case, contrary to its expectations, its protest be ineffectual
the Government of the Chinese Republic will be constrained, to its
profound regret, to sever the diplomatic relations at present
existing between the two countries. It is unnecessary to add that
the attitude of the Chinese Government has been dictated purely by
the desire to further the cause of the world's peace and by the
maintenance of the sanctity of international law.

I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to Your Excellency the
assurance of my highest consideration.

At the same time the following reply was handed to the American
Minister in Peking thus definitely clinching the matter:

Your Excellency:

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's
Note of the 4th February, 1917, informing me that the Government
of the United States of America, in view of the adoption by the
German Government of its new policy of submarine warfare on the
1st of February, has decided to take certain action which it
judges necessary as regards Germany.

The Chinese Government, like the President of the United Slates of
America, is reluctant to believe that the German Government will
actually carry into execution those measures which imperil the
lives and property of citizens of neutral states and jeopardize
the commerce, even legitimate, between neutrals as well as between
neutrals and belligerents and which tend, if allowed to be
enforced without opposition, to introduce a new principle into
public international law.

The Chinese Government being in accord with the principles set
forth in Your Excellency's note and firmly associating itself with
the Government of the United States, has taken similar action by
protesting energetically to the German Government against the new
measures of blockade. The Chinese government also proposes to take
such action in the future as will be deemed necessary for the
maintenance of the principles of international law.

I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to Your Excellency the
assurance of my highest consideration.

His Excellency Paul S. Reinsch, Envoy Extraordinary & Minister
Plenipotentiary of The United States of America.

When these facts became generally known an extraordinary ferment
was noticeable. What efforts had to be made to overcome the not
inconsiderable opposition of the Military Party who were opposed
to any departure from a policy of passive neutrality need not now
be set down; but it is sufficient to state that the decision
arrived at was in every sense a victory of the younger
intellectual forces over the older mandarinate, whose traditions
of laissez faire and spineless diplomacy had hitherto cost the
country so dear. A definite and far-reaching Foreign Policy had at
last been inaugurated. By responding rapidly and firmly to the
invitation of the United States to associate herself with the
stand taken against Germany's piratical submarine warfare, China
has undoubtedly won for herself a new place in the world's esteem.
Both in Europe and America the news of this development awakened
well-understandable enthusiasm, and convinced men that the
Republic at last stood for something vital and real. Until the 9th
February, 1917, what China had been doing was not really to
maintain her neutrality, since she had been unable to defend her
territory from being made a common battleground in 1914: she had
been engaged in guarding and perpetuating her traditional
impotency. For whilst it may be accurate to declare--a fact which
few Westerners have realized--that to the mass of the Chinese
nation the various members of the European Family are
undistinguishable from one another, there being little to choose
in China between a Russian or a German, an Englishman or an
Austrian, a Frenchman or a Greek, the trade-contact of a century
had certainly taught to a great many that there was profit in
certain directions and none in certain others. It was perfectly
well-known, for instance, that England stood for a sea-empire;
that the sea was an universal road; that British ships, both
mercantile and military, were the most numerous; and that other
things being equal it must primarily be Britain more than any
other European country which would influence Chinese destinies.
But the British Alliance with Japan had greatly weakened the trust
which originally existed; and this added to the fact that Germany,
although completely isolated and imprisoned by the sea, still
maintained herself intact by reason of her marvellous war-machine,
which had ploughed forward with such horrible results in a number
of directions, had made inaction seem the best policy. And yet,
although the Chinese may be pardoned for not forming clear
concepts regarding the rights and wrongs of the present conflict,
they had undoubtedly realized that it was absolutely essential for
them not to remain outside the circle of international friendships
when a direct opportunity was offered them to step within.

It was a sudden inkling of these things which now dawned on the
public mind and slowly awakened enthusiasm. For the first time
since Treaty relations with the Powers had been established
Chinese diplomatic action had swept beyond the walls of Peking and
embraced world-politics within its scope. The Confucianist
conception of the State, as being simply a regional creation, a
thing complete in itself and all sufficient because it was locked
to the past and indifferent to the future, had hitherto been
supreme, foreign affairs being the result of unwilling contact at
sea-ports or in the wastes of High Asia where rival empires meet.
To find Chinese--five years after the inauguration of their
Republic--ready to accept literally and loyally in the western way
all the duties and obligations which their rights of eminent
domain confer was a great and fine discovery. It has been supposed
by some that a powerful role was played in this business by the
temptation to benefit materially by an astute move: that is that
China was greatly influenced in her decision by the knowledge that
the denouncing of the German treaties would instantly suspend the
German Boxer indemnity and pour into the depleted Central Treasury
a monthly surplus of nearly two million Mexican dollars.
Paradoxical as it may sound in a country notoriously hard-pressed
for cash, monetary considerations played no part whatever in
convincing the Peking Government that the hour for action had
arrived; nor again was there any question of real hostility to a
nation which is so far removed from the East as to be meaningless
to the masses. The deep, underlying, decisive influence was simply
expediency--the most subtle of all political reasons and the
hardest to define. But just as Britain declared war because the
invasion of Belgium brought to a head all the vague grounds for
opposition to German policy; and just as America broke off
relations because the scrapping of undertaking after undertaking
regarding the sea-war made it imperative for her to act, so did
China choose the right moment to enunciate the doctrine of her
independence by voicing her determination to hold to the whole
corpus of international sanctions on which her independence
finally rests. In the last analysis, then, the Chinese note of the
9th February to the German Government was a categorical and
unmistakable reply to all the insidious attempts which had been
made since the beginning of the war to place her outside and
beyond the operation of the Public Law of Europe; and it is solely
and entirely in that light that her future actions must be judged.
The leaders who direct the destinies of China became fully
prepared for a state of belligerency from the moment they decided
to speak; but they could not but be supremely anxious concerning
the expression of that belligerency, since their international
position had for years been such that a single false move might
cripple them.

Let us make this clear. Whilst China has been from the first fully
prepared to co-operate with friendly Powers in the taking of war-
measures which would ultimately improve her world-position, she
has not been prepared to surrender the initiative in these matters
into foreign hands. The argument that the mobilization of her
resources could only be effectively dealt with by specially
designated foreigners, for instance, has always been repellent to
her because she knows from bitter experience that although Japan
has played little or no part in the war, and indeed classifies
herself as a semi-belligerent, the Tokio Government would not
hesitate to use any opportunity which presented itself in China
for selfish ends; and by insisting that as she is on the spot she
is the most competent to insure the effectiveness of Chinese co-
operation, attempt to tighten her hold on the country. It is a
fact which is self-evident to observers on the spot that ever
since the coup of the Twenty-one Demands, many Japanese believe
that their country has succeeded in almost completely infeodating
China and has became the sovereign arbitrator of all quarrels, as
well as the pacificator of the Eastern World. Statements which
were incautiously allowed to appear in the Japanese Press a few
days prior to the Chinese Note of the 9th February disclose what
Japan really thought on the subject of China identifying herself
with the Allies. For instance, the following, which bears the
hall-mark of official inspiration, reads very curiously in the
light of after-events:

... "Dispatches from Peking say that England and France have
already started a flanking movement to induce China to join the
anti-German coalition. The intention of the Chinese Government has
not yet been learned. But it is possible that China will agree, if
conditions are favourable, thus gaining the right to voice her
views at the coming peace conference. Should the Entente Powers
give China a firm guarantee, it is feared here that China would
not hesitate to act.

"The policy of the Japanese Government toward this question cannot
yet be learned. It appears, however, that the Japanese Government
is not opposed to applying the resolutions of the Paris Economic
Conference, in so far as they concern purely economic questions,
since Japan desires that German influence in the commerce and
finance of the Orient should be altogether uprooted. But should
the Entente Powers of Europe try to induce China to join them,
Japan may object on the ground that it will create more
disturbances in China and lead to a general disturbance of peace
in the Orient."

Now there is not the slightest doubt in the writer's mind--and he
can claim to speak as a student of twenty years' standing--that
this definition of Japanese aims and objects is a very true one;
and that the subsequent invitation to China to join the Allies
which came from Tokio after a meeting between the Japanese
Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Allied Ambassadors was simply
made when a new orientation of policy had been forced by stress of
circumstances. Japan has certainly always wished German influence
in the Far East to be uprooted if she can take the place of
Germany; but if she cannot take that place absolutely and entirely
she would vastly prefer the influence to remain, since it is in
the nature of counterweight to that of other European Powers and
of America--foreign influence in China, as Mr. Hioki blandly told
the late President Yuan Shih-kai in his famous interview of the
18th January, 1915, being a source of constant irritation to the
Japanese people, and the greatest stumbling-block to a permanent
understanding in the Far East.

Chinese suspicion of any invitation coming by way of Tokyo has
been, therefore, in every way justified, if it is a reasonable and
legitimate thing for a nation of four hundred millions of people
to be acutely concerned about their independence; for events have
already proved up to the hilt that so far from the expulsion of
Germany from Shantung having resulted in the handing-back of
interests which were forcibly acquired from China in 1898, that
expulsion has merely resulted in Japan succeeding to such
interests and thereby obliterating all trace of her original
promise to the world in 1914 that she would restore to China what
was originally taken from her. Here it is necessary to remark that
not only did Japan in her negotiations over the Twenty-one Demands
force China to hand over the twelve million pounds of German
improvements in Shantung province, but that Baron Hayashi, the
present Japanese Minister to China, "has recently declared that
Japan would demand from China a vast settlement or concession at
Tsingtao, thus making even the alleged handing-back of the leased
territory--which Japan is pledged to force from Germany at the
Peace Conference--wholly illusory, the formula of a Settlement
being adopted because twelve years' experience of Port Arthur has
shown that territorial "leases," with their military garrisons and
administrative offices, are expensive and antiquated things, and
that it is easier to push infiltration by means of a multitude of
Settlements in which police-boxes and policemen form an important
element, than to cut off slices of territory under a nomenclature
which is a clamant advertisement of disruptive aims.

Now although these matters appear to be taking us far from the
particular theme we are discussing, it is not really so. Like a
dark thunder-cloud on the horizon the menace of Japanese action
has rendered frank Chinese co-operation, even in such a simple
matter as war-measures against Germany, a thing of supreme
difficulty. The mere rumour that China might dispatch an
Expeditionary Force to Mesopotamia was sufficient to send the host
of unofficial Japanese agents in Peking scurrying in every
direction and insisting that if the Chinese did anything at all
they should limit themselves to sending troops to Russia where
they would be "lost"--a suggestion made because that was what
Japan herself offered to do when she declined in 1915 the Allies'
proposal to dispatch troops to Europe. Nor must the fact be lost
sight of that as in other countries so in China, foreign affairs
provide an excellent opportunity for influencing the march of
internal events. Thus, as we have clearly shown, the Military
Party, although originally averse to any action at all, saw that a
strong foreign policy would greatly enhance its reputation and
allow it to influence the important elections for the Parliament
of 1918 which, sitting as a National Convention, will elect the
next President. Thus, in the extraordinary way which happens
throughout the world, the whole of February was consumed in the
rival political parties manoeuvring for position, the Vice-
President, General Feng Kuo-chang, himself coming hastily to
Peking from Nanking to take part in this elaborate game in which
many were now participating merely for what they could get out of
it.

On the 4th March matters were brought to a climax by an open
breach between President Li Yuan-hung and the Premier, General
Tuan Chi-jui, at a Cabinet meeting regarding the procedure to be
observed in breaking off diplomatic relations with Germany.
Although nearly a month had elapsed, no reply had been received
from Berlin; and of the many plans of action proposed nothing had
been formally decided. Owing to the pressure Japan was exerting
from Tokio to get China to come to a definite arrangement, popular
anxiety was growing. Over the question of certain telegrams to be
communicated to the Japanese Government, of which he had been kept
in ignorance, President Li Yuan-hung took a firm stand; with the
result that the Premier, deeply offended, abruptly left the
Council Chamber, handed in his resignation and left the capital--a
course of action which threatened to provoke a national crisis.

Fortunately in President Li Yuan-hung China had a cool and
dispassionate statesman. At the first grave crisis in his
administration he wished at all costs to secure that the assent of
Parliament should be given to all steps taken, and that nothing so
speculative as a policy which had not been publicly debated should
be put into force. He held to this point doggedly; and after some
negotiations, the Premier was induced to return to the capital and
resume office, on the understanding that nothing final was to be
done until a popular endorsement had been secured.

On the 10th March the question was sent to Parliament for
decision. After a stormy debate of several hours in the Lower
House the policy of the Government was upheld by 330 votes to 87:
on the following day the Senate endorsed this decision by 158
votes to 37. By a coincidence which was too extraordinary not to
have been artificially contrived, the long-awaited Germany reply
arrived on the morning of this 10th March, copies of the document
being circulated wholesale by German agents among the Members of
Parliament in a last effort to influence their decision. The
actual text of the German reply was as follows, and it will be
seen how transparently worded it is:

To the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of China:

YOUR EXCELLENCY: By the instructions of my home Government--which
reached me on the 10th inst.--I beg to forward you the following
reply to China's protest to the latest blockade policy of
Germany:--

"The Imperial German Government expresses its great surprise at
the action threatened by the Government of the Republic of China
in its Note of protest. Many other countries have also protested,
but China, which has been in friendly relations with Germany, is
the only State which has added a threat to its protest. The
surprise is doubly great, because of the fact that, as China has
no shipping interests in the seas of the barred zones, she will
not suffer thereby.

"The Government of the Republic of China mentions that loss of
life of Chinese citizens has occurred as the results of the
present method of war. The Imperial German Government wishes to
point out that the Government of the Republic of China has never
communicated with the Imperial Government regarding a single case
of this kind nor has it protested in this connexion before.
According to reports received by the Imperial Government, such
losses as have been actually sustained by Chinese subjects have
occurred in the firing line while they were engaged in digging
trenches and in other war services. While thus engaged, they were
exposed to the dangers inevitable to all forces engaged in war.
The fact that Germany has on several occasions protested against
the employment of Chinese citizens for warlike purpose is evident
that the Imperial Government has given excellent proof of its
friendly feelings toward China. In consideration of these friendly
relations the Imperial Government is willing to treat the matter
as if the threat had never been uttered. It is reasonable for the
Imperial Government to expect that the Government of the Republic
of China will revise its views respecting the question.

"Germany's enemies were the first to declare a blockade on Germany
and the same is being persistently carried out. It is therefore
difficult for Germany to cancel her blockade policy. The Imperial
Government is nevertheless willing to comply with the wishes of
the Government of the Republic of China by opening negotiations to
arrive at a plan for the protection of Chinese life and property,
with the view that the end may be achieved and thereby the utmost
regard be given to the shipping rights of China. The reason which
has prompted the Imperial Government to adopt this conciliatory
policy is the knowledge that, once diplomatic relations are
severed with Germany, China will not only lose a truly good friend
but will also be entangled in unthinkable difficulties."

In forwarding to Your Excellency the above instructions from my
home Government, I beg also to state that--if the Government of
China be willing--I am empowered to open negotiations for the
protection of the shipping rights of China.

I have the honour to be. ... (Signed by the German Minister.)
March 10, 1917.

With a Parliamentary endorsement behind them there remained
nothing for the Peking Government but to take the vital step of
severing diplomatic relations. Certain details remained to be
settled but these were expeditiously handled. Consequently,
without any further discussion, at noon on the 14th March the
German Minister was handed his passports, with the following
covering dispatch from the Chinese Foreign Office. It is worthy of
record that in the interval between the Chinese Note of the 9th
February and the German reply of the 10th March the French mail-
steamer Athos had been torpedoed in the Mediterranean and five
hundred Chinese labourers proceeding to France on board her
drowned.

Your Excellency:--

With reference to the new submarine policy of Germany, the
Government of the Republic of China, dictated by the desire to
further the cause of world's peace and to maintain the sanctity of
International Law, addressed a protest to Your Excellency on
February 9th and declared that in case, contrary to its
expectations its protest be ineffectual, it would be constrained
to sever the diplomatic relations at present existing between the
two countries.

During the lapse of a month no heed has been paid to the protest
of the Government of the Republic in the activities of the German
Submarines, activities which have caused the loss of many Chinese
lives. On March 10, a reply was received from Your Excellency.
Although it states that the Imperial German Government is willing
to open negotiations to arrive at a plan for the protection of
Chinese life and property, yet it declares that it is difficult
for Germany to cancel her blockade policy. It is therefore not in
accord with the object of the protest and the Government of the
Chinese Republic, to its deep regret, considers its protest to be
ineffectual. The Government of the Republic is constrained to
sever the diplomatic relations at present existing with the
Imperial German Government. I have the honour to send herewith to
Your Excellency, the passport for Your Excellency, the members of
the German Legation and their families and retinue for protection
while leaving Chinese territory. With regard to the Consular
Officers of Germany in China, this Ministry has instructed the
different Commissioners of Foreign Affairs to issue to them
similarly passports for leaving the country.

I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to Your Excellency the
assurance of my highest consideration.

March 14th, 1917.

It was not until eleven days later--on the 25th March--that the
German Minister and his suite reluctantly left Peking for Germany
via America. Meanwhile the Chinese Government remained undecided
regarding the taking of the final step as a number of important
matters had still to be settled. Not only had arrangements to be
made with the Allies but there was the question of adjusting
Chinese policy with American action. A special commission on
Diplomatic affairs daily debated the procedure to be observed, but
owing to the conflict of opinion in the provinces further action
was greatly delayed. As it is necessary to show the nature of this
conflict we give two typical opinions submitted to the Government
on the question of a formal declaration of war against Germany
(and Austria). The first Memorandum was written for the Diplomatic
Commission by the scholar Liang Ch'i-chao and is singularly
lucid:--

THE NECESSITY FOR WAR

"Those who question the necessity for war can only quote the
attitude of America as example. The position of China is, however,
different from that of America in two points. First, actual
warfare will follow immediately after America's declaration of
war, so it is necessary for her to make the necessary preparations
before taking the step. For this purpose, America has voted
several hundred million dollars for an increase of her naval
appropriations. America therefore cannot declare war until she has
completed every preparation. With China it is different. Even
after the declaration of war, there will be no actual warfare. It
is therefore unnecessary for us to wait.

"Secondly, America has no such things as foreign settlements,
consular jurisdiction or other un-equal treaties with Germany.
Under the existing conditions America has no difficulties in
safeguarding herself against the Germans residing in America after
the severance of diplomatic relations even though war has not yet
been actually declared, and as to future welfare, America will
have nothing to suffer even though her old treaties with Germany
should continue to be operative. It is impossible for China to
take the necessary steps to safeguard the country against the
Germans residing in China unless the old treaties be cancelled.
For unless war is declared it is impossible to cancel the consular
jurisdiction of the Germans, and so long as German consular
jurisdiction remains in China we will meet with difficulties
everywhere whenever we wish to deal with the Germans. If our
future is to be considered, unless war is declared, the old
treaties will again come into force upon the resumption of
diplomatic relations, in which case we shall be held responsible
for all the steps which we have taken in contravention of treaties
during the rupture. It will be advantageous to China if the old
treaties be cancelled by a declaration of war and new treaties be
negotiated after the conclusion of peace.

"In short by severing diplomatic relations with Germany China has
already incurred the ill-feelings of that country. We shall not be
able to lessen the hostile feelings of the Germans even if we
refrain from declaring war on them. It is therefore our obligation
to choose the course that will be advantageous to us. This is not
reluctantly yielding to the request of the Entente Allies. It is
the course we must take in our present situation.

THE REASON FOR DECLARING WAR

"The presumptuous manner in which Germany has replied to our
demand is an open affront to our national integrity. Recently
Germany has deliberately shown hostility to our advice by
reiterating her determination to carry out the ruthless submarine
policy with increased vigour. All these are reasons for diplomatic
rupture as well as for declaration of war. Furthermore, the peace
of the Far East was broken by the occupation of Kiachow by
Germany. This event marked the first step of the German disregard
for international law. In the interests of humanity and for the
sake of what China has passed through, she should rise and punish
such a country, that dared to disregard international law. Such a
reason for war is certainly beyond criticism.

THE TIME TO DECLARE WAR

"War should be declared as soon as possible. The reason for the
diplomatic rupture is sufficient reason for declaring war. This
has already been explained. It would be impossible for us to find
an excuse for declaring war if war be declared now. According to
usual procedure war is declared when the forces of the two
countries come into actual conflict. Now such a possibility does
not exist between China and Germany. Since it is futile to expect
Germany to declare war on us first, we should ask ourselves if war
is necessary. If not, then let us go on as we are, otherwise we
must not hesitate any more.

"Some say that China should not declare war on Germany until we
have come to a definite understanding with the Entente Allies
respecting certain terms. This is indeed a wrong conception of
things. We declare war because we want to fight for humanity,
international law and against a national enemy. It is not because
we are partial towards the Entente or against Germany or Austria.
International relations are not commercial connexions. Why then
should we talk about exchange of privileges and rights? As to the
revision of Customs tariff, it has been our aspiration for more
than ten years and a foremost diplomatic question, for which we
have been looking for a suitable opportunity to negotiate with the
foreign Powers. It is our view that the opportunity has come
because foreign Powers are now on very friendly terms with China.
It is distinctly a separate thing from the declaration of war. Let
no one try to confuse the two.

THE QUESTION OF AUSTRIA

"If China decides to declare war on Germany the same attitude
should be taken towards Austria. We have severed diplomatic
relations with Germany but retain the status quo with Austria.
This is fraught with danger. German intrigue is to be dreaded.
What they have done in America and Mexico is enough to shock us.
The danger can easily be imagined when we remember that they have
in China the Austrian Legation, Austrian Consulates and Austrian
concessions as their bases of operation for intrigue and plotting.
Some say we should follow America, which has not yet severed
diplomatic relations with Austria. This is a great mistake.
America can afford to ignore Austria because there are no Austrian
concessions and Austrian consular jurisdiction in America.

"The question is then what steps should be taken to sever
diplomatic relations with and declare war on Austria. The solution
is that since Austria has also communicated to our Minister
regarding her submarine policy we can serve her with an ultimatum
demanding that the submarine policy be cancelled within twenty-
four hours. If Austria refuses, China may sever diplomatic
relations and declare war at the same time immediately upon the
expiry of the twenty-four hour limit.

"In conclusion I wish to say that whenever a policy is adopted we
should carry out the complete scheme. If we should hesitate in the
middle and become afraid to go ahead we will soon find ourselves
in an embarrassing position. The Government and Parliament should
therefore stir up courage and boldly make the decision and take
the step.

Unanswerable as seem these arguments to the Western mind, they
were by no means so to the mass of Chinese who are always fearful
lest some sudden reshuffling in the relationships existing between
foreign Powers exposes them to new and greater calamities. This
Chinese viewpoint, with its ignorance of basic considerations, is
well-illustrated by the Second Memorandum, which follows. Written
by the famous reformer of 1898 Kang Yu-wei, it demonstrates how
greatly the revolutionists of 1911 are in advance of a school
which was the vogue less than twenty years ago and which is
completely out of touch with the thought which the war has made
world-wide. Nevertheless the line of argument which characterizes
this utterance is still a political factor in China and must be
understood.

MEMORANDUM

... "The breach between the United States and Germany is no
concern of ours. But the Government suddenly severed diplomatic
relations with Germany and is now contemplating entry into the
war. This is to advance beyond the action of the United States
which continues to observe neutrality. And if we analyse the
public opinion of the country, we find that all peoples--high and
low, well-informed and ignorant--betray great alarm when informed
of the rupture and the proposal to declare war on Germany, fearing
that such a development may cause grave peril to the country. This
war-policy is being urged by a handful of politicians, including a
few members of Parliament and several party men with the view of
creating a diplomatic situation to serve their political ends and
to reap great profits.

"Their arguments are that China--by siding with the Entente--may
obtain large loans, the revision of the Customs Tariff and the
suspension of the Boxer indemnity to Germany, as well as the
recovery of the German concessions, mining and railroad rights and
the seizure of German commerce. Pray, how large is Germany's share
of the Boxer indemnity? Seeing that German commerce is protected
by international law, will China be able to seize it; and does she
not know that the Kaiser may in the future exact restitution?

PERILS OF WAR

"News from Holland tells of a rumoured secret understanding
between Germany, Japan and Russia. The Japanese Government is
pursuing a policy of friendship toward Germany. This is very
disquieting news to us. As to foreign loans and the revision of
the Customs Tariff, we can raise these matters at any time. Why
then should we traffic for these things at the risk of grave
dangers to the nation? My view is that what we are to obtain from
the transaction is far less than what we are to give. If it be
argued that the policy aims at securing for China her right to
live as an unfettered nation, then we ought to ask for the
cancellation of the entire Boxer Indemnities, the abolition of
exterritoriality, the retrocession of the foreign concessions and
the repeal or amendment of all unjust treaties after the war. But
none of these have we demanded. If we ourselves cannot improve our
internal administration in order to become a strong country, it is
absurd to expect our admission to the ranks of the first-class
Powers simply by being allowed a seat at the Peace Conference and
by taking a side with the Entente!

"Which side will win the war? I shall not attempt to predict here.
But it is undoubted that all the arms of Europe--and the
industrial and financial strength of the United States and Japan--
have proved unavailing against Germany. On the other hand France
has lost her Northern provinces and Belgium, Serbia and Rumania
are blotted off the map. Should Germany be victorious, the whole
of Europe--not to speak of a weak country like China--would be in
great peril of extinction. Should she be defeated, Germany still
can--after the conclusion of peace--send a fleet to war against
us. And as the Powers will be afraid of a second world-war, who
will come to our aid? Have we not seen the example of Korea? There
is no such thing as an army of righteousness which will come to
the assistance of weak nations. I cannot bear to think of hearing
the angry voice of German guns along our coasts!

"If we allow the Entente to recruit labour in our country without
restriction, thousands upon thousands of our fellow countrymen
will die for no worthy cause; and if we allow free exportation of
foodstuff, in a short time the price of daily necessaries will
mount ten to a hundredfold. This is calculated to cause internal
troubles. Yea, all gains from this policy will go to the
politicians but the people will suffer the evil consequences
through no fault of theirs.

DIPLOMACY OF CONFUCIUS

"In the matter of diplomacy, we do not need to go to the West for
the apt learning on the point at issue. Confucius had said: 'Be
truthful and cultivate friendship--this is the foundation of human
happiness.' Our country being weak and undeveloped, if we strive
to be truthful and cultivate friendship, we can still be a
civilized nation, albeit hoary with age. But we are now advised to
take advantage of the difficulties of Germany and abandon honesty
in order that we may profit thereby. Discarding treaties is to be
unfaithful, grasping for gains is not the way of a gentleman,
taking advantage of another's difficulties is to be mean and
joining the larger in numbers is cowardice. How can we be a
nation, if we throw away all these fundamental qualities.

"Even in the press of England and the United States, there is
opposition to America entering the war. If we observe neutrality,
we are not bound to any side; and when the time comes for peace--
as a friend to both sides--we may be able to bring about the ends
of the war. Is this not a service to humanity and the true spirit
of civilization?

"Now it is proposed to take the existence of this great nation of
five thousand years and four hundred million people in order to
serve the interests of politicians in their party struggles. We
are now to be bound to foreign nations, without freedom to act for
ourselves and running great risks of national destruction. Can you
gentlemen bear to see this come to pass? China has severed
relations with Germany but the decision for war has not yet been
reached. The whole country is telegraphing opposition to the
Government's policy and wants to know whether Germany will not in
the future take revenge on account of our rupture with her; and if
we are not secured against this eventuality, what are the
preparations to meet with a contingency? The Government must not
stake the fate of the nation as if it be a child's toy, and the
people must not be cast into the whirlpool of slaughter. The
people are the backbone of a country, and if the people are all
opposed to war on Germany, the Government--in spite of the support
of Parliament--must call a great citizens' convention to decide
the question. We must persist in our neutrality. You gentlemen are
patriotic sons of this country and must know that the existence of
China as a nation depends upon what she does now in this matter.
In tears, I appeal to you. KANG YU-WEI."

March and April were consumed in this fruitless discussion in
which everybody participated. The Premier, General Tuan Chi-jui,
in view of the alleged provincial opposition, now summoned to
Peking a Conference of Provincial Military Governors to endorse
his policy, but this action although crowned with success so far
as the army chiefs were concerned--the conference voting solidly
for war--was responsible for greatly alarming Parliament which saw
in this procedure a new attempt to undermine its power and control
the country by extra-legal means. Furthermore, publication in the
Metropolitan press of what the Japanese were doing behind the
scenes created a fear that extraordinary intrigues were being
indulged in with the object of securing by means of secret
diplomacy certain guarantees of a personal nature. Apart from
being associated with the semi-official negotiations of the
Entente Powers in Peking, Japan was carrying on a second set of
negotiations partly by means of a confidential agent named Kameio
Nishihara dispatched from Tokio specially for that purpose by
Count Terauchi, the Japanese Premier, a procedure which led to the
circulation of highly sensational stories regarding China's future
commitments. When the Premier, General Tuan Chi-jui, had made his
statement to Parliament on the 10th March, regarding the necessity
of an immediate rupture with Germany, he had implied that China
had already received assurances from the Allies that there would
be a postponement of the Boxer Indemnities for a term of years, an
immediate increase in the Customs Tariff, and a modification of
the Peace Protocol of 1901 regarding the presence of Chinese
troops near Tientsin. Suddenly all these points were declared to
be in doubt. Round the question of the length of time the
Indemnities might be postponed, and the actual amount of the
increase in the Customs Tariff, there appeared to be an
inexplicable muddle largely owing to the intervention of so many
agents and to the fact that the exchange of views had been almost
entirely verbal, unofficial, and secret. It would be wearisome to
analyse a dispute which belongs to the peculiar atmosphere of
Peking diplomacy; but the vast difficulties of making even a
simple decision in China were glaringly illustrated by this
matter. With a large section of the Metropolitan press daily
insisting that the future of democracy in China would be again
imperilled should the Military Party have its own way, small
wonder if the question of a formal declaration of war on Germany
(and Austria) now assumed an entirely different complexion.

