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                             THE PUTUMAYO

 [Illustration: CHAINED INDIAN RUBBER GATHERERS IN THE STOCKS: ON THE
                            PUTUMAYO RIVER.

                            [Frontispiece]




                             THE PUTUMAYO

                         THE DEVIL'S PARADISE

                    TRAVELS IN THE PERUVIAN AMAZON
                     REGION AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE
                     ATROCITIES COMMITTED UPON THE
                            INDIANS THEREIN

                                  BY

                           W. E. HARDENBURG

                    EDITED AND WITH AN INTRODUCTION
                    By C. REGINALD ENOCK, F.R.G.S.
              _Author of "The Andes and the Amazon," &c._

               TOGETHER WITH EXTRACTS FROM THE REPORT OF
             SIR ROGER CASEMENT CONFIRMING THE OCCURRENCES

                    WITH 16 ILLUSTRATIONS AND A MAP

                            T. FISHER UNWIN
                        LONDON: ADELPHI TERRACE
                       LEIPSIC: INSELSTRASSE 20

                   _First Published, December, 1912_

                  _Second Impression, January, 1913_

                       (_All rights reserved._)




PREFACE


The extracts from Sir Roger Casement's Report, which form part of this
work, are made by permission of H.M. Stationery Office. Acknowledgement
is also made for assistance rendered, both to the Rev. J. H. Harris,
Organising Secretary of the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection
Society, and to the Editor of _Truth_. Portions of Mr. Hardenburg's
accounts have been omitted, and some revisions necessarily made, but the
statements of adventures and the occurrences remain as in the original
and stand upon their own responsibility. The unpleasing task of editing
this book--which stands as perhaps the most terrible page in the whole
history of commercialism--has been undertaken in the hope that permanent
betterment in the condition of the unfortunate aborigines of South
America will be brought about.

THE EDITOR.




CONTENTS


 CHAP.                                                              PAGE

   I. INTRODUCTION                                                    11

  II. HARDENBURG'S NARRATIVE: SOURCE OF THE PUTUMAYO                  54

 III. THE UPPER PUTUMAYO                                              87

  IV. THE CENTRAL PUTUMAYO                                           111

   V. THE HUITOTOS                                                   141

  VI. THE "DEVIL'S PARADISE"                                         164

 VII. HARDENBURG'S INVESTIGATIONS: THE CRIMES OF THE
        PUTUMAYO                                                     215

VIII. CONSUL CASEMENT'S REPORT                                       264

      CONCLUSION                                                     339

      INDEX                                                          341




ILLUSTRATIONS


CHAINED INDIAN RUBBER GATHERERS IN THE STOCKS: ON
THE PUTUMAYO RIVER                                          Frontispiece

                                                             FACING PAGE

MAP                                                                   11

THE PERUVIAN AMAZON: FREE INDIANS OF THE UCAYALI RIVER                24

AN AFFLUENT OF THE PERUVIAN AMAZON                                    36

INDIAN WOMAN CONDEMNED TO DEATH BY HUNGER: ON THE UPPER PUTUMAYO      53

VEGETATION ON THE PERUVIAN AMAZON                                     74

TROPICAL VEGETATION ON THE AFFLUENTS OF THE PERUVIAN AMAZON           76

CANOE VOYAGING ON THE AMAZON: A NOONDAY REST                          96

A TYPICAL RIVER BANK CLEARING                                        108

A HUITOTO INDIAN RUBBER GATHERER                                     152

GUAMARES INDIANS, OF THE HUITOTO TRIBE, IN DANCE COSTUME             162

RUBBER-COLLECTING RIVER LAUNCH                                       176

NATIVE WOMEN AND HUT AT IQUITOS                                      196

FREE INDIANS OF THE UCAYALI RIVER                                    208

A SIDE STREET AT IQUITOS                                             232

RIVER ITAYA, NEAR IQUITOS                                            250

HUITOTOS AT ENTRE RIOS AND BARBADOS NEGRO OVERSEER                   286

[Illustration: Reproduced by kind permission of the proprietors of _The
Times_.]




THE PUTUMAYO




CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION


It is something of a terrible irony of fate that in a land whose people
for unknown centuries, and up to only four hundred years ago, lived
under social laws "so beneficent as had never been known under any
ancient kings of Asia, Africa, or Europe, or under any Christian
monarch"--laws recorded by a reliable historian and partly capable of
verification by the traveller and student to-day--should, in the
twentieth century, have been the scene of the ruination and wholesale
torture and murder of tribes of its defenceless and industrious
inhabitants. Under the Incas of Peru, as recorded by the Inca-Spanish
historian Garcilaso de la Vega[1] and other early writers, human blood
was never shed purposely; every inhabitant was provided for and had a
place in a well-ordered social economic plan; there was no such
condition as beggary or destitution; the people were instructed by
statute to help each other co-operatively; injustice and corruption were
unknown; and there was a belief in a Supreme Director of the Universe.
Under the Peruvian republic and the regimen of absentee capitalism
to-day, tribes of useful people of this same land have been defrauded,
driven into slavery, ravished, tortured, and destroyed. This has been
done, not in single instances at the command of some savage potentate,
but in tens of thousands under a republican Government, in a
Christianised country, at the behest of the agents of a great
joint-stock company with headquarters in London: the "crime" of these
unfortunates being that they did not always bring in rubber sufficiently
fast--work for which they practically received no payment--to satisfy
their taskmasters. In order to obtain rubber so that the luxurious-tyred
motor-cars of civilisation might multiply in the cities of Christendom,
the dismal forests of the Amazon have echoed with the cries of
despairing and tortured Indian aborigines. These are not things of the
imagination, but a bare statement of actual occurrence, as set forth by
the various witnesses in this volume.

The occurrences in the Amazon Valley which, under the name of the
Putumayo[2] Rubber Atrocities of Peru, have startled the public mind and
aroused widespread horror and indignation--atrocities worse than those
of the Congo--cannot be regarded merely as an isolated phenomenon. Such
incidents are the extreme manifestation of a condition which expresses
itself in different forms all over the world--the condition of acute
and selfish commercialism or industrialism whose exponents, in enriching
themselves, deny a just proportion of the fruits of the earth and of
their toil to the labourers who produce the wealth. The principle can be
seen at work in almost any country, in almost every industry; and
although its methods elsewhere are lacking in savage lust and barbarity,
they still work untold suffering upon mankind. It is easy to condemn
offhand the nation of Peru, under whose nominal control the foul spot of
the Putumayo exists, and to whose negligence and cupidity the blame for
the occurrences is largely to be laid, but the conscience of world-wide
commercialism ought also to be pricked.

Leaving, however, that broader aspect of the subject, it is necessary to
understand the local conditions which could have brought about such
occurrences. The region of the Amazon Valley--a region nearly as large
as the whole of Europe without Russia--was early divided between Spain
and Portugal. Brazil to-day occupies the eastern and most extensive
portion of the valley; and the various Andine republics, Peru, Colombia,
Ecuador, Bolivia, and Venezuela, cover the upper and western portion.
The Amazon is the largest river in the world; the entire fluvial system,
with perhaps an aggregate of a hundred thousand miles of navigable
rivers and streams, gives access to an enormous territory of forests and
plains, which neither road nor railway has yet penetrated.

It is to be recollected that the interior of South America is the least
known of any of the continents at the present time. Large areas of
territory are practically unexplored. The backward state of the Amazon
Valley is largely due to the fact that during three hundred years of
Portuguese dominion it was closed commercially to the outside world.
Slave-raiding by the Portuguese and the Brazilians went on unchecked.
The colonists even fought against and destroyed the Jesuit missions
which the devout and humane of their priests had established. The whole
valley has existed under a dark cloud ever since the time when, in 1540,
the first white man, Orellana, Pizarro's lieutenant, descended the Napo,
Marañon, and Amazon from Quito to the Atlantic Ocean. In 1638 Pedro de
Texiera performed his great feat of ascending the Amazon from the
Atlantic to Quito, and descending it again in 1639, one of the most
noteworthy explorations in history. Exaggerations of Indian savagery and
dangers of climate have deterred settlers in later times. As for the
Putumayo region, it was practically unknown until the last decade of the
nineteenth century. The name "Amazon" was probably a result of the
experiences of Orellana and his followers, who were attacked by a tribe
of Indians, the Nahumedes, on the river of the same name, whose long
hair and dress of chemises or shirts caused the explorers to think their
attackers were women-warriors, or "amazons." There is no proof of the
existence of any empire of women in South America, although there is a
legend bearing on the subject.

The Putumayo River rises near Pasto, in the Andes of Colombia, and
traverses a vast region which forms one of the least-known areas of the
earth's surface. This river is nearly a thousand miles long, flowing
through territory which is claimed both by Peru and Colombia, and enters
the main stream of the Amazon in Brazil. The river crosses the equator
in its upper portion. The notorious rubber-bearing region upon the
Putumayo and its affluents, the Igaraparaná and the Caraparaná, lies
within a square formed by the equator on the north, the 2nd parallel of
latitude on the south, and the 72nd and 74th degrees of longitude west
of Greenwich. Like most of the Amazon tributaries, the Putumayo and its
two affluents are navigable throughout the greater part of their
courses, giving access by water up to the base of the Andes; and the
rubber traffic is carried out by means of steam-launches and canoes.

The Caraparaná and Igaraparaná rivers, both flowing from the north-west,
run parallel for about four hundred miles through dense, continuous
forests, discharging into the Putumayo, the first some six hundred miles
and the second some four hundred miles above the confluence of that
river with the Amazon. The accompanying map renders clear these
conditions, and it will be seen that the region is a considerable
distance from Iquitos, nearly a thousand miles by water, the small,
intermittent river steamers of the rubber traders occupying two weeks in
the journey; and a part of the course lies through Brazilian waterway. A
much more direct route can be made by effecting a portage from the
Putumayo to the Napo River, which enters the Amazon about fifty miles
below Iquitos. The Putumayo region, therefore, must be regarded as an
extremely outlying part of Peru, with corresponding difficulties of
access and governance.

The native people inhabiting the region are mainly the Huitotos, with
other tribes of more or less similar character, but with different
names. These people, although known as _infieles_ and _salvages_--that
is, "un-faithed" and "savage"--cannot be described as savages in the
ordinary sense of the term. They have nothing in common with the bloody
savages of Africa and other parts of the world. Their weapons are not
adapted for taking life so much as for hunting, and although the tribes
of the Amazon Valley have always fought against each other and have
reduced their numbers by inter-tribal strife, they are not generally a
fortress-building people, and the noiseless blow-pipe takes the place of
the blood-shedding weapons of the indigenes of other lands. The Agarunas
of the Marañon, however, build war-towers for defence, as do some other
tribes.[3] The _tunday_ or manguare, the remarkable instrument for
signalling or communicating by sound through the forest, is used by
various tribes in the Amazon Valley. Most of the tribes live in great
community-houses. The Indians of the Amazon Valley in general are docile
and have good qualities; they are naturally free from immorality and
disease; they have a strong affection for their women and children and a
regard for the aged. They are well worthy of preservation, and might
have been a valuable asset to the region. The particular people of the
Putumayo region have decreased greatly since the advent of the rubber
"industry," as has been the case all over the Amazon Valley: on the
Putumayo they have been reduced, it is calculated, from forty or fifty
thousand to less than ten thousand, partly by abuse and massacre, partly
by having fled to more remote districts away from their persecutors.

The local conditions which rendered possible the Putumayo atrocities
are to be found, first, in the character of the Iberian and
Iberian-descended peoples of South America, and, second, in the
topographical formation of the country. To take the last-mentioned
first. The condition must be borne in mind that the region of the Amazon
forests is in every way separate from the region of the mountains and
that of the coast. The coast region of Peru, bordering upon the Pacific
Ocean, is a rainless, treeless zone, upon which vegetation is only
possible under irrigation, but upon which the modern Peruvian
civilisation flourishes; Lima, the capital of the country, being
situated only a dozen miles from the sea. To the east of this
Europeanised region arise the mountain ranges of the Andes, which cut
off the forest lowlands so completely from the coast that the two may be
regarded as separate countries. The mountain regions embody vast,
treeless tablelands, broken by more or less fertile valleys, and
overlooked by snow-clad peaks and ranges, and are subject in general to
a cold, inclement climate, with heavy rainfall. The uplands lie at an
elevation of 12,000 ft. and upwards above sea-level, and the dividing
ranges are crossed at 14,000 to 17,000 ft., with only one or two passes
between Western and Eastern Peru, at a lower elevation. The line of
tree-life begins at an elevation of about 10,000 to 11,000 ft., this
forest region being known as the _Montaña_ of Peru, merging by degrees
into the great _selvas_ or forests of Brazil. These topographical
details serve to show how greatly Western and Eastern Peru are cut off
from each other. The conditions similarly, affect Colombia and Ecuador,
and, to a certain extent, Bolivia, but the last-named country does not
extend to the Pacific coast. It is in the isolation of the cis-Andine
from the trans-Andine regions that Peru may claim some palliation for
the offences on the Putumayo. The river port of Iquitos is from thirty
to forty days' journey from Lima under existing means of travel. The
easiest method of reaching the one from the other is by way of
Southampton, or New York, and Panama. A system of wireless telegraphy is
now in operation across the six hundred miles of coast, mountain, and
forest territory separating the two cities.

The topographical conditions described had influenced the human
inhabitants of Peru before the time of the Spaniards. The aboriginal
race inhabiting the highlands and the coast lived then, as they do
to-day, in a manner distinct from each other. The highland and coast
people were those who formed the population under the Inca government,
and under whose control they had reached a high degree of aboriginal
civilisation; whilst the indigenes of the forests were more or less
roving bands of savages, dwelling on the river banks, without other
forms of government than that of the _curacas_, or petty chiefs of
families or tribe. The influence of the Incas did undoubtedly extend
into the forest regions in a degree, as evidenced by remaining customs
and nomenclature, but the Incas did not establish order and civilisation
in the forests as upon the highlands. The Incas and their predecessors
built a series of fortresses which commanded the heads of the
precipitous valleys leading to the forests, whose ruins remain to-day,
and are marvels of ingenuity in megalithic construction. After the
conquest the Inca population of the highlands and coast became
Christianised, and at the present time the whole of the vast territory
of the Pacific coast and Andine uplands, extending throughout Colombia,
Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia for two thousand miles, is under the regimen
of the Romish Church, and every village contains its _iglesia_ and
village priest. In very different condition are, on the other hand, the
aborigines of the forests, who live neither under civil nor religious
authority. But there was probably no fundamental or racial difference
between the upland and forestal Indians, and they resemble each other in
many respects, with differences due to climate and environment. Remains
of ancient civilisations, in the form of stone ruins and appliances, are
found east of the Andes, in the Amazon forest regions, and the Chaco
plains, arguing the existence of prehistoric conditions of a superior
character. Legends and customs among the forest tribes seem to refer in
a dim, vague way to ancient conditions and happenings of other
environments; and there can be little doubt that the archæology and
origin of the South American people are far from being fully understood.
Further exploration of this little-known region may produce much of
interest, and unravel mysteries which the dense forest at present
conceals.

One of the principal tributaries of the Amazon is the River Marañon,
which flows from the south for a thousand miles between two parallel
chains of the Andes, and breaking through a remarkable cañon, known as
the Pongo de Manseriche, turns suddenly to the east and forms the main
Amazon waterway. Above the Pongo, or rapids, the river is navigable only
for very small craft, but below it forms the head of steam navigation.
The upper Marañon flows down through a high, difficult territory, with
many fertile valleys, and upon its headlands and the adjacent slopes of
the mountains are freely scattered the ruins of the Inca and pre-Inca
peoples, who inhabited the region in pre-Hispanic times and even
contemporaneously with the Spaniards.[4] From this district, and from
the valleys to the west of Cuzco and Titicaca, it was that the Inca
influence mainly entered the forest regions of the Peruvian Montaña.

It is interesting to note that the "Mongolian" resemblance to the
Huitotos Indians of the Putumayo is again observed in Sir Roger
Casement's Report.[5] The resemblance between the aboriginals of the
Andine and Amazon regions of South America and Asiatic peoples is
striking, as indeed it is with the natives in some parts of Mexico. The
present writer has dealt fully with the matter, as bearing upon the
possible peopling of America by Tartars in remote times, in a book
recently published.[6] The subject is one of great interest. One school
of thought denies any imported origin for early American culture, and
considers the Aztec and Inca civilisations to have been autochthonous, a
natural reaction of man to his environment; whilst the other points to
the great probability, as adduced in archæological and other matters, of
some prehistoric Asiatic influence.

The abuses connected with rubber-gathering in the Amazon Valley are not
a new or sudden condition. The ill-treatment of the Indians in the
rubber-bearing regions of Peru were brought to public notice in England
and the United States in the book before mentioned, published in 1907,
showing that the aborigines were being destroyed, sold into slavery, and
murdered by the white rubber-gatherers or merchants several years before
the matter culminated in the publication of the Putumayo atrocities. The
present writer also wrote to various London periodicals in an endeavour
to arouse interest in the subject, but none of the journals specially
took the matter up.

The Peruvian Government and the Press of the Republic have long been
aware that the Indians of the forest regions were brutally exploited by
the rubber merchants and gatherers. Reports and articles have been made
and published both by officials and travellers. That Indians were sold
at Iquitos and elsewhere as slaves and that there was a constant traffic
in Indian women has been known to the authorities ever since
rubber-gathering began. In 1906, in Lima, the Director of Public Works,
one of the most important of the Government departments, handed the
present writer an official publication[7] dealing with Eastern Peru,
which contained among other matters an account by a Government official
of that region of the barbarities committed upon the Indians, a
translation of a portion of which is given here. The present writer had
undertaken to make a preliminary survey or reconnaisance on behalf of
the Government of a route for a railway from the Pacific coast to the
Marañon, which would give access to the interior and be of considerable
strategic importance.

The following translation of part of a Report in the official
publication, dated February, 1905, by a Peruvian engineer in the service
of the Government[8] shows that the abuse of the Indians was a matter of
current knowledge:--

"Marked changes have been produced among the savage tribes of the
Oriental regions of Peru by the industry of collecting the 'black gold,'
as the rubber is termed. Some of them have accepted the 'civilisation'
offered by the rubber-merchants, others have been annihilated by them.
On the other hand, alcohol, rifle bullets, and smallpox have worked
havoc among them in a few years. I take this opportunity of protesting
before the civilised world against the abuses and unnecessary
destruction of these primitive beings, whom the rapacity of so-called
civilised man has placed as mere mercantile products in the Amazon
markets; for it is a fact known to every one that the native slaves are
quoted there like any other merchandise. Throughout the forest region
under the control of the Governments of Peru, Colombia, Bolivia, and
Brazil the natives are exposed to attack without protection of the law
by the whites, who hunt and persecute them like animals of the jungle,
recognising as their only value the sum represented by their sale. If
protection is not afforded these unhappy beings, the just Judge of the
doings of all will condemn the generation which annihilates without
cause the indigenous races, the real owners of the soil."

The principal newspaper of Lima, _El Comercio_, a journal of high
standing, has repeatedly drawn attention to the ill-treatment and
exploitation of the Indians, not only in the regions of the Putumayo and
Iquitos but much farther to the south--as, for example, in the district
round Port Maldonado. This river port is nearly two thousand miles from
the Putumayo region, southward across Peru, reached by launch and canoe
upon a different river system, that of the Beni River. The upper courses
of this river are known as the Madre de Dios, upon which Port Maldonado
is situated, and whose lower course is the enormous Madera River, which
runs into the Amazon in Brazil in latitude 59°, more than one thousand
miles below Iquitos. At Port Maldonado is the confluence of the
Tambopata River with the Madre de Dios, and farther upstream is the
Inambari River. The whole of this region is rich in rubber forests, and
several companies are engaged in rubber-gathering, including British,
American, Bolivian, and Peruvian. The following translation from _El
Comercio_ of Lima in an edition of February, 1906, shows that more or
less similar methods were employed at points so far apart as Maldonado
and the Putumayo:--

"In the basin of the Madre de Dios and its affluents, where it is easy
to navigate with the help of the 'terrible' Chunchos,[9] who in reality
are good and hospitable, exist immense quantities of rubber, rich and
abundant rubber forests of easy exploitation. It would appear that the
new Commissioner is resolved to put a stop to the barbarous custom of
the _correrrias_[10] organised by the authorities themselves or by the
rubber-merchants, who carry on the repugnant business of selling the
poor Chunchos. As labour and women are both scarce, and as there is a
strong demand for the one and the other, bands of armed men are
constantly organised for sudden descents upon groups or communities of
the savages, no matter whether they are friendly or hostile, making them
prisoners in the midst of extermination and blood. Urged on by the
profit resulting from the sale of boys, robust youths, and young women
(_frescas mujeres_), they tear children from mothers and wives from
husbands without pity, and pass them from hand to hand as slaves. It
were well to take the savages from their forests to use their labour and
to cultivate their intelligence, but not for business purposes to make
them victims of the knife and the lash."