On the 1st May, in spite of all these trials and tribulations,
being pressed by the Premier to do so, the Cabinet unanimously
decided that a declaration of war was imperative; and on the 7th
May, after an agreement with the President had been reached,
Parliament received the following dispatch--this method of
communication being the usual one between the executive and
legislative branches of the Government:

The President has the honour to communicate to the House of
Representatives the following proposal. Since the severance of
diplomatic relations with Germany, Germany has continued to
violate the rights of the neutral nations and to damage and cause
losses in life and property to our people as well as to trample on
international law and disregard principles of humanity. For the
purpose of hastening peace, upholding international law and
protecting the life and property of our people, the President is
of the view that it is necessary to declare war on the German
Government. In accordance with Article 35 of the Provisional
Constitution, he now asks for the approval of the House, and
demands--in accordance with Article 21 of the Provisional
Constitution--that the meeting in the House be held in secret.

On 8th May, after hearing a statement made in person by the
Premier, the House of Representatives in secret session referred
the question for examination to the House sitting as a Committee
in order to gain time to make up its mind. On the same day the
Senate sat on the same question. A very heated and bitter
discussion followed in the upper House, not because of any real
disagreement regarding the matter at issue, but because a large
section of Senators were extremely anxious regarding the internal
consequences. This is well-explained by the following written
interpellation which was addressed to the government by a large
number of parliamentarians:

We, the undersigned, hereby address this interpellation to the
Government. As a declaration of war on Germany has become an
object of the foreign policy of the Government, the latter has
held informal meetings to ascertain the views of parliament on the
question; and efforts are being made by the Government to secure
the unanimous support of both Houses for its war policy. In
pursuing this course, the Government appears to believe that its
call for support will be readily complied with by the Houses. But
in our view there are quite a number of members in both Houses who
fail thoroughly to understand the war decision of the Government.
The reason for this is that, according to recent reports, both
foreign and vernacular, the Government has entered into secret
treaties with a "neighbouring country." It is also reported that
secret agents on both sides are active and are travelling between
the two countries. The matter seems to be very grave; and it has
already attracted the attention of Parliament, which in the near
future will discuss the war-issue.

Being in doubt as to the truth of such a report, we hereby request
the Government for the necessary information in the matter. We
also beg to suggest that, if there is any secret diplomatic
agreement, we consider it expedient for the Government to submit
the matter to Parliament for the latter's consideration. This will
enable the members in Parliament to study the question with care
and have a clear understanding of the matter. When this is done,
Parliament will be able to support the Government in the
prosecution of its war policy according to the dictates of
conscience. In this event both Parliament and Government will be
able to co-operate with each other in the solution of the present
diplomatic problem. Troubled not a little with the present
diplomatic situation of the country, we hereby address this
interpellation to the Government in accordance with law. It is
hoped that an answer from the Government will be dispatched to us
within three days from date.

On the 10th May Parliament met in secret session and it was plain
that a crisis had come. Members of the House of Representatives
experienced great difficulties in forcing their way through a mob
of several thousand roughs who surrounded the approaches to
Parliament, many members being hustled if not struck. The mob was
so plainly in control of a secret organization that the House of
Representatives refused to sit. Urgent messages were sent to the
Police and Gendarmerie headquarters for reinforcements of armed
men as a protection, whilst the presence of the Premier was also
demanded. Masses of police were soon on the ground, but whilst
they prevented the mob from entering Parliament and carrying out
their threat of burning the buildings, and murdering the members,
they could not--or would not--disperse the crowds, it transpiring
subsequently that half-a-battalion of infantry in plain clothes
under their officers formed the backbone of the demonstrators.

It was not until nearly dark, after six or seven hours of these
disorderly scenes, that the Premier finally arrived. Cavalry had
meanwhile also been massed on the main street; but it was only
when the report spread that a Japanese reporter had been killed
that the order was finally given to charge the mob and disperse it
by force. This was very rapidly done, as apart from the soldiers
in plain clothes the mass of people belonged to the lowest class,
and had no stomach for a fight, having only been paid to shout. It
was nearly midnight, after twelve hours of isolation and a
foodless day, that the Representatives were able to disperse
without having debated the war-question. The upshot was that with
the exception of the Minister of Education, the Premier found that
his entire Cabinet had resigned, the Ministers being unwilling to
be associated with what had been an attempted coercion of
Parliament carried out by the Military.

The Premier, General Tuan Chi-jui, however, remained determined to
carry his point, and within a week a second dispatch was sent to
the House of Representatives demanding, in spite of what had
happened, that the declaration of war be immediately brought up
for debate. Meanwhile publication in a leading Peking newspaper of
further details covering Japan's subterranean activities greatly
inflamed the public, and made the Liberal political elements more
determined than ever to stand firm. It was alleged that Count
Terauchi was reviving in a more subtle form Group V of the Twenty-
one Demands of 1915, the latest Japanese proposal taking the form
of a secret Treaty of twenty articles of which the main
stipulations were to be a loan of twenty million yen to China to
reorganize the three main Chinese arsenals under Japanese
guidance, and a further loan of eighty million yen to be expended
on the Japanization of the Chinese army. As a result of this
publication, which rightly or wrongly was declared to be without
foundation, the editor of The Peking Gazette was seized in the
middle of the night and thrown into goal; but Parliament so far
from being intimidated passed the very next day (19th May) a
resolution refusing to consider in any form the declaration of war
against Germany until the Cabinet had been reorganized--which
meant the resignation of General Tuan Chi-jui. A last effort was
made by the reactionary element to jockey the President into
submission by presenting to the Chief Executive a petition from
the Military Governors assembled in Peking demanding the immediate
dissolution of Parliament. On this proposal being absolutely
rejected by the President as wholly unconstitutional, and the
Military Governors soundly rated for their interference, an
ominous calm followed.

Parliament, however, remained unmoved and continued its work.
Although the draft of the Permanent Constitution had been
practically completed, important additions to the text were now
proposed, such additions being designed to increase parliamentary
control and provide every possible precaution against arbitrary
acts in the future. Thus the new provision that a simple vote of
want of confidence in the Cabinet must be followed by the
President either dismissing the Cabinet or dissolving the House of
Representatives--but that the dissolution of the Lower House
could not be ordered without the approval of the Senate--was
generally recognized as necessary to destroy the last vestiges of
the Yuan Shih-kai regime. Furthermore a new article, conferring on
the President the right to dismiss the Premier summarily by
Presidential Mandate without the counter-signature of the other
Cabinet Ministers, completed the disarray of the conservatives who
saw in this provision the dashing of their last hopes. [Footnote:
The final text of the Permanent Constitution as it stood on the
28th May, 1917, will be found in the appendix. Its accuracy has
been guaranteed to the writer by the speakers of the two Houses.]

By the 21st May, the last remaining Cabinet Minister--the
Minister of Education--had resigned and the Premier was left
completely isolated. On the 23rd May the President, relying on the
general support of the nation, summarily dismissed General Tuan
Chi-jui from the Premiership and appointed the veteran diplomat
Dr. Wu Ting-fang to act during the interim period in his stead, at
the same time placing the metropolitan districts under four
trustworthy Generals who were vested with provost-marshals' powers
under a system which gave them command of all the so-called
"precautionary troops" holding the approaches to the capital. The
Military Governors, who a few hours before these events had left
Peking precipitately in a body on the proclaimed mission of
allying themselves with the redoubtable General Chang Hsun at
Hsuchowfu, and threatening the safety of the Republic were,
however, coolly received in the provinces in spite of all their
most bitter attempts to stir up trouble. This, however, as will be
shown, had no influence on their subsequent conduct. The quiet
disappearance of the ex-Premier in the midst of this upheaval
caused the report to spread that all the members of the corrupt
camarilla which had surrounded him were to be arrested, but the
President soon publicly disclaimed any intention of doing so,--
which appears to have been a fatal mistake. It is disheartening to
have to state that nearly all the Allied Legations in Peking had
been in intimate relations with this gang--always excepting the
American Legation whose attitude is uniformly correct--the French
Minister going so far as to entertain the Military Governors and
declare, according to reports in the native press, that Parliament
was of no importance at all, the only important thing being for
China promptly to declare war. That some sort of public
investigation into Peking diplomacy is necessary before there can
be any hope of decent relations between China and the Powers seems
indisputable. [Footnote: Since this was written certain
diplomatists in Peking have been forced to resign.]

Before the end of May the militarists being now desperate,
attempted the old game of inciting the provincial capitals "to
declare their independence," although the mass of the nation was
plainly against them. Some measure of success attended this move,
since the soldiery of the northern provinces obediently followed
their leaders and there was a sudden wild demand for a march on
Peking. A large amount of rolling-stock on the main railways was
seized with this object, the confusion being made worse confounded
by the fierce denunciations which now came from the southernmost
provinces, coupled with their threats to attack the Northern
troops all along the line as soon as they could mobilize.

The month of June opened with the situation more threatening than
it had been for years. Emissaries of the recalcitrant Military
Governors, together with all sorts of "politicals" and disgruntled
generals, gathered in Tientsin--which is 80 miles from Peking--and
openly established a Military Headquarters which they declared
would be converted into a Provisional Government which would seek
the recognition of the Powers. Troops were moved and concentrated
against Peking; fresh demands were made that the President should
dissolve Parliament; whilst the Metropolitan press was suddenly
filled with seditious articles. The President, seeing that the
situation was becoming cataclysmic, was induced, through what
influences is not known, to issue a mandate summoning General
Chang Hsun to Peking to act as a mediator, which was another fatal
move. He arrived in Tientsin with many troops on the 7th June
where he halted and was speedily brought under subversive
influences, sending at once up to Peking a sort of ultimatum which
was simply the old demand for the dissolution of Parliament.

Meanwhile on the 5th June, the United States, which had been
alarmed by these occurrences, had handed China the following Note
hoping thereby to steady the situation:

The Government of the United States learns with the most profound
regret of the dissension in China and desires to express the most
sincere desire that tranquillity and political co-ordination may
be forthwith re-established.

The entry of China into war with Germany--or the continuance of
the status quo of her relations with that Government--are matters
of secondary consideration.

The principal necessity for China is to resume and continue her
political entity, to proceed along the road of national
development on which she has made such marked progress.

With the form of Government in China or the personnel which
administers that Government, the United States has an interest
only in so far as its friendship impels it to be of service to
China. But in the maintenance by China of one Central United and
alone responsible Government, the United States is deeply
interested, and now expresses the very sincere hope that China, in
her own interest and in that of the world, will immediately set
aside her factional political disputes, and that all parties and
persons will work for the re-establishment of a co-ordinate
Government and the assumption of that place among the Powers of
the World to which China is so justly entitled, but the full
attainment of which is impossible in the midst of internal
discord.

The situation had, however, developed so far and so rapidly that
this expression of opinion had little weight. The Vice-President
of the Republic, General Feng Kuo-chang, unwilling or unable to do
anything, had already tendered his resignation from Nanking,
declaring that he would maintain the "neutrality" of the important
area of the lower Yangtsze during this extraordinary struggle; and
his action, strange as it may seem, typified the vast misgivings
which filled every one's mind regarding the mad course of action
which the rebellious camarilla had decided upon.

Until Saturday the 9th June, the President had seemed adamant. On
that day he personally saw foreign press correspondents and
assured them that, in spite of every threat, he would in no
conceivable circumstances attempt the unconstitutional step of
dissolving Parliament,--unconstitutional because the Nanking
Provisional Constitution under which the country was still
governed pending the formal passage of the Permanent Constitution
through Parliament, only provided for the creation of Parliament
as a grand constitutional Drafting Committee but gave no power to
the Chief Executive to dissolve it during its "life" which was
three years. As we have already shown, the period between the coup
d'etat of 4th November, 1913, and the re-convocation of Parliament
on 1st August, 1916, had been treated as a mere interregnum:
therefore until 1918, if the law were properly construed, no power
in the land could interrupt the Parliamentary sessions except
Parliament itself. Parliament, in view of these threatening
developments, had already expressed its willingness (a) to re-
consider certain provisions of the draft constitution in such a
conciliatory manner as to insure the passage of the whole
instrument through both houses within two weeks (b) to alter the
Election Law in such fashion as to conciliate the more
conservative elements in the country (c) to prorogue the second
session (1916-1917) immediately these things were done and after a
very short recess to open the third session (1917-1918) and close
it within three months allowing new elections to be held in the
early months of 1918,--the new Parliament to be summoned in April,
1918, to form itself into a National Convention and elect the
President for the quinquennial period 1918-1923.

All these reasonable plans were knocked on the head on Sunday, the
10th June, by the sudden report that the President having been
peremptorily told that the dissolution of Parliament was the sole
means of saving the Republic and preventing the sack of Peking, as
well as an open armed attempt to restore the boy-emperor Hsuan
Tung, had at last made up his mind to surrender to the inevitable.
He had sealed a Mandate decreeing the dissolution of Parliament
which would be promulgated as soon as it had received the counter-
signature of the acting Premier, Dr. Wu Ting-fang, such counter-
signature being obligatory under Article 45 of the Provisional
Constitution.

At once it became clear again, as happens a thousand times during
every year in the East, that what is not nipped in the bud grows
with such malignant swiftness as finally to blight all honest
intentions. Had steps been taken on or about the 23rd May to
detain forcibly in Peking the ringleader of the recalcitrant
Military Governors, one General Ni Shih-chung of Anhui, history
would have been very different and China spared much national and
international humiliation. Six years of stormy happenings had
certainly bred in the nation a desire for constitutionalism and a
detestation of military domination. But this desire and
detestation required firm leadership. Without that leadership it
was inchoate and powerless, and indeed made furtive by the
constant fear of savage reprisals. A great opportunity had come
and a great opportunity had been lost. President Li Yuan-hung's
personal argument, communicated to the writer, was that in sealing
the Mandate dissolving Parliament he had chosen the lesser of two
evils, for although South China and the Chinese Navy declared they
would defend Parliament to the last, they were far away whilst
large armies were echeloned along the railways leading into Peking
and daily threatening action. The events of the next year or so
must prove conclusively, in spite of what has happened in this
month of June, 1917, that the corrupt power of the sword can no
longer even nominally rule China.

Meanwhile the veteran Dr. Wu Ting-fang, true to his faith,
declared that no power on earth would cause him to sign a Mandate
possessing no legality behind it; and he indeed obstinately
resisted every attempt to seduce him. Although his resignation was
refused he stood his ground manfully, and it became clear that
some other expedient would have to be resorted to. In the small
hours of the 13th June what this was was made clear: by a rapid
reshuffling of the cards Dr. Wu Ting-fang's resignation was
accepted and the general officer commanding the Peking
Gendarmerie, a genial soul named General Chiang Chao-tsung, who
had survived unscathed the vicissitudes of six years of
revolution, was appointed to act in his stead and duly counter-
signed the fateful Mandate which was at once printed and
promulgated at four o'clock in the morning. It has been stated to
the writer that had it not been so issued four battalions of Chang
Hsun's savage pigtailed soldiery, who had been bivouacked for some
days in the grounds of the Temple of Heaven, would have been let
loose on the capital. The actual text of the Mandate proves
conclusively that the President had no hand in its drafting--one
argument being sufficient to prove that, namely the deliberate
ignoring of the fact that Parliament had been called into being by
virture of article 53 of the Nanking Provisional Constitution and
that under article 54 its specific duty was to act as a grand
constitutional conference to draft and adopt the Permanent
Constitution, article 55 furthermore giving Parliament the right
summarily to amend the Provisional Constitution before the
Promulgation of the permanent instrument, should that be
necessary. Provisions of this sort would naturally carry no weight
with generals of the type of Chang Hsun, of whom it is said that
until recent years he possessed only the most elementary
education; but it is a dismal thing to have to record that the
Conservative Party in China should have adopted a platform of
brute force in the year of grace, 1917.

MANDATE DISSOLVING PARLIAMENT

In the 6th month of last year I promulgated a Mandate stating that
in order to make a Constitution it was imperative that Parliament
should be convened. The Republic was inaugurated five years ago
and yet there was no Constitution, which should be the fundamental
law of a nation, therefore it was ordered that Parliament be re-
convened to make the Constitution, etc., at once.

Therefore the main object for the re-convocation of Parliament was
to make a formal constitution for the country. Recently a petition
was received from Meng En-yuen, Tu-chun of Kirin, and others, to
the effect that "in the articles passed by the Constitution
Conference there were several points as follows: 'when the House
of Representatives passes a vote of want of confidence against the
Cabinet Ministers, the President may dismiss the Cabinet
Ministers, or dissolve the said House, but the dissolution of the
House shall have the approval of the Senate.' Again, 'When the
President dismisses his Prime Minister, it is unnecessary for him
to secure the counter-signature of the Cabinet Ministers.' Again
'when a bill is passed by the Two Houses it shall have the force
of the law.' We were surprised to read the above provisions.

"According to the precedents of other nations the Constitution has
never been made by Parliament. If we should desire a good and
workable Constitution, we should seek a fundamental solution.
Indeed Parliament is more important than any other organ in the
country; but when the national welfare is imperilled, we must take
action. As the present Parliament does not care about the national
welfare, it is requested that in view of the critical condition of
the country, drastic measures be taken and both the House of
Representatives and the Senate be dissolved so that they may be
reorganized and the Constitution may be made without any further
delay. Thus the form of the Republican Government be preserved,
etc."

Of late petitions and telegrams have been received from the
military and civil officials, merchants, scholars, etc.,
containing similar demands. The Senate and the House of
Representatives have held the Constitution Conference for about
one year, and the Constitution has not yet been completed.
Moreover at this critical time most of the M.P's. of both Houses
have tendered their resignation. Hence it is impossible to secure
quorums to discuss business. There is therefore no chance to
revise the articles already passed. Unless means be devised to
hasten the making of the Constitution, the heart of the people
will never be satisfied.

I, the President, who desire to comply with the will of the
populace and to consolidate the foundation of the nation, grant
the request of the Tuchuns and the people. It is hereby ordered
that the Senate and the House of Representatives be dissolved, and
that another election be held immediately. Thus a Constitutional
Government can be maintained. It must be pointed out that the
object for the reorganization of Parliament is to hasten the
making of the Constitution, and not to abolish the Legislative
Organ of the Republic. I hope all the citizens of the Republic
will understand my motives.

A great agitation and much public uneasiness followed the
publication of this document; and the parliamentarians, who had
already been leaving Peking in small numbers, now evacuated the
capital en masse for the South. The reasonable and wholly logical
attitude of the Constitutionalists is well-exhibited in the last
Memorandum they submitted to the President some days prior to his
decision to issue the Mandate above-quoted; and a perusal of this
document will show what may be expected in the future. It will be
noted that the revolting Military Governors are boldly termed
rebels and that the constitutional view of everything they may
contrive as from the 13th June, 1917, is that it will be bereft of
all legality and simply mark a fresh interregnum. Furthermore, it
is important to note that the situation is brought back by the
Mandate of the 13th June to where it was on the 6th June, 1916,
with the death of Yuan Shih-kai, and that a period of civil
commotion seems inevitable.

MEMORANDUM

To the President: Our previous memorandum to Your Excellency must
have received your attention. We now beg further to inform you
that the rebels are now practically in an embarrassing predicament
on account of internal differences, the warning of the friendly
Powers, and the protest of the Southwestern provinces. Their
position is becoming daily more and more untenable. If Your
Excellency strongly holds out for another ten days or so, their
movement will collapse.

Some one, however, has the impudence to suggest that with the
entry of Chang Hsun's troops into the Capital, and delay in the
settlement of the question will mean woe and disaster. But to us,
there need be no such fear. As the troops in the Capital have no
mind to oppose the rebels, Tsao Kun and his troops alone will be
adequate for their purposes in the Capital. But now the rebels
troops have been halting in the neighbourhood of the Capital for
the last ten days. This shows that they dare not open hostilities
against the Government, which step will certainly bring about
foreign intervention and incur the strong opposition of the
Southwestern provinces. Having refused to participate in the
rebellion at the invitation of Ni Shih-chung and Chang Tso-lin,
Chang Hsun will certainly not do what Tsao Kun has not dared to
do. But the rebels have secret agents in the Capital to circulate
rumours to frighten the public and we hope that the President will
remain calm and unperturbed, lest it will give an opportunity for
the rebel agents to practise their evil tricks.

Respecting Parliament, its re-assembly was one of the two most
important conditions by means of which the political differences
between the North and the South last year were healed. The
dissolution of Parliament would mean the violation of the terms of
settlement entered into between the North and the South last year
and an open challenge to the South. Would the South remain silent
respecting this outrageous measure? If the South rises in arms
against this measure, what explanation can the Central Government
give? It will only serve to hasten the split between the North and
the South. From a legal point of view, the Power of Government is
vested in the Provisional Constitution. When the Government
exercises power which is not provided for by the Constitution, it
simply means high treason.

Some one has suggested that it would not be an illegal act for the
Government to dissolve Parliament, since it is not provided in the
Provisional Constitution as to how Parliament should be dissolved,
nor does that instrument specifically prohibit the Government from
dissolving Parliament. But this is a misinterpretation. For
instance, the Provisional Constitution has not provided that the
President shall not proclaim himself Emperor, nor does it prohibit
him from so doing. According to such interpretation, it would not
be illegal, if the President were to proclaim himself Emperor of
the country.

In short, the action taken by Ni Shih-chung and others is nothing
short of open rebellion. From the legal point of view, any
suggestion of compromise would be absurd. It has already been a
fatal mistake for the President to have allowed them to do what
they like, and if he again yields to their pressure by dissolving
Parliament, he will be held responsible, when the righteous troops
rise and punish the rebels. If the President, deceived by ignoble
persons, take upon himself to dissolve the assembly, his name will
go down in history as one committing high treason against the
Government, and the author of the break between the North and the
South. The President has been known as the man by whose hands the
Republic was built. We have special regard for his benevolent
character and kind disposition. We are reluctant to see him
intimidated and misled by evil counsels to take a step which will
undo all his meritorious services to the country and shatter the
unique reputation he has enjoyed.

The unrolling of these dramatic events was the signal for the
greatest subterranean activity on the part of the Japanese, who
were now everywhere seen rubbing their hands and congratulating
themselves on the course history was taking. General Tanaka, Vice-
Chief of the Japanese General Staff, who had been on an extensive
tour of inspection in China, SO PLANNED AS TO INCLUDE EVERY
ARSENAL NORTH OF THE YANGTSZE had arrived at the psychological
moment in Peking and was now deeply engaged through Japanese
field-officers in the employ of the Chinese Government, in pulling
every string and in trying to commit the leaders of this
unedifying plot in such a way as to make them puppets of Japan.
The Japanese press, seizing on the American Note of the 5th June
as an excuse, had been belabouring the United States for some days
for its "interference" in Chinese affairs, and also for having
ignored Japan's "special position" in China, which according to
these publicists demanded that no Power take any action in the Far
East, or give any advice, without first consulting Japan. That a
stern correction will have to be offered to this presumption as
soon as the development of the war permits it is certain. But not
only Japanese military officers and journalists were endlessly
busy: so-called Japanese advisers to the Chinese Government had
done their utmost to assist the confusion. Thus Dr. Ariga, the
Constitutional expert, when called in at the last moment for
advice by President Li Yuan-hung had flatly contradicted Dr.
Morrison, who with an Englishman's love of justice and
constitutionalism had insisted that there was only one thing for
the President to do--to be bound by legality to the last no matter
what it might cost him. Dr. Ariga had falsely stated that the
issue was a question of expediency, thus deliberately assisting
the forces of disruption. This is perhaps only what was to be
expected of a man who had advised Yuan Shih-kai to make himself
Emperor--knowing full well that he could never succeed and that
indeed the whole enterprise from the point of view of Japan was an
elaborate trap.

The provincial response to the action taken on the 13th June
became what every one had expected: the Southwestern group of
provinces, with their military headquarters at Canton, began
openly concerting measures to resist not the authority of the
President, who was recognized as a just man surrounded by evil-
minded persons who never hesitated to betray him, but to destroy
the usurping generals and the corrupt camarilla behind them;
whilst the Yangtsze provinces, with their headquarters at Nanking,
which had hitherto been pledged to "neutrality," began secretly
exchanging views with the genuinely Republican South. The group of
Tientsin generals and "politicals," confused by these
developments, remained inactive; and this was no doubt responsible
for the mad coup attempted by the semi-illiterate General Chang
Hsun. In the small hours of July 1st General Chang Hsun, relying
on the disorganization in the capital which we have dealt with in
our preceding account, entered the Imperial City with his troops
by prearrangement with the Imperial Family and at 4 o'clock on the
morning of the 1st July the Manchu boy-emperor Hsuan Tung, who
lost the Throne on the 12th February, 1912, was enthroned before a
small assembly of Manchu nobles, courtiers and sycophantic
Chinese. The capital woke up to find military patrols everywhere
and to hear incredulously that the old order had returned. The
police, obeying instructions, promptly visited all shops and
dwelling-houses and ordered every one to fly the Dragon Flag. In
the afternoon of the same day the following Restoration Edict was
issued, its statements being a tissue of falsehoods, the alleged
memorial from President Li Yuan Hung, which follows the principal
document, being a bare-faced forgery, whilst no single name
inserted in the text save that of Chang Hsun had any right to be
there. There is also every reason to believe that the Manchu court
party was itself coerced, terror being felt from the beginning
regarding the consequences of this mad act which was largely
possible because Peking is a Manchu city.

IMPERIAL EDICT

Issued the 13th day of the 5th Moon of the 9th year of Hsuan Tung.

While yet in our boyhood the inheritance of the great domain was
unfortunately placed in our possession; and since we were then all
alone, we were unable to weather the numerous difficulties. Upon
the outbreak of the uprising in the year of Hsin Hai, (1911) Our
Empress, Hsiao Ting Chin, owing to her Most High Virtue and Most
Deep Benevolence was unwilling to allow the people to suffer, and
courageously placed in the hands of the late Imperial Councillor,
Yuan Shih-kai, the great dominion which our forefathers had built
up, and with it the lives of the millions of Our People, with
orders to establish a provisional government.

The power of State was thus voluntarily given to the whole country
with the hope that disputes might disappear, disturbances might
stop and the people enabled to live in peace. But ever since the
form of State was changed into a Republic, continuous strife has
prevailed and several wars have taken place. Forcible seizure,
excessive taxation and bribery have been of everyday occurrence.
Although the annual revenue has increased to 400 millions this
amount is still insufficient to meet the needs. The total amount
of foreign obligations has reached a figure of more than ten
thousand millions yet more loans are being contracted. The people
within the seas are shocked by this state of affairs and interest
in life has forsaken them. The step reluctantly taken by Our
Empress Hsiao Ting Chin for the purpose of giving respite to the
people has resulted untowardly in increasing the burdens of Our
People. This indeed Our Empress Hsiao Ting Chin was unable to
foresee, and the result must have made her Spirit in Heaven to
weep sorely. And it is owing to this that we have been praying to
Heaven day and night in the close confines of the palace,
meditating and weeping in silent suffering.

Recently party strife has resulted in war and the country has
remained too long in an unsettled condition. The Republic has
fallen to pieces and means of remedy have been exhausted.

Chang Hsun, Feng Kuo-chang and Lu Yung-ting have jointly
memorialized the Throne stating that the minds of people are
disturbed and they are longing to see the old regime restored, and
asking that the throne be reoccupied in order to comfort the
people.

Chu Hung-chi and others have also memorialized us stating that the
country is in imminent danger and that the people have lost their
faith in the Republic, and asking that we ascend the Throne in
obedience to the mandate of Heaven and man.

Li Yuan Hung has also memorialized the throne, returning the great
power of State to us in order to benefit the country and save the
people.

A persual of the said memorials, which are worded in earnest
terms, has filled our heart with regret and fear. On the one hand
We, being yet in Our boyhood, are afraid to assume the great
responsibilities for the existence of the country but on the other
hand We are unwilling to turn our head away from the welfare of
the millions simply because the step might affect Our own safety.

After weighing the two sides and considering the mandates of
Heaven and man, we have decided reluctantly to comply with the
prayers, and have again occupied the Court to attend to the
affairs of State after resuming possession of the great power on
the 13th day of the 5th moon of the 9th year of Hsuan Tung.

A new beginning will be made with our people. Hereafter the
principles of morality and the sacred religion shall be our
constitution in spirit, and order, righteousness, honesty and
conscience will be practised to rebind the minds of the people who
are now without bonds. People high and low will be uniformly
treated with sincerity, and will not depend on obedience of law
alone as the means of co-operation. Administration and orders will
be based on conscientious realization and no one will be allowed
to treat the form of State as material for experiment. At this
time of exhaustion when its vitality is being wasted to the last
drop and the existence of the country is hanging in the balance,
we, as if treading on thin ice over deep waters, dare not in the
slightest degree indulge in license on the principle that the
Sovereign is entitled to enjoyment. It is our wish therefore that
all officials, be they high or low, should purify their hearts and
cleanse themselves of all forms of old corruption, constantly
keeping in mind the real interests of the people. Every bit of
vitality of the people they shall be able to preserve shall go to
strengthen the life of the country for whatever it is worth. Only
by doing so can the danger be averted and Heaven moved by our
sincerity.

THE NINE ARTICLES

Herewith we promulgate the following principal things, which we
must either introduce as reforms or abolish as undesirable in
restoration.

1. We shall obey the edict of Emperor Teh Tsung Chin (Kuang Hsu),
namely, that the sovereign power shall be controlled by the Court
(state) but the detailed administration shall be subject to public
opinion. The country shall be called The Empire of Ta Ching; and
the methods of other constitutional monarchies shall be carefully
copied.

2. The allowance for the Imperial House shall be the same as
before, namely, $4,000,000 per year. The sum shall be paid
annually and not a single cent is to be added.

3. We shall strictly obey the instructions of our forefathers to
the extent that no member of the imperial family shall be allowed
to interfere with administrative affairs.

4. The line of demarcation between Man (Manchu) and Han (Chinese)
shall be positively obliterated. All Manchurian and Mongolian
posts which have already been abolished shall not be restored. As
to intermarrige and change of customs the officials concerned are
hereby commanded to submit their views on the points concerning
them respectively.

5. All treaties and loan agreements, money for which has already
been paid, formally concluded and signed with any eastern and
western countries before this 13th day of the 5th Moon of the 9th
year of Hsuan Tung, shall continue to be valid.