[Illustration: THE PERUVIAN AMAZON.

FREE INDIANS OF THE UCAYALI RIVER.

(Observe their robust appearance when not enslaved.)

To face p. 24.]

Thus the Press of the country itself shows that these things are done,
not only with the connivance of the authorities but are "organised by
the authorities themselves." The expected improvements mentioned above
took place very slowly, and in some cases not at all. To replace one
Commissioner by another is insufficient. All are equally venal or
influenced, and King Log does but give place to King Stork. Barbarities
committed by the rubber-merchants upon the Indians of the Ucayali and
Marañon were brought to the knowledge of the Peruvian Government in 1903
and 1906 by Roman Catholic missionaries established there and published
by the Minister of Justice.[11]

After extensive journeys in the interior of Peru, upon returning to the
capital, the present writer wrote various articles, which were published
in the Press of Lima and Arequipa, drawing attention to the miserable
condition of life of the labouring Indian class. Among these evils is
abuse by petty authorities and estate-owners, who employ the Indians and
fail to pay them their agreed wages or pay them in goods of inadequately
low value; the extortions of the village priests under the cloak of
religious customs; and, most serious of all, the ravages resulting upon
the consumption of _aguardiente_, or fiery sugar-cane rum, which is
responsible for the ruination and decrease of the working population.
This cane spirit is manufactured largely by the sugar-estate owners, and
is often a more profitable product than the sugar, whose output is
sacrificed thereto; but as the large estate-owners are often influential
personages or politicians and members of the Legislature, the
prohibition of the profitable sale of alcohol among the Indians is not
likely to be brought about. The leading newspaper of Lima, _El
Comercio_, in a leading article, of which the following is a partial
translation, said:--

"It is not rare, unfortunately, in the Republic that the authorities of
all kinds raise up abuses as a supreme law against the villages of the
interior. For the Indians of the mountains and the uplands there often
exists neither the Constitution nor positive rights. It would be useless
to seek in the indigenous race beings really free and masters of their
acts and persons. It looks as though independence had only been saved
for the dwellers of the coast. From the moment that the traveller's gaze
ceases to observe the ocean and is directed over the interminable chain
of the Andes it ceases also to observe free men, the citizens of an
independent republic. To this condition, which is not abnormal because
it has always existed, the ignorance of the Indian contributes, but also
the abuses of the authorities, who, with rare exceptions, make of them
objects of odious spoliation. Such depredations are aggravated when its
victims are unfortunate and unhappy beings, towards whom there is every
obligation to protect, and not to exploit."

The most remarkable fact about the maltreatment of the South American
Indians is that--admitted and specially alluded to in the Peruvian
Press, as the foregoing extracts show--abuses are carried out often by
the petty authorities themselves. It is painful for a foreigner, one,
moreover, who has enjoyed hospitality both from the authorities and from
the village priests in the interior of Peru, to record these matters,
but it is manifestly a duty. Moreover, it is a service to the country
itself to draw attention to the evil. The extinction of the indigenous
labour of the Andine highlands and of the rubber forests will render
impossible for a long period the internal development of the country. No
foreign or imported race can perform the work of the Peruvian miner or
rubber-gatherer. Due to the peculiar conditions of climate--the great
altitude in the one case and the humidity in the other--no European or
Asiatic people could take the place of these people, whose work can only
be accomplished by those who have paid Nature the homage of being born
upon the soil and inured to its conditions throughout many
generations.[12] It might have been supposed that from economic reasons
alone the exploiters of native labour would have endeavoured to foster
and preserve it, even if it were simply on the principle of feeding and
stabling a horse in order to use its powers to the utmost. But this is
not the case. The economic principle of conserving the efficiency of
human labour by its employer, remarkable as it may seem, has never been
recognised even in the most enlightened communities, or only very
recently and in a very few instances. It is not necessary to go to the
tropics to seek instances; they are evident no farther afield than among
the ill-paid mining, dock, manufacturing, and other labour in Great
Britain and the United States. The very abundance of labour has been its
own undoing; the supply has seemed exhaustless and the tendency has
been to squander it. The question is one of degree rather than of
principle in any community or industry and at any time in history. But
in the persecuted districts of Latin America native labour is
practically being hounded off the face of the earth.

The Putumayo atrocities were first brought to public notice by an
American engineer and his companion, Messrs. Hardenburg and Perkins, and
the interesting narrative by the former of their travels upon the
Putumayo River forms a large part of the subject of this book. Mr.
Hardenburg and his companion suffered great hardships and imprisonment
at the hands of the Peruvian agents of the rubber company on the
Putumayo, and barely escaped with their lives. For these outrages some
time afterwards they were awarded the sum of £500 damages by the
Peruvian Government, due to the action of the United States. Mr.
Hardenburg came to London from Iquitos in financial straits, but only
with considerable difficulty was able to draw public attention to the
occurrences on the Putumayo. Messrs. Hardenburg and Perkins's account
and indictment of the methods employed by the company's agents on the
Putumayo, under the name of "The Devil's Paradise," was a terrible one.
It was averred that the peaceful Indians were put to work at
rubber-gathering without payment, without food, in nakedness; that their
women were stolen, ravished, and murdered; that the Indians were flogged
until their bones were laid bare when they failed to bring in a
sufficient quota of rubber or attempted to escape, were left to die with
their wounds festering with maggots, and their bodies were used as food
for the agents' dogs; that flogging of men, women, and children was the
least of the tortures employed; that the Indians were mutilated in the
stocks, cut to pieces with machetes, crucified head downwards, their
limbs lopped off, target-shooting for diversion was practised upon them,
and that they were soused in petroleum and burned alive, both men and
women. The details of these matters were almost too repugnant for
production in print, and only their outline was published.

The first result of the publication of the Putumayo atrocities in the
London Press was denial. The Peruvian Amazon Company denied the truth of
the matter: the Peruvian Government denied the existence of such
conditions; whilst the Peruvian Consul-General and Chargé d'Affaires in
London denied them even more emphatically. In the minds of those
acquainted with Latin-American methods denials would not carry much
weight. To deny is the first resource of the Latin-American character
and policy. It is an "Oriental" trait they possess, the curious
obsession that efficient and sustained denial is the equal of truth, no
matter what the real conditions. The Peruvian Consul in London wrote
vehement letters of denial and re-denial to the London Press, among them
the following, published by _Truth_ in September, 1909:--

"This Legation categorically denies that the acts you describe, and
which are severely punished by our laws, could have taken place without
the knowledge of my Government on the Putumayo River, where Peru has
authorities appointed direct by the supreme Government, and where a
strong military garrison is likewise maintained."[13]

Unfortunately, the statements of the representatives of certain of the
South American republics in London cannot always be regarded as
disinterested. Their Governments in some cases pay them no salary, and
they are concerned in promoting and earning commissions from the
flotation of rubber and mining companies in the particular regions they
represent. Such a condition is often discreditable to the Latin-American
republics. Officials who are shareholders in and recipients of
commission from rubber company promoters with whom they are
hand-in-glove are not likely to take an impartial view of the
unfortunate native workers.

The Secretary of the Peruvian Amazon Company wrote in September, 1909,
to the Anti-Slavery Society and _Truth_ as follows:--

"The Directors have no reason to believe that the atrocities referred to
have, in fact, taken place, and indeed have grounds for considering that
they have been purposely mis-stated for indirect objects. Whatever the
facts, however, may be, the Board of the company are under no
responsibility for them, as they were not in office at the time of the
alleged occurrences. It was not until your article appeared that the
Board were aware of what is now suggested."

The publication of the Putumayo occurrences has revealed once more that
tinge of hypocrisy in the British character of which other nations have
accused us. Or, rather than hypocrisy, it should perhaps be termed an
intensive shopkeeping principle. Due to this spirit the exposure was
greatly delayed. No one would publish the Hardenburg account, because as
a book it might not have been a paying venture. Only when the way had
been prepared for a successful book, by the public scandal which
resulted after attention had been drawn to the matter, was it resolved
to publish it. The London Press at first was equally negligent or
timorous, with the exception of _Truth_. It showed little disposition to
take the matter up, until that paper, whose business it is to expose
scandals and abuses, exposed the horrors to public gaze. Then, when the
matter had reached the stage of useful "copy," it appeared in all the
papers--in some cases with startling headlines. The daily papers feared
that they would incur risk of libel proceedings in attacking what was
regarded as a powerful London Company, with a capital of a million
pounds and an influential Board of Directors, and at first hesitated to
take the matter up. Had it not been for the work of the philanthropic
society already mentioned, the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection
Society,[14] in London, and the courage of the Editor of _Truth_, to
both of whom Hardenburg went, followed by the prolonged publications in
_Truth_, the sinister occurrences of the Putumayo might have remained
unrevealed, and the unspeakable outrages on the Huitotos Indians have
gone on unhindered. The Anti-Slavery Society showed that "nothing
reported from the Congo has equalled in horror some of the acts alleged
against the rubber syndicate," and the reader of the present work will
not dispute the truth of the statement. The Society brought the matter
with such insistence before the Foreign Office that questions were asked
in the House of Commons and inquiries set on foot by Sir Edward Grey, to
whose everlasting credit it is that vigorous action was at length taken.

The Peruvian Amazon Company protested that the allegations were made by
blackmailers. This was denied by Hardenburg, and by _Truth_ on
Hardenburg's account. There were, however, accusations of blackmail
against others.[15]

The first reply to the letters of the Anti-Slavery Society, from the
Foreign Office, was in December, 1909, when it was stated that the
Foreign Office had the subject under consideration. In July, 1910, a
British Consul, Mr. Roger Casement, well known for his investigations
into the Congo atrocities, was instructed to proceed to the Putumayo,
his _locus standi_ being secured on the grounds that a number of British
subjects, coloured men of Barbadoes, had been employed by Arana and the
Peruvian agents of the company as slave-drivers. The securing of Mr.
Casement for the work was due to the endeavour of the Anti-Slavery
Society. The directors of the company, aroused at length by public
opinion, or the representations of the Foreign Office, sent out a
commission of inquiry at the same time.[16] Both the consul and the
company's Commission faithfully carried out their task, and Mr. Casement
handed in his report to Sir Edward Grey in January, 1911. The
conclusions reached were terrible and damning. The worst accounts were
confirmed in the words of Consul Casement: "The condition of things
fully warrants the worst charges brought against the agents of the
Peruvian Amazon Company and its methods on the Putumayo."[17]

The great delay in publishing this report, which was only laid before
Parliament in July, 1912, a year after being made, caused some protest
by the Press. The Foreign Office had withheld it out of a desire to
afford the Peruvian Government an opportunity of taking action to end
the abuses, but, as this was not done, the report was made public as a
means of arousing public opinion. The press of the whole civilised world
then took the matter up.

It may well be asked how it was possible that such occurrences could
take place in a country with a seat of government such as Lima, where
dwell a highly civilised and sensitive people, whose public
institutions, streets, shops, and churches are not inferior to those of
many European cities. The reply is, first, in the remoteness of the
region of the Putumayo, as explained, and secondly in political and
international matters. Peru is constantly torn by political strife at
home, and between the doings of rival factions, the outlying regions of
the country are overlooked. But Peru was largely influenced by its own
insecure possession of the Putumayo region; and it had greatly welcomed
the establishing of the Peruvian Amazon Company, a powerful
organisation, in the debatable territory. Under such circumstances few
questions were likely to be asked about such matters as treatment of the
natives. The existence of the company was a species of safeguard for
Peruvian possession of the region. Furthermore, a central Government
such as that at Lima might be well-intentioned, but if distances are
vast and without means of communication, and distant officials
hopelessly corrupt, the situation was extremely difficult for the
Government. Another circumstance affecting the action of the Peruvian
Government is that, in the republican form of government, the judicial
authorities are independent of the Executive. The educated people of the
Peruvian capital and coast region must, in general, be exonerated from
knowledge of the occurrences of the Putumayo.

The difficulties of Peru in the government and development of their
portion of the Amazon Valley, known as the Oriente, or Montaña, must not
be lightly passed over. The physical difficulties against what has been
termed the Conquest of the Montaña are such as it is impossible for the
European to picture. Nature resists at every step. Hunger, thirst,
fever, fatigue, and death await the explorer at times, in these
profound, unconquerable forests. Peru has sent forth many expeditions
thereto; brave Peruvians have given their lives in the conquest. The
authorities at different points have frequently organised bands of
explorers, and the Lima Geographical Society has done much valuable work
in sending out persons to explore and map these difficult regions. Yet
the possession of the Montaña is a heritage of incalculable value to
Peru. It is a region any nation might covet. The Peruvians are alive to
its value and possibilities, but they are poor. Days, weeks, months of
arduous travel on mule-back, on foot, cutting _trochas_, or paths,
through the impenetrable underbrush, by raft and by canoe, suffering all
the hardships of the tropics, of torrential rain, burning sun, scarcity
of food--all these are circumstances of venturing off the few trails
into the vast and almost untravelled trans-Andine regions of Peru,
divided by the lofty plateaux and snowy summits of the Andes from the
temperate lowlands where the Europeanised civilisation of the Pacific
flourishes.

It is not to be supposed that the Indians are all pacific or docile in
the Peruvian Montaña. Whole villages which were established in earlier
times by the Spaniards and afterwards enlarged by the Peruvians, with
buildings, plantations, and industries, have been wiped out by attacks
of the Indians, probably in reprisals. In some districts the danger from
savages prevents settlement, and the blow-pipe and the spear greet the
traveller who ventures there incautiously. Tales of savagery have been
told in which the white man has been the sufferer; and there has always
existed an animus against the Indian, although less acute than that
which the white settler in North America displayed against the "redskin"
in earlier times, and without the same cause.

[Illustration: AN AFFLUENT OF THE PERUVIAN AMAZON.

To face p. 36.]

In the Peruvian Montaña, in its upper regions, Nature has been lavish of
her products and opportunities. The rancher who should take up his abode
there, with a small amount of capital, can rapidly acquire estates and
wealth. Abundant harvests of almost every known product can be raised in
a minimum of time. It is sufficient to cut down and burn the brush and
scratch the soil and sow with any seed, to recover returns of a hundred
for one. Sugar-cane, vines, maize, cocoa, coffee, and a host of products
can be raised. The sugar-cane, once planted, yields perpetually, some
existing plantations being more than a hundred years old. The cane
frequently measures thirty feet in height, and is cut seven to nine
months after sprouting. The whole Amazon Valley, when it shall have
been opened up, will prove to be one of the most valuable parts of the
earth's surface.

Apart from topographical considerations, the sinister occurrences on the
Putumayo are, to some extent, the result of a sinister human
element--the Spanish and Portuguese character. The remarkable trait of
callousness to human suffering which the Iberian people of Portugal and
Spain--themselves a mixture of Moor, Goth, Semite, Vandal, and other
peoples--introduced into the Latin American race is here shown in its
intensity, and is augmented by a further Spanish quality. The Spaniard
often regards the Indians as _animals_. Other European people may have
abused the Indians of America, but none have that peculiar Spanish
attitude towards them of frankly considering them as non-human. To-day
the Indians are commonly referred to among Spaniards and Mestizos as
_animales_. The present writer, in his travels in Peru and Mexico, has
constantly been met with the half-impatient exclamation, on having
protested against maltreatment of the Indian, of "_Son animales, Señor;
no son gentes._" ("They are animals, Señor; they are not folk"). The
torture or mutilation of the Indian is therefore regarded much as it
would be in the case of an ox or a horse. This attitude of mind was well
shown in the barbarous system of forced labour in the mines in the times
of the viceroys of Peru and Mexico, where the Indians were driven into
the mines by armed guards and branded on the face with hot irons. When
their overtaxed strength gave way under the heavy labour, which rapidly
occurred, their carcasses were pitched aside and they were replaced by
other slaves. These operations of the time of the Spaniards have their
counterpart in the Amazon Valley to-day. There is yet a further trait of
the Latin American which to the Anglo-Saxon mind is almost inexplicable.
This is the pleasure in the torture of the Indian as a _diversion_, not
merely as a vengeance or "punishment." As has been shown on the
Putumayo, and as happened on other occasions elsewhere, the Indians have
been abused, tortured, and killed _por motivos frivolos_--that is to
say, for merely frivolous reasons, or for diversion. Thus Indians are
shot at in sport to make them run or as exercise in _tiro al blanco_ or
target practice, and burnt by pouring petroleum over them and setting it
on fire in order to watch their agonies. This love of inflicting agony
for sport is a curious psychic attribute of the Spanish race. The
present writer, when in remote regions in Peru and Mexico, has had
occasion to intervene, sometimes at personal risk, in the ill-treatment
of Indians and _peones_, who were being tortured or punished to extort
confession for small misdemeanours, or even for purely frivolous
reasons. The Indians of Latin America are in reality grown-up children,
with the qualities of such, but the Spaniards and Portuguese have
recognised in these traits nothing more than what they term "animal"
qualities.

The indictment of Peruvian officials in the Hardenburg narrative is
extremely severe, and they are contrasted unfavourably with the
Colombians. In reality there is little to choose between the methods of
the representatives of any of the South American republics as regards
the administration of justice in remote regions. Power is always abused
in such places by the Latin American people, be they Peruvians,
Colombians, Bolivians, Brazilians, Argentinos, or others. Tyranny is but
a question of opportunity, in the present stage of their development.
Justice is bought and sold, as far as its secondary administrators are
concerned. The otherwise good qualities and fine latent force of the
Latin American character are overshadowed by its more primitive
instincts, which time and the growth of real democracy will
eliminate.[18]

Furthermore, there are other rubber-bearing regions in the Amazon Valley
where hidden abuses are committed, in the territory of other South
American republics; and Peru does not stand alone, and atrocities are
not confined to the Putumayo.

It was shown that many of the murders and floggings at the rubber
stations were committed by the Barbadian negroes at the order of the
Peruvian chiefs of sections. These negroes were forced at their own
peril to these acts. But probably the savage depth of the negro is
easily stirred, as all know who have had dealings therewith. There can
be little doubt that the Peruvian rubber-agents knew the negro character
and secured them for that reason. On the other hand, it is shown that
some of these Barbadian negroes rebelled against going to the
Putumayo--protested to the British Consul at Manaos, but were ordered on
board by that official under police supervision.[19] When they reached
the rubber stations on the remote Putumayo it was difficult to rebel
against the orders of the Peruvian agents or chiefs of sections. In some
cases, when they did so, they themselves received ill-treatment and were
subjected to torture, for which they do not appear to have received any
compensation as British subjects. The lack of advice and investigation
into the conditions of their contract and service which appears to have
befallen them at the hands of the British Consul at Manaos is a matter
for reflection. The investigation carried out by the Consular Commission
showed that some of these Barbadian negroes committed terrible crimes at
the instigation of their superiors. The first contingent of these men,
imported by Arana Brothers, reached the Putumayo at the end of 1904.
These Barbadoes men generally term themselves "Englishmen"[20] rather
than "British subjects." They are good workers generally, and to their
labour it is that the work of the Panama Canal owes its speedy
execution.

It is noteworthy that one of the worst criminal chiefs of sections was a
Peruvian or Bolivian who had been educated in England, frequently
referred to.

After the exposure of the scandals the Peruvian Government sent a
commission of its own to the Putumayo, which confirmed all that had been
published. The principal official of this commission was Judge Paredes,
the proprietor of _El Oriente_, an Iquitos newspaper; and he made a full
report "embodying an enormous volume of testimony, of 3,000 pages
involving wellnigh incredible charges of cruelty and massacre" and
"issued 237 warrants" against the criminals, as stated in Sir Roger
Casement's Report. But between issuing warrants and actually making
arrests and convictions, in South America, there is a wide gulf.
Furthermore, Judge Paredes endeavoured, in a recent statement, to
show[21] that the "English Rubber Company" was solely responsible for
the atrocities, and that the English Consul at Iquitos has been aiding
the guilty parties in keeping from the Peruvian Government an exact
knowledge of what was taking place, is the contention of Peru. Mr. David
Cazes, English Consul in Iquitos since 1903, would have been in a good
position to find out about the management of the rubber plantation. All
the rubber gathered in the Putumayo is shipped from Iquitos. And yet he
always swore that he knew nothing. No one can enter the territory of the
rubber company without the permission of the Company's representative
in Iquitos. The twenty-one constables whom the Peruvian Government kept
in the Putumayo in those days had all been bribed by the English traders
and shut their eyes to what was happening in the jungle.

In this way the Peruvian Commissioner seeks to excuse his country,
laying stress on the term "English company and traders," when he knows
that the only representatives of the English company were its Peruvian
directors and managers. The judge adds: "You must not imagine that the
Indians are any less protected than the white man in Peru. Barring, of
course, the times of the early Spanish conquerors, the native Indians
have been treated very humanely in Peru." This latter statement, read in
conjunction with the translations from official documents and _El
Comercio_ of Lima, previously given, about Peruvian treatment of the
Indians, will enable this statement of the judge to be judged in its
turn.

Señor Paredes, when asked by his American interviewer "to what he
attributed the recent exposure of wrongs committed several years ago,"
replied, "It may be that certain Englishmen are a little jealous of the
cordial relations existing between Peru and the United States." There is
revealed here the somewhat singular situation of Peru's international
relations, with its atmosphere of jealousies. Peru strives to look
towards what it considers the dominant power in that hemisphere, and
years past has been engaged in what might be termed a one-sided
political flirtation with the United States. Peru has hoped to enlist
the sympathy of the great northern republic, which might strengthen her
hands against her old enemy Chile, between whom and the United States
there exists a veiled antagonism. The rankling question of Tacna and
Arica has been at the base of the Peruvian attitude. The friendship of
the United States would be more valuable, in Peruvian eyes, than that of
Great Britain. Furthermore, questions between Peru and the Peruvian
Corporation, the powerful company which controls all Peru's railways and
which, though international as regards its shareholders and its
capitalisation of £22,000,000 sterling, is operated and controlled from
London, have often been acute. Each claims that the other has failed to
fulfil its contracts, and whilst there have been faults on both sides,
the Peruvian Governments of past years were those who first created the
difficult situation. The Corporation has been accused of a sustained,
unfriendly attitude towards Peru and of an endeavour to block outside
foreign enterprise in the country. It is, however, in Paris that feeling
among financiers against Peru has been most acute, and Peru has been in
the past practically shut out from the French financial market owing to
the unsettled claims of French creditors. In general terms the United
States is considered to be the more desirable friend, not Europe, and
thus it is that North American friendship is cultivated. There is,
however, no unfriendliness between Peru and Great Britain, and the best
Peruvian statesmen have done their best to cultivate good relations.
But, like all American people, the Peruvians are sensitive, and they
deeply resent outside criticism.

The work of Messrs. Hardenburg and Perkins, to whom the exposure of the
Putumayo atrocities is primarily due, has scarcely received sufficient
acknowledgment. The risks they ran in obtaining evidence were
considerable, and such as can only be understood by a traveller
accustomed to Latin American ways. Human life is held cheap in such
communities. Murder and treachery to secure personal or political ends
are only repressed in the Latin American republics by the presence of
collective opinion. Where that is absent or perturbed there is no
restraining influence, such as the personal sense of fair play and
hatred of treachery which the British character affords. It is not only
a matter of education, but of soil, climate, race, and character. Those
who arouse the antagonism of any person in power, where the law is weak,
may expect anything, from charges of blackmail to the knife or bullet of
the assassin. The terrible political murders constantly taking place in
the Latin American republics indicate the ruthless spirit prevalent
among certain classes in those communities. The trouble taken by
Hardenburg to collect his evidence, and the repugnance displayed towards
the authors of the crime, and the appeal to English justice are worthy
of recognition.[22]

The British public might feel constrained to ask how it was possible
that the British Consul at Iquitos--whence all the rubber is
shipped--who has been stationed at that town since 1903, had never heard
of nor investigated the abuses committed against the Indians; that it
remained for a chance traveller to bring them to general notice.
Furthermore, the British Vice-Consul at Manaos appears to have had no
knowledge of the subject. When the Peruvian Amazon Company imported
foremen from Barbadoes--British subjects--and these men learned of the
terrible nature of the duties they were to perform, which was that of
slave-driving and flagellating the Indians, and complained to the
Consul, asking for an annulment of their contracts, they were unable to
obtain release by the official. The rubber from the Amazon Valley is all
exported in English vessels, moreover. Notwithstanding the extensive
British interests in Peru, no inkling of the treatment and fate of the
unfortunate Indians had reached the outside world before.

It is to be noted that the American Consul at Iquitos appears not to
have been able to afford any assistance to Mr. Hardenburg and his
companion, and that action was taken by the American Government
consequent upon the ill-treatment of its citizens, only after a
considerable lapse of time. The ill-treatment of the two travellers
afforded an opportunity for intervention by the United States
Government, even if it had not been aroused to action on grounds of
humanity alone. It was only in July, 1911, a year after Consul Casement
had been dispatched by the British Government to Peru, and after six
months of telegraphic dispatches between the British Foreign Office and
the British Minister in Lima--dispatches communicated to the Peruvian
Government--that the United States Government, having been urged thereto
by the British representative, consented to make "informal
representations" at Lima. Again urged by the British Government to
support their representations, as no progress was being made in bringing
the criminals to justice, the United States Minister, six months
afterwards, was instructed to support the British representative. Thus,
had action not been taken by Great Britain none would have been
forthcoming by the United States, a condition which, for a nation that
has assumed and been granted the position of policeman in South America,
must be regretted. The Monroe Doctrine carries with it a greater
responsibility than has been exercised so far by the United States in
Latin American affairs, and this is becoming plainer to the great body
of well-meaning American people. The United States at the present time
are actively engaged in increasing their commercial standing with their
southern neighbours, but it is the case that these doubt the moral
superiority of their neighbour, and naturally resent his right to
interfere in their political and international affairs.

Under the most favourable conditions the collection of rubber is an
arduous and generally unhealthy work. Years ago an estimate was made
that every ton of rubber from the Amazon Valley cost two human lives,
and although at that time the estimate seemed to be an exaggerated one,
the methods of the Putumayo must have quadrupled it. If the native
rubber-gatherer were treated as an ordinary labourer and paid a due
wage, it is safe to say that it would not pay to gather wild rubber at
all, or only by increasing its price in the world's market very
considerably. As a cheap commodity it represents a definite ratio of
human lives lost. In Sir Roger Casement's Report it is shown that for
the twelve years 1900 to 1911 the Putumayo output of 4,000 tons of
rubber cost 30,000 lives. Various rubber companies in Peru and Bolivia
have been obliged already to suspend operations due to scarcity of
labour. The remedy lies in planting, in conjunction with the wild rubber
forests. The amount of rubber collected by the slave labour in the
Putumayo district for the benefit of the company and its predecessors,
for six years ending in December, 1910, was 2,947,800 kilogrammes, of
the value on the London market of nearly £1,000,000. The output from
Iquitos, however, has not decreased, which has been taken as a proof
that native labour is still being hard-driven. The crop-year 1911-12
shows a considerable increase over that for 1910-11.[23]

Perhaps one of the most remarkable circumstances affecting the rubber
company is the ease with which it was possible to float, in London, a
property of which, to a large extent, possession was imaginary and
without proper title. It is but another instance of the astute methods
of company promoters and the gullibility of the British shareholder. It
will be recollected that in 1909 shares in rubber companies to the
amount of £150,000,000 sterling were taken up, a great part of which
have proved useless or fraudulent. Laws seem inadequate against the
combination of knave, fool, and victim which is so marked a feature of
modern company-promoting finance.

The occurrences on the Putumayo accentuate a moral which is bound to be
presented to the conscience of the investing British public. In South
America, as in Latin America generally, and in many other parts of the
world where aboriginal labour is cheap, great sums of British capital
are invested, and a steady stream of gold turns its course therefrom
towards the British Isles. But these numerous and complacent
shareholders in their comfortable surroundings know nothing, and have
not made it their business to care anything, about the conditions of
life of the humble workers who produce the dividends. Do they know that
their gains are often secured by the labour of ill-paid, half-starved,
and often grossly abused brown and black folk? How long does the British
shareholder of foreign enterprises expect to live upon the toil of
distant "niggers," who themselves reap little or nothing from the soil
upon which they were born? There are approximately £600,000,000 sterling
of British money invested in bonds, stock, and shares in South American
enterprises, quoted on the London Stock Exchange, which return in the
aggregate a steady average dividend of nearly 5 per cent. per annum.
Some of these enterprises pay 12, 20, and 25 per cent. interest. Much of
this is the result of poor native labour. In various instances what
amounts to spoliation is practised upon the cheap labour by
British-owned companies. Similar conditions hold good with American
concerns--mining and rubber-gathering in Mexico and Central and South
America. The Americans are often extremely oppressive to the Indian
labourer. In the American-owned copper-mines of Peru serious outbreaks
due to this cause have occurred of recent years. The white American
foreman rapidly gets used to oppressing the Indian. The miserable
conditions of native labour in Latin America ought to be brought home to
the directors and shareholders of British and other foreign companies.
There are hundreds of rubber, mining, oil, plantation, railway, and
other companies with scores of noblemen--lords, dukes, baronets--as well
as doctors of science, bankers, and business-men, and even ministers of
religion, distributed among their boards of directors. What knowledge
have these gentlemen of the conditions of the poor native labourers
under their control? There is a grave responsibility, which has been
very easily carried, about this system of absentee capitalism.

British investment in and trade with the Latin American countries is an
important part of British commercial prosperity. But this trade is not
increasing in nearly the same ratio as that of other countries, notably
the United States and Germany. In some cases it is falling off. This is
due partly to a lack of organisation, and is constantly pointed out in
consular and trade reports.[24]

The occurrences on the Putumayo have at least tended to arouse the
religious element, if not the commercial conscience, of the British
people. A severe indictment of the directors of the Peruvian Amazon
Company was made from the pulpit of Westminster Abbey, in August, 1912,
in a sermon by Canon Henson. The English directors were denounced by
name, and the demand made that they should be arrested and brought to
public trial, the preacher stating that he chose that famous pulpit for
delivering the indictment in order that the widest possible publicity
might be given to the subject. The directors, in the public Press, then
made through their solicitors an emphatic and indignant denial of their
responsibility, alleging that in the first place they were ignorant of
the occurrences, and that when these were shown to have some foundation
in fact they voluntarily dispatched a commission to inquire into the
matter.

Aroused by the revelations made, several religious missions started to
being in London, asking for support by public subscription to enable
missionary work to be carried out and stations established in the
Peruvian Amazon region. There is a strong religious moral to be drawn
from the occurrences. In all probability such a terrible situation
would never have grown to being if the fine work of the old Jesuit and
Franciscan friars in Brazil and Peru had been allowed to flourish. One
of the greatest names associated with the Amazon is that of the famous
Padre Samuel Fritz, a Bohemian by birth, who passed the larger part of
his life in the service of Spain in Peru as a Jesuit missionary, working
from 1686 to 1723, among the Indians of the Amazon forests. Living with
the native tribes of the Huallaga, the Napo--which parallels the
Putumayo--the Ucayali, and others of the great affluents of the Amazon,
this devoted priest carried on his Christianising work, winning the
natives to Christianity in a way so remarkable as has never been
equalled since. Venturing at length farther down the Amazon into
Portuguese territory, Fritz fell ill, and was detained for two years at
Para by the Portuguese, who were jealous and fearful of Spanish
domination in the Amazon Valley. The Portuguese built forts at the
confluence of the Rio Negro, where Manaos now stands, in order to assert
their sovereignty over that part of the river, and dispatched armed
bands upstream which destroyed the Christian missions and settlements
Fritz had founded. The atrocious cruelties practised in these
slave-raids, for such in effect they were, caused the tribes to flee to
remoter regions, and a great diminution of the population followed in
the first half of the eighteenth century. Thus the Portuguese
conquistadores accomplished for the Amazon what the Spaniards had
performed for the Andine highlands, and what the commercial conquest of
rubber-gathering, nominally conducted from London, has accomplished in
the twentieth century.

There can be no doubt of the value of religious missions in the Amazon
Valley. A mission which should establish itself in these regions ought
to be provided with well-appointed launches and motorboats, and to be
prepared to exercise a more or less "muscular" kind of Christianity.
Between the rival claims that have been advanced for Roman Catholic and
Protestant Missions it is difficult to judge. The existing Romish Church
in the Andean highlands is a valuable restraining force, but its methods
often partake of spoliation of the Indian under the cloak of religion,
and of what, as regards certain of its attributes, is practically petty
idolatry; whilst the moral character of the village priests leaves much
to be desired. There seems little reason why both sects should not
exercise their sway. Protestant public worship or proselytising is
against the Peruvian laws, but is tolerated. Nevertheless, bitter
hostility is shown to it in the upland regions, which are absolutely
under priestly control. In the Amazon lowlands and rivers this obstacle
would possibly be less formidable.

The occurrences of the Putumayo have aroused public feeling in Lima,
where a _pro-indigena_, or native protection society, has been
established, based upon a former, feebler association of similar
character; for there has always existed a party protesting against the
abuses practised upon the Indians. The change of Government in the
Republic has brought promises of betterment. Telegraphic communications
to the London Press have announced, on the one hand, that the
Peruvian Chambers of Congress have "moved a resolution protesting
against the attitude of Great Britain and the United States," and, on
the other, "that inhumanity in the Putumayo has been absolutely
abolished." Apart from electioneering devices, it cannot be doubted that
the Government has been aroused. But those acquainted with social
conditions in South America will greatly doubt if, apart from
mutilations and assassination, the social condition of the Indian will
yet be bettered or the ruinous system of peonage replaced by civilised
labour conditions. If peonage and forced labour still exist in the more
civilised upland regions, as they do, the conditions are not likely to
be banished in the Amazon forestal lowlands. The subject must not be
allowed to sink into oblivion, and the pressure of public opinion must
be sustained.

[Illustration: AN INCIDENT OF THE PUTUMAYO.

INDIAN WOMAN CONDEMNED TO DEATH BY HUNGER: ON THE UPPER PUTUMAYO.

(The Peruvians state that this was the work of Colombian bandits.)

_Photo reproduced from "Variedades" of Lima, Peru._]

If the occurrences which have been exposed lead to an awakening of the
commercial conscience as regards investments in countries where poor
native labour is employed, and to the consequent betterment of the lot
of the humble worker in Latin America, the cruel sacrifice of the poor
Indians in the dismal forests of the Putumayo will not have been in
vain.

C. REGINALD ENOCK.




CHAPTER II

HARDENBURG'S NARRATIVE: SOURCE OF THE PUTUMAYO


Not far from the city of Pasto, in Southern Colombia, a small,
swift-flowing mountain stream has its origin in one of the high peaks of
the Colombian Andes. Here, plunging furiously down the steep,
precipitous descents of the Cordillera Oriental, between the high,
heavily wooded mountains, which rise almost perpendicularly to the
clouds, it dashes itself into spray against the immense boulders that
form its bed, and throws itself over the numerous precipices in its path
with a deep, resounding roar like distant thunder.

This mountain torrent is the River Putumayo, which, leaving the towering
Andes, flows in a south-easterly direction more than a thousand miles
through the great fertile, wooded plains of the Amazon basin, finally
entering the great river in Western Brazil.

The region traversed by this magnificent river is one of the richest in
the world. In the Andes and its upper course it flows through a rich
mineral section. At its source, near Pasto, numerous goldmines are being
discovered daily and are changing hands rapidly, and there are immense
deposits of iron and coal.

Having resigned our positions on the Cauca Railway, my companion W. B.
Perkins and myself had set out upon our long-talked-of trip across South
America, leaving the town of Buenaventura, on the Pacific coast of
Colombia, on October 1, 1907, traversed the successive ranges of the
Andes, and had arrived at the little Indian village of Santiago, in the
level valley of Sibundoy.

The valley of Sibundoy--once the bed of an ancient lake--is situated in
the Cordillera Oriental at an elevation of about 2,300 metres above
sea-level, and is some 25 kilometres long by 10 wide. The Putumayo, here
but a small, crystal mountain stream, flows through it, rising in one of
the numerous peaks that surround the valley on every side. A part of the
valley is low and swampy, but the rest is good, rich soil, quite
suitable for agricultural purposes, and covered with a thick, short
grass. Although all the encircling mountains are clad with forests, the
valley is, at present, cleared and ready for cultivation.

In this beautiful Andean valley four distinct villages have sprung
up--San Antonio, Santiago, Sibundoy, and San Francisco. Of the first,
San Antonio, I can say but little, as it was out of our line of march
and we did not have time to visit it; but I understand that it is an
Indian village of approximately the same size and characteristics as
Santiago. It is connected with Lake Cocha by an Indian trail, which is
to be followed more or less by the location of a new mule-road.

Santiago is composed of about fifty houses and a mud church, thatched
with palm-leaves, erected by the Capuchins for the conversion and
instruction of the Indians. Except for the five or six fathers who
conduct the services and an old white hag who had been the
_compañera_[25] of a certain ex-President in the eighties, when he was
engaged in business here, the whole population is Indian, and amounts,
all told, to probably five hundred. These Indians, although short and
small, are tough and strong and are of an agreeable, reddish, coppery
hue. The average height of the men seems to be about five feet; the
women average from two to four inches less. They are nearly all bright
and cheerful, and, as a rule, intelligent, although they sometimes feign
stupidity when in contact with whites. Timidity and bashfulness,
especially among the women and children, are very common.

Although all, thanks to the fathers, know a little Spanish, among
themselves they use their own language exclusively, which seems to be
derived from the ancient Quichua of the aborigines of Peru and Ecuador.
This language is spoken in a sort of sing-song, soft and melodious,
which is rather pleasing to the ear. These aborigines call themselves
Incas or Ingas,[26] and their dialect is known as the Inca language, and
is rather easily picked up by the whites, who are much in contact with
the Incas.

These Indians live in large rectangular houses, the walls of which
consist of upright sticks, tied together with bark, the roof being of
thatch and the floor of hardened earth. The spaces between the upright
sticks that form the walls obviate the necessity for windows. Sometimes,
if the house is a large one, several families live in it together, each
family having its own corner, fireside, and utensils. The furniture is
very limited, and generally consists of benches of various sizes and,
sometimes, a low table, all of which are carved out of solid wood, not a
nail being used in their construction. Their domestic apparatus is
composed chiefly of great earthen pots, which they are very skilful in
making; gourds, which serve as plates, cups, &c.; and several large
round stones with which they crush their maize.

The dress of the Incas is very picturesque. That of the men consists of
a long cotton shirt, either blue or white, which reaches almost to the
knees, nearly covering a pair of knee-pants of the same colour and
material. Over this is thrown a heavy woollen poncho, always of a
greyish-yellow colour, with thin, black stripes, which reaches almost to
the feet. Their long, black hair, thick and abundant, takes the place of
a hat, and is prevented from dangling in the face by a gaily coloured
ribbon or a piece of the inner bark of the tree known to them as
_huimba_, which passes around the crown of the head just above the ears.
The women invariably wear a red shirt, the lower extremity of which is
covered by a short black skirt, reaching to the knees. A bright red
blanket, thrown over their shoulders, completes their costume, for, as a
rule, they do not wear the headband used by the men. Both sexes are very
fond of beads, and generally have an immense necklace of them, while
smaller strings are worn on the wrists and ankles.

The chief, or _gobernador_, is elected with great formality once a
year. Then the retiring magistrate, in the presence of the whole tribe,
hands over to his successor the silver-headed cane which has been since
time immemorial the emblem of authority amongst the Incas. The chief's
house is always distinguished by a decoration of palm-leaves over the
door, for all business with the whites is done through him, disputes
between Indians are settled by him, and he possesses the power of
punishment. The punishment is generally a whipping or confinement in
stocks, which are always kept in the chief's house.