6. The stamp duty which was introduced by the Republic is hereby
abolished so that the people may be relieved of their burdens. As
to other petty taxes and contributions the Viceroys and Governors
of the provinces are hereby commanded to make investigations and
report on the same for their abolition.

7. The criminal code of the Republic is unsuited to this country.
It is hereby abolished. For the time being the provisional
criminal code as adopted in the first year of Hsuan Tung shall be
observed.

8. The evil custom of political parties is hereby forbidden. Old
political offenders are all pardoned. We shall, however, not be
able to pardon those who deliberately hold themselves aloof and
disturb peace and order.

9. All of our people and officials shall be left to decide for
themselves the custom of wearing or cutting their queues as
commanded in the 9th moon of the 3rd year of Hsuan Tung.

We swear that we and our people shall abide by these articles. The
Great Heaven and Earth bear witness to our words. Let this be made
known to all.

Counter-signed by Chang Hsun, Member of the Imperial Privy
Council.

ALLEGED MEMORIAL BY PRESIDENT LI YUAN HUNG

In a memorial submitted this day, offering to return the sovereign
power of State and praying that we again ascend the throne to
control the great empire, Li Yuan Hung states that some time ago
he was forced by mutinous troops to steal the great throne and
falsely remained at the head of the administration but failed to
do good to the difficult situation. He enumerates the various
evils in the establishment of a Republic and prays that we ascend
the throne to again control the Empire with a view that the people
may thereby be saved. As to himself he awaits punishment by the
properly instituted authorities, etc. As his words are so mournful
and full of remorse they must have been uttered from a sincere
heart. Since it was not his free choice to follow the rebellion,
the fact that he has returned the great power of administration to
us shows that he knows the great principle of righteousness. At
this time of national danger and uncertainty, he has taken the
lead of the people in obeying their sovereign, and decided before
others the plan to save the country from ruin. The merit is indeed
great, and we are highly pleased with his achievement. Li Yuan-
hung is hereby to have conferred on him the dignity of Duke of the
first class so as to show our great appreciation. Let him accept
our Edict and forever receive our blessings.

Counter-signed by Chang Hsun, Member of the Privy Council.

PRIVY COUNCIL

At this time of restoration a Privy Council is hereby established
in order that we may be assisted in our duties and that
responsibility may be made definite. Two Under-secretaries of the
Council are also created. Other officials serving outside of the
capital shall remain as under the system in force during the first
year of Hsuan Tung. All civil and military officials who are now
serving at their various posts are hereby commanded to continue in
office as hitherto.

Counter-signed by Chang Hsun.

(Hereafter follow many appointments of reactionary Chinese
officials.)

The general stupefaction at the madness of this act and the
military occupation of all posts and telegraph-offices in Peking
allowed 48 hours to go by before the reaction came. On the 2nd
July Edicts still continued to appear attempting to galvanize to
life the corpse of Imperialism and the puzzled populace flew the
Dragon Flag. On the morning of the 3rd, however, the news suddenly
spread that President Li Yuan-hung, who had virtually been made a
prisoner in the Presidential Palace, had escaped at nine o'clock
the night before by motorcar accompanied by two aides-de-camp, and
after attempting to be received at the French Hospital in the
Legation Quarter, had proceeded to the Japanese Legation where he
was offered a suitable residence. On the evening of the 3rd the
Japanese Legation issued the following official communique (in
French) defining its attitude:

TRANSLATION

President Li, accompanied by two members of his staff, came at
9.30 on the evening of July 2 to the residence of General Saito,
Military Attache of the Japanese Legation, and asked protection
from him. He arrived in a spontaneous manner and without previous
notice.

Under these circumstances, the Imperial Japanese Legation,
following international usage, has decided to accord him the
necessary protection and has placed at his disposal a part of the
military barracks.

The Legation further declares that as long as President Li remains
there, it will not permit any political action on his part.

Following this sensational development it became known that
President Li Yuan Hung had completely frustrated the efforts of
the Imperialists by sending away a number of important telegraphic
Mandates by courier to Tientsin as well as the Presidential Seal.
By a masterly move in one of these Mandates General Tuan Chi-jui
was reappointed Premier, whilst Vice-President Feng Kuo-chang was
asked to officiate as President, the arrangements being so
complete as at once to catch Chang Hsun in his own net.

Here is the text of these four historically important messages:

(1) Dated July 1. Today Inspector General Chang Hsun entered the
city with his troops and actually restored the monarchy. He
stopped traffic and sent Liang Ting-fen and others to my place to
persuade me. Yuan-hung refused in firm language and swore that he
would not recognize such a step. It is his hope that the Vice-
President and others will take effective means to protect the
Republic. LI YUAN HUNG.

(2) Dated July 1. As Heaven does not scorn calamity so has the
monarchy been restored. It is said that in an edict issued by the
Ching House it is stated that Yuan-hung had actually memorialized
to return the power of State to the said House. This is an
extraordinary announcement. China changed from autocracy to a
Republic by the unanimous wish of the five races of the country.
Since Yuan-hung was entrusted by the people with the great
responsibilities it is his natural duty to maintain the Republic
to the very end. Nothing more or less than this will he care to
say. He is sending this in order to avoid misunderstanding. LI
YUAN HUNG.

(3) The President to the Vice-President.

To the Vice-President Feng at Nanking--It is to be presumed that
the two telegrams sent on the 1st have safely reached you. I state
with deepest regret and greatest sorrow that as the result of my
lack of ability to handle the situation the political crisis has
eventually affected the form of government. For this Yuan-hung
realizes that he owes the country apology. The situation in Peking
is daily becoming more precarious. Since Yuan-hung is now unable
to exercise his power the continuity of the Republic may be
suddenly interrupted. You are also entrusted by the citizens with
great responsibilities; I ask you to temporarily exercise the
power and functions of the President in your own office in
accordance with the provisions of Article 42 of the Provisional
Constitution and Article 5 of the Presidential Election Law. As
the means of communication is effectively blocked it is feared
that the sending of my seal will meet with difficulty and
obstruction. Tuan Chih-chuan (Tuan Chi-jui) has been appointed
Premier, and is also ordered to temporarily protect the seal, and
later to devise a means to forward it on to you. Hereafter every
thing pertaining to the important question of saving the country
shall be energetically pushed by you and Chih-chuan with utmost
vigour. The situation is pressing and your duty is clear. In great
anxiety and expectation I am sending you this telegram. LI YUAN
HUNG.

(4) Dated July 3. To Vice-President Feng, Tu Chuns and Governors
of the Provinces, Provincial Assemblies, Inspector General Lu:--I
presume that the two telegrams dated 1st and one dated 3rd inst.
have safely reached your place. With bitter remorse to myself I
now make the statement that the political crisis has resulted in
affecting the form of government. Tuan Chih-chuan has been
appointed on the 1st inst. as Premier; and the Vice-President has
been asked to exercise the power and functions of the President in
accordance of office by the Vice-President. Premier Tuan is
authorized to act at his discretion. All the seal and documents
have been sent to Tientsin, and Premier Tuan has been told to keep
and guard the same for the time being. He has also been asked to
forward the same to the Vice-President. The body guards of the
President's Office have suddenly been replaced and I have been
pressed to give up the Three Lakes. Yuan-hung has therefore
removed to a sanctuary. As regards the means to save the country I
trust that you will consult and work unitedly with Vice-President
Feng and Premier Tuan. In great expectation, and with much of my
heart not poured out. LI YUAN HUNG.

Meanwhile, whilst these dramatic events were occurring in Peking,
others no less sensational were taking place in the provinces. The
Tientsin group, suddenly realizing that the country was in danger,
took action very swiftly, disclosing that in spite of all disputes
Republicanism had become very dear to every thinking man in the
country, and that at last it was possible to think of an united
China. The Scholar Liang Chi Chao, spokesman of Chinese
Liberalism, in an extraordinarily able message circularized the
provinces in terms summarizing everything of importance. Beginning
with the fine literary flight that "heaven has refused to
sympathize with our difficulties by allowing traitors to be born"
he ends with the astounding phrase that although he had proposed
to remain silent to the end of his days, "at the sight of the
fallen nest he has, however, spat the stopper out of his throat,"
and he calls upon all China to listen to his words which are
simply that the Republic must be upheld or dissolution will come.

Arms now united with Literature. General Tuan Chi-jui, immediately
accepting the burden placed on him, proceeded to the main
entrenched camp outside Tientsin and assumed command of the troops
massed there, issuing at the same time the following manifesto:

TUAN CHI-JUI'S MANIFESTO

To Vice-President Feng Kuo-chang, Inspector General of Wumin, Tu
Chuns, Governors, Tu-tungs. ...

Heaven is chastening this country by the series of disturbances
that have taken place. Chang Hsun, filled with sinister designs,
has occupied the capital by bringing up his troops under the
pretext of effecting a compromise with the astounding result that
last night the Republican form of government was overthrown. The
question of the form of Government is the very fundamental
principle on which the national existence depends. It requires
assiduous efforts to settle the form of government and once a
decision has been reached on the subject, any attempt to change
the same is bound to bring on unspeakable disasters to the
country. Today the people of China are much more enlightened and
democratic in spirit than ever before. It is, therefore,
absolutely impossible to subjugate the millions by holding out to
the country the majesty of any one family.

When the Republic of China was being founded, the Ching House,
being well aware of the general inclinations of modern peoples,
sincerely and modestly abdicated its power. Believing that such
spirit deserved handsome recognition the people were willing to
place the Ching House under the protection of special treatment
and actually recorded the covenant on paper, whereby contentment
and honour were vouchsafed the Ching House. Of the end of more
than 20 dynasties of Chinese history, none can compare with the
Ching dynasty for peace and safety.

Purely for sake of satisfying his ambitions of self-elevation
Chang Hsun and others have audaciously committed a crime of
inconceivable magnitude and are guilty of high treason. Like Wang
Mang and Tung Tso he seeks to sway the whole nation by utilizing a
young and helpless emperor. Moreover he has given the country to
understand that Li Yuan-hung has memorialized the Ching House that
many evils have resulted from republicanism and that the ex-
emperor should be restored to save the masses. That Chang Hsun has
been guilty of usurpation and forging documents is plain and the
scandal is one that shocks all the world.

Can it be imagined that Chang Hsun is actuated by a patriotic
motive? Surely despotism is no longer tolerated in this stage of
modern civilization. Such a scheme can only provoke universal
opposition. Five years have already passed since the friendly
Powers accorded their recognition of the Chinese Republic and if
we think we could afford to amuse ourselves with changes in the
national fabric, we could not expect foreign powers to put up with
such childishness. Internal strife is bound to invite foreign
intervention and the end of the country will then be near.

Can it be possible that Chang Hsun has acted in the interest of
the Ching House? The young boy-emperor lives in peace and
contentment and has not the slightest idea of ever ruling China
again. It is known that his tutors have been warning him of the
dangers of intriguing for power. That the boy-emperor has been
dragged on the throne entirely against his own wishes is
undeniable. History tells us that no dynasty can live for ever. It
is an unprecedented privilege for the Ching dynasty to be able to
end with the gift of special treatment. How absurd to again place
the Tsing house on the top of a high wall so that it may fall once
more and disappear for ever.

Chi-jui, after his dismissal, resolved not to participate in
political affairs, but as he has had a share, however
insignificant, in the formation of the Chinese Republic, and
having served the Republic for so long he cannot bear to see its
destruction without stretching out a helping hand. Further, he has
been a recipient of favours from the defunct dynasty, and he can
not bear to watch unmoved, the sight of the Ching House being made
the channel of brigandage with suicidal results. Wherever duty
calls, Chi-jui will go in spite of the danger of death. You,
gentlemen, are the pillars of the Republic of China and therefore
have your own duties to perform. In face of this extraordinary
crisis, our indignation must be one. For the interest of the
country we should abide by our oath of unstinted loyalty; and for
the sake of the Tsing House let us show our sympathy by sane and
wise deeds. I feel sure you will put forth every ounce of your
energy and combine your efforts to combat the great disaster.
Though I am a feeble old soldier, I will follow you on the back of
my steed. (Sgd) TUAN CHI-JUI.

Following the publication of this manifesto a general movement of
troops began. On the 5th July the important Peking-Tientsin
railway was reported interrupted forty miles from the capital--at
Langfang which is the station where Admiral Seymour's relief
expedition in 1900 was nearly surrounded and exterminated. Chang
Hsun, made desperate by the swift answer to his coup, had moved
out of Peking in force stiffening his own troops with numbers of
Manchu soldiery, and announcing that he would fight it out to the
bitter end, although this proved as false as the rest had been.
The first collision occurred on the evening of the 5th July and
was disastrous for the King-maker. The whole Northern army, with
the exception of a Manchu Division in Peking, was so rapidly
concentrated on the two main railways leading to the capital that
Chang Hsun's army, hopelessly outnumbered and outmanoeuvred, fell
back after a brief resistance. Chang Hsun himself was plainly
stupefied by the discovery that imperialism of the classic type
was as much out of date in the North as in the South; and within
one week of his coup he was prepared to surrender if his life and
reputation were spared. By the 9th July the position was this: the
Republican forces had surrounded Peking: Chang Hsun had resigned
every appointment save the command of his own troops: the Manchu
Court party had drafted a fresh Edict of Renunciation, but being
terrorized by the pigtailed troops surrounding the Palace did not
dare to issue it.

The usual bargaining now commenced with the Legation Quarter
acting as a species of middleman. No one was anxious to see
warfare carried into the streets of Peking, as not only might this
lead to the massacres of innocent people, but to foreign
complications as well. The novelty had already been seen of a
miniature air-raid on the Imperial city, and the panic that
exploding bombs had carried into the hearts of the Manchu Imperial
Family made them ready not only to capitulate but to run away. The
chief point at issue was, however, not the fate of the monarchy,
which was a dead thing, but simply what was going to happen to
Chang Hsun's head--a matter which was profoundly distressing Chang
Hsun. The Republican army had placed a price of 10,000 pounds on
it, and the firebrands were advocating that the man must be
captured, dead or alive, and suffer decapitation in front of the
Great Dynastic Gate of the Palace as a revenge for his perfidy.
Round this issue a subtle battle raged which was not brought to a
head until the evening of the 11th July, when all attempts at
forcing Chang Hsun to surrender unconditionally having failed, it
was announced that a general attack would be made on his forces at
daylight the next morning.

Promptly at dawn on the 12th July a gun-signal heralded the
assault. Large Republican contingents entered the city through
various Gates, and a storm of firing aroused terror among the
populace. The main body of Chang Hsun's men, entrenched in the
great walled enclosure of the Temple of Heaven, were soon
surrounded, and although it would have been possible for them to
hold out for several days, after a few hours' firing a parley
began and they quietly surrendered. Similarly in the Imperial
city, where Chang Hsun had taken up his residence, this leader, in
spite of his fire-eating declarations, soon fled to the Legation
Quarter and besought an asylum. His men held out until two in the
afternoon, when their resistance collapsed and the cease-fire
sounded. The number of casualties on both sides was infinitesimal,
and thus after eleven days' farce the Manchu dynasty found itself
worse off than ever before. It is necessary, however, not to lose
sight of the main problem in China, which is the establishment of
a united government and a cessation of internecine warfare,--
issues which have been somewhat simplified by Chang Hsun's
escapade, but not solved. That a united government will ultimately
be established is the writer's belief, based on a knowledge of all
the facts. But to attain that further provincial struggles are
inevitable, since China is too large a unit to find common ground
without much suffering and bitterness. President Li Yuan Hung
having declared that nothing would induce him to resume office,
Vice-President Feng Kuo-chang has become the legal successor and
has quietly assumed office. Chang Hsun's abortive coup has already
cleared the air in North China to this extent: that the Manchu
Imperial Family is to be removed from Peking and the Imperial
allowance greatly reduced, whilst the proscription of such out-
and-out imperialists as Kang Yu-wei has destroyed the last
vestiges of public support. Finally the completion of China's
foreign policy, i. e. the declaration of war against Germany and
Austria, has at last been made on the 14th August, 1917, and a
consistent course of action mapped out.





CHAPTER XVII

THE FINAL PROBLEM:--REMODELLING THE POLITICO-ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP
BETWEEN CHINA AND THE WORLD


The careful narrative we have made--supported as it is by
documents--of the history of China since the inception of the
Republic six years ago should not fail to awaken profound
astonishment among those who are interested in the spread of good
government throughout the world. Even casual readers will have no
difficulty in realizing how many lives have been lost and how
greatly the country has been crippled both owing to the blind
foreign support given to Yuan Shih-kai during four long and weary
years and to the stupid adhesion to exploded ideas, when a little
intelligence and a little generosity and sympathy would have
guided the nation along very different paths. To have to go back,
as China was forced to do in 1916, and begin over again the work
which should have been performed in 1912 is a handicap which only
persistent resolution can overcome; for the nation has been so
greatly impoverished that years must elapse before a complete
recovery from the disorders which have upset the internal balance
can be chronicled; and when we add that the events of the period
May-July, 1917, are likely still further to increase the burden
the nation carries, the complicated nature of the outlook will be
readily understood.

Happily foreign opinion has lately taken turn for the better.
Whilst the substitution of a new kind of rule in place of the Yuan
Shih-kai regime, with its thinly disguised Manchuism and its
secret worship of fallen gods, was at first looked upon as a
political collapse tinged with tragedy--most foreigners refusing
to believe in an Asiatic Republic--the masculine decision of the
9th February, 1917, which diplomatically ranged China definitely
on the side of the Liberal Powers, has caused something of a volte
face. Until this decision had been made it was the fashion to
declare that China was not only not fit to be a Republic but that
her final dissolution was only a matter of time. Though the empire
disappeared because it had become an impossible rule in the modern
world--being womanish, corrupt, and mediaeval--to the foreign mind
the empire remained the acme of Chinese civilization; and to kill
it meant to lop off the head of the Chinese giant and to leave
lying on the ground nothing but a corpse. It was in vain to insist
that this simile was wrong and that it was precisely because
Chinese civilization had exhausted itself that a new conception of
government had to be called in to renew the vitality of the
people. Men, and particularly diplomats, refused to understand
that this embodied the heart and soul of the controversy, and that
the sole mandate for the Republic, as well as the supreme reason
why it had to be upheld if the country was not to dissolve, has
always lain in the fact that it postulates something which is the
very antithesis of the system it has replaced and which should be
wholly successful in a single generation, if courage is shown and
the whip unflinchingly used.

The chief trouble, in the opinion of the writer, has been the
simplicity of the problem and not its complexity. By eliminating
the glamour which surrounded the Throne, and by kicking away all
the pomp and circumstance which formed the age-old ritual of
government, the glaring simplicity and barrenness of Chinese life
--when contrasted with the complex West--has been made evident.
Bathed in the hard light of modern realities, the poetic China
which Haroun-al-Raschid painted in his Aladdin, and which still
lives in the beautiful art of the country, has vanished forever
and its place has been taken by a China of prose. To those who
have always pictured Asia in terms of poetry this has no doubt
been a very terrible thing--a thing synonymous with political
death. And yet in point of fact the elementary things remain much
as they have always been before, and if they appear to have
acquired new meaning it is simply because they have been moved
into the foreground and are no longer masked by a gaudy
superstructure.

For if you eliminate questions of money and suppose for a moment
that the national balance-sheet is entirely in order, China is the
old China although she is stirred by new ideas. Here you have by
far the greatest agricultural community in the world, living just
as it has always lived in the simplest possible manner, and
remitting to the cities (of which there are not ten with half-a-
million inhabitants) the increment which the harvests yield. These
cities have made much municipal progress and developed an
independence which is confessedly new. Printing presses have
spread a noisy assertiveness, as well as a very critical and
litigious spirit, which tends to resent and oppose authority.

[Footnote: The growth of the Chinese press is remarkable. Although
no complete statistics are available there is reason to believe
that the number of peri-odicals in China now approximates 10,000,
the daily vernacular newspapers in Peking alone exceeding 60.
Although no newspaper in China prints more than 20,000 copies a
day, the reading public is growing at a phenomenal rate, it being
estimated that at least 50 million people read the daily
publications, or hear what they say,--a fact which is deemed so
politically important that all political parties and groups have
their chains of organs throughout the country.]

Trade, although constantly proclaimed to be in a bad way, is
steadily growing as new wants are created and fashions change. An
immense amount of new building has been done, particularly in
those regions which the Revolution of 1911 most devastated. The
archaic fiscal system, having been tumbled into open ruin, has
been partially replaced by European conceptions which are still
only half-understood, but which are not really opposed. The
country, although boasting a population which is only some fifty
millions less than the population of the nineteen countries of
Europe, has an army and a police-force so small as to allow one to
say that China is virtually disarmed since there are only 900,000
men with weapons in their hands. Casting about to discover what
really tinges the outlook, that must simply be held to be the long
delay the world has made in extending the same treatment to China
as is now granted to the meanest community of Latin America. It
has been almost entirely this, coupled with the ever-present
threat of Japanese chauvinism, which has given China the
appearance of a land that is hopelessly water-logged, although the
National Debt is relatively the smallest in the world and the
people the most industrious and law-abiding who have ever lived.
In such circumstances that ideas of collapse should have spread so
far is simply due to a faulty estimate of basic considerations.

For we have to remember that in a country in which the thoroughly
English doctrine of laissez faire has been so long practised that
it has become second nature, and in which the philosophic spirit
is so undisputed that the pillars of society are just as much the
beggars who beg as the rich men who support them, influences of a
peculiar character play an immense role and can be only very
slowly overcome. Passivity has been so long enthroned that of the
Chinese it may be truly said that they are not so much too proud
to fight as too indifferent,--which is not a fruitful state of
affairs. Looking on the world with callous detachment the masses
go their own way, only pausing in their work on their ancient
Festival days which they still celebrate just as they have always
celebrated them since the beginning of their history. The petty
daily activities of a vast legion of people grouped together in
this extraordinary way, and actuated by impulses which seem
sharply to conflict with the impulses of the other great races of
the world, appear incredible to Westerners who know what the outer
perils really are, and who believe that China is not only at bay
but encircled--caught in a network of political agreements and
commitments which have permanently destroyed her power of
initiative and reduced her to inanition. To find her lumbering on
undisturbed, ploughing the fields, marrying and giving in
marriage, buying, selling, cursing and laughing, carrying out
rebellions and little plots as though the centuries that stretch
ahead were still her willing slaves, has in the end become to
onlookers a veritable nightmare. Puzzled by a phenomenon which is
so disconcerting as to be incapable of any clear definition, they
have ended by declaring that an empty Treasury is an empty rule,
adding that as it is solely from this monetary viewpoint that the
New China ought to be judged, their opinion is the one which will
finally be accepted as authoritative. The situation is admittedly
dangerous; and it is imperative that a speedy remedy be sought;
for the heirs and assigns of an estate which has been mismanaged
to the brink of bankruptcy must secure at all costs that no public
receivership is made.

What is the remedy? That must consist simply enough in attacking
the grand simplicities directly; in recognizing, as we have
clearly shown that the bases of Chinese life having collapsed
through Euro-Japanese pressure, the politico-economic relationship
between the Republic and the world must be remodelled at the
earliest possible opportunity, every agreement which has been made
since the Treaties of 1860 being carefully and completely revised.
[Footnote: The mediaeval condition of Chinese trade taxation is
well illustrated by a Memorandum which the reader will find in the
appendix. One example may be quoted. Timber shipped from the Yalu
river, i.e. from Chinese territory, to Peking, pays duties at five
different places, the total amount of which aggregates 20 per cent
of its market value; whilst timber from America, with transit dues
and Peking Octroi added, only pays 10 per cent! China is probably
the only country that has ever existed that discriminates against
its own goods and gives preference to the foreigner,--through the
operation of the Treaties.]

To say this is to give utterance to nothing very new or brilliant:
it is the thought which has been present in every one's mind for a
number of years. So far back as 1902, when Great Britain
negotiated with China the inoperative Mackay Commercial Treaty,
provision was not only made for a complete reform of the Tariff--
import duties to be made two and a half times as large in return
for a complete abolition of likin or inter-provincial trade-
taxation--but for the abolition of extraterritoriality when China
should have erected a modern and efficient judicial system. And
although matters equally important, such as the funding of all
Chinese indemnities and loans into one Consolidated Debt, as well
as the withdrawal of the right of foreign banks to make banknote
issues in China, were not touched upon, the same principles would
undoubtedly have been applied in these instances, as being
conductive to the re-establishment of Chinese autonomy, had
Chinese negotiators been clever enough to urge them as being of
equal importance to the older issues. For it is primarily debt,
and the manipulation of debt, which is the great enemy.

Three groups of indebtedness and three groups of restrictions,
corresponding with the three vital periods in Chinese history, lie
to-day like three great weights on the body of the Chinese giant.
First, there is the imbroglio of the Japanese war of 1894-5;
second, the settlement following the Boxer explosion of 1900; and
third, the cost of the revolution of 1911-1912. We have already
discussed so exhaustively the Boxer Settlement and the finance of
the Revolutionary period that it is necessary to deal with the
first period only.

In that first period China, having been rudely handled by Japan,
recovered herself only by indulging in the sort of diplomacy which
had become traditional under the Manchus. Thankful for any help in
her distress, she invited and welcomed the intervention of Russia,
which gave her back the Liaotung Peninsula and preserved for her
the shadow of her power when the substance had already been so
sensationally lost. Men are apt to forget to-day that the
financial accommodation which allowed China to liquidate the
Japanese war-debt was a remarkable transaction in which Russia
formed the controlling element. In 1895 the Tsar's Government had
intervened for precisely the same motives that animate every State
at critical times in history, that is, for reasons of self-
interest. The rapid victory which Japan had won had revived in an
acute form the whole question of the future of the vast block of
territory which lies south of the Amur regions and is bathed by
the Yellow Sea. Russian statesmen suddenly became conscious that
the policy of which Muravieff-Amurski in the middle of the
nineteenth century had been the most brilliant exponent--the
policy of reaching "warm water"--was in danger of being crucified,
and the work of many years thrown away. Action on Russia's part
was imperative; she was great enough to see that; and so that it
should not be said that she was merely depriving a gallant nation
of the fruits of victory and thereby issuing to her a direct
challenge, she invited the chief Powers in Treaty relations with
China to co-operate with her in readjusting what she described as
the threatened balance. France and Germany responded to that
invitation; England demurred. France did so because she was
already the devoted Ally of a nation that was a guarantee for the
security of her European frontiers: Germany because she was
anxious to see that Russia should be pushed into Asiatic
commitments and drawn away from the problems of the Near East.
England on her part very prudently declined to be associated with
a transaction which, while not opposed to her interests, was
filled with many dubious elements.

It was in Petrograd that this account was liquidated. The
extraordinary chapter which only closed with the disastrous Peace
of Portsmouth opened for Russia in a very brilliant way. The
presence in Moscow of the veteran statesman Li Hung-chang on the
occasion of the Tsar's Coronation afforded an opportunity for
exhaustively discussing the whole problem of the Far East. China
required money: Russia required the acceptance of plans which
ultimately proved so disastrous to her. Under Article IV of the
Treaty of Shimonoseki (April, 1895) China had agreed to pay Japan
as a war-indemnity 200 million Treasury taels in eight
instalments: that is 50 million taels within six months, a further
50 millions within twelve months, and the remaining 100 millions
in six equal instalments spread over seven years, as well as an
additional sum of 50 millions for the retrocession of the Liaotung
Peninsula.

China, therefore, needed at once 80 million taels. Russia
undertook to lend her at the phenomenally low rate of 4 per cent
the sum of 16,000,000 pounds sterling--the interest and capital
of which the Tsar's Government guaranteed to the French bankers
undertaking the flotation. In return for this accommodation, the
well-known Russo-Chinese Declaration of the 24th June (6th July)
1895 was made in which the vital article IX states that--"In
consideration of this Loan the Chinese Government declares that it
will not grant to any foreign Power any right or privilege of no
matter what description touching the control or administration of
the revenues of the Chinese Empire. Should, however, the Chinese
Government grant to any foreign Power rights of this nature, it is
understood that the mere fact of having done so will extend those
rights to the Russian Government."

This clause has a monumental significance: it started the scramble
in China: and all the history of the past 22 years is piled like a
pyramid on top of it. Now that the Romanoff's have been hurled
from the throne, Russia must prove eager to reverse the policy
which brought Japan to her Siberian frontiers and which pinned a
brother democracy to the ground.

For China, instead of being nearly bankrupt as so many have
asserted, has, thanks to the new scale of indebtedness which the
war has established, become one of the most debt-free countries in
the world, her entire national debt (exclusive of railway debt)
amounting to less than 150 millions sterling, or seven shillings
per head of population, which is certainly not very terrible. No
student who has given due attention to the question can deny that
it is primarily on the proper handling of this nexus of financial
interests, and not by establishing any artificial balance of power
between foreign nations, that the peace of the Far East really
hinges. The method of securing national redemption is ready-made;
Western nations should use the Parliament of China as an
instrument of reform, and by limiting themselves to this one
method secure that civil authority is reinforced to such a point
that its behests have behind them all the wealth of the West. In
questions of currency, taxation, railways and every other
vexatious problem, it is solely by using this instrument that
satisfactory results can be attained.

[Footnote: We need only give a single example of what we mean. If,
in the matter of the reform of the currency, instead of
authorizing trade-agencies, i.e. the foreign Exchange Banks, to
make a loan to China, which is necessarily hedged round with
conditions favourable to such trade-agencies, the Powers took the
matter directly in their own hands; and selecting the Bank of
China--the national fiscal agent--as the instrument of reform
agreed to advance all the sums necessary, PROVIDED a Banking Law
was passed by the Parliament of China of a satisfying nature, and
the necessary guarantees were forthcoming, it would soon be
possible to have a uniform National Currency which would be
everywhere accepted and lead to a phenomenal trade expansion. It
should be noted that China is still on a Copper Standard basis,--
the people's buying and selling being conducted in multiples of
copper cent-pieces of which there has been an immense over-issue,
the latest figures showing that there are no less than
22,000,000,000 1-cent, ten cash pieces in circulation or 62 coins
per head of population--roughly twenty-five millions sterling in
value,--or 160,000 tons of copper! The number of silver dollars
and subsidiary silver coins is not accurately known,--nor is the
value of the silver bullion; but it certainly cannot greatly
exceed this sum. In addition there is about 15,000,000 pounds of
paper money. A comprehensive scheme of reform, placed in the hands
of the Bank of China, would require at least 15,000,000 pounds;
but this sum would be sufficient to modernize the currency and
establish a universal silver dollar standard.

The Bank of China requires at least 600 branches throughout the
country to become a true fiscal agent. It has today one-tenth of
this number.]

For once Chinese realize that parliamentary government is not
merely an experimental thing but the last chance the country is to
be given to govern itself, they will rally to the call and prove
that much of the trouble and turmoil of past years has been due to
the misunderstanding of the internal problem by Western minds,
which has incited the population to intrigue against one another
and remain disunited. And if we insist that there is urgent need
for a settlement of these matters in the terms we have indicated,
it is because we know very prcisely what Japanese thought on this
subject really is.

What is that thought--whither does it lead?

It may be broadly said that Japanese activities throughout the Far
East are based on a thorough and adequate appreciation of the fact
that apart from the winning of the hegemony of China, there is the
far more difficult and knotty problem of overshadowing and
ultimately dislodging the huge network of foreign interests--
particularly British interests--which seventy-five years of Treaty
intercourse have entwined about the country. These interests,
growing out of the seed planted in the early Canton Factory days,
had their origin in the termination by the act of the British
Government of the trading monopoly enjoyed until the thirties of
last century by the East India Company. Left without proper
definition until the Treaty of Nanking in 1842 had formally won
the principle of trading-rights at five open ports, and thus
established a first basis of agreement between England and China
(to which all the trading powers hastened to subscribe), these
interests expanded in a half-hearted way until 1860, when in order
to terminate friction, the principle of extraterritoriality was
boldly borrowed from the Turkish Capitulations, and made the rock
on which the entire fabric of international dealings in China was
based. These treaties, with their always-recurring "most-favoured
nation" clause, and their implication of equal treatment for all
Powers alike, constitute the Public Law of the Far East, just as
much as the Treaties between the Nations constitute the Public Law
of Europe; and any attempt to destroy, cripple, or limit their
scope and function has been very generally deemed an assault on
all the High Contracting Parties alike. By a thoroughly
Machiavellian piece of reasoning, those who have been responsible
for the framing of recent Japanese policy, have held it essential
to their plan to keep the world chained to the principle of
extraterritoriality and Chinese Tariff and economic subjection
because these things, imposing as they necessarily do restrictions
and limitations in many fields, leave it free to the Japanese to
place themselves outside and beyond these restrictions and
limitations; and, by means of special zones and secret
encroachments, to extend their influence so widely that ultimately
foreign treaty-ports and foreign interests may be left isolated
and at the mercy of the "Higher machinery" which their hegemony is
installing. The Chinese themselves, it is hoped, will be gradually
cajoled into acquiescing in this very extraordinary state of
affairs, because being unorganized and split into suspicious
groups, they can be manipulated in such a way as to offer no
effective mass resistance to the Japanese advance, and in the end
may be induced to accept it as inevitable.

If the reader keeps these great facts carefully in mind, a new
light will dawn on him and the urgency of the Chinese question
will be disclosed. The Japanese Demands of 1915, instead of being
fantastic and far-fetched, as many have supposed, are shown to be
very intelligently drawn-up, the entire Treaty position in China
having been most exhaustively studied, and every loophole into the
vast region left untouched by the exterritorialized Powers marked
down for invasion. For Western nations, in spite of exorbitant
demands at certain periods in Chinese history, having mainly
limited themselves to acquiring coastal and communication
privileges, which were desired more for genuine purposes of trade
than for encompassing the destruction of Chinese autonomy, are to-
day in a disadvantageous position which the Japanese have shown
they thoroughly understand by not only tightening their hold on
Manchuria and Shantung, but by going straight to the root of the
matter and declaring on every possible occasion that they alone
are responsible for the peace and safety of the Far East,--and
this in spite of the fact that their plan of 1915 was exposed and
partially frustrated. But the chief force behind the Japanese
Foreign Office, it should be noted, is militarist; and it is a
point of honour for the Military Party to return to the charge in
China again and again until there is definite success or definite
failure.

Now in view of the facts which have been so voluminously set forth
in preceding chapters, it is imperative for men to realize that
the struggle in the Far East is like the Balkan Question a thing
rooted in geography and peoples, and cannot be brushed aside or
settled by compromises. The whole future of Chinese civilization
is intimately bound up with the questions involved, and the
problem instead of becoming easier to handle must become
essentially more difficult from day to day. Japan's real objective
being the termination of the implied trusteeship which Europe and
America still exercise in the Far East, the course of the European
war must intimately effect the ultimate outcome. If that end is
satisfactory for democracies, China may reasonably claim to share
in the resulting benefits; if on the other hand, the Liberal
Powers do not win an overwhelming victory which shall secure the
sanctity of Treaties for all time, it will go hard for China.
Outwardly, the immediate goal which Japan seeks to attain is
merely to become the accredited spokesman of Eastern Asia, the
official representative; and, using this attorneyship as a cloak
for the advancement of objects which other Powers would pursue on
different principles, so impregnably to entrench herself where she
was no business to be that no one will dare to attempt to turn her
out. For this reason we see revived in Manchuria on a modified
scale the Eighteenth Century device, once so essential a feature
of Dutch policy in the struggle against Louis XIV, namely the
creation of "barrier-cities" for closing and securing a frontier
by giving them a special constitution which withdraws them from
ordinary jurisdiction and places foreign garrisons in them. This
is precisely what is going on from the Yalu to Eastern Mongolia,
and this procedure no doubt will be extended in time to other
regions as opportunities arise. Already in Shantung the same
policy is being pursued and there are indications that it is being
thought of in Fuhkien; whilst the infantry garrison which was
quietly installed at Hankow--600 miles up the Yangtsze river--at
the time of the Revolution of 1911 is apparently to be made
permanent. Allowing her policy to be swayed by men who know far
too little of the sea, Japan stands in imminent danger of
forgetting the great lesson which Mahan taught, that for island-
peoples sea-power is everything and that land conquests which
diminish the efficacy of that power are merely a delusion and
snare. Plunging farther and farther into the vast regions of
Manchuria and Mongolia which have been the graves of a dozen
dynasties, Japan is displaying increasing indifference for the one
great lesson which the war has yielded--the overwhelming
importance of the sea. [Footnote: It should be carefully noted
that not only has Japan no unfriendly feelings for Germany but
that German Professors have been appointed to office during the
war. In the matter of enemy trading Japan's policy has been even
more extraordinary. Until there was a popular outcry among the
Entente Allies, German merchants were allowed to trade more or
less as usual. They were not denied the use of Japanese steamers,
shipping companies being simply "advised" not to deal with them,
the two German banks in Yokohama and Kobe being closed only in the
Autumn of 1916. It was not until April, 1917, that Enemy Trading
Regulations were formally promulgated and enforced,--that is when
the war was very far advanced--the action of China against Germany
being no doubt largely responsible for this step. That the
Japanese nation greatly admires the German system of government
and is in the main indifferent to the results of the war has long
been evident to observers on the spot.] Necessarily guardian of
the principles on which intercourse in Asia is based, because she
framed those principles and fought for them and has built up great
edifices under their sanction, British sea-power--now allied
forever, let us hope, with American power--nevertheless remains
and will continue to remain, in spite of what may be half-
surreptitiously done to-day, the dominant factor in the Far East
as it is in the Far West. Withdrawn from view for the time being,
because of the exigencies of the hour, and because the Anglo-
Japanese Alliance is still counted a binding agreement, Western
sea-power nevertheless stands there, a heavy cloud in the offing,
full of questionings regarding what is going on in the Orient, and
fully determined, let us pray, one day to receive frank answers.
For the right of every race, no matter how small or weak, to enjoy
the inestimable benefits of self-government and independence may
be held to have been so absolutely established that it is a mere
question of time for the doctrine not only to be universally
accepted but to be universally applied. In many cases, it is true,
the claims of certain races are as yet incapable of being
expressed in practical state-forms; but where nationalities have
long been well-defined, there can be no question whatsoever that a
properly articulated autonomy must be secured in such a way as to
preclude the possibility of annexations.

Now although in their consideration of Asia it is notorious that
Western statesmen have not cared to keep in mind political
concepts which have become enthroned in Europe, owing to the fact
that an active element of opposition to such concepts was to be
found in their own policies, a vast change has undoubtedly been
recently worked, making it certain that the claims of nationalism
are soon to be given the same force and value in the East as in
the West. But before there can be any question of Asia for the
Asiatics being adopted as a root principle by the whole world, it
will have to be established in some unmistakable form that the
surrender of the policy of conquest which Europe has pursued for
four centuries East of the Suez Canal will not lead to its
adoption by an Asiatic Power under specious forms which hide the
glittering sword. If that can be secured, then the present
conflict will have truly been a War of Liberation for the East as
well as for the West. For although Japan has been engaged for some
years in declaring to all Asiatics under her breath that she holds
out the hand of a brother to them, and dreams of the days when the
age of European conquests will be nothing but a distant memory,
her actions have consistently belied her words and shown that she
has not progressed in political thought much beyond the crude
conceptions of the Eighteenth Century. Thus Korea, which fell
under her sway because the nominal independence of the country had
long made it the centre of disastrous international intrigues, is
governed to-day as a conquered province by a military viceroy
without a trace of autonomy remaining and without any promise that
such a regime is only temporary. Although nothing in the
undertakings made with the Powers has ever admitted that a nation
which boasts of an ancient line of kings, and which gave Japan
much of her own civilization, should be stamped under foot in such
manner, the course which politics have taken in Korea has been
disastrous in the extreme ever since Lord Lansdowne in 1905, as
British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, pointed out in a careful
dispatch to the Russian Government that Korea was a region which
fell naturally under the sway of Japan. Not only has a tragic fate
overcome the sixteen million inhabitants of that country, but
there has been a covert extension of the principles applied to
them to the people of China. Now if as we say European concepts
are to have universal meaning, and if Japan desires European
treatment, it is time that it is realized that the policy followed
in Korea, combined with the attempt to extend that treatment to
soil where China rightly claims undisputed sovereignty, forms an
insuperable barrier to Japan being admitted to the inner council
of the nations. [Footnote: A very remarkable confirmation of these
statements is afforded in the latest Japanese decision regarding
Manchuria which will be immediately enforced. The experience of
the past three years having proved conclusively that the Chinese,
in spite of their internal strife, are united to a man in their
determination to prevent Japan from tightening her hold on
Manchuria and instituting an open Protectorate, the Tokio
Government has now drawn up a subtle scheme which it is believed
will be effective. A Bill for the unification of administration in
South Manchuria has passed the Japanese Cabinet Conference and
will soon be formally promulgated. Under the provisions of this
Bill, the Manchuria Railway Company will become the actual organ
of Japanese administration in South Manchuria; the Japanese
Consular Service will be subordinate to the administration of the
Railway; and all the powers hitherto vested in the Consular
Service, political, commercial, judicial and administrative, will
be made part of the organization of the South Manchuria Railway.
This is not all. From another Japanese source we learn that a law
is about to take effect by which the administration of the South
Manchuria Railway will be transferred directly to the control of
the Government-General of Korea, thus making the Railway at once
an apparently commercial but really political organization. In
future the revenues of the South Manchuria Railway are to be paid
direct to the Government-General of Korea; and the yearly
appropriation for the upkeep and administration of the Railway is
to be fixed at Yen 19,000,000. These arrangements, especially the
amalgamation of the South Manchuria Railway, are to take effect
from the 1st July, 1917, and are an attempt to do in the dark what
Japan dares not yet attempt in the open.] No one wishes to deny to
Japan her proper place in the world, in view of her marvellous
industrial progress, but that place must be one which fits in with
modern conceptions and is not one thing to the West and another to
the East. Even the saying which was made so much of during the
Russian war of 1904, that Korea in foreign hands was a dagger
pointed at the heart of Japan--has been shown to be inherently
false by the lessons of the present struggle, the Korean dagger-
point being 120 sea miles from the Japanese coast. Such arguments
clearly show that if the truce which was hastily patched up in
1905 is to give way to a permanent peace, that can be evolved only
by locking on to the Far East the principles which are in process
of being vindicated in Europe. In other words, precisely as Poland
is to be given autonomy, so must Korea enjoy the same privileges,
the whole Japanese theory of suzerainty on the Eastern Asiatic
Continent being abandoned. To re-establish a proper balance of
power in the Far East, the Korean nation, which has had a known
historical existence of 1,500 years, must be reinstated in
something resembling its old position; for Korea has always been
the keystone of the Far Eastern arch, and it is the destruction of
that arch more than anything else which has brought the collapse
of China so perilously near.

Once the legitimate aspirations of the Korean people have been
satisfied, the whole Manchurian-Mongolian question will assume a
different aspect, and a true peace between China and Japan will be
made possible. It is to no one's interest to have a Polish
question in the Far East with all the bitterness and the crimes
which such a question must inevitably lead to; and the time to
obviate the creation of such a question is at the very beginning
before it has become an obsession and a great international issue.
Although the Japanese annexation may be held to have settled the
question once and for all, we have but to point to Poland to show
that a race can pass through every possible humiliation and endure
every possible species of truncation without dying or abating by
one whit its determination to enjoy what happier races have won.

The issue is a vital one. China by her recent acts has given a
categorical and unmistakable reply to all the insidious attempts
to place her outside and beyond the operation of international law
and all those sanctions which make life worth living; and because
of the formal birth of a Foreign Policy it can be definitely
expected that this nation, despite its internal troubles and
struggles, will never rest content until she has created a new
nexus of world-relationships which shall affirm and apply every
one of the principles experience elsewhere has proved are the
absolute essentials to peace and happiness. China is already many
decades ahead of Japan in her theory of government, no matter what
the practice may be, the marvellous revolution of 1911 having
given back to this ancient race its old position of leader in
ideas on the shores of the Yellow Sea. The whole dream Japan has
cherished, and has sought to give form to during the war, is in
the last analysis antiquated and forlorn and must ultimately
dissolve into thin air; for it is monstrous to suppose, in an age
when European men have sacrificed everything to free themselves
from the last vestiges of feudalism, that in the Far East the cult
of Sparta should remain a hallowed and respected doctrine. Japan's
policy in the Far East during the period of the war has been
uniformly mischievous and is largely responsible for the fierce
hatreds which burst out in 1917 over the war issue; and China will
be forced to raise at the earliest possible moment the whole
question of the validity of the undertakings extorted from her in
1915 under the threat of an ultimatum. Although the precise nature
of Anglo-Japanese diplomacy during the vital eleven days from the
4th to the 15th August, 1914, [i. e. from the British declaration
of war on Germany to the Japanese ultimatum regarding Kiaochow]
remains a sealed book, China suspects that Japan from the very
beginning of the present war world-struggle has taken advantage of
England's vast commitments and acted ultra vires. China hopes and
believes that Britain will never again renew the Japanese
alliance, which expires in 1921, in its present form, particularly
now that an Anglo-American agreement has been made possible. China
knows that in spite of all coquetting with both the extreme
radical and military parties which is going on daily in Peking and
the provinces, the secret object of Japanese diplomacy is either
the restoration of the Manchu dynasty, or the enthronement of some
pliant usurper, a puppet-Emperor being what is needed to repeat in
China the history of Korea. Japan would be willing to go to any
lengths to secure the attainment of this reactionary object.
Faithful to her "divine mission," she is ceaselessly stirring up
trouble and hoping that time may still be left her to consolidate
her position on the Asiatic mainland, one of her latest methods
being to busy herself at distant points in the Pacific so that
Western men for the sake of peace may be ultimately willing to
abandon the shores of the Yellow Seas to her unchallenged mastery.

The problem thus outlined becomes a great dramatic thing. The
lines which trace the problem are immense, stretching from China
to every shore bathed by the Pacific and then from there to the
distant west. Whenever there is a dull calm, that calm must be
treated solely as an intermission, an interval between the acts, a
preparation for something more sensational than the last episode,
but not as a permanent settlement which can only come by the
methods we have indicated. For the Chinese question is no longer a
local problem, but a great world-issue which statesmen must
regulate by conferences in which universal principles will be
vindicated if they wish permanently to eliminate what is almost
the last remaining international powder-magazine. A China that is
henceforth not only admitted to the family of nations on terms of
equality but welcomed as a representative of Liberalism and a
subscriber to all those sanctions on which the civilization of
peace rests, will directly tend to adjust every other Asiatic
problem and to prevent a recrudescence of those evil phenomena
which are the enemies of progress and happiness. Is it too much to
dream of such a consummation? We think not. It is to America and
to England that China looks to rehabilitate herself and to make
her Republic a reality. If they lend her their help, if they are
consistent, there is still no reason why this democracy on the
shores of the Yellow Sea should not be reinstated in the proud
position it occupied twenty centuries ago, when it furnished the
very silks which clothed the daughters of the Caesars.

APPENDIX

 DOCUMENTS IN GROUP I

(1) The so-called Nineteen Articles, being the grant made by the
Throne after the outbreak of the Wuchang Rebellion in 1911 in a
vain attempt to satisfy the nation.

(2) The Abdication Edicts issued on the 12th February, 1912,
endorsing the establishment of the Republic.

(3) The terms of abdication, generally referred to as "The
articles of Favourable Treatment," in which special provision is
made for the "rights" of Manchus, Mongols, Mohammedans and
Tibetans, who are considered as being outside the Chinese nation.

 THE NINETEEN ARTICLES

1. The Ta-Ching Dynasty shall reign for ever.

2. The person of the Emperor shall be inviolable.

3. The power of the Emperor shall be limited by a Constitution.

4. The order of the succession shall be prescribed in the
Constitution.

5. The Constitution shall be drawn up and adopted by the National
Assembly, and promulgated by the Emperor.

6. The power of amending the Constitution belongs to Parliament.

7. The members of the Upper House shall be elected by the people
from among those particularly eligible for the position.

8. Parliament shall select, and the Emperor shall appoint, the
Premier, who will recommend the other members of the Cabinet,
these also being appointed by the Emperor. The Imperial Princes
shall be ineligible as Premier, Cabinet Ministers, or
administrative heads of provinces.

9. If the Premier, on being impeached by Parliament, does not
dissolve Parliament he must resign but one Cabinet shall not be
allowed to dissolve Parliament more than once.

10. The Emperor shall assume direct control of the army and navy,
but when that power is used with regard to internal affairs, he
must observe special conditions, to be decided upon by Parliament,
otherwise he is prohibited from exercising such power.

11. Imperial decrees cannot be made to replace the law except in
the event of immediate necessity in which case decrees in the
nature of a law may be issued in accordance with special
conditions, but only when they are in connection with the
execution of a law or what has by law been delegated.

12. International treaties shall not be concluded without the
consent of Parliament, but the conclusion of peace or a
declaration of war may be made by the Emperor if Parliament is not
sitting, the approval of Parliament to be obtained afterwards.

13. Ordinances in connection with the administration shall be
settled by Acts of Parliament.

14. In case the Budget fails to receive the approval of Parliament
the Government cannot act upon the previous year's Budget, nor may
items of expenditure not provided for in the Budget be appended to
it. Further, the Government shall not be allowed to adopt
extraordinary financial measures outside the Budget.

15. Parliament shall fix the expenses of the Imperial household,
and any increase or decrease therein.

16. Regulations in connection with the Imperial family must not
conflict with the Constitution.

17. The two Houses shall establish the machinery of an
administrative court.

18. The Emperor shall promulgate the decisions of Parliament.

19. The National Assembly shall act upon Articles 8, 9, 10, 12,
13, 14, 15 and 18 until the opening of Parliament.

 EDICTS OF ABDICATION

I

We (the Emperor) have respectfully received the following Imperial
Edict from Her Imperial Majesty the Empress Dowager Lung Yu:--

As a consequence of the uprising of the Republican Army, to which
the different provinces immediately responded, the Empire seethed
like a boiling cauldron and the people were plunged into utter
misery. Yuan Shih-kai was, therefore, especially commanded some
time ago to dispatch commissioners to confer with the
representatives of the Republican Army on the general situation
and to discuss matters pertaining to the convening of a National
Assembly for the decision of the suitable mode of settlement has
been discovered. Separated as the South and the North are by great
distances, the unwillingness of either side to yield to the other
can result only in the continued interruption of trade and the
prolongation of hostilities, for, so long as the form of
government is undecided, the Nation can have no peace. It is now
evident that the hearts of the majority of the people are in
favour of a republican form of government: the provinces of the
South were the first to espouse the cause, and the generals of the
North have since pledged their support. From the preference of the
people's hearts, the Will of Heaven can be discerned. How could We
then bear to oppose the will of the millions for the glory of one
Family! Therefore, observing the tendencies of the age on the one
hand and studying the opinions of the people on the other, We and
His Majesty the Emperor hereby vest the sovereignty in the People
and decide in favour of a republican form of constitutional
government. Thus we would gratify on the one hand the desires of
the whole nation who, tired of anarchy, are desirous of peace, and
on the other hand would follow in the footsteps of the Ancient
Sages, who regarded the Throne as the sacred trust of the Nation.

Now Yuan Shih-kai was elected by the Tucheng-yuan to be the
Premier. During this period of transference of government from the
old to the new, there should be some means of uniting the South
and the North. Let Yuan Shih-kai organize with full powers a
provisional republican government and confer with the Republican
Army as to the methods of union, thus assuring peace to the people
and tranquillity to the Empire, and forming the one Great Republic
of China by the union as heretofore, of the five peoples, namely,
Manchus, Chinese, Mongols, Mohammedans, and Tibetans together with
their territory in its integrity. We and His Majesty the Emperor,
thus enabled to live in retirement, free from responsibilities,
and cares and passing the time in ease and comfort, shall enjoy
without interruption the courteous treatment of the Nation and see
with Our own eyes the consummation of an illustrious government.
Is not this highly advisable?

Bearing the Imperial Seal and Signed by Yuan Shih-kai, the
Premier;

Hoo Wei-teh, Acting Minister of Foreign Affairs;

Chao Ping-chun, Minister of the Interior;

Tan Hsuch-heng, Acting Minister of Navy;

Hsi Yen, Acting Minister of Agriculture, Works and Commerce;

Liang Shih-yi, Acting Minister of Communications;

Ta Shou, Acting Minister of the Dependencies. 25th day of the 12th
moon of the 3rd year of Hsuan Tung.

II

We have respectfully received the following Imperial Edict from
Her Imperial Majesty the Empress Dowager Lung Yu:--

On account of the perilous situation of the State and the intense
sufferings of the people, We some time ago commanded the Cabinet
to negotiate with the Republican Army the terms for the courteous
treatment of the Imperial House, with a view to a peaceful
settlement. According to the memorial now submitted to Us by the
Cabinet embodying the articles of courteous treatment proposed by
the Republican Army, they undertake to hold themselves responsible
for the perpetual offering of sacrifices before the Imperial
Ancestral Temples and the Imperial Mausolea and the completion as
planned of the Mausoleum of His Late Majesty the Emperor Kuang
Hsu. His Majesty the Emperor is understood to resign only his
political power, while the Imperial Title is not abolished. There
have also been concluded eight articles for the courteous
treatment of the Imperial House, four articles for the favourable
treatment of Manchus, Mongols, Mohammedans, and Tibetans. We find
the terms of perusal to be fairly comprehensive. We hereby
proclaim to the Imperial Kinsmen and the Manchus, Mongols,
Mohammedans, and Tibetans that they should endeavour in the future
to fuse and remove all racial differences and prejudices and
maintain law and order with united efforts. It is our sincere hope
that peace will once more be seen in the country and all the
people will enjoy happiness under a republican government.

Bearing the Imperial Seal and Signed by Yuan Shih-kai, the
Premier;

Hoo Wei-teh, Acting Minister of Foreign Affairs;

Chao Ping-chun, Minister of the Interior;

Tan Hsuen-heng, Acting Minister of the Navy;

Hsi Yen, Acting Minister of Agriculture, Works and Commerce;

Liang Shih-yi, Acting Minister of Communications;

Ta Shou, Acting Minister of the Dependencies. 25th day of the 12th
moon of the 3rd year of Hsuan Tung.

III

We have respectfully received the following Edict from Her
Imperial Majesty the Empress Dowager Lung Yu:--

In ancient times the ruler of a country emphasized the important
duty of protecting the lives of his people, and as their shepherd
could not have the heart to cause them injury. Now the newly
established form of government has for its sole object the
appeasement of the present disorder with a view to the restoration
of peace. If, however, renewed warfare were to be indefinitely
maintained, by disregarding the opinion of the majority of the
people, the general condition of the country might be
irretrievably ruined, and there might follow mutual slaughter
among the people, resulting in the horrible effects of a racial
war. As a consequence, the spirits of Our Imperial Ancestors might
be greatly disturbed and millions of people might be terrorized.
The evil consequences cannot be described. Between the two evils,
We have adopted the lesser one. Such is the motive of the Throne
in modelling its policy in accordance with the progress of time,
the change of circumstances, and the earnest desires of Our
People. Our Ministers and subjects both in and out of the
Metropolis should, in conformity with Our idea, consider most
carefully the public weal and should not cause the country and the
people to suffer from the evil consequences of a stubborn pride
and of prejudiced opinions.

The Ministry of the Interior, the General Commandant of the
Gendarmerie, Chiang Kuei-ti, and Feng Kuo-chang, are ordered to
take strict precautions, and to make explanations to the peoples
so clearly and precisely as to enable every and all of them to
understand the wish of the Throne to abide by the ordinance of
heaven, to meet the public opinion of the people and to be just
and unselfish.

The institution of the different offices by the State has been for
the welfare of the people, and the Cabinet, the various Ministries
in the Capital, the Vice-royalties, Governorships,
Commissionerships, and Taotaiships, have therefore been
established for the safe protection of the people, and not for the
benefit of one man or of one family. Metropolitan and Provincial
officials of all grades should ponder over the present
difficulties and carefully perform their duties. We hereby hold it
the duty of the senior officials earnestly to advise and warn
their subordinates not to shirk their responsibilities, in order
to conform with Our original sincere intention to love and to take
care of Our people.

Bearing the Imperial Seal and Signed by Yuan Shih-kai, the
Premier;

Hoo Wei-teh, Minister of Foreign Affairs;

Chao-ping-chun, Minister of the Interior;

Tan Hseuh-heng, Acting Minister of the Navy;

Hsi Yen, Acting Minister of Agriculture, Works and Commerce;

Liang Shih-yi, Acting Minister of Communications;

Ta Shou, Acting Minister of the Dependencies.

25th day of the 12th moon of the 3rd year of Hsuan Tung.

TERMS OF ABDICATION

N.B. These terms are generally referred to in China as "The
Articles of Favourable Treatments."

A.--Concerning the Emperor.

The Ta Ching Emperor having proclaimed a republican form of
government, the Republic of China will accord the following
treatment to the Emperor after his resignation and retirement.

Article 1. After abdication the Emperor may retain his title and
shall receive from the Republic of China the respect due to a
foreign sovereign.

Article 2. After the abdication the Throne shall receive from the
Republic of China an annuity of Tls. 4,000,000 until the
establishment of a new currency, when the sum shall be $4,000,000.

Article 3. After abdication the Emperor shall for the present be
allowed to reside in the Imperial Palace, but shall later remove
to the Eho Park, retaining his bodyguards at the same strength as
hitherto.

Article 4. After abdication the Emperor shall continue to perform
the religious ritual at the Imperial Ancestral Temples and
Mausolea, which shall be protected by guards provided by the
Republic of China.

Article 5. The Mausoleum of the late Emperor not being completed,
the work shall be carried out according to the original plans, and
the services in connexion with the removal of the remains of the
late Emperor to the new Mausoleum shall be carried out as
originally arranged, the expense being borne by the Republic of
China.

Article 6. All the retinue of the Imperial Household shall be
employed as hitherto, but no more eunuchs shall be appointed.

Article 7. After abdication all the private property of the
Emperor shall be respected and protected by the Republic of China.

Article 8. The Imperial Guards will be retained without change in
members or emolument, but they will be placed under the control of
the Department of War of the Republic of China.

B.--Concerning the Imperial Clansmen.

Article 1. Princes, Dukes and other hereditary nobility shall
retain their titles as hitherto.

Article 2. Imperial Clansmen shall enjoy public and private rights
in the Republic of China on an equality with all other citizens.

Article 3. The private property of the Imperial Clansmen shall be
duly protected.

Article 4. The Imperial Clansmen shall be exempt from military
service.

C.--Concerning Manchus, Mongols, Mohammedans and Tibetans.

The Manchus, Mongols, Mohammedans and Tibetans having accepted the
Republic, the following terms are accorded to them:--

Article 1. They shall enjoy full equality with Chinese.

Article 2. They shall enjoy the full protection of their private
property.

Article 3. Princes, Dukes and other hereditary nobility shall
retain their titles as hitherto.

Article 4. Impoverished Princes and Dukes shall be provided with
means of livelihood.

Article 5. Provision for the livelihood of the Eight Banners,
shall with all dispatch be made, but until such provision has been
made the pay of the Eight Banners shall be continued as hitherto.

Article 6. Restrictions regarding trade and residence that have
hitherto been binding on them are abolished, and they shall now be
allowed to reside and settle in any department or district.

Article 7. Manchus, Mongols, Mohammedans and Tibetans shall enjoy
complete religious freedom.

DOCUMENTS IN GROUP II

(1) The Provisional Constitution passed at Nanking in January,
1912.

(2) The Presidential Election Law passed on the 4th October, 1913,
by the full Parliament, under which Yuan Shih Kai was elected
President,--and now formally incorporated as a separate chapter in
the Permanent Constitution.

(3) The Constitutional Compact, promulgated on 1st May, 1914. This
"law" which was the first result of the coup d'etat of 4th
November, 1913, and designed to take the place of the Nanking
Constitution is wholly illegal and disappeared with the death of
Yuan Shih Kai.

(4) The Presidential Succession Law. This instrument, like the
Constitutional Compact, was wholly illegal and drawn up to make
Yuan Shih Kai dictator for life.





THE PROVISIONAL CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA


Passed at Nanking in 1912, currently referred to as the old
Constitution





CHAPTER I.--GENERAL PROVISIONS


Article 1. The Republic of China is composed of the Chinese
people.