The food of these aborigines consists chiefly of maize, collards, and
game. From the maize they manufacture their peculiar _mazata_, which is
their principal aliment, for they eat it morning, noon, and night, the
collards and the game they shoot being merely auxiliaries. The maize is
first scalded in one of the great earthen jars, after which, when cool,
a certain proportion of it is thoroughly chewed until it is well mixed
with the saliva. In this important operation the whole family, both
young and old, takes part, seated in a circle around the huge pot of
scalded maize, each one provided with a smaller gourd, into which they
shoot the well-masticated mixture of maize and saliva. This operation
concluded, the next step is to mix thoroughly the salivated maize with
the other, and the whole mass is then deposited in the large earthen
jars, where it is allowed to ferment for several days under the action
of the organic principles of the saliva. The mixture is then preserved
in this state, and when they wish to prepare their beverage they merely
take out a handful of this preparation, reduce it to a paste, stir it
in water, and their drink is ready. This _mazata_ has a sour, bitter
taste, very palatable to the Indian, but disgusting to most white men.

Their arms consist chiefly of blow-guns or _bodoquedas_, although at
present shot-guns and _machetes_ are beginning to be introduced among
them. These blow-guns are not manufactured by the Incas, but are bought
by them from the Indians of Mocoa, who obtain them from the Cioni
Indians of the Upper Putumayo. The Cionis, in turn, are supplied with
them by the Indians of the River Napo, who are the original
manufacturers. This celebrated weapon is a hollow, tapering pole, from
two to four metres long, pierced longitudinally by a hole some
three-sixteenths of an inch in diameter. The outside surface of the pole
is wound around with thin strips of tough bark, over which is applied a
smooth, black coating of gum-resin from the _arbol del lacre_, or
sealing-wax tree, while the thicker end terminates in a mouthpiece, into
which a small arrow, some twenty centimetres long and tipped with a
little cotton instead of a feather, is introduced. The mouth is then
applied to the mouthpiece, and with the breath the little arrow is shot
out with great force to a distance of from thirty to forty metres.

These arrows, apparently so insignificant, are in reality awful in their
effects, for their points are tipped with the celebrated _curaré_, made
from the _Strychnos castelmoeana_, called by them _ramu_, and from the
_Cocculus toxicoferus_, known to these aborigines as _pani_. The points
are often cut, so as to break off after penetrating the skin and stay
in the wound. A puncture of the skin by one of these arrows causes death
within a minute, for I have seen a large dog struck by one of these
little missiles drop dead before he could run five metres. Like the
_bodoqueda_ itself, these little arrows reach the Incas only after
passing through the hands of several tribes, and are generally carried
in a small bamboo quiver, to which is tied a little gourd filled with
cotton. It is interesting to note that although the _curaré_ with which
the arrows are tipped is a deadly poison, it has absolutely no injurious
effect upon the game killed by it. In many respects this weapon is
superior to the shot-gun, but its great advantage is its noiselessness.
Thus, a hunter can kill bird after bird without fear of their becoming
alarmed and flying away. The Indians can shoot very accurately with the
_bodoqueda_ up to about thirty metres.

On the 16th the _gobernador_, with whom my companion Perkins and myself
stayed, told us that the Indians had finished preparing their
_habío_[27] and were ready to depart; so, after seeing them load up, we
bade adios to the _gobernador_ and at 11 a.m. started for Sibundoy. The
road was tolerably good, consisting in many places of logs, laid
transversely across the way, and skirted the edge of the surrounding
mountains a little above the level of the valley, of which we would have
had an excellent view but for the dense underbrush which interposed
itself between the valley and us. On our march we crossed several
beautiful little _quebradas_, whose clear, crystal waters glistened
brilliantly in the sun; but our appreciation of their beauty was
somewhat diminished by the fact that as nobody in the whole valley wears
shoes there were no bridges over them, and we were obliged to wade
through their cold, icy waters, wetting ourselves up to the knees in
doing so.

After a march of some three hours we entered Sibundoy, a village of
about the same size and appearance as Santiago, where we made our way to
the Capuchin convent, determining to wait here for our Indians. We were
kindly received by the four priests here, as well as by the Padre
Prefecto, the head of all the Capuchin establishments in the territories
of the Caquetá and the Putumayo, who makes this place his headquarters.
One of the fathers, Padre Estanislao de Los Corts, a Spaniard from
Cataluña, was especially kind, and, after showing us around the new
convent they were building, supplied us with the following data about
the Indians of Sibundoy:--

The Indians of Sibundoy call themselves Cochas and speak a language of
the same name, which is quite distinct from the Inca and much more
complex and difficult. The Cochas are said to be lazier, more dishonest,
and of a surlier disposition than the Incas, although resembling them
very much in appearance, customs, dress, and mode of living. It is
believed that these Indians were brought here long ago by the Spaniards
from the River Vaupes as slaves for the goldmines of Pasto and that,
escaping from their captors in this vicinity, they finally settled in
the valley. They now number about 1,500, the greater part, however,
living in lone huts in the mountains.

We remained at the convent waiting for the Indians all the afternoon,
but as they did not appear we were glad to accept the Padre Prefecto's
pressing invitation to stop here for the night. The priests told us that
the _cargadores_[28] had probably gone to their homes to enjoy a last
farewell feast before beginning the trip to Mocoa, which we afterwards
found to be the case. The convent was scrupulously clean and fitted up
roughly and simply, for nearly everything had been made by the fathers
themselves. The food was plain and coarse, but substantial and well
cooked, one of the priests skilfully performing this important
operation.

The next morning at eight o'clock the two Indians who were to carry our
food, blankets, &c., put in their appearance, looking somewhat seedy and
informing us that the others were coming later. They were accompanied by
a pretty little Indian girl, carrying their _habío_, who they said was
their sister. The _padre_, however, suspected immorality and, as a
precautionary measure, bade them go to church. This over, we sent them
on ahead in charge of Pedro, with orders to wait for us at the next
village--San Francisco--while we stopped a little longer to take lunch
with the _padres_.

Lunch concluded, we duly thanked the hospitable Capuchins for their
kindness to us and once more set out. After a pleasant walk of about two
hours we reached San Francisco, where we were cordially received by the
head priest, whom we had met at Sibundoy, and installed in the convent,
where we found Pedro and the Indians. San Francisco is a little,
_triste_ place of some two hundred inhabitants, who claim to be whites,
but, except for the fact that they wore hats and trousers, I could see
but little difference between them and the _infieles_. There are two or
three small shops and about twenty other houses, most of which were of
_adobe_.

Bright and early the next morning we set out along the level valley,
which we followed for some time until we struck the Putumayo, here a
small, swift-flowing mountain torrent, about six feet wide. Crossing it,
we continued along its heavily wooded banks until we came to a small
affluent on the left, which we followed up to its source. Climbing to
the top of the hill, we found ourselves upon a sort of divide, which we
slowly descended by an almost perpendicular trail over huge, slippery
rocks and rolling cobble-stones to the bottom of a deep, narrow cañon,
formed by another small, torrential _quebrada_. All the rest of the day
we followed the course of this stream, which we crossed no less than
thirty-four times. Occasionally the cañon, always steep and narrow,
became merely vertical walls of rock, rising from the edge of the stream
upwards to a height of from fifty to a hundred metres. In these places
we were compelled to wade down the bed of the stream, while on other
occasions the trail, about six inches wide, passed along the
perpendicular face of some wet, slippery rock, forty or fifty feet above
the river. How the Indians passed such places, carrying the heavy
_bultos_[29] that weighed from eighty to a hundred pounds, is beyond my
comprehension, nor have I any desire to make that day's journey again to
find out.

At about six o'clock we reached the junction of this stream with
another of about the same size, where they combine to form the River
Patoyacu. Here we stopped at a tolerable _rancho_, Perkins and I utterly
exhausted, but the two Indians and the girl apparently as fresh as ever.
Neither Perkins nor myself suffered from sleeplessness that night,
although a large, flat rock was our only couch.

The next morning, as soon as our rather frugal meal of dry meat, coffee,
and fried plantains was over, we crossed the Patoyacu and began the
ascent of a monstrous mountain, the top of which we reached at about two
o'clock in the afternoon. The rest of the day was spent in a constant
succession of long, steep, painful ascents to the tops of the mountains,
and immediately afterwards long, steep, painful descents to the bottoms,
where, crossing some insignificant _quebrada_[30] we would sit and rest
a few minutes before starting on the next climb. While taking lunch at
one of these streams, Perkins noticed some peculiar-looking rocks,
which, upon examination, seemed to indicate the existence of a good
quality of marble. We took along several specimens for further
examination.

The scenery is magnificent, of a wild, savage splendour, rarely seen
elsewhere than in the Andes. The high, heavily wooded mountains, rising
almost perpendicularly to the clouds, are separated from each other by
foaming, plunging _quebradas_, which, dashing themselves into spray
against the immense boulders that form their beds, leap over the
numerous precipices in their courses with a deep, resounding roar like
distant thunder.

We endeavoured to reach a _rancho_[31] called Papagallos, but, when
darkness overtook us, we were still far from it, according to our
Indians, so we hastily made a rough _rancho_ and, after about an hour
and a half, succeeded in igniting a fire, for it had rained during the
afternoon and everything was completely soaked. The fire, at last
successfully started, was just beginning to flicker up and give out a
little heat, when suddenly another heavy rain set in and, within fifteen
minutes, our hard-won fire was out and we and all our belongings were
wet through. As the rain continued steadily until morning and the cold
all this time was intense, we did not pass a very enjoyable night.

The next day was only a tiresome repetition of the one already
described--up and down all day. How many miles we made I do not know,
but I can state that, whatever their number, they were mostly on end. At
9 a.m. we passed Papagallos and at about 2 p.m. we commenced a long,
steep descent of nearly 2,000 metres, the bottom of which we reached at
about half-past four. Here we found the two small _ranchos_, known as
Cascabel, and stopped for the night. These two _ranchos_ were situated
upon the left bank of the River Campucana, a good-sized stream formed by
the various _quebradas_ we had crossed. We had now passed the last of
the mountains, for from this place to Puerto Guineo, the port of
embarkation, it is practically level. We had at last crossed the Andes,
and were now upon the great Atlantic Slope.

In the morning we followed the left bank of the Campucana for some time,
scaling successfully on the way the famous "Carniceria,"[32] a very
dangerous rock, high, slippery, and almost perpendicular, so-called
because of the numerous people dashed to death down it. At ten o'clock,
while crossing the river, we met Don Elias Jurado, Leonardo's brother,
_en route_ to Pasto--the first traveller we had met since leaving that
city. Continuing our journey through the dense forest, at one o'clock we
reached Piedra Lisa,[33] another dangerous rock, along whose smooth,
unbroken front, which stood at an angle of about fifty-five or sixty
degrees, the trail passed. The passage of this rock, which is about
fifty metres long, is very perilous and would be impassable were it not
for some overhanging branches which one can grasp and hold on by.

Piedra Lisa safely passed, the road continued fairly level, although
very muddy on account of the thick undergrowth, and at three o'clock we
entered Pueblo Viejo, a long string of scattered bamboo houses,
intermingled with fields of maize, plantains and _yuca_, and large
tracts of practically virgin forest. At one of these huts we stopped to
take a few minutes' rest; the people received us very affably and
immediately brought out a large jug of _chicha_,[34] which we soon
emptied for them. After a little conversation about the probability of
our getting lost in the "city" (of Mocoa), we again pushed on, and at
four o'clock in the afternoon of November 21st reached Mocoa in a state
of complete exhaustion.

Here, after a great deal of inquiry, we secured a very dirty room in a
still dirtier bamboo hut. Leaving our effects here, Perkins and I went
to the little crystal stream, known as the Quebrada Mulata, which dashes
past the back of the town, and indulged in a good bath. By the time we
had finished this operation, the indefatigable Pedro had ascertained the
whereabouts of the "restaurant," to which we immediately wended our way,
for we were starving. After we had finished our dinner, which did not
take very long, for it was composed only of a quantity of unripe
plantains, a still larger quantity of overdone _yucas_, and a little
thin, tasteless coffee, we invested in a couple of bottles of wine and,
retiring to our hut, Perkins, Pedro, and I duly congratulated one
another on the successful termination of the first stage of our
journey--the trip over the Andes. This duty performed, we retired to
dream of our approaching descent of the Putumayo.

The next morning we called upon the _Intendente_, General Urdaneta, and
presented to him the letter from Dr. Miranda. He received us very
cordially and promised us that he would see that we had _cargadores_ by
Monday to take us to Puerto Guineo. After a pleasant conversation of
almost an hour and a half, during which he supplied us with considerable
information about Mocoa and the Putumayo, we left him and went out to
take a look at the city. At noon we met him again at the restaurant,
where he introduced us to Dr. Ricardo Escobar, the medical officer of
the garrison here.

Mocoa is the capital of the territory of the Putumayo, an immense tract
of land comprising the whole region between the Rivers Napo and
Putumayo from Mocoa to the Atlantic. This rich section is also claimed
by Peru and Ecuador. The dispute between these two countries has been
submitted to the King of Spain for arbitration; and the country that
gains his decision will then have to arrange the matter with Colombia.
There are no Ecuadorians established as yet in any part of this vast
territory, the upper half of which, as far down as Remolino, is occupied
by the Colombians, while the Peruvians are in possession from there to
the Brazilian boundary at the mouth of the Cotuhué, for Brazil, with her
usual astuteness, has seized a large triangular area at the confluence
with the Amazon. The part of the territory at present occupied by
Colombia is under the jurisdiction of the Department of Nariño, and all
officers and officials are appointed from Pasto.

The capital of this huge territory is a small town of bamboo huts having
a population of about five hundred. Until recently it was the place of
confinement of political prisoners, but about a month before our arrival
President Reyes had pardoned all but nine, who had been sent out of the
country by way of the Putumayo, the Government's agent, Don Rogerio
Becerra, conducting them as far as Remolino, where they had been
released.

As the maintenance of these prisoners and the garrison had been the
chief industry, the exile of the former and the withdrawal of the
latter, which was taking place when we arrived, was causing a general
exodus to Pasto. A small traffic with the rubber-collectors of the Upper
Putumayo and the neighbouring Indians is, however, still carried on.
Agriculture, stock-raising, &c., are developed only sufficiently to
supply the small local demands, for the inaccessibility of the place
prohibits any large trade with outside markets.

The climate of Mocoa is agreeable and healthy, and the land, level and
covered with thick forest, is fertile and well adapted to agriculture.
The temperature is about 20° C. and the elevation above sea-level is
approximately five hundred metres. One very attractive feature of this
vicinity is the complete absence of mosquitos and gnats. From Mocoa one
can see, blue in the distance, the mighty, towering peaks of the
Cordillera Oriental, which, rising high above the unbroken wall of
forest that surrounds the town, seem to pierce the very sky.

A good mule-road or highway connection with Pasto and La Sofía, the head
of steam navigation on the Putumayo, would do much to awaken Mocoa from
the torpor into which it is now plunged; for, in that way, this virgin
region would have an outlet not only for the important forest products
such as rubber, ivory, &c., but also for the valuable agricultural
staples, as coffee, cotton, _yuca_, sugar-cane, and the thousand other
products of the _tierra caliente_,[35] which can be grown here. Besides,
the opening of these means of communication would greatly facilitate
immigration to this vast region, which is the most essential aid to its
development.

An interesting plant, very much in evidence here, is the _achiote_[36]
or _urucú_. This is a small tree, yielding a fruit, which is encased in
a red berry, resembling in shape that of a chestnut. This fruit, when
crushed, gives out a bright red juice, which is used by the whites to
dye clothes with and to colour soups, meat, &c. The Indians, in addition
to using it in this way, also employ it to paint themselves with.

The Indians of Mocoa are also Incas, the same as those of Santiago. They
speak the same tongue, have the same customs, houses, arms, and
utensils, differing only in the dress, which, on account of the heat,
consists only of a long, black or white cotton shirt, almost concealing
a pair of knee-pants of the same colour and material, and in their food,
which is more diversified and comprises not only maize, &c., but also
_yuca_, plantains, and many forest products. Like the Incas of Santiago,
they also profess Christianity and have a limited knowledge of Spanish.
These Indians are very ugly and do not possess the good features, clear
skin, and physical endurance which so characterise their brothers of the
mountains. Many of them suffer from the _carate_,[37] so prevalent in
the Cauca Valley, and, consequently, present a most repugnant
appearance.

The following incident illustrates the superstition of these aborigines.
One day Pedro and I went to an Indian house to buy some souvenirs. Here,
the aged owner of the hut had an old, worthless _bodoqueda_[38] that he
wished to sell me, and insisted so strongly upon my buying it that I
lost patience and spoke to him rather harshly. Instantly one of our
Santiago Indians, who seemed to have taken rather a liking to me, called
me aside and implored me not to offend the old Indian, who was a noted
_brujo_ or wizard, for, if I did, he would surely visit some fearful
punishment upon me, such as making me blind or insane, or even worse.
Although I laughed and explained to him that the wizard was nothing but
an old fraud and could do me no harm, the good fellow could not be
convinced, but still clung to his belief. Such superstitions are very
common among all these aborigines.

During the next two days only three of our Santiago Indians showed up,
thus delaying us in the same manner as they had done at Pasto and at
Sibundoy. In this interval we made the acquaintance of Don Octavio
Materón, a junior partner in a company, formed in Pasto, for the purpose
of cultivating rubber on the Upper Putumayo. The manager, Don Gabriel
Martínez, to whom Jurado had given us a letter of introduction, had, we
learned, gone down in his capacity as _corregidor_ to the Caraparaná,
leaving Materón and the other partner, Gonzalez, in charge. Materón had
come to Mocoa to bring down some _bultos_ of merchandise that had been
delayed here, and, finding that we were going his way, kindly decided to
wait for us.

On Monday morning, November 25th, the Indians sent by the _Intendente_
arrived, ready to take our effects to Guineo. As there were still two
_bultos_ lacking, we decided that Perkins and Pedro should go on with
the five _bultos_ that were ready and await my arrival in Guineo, while
I remained in Mocoa to take down the other two _bultos_ as soon as the
_cargadores_ should arrive with them. So, bidding goodbye to Perkins and
Pedro and arranging with the remaining Indians to return in three or
four days, I resumed my weary task of waiting.

As we had been informed that it would be necessary to purchase a canoe
here, I made several inquiries and at last was directed to one Bernardo
Ochoa, a lean, bilious-looking _aguardiente_[39]-merchant, a victim of
the _carate_, who had a canoe in Guineo that he would sell. I did not
fancy buying a canoe without seeing it, but, as both Materón and the
_Intendente_ assured me that it was large, well-preserved, and quite
worth sixty dollars "hard," I began negotiations with the man, who at
first asked one hundred dollars, but, after a great deal of haggling,
finally sold it to me for eighty dollars "hard." At the same time I
bought a small barrel of _aguardiente_, as I was told that it would
greatly facilitate intercourse, not only with the Indians, but also with
the "whites" who inhabit the region.

On Wednesday morning, at about 9 a.m., Dr. Escobar came in and informed
me that a messenger had just arrived from Pasto with an order to arrest
Pedro and send him back to Cali. Completely amazed by this intelligence,
I went to the _Intendente_, who showed me the order and informed me that
he had already sent two soldiers to Guineo to arrest the boy and bring
him back. As we had taken Pedro from the railway and had stayed several
days in Cali and Popayán and several weeks in Pasto, without any attempt
having been made to arrest him, I could only think that it was some
mistake, so I made a few guarded suggestions to the General, but without
the slightest effect.

In the afternoon I set about hiring another boy to take Pedro's place,
and after some time succeeded in engaging a stupid, torpid-looking
youth, to whom I offered a couple of pounds to clinch the bargain. What
was my surprise then to see him come back in a couple of hours and, with
tears in his eyes and in a voice trembling with fear, beg me to let him
off. Upon investigation, I found that some wretch had filled his weak
head full of bloodcurdling yarns about the cannibal Indians and the
decimating fevers met with there. The poor fool was in such a miserable
state of fear and dismay that, upon his paying back the money I had
advanced him, I was glad to let him go.

On the following afternoon I was agreeably surprised to see the two
_cargadores_ from Santiago arrive with the two remaining _bultos_.
Finding that they were intact--for the Indians often steal part of the
contents of the _bultos_--I paid the two rascals and sent word to the
Mocoa _cargadores_ that four of them should come in the morning to take
us to Puerto Guineo.