Art. 2. The sovereignty of the Chinese Republic is vested in the
people.

Art. 3. The territory of the Chinese Republic consists of the 18
provinces, Inner and Outer Mongolia, Tibet and Ching-hai.

Art. 4. The sovereignty of the Chinese Republic is exercised by
the National Council, the Provisional President, the Cabinet and
the Judiciary.





CHAPTER II.--CITIZENS


Art. 5. Citizens of the Chinese Republic are all equal, and there
shall be no racial class or religious distinctions.

Art. 6. Citizens shall enjoy the following rights:--

(a) The person of the citizens shall not be arrested, imprisoned,
tried or punished except in accordance with law.

(b) The habitations of citizens shall not be entered or searched
except in accordance with law.

(c) Citizens shall enjoy the right of the security of their
property and the freedom of trade.

(d) Citizens shall have the freedom of speech, of composition, of
publication, of assembly and of association.

(e) Citizens shall have the right of the secrecy of their letters.

(f) Citizens shall have the liberty of residence and removal.

(g) Citizens shall have the freedom of religion.

Art. 7. Citizens shall have the right to petition the Parliament.

Art. 8. Citizens shall have the right of petitioning the executive
officials.

Art. 9. Citizens shall have the right to institute proceedings
before the Judiciary, and to receive its trial and judgment.

Art. 10. Citizens shall have the right of suing officials in the
Administrative Courts for violation of law or against their
rights.

Art. 11. Citizens shall have the right of participating in civil
examinations.

Art. 12. Citizens shall have the right to vote and to be voted
for.

Art. 13. Citizens shall have the duty to pay taxes according to
law.

Art. 14. Citizens shall have the duty to enlist as soldiers
according to law.

Art. 15. The rights of citizens as provided in the present Chapter
shall be limited or modified by laws, provided such limitation or
modification shall be deemed necessary for the promotion of public
welfare, for the maintenance of public order, or on account of
extraordinary exigency.





CHAPTER III.--THE NATIONAL COUNCIL


Art. 16. The legislative power of the Chinese Republic is
exercised by the National Council.

Art. 17. The Council shall be composed of members elected by the
several districts as provided in Article 18.

Art. 18. The Provinces, Inner and Outer Mongolia, and Tibet shall
each elect and depute five members to the Council, and Chinghai
shall elect one member.

The election districts and methods of elections shall be decided
by the localities concerned.

During the meeting of the Council each member shall have one vote.

Art. 19. The National Council shall have the following powers:

(a) To pass all Bills.

(b) To pass the budgets of the Provisional Government.

(c) To pass laws of taxation of currency, and weights and measures
for the whole country.

(d) To pass measures for the calling of public loans and to
conclude contracts affecting the National Treasury.

(e) To give consent to matters provided in Articles 34, 35, and
40.

(f) To reply to inquiries from the Provisional Government.

(g) To receive and consider petitions of citizens.

(h) To make suggestions to the Government on legal or other
matters.

(i) To introduce interpellations to members of the Cabinet, and to
insist on their being present in the Council in making replies
thereto.

(j) To insist on the Government investigating into any alleged
bribery and infringement of laws by officials.

(k) To impeach the Provisional President for high treason by a
majority vote of three-fourths of the quorum consisting of more
than four-fifths of the total number of the members.

(1) To impeach members of the Cabinet for failure to perform their
official duties or for violation of the law by majority votes of
two-thirds of the quorum consisting of over three-fourths of the
total number of the members.

Art. 20. The National Council shall itself convoke, conduct and
adjourn its own meetings.

Art. 21. The meetings of the Advisory Council shall be conducted
publicly, but secret meetings may be held at the suggestion of
members of the Cabinet or by the majority vote of its quorum.

Art. 22. Matters passed by the Advisory Council shall be
communicated to the Provisional President for promulgation and
execution.

Art. 23. If the Provisional President should veto matters passed
by the National Council he shall, within ten days after he has
received such resolutions, return the same with stated reasons to
the Council for reconsideration. If by a two-thirds vote of the
quorum of the Council, it shall be dealt with in accordance with
Article 22.

Art. 24. The Chairman of the National Council shall be elected by
ballots signed by the voting members and the one receiving more
than one-half of the total number of the votes cast shall be
elected.

Art. 25. Members of the National Council shall not, outside the
Council, be responsible for their opinion expressed and votes cast
in the Council.

Art. 26. Members of the Council shall not be arrested without the
permission of the Chairman of the Council except for crimes
pertaining to civil and international warfare.

Art. 27. Procedure of the National Council shall be decided by its
own members.

Art. 28. The National Council shall be dissolved on the day of the
convocation of the National Assembly, and its powers shall be
exercised by the latter.





CHAPTER IV.--THE PROVISIONAL PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT


Art. 29. The Provisional President and Vice-President shall be
elected by the National Council, and he who receives two-thirds of
the total number of votes cast by a sitting of the Council
consisting of over three-fourths of the total number of members
shall be elected.

Art. 30. The Provisional President represents the Provisional
Government as the fountain of all executive powers and for
promulgating all laws.

Art. 31. The Provisional President may issue or cause to be issued
orders for the execution of laws and of powers delegated to him by
the law.

Art. 32. The Provisional President shall be the Commander-in-Chief
of the Army and Navy of the whole of China.

Art. 33. The Provisional President shall ordain and establish the
administrative system and official regulations, but he must first
submit them to the National Council for its approval.

Art. 34. The Provisional President shall appoint and remove civil
and military officials, but in the appointment of Members of the
Cabinet, Ambassadors and Ministers he must have the concurrence of
the National Council.

Art. 35. The Provisional President shall have power, with the
concurrence of the National Council, to declare war and conclude
treaties.

Art. 36. The Provisional President may, in accordance with law,
declare a state of siege.

Art. 37. The Provisional President shall, representing the whole
country, receive Ambassadors and Ministers of foreign countries.

Art. 38. The Provisional President may introduce Bills into the
National Council.

Art. 39. The Provisional President may confer decorations and
other insignia of honour.

Art. 40. The Provisional President may declare general amnesty,
grant special pardon, commute punishment, and restore rights, but
in the case of a general amnesty he must have the concurrence of
the National Council.

Art. 41. In case the Provisional President is impeached by the
National Council he shall be tried by a special Court consisting
of nine judges elected among the justices of the Supreme Court of
the realm.

Art. 42. In case the Provisional President vacates his office for
various reasons, or is unable to discharge the powers and duties
of the said office, the Provisional Vice-President shall take his
place.





CHAPTER V.--MEMBERS OF THE CABINET


Art. 43. The Premier and the Chiefs of the Government Departments
shall be called Members of the Cabinet (literally, Secretaries of
State Affairs).

Art. 44. Members of the Cabinet shall assist the Provisional
President in assuming responsibilities.

Art. 45. Members of the Cabinet shall countersign all Bills
introduced by the Provisional President, and all laws and orders
issued by him.

Art. 46. Members of the Cabinet and their deputies may be present
and speak in the National Council.

Art. 47. Upon members of the Cabinet have been impeached by the
National Council, the Provisional President may remove them from
office, but such removal shall be subject to the reconsideration
of the National Council.





CHAPTER VI.--THE JUDICIARY


Art. 48. The Judiciary shall be composed of those judges appointed
by the Provisional President and the Minister of Justice.

The organization of the Courts and the qualifications of judges
shall be determined by law.

Art. 49. The Judiciary shall try civil and criminal cases, but
cases involving administrative affairs or arising from other
particular causes shall be dealt with according to special laws.

Art. 50. The trial of cases in the law Courts shall be conducted
publicly, but those affecting public safety and order may be in
camera.

Art. 51. Judges shall be independent, and shall not be object to
the interference of higher officials.

Art. 53. Judges during their continuance in office shall not have
their emoluments decreased and shall not be transferred to other
offices, nor shall they be removed from office except when they
are convicted of crimes, or of offences punishable according to
law by removal from office.

Regulations for the punishment of judges shall be determined by
law.





CHAPTER VII.--SUPPLEMENTARY ARTICLES


Art. 53. Within ten months after the promulgation of this
Provisional Constitution the Provisional President shall convene a
National Assembly, the organization of which and the laws for the
election of whose members shall be decided by the National
Council.

Art. 54. The Constitution of the Republic of China shall be
adopted by the National Assembly, but before the promulgation of
the Constitution, the Provisional Constitution shall be as
effective as the Constitution itself.

Art. 55. The Provisional Constitution may be amended by the assent
of two-thirds of the members of the National Council or upon the
application of the Provisional President and being passed by over
three-fourths of the quorum of the Council consisting of over
four-fifths of the total number of its members.

Art. 56. The present Provisional Constitution shall take effect on
the date of its promulgation, and the fundamental articles for the
organization of the Provisional Government shall cease to be
effective on the same date.

Sealed by THE NATIONAL COUNCIL.

 THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION LAW

Passed October 4, 1913, by the National Assembly and promulgated
by the then Provisional President on October 5 of the same year.

Article 1. A citizen of the Chinese Republic, who is entitled to
all the rights of citizenship, is 40 years or more in age and has
resided in China for not less than ten years, is eligible for
election as President.

Art. 2. The President shall be elected by an Electoral College
organized by the members of the National Assembly of the Chinese
Republic.

The said election shall be held by a quorum of two-thirds or more
of the entire membership of the said Electoral College and shall
be conducted by secret ballot. A candidate shall be deemed elected
when the number of votes in his favour shall not be less than
three-fourths of the total number of votes cast at the election.
If no candidate secures the requisite number of votes after two
ballotings, a final balloting shall be held with the two persons,
securing the greatest number of votes at the second balloting, as
candidates. The one securing a majority of votes shall be elected.

Art. 3. The term of office of the President shall be five years;
and if re-elected, he may hold office for one more term.

Three months previous to the expiration of the term, the members
of the National Assembly shall convene and organize by themselves
the Electoral College to elect the President for the next period.

Art. 4. The President on taking office shall make oath as follows:

"I hereby swear that I will most sincerely obey the constitution
and faithfully discharge the duties of the President."

Art. 5. Should the post of the President become vacant, the Vice-
President shall succeed to the same TO THE END OF THE TERM OF THE
ORIGINAL PRESIDENT.

Should the President be unable to discharge his duties for any
cause the Vice-President shall act in his stead.

Should the Vice-President vacate his post at the same time, the
Cabinet shall officiate for the President. In this event the
members of the National Assembly of the Chinese Republic shall
convene themselves within three months to organize an Electoral
College to elect a new President.

Art. 6. The President shall vacate office on the expiry of his
term. Should the election of the next President or Vice-President
be not effected for any cause, or having been elected should they
be unable to be inaugurated, the President and Vice-President
whose terms have expired shall quit their posts and the Cabinet
shall officiate for them.

Art. 7. The election of the Vice-President shall be according to
the fixed regulations for the election of the President, and the
election of the Vice-President shall take place at the same time
when the President is elected. Should there be a vacancy for the
Vice-Presidency a Vice-President shall be elected according to the
provisions herein set forth.





APPENDIX


Before the completion of the Formal Constitution, with regard to
the duties and privileges of the President the Provisional
Constitution regarding the same shall temporarily be followed.

"THE CONSTITUTIONAL COMPACT"

Drafted by Dr. Frank Johnson Goodnow, Legal Adviser to Yuan Shih-
kai, and promulgated on May 1, 1914





CHAPTER I.--THE NATION


Article 1. The Chung Hua Min Kuo is organized by the people of
Chung Hua.

Art. 2. The sovereignty of Chung Hua Min Kuo originates from the
whole body of the citizens.

Art. 3. The territory of the Chung Hua Min Kuo is the same as that
possessed by the former Empire.





CHAPTER II.--THE PEOPLE


Art. 4. The people of the Chung Hua Min Kuo are all equal in law,
irrespective of race, caste, or religion.

Art. 5. The people are entitled to the following rights of
liberty:--

(1) No person shall be arrested, imprisoned, tried, or punished
except in accordance with law.

(2) The habitation of any person shall not be entered or searched
except in accordance with law.

(3) The people have the right of possession and protection of
property and the freedom of trade within the bounds of law.

(4) The people have the right of freedom of speech, of writing and
publication, of meeting and organizing association, within the
bounds of law.

(5) The people have the right of the secrecy of correspondence
within the bounds of law.

(6) The people have the liberty of residence and removal, within
the bounds of law.

(7) The people have freedom of religious belief, within the bounds
of law.

Art. 6. The people have the right to memorialize the Li Fa Yuan
according to the provisions of law.

Art. 7. The people have the right to institute proceedings at the
judiciary organ in accordance with the provisions of law.

Art. 8. The people have the right to petition the administrative
organs and lodge protests with the Administrative Court in
accordance with the provisions of law.

Art. 9. The people have the right to attend examinations held for
securing officials and to join the public service in accordance
with the provisions of law.

Art. 10. The people have the right to vote and to be voted for in
accordance with the provisions of law.

Art. 11. The people have the obligation to pay taxes according to
the provisions of law.

Art. 12. The people have the obligation to serve in a military
capacity in accordance with the provisions of law.

Art. 13. The provisions made in this Chapter, except when in
conflict with the Army or Naval orders and rules, shall be
applicable to military and naval men.





CHAPTER III.--THE PRESIDENT


Art. 14. The President is the Head of the nation, and controls the
power of the entire administration.

Art. 15. The President represents the Chung Hua Min Kuo.

Art. 16. The President is responsible to the entire body of
citizens.

Art. 17. The President convokes the Li Fa Yuan, declares the
opening, the suspension and the closing of the sessions.

The President may dissolve the Li Fa Yuan with the approval of the
Tsan Cheng Yuan; but in that case he must have the new members
elected and the House convoked within six months from the day of
dissolution.

Art. 18. The President shall submit Bills of Law and the Budget to
the Li Fa Yuan.

Art. 19. For the purposes of improving the public welfare or
enforcing law or in accordance with the duties imposed upon him by
law, the President may issue orders and cause orders to be issued,
but he shall not alter the law by his order.

Art. 20. In order to maintain public peace or to prevent
extraordinary calamities at a time of great emergency when time
will not permit the convocation of the Li Fa Yuan, the President
may, with the approval of the Tsan Cheng Yuan [Senate], issue
provisional orders which shall have the force of law; but in that
case he shall ask the Li Fa Yuan [House of Representative] for
indemnification at its next session.

The provisional orders mentioned above shall immediately become
void when they are rejected by the Li Fa Yuan.

Art. 21. The President shall fix the official systems and official
regulations. The President shall appoint and dismiss military and
civil officials.

Art. 22. The President shall declare war and conclude peace.

Art. 23. The President is the Commander-in-Chief of, and controls,
the Army and Navy of the whole country. The President shall decide
the system of organization and the respective strength of the Army
and Navy.

Art. 24. The President shall receive the Ambassadors and Ministers
of the foreign countries.

Art. 25. The President makes treaties.

But the approval of the Li Fa Yuan must be secured if the articles
should change the territories or increase the burdens of the
citizens.

Art. 26. The President may, according to law, declare Martial Law.

Art. 27. The President may confer titles of nobility, decorations
and other insignia of honour.

Art. 28. The President may declare general amnesty, special
pardon, commutation of punishment, or restoration of rights. In
case of general amnesty the approval of the Li Fa Yuan must he
secured.

Art. 29. When the President, for any cause, vacates his post or is
unable to attend to his duties, the Vice-President shall assume
his duties and authority in his stead.





CHAPTER. IV.--THE LEGISLATURE


Art. 30. Legislation shall be done by the Legislature organized
with the members elected by the people.

The organization of the Legislature and the method of electing the
legislative members shall be fixed by the Provisional Constitution
Conference.

Art. 31. The duties and authorities of the Li Fa Yuan shall be as
follows: (1) To discuss and pass all bills of law.

(2) To discuss and pass the Budget.

(3) To discuss and pass or approve articles relating to raising of
public loans and national financial responsibilities.

(4) To reply to the inquiries addressed to it by the Government.

(5) To receive petitions of the people.

(6) To bring up bills on law.

(7) To bring up suggestions and opinions before the President
regarding law and other affairs.

(8) To bring out the doubtful points of the administration and
request the President for an explanation; but when the President
deems it necessary for a matter to be kept secret he may refuse to
give the answer.

(9) Should the President attempt treason the Li Fa Yuan may
institute judicial proceedings in the Supreme Court against him by
a three-fourths or more vote of a four-fifths attendance of the
total membership.

Regarding the clauses from 1 to 8 and articles 20, 25, 28, 55 and
27, the approval of a majority of more than half of the attending
members will be required to make a decision.

Art. 32. The regular annual session of the Li Fa Yuan will be four
months in duration; but when the President deems it necessary it
may be prolonged. The President may also call special sessions
when it is not in session.

Art. 33. The meetings of the Li Fa Yuan shall be "open sessions,"
but they may be held in secret at the request of the President or
the decision of the majority of more than half of the members
present.

Art. 34. The law bills passed by the Li Fa Yuan shall be
promulgated by the President and enforced.

When the President vetoes a law bill passed by the Li Fa Yuan he
must give the reason and refer it again to the Li Fa Yuan for
reconsideration. If such bill should be again passed by a two-
thirds vote of the members present at the Li Fa Yuan but at the
same time the President should firmly hold that it would greatly
harm the internal administration or diplomacy to enforce such law
or there will be great and important obstacles against enforcing
it, he may withhold promulgation with the approval of the Tsan
Cheng Yuan.

Art. 35. The Speaker and vice-Speaker of the Li Fa Yuan shall be
elected by and from among the members themselves by ballot. The
one who secures more than half of the votes cast shall be
considered elected.

Art. 36. The members of the Li Fa Yuan shall not be held
responsible to outsiders for their speeches, arguments and voting
in the House.

Art. 37. Except when discovered in the act of committing a crime
or for internal rebellion or external treason, the members of the
Li Fa Yuan shall not be arrested during the session period without
the permission of the House.

Art. 38. The House laws of the Li Fa Yuan shall be made by the
House itself.





CHAPTER V.--THE ADMINISTRATION


Art. 39. The President shall be the Chief of the Administration. A
Secretary of State shall be provided to assist him.

Art. 40. The affairs of the Administration shall be separately
administered by the Ministries of Foreign Affairs, of Interior, of
Finance, of Army, of Navy, of Justice, of Education, of
Agriculture and Commerce and of Communications.

Art. 41. The Minister of each Ministry shall control the affairs
in accordance with law and orders.

Art. 42. The Secretary of State, Ministers of the Ministries and
the special representative of the President may take seats in the
Li Fa Yuan and express their views.

Art. 43. The Secretary of State or any of the Ministers when they
commit a breach of law shall be liable to impeachment by the
Censorate (Suchengting) and trial by the Administrative Court.





CHAPTER VI.--THE JUDICIARY


Art. 44. The judicial power shall be administered by the Judiciary
formed by the judicial officials appointed by the President.

The organization of the Judiciary and the qualifications of the
Judicial officials shall be fixed by law.

Art. 45. The Judiciary shall independently try and decide cases of
civil and criminal law suits according to law. But with regard to
administrative law suits and other special law cases they shall be
attended to according to the provisions of this law.

Art. 46. As to the procedure the Supreme Court should adopt for
the impeachment case stated in clause 9 of article 31, special
rules will be made by law.

Art. 47. The trial of law suits in the judicial courts should be
open to the public; but when they are deemed to be harmful to
peace and order or good custom, they may be held in camera.

Art. 48. The judicial officials shall not be given a reduced
salary or shifted from their posts when functioning as such, and
except when a sentence has been passed upon him for punishment or
he is sentenced to be removed, a judicial official shall not be
dismissed from his post.

The regulations regarding punishment shall be fixed by law.





CHAPTER VII.--THE TSAN CHENG YUAN


Art. 49. The Tsan Cheng Yuan shall answer the inquiries of the
President and discuss important administrative affairs.

The organization of the Tsan Cheng Yuan shall be fixed by the
Provisional Constitution Conference.





CHAPTER VIII.--FINANCES


Art. 50. Levying of new taxes and dues and change of tariff shall
be decided by law.

The taxes and dues which are now in existence shall continue to be
collected as of old except as changed by law.

Art. 51. With regard to the annual receipts and expenditures of
the nation, they shall be dealt with in accordance with the Budget
approved by the Li Fa Yuan.

Art. 52. For special purposes continuous expenditures for a
specified number of years may be included in the budget.

Art. 53. To prepare for any deficiency of the budget and expenses
needed outside of the estimates in the budget, a special reserve
fund must be provided in the budget.

Art. 54. The following items of expenditures shall not be
cancelled or reduced except with the approval of the President:--

1. Any duties belonging to the nation according to law.

2. Necessities stipulated by law.

8. Necessities for the purpose of carrying out the treaties.

4. Expenses for the Army and Navy.

Art. 55. For national war or suppression of internal disturbance
or under unusual circumstances when time will not permit to
convoke the Li Fa Yuan, the President may make emergency disposal
of finance with the approval of the Tsan Cheng Yuan, but in such
case he shall ask the Li Fa Yuan for indemnification at its next
session.

Art. 56. When a new Budget cannot be established, the Budget of
the previous year will be used. The same procedure will be adopted
when the Budget fails to pass at the time when the fiscal year has
begun.

Art. 57. When the closed accounts of the receipts and expenditures
of the nation have been audited by the Board of Audit, they shall
be submitted by the President to the Li Fa Yuan for approval.

Art. 58. The organization of the Board of Audit shall be fixed by
the Provisional Constitution Conference.





CHAPTER IX.--PROCEDURE OF CONSTITUTION MAKING


Art. 59. The Constitution of Chung Hua Min Kuo shall be drafted by
the Constitution Draft Committee, which shall be organized with
the members elected by and from among the members of the Tsan
Cheng Yuan. The number of such drafting Committee shall be limited
to ten.

Art. 60. The Bill on the Constitution of Chung Hua Min Kuo shall
be fixed by the Tsan Cheng Yuan.

Art. 61. When the Bill on the Constitution of the Chung Hua Min
Kuo has been passed by the Tsan Cheng Yuan, it shall be submitted
by the President to the Citizens' Conference for final passage.

The organization of the Citizens' Conference shall be fixed by the
Provisional Constitution Conference.

Art. 62. The Citizens' Conference shall be convoked and dissolved
by the President.

Art. 63. The Constitution of Chung Hua Min Kuo shall be
promulgated by the President.





CHAPTER X.--APPENDIX


Art. 64.-Before the Constitution of Chung Hua Min Kuo comes into
force this Provisional Constitution shall have equal force to the
Permanent Constitution.

The order and instructions in force before the enforcement of this
Provisional Constitution shall continue to be valid, provided that
they do not come into conflict with the provisions of this
Provisional Constitution.

Art. 65. The articles published on the 12th of the Second Month of
the First Year of Chung Hua Min Kuo, regarding the favourable
treatment of the Ta Ching Emperor after his abdication, and the
special treatment of the Ching Imperial Clan, as well as the
special treatment of the Manchus, Mongols, Mahomedans and Tibetans
shall never lose their effect.

As to the Articles dealing with the special treatment of Mongols
in connexion with the special treatment articles, it is guaranteed
that they shall continue to be effective, and that the same will
not be changed except by law.

Art. 66. This Provisional Constitution may be amended at the
request of two-thirds of the members of the Li Pa Yuan, or the
proposal of the President, by a three-fourths majority of a quorum
consisting of four-fifths or more of the whole membership of the
House. The Provisional Constitution Conference will then be
convoked by the President to undertake the amendment.

Art. 67. Before the establishment of the Li Fa Yuan the Tsan Cheng
Yuan shall have the duty and authority of the former and function
in its stead.

Art. 68. This Provisional Constitution shall come into force from
the date of promulgation. The Temporary Provisional Constitution
promulgated on the 11th day of the Third Month of the First Year
of the Min Kuo shall automatically cease to have force from the
date on which this Provisional Constitution comes into force.

THE PRESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION.

Passed by a puppet political body and promulgated by Yuan Shih-kai
on December 29, 1914

Article 1. A male citizen of the Republic of Chung Hua, possessing
the rights of citizenship, 40 or more years of age and having
resided in the Republic for not less than 20 years shall be
eligible for election as President.

Art. 2. The Presidential term shall be ten years with eligibility
for re-election.

Art. 3. At the time of the Presidential Election the then
President shall, representing the opinion of the people carefully
and reverently nominate (recommend) three persons, with the
qualifications stated in the first Article, as candidates for the
Presidential Office.

The names of these nominated persons shall be written by the then
President on a gold Chia-ho-plate, sealed with the National Seal
and placed in a gold box, which shall be placed in a stone house
in the residence of the President.

The key of the box will be kept by the President while the keys to
the Stone House shall be kept separately by the President, the
Chairman of the Tsan Cheng Yuan and the Secretary of State. The
Stone House may not be opened without an order from the President.

Art. 4. The Presidential Electoral College shall be organized with
the following members:

1. Fifty members elected from the Tsan Cheng Yuan.

2. Fifty members elected from the Li Fa Yuan.

The said members shall be elected by ballot among the members
themselves. Those who secure the largest number of votes shall be
elected. The election shall be presided over by the Minister of
Interior. If it should happen that the Li Fa Yuan is in session at
the time of the organization of the Presidential Electoral
College, the fifty members heading the roll of the House and then
in the Capital, shall be automatically made members of the
Electoral College.

Art. 5. The Electoral College shall be convocated by the President
and organized within three days before the electon.

Art. 6. The house of the Tsan Cheng Yuan shall be used as a
meeting place for the Presidential Electoral College. The chairman
of the Tsan Cheng Yuan shall act as the chairman of the College.

If the Vice-President is the chairman of the Tsan Cheng Yuan or
for other reasons, the chairman of the Li Fa Yuan shall act as the
chairman.

Art. 7. On the day of the Presidential Election the President
shall respectfully make known to the Presidential Electoral
College the names of the persons recommended by him as qualified
candidates for the Presidential office.

Art. 8. The Electoral College may vote for the re-election of the
then President, besides three candidates recommended by him.

Art. 9. The single ballot system will be adopted for the
Presidential Election. There should be an attendance of not less
than three-fourths of the total membership. One who receives a
two-thirds majority or greater of the total number of votes cast
shall be elected. If no one secures a two-thirds majority the two
persons receiving the largest number of votes shall be put to the
final vote.

Art. 10. When the year of election arrives should the members of
the Tsan Cheng Yuan consider it a political necessity, the then
President may be re-elected for another term by a two-thirds
majority of the Tsan Cheng Yuan without a formal election. The
decision shall then be promulgated by the President.

Art. 11. Should the President vacate his post before the
expiration of his term of office a special Presidential Electoral
College shall be organized within three days. Before the election
takes place the Vice-President shall officiate as President
according to the provisions of Article 29 of the Constitutional
Compact and if the Vice-President should also vacate his post at
the same time, or be absent from the Capital or for any other
reasons be unable to take up the office, the Secretary of State
shall officiate but he shall not assume the duties of clauses 1
and 2, either as a substitute or a temporary executive.

Art. 12. On the day of the Presidential Election, the person
officiating as President or carrying on the duties as a substitute
shall notify the Chairman of the Special Presidential Electoral
College to appoint ten members as witnesses to the opening of the
Stone House or the Gold Box, which shall be carried reverently to
the House and opened before the assembly and its contents made
known to them. Votes shall then be forthwith cast for the election
of one of the three candidates recommended as provided for in
article 9.

Art. 13. Whether at the re-election of the old President or the
assumption office of the new President, he shall take oath in the
following words at the time of taking over the office:

"I swear that I shall with all sincerity adhere to the
Constitution and execute the duties of the President. I reverently
swear."

Before the promulgation of the Constitution it shall be
specifically stated in the oath that the President shall adhere to
the Constitutional Compact.

Art. 14. The term of office for the Vice-President shall be the
same as that of the President. Upon the expiration of the term,
three candidates, possessing the qualifications of article 1,
shall be nominated by the re-elected or the new President, for
election. The regulations governing the election of the President
shall be applicable.

Should the Vice-President vacate his post before the expiration of
his term for some reasons, the President shall proceed according
to the provisions of the preceding article.

Art. 15. The Law shall be enforced from the date of promulgation.

On the day of enforcement of this Law the Law on the Election of
the President as promulgated on the 5th day of the 10th Month of
the 2nd Year of the Min Kuo shall be cancelled.

DOCUMENTS IN GROUP III

 (1) The Russo-Chinese agreement of 5th November, 1918, which
affirmed the autonomy of Outer Mongolia.

(2) The Russo-Chinese-Mongolian tripartite agreement of the 7th
June, 1915, ratifying the agreement of the 5th November, 1913.

(3) The Chino-Japanese Treaties and annexes of the 25th May, 1915,
in settlement of the Twenty-one Demands of the 18th January, 1915.

 THE RUSSO-CHINESE AGREEMENT REGARDING OUTER MONGOLIA

(Translation from the official French Text.)

DECLARATION

The Imperial Russian Government having formulated the principles
on which its relations with China on the subject of Outer Mongolia
should be based; and the Government of the Republic of China
having signified its approval of the aforesaid principles, the two
Governments have come to the following agreement:

Article I. Russia recognizes that Outer Mongolia is placed under
the suzerainty of China.

Art. II. China recognizes the autonomy of Outer Mongolia.

Art. III. Similarly, recognizing the exclusive right of the
Mongols of Outer Mongolia to carry on the internal administration
of autonomous Mongolia and to regulate all commercial and
industrial questions affecting that country, China undertakes not
to interfere in these matters, nor to dispatch troops to Outer
Mongolia nor to appoint any civil or military officer nor to carry
out any colonization scheme in this region. It is nevertheless
understood that an envoy of the Chinese Government may reside at
Urga and be accompanied by the necessary staff as well as an armed
escort. In addition the Chinese Government may, in case of
necessity, maintain her agents for the protection of the interests
of her citizens at certain points in Outer Mongolia to be agreed
upon during the exchange of views provided for in Article V of
this agreement. Russia on her part undertakes not to quarter
troops in Outer Mongolia, excepting Consular Guards, nor to
interfere in any question affecting the administration of the
country and will likewise abstain from all colonization.

Art. IV. China declares herself ready to accept the good offices
of Russia in order to establish relations in conformity with the
principles mentioned above and with the stipulations of the Russo-
Mongolian Commercial Treaty of the 21st October, 1912.

Art. V. Questions affecting the interests of Russia and China in
Outer Mongolia which have been created by the new conditions of
affairs in that country shall be discussed at subsequent meetings.
In witness whereof the undersigned, duly authorized to that
effect, have signed and sealed the Present Declaration. Done in
Duplicate in Peking on the 5th November, 1913, corresponding to
the 5th Day of the 11th Month of the Second Year of the Republic
of China.

(Signed) B. KRUPENSKY.
(Signed) SUN PAO CHI.

ADDENDUM

In signing the Declaration of to-day's date covering Outer
Mongolia, the undersigned Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias,
duly authorized to that effect, has the honour to declare in the
name of his Government to His Excellency Monsieur Sun Pao Chi,
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of China as follows:

I. Russia recognizes that the territory of Outer Mongolia forms
part of the territory of China.

II. In all questions affecting matters of a political or
territorial nature, the Chinese Government will come to an
understanding with the Russian Government by means of negotiations
at which the authorities of Outer Mongolia shall take part.

III. The discussions which have been provided for in Article V of
the Declaration shall take place between the three contracting
parties at a place to be designated by them for that purpose for
the meeting of their delegates.

IV. Autonomous Outer Mongolia comprises the regions hitherto under
the jurisdiction of the Chinese Amban of Urga, the Tartar General
of Uliasoutai and the Chinese Amban of Kobdo. In view of the fact
that there are no detailed maps of Mongolia, and that the
boundaries of the administrative divisions of this country are
ill-defined, it is hereby agreed that the precise boundaries of
Outer Mongolia, as well as the delimitation of the district of
Kobdo and the district of Altai, shall be the subject of
subsequent negotiations as provided for by Article V of the
Declaration.

The undersigned seizes the present occasion to renew to His
Excellency Sun Pao Chi the assurance of his highest consideration.

(Signed) B. KRUPENSKY.

In signing the Declaration of to-day's date covering Outer
Mongolia, the undersigned Minister of Foreign Affairs of the
Republic of China, duly authorized to that effect, has the honour
to declare in the name of his Government to His Excellency
Monsieur Krupensky, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias as
follows:

I. Russia recognizes that the territory of Outer Mongolia forms
part of the territory of China.

II. In all questions affecting matters of a political or
territorial nature, the Chinese Government will come to an
understanding with the Russian Government by means of negotiations
at which the authorities of Outer Mongolia shall take part.

III. The discussions which have been provided for in Article V of
the Declaration shall take place between the three contracting
parties at a place to be designated by them for that purpose for
the meeting of their delegates.

IV. Autonomous Outer Mongolia comprises the regions hitherto under
the jurisdiction of the Chinese Amban of Urga, the Tartar General
of Uliasoutai and the Chinese Amban of Kobdo. In view of the fact
that there are no detailed maps of Mongolia, and that the
boundaries of the administrative divisions of this country are
ill-defined, it is hereby agreed that the precise boundaries of
Outer Mongolia, as well as the delimitation of the district of
Kobdo and the district of Altai, shall be the subject of
subsequent negotiations as provided for by Article V of the
Declaration.

The Undersigned seizes the present occasion to renew to His
Excellency Monsieur Krupensky the assurance of his highest
consideration.

(Signed) SUN PAO CHI.

SINO-RUSSO MONGOLIAN AGREEMENT

(Translation from the French)

The President of the Republic of China, His Imperial Majesty the
Emperor of all Russias, and His Holiness the Bogdo Djembzoun Damba
Khoutoukhtou Khan of Outer Mongolia, animated by a sincere desire
to settle by mutual agreement various questions created by a new
state of things in Outer Mongolia, have named for that purpose
their Plenipotentiary Delegates, that is to say:

The President of the Republic of China, General Py-Koue-Fang and
Monsieur Tcheng-Loh, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary of China to Mexico;

His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of all Russias, His Councillor of
State, Alexandra Miller, Diplomatic Agent and Consul-General in
Mongolia; and His Holiness the Bogdo Djembzoun Damba Khoutoukhtou
Khan of Outer Mongolia, Erdeni Djonan Beise Shirnin Damdin, Vice-
Chief of Justice, and Touchetou Tsing Wang Tchakdourjab, Chief of
Finance, who having verified their respective full powers found in
good and due form, have agreed upon the following:

Article 1. Outer Mongolia recognizes the Sino-Russian Declaration
and the Notes exchanged between China and Russia of the fifth day
of the eleventh month of the second year of the Republic of China
(23rd October, 1913. Old style.)

Art. 2. Outer Mongolia recognizes China's suzerainty. China and
Russia recognize the autonomy of Outer Mongolia forming part of
Chinese territory.

Art. 3. Autonomous Mongolia has no right to conclude international
treaties with foreign powers respecting political and territorial
questions.

As respects questions of a political and territorial nature in
Outer Mongolia, the Chinese Government engages to conform to
Article II of the Note exchanged between China and Russia on the
fifth day of the eleventh month of the second year of the Republic
of China, 23rd October, 1913.

Art. 4. The title: "Bogdo Djembzoun Damba Khoutoukhtou Khan of
Outer Mongolia" is conferred by the President of the Republic of
China. The calendar of the Republic as well as the Mongol calendar
of cyclical signs are to be used in official documents.

Art. 5. China and Russia, conformably to Article 2 and 3 of the
Sino-Russian Declaration of the fifth day of the eleventh month of
the second year of the Republic of China, 23rd October, 1913,
recognize the exclusive right of the autonomous government of
Outer Mongolia to attend to all the affairs of its internal
administration and to conclude with foreign powers international
treaties and agreements respecting questions of a commercial and
industrial nature concerning autonomous Mongolia.

Art. 6. Conformably to the same Article III of the Declaration,
China and Russia engage not to interfere in the system of
autonomous internal administration existing in Outer Mongolia.

Art. 7. The military escort of the Chinese Dignitary at Urga
provided for by Article III of the above-mentioned Declaration is
not to exceed two hundred men. The military escorts of his
assistants at Ouliassoutai, at Kobdo, and at the Mongolian-Kiachta
are not to exceed fifty men each. If, by agreement with the
autonomous government of Outer Mongolia, assistants of the Chinese
Dignitary are appointed in other localities of Outer Mongolia,
their military escorts are not be exceed fifty men each.

Art. 8. The Imperial Government of Russia is not to send more than
one hundred and fifty men as consular guard for its representative
at Urga. The military escorts of the Imperial consulates and vice-
consulates of Russia, which have already been established or which
may be established by agreement with the autonomous government of
Outer Mongolia, in other localities of Outer Mongolia, are not to
exceed fifty men each.

Art. 9. On all ceremonial or official occasions the first place of
honour is due to the Chinese Dignitary. He has the right, if
necessary, to present himself in private audience with His
Holiness Bogdo Djembzoun Damba Khoutoukhtou Khan of Outer
Mongolia. The Imperial Representative of Russia enjoys the same
right of private audience.

Art. 10. The Chinese Dignitary at Urga and his assistants in the
different localities of Outer Mongolia provided for by Article VII
of this agreement are to exercise general control lest the acts of
the autonomous government of Outer Mongolia and its subordinate
authorities may impair the suzerain rights and the interests of
China and her subjects in autonomous Mongolia.

Art. 11. Conformably to Article IV of the Note exchanged between
China and Russia on the fifth day of the eleventh month of the
second year of the Republic of China (23rd October, 1915), the
territory of autonomous Outer Mongolia comprises the regions which
were under the jurisdiction of the Chinese Amban at Ourga, or the
Tartar-General at Ouliassoutai and of the Chinese Amban at Kobdo;
and connects with the boundary of China by the limits of the
banners of the four aimaks of Khalkha and of the district of
Kobdo, bounded by the district of Houloun-Bourie on the east, by
Inner Mongolia on the south, by the Province of Sinkiang on the
southwest, and by the districts of Altai on the West.

The formal delimitation between China and autonomous Mongolia is
to be carried out by a special commission of delegates of China,
Russia and autonomous Outer Mongolia, which shall set itself to
the work of delimitation within a period of two years from the
date of signature of the present Agreement.

Art. 12. It is understood that customs duties are not to be
established for goods of whatever origin they may be, imported by
Chinese merchants into autonomous Outer Mongolia. Nevertheless,
Chinese merchants shall pay all the taxes on internal trade which
have been established in autonomous Outer Mongolia and which may
be established therein in the future, payable by the Mongols of
autonomous Outer Mongolia. Similarly the merchants of autonomous
Outer Mongolia, when importing any kind of goods of local
production into "Inner China," shall pay all the taxes on trade
which have been established in "Inner China" and which may be
established therein in the future, payable by Chinese merchants.
Goods of foreign origin imported from autonomous Outer Mongolia
into "Inner China" shall be subject to the customs duties
stipulated in the regulations for land trade of the seventh year
of the reign of Kouang-Hsu (1881).

Art. 13. Civil and criminal actions arising between Chinese
subjects residing in autonomous Outer Mongolia are to be examined
and adjudicated by the Chinese Dignitary at Urga and by his
assistants in the other localities of autonomous Outer Mongolia.

Art. 14. Civil and criminal actions arising between Mongols of
autonomous Outer Mongolia and Chinese subjects residing therein
are to be examined and adjudicated by the Chinese Dignitary at
Urga and his assistants in the other localities of autonomous
Outer Mongolia, or their delegates, and the Mongolian authorities.
If the defendant or accused of autonomous Outer Mongolia, the
joint examination and decision of the case are to be held at the
Chinese Dignitary's place at Niga and that of his assistants in
the other localities of autonomous Outer Mongolia; if the
defendant or the accused is a Mongol of autonomous Outer Mongolia
and the claimant or the complainment is a Chinese subject, the
case is to be examined and decided in the same manner in the
Mongolian yamen. The guilty are to be punished according to their
own laws. The interested parties are free to arrange their
disputes amicably by means of arbitrators chosen by themselves.

Art. 15. Civil and criminal actions arising between Mongols of
autonomous Outer Mongolia and Russian subjects residing therein
are to be examined and decided conformably to the stipulations of
Article XVI of the Russo-Mongolian Commercial protocol of 2lst
October, 1912.

Art. 16. All civil and criminal actions arising between Chinese
and Russian subjects in autonomous Outer Mongolia are to be
examined and decided in the following manner: in an action wherein
the claimant or the complainant is a Russian subject and the
defendant or accused is a Chinese subject, the Russian Consul
personally or through his delegate participates in the judicial
trial, enjoying the same right as the Chinese Dignitary at Urga or
his delegate or his assistants in the other localities of
autonomous Outer Mongolia. The Russian Consul or his delegate
proceeds to the hearing of the claimant and the Russian witnesses
in the court in session, and interrogates the defendant and the
Chinese witnesses through the medium of the Chinese Dignitary at
Urga or his delegates or of his assistants in the other localities
of autonomous Outer Mongolia; the Russian Consul or his delegate
examines the evidence presented, demands security for
"revindication" and has recourse to the opinion of experts, if he
considers such expert opinion necessary for the elucidation of the
rights of the parties, etc.; he takes part in deciding and in the
drafting of the judgment, which he signs with the Chinese
Dignitary at Urga or his delegates or his assistants in the other
localities of Autonomous Outer Mongolia. The execution of the
judgment constitutes a duty of the Chinese authorities.

The Chinese Dignitary at Urga and his Assistants in the other
localities of autonomous Outer Mongolia may likewise personally or
through their delegates be present at the hearing of an action in
the Consulates of Russia wherein the defendant or the accused is a
Russian subject and the claimant or the complainant is a Chinese
subject. The execution of the judgment constitutes a duty of the
Russian authorities.

Art. 17. Since a section of the Kiachta-Urga-Kalgan telegraph line
lies in the territory of autonomous Outer Mongolia, it is agreed
that the said section of the said telegraph line constitutes the
complete property of the Autonomous Government of Outer Mongolia.
The details respecting the establishment on the borders of that
country and Inner Mongolia of a station to be administered by
Chinese and Mongolian employes for the transmission of telegrams,
as well as the questions of the tariff for telegrams transmitted
and of the apportionment of the receipts, etc., are to be examined
and settled by a special commission of technical delegates of
China, Russia and Autonomous Outer Mongolia.

Art. 18. The Chinese postal institutions at Urga and Mongolian
Kiachta remain in force on the old basis.

Art. 19. The Autonomous Government of Outer Mongolia will place at
the disposal of the Chinese Dignitary at Urga and of his
assistants at Ouliassoutai, Kobdo and Mongolian-Kiachta as well as
of their staff, the necessary houses, which are to constitute the
complete property of the Government of the Republic of China.
Similarly, necessary grounds in the vicinity of the residences of
the said staff are to be granted for their escorts.

Art. 20. The Chinese Dignitary at Urga and his assistants in the
other localities of autonomous Outer Mongolia and also their staff
are to enjoy the right to use the courier stations of the
autonomous Mongolian Government conformably to the stipulations of
Article XI of the Russo-Mongolian Protocol of 81st October, 1912.

Art. 21. The stipulations of the Sino-Russian declaration and the
Notes exchanged between China and Russia of the 5th day of the
11th month of the 2nd year of the Republic of China, 23rd October,
1913, as well as those of the Russo-Mongolian Commercial Protocol
of the 2lst October, 1912, remain in full force.

Art. 22. The present Agreement, drawn up in triplicate in Chinese,
Russian, Mongolian and French languages, comes into force from the
day of its signature. Of the four texts which have been duly
compared and found to agree, the French text shall be
authoritative in the interpretation of the Present Agreement.

Done at Kiachta the 7th day of the Sixth Month of the Fourth year
of the Republic of China, corresponding to the Twenty-fifth of
May, Seventh of June, One Thousand Nine Hundred Fifteen.

CHINO-JAPANESE TREATIES AND ANNEXES

COMPLETE ENGLISH TEXT OF THE DOCUMENTS

The following is an authoritative translation of the two Treaties
and thirteen Notes exchanged between His Excellency the President
of the Republic of China and His Majesty the Emperor of Japan
through their respective plenipotentiaries:

TREATY RESPECTING THE PROVINCE OP SHANTUNG

His Excellency the President of the Republic of China and His
Majesty the Emperor of Japan, having resolved to conclude a Treaty
with a view to the maintenance of general peace in the Extreme
East and the further strengthening of the relations of friendship
and good neighbourhood now existing between the two nations, have
for that purpose named as their Plenipotentiaries, that is to say:

His Excellency the President of the Republic of China, Lou Tseng-
tsiang, Chung-ching, First Class Chia Ho Decoration, Minister of
Foreign Affairs.

And His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, Hioki Eki, Jushii, Second
Class of the Imperial Order of the Sacred Treasure, Minister
Plenipotentiary, and Envoy Extraordinary:

Who, after having communicated to each other their full powers and
found them to be in good and due form, have agreed upon and
concluded the following Articles:--

Article 1. The Chinese Government agrees to give full assent to
all matters upon which the Japanese Government may hereafter agree
with the German Government relating to the disposition of all
rights, interests and concessions which Germany, by virtue of
treaties or otherwise, possesses in relation to the Province of
Shantung.

Art. 2. The Chinese Government agrees that as regards the railway
to be built by China herself from Chefoo or Lungkow to connect
with the Kiaochow-Tsinanfu railway, if Germany abandons the
privilege of financing the Chefoo-Weihsien line, China will
approach Japanese capitalists to negotiate for a loan.

Art. 3. The Chinese Government agrees in the interest of trade and
for the residence of foreigners, to open by China herself as soon
as possible certain suitable places in the Province of Shantung as
Commercial Ports.

Art. 4. The present treaty shall come into force on the day of its
signature.

The present treaty shall be ratified by His Excellency the
President of the Republic of China and His Majesty the Emperor of
Japan, and the ratification thereof shall be exchanged at Tokio as
soon as possible.

In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries of the High
Contracting Parties have signed and sealed the present Treaty, two
copies in the Chinese language and two in Japanese.

Done at Peking this twenty-fifth day of the fifth month of the
fourth year of the Republic of China, corresponding to the same
day of the same month of the fourth year of Taisho.

EXCHANGE OF NOTES RESPECTING SHANTUNG

--Note--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th years of the
Republic of China.

Monsieur le Ministre.

In the name of the Chinese Government I have the honour to make
the following declaration to your Government:--"Within the
Province of Shantung or along its coast no territory or island
will be leased or ceded to any foreign Power under any pretext."

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) LOU TSENG-TSIANG.

His Excellency, Hioki Eki,

Japanese Minister.

--Reply--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of Taisho.

Excellency,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's
note of this day's date in which you made the following
declaration in the name of the Chinese Government:--"Within the
Province of Shantung or along its coast no territory or island
will be leased or ceded to any foreign Power under any pretext."

In reply I beg to state that I have taken note of this
declaration.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) HIOKI EKI.

His Excellency, Lou Tseng-tsiang, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

EXCHANGE OF NOTES RESPECTING THE OPENING OF PORTS IN SHANTUNG

--Note--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of the
Republic of China.

Monsieur le Ministre.

I have the honour to state that the places which ought to be
opened as Commercial Ports by China herself, as provided in
Article 3 of the Treaty respecting the Province of Shantung signed
this day, will be selected and the regulations therefor, will be
drawn up, by the Chinese Government itself, a decision concerning
which will be made after consulting the Minister of Japan.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) LOU TSENG-TSIANG.

His Excellency, Hioki Eki, Japanese Minister.

--Reply--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of Taisho.

Excellency,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's
note of this day's date in which you stated "that the places which
ought to be opened as Commercial Ports by China herself, as
provided in Article 3 of the Treaty respecting the province of
Shantung signed this day, will be selected and the regulations
therefor, will be drawn up by the Chinese Government itself, a
decision concerning which will be made after consulting the
Minister of Japan."

In reply, I beg to state that I have taken note of the same,

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) HIOKI KEI.

His Excellency, Lou Tseng-tsiang, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

EXCHANGE OF NOTES RESPECTING THE RESTORATION OF THE LEASED
TERRITORY OF KIAOCHOW BAY

--Note--Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of
Taisho.

Excellency,

In the name of my Government I have the honour to make the
following declaration to the Chinese Government:--

When, after the termination of the present war, the leased
territory of Kiaochow Bay is completely left to the free disposal
of Japan, the Japanese Government will restore the said leased
territory to China under the following conditions:--

1. The whole of Kiaochow Bay to be opened as a Commercial Port.

2. A concession under the exclusive jurisdiction of Japan to be
established at a place designated by the Japanese Government.

3. If the foreign Powers desire it, an international concession
may be established.

4. As regards the disposal to be made of the buildings and
properties of Germany and the conditions and procedure relating
thereto, the Japanese Government and the Chinese Government shall
arrange the matter by mutual agreement before the restoration.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) HIOKI EKI.

His Excellency, Lou Tseng-tsiang,

Minister of Foreign Affairs.

--Reply--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of the
Republic of China.

Monsieur le Ministre,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's
note of this day's date in which you made the following
declaration in the name of your Government:--

"When, after the termination of the present war the leased
territory of Kiaochow Bay is completely left to the free disposal
of Japan, the Japanese Government will restore the said leased
territory to China under the following conditions:--

1. The whole of Kiaochow Bay to be opened as a Commercial Port.

2. A concession under the exclusive jurisdiction of Japan to be
established at a place designated by the Japanese Government.

3. If the foreign Powers desire it, an international concession
may be established.

4. As regards the disposal to be made of the buildings and
properties of Germany and the conditions and procedure relating
thereto, the Japanese Government and the Chinese Government shall
arrange the matter by mutual agreement before the restoration."

In reply, I beg to state that I have taken note of this
declaration.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) Lou TSENG-TSIANG.

His Excellency, Hioki Eki, Japanese Minister.

TREATY RESPECTING SOUTH MANCHURIA AND EASTERN INNER MONGOLIA

His Excellency the President of the Republic of China and His
Majesty the Emperor of Japan, having resolved to conclude a Treaty
with a view to developing their economic relations in South
Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia, have for that purpose named
as their Plenipotentiaries, that is to say;

His Excellency the President of the Republic of China, Lou Tseng-
tsiang, Chung-ching, First Class Chia-ho Decoration, and Minister
of Foreign Affairs; And His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, Hioki
Eki, Jushii, Second Class of the Imperial Order of the Sacred
Treasure, Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary;

Who, after having communicated to each other their full powers,
and found them to be in good and due form, have agreed upon and
concluded the following Articles:--

Article 1. The two High Contracting Parties agree that the term of
lease of Port Arthur and Dalny and the terms of the South
Manchuria Railway and the Antung-Mukden Railway, shall be extended
to 99 years.

Art. 2. Japanese subjects in South Manchuria may, by negotiation,
lease land necessary for erecting suitable buildings for trade and
manufacture or for prosecuting agricultural enterprises.

Art. 3. Japanese subjects shall be free to reside and travel in
South Manchuria and to engage in business and manufacture of any
kind whatsoever.

Art. 4. In the event of Japanese and Chinese desiring jointly to
undertake agricultural enterprises and industries incidental
thereto, the Chinese Government may give its permission.

Art. 5. The Japanese subjects referred to in the preceding three
articles, besides being required to register with the local
Authorities passports which they must procure under the existing
regulations, shall also submit to the police laws and ordinances
and taxation of China.

Civil and criminal cases in which the defendants are Japanese
shall be tried and adjudicated by the Japanese Consul: those in
which the defendants are Chinese shall be tried and adjudicated by
Chinese Authorities. In either case an officer may be deputed to
the court to attend the proceedings. But mixed civil cases between
Chinese and Japanese relating to land shall be tried and
adjudicated by delegates of both nations conjointly in accordance
with Chinese law and local usage.

When, in future, the judicial system in the said region is
completely reformed, all civil and criminal cases concerning
Japanese subjects shall be tried and adjudicated entirely by
Chinese law courts.

Art. 6. The Chinese Government agrees, in the interest of trade
and for the residence of foreigners, to open by China herself, as
soon as possible, certain suitable places in Eastern Inner
Mongolia as Commercial Ports.

Art. 7. The Chinese Government agrees speedily to make a
fundamental revision of the Kirin-Changchun Railway Loan
Agreement, taking as a standard the provisions in railway loan
agreements made heretofore between China and foreign financiers.

When in future, more advantageous terms than those in existing
railway loan agreements are granted to foreign financiers in
connection with railway loans, the above agreement shall again be
revised in accordance with Japan's wishes.

Art. 8. All existing treaties between China and Japan relating to
Manchuria shall, except where otherwise provided for by this
Treaty, remain in force.

Art. 9. The present Treaty shall come into force on the date of
its signature. The present Treaty shall be ratified by His
Excellency the President of the Republic of China and His Majesty
the Emperor of Japan, and the ratifications thereof shall be
exchanged at Tokio as soon as possible.

In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries of the two
High Contracting Parties have signed and sealed the present
Treaty, two copies in the Chinese language and two in Japanese.

Done at Peking this twenty-fifth day of the fifth month of the
fourth year of the Republic of China, corresponding to the same
day of the same month of the fourth year of Taisho.

EXCHANGE OF NOTES

Respecting the Terms of Lease of Port Arthur and Dalny and the
Terms of South Manchurian and Antung-Mukden Railways.

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of the
Republic of China.

Monsieur le Ministre,

I have the honour to state that, respecting the provisions
contained in Article 1 of the Treaty relating to South Manchuria
and Eastern Inner Mongolia, signed this day, the term of lease of
Port Arthur and Dalny shall expire in the 86th year of the
Republic or 1997. The date for restoring the South Manchuria
Railway to China shall fall due in the 9lst year of the Republic
or 2002. Article 12 in the original South Manchurian Railway
Agreement providing that it may be redeemed by China after 36
years from the day on which the traffic is opened is hereby
cancelled. The term of the Antung-Mukden Railway shall expire in
the 96th year of the Republic or 2007.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) Lou TSENG-TSIANG.

His Excellency, Hioki Eki,

Japanese Minister.

--Reply--Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of
Taisho.

Excellency,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's
note of this day's date, in which you stated that respecting the
provisions contained in Article 1 of the Treaty relating to South
Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia, signed this day, the term of
lease of Port Arthur and Dalny shall expire in the 86th year of
the Republic or 1997. The date for restoring the South Manchurian
Railway to China shall fall due in the 91st year of the Republic
or 2002. Article 12 in the original South Manchurian Railway
Agreement providing that it may be redeemed by China after 36
years from the day on which the traffic is opened, is hereby
cancelled. The term of the Antung-Mukden Railway shall expire in
the 96th year of the Republic or 2007.

In reply I beg to state that I have taken note of the same.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) HIOKI EKI.

His Excellency, Lou Tseng-tsiang, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

 EXCHANGE OF NOTES RESPECTING THE OPENING OF PORTS IN EASTERN
INNER MONGOLIA

--Note--Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of
the Republic of China.

Monsieur le Ministre,

I have the honour to state that the places which ought to be
opened as Commercial Ports by China herself, as provided in
Article 6 of the Treaty respecting South Manchuria and Eastern
Inner Mongolia signed this day, will be selected, and the
regulations therefor, will be drawn up, by the Chinese Government
itself, a decision concerning which will be made after consulting
the Minister of Japan.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) LOU TSENG-TSIANG.

His Excellency, Hioki Eki, Japanese Minister.

--Reply--Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of
Taisho.

Excellency,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's
note of this day's date in which you stated "that the places which
ought to be opened as Commercial Ports by China herself, as
provided in Article 6 of the Treaty respecting South Manchuria and
Eastern Inner Mongolia signed this day, will be selected, and the
regulations therefor, will be drawn up, by the Chinese Government
itself, a decision concerning which will be made after consulting
the Minister of Japan."

In reply, I beg to state that I have taken note of the same.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) HIOKI EKI.

His Excellency, Lou Tseng-tsiang, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

SOUTH MANCHURIA

--Note--Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of
the Republic of China.

Monsieur le Ministre,

I have the honour to state that Japanese subjects shall, as soon
as possible, investigate and select mines in the mining areas in
South Manchuria specified hereinunder, except those being
prospected for or worked, and the Chinese Government will then
permit them to prospect or work the same; but before the Mining
regulations are definitely settled, the practice at present in
force shall be followed. Provinces Fengtien:--

Locality              District      Mineral

Niu Hsin T'ai          Pen-hsi        Coal

Tien Shih Fu Kou       Pen-hsi        Coal

Sha Sung Kang          Hai-lung       Coal

T'ieh Ch'ang           Tung-hua       Coal

Nuan Ti T'ang          Chin           Coal

An Shan Chan region    From Liaoyang
                        to Pen-hsi    Iron

KIRIN (Southern portion)

Locality            District             Mineral
Sha Sung Kang       Ho-lung              C. & I.
Kang Yao            Chi-lin (Kirin)      Coal
Chia P'i Kou        Hua-tien             Gold

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) LOU TSENG-TSIANG.

His Excellency, Hioki Eki, Japanese Minister.

--Reply--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of Taisho.

Excellency,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's
note of this day respecting the opening of mines in South
Manchuria, stating; "Japanese subjects shall, as soon as possible,
investigate and select mines in the mining areas in South
Manchuria specified hereinunder, except those being prospected for
or worked, and the Chinese Government will then permit them to
prospect and or work the same; but before the Mining regulations
are definitely settled, the practice at present in force shall be
followed.

1 Provinces Fengtien.

   Locality             District           Mineral

1. Niu Hsin T'ai        Pen-hsi            Coal
2. Tien Shih Fu Kou     Pen-hsi            Coal
3. Sha Sung Kang        Hai-lung           Coal
4. T'ieh Ch'ang         Tung-hua           Coal
5. Nuan Ti T'ang        Chin               Coal
6. An Shan Chan region  From Liaoyang
                          to Pen-hsi       Iron

KIRIN (Southern portion)

1. Sha Sung Kang        Ho-lung            Coal & Iron
2. Kang Yao             Chi-lin (Kirin)    Coal
3. Chia P'i Kou         Hua-tien           Gold

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) HIOKI EKI.

His Excellency, Lou Tseng-tsiang, Minister of Foreign Affairs of
the Republic of China.

EXCHANGE OF NOTES RESPECTING RAILWAYS AND TAXES IN SOUTH MANCHURIA
AND EASTERN INNER MONGOLIA

--Note--Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of
the Republic of China.

Monsieur le Ministre,

In the name of my Government.

I have the honour to make the following declaration to your
Government:--

China will hereafter provide funds for building necessary railways
in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia; if foreign capital
is required China may negotiate for a loan with Japanese
capitalists first; and further, the Chinese Government, when
making a loan in future on the security of the taxes in the above-
mentioned places (excluding the salt and customs revenue which
have already been pledged by the Chinese Central Government) may
negotiate for it with Japanese capitalists first.

I avail, etc.

(Signed) LOU TSENG-TSIANG.

His Excellency, Hioki Eki, Japanese Minister.

--Reply--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of Taisho.

Excellency,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's
note of this day's date respecting railways and taxes in South
Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia in which you stated:

"China will hereafter provide funds for building necessary
railways in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia; if foreign
capital is required China may negotiate for a loan with Japanese
capitalists first; and further, the Chinese Government, when
making a loan in future on the security of taxes in the above
mentioned places (excluding the salt and customs revenue which has
already been pledged by the Chinese Central Government) may
negotiate for it with Japanese capitalists first.

In reply I beg to state that I have taken note of the same.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) HIOKI EKI.

His Excellency, Lou Tseng-tsiang, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

 EXCHANGE OF NOTES RESPECTING THE EMPLOYMENT OF ADVISERS IN SOUTH
MANCHURIA

--Note--Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of
the Republic of China.

Monsieur le Ministre,

In the name of the Chinese Government, I have the honour to make
the following declaration to your Government:--

"Hereafter, if foreign advisers or instructors on political,
financial, military or police matters are to be employed in South
Manchuria, Japanese may be employed first."

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) LOU TSENG-TSIANG.

His Excellency, Hioki Eki, Japanese Minister.

--Reply--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of Taisho.

Excellency,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's
note of this day's date in which you made the following
declaration in the name of your Government:--

"Hereafter if foreign advisers or instructors in political,
financial, military or police matters are to be employed in South
Manchuria, Japanese may be employed first."

In reply, I beg to state that I have taken note of the same.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) HIOKI EKI.