Shortly after I had arranged this matter the soldiers arrived with
Pedro, who seemed to be quite knocked up with the long march and the
gloomy prospects of the tedious journey before him. Shaking hands with
the poor boy to encourage him a little, I asked what it was that he had
done. He protested his innocence of any wrongdoing so stoutly that,
convinced that there must be an error somewhere, I again went to the
_Intendente_, but he was determined to carry out his orders, and I could
do nothing with him. Returning to Pedro, I endeavoured to cheer him up
a little, but without much success. After writing him a good reference,
I paid him off, and, with a last _adios_ left the poor boy alone in his
dismal cell. I never saw nor heard from him since.

In the morning, as soon as the _cargadores_ put in their appearance, I
loaded them up with the two _bultos_, the barrel of _aguardiente_, and
our food and hammocks, &c., while Materón did the same with his, after
which we took our leave of the _Intendente_ and the _simpático_ Dr.
Escobar, and began the last stage of our overland journey.

The morning was fine and invigorating, and we pushed on rapidly,
crossing many fine, sparkling _quebradas_, which wound their way softly
through the dense, tropical forest that covers the Amazon Basin from the
Andes to the Atlantic. As we made our way along the level path, we
frequently stopped to examine some strange plant, to pursue some rare
butterfly, or to shoot some new bird, whose brilliant plumage or sweet
notes attracted our attention. Just before noon we passed a "cave," a
great, long, overhanging rock, in some places of such a height as to
permit us to stand erect under it, and reached a large, sparkling
stream, where, seated on a great rock, overspread by the protecting
shade of the forest, we had our lunch.

[Illustration: VEGETATION ON THE PERUVIAN AMAZON.

To face p. 74.]

The traveller, entering for the first time these gloomy forests, as yet
untouched by the hand of man, is bewildered by the splendour and
magnificence of a superabundant vegetation. Indeed, it is impossible to
give any exact idea of the immense variety of the thick-growing plants
and of the incessant activity of Nature in their development. The
dense vegetation accumulates and piles up, forming, especially on the
banks of the streams and rivers, opaque masses, perfectly impenetrable,
through which the sun's rays never pierce. The high giants of the forest
tower above everything, the smaller trees and the shrubs crowd under
their branches, while the numerous vines and _bejucos_ knit the whole
into one solid mass.

In the afternoon we reached a cross which marked the divergence of our
road into two trails, one going to Puerto Limon on the Caquetá, and the
other to Puerto Guineo on the River Guineo, an affluent of the Putumayo.
This cross is about six leagues from Mocoa and the same distance from
Limon and Guineo. Some distance beyond, we stopped for the night in a
couple of small _ranchos_ built about a month before by the soldiers who
escorted the exiles to the port. Here we passed a fairly comfortable
night, well protected from the torrential downpour which took place
shortly after our arrival here and continued all night.

In the morning we found the trail wet and muddy and the vegetation,
through which we were obliged to wade, soaked us completely, so we
removed our shoes and clothes and put on _alpargatas_ and pyjamas. These
we found lighter and much more comfortable, and in this garb we
continued the rest of our journey. Soon the trail became worse and the
small, shallow _quebradas_ became rushing, brawling torrents, through
which we were, in some cases, almost obliged to swim. The Indians, in
these places, grasped hands and waded through together, carrying the
_bultos_ on their heads. At first I trembled for my poor possessions
when they did this, but I soon perceived that they knew their business,
and did not interfere with them.

Towards the end of the journey the trail passed along the banks of the
Guineo River, normally a quiet, meandering stream not over two feet
deep, but now a swollen, dangerous torrent. We experienced some
difficulty in crossing several of its numerous tributaries, but, after
what seemed an eternity, we reached Guineo at one o'clock in a state of
complete exhaustion.

Here we found Perkins comfortably installed in an old bamboo hut known
as the "convent," where the priests from Mocoa generally stop when they
come down to Guineo to preach to the Indians. We soon discovered our old
railway enemies, the _moscas_ or gnats, which made me feel quite at
home. But a still worse misfortune was revealed to us when Perkins, who
was preparing some food for Materón and me, informed us that all the
bread was spoiled, having probably got wet on the Páramo of Bordoncillo.
We braced up considerably, however, when he dished us out a hearty meal
of fried _yuca_, plantains, sausage, and _panela_, and after a couple of
hours' rest felt quite restored.

We then went out, and, through an Indian to whom I delivered a letter
Ochoa had supplied me with, ordering the transfer of the canoe to me,
had a look at our vessel. We found it to be a good river-going craft,
about nine metres long and something over one metre wide, and in a
tolerable state of preservation, being made of cedar, which is the best
wood for the purpose.

[Illustration: TROPICAL VEGETATION ON THE AFFLUENTS OF THE PERUVIAN
AMAZON.

[To face p. 76.]

These canoes or _pituches_, which, as a rule, measure from six to ten
metres in length, are made from a single log of wood, hollowed out by
the adze, or, as with some Indians, by fire. Cedar[40] is the favourite
wood, for it is light, easily worked, and very durable. When this cannot
be obtained, however, various other kinds of trees are employed, such as
_caoba_ or _aguano_,[41] _palo-rosa_ or _lauro-rosa_,[42]
_palo-maria_,[43] _catagua_ or _assacú_,[44] and _itauba_.[45] But none
of these woods are equal to cedar, for either they do not resist the
action of the water so well, or else are so heavy that they make the
canoe cumbersome and dangerous to navigation.

We next bought a couple of paddles from the Indians, and our naval
equipment was then complete. The paddles in use in this region by both
whites and Indians are generally only about a metre and a half in
length, with wide, rounded blades, which facilitate rowing in shallow
water. Oars such as are used in oar-locks would be quite useless here on
account of the numerous stumps and logs in the rivers and along their
banks and chiefly the cargo, which often takes up nearly all the inside
of the canoe. Many of these paddles are constructed of fine wood, well
finished and painted and varnished to a degree.

The only other building at Puerto Guineo, in addition to the convent, is
an old, dilapidated church, both of which stand on the bank of the river
in a small clearing sowed with plantain-trees. As already stated, the
priests of Mocoa often come down to Guineo for a few days at a time to
preach to the aborigines, and the convent and church were built by the
Indians, partly for the convenience of the _padres_ and partly as a sort
of monument to their own importance. Like the convent, the church is of
bamboo with an earthen floor and a thatched roof, upon which some
vegetation was beginning to present itself. Inside were a few crude
pictures of saints, and behind the altar stood a cross with a ghastly
figure of the Crucifixion upon it. A few cheap altar-cloths and the
remains of several used-up candles completed the outfit, the whole of
which was entirely covered and wound up with numerous cobwebs.

In the midst of the dense forest, surrounding these neglected relics of
civilisation, live a tribe of Indians who call themselves Cionis and
speak a language of the same name. They are quite distinct from the
Incas, and occupy the whole region of the Upper Putumayo, living in
small villages of from ten to fifty families along its banks. In all,
they do not number over a thousand. But they all speak more or less
Spanish, with the peculiarity that the only form of the verb they use is
the gerund.

These Indians are short, broad, and strong, but generally lazy and
shiftless. Like the Mocoa branch of the Incas, nearly all of them suffer
from _carate_. The ugly and unusual custom of pulling out the eyebrows,
eye-lashes, &c., and cutting the hair short is observed by both sexes.
The women are, if possible, uglier than the men, which is saying a good
deal, but the latter endeavour to compensate for this by painting their
faces blue and pink. The ordinary designs used for this purpose are
geometrical figures and branches of trees, &c.

Another very common custom is that of piercing the ears and the dividing
wall of the nose with small bamboo tubes coloured a bright shining
black, and frequently from ten to fifteen centimetres in length and
nearly one centimetre in thickness. They also generally wear upon each
arm, just between the shoulder and the elbow, a sort of bracelet, made
of fibres from the leaf of the _chambira_[46] palm, the loose ends of
which reach almost to the wrist--this is supposed to ward off attacks of
rheumatism and other similar complaints.

Their dress is very simple, and consists merely of a long shirt called
_cushma_, of black or white cotton--although generally the latter--which
is worn by both men and women. The only difference between the men's
_cushma_ and the women's is that in the former the opening that admits
the head is vertical and runs down along the bosom, while in the latter
it is horizontal and reaches from shoulder to shoulder. This garment
resembles nothing so much as a night-shirt without sleeves.

The Cionis are also excessively fond of beads, and the amount of them
they wear is astounding; in fact, they are so numerous as to totally
conceal their necks, the lower parts of their ears, and most of their
shoulders. These beads, which often weigh from ten to fifteen pounds,
are only removed when the Indians go to bed, bathe, &c. Besides these
they generally wear several necklaces of monkey or _danta_ teeth and a
string or so of the bright, red-spotted-with-black seeds of the
_huairuro_ or _quairor_,[47] which they wear as a sort of talisman.

The houses of these Indians are, like those of the Incas, large,
rectangular structures, the walls of which are formed either of upright
poles tied together with the bark of the _sacha-huasca_ or the _tamshi_,
or else of slabs of split bamboo or palms, such as the _chonta_,[48] the
_camona_ or _huacrapona_[49] and the _tarapoto_,[50] whose thick, almost
hollow trunks, when split, form large durable planks, quite suitable for
different purposes. The roofs are of thatch, for which the leaves of the
_yarina_[51] or vegetable-ivory tree are generally used. Several
families, as a rule, live in the same house, each, however, having its
own corner, fireside, and utensils.

Their furniture is limited to hammocks of their own manufacture and
little low stools either carved out of solid wood or else made from
slabs of bamboo or the above-mentioned palm-trees. Overhead several
light cross-timbers are stretched, upon which they hang their clothes,
their arms, and many domestic utensils. As they generally eat with their
fingers, knives and forks are unknown, while for spoons they employ
certain shells or small gourds. As dishes they use the easily prepared
fruits of the _totuma_ or _cuyera_,[52] which, by the simple operation
of cutting open and cleaning out, form convenient receptacles for their
food. For cooking they employ the earthen pots similar to those of the
Incas; in the manufacture of these pots and the subsequent painting and
varnishing of them the Cionis exhibit great skill.

Other utensils are--fans, various-sized baskets, rude drums,
_chambira_-palm-fibre bags, little clay ovens to bake _fariña_ in,
fishing-nets, whistles made of the leg-bones of different birds, fifes
made of bamboo, and torches of the heart of the _maguey_ or of _chonta_,
impregnated with resin, &c. For washing their clothes, hair, &c., they
use the inner bark of a tree called the _quillay_ and a soapy substance
known as _suyuyu_.

Each of their villages seems to be absolutely independent of the others,
and, like the Incas, elects annually, with great solemnity, its chief or
_gobernador_, who has about the same powers as among those aborigines.
In addition to the _gobernador_, there is a sort of lieutenant-governor,
called the _capitán_, who acts as a sort of auxiliary to the chief and
takes his place when the latter is absent.

These Indians are now lazy and peaceful, and the inter-village wars,
formerly frequent and sanguinary in the extreme, are now, thanks to the
teachings of the priests and the Colombian settlers, a thing of the
past. Their arms, which are now used only for hunting, consist merely of
_machetes_ and shot-guns, obtained from the Colombians, and the
_bodoquedas_ or _cerbatanas_, already described, which they get, in
exchange for their hammocks, from the Indians of the Napo.

Their food is much more diversified than that of the Santiago Indians,
for, in addition to the numerous forest products, such as the
_papaya_,[53] the _lime_,[54] the _caimito_,[55] _marañon_,[56] the
_pishuayo_,[57] bread-fruit,[58] the tender tops of the _chonta_, the
_camona_, &c., hunting is excellent here, and many are the animals that
fall victims to their skill. Among these we may mention, as the most
important, the _danta_ or _sacha-vaca_[59] which lives in shady swamps;
the _chancho del monte_ or _huangana_,[60] which is a kind of peccary
that lives in herds in the depths of the forest; the _ronsoco_ or
_capivara_,[61] a large amphibious rodent; the _venado_ or deer,[62] of
which there are several species; several kinds of monkeys, such as the
_guaribas_, the _cotomonos_, and the _maquisapas_; the _sloth_[63]; the
armadillo[64]; and various others. They also hunt wild birds of many
different species and sizes, such as the _paujiles_, wild-ducks,
partridges, wild-turkeys, various kinds of doves, &c. To all these we
must add the numerous different kinds of fine fish, which they catch at
all seasons of the year, especially in the dry season. Among the most
important of these are _palometas_, _corbinas_, _bagres_, _boquichicos_,
_gamitanas_, _cunchis_, _dorados_, &c.

For fishing they use nets made of _chambira_-palm fibre, spears and
hooks manufactured from hard wood or thorns, which they bait with larvæ
or with the fruit of the _setico_[65] tree. Besides these, they
frequently employ the celebrated _barbasco_.[66] Selecting some pool or
quiet corner of the river, they drop a quantity of the crushed leaves
and root of this plant into the water, which shortly assumes a milky hue
and soon poisons the fish, both large and small. Directly the whole
surface of the pool becomes covered with the dead bodies of the fish, of
which the largest only are selected, the rest, including the millions of
tiny fish, thus being killed and left to rot without being utilised at
all. On other occasions they often take advantage of the pools left when
the river goes down in the dry season, the fish imprisoned in them being
either speared or caught in nets.

Besides these sources of food, the women cultivate a few
plantain-trees,[67] a little maize,[68] and the invaluable _yuca_ or
manioc, from which they manufacture their two most popular alimentary
products, _mazata_ and _fariña_. There are two kinds of _yuca_--the
wild-yuca or _yuca brava_[69] and the cultivated variety,[70] both of
which are very much used in the whole Amazon Valley. The former
contains, however, besides its nutritive elements, a milky sap, which is
one of the most virulent vegetable poisons known, its active principle
being hydrocyanic acid, but, as the sap is volatile, it is easily
removed from the farine by means of pressure and evaporation.

In the preparation of the _mazata_, the favourite beverage of these
Indians, the _yuca_ is peeled and boiled in but little water in one of
their large pots, after which it is smashed to paste by means of a
club. This process concluded, the next step is to take out a proper
proportion of this mass and mix it with saliva, in the same manner as
the Incas do with their scalded maize. The _yuca_ thus prepared is then
well mixed with the other, the pot is carefully covered, and the
preparation is left to ferment several days, when it is ready for
consumption. This _mazata_ does not differ much in taste from the
maize-_mazata_ of the Incas.

The civilised inhabitants of this region prepare this beverage in a less
repugnant and more hygienic way--that is, they add to the paste
sugar-cane juice or the juice of a ripe plantain, in place of the
saliva.

In preparing the _fariña_, the _yuca_ is thrown into a trough filled
with water and left there until it is in a state of semi-putrefaction,
when it is taken out, peeled, and pulverised. If it is the cultivated
variety, it is then dried and put through a roasting process upon hot
plates, but if it is the yuca_ brava_, the poisonous sap must first be
removed. To do this, the _yuca_, already pulverised, is wrapped up in a
good-sized piece of _llanchama_--the tough, inner bark of a tree of the
same name--which is then twisted up and tightened with a stick, after
the fashion of a tourniquet, until the sap is all pressed out and
evaporated. It is then dried and roasted in the same way as the other
_yuca_.

This _fariña_ can be preserved for a long time if kept dry, and it forms
one of the chief articles of food of many of the inhabitants of the
Amazon, especially when they are travelling. It is eaten either dry with
water or, best of all, with milk and sugar, when it becomes an
agreeable, as well as a wholesome, article of food.

The Cionis are very skilful in the manufacture of the light, durable,
and beautiful hammocks, which they use in place of beds, from the strong
fibres of the leaves of the _cambira_-palm. They often spend months upon
the fabrication of a single hammock, first collecting the leaves, next
extracting the fibres, then twisting them into long strings, and finally
weaving the strings into a hammock. One of these hammocks can be rolled
up until it occupies only the space of a fair-sized book, and it is so
durable that it will last for years.

They also exhibit marvellous patience and skill in making the insect,
feather, and shell ornaments that they wear on their feast-days. One
especially interesting ornament is the _yacta_, a beautiful crown,
composed of a great variety of fine large red and yellow plumes, inlaid
with so many small feathers of so many different kinds and colours that
it is a veritable work of art.

Another common ornament is a long string of brilliantly coloured
feathers, which is worn around the neck. They also collect the bright
green wings of a large insect, very common in these parts, of which,
after a sufficient supply has been obtained, they make a similar string,
which also encircles the neck. In addition to all these, which are worn
only on special occasions, they generally have several bracelets,
anklets, &c., of gaily coloured woollen yarns or locks of hair.

At their dances, the music of which is furnished by drums, whistles, and
fifes of their own manufacture, they always wear a quantity of
_cascabeles_, which are nothing more than strings of the dried fruits of
the _schacapa_[71]. These _cascabeles_ they attach to their legs and
waist in such a manner as to produce a rattling, tinkling noise at every
step they take.

Other very interesting products of the industry of these aborigines are
the fine combs, made of carefully arranged and polished thorns, tied
together with eccentrically coloured threads. Some of these combs are
really splendid pieces of workmanship.

A thorough and extensive knowledge of the uses and properties of the
countless products of the forest is also possessed by the Cionis. Thus,
for example, the root of a certain _bejuco_[72], which they call _yoco_,
is their substitute for coffee; from another _bejuco_ they extract a
narcotic known to them as _ayahuasca_ or _yajén_, the effects of which
are similar to those of hasheesh and opium; the leaves of the _huitoc_
or _jagua_[73] are used to cure itching and all erysipelatic diseases,
as well as to protect them from the gnats and mosquitoes; and thousands
of other trees, shrubs, and _bejucos_ supply them with almost everything
they need or desire.




CHAPTER III

THE UPPER PUTUMAYO


Early the next morning, Sunday, December 1st, we engaged two Cioni
boatmen for our canoe, as did Materón for his; and, after constructing a
platform of split bamboo to put in the bottom of the boat in order to
prevent our effects from becoming damp, we began loading our little
craft with its miscellaneous cargo.

In accordance with Materón's advice, we determined to stow away our
trunks, books, and engineering instruments in the most inaccessible part
of the canoe, while our food and the Indian trading stuff, as well as
our arms, should occupy such parts as to render them quickly getatable.
After a good deal of shifting about and changing, we succeeded in
getting everything more or less as we desired it, and were by ten
o'clock ready to start.

Thinking that this was an occasion worthy of a little celebration,
Materón, Perkins, and myself then proceeded to lessen the contents of
our barrel of _aguardiente_ by a good drink each, after which we called
up the Indian boatmen and, one by one, gave them a good bracer also,
which they swallowed with great solemnity. Then we got in the little
space that had been reserved for us in the middle of the canoe--for the
cargo was stowed fore and aft as much as possible--and gave the signal
to begin the journey.

Materón had already informed us that the first couple of days' journey
was somewhat dangerous, on account of the swift, roaring current, the
powerful whirlpools, and the numerous stumps and logs that stud the
whole course of the river; but we did not fully realise it until the
canoe, shooting out into the middle of the stream, was caught by the
current, almost before it could be turned bow foremost, and dashed with
sickening speed among the stumps and logs that loomed up on every side.

We soon perceived, however, that our Cionis were used to their job, for
they guided the flying canoe with the greatest skill as it continued its
wild progress down the swift-running river. One of them, the _popero_,
or pilot, always sits on the high, narrow seat in the stern, and, paddle
in hand, steers the canoe and from time to time directs the manoeuvres
of the other, known as the _puntero_, who generally stands in the bow
and calls out the obstacles, such as logs, stumps, &c., to the _popero_,
in case the latter cannot see them from where he is seated.

In descending a river one _puntero_ is sufficient, for the canoe is
generally carried along rapidly enough by the current, and all the
_bogas_[74] have to do is to keep the craft from striking against
obstacles and from being thrust by the strong currents sometimes
encountered into the unpleasant and often dangerous _remolinos_ or
whirlpools.

But when the river is to be ascended, known as _subida_ or _surcada_,
several _bogas_ are necessary. The route must then be close to the bank,
where the current is not so strong, but where such obstacles as logs,
stumps, salient rocks, overhanging branches, troublesome insects, and
other similar inconveniences are numerous. Here the paddles are useless,
except when crossing the river[75] in search of an easier route on the
opposite bank, and the _bogas_ must push the canoe along by main force,
employing for this purpose long poles called _botadores_ or _tanganas_.

In canoeing in the smaller rivers, especially in the dry season, bad
places, caused by the shallowness of the water or the immobility of the
huge logs that frequently form an impenetrable network on or near the
surface of the water, are often met with; in such cases the _bogas_
either wade ashore and pull the canoe out of the bad place by means of a
rope or else enter the water and shove and lift until it is free. If,
however, the canoe is very heavy and these methods fail, they strip the
bark from the _setico_-tree, which is always to be found on the banks of
these rivers, and stretch it out on top of the obstacle. As this bark is
very slippery and soapy, the canoe readily slides over it when they
push.