Hia Excellency, Lou Tseng-tsiang, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

EXCHANGE OF NOTES RESPECTING THE EXPLANATION OF "LEASE BY
NEGOTIATION" IN SOUTH MANCHURIA

--Note--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of Taisho.

Excellency,

I have the honour to state that the term lease by negotiation
contained in Article 2 of the Treaty respecting South Manchuria
and Eastern Inner Mongolia signed this day shall be understood to
imply a long-term lease of not more than thirty years and also the
possibility of its unconditional renewal.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) HIOKI EKI.

His Excellency, Lou Tseng-tsiang, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

--Reply--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of the
Republic of China.

Monsieur le Ministre,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's
note of this day's date in which you state.

"The term lease by negotiation contained in Article 2 of the
Treaty respecting South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia
signed this day shall be understood to imply a long-term lease of
not more than thirty years and also the possibility of its
unconditional renewal."

In reply I beg to state that I have taken note of the same.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) LOU TSENG-TSIANG.

His Excellency, Hioki Eki, Japanese Minister.

EXCHANGE OF NOTES RESPECTING THE ARRANGEMENT FOR POLICE LAWS AND
ORDINANCES AND TAXATION IN SOUTH MANCHURIA AND EASTERN INNER
MONGOLIA

--Note--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of the
Republic of China.

Monsieur le Ministre,

I have the honour to state that the Chinese Authorities will
notify the Japanese Consul of the police laws and ordinances and
the taxation to which Japanese subjects shall submit according to
Article 5 of the Treaty respecting South Manchuria and Eastern
Inner Mongolia signed this day so as to come to an understanding
with him before their enforcement.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) Lou TSENO-TSIANG.

His Excellency, Hioki Eki, Japanese Minister.

--Reply--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of Taisho.

Excellency,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's
note of this day's date in which you state:

"The Chinese Authorities will notify the Japanese Consul of the
Police laws and ordinances and the taxation to which Japanese
subjects shall submit according to Article 5 of the Treaty
respecting South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia signed this
day so as to come to an understanding with him before their
enforcement."

In reply, I beg to state that I have taken note of the same.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) HIOKI EKI.

His Excellency, Lou Tseng-tsiang Minister of Foreign Affairs.

--Note--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of the
Republic of China.

Monsieur le Ministre,

I have the honour to state that, inasmuch as preparations have to
be made regarding Articles 2, 3, 4 & 5 of the Treaty respecting
South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia signed this day, the
Chinese Government proposes that the operation of the said
Articles be postponed for a period of three months beginning from
the date of the signing of the said Treaty.

I hope your Government will agree to this proposal.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) LOU TSENG-TSIANG.

His Excellency, Hioki Eki, Japanese Minister.

--Reply--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of Taisho.

Excellency,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's
note of this day's date in which you stated that "inasmuch as
preparations have to be made regarding Articles 2, 3, 4 & 5 the
Treaty respecting South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia
signed this day, the Chinese Government proposes that the
operation of the said Articles be postponed for a period of three
months beginning from the date of the signing of the said Treaty."

In reply, I beg to state that I have taken note of the same.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) HIOKI EKI.

His Excellency, Lou Tseng-tsiang, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

EXCHANGE OF NOTES RESPECTING THE MATTER OF HANYEHPING

--Note--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of the
Republic of China.

Monsieur le Ministre,

I have the honour to state that if in future the Hanyehping
Company and the Japanese capitalists agree upon co-operation, the
Chinese Government, in view of the intimate relations subsisting
between the Japanese capitalists and the said Company, will
forthwith give its permission. The Chinese Government further
agrees not to confiscate the said Company, nor, without the
consent of the Japanese capitalists to convert it into a state
enterprise, nor cause it to borrow and use foreign capital other
than Japanese.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) LOU TSENG-TSIANG.

His Excellency, Hioki Eki, Japanese Minister.

--Reply--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of Taisho.

Excellency,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's
note of this day's date in which you state:

"If in future the Hanyehping Company and the Japanese capitalists
agree upon co-operation, the Chinese Government, in view of the
intimate relations subsisting between the Japanese capitalists and
the said Company, will forthwith give its permission. The Chinese
Government further agrees not to confiscate the said Company, nor,
without the consent of the Japanese capitalists to convert it into
a state enterprise, nor cause it to borrow and use foreign capital
other than Japanese."

In reply, I beg to state that I have taken note of the same.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) HIOKI EKI.

His Excellency, Lou Tseng-tsiang, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

EXCHANGE OF NOTES RESPECTING THE FUKIEN QUESTION

--Note--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of the
Republic of China.

Excellency,

A report has reached me to the effect that the Chinese Government
has the intention of permitting foreign nations to establish, on
the coast of Fukien Province, dock-yards, coaling stations for
military use, naval bases, or to set up other military
establishments; and also of borrowing foreign capital for the
purpose of setting up the above-mentioned establishments. I have
the honour to request that Your Excellency will be good enough to
give me reply stating whether or not the Chinese Government really
entertains such an intention.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) HIOKI EKI.

His Excellency, Lou Tseng-tsiang, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

--Reply--

Peking, the 25th day of the 5th month of the 4th year of the
Republic of China.

Monsieur le Ministre,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's
note of this day's date which I have noted.

In reply I beg to inform you that the Chinese Government hereby
declares that it has given no permission to foreign nations to
construct, on the coast of Fukien Province, dock-yards, coaling
stations for military use, naval bases, or to set up other
military establishment; nor does it entertain an intention of
borrowing foreign capital for the purpose of setting up the above-
mentioned establishmments.

I avail, etc.,

(Signed) LOU TSENG-TSIANG.

His Excellency, Hioki Eki, Japanese Minister.

DOCUMENTS IN GROUP IV

(1) The Draft of the Permanent Constitution completed in May,
1917.

(2) The proposed Provincial System, i.e., the local government
law.

(3) Memorandum by the Ministry of Commerce on Tariff Revision,
illustrating the anomalies of present trade taxation.

(4) The leading outstanding cases between China and the Foreign
Powers.





DRAFT OF THE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION OF CHINA


(As it stood on May 28th, 1917, in its second reading at the
Constitutional Conference.)

The Constitutional Conference of the Republic of China, in order
to enhance the national dignity, to unite the national dominion,
to advance the interest of society and to uphold the sacredness of
humanity, hereby adopt the following constitution which shall be
promulgated to the whole country, to be universally observed, and
handed down unto the end of time.





CHAPTER I. THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT


Article 1. The Republic of China shall forever be a consolidated
Republic.





CHAPTER II. NATIONAL TERRITORY


Art. 2. The National Territory of the Republic of China shall be
in accordance with the dominion hithertofore existing.

No change in National Territory and its divisions can be made save
in accordance with the law.





CHAPTER ... GOVERNING AUTHORITY


Art. ... The power of Government of the Republic of China shall
be derived from the entire body of citizens.





CHAPTER III. THE CITIZENS


Art. 3. Those who are of Chinese nationality according to law
shall be called the citizens of the Republic of China.

Art. 4. Among the citizens of the Republic of China, there shall
be, in the eyes of the law, no racial, class, or religious
distinctions, but all shall be equal.

Art. 5. No citizens of the Republic of China shall be arrested,
detained, tried, or punished save in accordance with the law.
Whoever happens to be detained in custody shall be entitled, on
application therefore, to the immediate benefit of the writ of
habeas corpus, bringing him before a judicial court of competent
jurisdiction for an investigation of the case and appropriate
action according to law.

Art. 6. The private habitations of the citizens of the Republic of
China shall not be entered or searched except in accordance with
the law.

Art. 7. The citizens of the Republic of China shall have the right
of secrecy of correspondence, which may not be violated except as
provided by law.

Art. 8. The citizens of the Republic of China shall have liberty
of choice of residence and of profession which shall be
unrestricted except in accordance with law.

Art. 9. The citizens of the Republic of China shall have liberty
to call meetings or to organize societies which shall be
unrestricted except in accordance with the law.

Art. 10. The citizens of the Republic of China shall have freedom
of speech, writing and publication which shall be unrestricted
except in accordance with the law.

Art. 11. The citizens of the Republic of China shall be entitled
to honour Confucius and shall enjoy freedom of religious belief
which shall be unrestricted except in accordance with the law.

Art. 12. The citizens of the Republic of China shall enjoy the
inviolable right to the security of their property and any measure
to the contrary necessitated by public interest shall be
determined by law.

Art. ... . The citizens of the Republic of China shall enjoy all
other forms of freedom aside from those hithertofore mentioned,
provided they are not contrary to the spirit of the Constitution.

Art. 13. The citizens of the Republic of China shall have the
right to appeal to the Judicial Courts according to law.

Art. 14. The citizens of the Republic of China shall have the
right to submit petitions or make complaints according to law.

Art. 15. The citizens of the Republic of China shall have the
right to vote and to be voted for according to law.

Art. 16. The citizens of the Republic of China shall have the
right to hold official posts according to law.

Art. 17. The citizens of the Republic of China shall perform the
obligation of paying taxes according to law.

Art. 18. The citizens of the Republic of China shall perform the
obligation of military service according to law.

Art. 19. The citizens of the Republic of China shall be under the
obligation to receive primary education according to law.





CHAPTER IV. THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY


Art. 20. The legislative power of the Republic of China shall be
exercised by the National Assembly exclusively.

Art. 21. The National Assembly shall consist of a Senate and House
of Representatives.

Art. 22. The Senate shall be composed of the Senators elected by
the highest local legislative assemblies and other electoral
bodies.

Art. 23. The House of Representatives shall be composed of the
representatives elected by the various electoral districts in
proportion to the population.

Art. 24. The members of both Houses shall be elected according to
law.

Art. 25. In no case shall one person be a member of both Houses
simultaneously.

Art. 26. No member of either House shall hold any official post,
civil or military during his term.

Art. 27. The qualifications of the members of either House shall
be determined by the respective Houses.

Art. 28. The term of office for a member of the Senate shall be
six years. One-third of the members shall retire and new ones be
elected every two years.

Art. 29. The term of office for a member of the House of
Representatives shall be three years.

Art. 30. Each House shall have a President and a Vice-President
who shall be elected from among its members.

Art. 31. The National Assembly shall itself convene, open and
close its sessions, but as to extraordinary sessions, they shall
be called under one of the following circumstances:

(1) A signed request of more than one-third of the members of each
House.

(2) A mandate of the President.

Art. 32. The ordinary sessions of the National Assembly shall
begin on the first day of the eighth month in each year.

Art. 33. The period for the ordinary session of the National
Assembly shall be four months which may be prolonged, but the
prolonged period shall not exceed the length of the ordinary
session.

Art. 34. (Eliminated.)

Art. 35. Both Houses shall meet in joint session at the opening
and closing of the National Assembly.

If one House suspends its session, the other House shall do
likewise during the same period.

When the House of Representatives is dissolved, the Senate shall
adjourn during the same period.

Art. 36. The work of the National Assembly shall be conducted in
the Houses separately. No bill shall be introduced in both Houses
simultaneously.

Art. 37. Unless there be an attendance of over half of the total
number of members of either House, no sitting shall be held.

Art. 38. Any subject discussed in either House shall be decided by
the votes of the majority of members attending the sitting. The
President of each House shall have a deciding vote in case of a
tie.

Art. 39. A decision of the National Assembly shall require the
decision of both Houses.

Art. 40. The sessions of both Houses shall be held in public,
except on request of the government, or decision of the Houses
when secret sessions may be held.

Art. 41. Should the House of Representatives consider either the
President or the Vice-President of the Republic of China has
committed treason, he may be impeached by the decision of a
majority of over two-thirds of the members present, there being a
quorum of over two-thirds of the total membership of the House.

Art. 43. Should the House of Representatives consider that the
Cabinet Ministers have violated the law, an impeachment may be
instituted with the approval of over two-thirds of the members
present.

Art. 43. The House of Representatives may pass a vote of want of
Confidence in the Cabinet Ministers.

Art. 44. The Senate shall try the impeached President, Vice-
President and Cabinet Ministers.

With regard to the above-mentioned trial, no judgment of guilt or
violation of the law shall be passed without the approval of over
two-thirds of the members present.

When a verdict of "Guilty" is pronounced on the President or Vice-
President, he shall be deprived of his post, but the infliction of
punishment shall be determined by the Supreme Court of Justice.

When the verdict of "Guilty" is pronounced upon a Cabinet
Minister, he shall be deprived of his office and may forfeit his
public rights. Should the above penalty be insufficient for his
offence, he shall be tried by the Judicial Court.

Art. ... Either of the two Houses shall have power to request the
government to inquire into any case of delinquency or unlawful act
on the part of any official and to punish him accordingly.

Art. 45. Both Houses shall have the right to offer suggestions to
the Government.

Art. 46. Both Houses shall receive and consider the petitions of
the citizens.

Art. 47. Members of either House may introduce interpellations to
the members of the Cabinet and demand their attendance in the
House to reply thereto.

Art. 48. Members of either House shall not be responsible to those
outside the House for opinions expressed and votes cast in the
House.

Art. 49. No member of either House during session shall be
arrested or detained in custody without the permission of his
respective House, unless he be arrested in the commission of the
offence or act.

When any member of either House has been so arrested, the
government should report the cause to his respective House. Such
member's House, during session, may with the approval of its
members demand for the release of the arrested member and for
temporary suspension of the legal proceedings.

Art. 50. The annual allowances and other expenses of the members
of both Houses shall be fixed by law.





(CHAPTER V on Resident Committee of the National Assembly with 4
articles has been eliminated.)





CHAPTER VI. THE PRESIDENT


Art. 55. The administrative power of the Republic of China shall
be vested in the President with the assistance of the Cabinet
Ministers.

Art 56. A person of the Republic of China in the full enjoyment of
public rights, of the age of forty years or more, and resident in
China for at least ten years, is eligible for election as
President.

Art. 57. The President shall be elected by a Presidential Election
Convention, composed of the members of the National Assembly.

For the above election, an attendance of at least two-thirds of
the number of electors shall be required, and the voting shall be
performed by secret ballot. The person obtaining three-fourths of
the total votes cast shall be elected; but should no definite
result be obtained after the second ballot, the two candidates
obtaining the most votes in the second ballot shall be voted for
and the candidate receiving the majority vote shall be elected.

Art. 58. The period of office of the President shall be five
years, and if re-elected, he may hold office for another term,

Three months previous to the expiration of the term, the members
of the National Assembly of the Republic shall themselves convene
and organize the President Election Convention to elect a
President for the next term.

[*] Art. 59. When the President is being inaugurated, he shall
make an oath as follows: "I hereby solemnly swear that I will most
faithfully obey the Constitution and discharge the duties of the
President."

[*] Art. 60. Should the post of the President become vacant, the
Vice-President shall succeed him until the expiration of the term
of office of the President. Should the President be unable to
discharge his duties for any cause, the Vice-President shall act
for him.

Should the Vice-President vacate his post at the same time, the
Cabinet shall officiate for the President, but at the same time,
the members of the National Assembly shall within three months
convene themselves and organize the Presidential Election
Convention to elect a new President.

[*] Art. 61. The President shall be relieved of his office at the
expiration of his term of his office. If, at the end of the
period, the new President has not been elected, or, having been
elected, be unable to assure office and when the Vice-President is
also unable to act as President, the Cabinet shall officiate for
the President.

[*] Art. 62. The election of the Vice-President shall be in
accordance with the regulations fixed for the election of the
President; and the election of the Vice-President shall take place
simultaneously with the election of the President. Should the post
of the Vice-President become vacant, a new Vice-President shall be
elected.

Art. 63. The President shall promulgate all laws and supervise and
secure their enforcement.

Art. 64. The President may issue and publish mandates for the
execution of laws in accordance with the powers delegated to him
by the law.

Art. 65. (Eliminated.)

Art. 66. The President shall appoint and remove all civil and
military officials, with the exception of those specially provided
for by the Constitution or laws.

Art. 67. The President shall be the Commander-in-Chief of the Army
and Navy of the Republic.

The organization of the Army and Navy shall be fixed by law.

Art. 68. Intercourse with foreign countries, the President shall
be the representative of the Republic.

Art. 69. The President may, with the concurrence of the National
Assembly, declare war, but, in case of defence against foreign
invasion, he may request recognition of the National Assembly
after the declaration of the war.

Art. 70. The President may conclude treaties; but with regards to
treaties of peace, and those effecting legislation, they shall not
be valid, if the consent of the National Assembly is not obtained.

Art. 71. The President may proclaim martial law according to law;
but if the National Assembly should consider that there is no such
necessity, he should declare the withdrawal of the martial law.

Art. 72. (Eliminated.)

Art. 73. The President may, with the concurrence of the Supreme
Court of Justice, grant pardons, commute punishment, and restore
rights; but with regard to a verdict of impeachment, unless with
the concurrence of the National Assembly, he shall not make any
announcement of the restoration of rights.

Art. 74. The President may suspend the session of either the
Senate or the House of Representatives for a period not exceeding
ten days, but during any one session, he may not exercise this
right more than once.

Art. 75. With the concurrence of two-thirds or more of the members
of the Senate present, the President may dissolve the House of
Representatives, but there must not be a second dissolution during
the period of the same session.

When the House of Representatives is dissolved by the President,
another election shall take place immediately, and the convocation
of the House at a fixed date within five months should be effected
to continue the session.

Art. 76. With the exception of high treason, no criminal charges
shall be brought against the President before he has vacated his
office.

Art. 77. The salaries of the President and Vice-President shall be
fixed by law.





CHAPTER VII. THE CABINET


Art. 78. The Cabinet shall be composed of the Cabinet Ministers.

Art. 79. The Premier and the Ministers of the various ministries
shall be called the Cabinet Ministers.

Art. 80. The appointment of the Premier shall be approved by the
House of Representatives.

Should a vacancy in the Premiership occur during the time of
adjournment of the National Assembly, the President may appoint an
Acting-Premier, but it shall be required that the appointment must
be submitted to the House of Representatives for approval within
seven days after the convening of the next session.

Art. 81. Cabinet Ministers shall assist the President and shall be
responsible to the House of Representatives.

Without the counter-signature of the Cabinet Minister to whose
Ministry the Mandate or dispatch applies, the mandate or dispatch
of the President in connection with State affairs shall not be
valid; but this shall not apply to the appointment or dismissal of
the Premier.

Art. 82. When a vote of want of confidence in the Cabinet
Ministers is passed, if the President does not dissolve the House
of Representatives according to the provisions made in Art. 75, he
should remove the Cabinet Ministers.

Art. 83. The Cabinet Ministers shall be allowed to attend both
Houses and make speeches, but in case of introducing bills for the
Executive Department, their delegates may act for them.





CHAPTER VIII. COURTS OF JUSTICE


Art. 84. The Judicial authority of the Republic of China shall be
exercised by the Courts of Justice exclusively.

Art. 85. The organization of the Courts of Justice and the
qualifications of the Judges shall be fixed by law.

The appointment of the Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court should
have the approval of the Senate. Art. 86. The Judiciary shall
attend to and settle all civil, criminal administrative and other
cases, but this does not include those cases which have been
specially provided for by the Constitution or law.

Art. 87. The trial of cases in the law courts shall be conducted
publicly, but those affecting public peace and order or propriety
may be held in camera.

Art. 88. The Judges shall be independent in the conducting of
trials and none shall be allowed to interfere.

Art. 89. Except in accordance with law, judges, during their
continuation of office shall not have their emoluments decreased,
nor be transferred to other offices, nor shall they be removed
from office.

During his tenure of office, no judge shall be deprived of his
office unless he is convicted of crime, or for offences punishable
by law. But the above does not include cases of reorganization of
Judicial Courts and when the qualification of the Judges are
modified. The punishments and fines of the Judicial Officials
shall be fixed by law.





CHAPTER IX. LEGISLATION


Art. 90. The members of both Houses and the Executive Department
may introduce bills of law, but if any bill of law is rejected by
the House it shall not be re-introduced during the same session.

Art. 91. Any bill of law which has been passed by the National
Assembly shall be promulgated by the President within 15 days
after receipt of the same.

Art. 92. Should the President disapprove of any bill of law passed
by the National Assembly, he shall within the period allowed for
promulgation, state the reason of his disapproval and request the
re-consideration of the same by the National Assembly.

If a bill of law has not yet been submitted with a request for
consideration and the period for promulgation has passed; it shall
become law. But the above shall not apply to the case when the
session of the National Assembly is adjourned, or, the House of
Representatives dissolved before the period for the promulgation
is ended.

Art. 93. The law shall not be altered or repealed except in
accordance with the law.

Art. 94. Any law that is in conflict with the Constitution shall
not be valid.





CHAPTER X. NATIONAL FINANCE


Art. 95. The introductions of new taxes and alterations in the
rate of taxation shall be fixed by law.

Art. 96. (Eliminated.)

Art. 97. The approval of the National Assembly must be obtained
for National loans, or the conclusion of agreements which tend to
increase the burden of the National Treasury.

Art. ... Financial bills involving direct obligation on the part
of the citizens shall first be submitted to the House of
Representatives.

Art. 98. The Executive Department of the Government shall prepare
a budget setting forth expenditures and receipts of the Nation for
the fiscal year which shall be submitted to the House of
Representatives within 15 days after the opening of the session of
the National Assembly.

Should the Senate amend or reject the budget passed by the House
of Representatives, it shall request the concurrence of the House
of Representatives in its amendment or rejection, and, if such
concurrence is not obtained, the budget shall be considered as
passed.

Art. 99. In case of special provisions, the Executive Department
may fix in advance in the budget the period over which the
appropriations are to be spread and may provide for the successive
appropriations continuing over this period.

Art. 100. In order to provide for a safe margin for under-
estimates or for items left out of the budget, the Executive
Department may include contingent items in the budget under the
heading of Reserve Fund. The sum expended under the above
provision shall be submitted to the House of Representatives at
the next session for recognition. Art. 101. Unless approved by the
Executive Department, the National Assembly shall have no right to
abolish or curtail any of the following items:

(1) Items in connection with obligations of the Government
according to law.

(2) Items necessitated by the observance of treaties.

(3) Items legally fixed.

(4) Successive appropriations continuing over a period.

Art. 102. The National Assembly shall not increase the annual
expenditures as set down in the budget.

Art. 103. In case the budget is not yet passed, when the fiscal
year begins, the Executive Department may, during this period,
follow the budget for the preceding year by limiting its
expenditures and receipts by one-twelfth of the total amount for
each month.

Art. 104. Should there be a defensive war against foreign
invasion, or should there be a suppression of internal rebellion,
or provide against extraordinary calamity, when it is impossible
to issue writs for summoning the National Assembly, the Executive
Department may adopt financial measures for the emergency, but it
should request the recognition thereof by the House of
Representatives within seven days after the convening of the next
session of the National Assembly.

Art. 105. Orders on the Treasury for payments on account of the
annual expenditures of the Government shall first be passed by the
Auditing Department.

Art. 106. Accounts of the annual expenditures and annual receipts
for each year should first be referred to the Auditing Department
for investigation and then the Executive Department shall report
the same to the National Assembly.

If the account be rejected by the House of Representatives, the
Cabinet shall be held responsible.

Art. 107. The method of organization of the Auditing Department
and the qualification of the Auditors shall be fixed by law.

During his tenure of office, the auditor shall not be dismissed or
transferred to any other duty or his salary be reduced except in
accordance with the law.

The manner of punishment of Auditors shall be fixed by law.

Art. 108. The Chief of the Auditing Department shall be elected by
the Senate. The Chief of the Auditing Department may attend
sittings of both Houses and report on the Audit with explanatory
statements.





CHAPTER XI. AMENDMENTS, INTERPRETATION AND INVIOLABILITY OF THE
CONSTITUTION


Art. 109. The National Assembly may bring up bills for the
amendment of the National Constitution.

Bills of this nature shall not take effect unless approved by two-
thirds of the members of each House present.

No bill for the amendment of the Constitution shall be introduced
unless signed by one-fourth of the members of each House.

Art. 110. The amendment of the National Constitution shall be
discussed and decided by the National Constitutional Conference.

Art. 111. No proposal for a change of the form of Government shall
be allowed as a subject for amendment.

Art. 112. Should there be any doubt as to the meaning of the text
of the Constitution, it shall be interpreted by the National
Constitutional Conference.

Art. 113. The National Constitutional Conference shall be composed
of the members of the National Assembly.

Unless there be a quorum of two-thirds of the total number of the
members of the National Assembly, no Constitutional Conference
shall be held, and unless three-fourths of the members present
vote in favour, no amendment shall be passed. But with regard to
the interpretation of the Constitution, only two-thirds of the
members present is required to decide an issue.

Art. ... The National Constitution shall be the Supreme Law of
the land and shall be inviolable under any circumstances unless
duly amended in accordance with the procedure specified in this
Constitution.

[V] A Chapter on Provincial or local organization is to be
inserted under Chapter ... providing for certain powers and rights
to be given to local governments with the residual power left in
the hands of the central government. The exact text is not yet
settled.

Note: The Mark (*) indicated that the article has already been
formally adopted as a part of the finished Constitution.

The mark (V) indicates that the article has not yet passed through
the second reading.

Those without marks have passed through the second reading on May
28th, 1917. Articles bearing no number are additions to the
original draft as presented to the Conference by the Drafting
Committee.

 THE LOCAL SYSTEM

DRAFT SUBMITTED TO PARLIAMENT

The following Regulations on the Local System have been referred
to the Parliamentary Committee for consideration:--

Article 1. The Local System shall embrace provinces and hsien
districts.

Any change for the existing division of provinces and hsien
districts shall be decided by the Senate. As to Mongolia, Tibet,
Chinghai and other places where no provinces and hsien districts
have been fixed, Parliament shall enforce these regulations there
in future.

Art. 2. A province shall have the following duties and rights: (a)
To fix local laws. (b) To manage provincial properties, (c) To
attend to the affairs in connexion with police organization,
sanitation, conservancy, roads, and public works, (d) To develop
education and industry in accordance with the order and mandates
of the Central Government. (e) To improve its navigation and
telegraphic lines, or to undertake such enterprises with the co-
operation of other provinces, (f) To organize precautionary troops
for the protection of local interests, the method of whose
organization, uniforms and arms shall be similar to those of the
National Army. With the exception of the matter of declaring war
against foreign countries, the President shall have no power to
transfer these troops to other provinces: and unless the province
is unable to suppress its own internal troubles, it shall not ask
the Central Government for the service of the National Army, (g)
The province shall defray its own expenses for the administration
and the maintenance of precautionary troops; but the provinces
which have hitherto received subsidies, shall continue to receive
same from the National Treasury with the approval of Parliament.
(h) Land, Title Deed, License, Mortgage, Tobacco and Wine,
Butchery, Fishery and all other principal and additional taxes
shall be considered as local revenues, (i) The province may fix
rates for local tax or levy additional tax on the National Taxes.
(j) The province shall have a provincial treasury. (k) It may
raise provincial public loans. (l) It shall elect a certain number
of Senators, (m) It shall fix regulations for the smaller local
Self-Governing Bodies.

Art. 3. Besides the above rights and privileges, a province shall
bear the following responsibilities:

(a) In case of financial difficulties of the Central Government,
it shall share the burden according to the proportion of its
revenue, (b) It shall enforce the laws and mandates promulgated by
the Central Government, (c) It shall enforce the measures
entrusted by the Central Government, but the latter shall bear the
expenses. (d) In case the local laws and regulations are in
conflict with those of the Central Government the latter may with
the approval of Parliament cancel or modify the same. (e) In case
of great necessity the provincial telegraph, railway, etc., may be
utilized by the Central Government. (f) In case of negligence, or
blunder made by the provincial authorities, which injures the
interests of the nation, the Central Government, with the approval
of Parliament, may reprimand and rectify same, (g) It shall not
make laws on the grant of monopoly and of copyrights; neither
issue bank notes, manufacture coins, make implements of weights
and measures; neither grant the right to local banks to manage the
Government Treasury; nor sign contracts with foreigners on the
purchase or sale of lands and, mines, or mortgage land tax to them
or construct naval harbours or arsenals, (h) All local laws,
budgets, and other important matters shall be reported to the
President from time to time, (i) The Central Government may
transfer to itself the ownership of enterprises or rights which
Parliament has decided should become national, (j) In case of a
quarrel arising between the Central Government and the province,
or between provinces, it shall be decided by Parliament, (k) In
case of refusal to obey the orders of the Central Government, the
President with the approval of Parliament may change the Shenchang
(Governor) or dissolve the Provincial Assembly. (l) The President
with the approval of Parliament may suppress by force any province
which defies the Central Authorities.

Art. 4. A Shenchang shall be appointed for each province to
represent the Central Government in the supervision of the local
administration. The appointment shall be made with the approval of
the Senate, the term of office for the Shenchang shall be four
years, and his annual salary shall be $24,000, which shall be paid
out of the National Treasury.

Art. 5. The administration measures entrusted by the Government to
the Shenchang shall be enforced by the administrative organs under
his supervision, and he shall be responsible for same.

Art. 6. In the enforcement of the laws and mandates of the Central
Government, or of the laws and regulations of his province, he may
issue orders.

Art. 7. The province shall establish the following five
Departments, namely Interior, Police, Finance, Education and
Industry. There shall be one Department Chief for each Department,
to be appointed by the Shenchang.

Art. 8. A Provincial Council shall be organized to assist the
Shenchang to enforce the administrative measures, and it shall be
responsible to the Provincial Assembly for same.

This Council shall be composed of all the Departmental Chiefs, and
five members elected out of the Provincial Assembly. It shall
discuss the Bills on Budget, on administration, and on the
organization, of police forces, submitted by the Shenchang.

Art. 9. If one member of the Council be impeached by the
Provincial Assembly, the Shenchang shall replace him, but if the
whole body of the Council be impeached, the Shenchang shall either
dissolve the Assembly or dismiss all his Departmental Chiefs. In
one session the Assembly shall not be dissolved twice, and after
two months of the dissolution, it shall be convened again.

Art. 10. The organization and election of the Provincial Assembly
shall be fixed by law.

Art. 11. The Provincial Assembly shall have the following duties
and powers: (a) It may pass such laws as allowed by the
Constitution, (b) It may pass the bills on the provincial Budget
and Accounts, (c) It may impeach the members of the Provincial
Council. (d) It may address interpellations or give suggestions to
the Provincial Council. (e) It may elect Members for the
Provincial Council. (f) It may attend to the petitions submitted
by the public.

Art. 12. A Magistrate shall be appointed for each hsien district
to enforce administrative measures. He shall be appointed directly
by the Shenchang, and his term of office shall be three years.

Art. 13. The Central Government shall hold examinations in the
provinces for candidates for the Magistracy. In a province half of
the total number of magistrates shall be natives of the province
and the other half of other provinces; but a native shall hold
office of Magistrate 300 li away from his home.

Art. 14. The organization for the legislative organ of the hsien
district shall be fixed by law.

TARIFF REVISION IN CHINA

The following is a translation of a memorandum prepared by the
Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce regarding abolition of likin
and an increase of the Customs duties:--

THE MEMORANDUM

"Disproportionate taxation on commodities at inland towns and
cities tends to cripple the productive power of a country. Acting
upon this principle, France in the 17th, England, America, Germany
and Austria in the 18th Century abolished such kind of taxation,
the Customs tariff remaining, which is a levy on imports at the
first port of entry. Its purpose is to increase the cost of
production of imported goods and to serve as a protection of
native products (sic). Raw materials from abroad are, however,
exempt from Customs duty in order to provide cheap material for
home manufactures. An altogether different state of affairs,
however, exists in this country. Likin stations are found
throughout the country, while raw materials are taxed. Take the
Hangchow silk for instance. When transported to the Capital for
sale, it has to pay a tax on raw material of 18 per cent. Foreign
imported goods on the other hand, are only taxed at the rate of
five per cent, ad valorem Customs duty at the first port of entry
with another 2.5 per cent, transit duty at one of the other ports
through which the goods pass. Besides these only landing duty is
imposed upon imported goods at the port of destination. Upon
timber being shipped from Fengtien and Antung to Peking, it has to
pay duties at five different places, the total amount of which
aggregates 20 per cent, of its market value, while timber from
American is taxed only ten per cent. Timber from Jueichow to
Hankow and Shanghai is taxed at six different places, the total
amount of duty paid aggregating 17.5 per cent., while timber
imported from abroad to these ports is required to pay Customs
duty only one-third thereof. The above-mentioned rates on native
goods are the minimum. Not every merchant can, however, obtain
such special "exemption," without a long negotiation and special
arrangements with the authorities. Otherwise, a merchant must pay
25 per cent, of the market value of his goods as duty. For this
reason the import of timber into this country has greatly
increased within the last few years, the total amount of which
being valued at $13,000,000 a year. Is this not a great injustice
to native merchants?

THE CHINESE METHOD

"Respecting the improvement of the economic condition of the
people, a country can hardly attain this object without developing
its foreign commerce. The United States of America, Germany and
Japan have one by one abolished their export duty as well as made
appropriations for subsidies to encourage the export of certain
kinds of commodities. We, on the other hand, impose likin all
along the line upon native commodities destined for foreign market
in addition to export duty. Goods for foreign market are more
heavily taxed than for home consumption. Take the Chekiang silk
for instance. Silk for export is more heavily taxed than that for
home use. Different rates of taxation are imposed upon tea for
foreign and home market. Other kinds of native products for export
are also heavily taxed with the result that, within the last two
decades, the annual exports of this country are exceeded by
imports by over Tls. 640,000,000,000. From the 32nd year of the
reign of Kuang Hsu to the 4th year of the Republic, imports exceed
exports on the average by Tls. 120,000,000. These figures speak
for themselves.

LIKIN

"Likin stations have been established at places where railway
communication is available. This has done a good deal of harm to
transportation and the railway traffic. Lately a proposal has been
made in certain quarters that likin stations along the railways be
abolished; and the measure has been adopted by the Peking-Tientsin
and Tientsin-Pukow Railways at certain places. When the towns and
cities throughout the country are connected by railways, there
will be no place for likin stations. With the increase in the
number of treaty ports, the "likin zone" will be gradually
diminished. Thencefrom the proceeds from likin will be decreased
year by year.

"Owing to the collection of likin the development of both home and
foreign trade has been arrested and the people are working under
great disadvantages. Hence in order to develop foreign and home
trade, the Government must do away with likin, which will bring
back business prosperity, and in time the same will enable the
Government to obtain new sources of revenues.

"From the above-mentioned considerations, the Government can
hardly develop and encourage trade without the abolition of likin.
By treaty with Great Britain, America and Japan, the Government
can increase the rate of Customs tariff to cover losses due to the
abolition of likin. The question under consideration is not a new
one. But the cause which has prevented the Government from
reaching a prompt decision upon this question is the fear that,
after the abolition of likin, the proceeds from the increased
Customs tariff would not be sufficient to cover the shortage
caused by the abolition of likin.

COST OF ABOLITION OF LIKIN

But such a fear should disappear when the Authorities remember the
following facts:--

(a) The loss as the result of the abolition of likin: $38,900,000.

(b) The loss as the result of the abolition of a part of duty
collected by the native Customs houses: $7,300,000.

(c) Annual proceeds from different kinds of principal and
miscellaneous taxes which shall be done away with the abolition of
likin $11,800,000.

The above figures are determined by comparing the actual amount of
proceeds collected by the Government in the 3rd and 4th years of
the Republic with the estimated amount in the Budget of the fifth
year. The total amount of loss caused by the abolition of likin
will be $58,000,000.

INCREASE OF CUSTOMS TARIFF

The amount of increase in the Customs tariff which the Government
expects to collect is as follows:--

(a) The increase in import duties $29,000,000.

(b) The increase in export duties Tls. 6,560,000.

The above figures are determined according to the Customs returns
of the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th years of the Republic. By deducting Tls.
2,200,000 of transit duty, the net increase will be Tls.
33,600,000 taels, which is equal to $48,500,000. For the sake of
prudence, allowance of five per cent, of the total amount is made
against any incidental shortage. The net revenue thus increased
would amount to $46,100,000. Against the loss of $58,000,000,
there will be a shortage of some $11,900,000. This, however, will
not be difficult to make good by new sources of revenue as the
result of a tariff revision:--

(a) Tax on goods at the time of manufacture $800,000.

(b) Tax on goods at the time of sale $8,000,000.

(c) Tax on cattle and slaughtering houses $2,000,000.

(d) Tax on foodstuffs $4,000,000.

"Under (a) and (b) are the taxes to be collected on native made
foreign imitation goods and various kinds of luxurious articles.
Under (c) and (d) are taxes which are already enforced in the
provinces but which can be increased to that much by reorganizing
the method of collection. The total sum of the proceeds set forth
under above items will amount to $14,800,000. These will be quite
sufficient to cover the loss caused by the abolition of likin.

A VITAL INTEREST

"As the abolition of likin concerns the vital interest of the
merchants and manufacturers, it should be carried out without
delay. The commercial and industrial enterprises of the country
can only thrive after likin is abolished and only then can new
sources of revenue be obtained. This measure will form the
fundamental factor of our industrial and economical development.
But one thing to which we should like to call the special
attention of the Government is the procedure to be adopted to
negotiate with the Foreign countries respecting the adoption of
this measure. The first step in this connexion should be the
increase of the present Customs tariff to the actual five per
cent, ad valorem rate. When this is done, proposal should be made
to the Powers having treaty relations with us concerning the
abolition of likin and revision of Customs tariff. The transit
destination duties on imported goods should at the same time be
done away with. This would not entail any disadvantage to the
importers of foreign goods and any diplomatic question would not
be difficult of solution. Meantime preparatory measures should be
devised for reorganizing the method of collecting duties set forth
above so that the abolition of likin can take place as soon as the
Government obtains the consent of the foreign Powers respecting
the increase of Customs tariff."

MEMORANDUM

THE LEADING OUTSTANDING CASES BETWEEN CHINA AND THE FOREIGN POWERS

(Author's note. The following memorandum was drawn up by Dr. C. C.
Wu, Councillor at the Chinese Foreign Office and son of Dr. Wu
Ting-fang, the Foreign Minister, and is a most competent and
precise statement. It is a noteworthy fact that not only is Dr. C.
C. Wu a British barrister but he distinguished himself above all
his fellows in the year he was called to the Bar. It is also
noteworthy that the Lao Hsi-kai case does not figure in this
summary, China taking the view that French action throughout was
ultra vires, and beyond discussion.)

BY DR. C. C. WU

Republican China inherited from imperial China the vast and rich
territory of China Proper and its Dependencies, but the
inheritance was by no means free from incumbrances as in the case
of Outer Mongolia, Tibet and Manchuria, and other impediments in
the form of unfavourable treaty obligations and a long list of
outstanding foreign cases affecting sovereign and territorial
rights.

I have been asked by the Editor of the North-China Daily News to
contribute an article on some of the outstanding questions between
China and foreign powers, instancing Tibet, Manchuria, Mongolia,
and to give the Chinese point of view on these questions. Although
the subject is a delicate one to handle, particularly in the
press, being as it is one in which international susceptibilities
are apt to be aroused, I have yet accepted the invitation in the
belief that a calm and temperate statement of the Chinese case
will hurt no one whose case will bear public discussion but will
perhaps do some good by bringing about a clear understanding of
the points at issue between China and the foreign Powers
concerned, and thus facilitating an early settlement which is so
earnestly desired by China. I may say that I have appreciated the
British sense of justice and fairplay displayed by the "North-
China Daily News" in inviting a statement of the Chinese case in
its own columns on questions one of which concerns British
interests in no small degree, and the discussion cannot be
conducted under a better spirit than that expressed in the motto
of the senior British journal in the Far East: "Impartial not
Neutral."

1 DEGREE MANCHURIA

The treaty between China and Japan of 1915 respecting South
Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia giving that power special
rights and privileges in those regions has given rise to many
knotty problems for the diplomatists of the two countries to
solve. Two of such problems are mentioned here.

JAPANESE POLICE BOXES IN MANCHURIA AND MONGOLIA

Since the last days of the Tsings, the Japanese have been
establishing police boxes in different parts of South Manchuria
and Eastern Inner Mongolia always under protest of the local and
Peking authorities. Since the treaty of 1915, a new reason has
become available in the right of mixed residence given to Japanese
in these regions. It is said that for the protection and control
of their subjects, and indeed for the interest of the Chinese
themselves, it is best that this measure should be taken. It is
further contended that the stationing of police officers is but a
corollary to the right of exterritoriality, and that it is in no
way a derogation of Chinese sovereignty.

It is pointed out by the Chinese Government that in the treaty of
1915, express provision is made for Japanese in South Manchuria
and Eastern Inner Mongolia to submit to the police laws and
ordinances and taxation of China (Article 5). This leaves the
matter in no doubt. If the Japanese wish to facilitate the Chinese
police in their duty of protection and control of the Japanese,
they have many means at their command for so doing. It is
unnecessary to point out that the establishment of foreign police
on Chinese soil (except in foreign settlements and concessions
where it is by the permission of the Chinese Government) is, to
our thinking, at any rate, a very grave derogation to China's
sovereign rights. Furthermore, from actual experience, we know
that the activities of these foreign police will not be confined
to their countrymen; in a dispute between a Chinese and a Japanese
both will be taken to the Japanese station by the Japanese
policeman. This existence of an imperium in imperio, so far from
accomplishing its avowed object of "improving the relations of the
countries and bringing about the development of economic interests
to no small degree," will, it is feared, be the cause of continual
friction between the officials and people of the two countries.

As to the legal contention that the right of police control is a
natural corollary to the right of exterritoriality, it must be
said that ever since the grant of consular jurisdiction to
foreigners by China in her first treaties, this is the first time
that such a claim has been seriously put forward. We can only say
that if this interpretation of exterritoriality is correct the
other nations enjoying exteriorality in China have been very
neglectful in the assertion of their just rights.

In the Chengchiatun case, the claim of establishing police boxes
wherever the Japanese think necessary was made one of the demands.
The Chinese Government in its final reply which settled the case
took the stand as above outlined.

It may be mentioned in passing that in Amoy the Japanese have also
endeavoured to establish similar police rights. The people of that
city and province, and indeed of the whole country, as evidenced
by the protests received from all over China, have been very much
exercised over the matter. It is sincerely hoped that with the
undoubted improvement of relations between the two countries
within the last several months, the matter will be smoothly and
equitably settled.

LEGAL STATUS OF KOREANS IN CHIENTAO

The region which goes by the name of Chientao, a Japanese
denomination, comprises several districts in the Yenchi Circuit of
Kirin Province north of the Tumen Kiang (or the Tiumen River)
which here forms the boundary between China and Korea. For over
thirty years Koreans have been allowed here to cultivate the waste
lands and acquire ownership therein, a privilege which has not
been permitted to any other foreigners in China and which has been
granted to these Koreans on account of the peculiar local
conditions. According to reliable sources, the Korean population
now amounts to over 200,000 which is more than the Chinese
population itself. In 1909 an Agreement, known as the Tumen Kiang
Boundary Agreement, was arrived at between China and Japan, who
was then the acknowledged suzerain of Korea, dealing, inter alia,
with the status of these Koreans. It was provided that while
Koreans were to continue to enjoy protection of their landed
property, they were to be subject to Chinese laws and to the
jurisdiction of Chinese courts. The subsequent annexation of Korea
did not affect this agreement in point of international law, and
as a matter of practice Japan has adhered to it until September,
1915. Then the Japanese Consul suddenly interfered in the
administration of justice by the local authorities over the
Koreans and claimed that he should have jurisdiction.

The Japanese claim is based on the Treaty Respecting South
Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia signed in May, 1915, article
5 of which provides that civil and criminal cases in which the
defendants are Japanese shall be tried and adjudicated by the
Japanese consul.

The Chinese view is that this article is inapplicable to Koreans
in this region and that the Tumen Kiang Agreement continues in
force. This view is based on a saving clause in article 8 of the
Treaty of 1915 which says that "all existing treaties between
China and Japan relating to Manchuria shall, except where
otherwise provided for by treaty, remain in force."

In the first place, the origin of the Tumen Kiang Agreement
supports this view. When the Japanese assumed suzerainty over
Korea they raised certain questions as to the boundary between
China and Korea. There were also outstanding several questions
regarding railways and mines between China and Japan. Japan
insisted that the boundary question and the railway and mining
questions be settled at the same time. As a result, two agreements
were concluded in 1909 one respecting the boundary question, the
Tumen Kiang Agreement, and the other respecting railways and mines
whereby Japan obtained many new and valuable privileges and
concessions, such as the extension of the Kirin-Changchun Railway
to the Korean frontier, the option on the Hsinminfu-Fakumen line,
and the working of the Fushun and Yentai mines, while in return
China obtained a bare recognition of existing rights, namely the
boundary between China and Korea and the jurisdiction over the
Koreans in the Yenchi region. The two settlements were in the
nature of quid pro quo though it is clear that the Japanese side
of the scale heavily outweighed that of the Chinese. Now Japan
endeavours to repudiate, for no apparent reason so far as we can
see, the agreement which formed the consideration whereby she
obtained so many valuable concessions.

Secondly, while Koreans are now Japanese subjects, it is contended
by the Chinese that the particular Koreans inhabiting the Yenchi
region are, as regards China, in a different position from
Japanese subjects elsewhere. These Koreans enjoy the rights of
free residence and of cultivating and owning land in the interior
of China, rights denied to other foreigners, including Japanese
who, even by the new treaty, may only lease land in South
Manchuria. For this exceptional privilege, they are subject to the
jurisdiction of Chinese laws and Chinese courts, a duty not
imposed on other foreigners. It would be "blowing hot and cold at
the same time" in the language of English lawyers if it is sought
to enjoy the special privileges without performing the duties.

Thirdly, Japanese under the Treaty of 1915 are required to
register their passports with the local authorities. On the other
hand, Koreans in Yenchi have never been nor are they now required
to procure passports. This would seem to be conclusive proof that
Koreans in that region are not within the provisions of the treaty
of 1915 but are still governed by the Tumen Kiang Agreement.

The question is something more than one of academic or even merely
judicial importance. As has been stated, the Koreans in Yenchi
outnumber the Chinese and the only thing that has kept the region
Chinese territory in fact as well as in name is the possession by
the Chinese of jurisdiction over every inhabitant, whether Chinese
or Korean. Were China to surrender that jurisdiction over a
majority of those inhabitants, it would be tantamount to a cession
of territory.

2 DEGREES MACAO

The dispute between China and Portugal over the Macao question has
been one of long standing. The first treaty of commerce signed
between them on August 13,1862, at Tientsin, was not ratified in
consequence of a dispute respecting the Sovereignty of Macao. By a
Protocol signed at Lisbon on March 26, 1887, China formally
recognized the perpetual occupation and government of Macao and
its dependencies by Portugal, as any other Portuguese possession;
and in December of the same year, when the formal treaty was
signed, provision was made for the appointment of a Commission to
delimit the boundaries of Macao; "but as long as the delimitation
of the boundaries is not concluded, everything in respect to them
shall continue as at present without addition, diminution, or
alteration by either of the Parties."

In the beginning of 1908, a Japanese steamer, the Tatsu Maru,
engaged in gun-running was captured by a Chinese customs cruiser
near the Kau-chau archipelago (Nove Ilhas). The Portuguese
authorities demanded her release on the ground that she was seized
in Portuguese territorial waters thus raising the question of the
status of the waters surrounding Macao.

In the same year the Portuguese authorities of Macao attempted the
imposition of land tax in Maliaoho, and proposed to dredge the
waterways in the vicinity of Macao. The Chinese Government
thereupon instructed its Minister in France, who was also
accredited to Portugal, to make personal representations to the
Portuguese Foreign Office in regard to the unwarrantable action of
the local Portuguese authorities. The Portuguese Government
requested the withdrawal of Chinese troops on the Island of Lappa
as a quid pro quo for the appointment of a new Demarcation
Commissioner, reserving to itself the right to refer to the Hague
Tribunal any dispute that may arise between the Commissioners
appointed by the respective Governments.

After protracted negotiations it was agreed between the Chinese
Minister and the Portuguese Government by an exchange of notes
that the respective Governments should each appoint a Demarcation
Commissioner to delimit the boundaries of Macao and its
dependencies in pursuance of the Lisbon Protocol and Article 2 of
the Sino-Portuguese Treaty of 1887, subject to the decision of
their respective Governments.

THE PORTUGUESE CLAIM

In February, 1909, Portugal appointed General Jaoquim Machado and
China Mr. Kao Erh-chien as their respective Commissioners and they
met at Hongkong in June of the same year.

The Portuguese claim consisted of the whole of the Peninsula of
Macao as far north as Portas do Cerco, the Island of Lappa, Green
Island (Ilha Yerde), Ilhas de Taipa, Ilha de Coloane, Ilha
Macarira, Ilha da Tai-Vong-Cam, other small islands, and the
waters of Porto Interior. The Portuguese Commissioner also
demanded that the portion of Chinese territory between Portas do
Cerco and Peishanling be neutralized.

In the absence of evidence, documentary or otherwise, China could
not admit Portugal's title to half the territory claimed, but was
prepared to concede all that part of the Peninsula of Macao south
of Portas do Cerco which was already beyond the limits of the
original Portuguese Possession of Macao, and also to grant the
developed parts of Ilhas de Coloane as Portuguese settlements. The
ownership of territorial waters was to remain vested in China.

The negotiations having proved fruitless were transferred to
Lisbon but on the outbreak of the Revolution in Portugal they were
suspended. No material progress has been made since.

3 DEGREES TIBET

In November, 1911, the Chinese garrison in Lhassa, in sympathy
with the revolutionary cause in China, mutinied against Amban
Lien-yu, a Chinese Bannerman, and a few months later the Tibetans,
by order of the Dalai Lama, revolted and besieged the Chinese
forces in Lhassa till they were starved out and eventually
evacuated Tibet. Chinese troops in Kham were also ejected. An
expedition was sent from Szechuan and Yunnan to Tibet, but Great
Britain protested and caused its withdrawal.

In August, 1912, the British Minister in Peking presented a
Memorandum to the Chinese Government outlining the attitude of
Great Britain towards the Tibetan question. China was asked to
refrain from dispatching a military expedition into Tibet, as the
re-establishment of Chinese authority would, it is stated,
constitute a violation of the Anglo-Chinese Treaty of 1906.
Chinese suzerainty in regard to Tibet was recognized. But Great
Britain could not consent to the assertion of Chinese sovereignty
over a State enjoying independent treaty relations with her. In
conclusion, China was invited to come to an agreement regarding
Tibet on the lines indicated in the Memorandum, such agreement to
be antecedent to Great Britain's recognition of the Republic.
Great Britain also imposed an embargo on the communications
between China and Tibet via India.

In deference to the wishes of the British Government, China at
once issued orders that the expeditionary force should not proceed
beyond Giamda. In her reply she declared that the Chinese
Government had no intention of converting Tibet into another
province of China and that the preservation of the traditional
system of Tibetan government was as much the desire of China as of
Great Britain. The dispatch of troops into Tibet was, however,
necessary for the fulfilment of the responsibilities attaching to
China's treaty obligations with Great Britain, which required her
to preserve peace and order throughout that vast territory, but
she did not contemplate the idea of stationing an unlimited number
of soldiers in Tibet. China considered that the existing treaties
defined the status of Tibet with sufficient clearness, and
therefore there was no need to negotiate a new treaty. She
expressed the regret that the Indian Government had placed an
embargo on the communications between China and Tibet via India,
as China was at peace with Great Britain and regretted that Great
Britain should threaten to withhold recognition of the Republic,
such recognition being of mutual advantage to both countries.
Finally, the Chinese Government hoped that the British Government
would reconsider its attitude.

THE SIMLA CONFERENCE

In May, 1913, the British Minister renewed his suggestion of the
previous year that China should come to an agreement on the
Tibetan question, and ultimately a Tripartite Conference was
opened on October 13, at Simla with Mr. Ivan Chen, Sir Henry
McMahon, and Lonchen Shatra as plemipotentiaries representing
China, Great Britain, and Tibet, respectively.

The following is the substance of the Tibetan proposals:--

1. Tibet shall be an independent State, repudiating the Anglo-
Chinese Convention of 1906.

2. The boundary of Tibet in regard to China includes that portion
of Sinkiang south of Kuenlun Range and Altyn Tagh, the whole
territory of Chinghai, the western portion of Kansuh and Szechuan,
including Tachienlu, and the northwestern portion of Yunnan,
including Atuntzu.

3. Great Britain and Tibet to negotiate, independent of China, new
trade regulations.

4. No Chinese officials and troops to be stationed in Tibet.

5. China to recognize Dalai Lama as the head of the Buddhist
Religion and institutions in Mongolia and China.

6. China to compensate Tibet for forcible exactions of money or
property taken from the Tibetan Government.

The Chinese Plenipotentiary made the following counter-proposals:--

1. Tibet forms an integral part of Chinese territory and Chinese
rights of every description which have existed in consequence of
this integrity shall be respected by Tibet and recognized by Great
Britan. China engages not to convert Tibet into a province and
Great Britain not to annex Tibet or any portion of it.

2. China to appoint a Resident at Lhassa with an escort of 3,600
soldiers.

3. Tibet undertakes to be guided by China in her foreign and
military affairs and not to enter into negotiations with any
foreign Power except through the intermediary of China but this
engagement does not exclude direct relations between British Trade
Agents and Tibetan authorities as provided in the Anglo-Chinese
Convention of 1906.

4. Tibet to grant amnesty to those Tibetans known for their pro-
Chinese inclinations and to restore to them their property.

5. Clause 5 of Tibetan claims can be discussed.

6. Revision of Trade Regulations of 1893 and 1908, if found
necessary, must be made by all the parties concerned.

7. In regard to the limits of Tibet China claims Giamda and all
the places east of it.

THE BOUNDARY DEADLOCK

The British plenipotentiary sustained in the main the Tibetan view
concerning the limits of Tibet. He suggested the creation of Inner
and Outer Tibet by a line drawn along the Kuenlun Range to the
9eth longitude, turning south reaching a point south of the 34th
latitude, then in south-easterly direction to Niarong, passing
Hokow, Litang, Batang in a western and then southern and
southwestern direction to Rima, thus involving the inclusion of
Chiamdo in Outer Tibet and the withdrawal of the Chinese garrison
stationed there. He proposed that recognition should be accorded
to the autonomy of Outer Tibet whilst admitting the right of the
Chinese to re-establish such a measure of control in Inner Tibet
as would restore and safeguard their historic position there,
without in any way infringing the integrity of Tibet as a
geographical and political entity. Sir Henry McMahon also
submitted to the Conference a draft proposal of the Convention to
the plenipotentiaries. After some modification this draft was
initialled by the British and Tibetan delegates but the Chinese
delegate did not consider himself authorized to do so. Thereupon
the British member after making slight concessions in regard to
representation in the Chinese Parliament and the boundary in the
neighbourhood of Lake Kokonor threatened, in the event of his
persisting in his refusal, to eliminate the clause recognizing the
suzerainty of China, and ipso facto the privileges appertaining
thereto from the draft Convention already initialled by the
British and Tibetan plenipotentiaries. In order to save the
situation, the Chinese delegate initialled the documents, but on
the clear understanding that to initial and to sign were two
different things and that to sign he must obtain instructions from
his Government.

China, dissatisfied with the suggested division into an Inner and
Outer Tibet the boundaries of which would involve the evacuation
of those districts actually in Chinese effective occupation and
under its administration, though otherwise in accord with the
general principles of the draft Convention, declared that the
initialled draft was in no way binding upon her and took up the
matter with the British Government in London and with its
representative in Peking. Protracted negotiations took place
thereafter, but, in spite of repeated concessions from the Chinese
side in regard to the Chinese side in regard to the boundary
question, the British Government would not negotiate on any basis
other than the initialled convention. On July 3 an Agreement based
on the terms of the draft Convention but providing special
safeguards for the interests of Great Britain and Tibet in the
event of China continuing to withhold her adherence, was signed
between Great Britain and Tibet, not, however, before Mr. Ivan
Chen had declared that the Chinese Government would recognize any
treaty or similar document that might then or thereafter be signed
between Great Britain and Tibet.

CHINA'S STANDPOINT

With the same spirit of compromise and a readiness to meet the
wishes of the British Government and even to the extent of making
considerable sacrifices in so far as they were compatible with her
dignity, China has more than once offered to renew negotiations
with the British Government but the latter has up to the present
declined to do so. China wants nothing more than the re-
establishment of Chinese suzerainty over Tibet, with recognition
of the autonomy of the territory immediately under the control of
the Lhassa Government; she is agreeable to the British idea of
forming an effective buffer territory in so far as it is
consistent with equity and justice; she is anxious that her trade
interest should be looked after by her trade agents as do the
British, a point which is agreeable even to the Tibetans though
apparently not to the British; in other words, she expects that
Great Britain would at least make with her an arrangement
regarding Tibet which should not be any less disadvantageous to
her than that made with Russia respecting Outer Mongolia.

Considering that China has claimed and exercised sovereign rights
over Tibet, commanded the Tibetan army, supervised Tibetan
internal administration, and confirmed the appointments of Tibetan
officials, high and low, secular and even ecclesiastical, such
expectations are modest enough, surely. At the present moment,
with communication via India closed, with no official
representative or agent present, with relations unsettled and
unregulated, the position of China vis-a-vis Tibet is far from
satisfactory and altogether anomalous, while as between China and
Great Britain there is always this important question outstanding.
An early settlement in a reciprocal spirit of give and take and
giving reasonable satisfaction to the legitimate aspirations and
claims of all parties is extremely desirable.

4 DEGREES OUTER MONGOLIA

The world is more or less acquainted with the events in Urga in
December, 1911, and the proclamation of independence of Outer
Mongolia with Jetsun Dampa Hutukhtu as its ruler. By the Russo-
Chinese Declaration of November 5, 1913, and the Tripartite
Convention of Kiakhta of 1914 China has re-established her
suzerainty over Outer Mongolia and obtained the acknowledgement
that it forms a part of the Chinese territory. There remains the
demarcation of boundary between Inner and Outer Mongolia which
will take place shortly, and the outstanding question of the
status of Tannu Uriankhai where Russia is lately reported to be
subjecting the inhabitants to Russian jurisdiction and expelling
Chinese traders.

The Tannu Uriankhai lands, according to the Imperial Institutes of
the Tsing Dynasty, were under the control of the Tartar General of
Uliasutai, the Sain Noin Aimak, the Jasaktu Khan Aimak and the
Jetsun Dampa Hutkhta, and divided into forty-eight somons
(tsoling). Geographically, according to the same authority, Tannu
Uriankhai is bounded on the north by Russia, east by Tushetu Khan
Aimak, west by the various aimks of Kobdo, and south by Jasaktu
Khan Aimak. By a Joint Demarcation Commission in 1868 the Russo
Chinese boundary in respect to Uriankhai was denmited and eight
wooden boundary posts were erected to mark their respective
frontiers.

In 1910, however, a Russian officer removed and burnt the boundary
post at Chapuchi Yalodapa. The matter was taken up by the then
Waiwupu with the Russian Minister. He replied to the effect that
the limits of Uriankhai were an unsettled question and the Russian
Government would not entertain the Chinese idea of taking
independent steps to remark the boundary or to replace the post
and expressed dissatisfaction with the work of the Joint
Demarcation Commission of 1868, a dissatisfaction which would seem
to be somewhat tardily expressed, to say the least. The case was
temporarily dropped on account of the secession of Uliasutai from
China in the following year.

While Uriankhai forms part of Autonomous Outer Mongolia, yet since
Outer Mongolia is under China's suzerainty, and its territory is
expressly recognized to form part of that of China, China cannot
look on with indifference to any possible cession of territory by
Outer Mongolia to Russia. Article 3 of the Kiakhta Agreement,
1915, prohibiting Outer Mongolia from concluding treaties with
foreign powers respecting political and territorial question
acknowledges China's right to negotiate and make such treaties. It
is the firm intention of the Chinese Government to maintain its
territorial integrity basing its case on historical records, on
treaty rights and finally on the principle of nationality. It is
notorious that the Mongols will be extremely unwilling to see
Uriankhai incorporated into the Russian Empire. While Russia is
spending countless lives and incalculable treasure in fighting for
the sacred principle of nationality in Europe, we cannot believe