Materón informed us that, as a general rule, one day's descent is
equivalent to three days' _surcada_; this, however, is subject to
numerous circumstances and mishaps, such as the conduct of the boatmen,
the condition of the river, the weight of the cargo, the cut of the
canoe, the character of the travellers, the necessity of hunting and
fishing for food, &c.

What a pleasant sensation it was to sit calmly in the canoe, while the
swift current bore us steadily onwards, and to watch the thick, tropical
vegetation, which lined the banks of the stream, swiftly recede until
hidden from view by a bend of the river! How different it was from the
monotonous climbing and descending of the Andes that had caused us so
much toil!

Several times we passed through places that seemed to me perilous in the
extreme, for the whirling current would dash us with frightful rapidity
directly towards some huge stump or half-submerged log, while other
obstacles of a similar nature appeared on every hand. We seemed to be
almost upon it, when a deft turn of the _popero's_ paddle would bring us
to one side by a margin of three or four inches. Again, we would shoot
some small rapid; the canoe would give a jump, and the next instant we
would dash the water out of our half-blinded eyes, and, looking around,
would see the rapid far behind us.

We saw plenty of wild turkeys, wild ducks, and monkeys on the trees near
the bank, while occasionally a river seal, or _nutria_, would be seen
curled up on a log or disporting itself near the shore. All these
animals seemed quite tame, and would allow us to approach within a few
metres, and then, just as we were taking aim, off they would go.
Finally, after wasting a good many shots--for it is no easy matter to
shoot from a rapidly moving canoe--I managed to kill a nice fat _pava_,
or wild turkey, and one of Materón's men shot a duck.

At noon we stopped on a gravel _playa_ for lunch, which consisted
chiefly of _panela_ and _aco_, and took us only some fifteen minutes.
Then we continued about two hours, when we entered the much-discussed
Putumayo, much larger than when we saw it in the Andes, but still not a
large river. It was low, and the high banks and the exposed islet were
completely covered with the debris it had brought down in the wet
season, such as huge logs, branches of trees, bamboo poles, &c.

During the afternoon we continued to observe large numbers of birds and
monkeys, which made the whole forest resound with their ear-numbing
howls. Great flocks of parrots and other gaily plumaged birds flew
overhead, their rather harsh voices being heard continually. We shot at
several, but whether they were too high for our guns, or, as was
probably the case, our aim was inaccurate, we did not get a single
specimen. We did, however, kill two or three more ducks.

These ducks are generally to be seen perched up in the trees along the
banks or else on some stump in mid-stream, although occasionally one
perceives them floating with the current or swimming on the surface of
the water. They dive with lightning-like rapidity, and very often
succeed in getting away, even when hit severely. Their vitality is
amazing, and they are not slow to bite one if they are not quite dead on
being picked up.

At about 4 p.m. we reached the tiny Cioni village of San Diego, a small
group of about ten little bamboo shacks on the right bank of the river.
The whole village came out to welcome us as we rather stiffly climbed
out of our canoes, for it seemed that Materón was very popular with
them. They brought out a few fruits and a small jar of the
_yuca-nazata_, already described, which we respectfully refused. They
are in all respects similar to those of Puerto Guineo, and each of the
little huts contained two or three families. Materón informed us that
they had but recently established themselves here, abandoning their old
village on the other bank of the river on account of a severe epidemic
that had broken out among them and killed nearly half their number.

We spent the rest of the afternoon trading with them, giving them some
of our beads, harmonicas, mirrors, hats, handkerchiefs, &c., for a few
of their manufactures, such as hammocks, _yactas_, strings of monkey and
_danta_ teeth, combs, and the like. They are no fools at bargaining, and
have a pretty good idea of the value of the articles they are acquainted
with; they are also rather clever at demonstrating what labour it has
cost them and how much time they have spent in making any article that
one fancies; so, on the whole, we did not get much the better of them.

At bedtime, which was about nine o'clock, the _capitán_ and _gobernador_
showed us the corner that we were to occupy in conjunction with a couple
of Cioni families, and helped us fix up our hammocks. Following the
example of our hosts, we did not trouble to undress very much, but soon
fell asleep, and did not awake until time for _desayuno_.

Early next morning, after taking leave in a most affectionate manner of
our hosts, who supplied us with several bunches of plantains and a
quantity of _yucas_ and an agreeable fruit known as the _papaya_, we set
out on our easy and interesting journey. At about noon we passed the
mouth of the Guamués, the outlet of Lake Cocha, which seemed almost as
large as the Putumayo itself. During the morning we succeeded in
shooting a couple of wild turkeys and several ducks; one of the former
was almost lost on account of having fallen in a lot of thick bushes
some distance from the shore.

The vegetation is very dense all along the banks. The most common types
are large bamboos; numerous palms, such as the _palma de la cera_ or
wax-palm, the _chonta_, the fragrant _sia-sia_, the royal, and others;
_setico_-trees, already mentioned; the _palo de la balsa_, or
raftwood-tree; the _yarina_, or vegetable ivory-tree; and a variety of
others, intermingled with shrubs and bushes of innumerable kinds, and
bound together into one tangled, impenetrable mass by the countless
_bejucos_ and climbers everywhere in evidence.

Nearly every tree of any size is covered with innumerable parasites,
among which are to be found several varieties of orchids, whose
brilliant flowers serve to diversify the universal green of the forest.
The most common of these are different species of Epidendrum, Oneidium,
Peristeria, Catasectum, Sobralia, Cypripedium, Maxillaria, Stanopoea,
&c.

At about two o'clock we reached Materón's establishment La Sofía, where
we were cordially received by the other partner, Gonzalez, and his wife.
La Sofía is a good-sized, two-storied bamboo bungalow, with a fine wide
veranda extending along its front, while around the building in every
direction extend fields of maize, _yuca_, sugar-cane, &c., with the
dark, silent forest in the background. As the place is built on a rather
high bank, one can obtain from the veranda an excellent view of the
placid, smiling river as it slowly rolls past to join the mighty Amazon
on its course to the Atlantic.

La Sofía was formerly the headquarters of General Reyes, ex-President of
the Republic, when he was engaged in the collection of quinine in this
region years ago. It is at the head of steam navigation on the Putumayo,
and it was here that Reyes' steamer _Tundama_ was lost. When Materón had
arrived here, some eleven months before, he had found everything
overgrown by the rank, tropical vegetation and all the old buildings
almost completely destroyed. Reyes had named the place La Sofía in
honour of his fiancée, and Materón and his partner had retained the
name.

The company already had about ten _peons_ engaged in clearing the land
and cultivating the crops, and had advanced merchandise to all the
Cionis, who had agreed to work out their indebtedness by planting
rubber-trees, building houses, clearing land, &c. I was pleased to
observe that strict morality was the rule, and that Gonzalez permitted
no abuses against the aborigines either by taking away their women, by
cheating them, or in any way at all. As to the _peons_, they seemed
cheerful and contented.

There are two distinct kinds of rubber--that produced by a tree that
must be cut down to extract the milk, which is called _caucho negro_, or
black rubber, and is produced by the Castilloa elastica, and that which
is the product of a tree that can be tapped indefinitely, which is known
as _jebe_ or _siringa_, and is collected from the Hevea brasiliensis.
These two varieties of rubber are each subdivided into several
classifications, according to the quality of the latex or milk and the
care and skill employed in their extraction and preparation. As a
general rule, _siringa_ is much more valuable than _caucho_, and is the
best kind adapted for cultivation, although Materón was planting both
sorts. After showing us some samples of each, he informed us that the
whole region of the Upper Putumayo had once abounded in _caucho negro_,
but that at the present date very little remained, owing to the fierce
onslaughts of the _caucheros_ many years ago.

The next day Materón had some of his men build a little _rancho_ of
palm-leaves over our canoe amidships to protect us from the sun and
rain. This sort of awning is called a _pamacari_, and is in general use
in the Amazon Valley; it gave the canoe a very picturesque appearance,
and, as we afterwards found, was very convenient.

We spent the rest of the day in inspecting the estate and taking down a
Cioni vocabulary, in which language Gonzalez was very proficient and
kind enough to give us the benefit of his knowledge. This vocabulary,
which I had hoped to take back to civilisation with me, was, however,
lost under particularly aggravating circumstances, which will be duly
recorded in a succeeding chapter.

Although Materón and Gonzalez implored us to stay a week or so with
them, we decided to resume our journey on the following day; but in the
morning, just as we were about to start, Perkins was attacked with a
heavy fever, and so our departure was postponed. We dosed him up with
quinine and put him to bed, where he soon began to perspire freely,
which is to be desired in these malarial attacks.

Finding our patient better in the afternoon, Gonzalez, Materón, and
myself took a little trip down to San José, a small Cioni town about a
kilometre below La Sofía. This village and its inhabitants are very
similar to Guineo and San Diego, only a trifle larger than the latter.
Here we stopped some time, and I was able to obtain several souvenirs
from the Indians, besides a shallow earthen pot, which I determined to
fix in the canoe to cook in, thus avoiding the loss of time consequent
to performing this operation on shore.

On our return, while pushing the canoe upstream between the numerous
stumps along the shore, in the manner already described for _surcadas_,
Gonzalez, although an excellent boatman, suddenly lost his balance and
fell with a thud into the deep water. Fortunately, we succeeded in
pulling him out, none the worse for his wetting, and in a half-hour
reached La Sofía without further adventure.

Here we found Perkins somewhat better, so we fixed the pot in the fore
part of the canoe in the manner I had planned and made arrangements to
depart on the following day, for Gonzalez had decided to accompany us as
far as Yocuropuí, the next Cioni village, to see the Indians there.

Perkins better, we accordingly bade goodbye to our kind friend Materón
the next morning, Thursday, December 5th; and, lashing our canoe to
Gonzalez', in order to keep together and to facilitate conversation, we
once more resumed our journey. Materón had thoughtfully filled the canoe
with _papayas_, bananas, &c., so what with them, the conversation, and
the shooting, we were kept pretty busy.

[Illustration: CANOE VOYAGING ON THE AMAZON: A NOONDAY REST.

To face p. 96.]

The river soon became much broader, owing to the numerous tributaries,
and the current much gentler, while great sand and gravel _playas_ began
to appear with some frequency. Numerous beautiful birds, flying from
stump to stump, lent an air of life to the otherwise silent river, while
occasionally a group of monkeys could be seen making their way from tree
to tree, almost hidden by the thick leaves and tangled creepers so
characteristic of Amazonian vegetation. Soon the heat grew
uncomfortable, so we all withdrew under the commodious _pamacari_, where
it was quite agreeable.

At 11.30 we stopped for _almuerzo_ on an immense _playa_, upon which
were two or three dilapidated-looking _ranchos_, probably erected by the
exiles about a month before. Having partaken of a fair lunch of fried
_yuca_, sausage, rice, and coffee, we were about to get into the canoes
when Perkins' eye fell upon a huge ostrich-like bird several hundred
metres away. As he was such a fine specimen, Perkins endeavoured to get
within range, but in vain; for the beauty, apparently as fond of his
fine feathers as we were, soon disappeared into the forest and we saw
him no more. This fine bird was probably a _nandu_ or _ema_,[76]
sometimes called the ostrich of America.

Resuming the journey, at about two o'clock we passed a large _playa_ on
the left bank, known as the Playa de Oro[77] on account of the supposed
richness of its placer deposits. We did not examine it, however, owing
to lack of time. A little later Perkins had the good fortune to kill a
large duck, and Gonzalez almost got another, but it dived and went up
the river, and when next he appeared he had nearly reached the shore, so
we did not pursue him farther.

At about 5.30 p.m. we reached an extensive sand island in the middle of
the river, where we decided to stop for the night. After securing the
canoes we started cooking, while the Indians crossed over to the thickly
wooded river bank and soon returned with a load of palm-leaves and
several short poles of _cana brava_,[78] or wild cane, from which,
within ten minutes, they constructed two _ranchos_, where we were to
sleep during the night. After the meal was over we sat around smoking,
while the Indians washed the dishes, soon after which we all retired.

During the night I felt something pricking one of my fingers, as it
seemed to me. Striking a match, I was amazed to see the blood pour from
a smooth, round hole, about a quarter of an inch in diameter, on the
first joint of my index finger. Thinking it might have been done by some
poisonous reptile, I awakened Gonzalez, who, after a glance at the
wound, informed me that it was the work of a vampire bat.

As I afterwards ascertained, these bats are very common in this region,
in some parts becoming a veritable pest, attacking not only mankind but
also cattle, pigs, &c., and often almost killing them by the constant
loss of blood, while I have seen men who told me they had been obliged
to flee from certain localities in order to avoid the pertinacious
attacks of these midnight marauders. They always commit their
depredations at night, and it is very rare that they awaken their
victims, for while their sharp teeth quickly burrow their way through
the skin to the blood, their continually moving wings fan the wound in
such a manner as to cause almost complete absence of pain, and the
victim generally knows nothing of the midnight attack until he observes
the wound.

The next morning, at about seven o'clock, we again set out, and in a few
minutes we saw a fine _pava_, which promptly fell a victim to Gonzalez'
aim. After a short stop for lunch, we saw some young peccaries at the
bottom of the steep bank on our left. Approaching hastily, we succeeded,
after a short struggle, in capturing them alive, as they were very
young, and then disembarked to try for the mother, whom we heard
grunting in the distance. We spent a good half-hour struggling through
the thick, thorny underbrush, but all in vain; we could not find her.
The young ones we put in the boat, for Gonzalez wished to take them back
to La Sofía to see if he could domesticate them.

In about two hours more we reached Yocuropuí, a small village of about
ten houses, situated on a high knoll on the right bank. Here we passed
the afternoon in trading with the inhabitants, exchanging the various
articles that we had bought in Pasto for Indian souvenirs, such as
_bodoquedas_, quivers of poisoned arrows, pots of paint and poison, &c.
Here we got a couple of splendid hammocks.

These Indians are Cionis, and in every way resemble those already
described, except that they are, I think, a little crookeder. In
accordance with our custom, we had given them a gourdful of
_aguardiente_ on our arrival, but, not satisfied with that, several of
them had sneaked down to the canoe while we were trading with the rest
and had almost half-emptied the barrel before we discovered them.
Gonzalez, who was _corregidor_--a sort of magistrate--during Martínez'
absence, then made a long speech to them, emphasising their "base breach
of hospitality to the two illustrious travellers," and wound up by
threatening to put several of them in stocks. Completely abashed by
this, they silently slunk out of the hut, and for the rest of our stay
at Yocuropuí our barrel of _aguardiente_ was left severely alone.

On the following day we bade _adios_ to Gonzalez and set out alone, as
the _bogas_ of Guineo would go no farther, and those of Yocuropuí wished
to delay several days in order to celebrate one of their _fiesta_, which
was to occur in about ten days. We had already lost much valuable time
in Pasto and Mocoa, and as Gonzalez had assured us that there were no
falls nor rapids before us, we were rather glad to try our own skill as
_bogas_.

Perkins, seated upon the high poop astern with his short Indian paddle
in his hand, acted as _popero_, while I did the cooking up in the bow,
at the same time keeping my eyes "peeled" for stumps and game with the
gun in easy reach. The sun was very hot, but occasionally a gentle
breeze helped matters a little. The current was now very gentle, and our
progress was exceedingly slow.

As we were slowly drifting along the bank to get the benefit of the
current, which was strongest there on account of a bend in the river, I
discerned the dark outline of some large object lying upon an immense
fallen tree-trunk. Approaching nearer, we found to our astonishment that
it was an enormous boa-constrictor curled up fast asleep sunning
himself. As our rifle was out of order I took deliberate aim with the
shot-gun, and at a distance of some ten metres let fly at him. The
hideous monster jumped up and, after lashing his tail wildly about two
or three times, plunged with a splash into the water but a few metres
from our canoe and was lost to sight. From our short view of him we
perceived that he was of a dark-brown colour, except his belly, which
was white and about ten inches in diameter; his length being, as near as
we could judge, some twenty or twenty-five feet. These reptiles are
fairly numerous on the Putumayo.

Along here we noticed that the river followed a regular system of long
windings. First one bank would be eaten into by the strong current that
swept past it, while the opposite shore would be protected by an
extensive sand or gravel _playa_, often a kilometre or so in width. Then
the current would in the course of a couple of kilometres reach the
other bank and begin its scouring operations there, while the first
would commence to accumulate a _playa_.

This system of long curves or windings extends along the whole course of
the Putumayo, and it is to be observed in most of the large rivers of
the Amazon basin. It is this that makes the Putumayo so wide and shallow
and accounts for the numerous sand islands thrown up in mid-stream. In
low water the channel cut out by these everchanging currents must be
strictly followed by all steamers and launches in order to prevent
grounding.

At eleven o'clock we stopped and had lunch, which I had cooked
previously while Perkins was performing the rôle of _boga_, on a nice
shady _playa_ on the right bank. Here I managed to kill a good-sized
turkey, and, after continuing about two hours, I got another, so that
for dinner we had an excellent meal, the chief _pièce de résistance_
being roast turkey. This operation concluded, we tied up the canoe
securely, and instead of building a _rancho_ both went to sleep in the
canoe under the _pamacari_. It was a little crowded, but we got along
all right and passed the night quite comfortably.

At about six o'clock the next morning we resumed the trip, and a couple
of hours later passed the mouth of the Quebrada San Miguel, a large
tributary, almost as large as the Putumayo itself, on the right bank. It
was here that we first made the acquaintance of a gigantic buzzing bee
that followed us for hours, flying about Perkins' head in such an
irritating manner that he split our best paddle in a vain endeavour to
kill it. This he finally succeeded in doing, but the deceased's place
was soon taken by others, who kept at poor Perkins until nightfall. They
did not trouble me, probably on account of the smoke from the fire
burning in the pot I got in San José.

At midday Perkins took an observation for latitude, and found that we
had just passed the Equator, being then a few minutes south of the Line.
In order to celebrate this occurrence we both got outside of a good dram
of _aguardiente_; we had made a successful "dash" to the Equator, to
employ the Polar term.

Soon we came to a place where the river divided into two arms, or
_brazos_, a large and a small one. We chose the latter for the sake of
the shade and the better chance of shooting game. As we slowly made our
way through the narrow _brazo_, the branches in some places joining over
our heads, the calm beauty of the luxuriant vegetation and the intense
silence of the forest, broken only by the occasional shrill call of some
brilliant bird or the howl of a distant tribe of monkeys, combined to
make us think we were in some fairy land.

Emerging at last from the shady arcade of the _brazo_, we again entered
the main river, and at one o'clock reached Montepa, the last village of
the Cionis, situated upon a steep knoll on the left bank. It consisted
of eight or ten little bamboo huts, very similar to the other Cioni
villages already described. Here we stopped a couple of hours and had a
long talk with the _capitán_, who seemed to think we were very brave in
making the trip without _bogas_, and as a token of his admiration
offered us each a drink of _mazata_. After collecting a few more
souvenirs we were about to depart, when Perkins suddenly spied an
enormous catfish, which, after the inevitable haggling, we purchased.
This reminded us that we had plenty of fishing-tackle ourselves, so we
resolved to test our angling abilities that very night.

Taking a most affectionate leave of the worthy _capitán_, whose extreme
friendliness was doubtless inspired by our _aguardiente_, we resumed
our descent, and continued for a couple of hours, when, reaching a
convenient island, we stopped for the night. While I prepared dinner
Perkins shot a few small birds, which seemed to belong to a species of
dove, as bait, and, after our meal was over, we rigged up a couple of
lines and began fishing. Soon I felt a nibble at my hook, and when I
thought the fish had it well digested I pulled and had the satisfaction
of landing a fine big catfish. Perkins soon caught another, and
presently we had a good number of the handsome big fellows.

In the morning we enjoyed an excellent breakfast of fried fish, after
which we again set out. The river now became enormously wider on account
of its division into several _brazos_, some of which covered great
distances before rejoining the main channel. Large islands, covered with
the prevailing dense vegetation, commenced to appear with great
frequency, while tributaries of all sizes continued mingling their
contents with those of the main river. In fact, the whole country was
becoming a complete network of _brazos_ and _quebradas_, so intermingled
and so numerous that it was often difficult to distinguish the one from
the other. This continued all the way to the mouth of the river, and is
common to nearly all the great streams that empty into the Amazon.

Here we began to observe the _boto_, dog-fish or _pira-jaguar_,[79] of
the Indians, a huge fish often more than two metres in length, which
plays about in schools in many parts of the river. They would flop
awkwardly about, close to the boat, apparently quite at home with us. A
rather peculiar custom of theirs is that of gasping and snorting
violently, as though disgusted about something. Its flesh is not
edible--at any rate, the Cionis will not eat it. This fish is also known
as the dolphin of the Amazon.

During the whole day we suffered heavily from the suffocating heat, for
the burning rays of the equatorial sun shot down upon our unprotected
backs with a seemingly intentional fury, and not a breath of air stirred
all day. Our thirst was astounding, but, luckily, Materón had insisted
upon our taking along a quantity of limes, which now came in very handy
to alleviate it.

The next day, Tuesday, the 10th, at about ten o'clock, we met a party of
Indians, apparently returning to Montepa from a hunting expedition. We
hailed them and asked what luck they had had, but they hurried off
without replying, probably half-frightened to death at seeing two
genuine, full-blooded white men.

In the afternoon we saw a _ronsoco_, or _capivara_,[80] a large
amphibious animal somewhat resembling a hog, standing near the water on
a small flat area at the foot of a very steep clay bank. As soon as we
got within range I discharged the shot-gun at him, and then we both kept
up a hot fire with our revolvers, wounding him in several places, as he
made desperate efforts to clamber up the steep, slippery bank.
Despairing of this, he suddenly plunged into the water, and we were just
on the point of giving up pursuit of him when we saw his head as he came
up to breathe. We emptied our six-shooters at him again, but again he
dived, coming up in about two minutes, when at our once more taking a
shot at him he disappeared for good and we saw him no more. I suspect
that we killed him and his body sank.

This animal feeds on grasses and weeds on the banks of the river, and is
generally about the size of a hog. His scanty coat, of a greyish colour,
is hard and bristly, but his flesh is used as food by the Indians,
although it is not very tasteful. The lard it furnishes is, however,
very much esteemed in most parts. I believe that this is the largest
rodent known.

This rather exciting conflict concluded, we kept on until six o'clock,
when we tied up the canoe to a nice sand _playa_. After dinner we again
went out on a nocturnal fishing expedition, and had fair luck, catching
enough for breakfast, but not such big ones as on the preceding night.
At about ten o'clock we retired to the canoe.

The next morning, at about half-past four, we were awakened by a sudden
jar, so severe that we rolled all over each other. Climbing out from
under the _pamacari_ as quickly as possible, we found to our horror that
_the canoe was adrift_. It had undoubtedly become released during the
night from the stake to which it had been fastened and had drifted on
downstream with the current. It was only by good luck or the hand of
Providence that it had not capsized already.

As soon as we realised what had happened I immediately climbed out in
the bow to ward off any other stumps that we might be about to strike,
while Perkins hurried back to the poop and endeavoured to get the bow
foremost, for the canoe was floating broadside. Complete darkness
prevented us from seeing more than two feet ahead of us, but Perkins
succeeded in getting the bow pointing more or less ahead and keeping it
there, while I stood up in front trying to make out the best course to
avoid the stumps. After what seemed like an eternity--as we expected to
capsize every moment--although really about an hour, day began to dawn
and we began to breathe again. Soon a good-sized _playa_ appeared and we
stopped for breakfast, feeling rather surprised that we were alive to
partake of it.

After a short rest and a long pull of _aguardiente_ we pushed on again.
Soon a gentle breeze began to blow, which was very agreeable, for the
heat was scorching; it gradually increased, however, until it got to be
quite a nuisance, raising waves nearly two feet high and blowing against
the _pamacari_ with such force that we were once more in danger of
capsizing. Finally, the situation became so ticklish--for we did not
dare to approach the bank on account of the dangers from falling trees,
&c.--that, much to our regret, we were obliged to remove the _pamacari_,
leaving nothing but the bare framework. Things went better then, and in
accordance with our usual luck, the wind soon after ceased and within an
hour all was calm again.

In some seasons of the year fierce tempests take place on the rivers of
the Amazon basin, called _turbonadas_. These are generally accompanied
by lightning, torrential rains, &c., and the wind, often attaining a
velocity of from twenty to thirty metres per second, blows down trees
and causes such large waves and whirlpools that canoes are often
overturned and lost unless great care is taken.

At two o'clock we unexpectedly reached Guepí, a scattered collection of
three Colombian rubber-trading establishments, about a kilometre apart
from each other. We stopped for an hour or so at the first house,
belonging to one Señor Muñoz; this was a large split-palm bungalow,
raised about six feet above the level of the ground in order to prevent
flooding during the wet season, when the river overflows its banks. It
appeared to be uncompleted, for there were no walls, although the roof
and the elevated floor were finished, and the latter was covered with a
miscellaneous collection of _bultos_, heaps of _yuca_ and plantains,
pots and kettles, _peons_ in hammocks, pieces of rubber, and other
things too numerous to mention. The inhabitants seemed to be taking life
easily and not worrying about a rainy day, for they all knocked off as
soon as we appeared and began simultaneously to talk and to fill
themselves and us with _aguardiente_. They seemed to be a merry, jovial
lot, and when we left insisted upon presenting us with a dozen eggs and
a whole lot of _papayas_ and plantains.

[Illustration: A TYPICAL RIVER BANK CLEARING.

[To face p. 108.]

At about 3.30 we reached the settlement of Señor Fajardo, another
bungalow, somewhat smaller than Muñoz', but on much the same style. Here
we were also cordially received by the proprietor, a small,
dark-complexioned man of about fifty, and his buxom wife. As they both
pressed us to stop all night with them we gladly assented, and,
accompanying them to the house, we were introduced to Drs. Ortiz and
Hernandez, two of the recently exiled political prisoners from Mocoa,
who, it appears, had escaped from the escort at this place and were
about to set out for Iquitos via the River Napo.

The two exiles seemed to be very decent fellows, and gave us a rather
interesting account of their imprisonment and of their subsequent escape
from the escort; their companions, however, had elected to continue
their journey to the Caraparaná and take a launch from there to Iquitos,
as was our intention; but these two gentlemen had thought it more
interesting to ascend the River Guepí by canoe as far as possible, and
then, crossing overland to the River Santa María, an affluent of the
Napo, to descend that river and the Napo to their destination, the
Peruvian town of Iquitos on the Amazon. As we were bound for the same
place we promptly made an arrangement to the effect that the ones who
reached there last were to regale the first-comers with a good dinner
and half a dozen bottles of the best champagne. We then celebrated this
compact with a drink of _aguardiente_ each and retired for the night.

As the river had risen some two feet by morning the two exiles
determined to take advantage of this fact to set out at once, for such
small rivers as the Guepí can only be navigated conveniently for any
distance when the water is high. In accordance with this resolution they
immediately began to pack up and send for their _bogas_, and at eleven
o'clock, everything being ready, the two voyagers, with a last _adios_,
took their departure.

Returning to the house, we enjoyed an excellent lunch, during which we
learned that our host had extensive rubber areas in the interior of the
forest, several days' journey from the riverside and that his _peons_
were now at work there, extracting and preparing this produce for
market; some of this rubber he sells at Mocoa, but his principal market
is at Iquitos, which he described as the chief rubber centre of the
Upper Amazon. In addition to his regular employees he had several
Indians also at work collecting for him, whom he paid in merchandise.

Lunch over, we said goodbye and took our departure, loaded with a fresh
supply of limes, _yucas_, &c. The river, muddy and swollen to a degree,
took us along rapidly, and soon Guepí was left behind and we were again
alone upon the river. At about five o'clock we began looking for a
_playa_ to stop for the night on, but none were to be seen--the river
had covered them. We continued, however, in the hopes of finding some
suitable place until it grew dark, when, fearing to go any farther, we
tied up to a good, stout stump on the bank. Here we missed our
_pamacari_, but, after some meditation, we hit upon the idea of hanging
our ponchos over the framework, which, fortunately, we had left on. This
scheme working satisfactorily, we had a couple of games of chess, and
then retired.




CHAPTER IV

THE CENTRAL PUTUMAYO


At about seven o'clock the next morning I awoke, yawned, crawled out of
our makeshift _pamacari_, and saw--a desert of wet, uneven sand.
Perfectly stupefied, I awakened Perkins, and we stepped out to
investigate. There stood--firm as a rock--the stump that had served as
our sheet-anchor, and yonder--separated from us by a broad stretch of
sandy beach--ran the river. At last we understood. The river had gone
down some two feet during the night and had left us stranded on the
enormous _playa_ that was now revealed.

Awakening at last from the stupefaction that had overcome us, we
endeavoured to push the canoe over the 150 metres of sand that lay
between the river and us. We might as well have tried to move the river
itself, for we could not shift it an inch. Still undismayed, we grasped
our trusty _machetes_, cut down several _selico_-trees, peeled off the
bark, and, after a severe struggle, got them under the canoe with the
idea of sliding it over them. But it was useless, for they sank out of
sight in the sand. The next attempt was still more laborious, for it was
nothing less than building a track, composed of two parallel rows of
logs and then inserting rollers between the track and the canoe. This,
too, proved unavailing. In despair we took out all our effects and tried
it again, but in vain. Roused to desperation, we made one more effort by
trying to overturn the craft, but it was so waterlogged that we could
not lift it three inches.

Panting, perspiring, and cursing bitterly, we saw that we were in for
it, so, taking a long drink of _aguardiente_ each, we carefully put
everything back in the canoe, and I cooked the breakfast while Perkins
fixed up the two mosquito-bars over the framework of our late
_pamacari_. Breakfast over, we sat down to consider the matter, calmly
and judicially. We had tried everything our ingenuity could suggest, but
without the slightest success. Thus we should be compelled to stop here
until some one came along and helped us or until the river rose again.
Judging by the fact that up to this point we had not encountered a
single traveller, the first possibility seemed very remote; and in
regard to the second, we now remembered that Fajardo had informed us
that this was probably the last rise of the river until the beginning of
the wet season, which is about the end of January. As it was now Friday,
December 13th, it looked as though we were bound to stay here some time.

After lunch we set out upon an exploring expedition along the deserted
_playa_, which proved to be some three kilometres in length. Through its
southern extremity ran a small _quebrada_, which issued from the dense,
impenetrable jungle and finally emptied into the river. In some of the
deep pools of this stream we observed several enormous alligators
swimming about, the tips of their noses protruding from the water like
the tops of logs.

Several species of Saurians are common in the Central and Lower
Putumayo, such as the Alligator cynocephalus, which is frequently from
eight to ten feet long; the Alligator palpebrosus, smaller but equally
voracious; and the Crocodilus sclerops, or spectacled alligator, so
called on account of his horrible red eyes, projecting outwardly like a
pair of glasses on his snout. This brute, which attains a length of from
twelve to fifteen feet, lays its eggs in the warm sand, where in due
time they are hatched. These alligators, or _caymanes_, rarely attack
man, and feed chiefly on fish and small animals, such as river-seals,
capivaras, &c.

Returning to the canoe, we thought that it would be an excellent idea to
remove our shoes and socks and go barefoot, for the sand was loose and
soft and inconvenienced us by getting in the tops of the shoes. We had
no sooner taken off these articles, however, than we discovered that the
sand was burning hot from the blazing rays of the sun--so hot, in fact,
that we hastened to put them on again at once.

While I busied myself preparing dinner Perkins went to work cleaning up
our rifle, which we had neglected and allowed to become very rusty. By
the time dinner was ready he had polished it up and it was as good as
ever, which made us feel a little more at home, for we had heard most
bloodcurdling tales of the ferocity of the jaguars and tigers so common
in this region.

The jaguar, ounce, or American tiger,[81] is almost as large and
ferocious as the tigers of Asia, often measuring over six feet in
length, exclusive of the two-feet-long tail. It attacks nearly all
animals, and sometimes man himself. Its sleek coat is of a bright tan
colour on the back and white underneath, and on its flanks four rows of
black rings, surrounding small black dots, are to be observed. This is
the most common kind met with.

Other species are: the black jaguar,[82] known to the Indians as the
_jaguareté_, which is very ferocious; the puma, _cougar_, or American
lion,[83] whose coat is of a uniform tan, and which often measures four
feet in length; the grey tiger,[84] which is only about two feet long;
and the _maracaja_ tiger,[85] which has a coat of different shades of
black, white, and grey, and is still smaller than the preceding one.

The next morning we again went out hunting and exploring, and found
numerous _danta_, or tapir tracks, from the forest to the river. They
were very large, and we followed them until they disappeared into the
inaccessible forest. Reaching the southern end of the beach, we observed
several turtle tracks, but did not notice them closely, for just then we
stumbled upon what looked like a jaguar trail, which we followed until
it, too, disappeared in the depths of the forest. Somewhat discomfited
at these repeated disappointments, we returned to the alligator pools
and amused ourselves at taking pot-shots at the alligators until they
discovered our game and promptly got away. A little later we shot a
small bird, resembling a seagull, which we saved as bait for a fishing
expedition we had planned for that evening.

Returning to the canoe, we had lunch; and, then, as it was too hot to go
out on another expedition, devoted the rest of the afternoon to chess:
but I lost every game, although when we were on the Cauca Railway I used
to beat Perkins easily. Whether my mind was distracted by our shipwreck,
or whether Perkins had done some studying up, I cannot say; the fact
remains that during all the time we were shipwrecked I only won a single
game, and we must have played over fifty.

At about seven o'clock in the evening we went down to the edge of the
river and commenced fishing. At first we did not get a single bite, and
we were just about giving it up in despair, when a school of enormous
catfish appeared upon the scene, and in less than an hour and a half we
had enough to last for a couple of days. Here we observed several more
monstrous alligators, and soon so many appeared that we began to get a
little nervous. They did not molest us, however, and we kept on fishing
until nine o'clock, when we retired to our humble abode--the canoe.

Shortly after breakfast the next morning I went out on another
expedition, taking my _machete_ with me. After exploring the _playa_,
without seeing anything more than tracks, I succeeded in penetrating a
short distance into the forest, where I was lucky enough to kill a fine,
large bird, known as the _paujil_. Returning to the canoe, I stumbled
upon a large turtle track; following it some distance, I observed that
it had dug up the sand, probably to deposit some eggs, so, excavating a
little with my _machete_, I discovered the nest, which contained over
eighty eggs. As these eggs are excellent eating, I took off my shirt,
tied them up in it and carried them to camp, along with the _paujil_. At
any rate, we were in no danger of starving.

There are two kinds of turtle common on the Putumayo, a large and a
small species, known respectively as the _charapa_ and the _charapilla_.
The former is often two or three feet in diameter, and lays eggs almost
as large as those of a hen and sometimes as many as a hundred in a nest.
The latter is only about a foot or eighteen inches across, its eggs are
only about half the size of the former's, and there are only from twenty
to thirty of them in a nest. The flesh of both these Chelonians is
succulent and nourishing; the shell, which, however, is not so valuable
as that of a seaturtle, is used in some places for different purposes.
The eggs are very agreeable, and are eaten either fresh or smoked; in
Brazil they extract from them an oil, which is employed for
illuminating, like kerosene.

After lunch, which was composed of rice, turtle-eggs, fish, and _yuca_,
we again took up chess, which we played steadily until about three
o'clock, when, happening to glance up towards the river, I was overjoyed
to perceive several canoes coming upstream. Rushing down to the water's
edge, we saw that there were five canoes, each one containing about ten
Indians. As soon as they came up to us, I told them of our misfortune
and asked them to help us out, promising to reward them generously. The
wretches merely smiled and passed on, which so enraged us that, had I
not observed that they were all well-armed, I should certainly have
fired a couple of rifle-shots across their bows. As it was, we could do
nothing but stand there and execrate them, which naturally was useless.
When they finally disappeared, we returned with bitter thoughts to our
chess, which we kept at until after dinner.

During this meal we were so upset over the malicious action of the
Indians that we determined to have blood of some sort, so, after some
deliberation, we decided that it should be the _danta's_ whose track I
had observed in the morning. Accordingly, at about nine o'clock, we set
out on the warpath; Perkins carried the shot-gun and I the rifle, while
we both had a revolver and a naked _machete_. Arriving at the spot where
the trail disappeared into the forest, we selected a couple of
well-concealed but comfortable seats and waited.

After spending several hours sitting there in absolute silence, our
patience was finally rewarded by hearing the sound of snapping
underbrush, and the next moment a large, awkward form waddled past us
and out upon the moonlit sands. We fired almost simultaneously, and had
the satisfaction of seeing the animal fall with a thud; the next
instant, however, it was again upon its feet and dashing wildly and
violently about. Meanwhile, we discharged our revolvers again and again,
but without much effect; at last the gallant Perkins rushed up and with
a few powerful blows of his _machete_ ended the mêlée, receiving,
however, a slight gash in the calf of his leg from a projecting tusk.

We dragged the heavy body of the vanquished _danta_ to our canoe, and,
after duly celebrating our victory, found him to be nearly six feet in
length and close to three feet in height. We then proceeded to skin him
and cut him up in small pieces for smoking, for this is the most common
method of preserving meat in this region. This operation concluded, we
immediately built a large fire, erected over it a _barbacoa_,[86] and
then, salting the pieces one by one, we put them over the roaring fire
until they were cooked through. This task was not finished until
daylight, when, not troubling to get breakfast, for we had eaten an
enormous quantity of the roasting tapir, we immediately retired, quite
exhausted but happy.

The tapir, _danta_, or _gran bestia_ is the largest mammal of the Amazon
Valley, and somewhat resembles the hog. Its snout is, however, prolonged
to a small, flexible proboscis and its brown skin is covered, not with
bristles but with a few silky hairs. During the daytime the tapir
generally remains hidden in the cool, swampy marshes, coming out only at
night to feed on roots, nuts, &c. When startled, he rushes along at
great speed, his head down and perfectly regardless of trees and
underbrush, through which he passes like a whirlwind. The only sounds
this animal makes are low grunts and short, shrill whistles, quite out
of proportion to his large frame. The tapir--the most valuable of all
the pachyderms--ought to be domesticated, for its flesh is excellent and
its skin makes first-rate leather; in addition to this, it has been
suggested that it would also serve as a beast of burden.

We did not awake until about 11 a.m., when we had breakfast or
lunch--whichever it was--after which we set out on our usual stroll.
Perkins elected to take the shot-gun and penetrate the forest a short
distance, while I went down to the alligator-pool. I saw several turtle
tracks on the way, but decided not to dig any eggs, as we had an ample
supply of provisions. Arriving at the pool, I sat down in the sand
awaiting for some of the Saurians to put in an appearance; I sat there
for some time, and was just thinking of returning to camp, when the
water swirled up and the head of a river-cow or _lamantin_ showed up for
an instant. I jumped to my feet and the Cetacean promptly disappeared;
although I hung around the pool for an hour or more, I saw nothing more
of the river-cow, and, quite disappointed, returned to our abode.

The manatee, _dugong_, _vaca-marina_, or _lamantin_ is none other than
the classical siren, and sometimes reaches a length of from twelve to
fifteen feet. Its pisciform body terminates in a fan-shaped tail, while
the two fins in front, although flat and membranous, consist of five
claw-like projections, somewhat resembling human fingers. The females
have breasts, similar in shape to those of a woman. Their flesh is
excellent, and they generally yield large quantities of fat, which is
often used as an illuminant. As the manatee has a very delicate sense of
hearing, its capture is rather difficult, and the Indians generally
conceal themselves in the thick rushes that surround the bank of a pool
and wait there for the victim to come up. As it feeds on certain plants
that grow on the edge of the bank, it approaches the shore with some
frequency. The Indians then watch their chance and, at a favourable
moment, spring out and stab it before it can escape. This animal is
becoming rarer every year, owing to the persecution it suffers.

In about half an hour Perkins arrived with three victims--a small dove,
a little green lizard, known as the _iguana_, and a parrot. After making
a brief examination of these trophies, of which he seemed very proud, I
prepared dinner, after which we had a quiet smoke and then retired.

The next morning we were overjoyed to perceive that the river had risen
nearly a foot during the night, but our hopes began to abate when it
slowly commenced to go down again, and by eleven o'clock completely
vanished, for the water was even lower than before. It certainly began
to look as though we were to be detained here several weeks, possibly
months.

In the afternoon we went out hunting, in spite of the suffocating heat.
Coming to Perkins's trail in the forest, we followed it to the end, took
out our _machetes_, and, cutting out some of the underbrush, proceeded
for about a kilometre farther. Resting here for some time without seeing
anything worth shooting, we were about to return when the crackling of
twigs indicated that some large animal was prowling around in our
vicinity. Approaching cautiously, we peered through the rank vegetation
and perceived a herd of about fifteen peccaries, busily engaged in
devouring the fallen fruits of a group of palm-trees. As we had plenty
of meat, we did not kill any of them, but, after observing them for a
few minutes, started back to camp.[87]

The flesh of these pachyderms is excellent; if the animal killed is a
male, it is necessary, however, to remove certain glands immediately,
otherwise the meat will have a strong, disagreeable flavour. In some
parts the natives take advantage of the natural pugnacity of this animal
to encompass its destruction. The _modus operandi_ is as follows: The
hunter sneaks to them as they are feeding and excites them by imitating
the barking of a dog; as soon as they perceive him they all make a rush
in his direction; the hunter climbs a convenient tree and the enraged
peccaries dash themselves against it in an endeavour to overturn it; the
hunter then descends within reach of them, and, with his stout _machete_
frequently kills numbers of the infuriated animals before they abandon
their attack.

In the evening we again went fishing, but with indifferent success. The
fish did not seem hungry, and it was not until after ten o'clock that we
caught enough for breakfast. These were, as on the other occasions, all
catfish. Other fish, however, abound in the Central and Lower Putumayo,
most of which are already mentioned. One small fish, known as the
_candirú_, is much feared in some parts on account of its fondness for
entering the lower orifices of people in bathing.

On the following day Perkins did not feel very well, so I went out alone
with the object of securing some more turtle eggs. Reaching the
vicinity of the alligator-pool, I found a small trail which led along
the bank for some distance. Following it with my eyes on the ground, I
suddenly stumbled over something and almost lost my balance. Looking
around, I perceived that I had run up against an enormous spectacled
alligator that had been sunning himself on the sands, and I assure the
gentle reader that I lost no time in making my get-away. The hideous
monster lost no time in pursuing me, and my blood ran cold when I looked
around and saw his wide-open jaws not more than two metres behind me.
Fortunately, the forest was close, and in less time than it takes to
tell it I was up a tree and pouring down a hot revolver fire upon my
disgruntled antagonist, who soon walked off in disgust. After some time
I cautiously descended; needless to say, I did not follow up any more
turtle trails in the vicinity of the pool, for I had no desire to enter
those pearly gates that I had just escaped from so narrowly.

Perkins, better in the afternoon, went out, while I remained with the
canoe; in about an hour and a half he returned with about twenty small
eggs, having found a _charapilla's_ nest and a large, beautifully
plumaged bird, known as the _piurí_; this bird has a magnificent, black
curled topknot and a yellow bill, tipped with black, and is about the
size of a turkey. I believe this fine bird is rather rare.

The next morning Perkins and I set out on a forest expedition; following
our previous trail to the end, we took out our _machetes_ and hacked our
way on a couple of kilometres farther. On the way we saw a tribe of the
monkeys known as the Barrigudos; they are hairy and pot-bellied, with
large, bullet-shaped heads and well-formed limbs. As soon as they saw us
they scampered off, and we did not take a shot at them. Finally,
perspiring from every pore as a result of our exertions, we were about
to sit down to rest a little while, when Perkins heard in the distance
the hoarse, piercing call of the _toucan_.[88] Wishing to secure a
specimen of this strange, queer-looking bird, he set out in the
direction from whence the call seemed to come, while I remained at the
end of our _trocha_, enjoying a smoke. After waiting there an hour or so
I began to get alarmed for him, and hallooed repeatedly at the top of my
voice, but the deep silence of the forest was broken by no answering
yell. Then I bethought myself to discharge my rifle, but nothing was to
be heard in reply except the long-drawn-out echoes.

What could I do? I dare not set out in search of him, lest I, too, be
lost, for in these dense solitudes people have perished from starvation
and exposure, unaware that they were within a kilometre of a house. I
sat there for hours, shouting and firing my rifle at short intervals and
was just becoming desperate, when, faint in the distance, I thought I
heard the dull report of a shot-gun. When the echoes of my answering
discharge died away, I listened anxiously and, after a short interval,
once more heard the muffled boom of the shot-gun, but a little louder
than before. Keeping up a steady fire, in about three-quarters of an
hour I was overjoyed to see Perkins, with the _toucan_ in his arms,
appear in quite a different direction than he had set out from.

After he had recovered himself somewhat by means of the small flask of
_aguardiente_ that I had with me, he informed me that the possibility of
getting lost had never occurred to him until having shot the bird. After
about an hour's pursuit, he started to return; then he had realised that
he was lost, for he had not the slightest idea of which way to return,
and wandered about for hours until he finally got within range of the
report of my rifle. After that, the rest was easy, and in less than an
hour he had found his way back.

Returning to the camp, we examined the _toucan_ that had been the means
of leading him astray. These birds are as a rule about the size of a
pigeon; their huge yellow beak is almost as big as their entire body. It
is, however, of a porous and cellular structure, and does not weigh
much. Their plumage is brilliant and attractive, the back, tail, and
wings being of a dark rich blue, while the breast is yellow. The
_toucan_ lives in hollow trees in the depths of the forest, and feeds on
fruits and insects; as a rule, it lays only two or three eggs, which it
often devours.

At about four o'clock I went out in search of some turtle eggs, and,
after some half-hour's trailing, found a large nest containing over a
hundred. Tying them up in my shirt, I was returning to camp when I heard
the report of the rifle, which seemed to come from that direction;
hastening onward, I turned a bend and saw three men get out of a canoe
and approach our abode, where they seemed to be cordially received by
Perkins. Within a few minutes I joined them, and was overjoyed to see
that they were a detachment of the Caraparaná police force of the
_Corregidor_, Gabriel Martínez.

The officer in charge of the little band--_Alférez_ Velasco--was very
agreeable and courteous, and readily consented to lend a hand. So after
dinner, which was a very pleasant affair, we removed all our effects
from the canoe, collected our rollers, passed around the _aguardiente_,
and in less than two hours our gallant craft was again afloat. The
_Alférez_ and his men then retired, completely exhausted by this task
and the long day's poling up the river, and Perkins and I commenced our
heartbreaking labour of carrying our baggage, &c., over the
half-kilometre that separated us from the canoe--for it had not been
convenient to roll the heavy craft to the nearest part of the river on
account of the sand-hummocks that intervened, and to have taken the
canoe up to this place would have meant two hours' hard work on account
of the strong current and the long bend in the river.

It was truly a sickening task. We had had originally seven _bultos_,
weighing about four _arrobas_ each; now, in addition to this we had a
barrel of _aguardiente_, our Indian souvenirs, Perkins's mineralogical
specimens, our _danta_, &c. To add to our disgust the river commenced to
rise rapidly, and soon we perceived that, if we had not been in such a
hurry, there would probably have been no necessity for carrying our
things, as the river would have relieved us of this task. Sweat fell
from us in streams, the rough edges of the _bultos_ cut our shoulders
mercilessly, and, to make matters worse, it began to rain in torrents.
Still we stuck to it, and at about one o'clock in the morning Perkins
staggered on board with the last load--the barrel of _aguardiente_--on
his back. After lightening this part of our equipment by two good drinks
each, we immediately retired and slept the sleep of the just.

The next morning it was as we had expected--the river had kept on
rising, and the greater part of the _playa_ was submerged. Making our
way to the police detachment, we held a long chat with the officer, gave
them a chunk of the smoked _danta_-meat, passed around the
_aguardiente_, and thanking them heartily, took our departure. The swift
current took us along rapidly, and soon the scene of our shipwreck faded
away in the distance and became but a pleasant memory of the past.

Lunching in the canoe at about eleven o'clock, we steadily continued our
descent. At about two I thought I would like to try my hand at being
_popero_, so Perkins accordingly gave me a few hints on it and then
retired under the _pamacari_ to enjoy a short nap. I got along
first-rate for an hour or so and was beginning to think myself almost
the equal of a professional Indian _boga_, when, borne along at a
tremendous rate by the rushing current, we ran into a log that stuck
some six feet out of the water at an angle of about thirty degrees. The
log was too high to strike the bow, and passed over it; it reached the
_pamacari_, got caught fast in it, the canoe turned broadside, listed to
port, water poured over the gunwale in torrents, and I commenced to say
my prayers. The next moment the _pamacari_ snapped, the canoe veered
around bow foremost again, the log, with the released _pamacari_ still
attached to it, raked the rear part of our craft, knocked me overboard,
and the canoe was free. I hastily grasped the end of the log and hung to
it like a tick to a nigger's shin, until Perkins struggled to his feet
and threw me a rope, for no mortal man could have come up with the canoe
in the teeth of the current. I grabbed the rope, and Perkins, after some
delay, finally yanked me aboard, none the worse for my misadventure
except a large bruise on my forehead. I did not play the rôle of
_popero_ again for some time.

At about five o'clock we stopped for the day at a large _playa_; I may
say, however, that we spent some time in sounding the vicinity of the
place where we tied the canoe, in order not to get stranded again.
Taking a little walk to explore our neighbourhood, we stumbled upon
several turtle trails, and, following them up, found some three large
nests. Digging a little with our _machetes_ at one of them, we unearthed
about eighty eggs, which we conveyed to the canoe; some of these eggs we
had for dinner in the shape of an omelette.

The next morning we again set out on our journey. As our _danta_ was now
getting spoiled, I kept an eagle eye on the trees along the bank in
hopes of killing something, and shot at several monkeys, but with
apparently no effect. Finally I perceived a large turkey, and as soon as
we got within range drew a bead on him and fired. The bird fell to the
ground, we drew up, I got out and found the dead body of a buzzard or
_gallinazo_.

This repugnant bird, also known as the _urubú_ in Brazil, is about the
size of the wild turkey, which it somewhat resembles at a distance. Its
plumage, however, is a sort of dingy black, and its fairly large beak is
of the same colour. They always emit an insufferable, carrion smell, and
are the universal scavengers of the tropics. Indeed, in Colombia the
killing of a _gallinazo_ is punishable by a heavy fine. Of these birds
the best known species are the Cathartes foetens, the C. aura, and the
C. jata.

The white _gallinazo_ is not so common, and is popularly supposed to be
the king of the flock. While on the Cauca Railway I saw one feeding on a
dead mule, while all the common _urubús_ stood on one side, waiting
until he had had enough. The Indians (as well as many of the "whites")
are very superstitious in regard to this bird, and consider its
appearance as a good omen.

Having shot nothing eatable, we reached a promising-looking _playa_ at
two o'clock and disembarked in search of some more turtle-eggs. We were
busily engaged in excavating a nest, when Perkins saw a solitary canoe
slowly making its way up-stream. Approaching the bank, we hailed the
strangers, and they began to steer in our direction; as they came nearer
we saw that they were all Indians, except one, who was a well-dressed,
elderly white man. It was then that we became conscious of our clothes,
or rather of our lack of them, for I was dressed only in a torn shirt,
an equally torn pair of trousers, and a wide Stetson hat, while Perkins
was clad only in a long shirt and his flowing beard.

Mastering our embarrassment, we introduced ourselves to the old man, who
proved to be none other than Don Rogerio Becerra, the gentleman who had
escorted the exiles down to the Caraparaná, from whence he was now
returning to Mocoa. He seemed to be a very pleasant and agreeable man,
and we held quite a conversation with him, in the course of which he
informed us that the _Corregidor_, Don Gabriel Martínez, to whom Jurado
had given us a letter, was on his way up also with his police force, and
that we might expect to meet him in a couple of days. After a little
more conversation he presented us with a live _charapilla_, of which he
had several, and slowly resumed his long and tedious journey.

After unearthing the rest of the eggs, we, too, set out and continued
our trip without any further incidents until about half-past five, when
we stopped at a large _playa_. While I was engaged in cooking the dinner
here, Perkins went out for a prowl with the shot-gun and succeeded in
getting a large duck.

The following morning, December 22nd, we got an early start at six
o'clock and continued the trip without incident until ten o'clock, when,
owing to the stifling heat, we drew up to a beach and put up a new
_pamacari_-frame, over which we laid our mosquito-bars to make a little
shade. No sooner was this accomplished than the sun disappeared behind a
cloud, a strong wind arose, and it began to rain in torrents. This kept
up for some two hours, and, of course, we got soaked; at the end of
this time, however, the sun came out again as hot as ever, and in
another two hours we were dry.

Shortly after this we met a group of four or five _capivaras_ trying to
scramble up the crumbling, four-foot-high vertical bank of an immense
sand island covered with a tall, dense grass. As soon as we got within
range Perkins let fly at them with his rifle, while I did the same with
the shot-gun; the only noticeable effect was to accelerate their frantic
efforts to mount the bank. Then the swift current wafted us down
opposite to them, and we opened up a hot revolver fire. One or two of
them dived then, and another, with a desperate leap, got on top of the
bank and instantly disappeared in the tall grass. By this time we were
some distance past the spot where they had been, and as the current was
very strong, we did not judge it worth while to go back, seeing that
they had all disappeared.

On the following day we were again favoured, at about noon, with another
heavy downpour. The wind was so strong as to cause large waves and make
our progress exceedingly slow. When the storm passed, at about one
o'clock, the sun again obligingly came out and dried our clothes for us,
as on the previous day. A little after this we had the luck to shoot a
turkey and find a large nest of turtle eggs; the _charapilla_ that Don
Rogerio had given us we still kept tied up on his back alive in the bow,
intending to keep him for Christmas.

At about 3 p.m. we came in sight of a house, which, according to what
Don Rogerio had told us, we surmised was Yaracaya, the rubber
establishment of Señor Jesús López. Around the house was a little patch
of clearing, planted with _yuca_, plantains, &c., while, surrounding
this little piece of man's feeble handiwork rose the unbroken stretch of
primeval forest and the island-studded river, rushing onward to join the
mighty Amazon.

Keeping in towards the right bank--upon which the establishment is
situated--we were so engrossed in taking stock of the place that we got
stuck on a submerged sand-bar and some difficulty was experienced in
getting off it. Then a tall, dark, bearded man, dressed in a pair of
checkered blue trousers and a white shirt, who proved to be López
himself, came down to the bank, accompanied by a _peon_, and gave us a
cordial welcome.

Leading us up the gentle slope, he conducted us into the house, which
was built on posts about six feet above the level of the ground. It was
of bamboo and split-palm, large and ample, and had a porch running along
the front, which faced the river. Presently a tall, rather pretty woman
appeared, whom he introduced to us as the wife of his partner, now
absent on a trip to Iquitos, via the River Napo. In the kitchen we
observed a number of Indian women busily engaged in making _fariña_.

We had not intended stopping here for more than an hour or so, but
shortly after our arrival Perkins was attacked by a heavy dose of fever,
and as López pressed us to stay, we were glad to accept his invitation.
I spent most of the time in conversation with our host, who kindly
supplied me with considerable information about the region of the
Caraparaná.

In the course of this conversation I learned that there was considerable
ill-feeling between the Colombians of that section and the Peruvians on
account of the boundary dispute and the aggressions of the latter, who
are much more numerous than the Colombians and all employees of a large
firm which has its headquarters in Iquitos and is known as the Peruvian
Amazon Company. López informed me that this company, planning to get
possession of the rubber estates of the Colombians of the Caraparaná,
had influenced the Peruvian officials at Iquitos, in open violation of
the _modus vivendi_, to send troops up to help expel them, and that,
moreover, these troops had just arrived.

Somewhat taken aback at this rather interesting information and not
wishing to get mixed up in any frontier disputes, I asked López if it
were not possible to avoid passing through that region and cross over by
some _varadero_[89] to the River Napo, as his partner had done. He
replied that there were several _varaderos_ we could take, the best one
being near an establishment known as Remolino--some five-days journey
down the river--which belonged to the Colombian company of Ordoñez and
Martínez. These gentlemen, López went on to inform me, had plenty of
Indians in their service, and, in addition to lending us the necessary
number of _cargadores_, would probably be glad to buy our canoe and such
effects as we did not desire to take with us. This advice seemed
reasonable, and I determined to act on it.

The next morning found Perkins no better, so we had to prolong our
stay. In the course of my conversations with López, who seemed to take
life pretty easily, I learned that all the rubber produced in this
section of the Putumayo is an inferior kind of _jebe_ or _siringa_,
known technically as _jebe débil_ or weak-fine rubber. Such large
quantities of it are produced, however, and at such a small cost,
especially in the Caraparaná and Igaraparaná districts, that its poor
quality is more than compensated for. López furthermore told me that he
had several _racionales_ and a number of Indians employed on his inland
estates. The former he paid a salary, while the Indians exchanged the
rubber they collected for merchandise.

In the middle of the afternoon we perceived several canoes coming up the
river; finally reaching the port, they disembarked, and we saw that they
were the police force that Becerra had told us of. López and I went down
to the port to greet the _Corregidor_, Don Gabriel Martínez; what was
our amazement when the corporal in charge gave us the pleasing
information that four or five days previously, while they had been
stopping at an establishment known as Yubinete, a launch had appeared
with about forty employees of the Peruvian Amazon Company on board, who
had informed the _corregidor_ that he must go to El Encanto, their
headquarters, with them. Upon his refusal they had exhibited their arms,
and declared that they would take him by force then. Seeing that
resistance would be useless, Martínez had ordered his men to wait three
days for him, and, if he did not appear at the end of that time, to
proceed on up the river. They had not seen him since, and naturally
feared that he had been detained.

López asked them to stop over Christmas, and they gladly assented, for
the poor fellows, of whom there were eight, were in a lamentable
condition. Thin, weak, and emaciated, they looked more like ghosts than
men. They were all in rags, without food, without medicines, and
suffering from malarial fever of the worst kind. López gave them some
food and assigned them quarters under the house, while I gave them the
greater part of our quinine. They were accompanied by ten or twelve
Cioni boatmen, who, curiously enough, looked quite plump and healthy.

The next day was Christmas, and Perkins was better, so we celebrated the
occasion by killing the turtle Don Rogerio had given us. In addition to
this delectable dish, the lady of the house made some plantain dessert
and several other dainties, which we devoured ravenously. Then López
brought out a small barrel of the indispensable _aguardiente_, and
everybody, including the sick policemen, their Cioni boatmen, and
Perkins and myself, got on more or less of a jag,[90] which lasted all
day, and was not interrupted even by the death of one of López' Indians,
who, it seems, had been ailing for some time.

The next morning at eight o'clock the policemen set out on their
homeward journey. We saw them off, and, returning to the house, spent
the rest of the forenoon in taking down a lot of Cioni words, which
López was kind enough to furnish us with. This task completed at four
o'clock, we had lunch, and after rendering the genial López a small
return for his hospitality, Perkins and I set out once more upon our
journey down the river.

During the afternoon we stopped on a large _playa_ and dug up a quantity
of turtle eggs. While engaged in this operation we observed a
magnificent bird of a blackish colour, which we took to be the ibis. We
endeavoured to drop him, but he was too wily for us, and we could not
get within range. A little later I succeeded in killing a couple of wild
ducks, which seemed to be very numerous in this vicinity.

On the following morning we set out at about six o'clock, being awakened
at about half-past five by a numerous army of gnats or _moscos_. These
little pests, described in the first chapter as being very prevalent on
the Cauca Railway, had not afflicted us since leaving Puerto Guineo, the
point of embarkation. They now became very aggravating, and such was
their ferocity and perseverance that we were finally compelled to don
the gloves and veils we had had made in Pasto for the purpose. Owing to
the suffocating heat, these articles were inconvenient to a degree, but
as they were undoubtedly the lesser evil, we endeavoured to put up with
them.

At about 2 p.m. we reached Yubinete, the place where Martínez had been
kidnapped. As soon as we reached the port a couple of _racionales_ came
down and conducted us up along a winding path to the little split-palm
hut, which was situated on a high knoll on the right bank, some two
hundred metres from the river. The place seemed desolate and neglected,
for rank weeds and large bushes arose on every side. The proprietor, it
seemed, was absent, and the two _racionales_, who had been left in
charge, took life very easy.

Here we had lunch with them, which was a rather meagre affair, after
which we sold them some of our remaining Indian trading-stuff in order
to get it out of the way. During the course of this deal, which was
enlivened by a considerable amount of haggling and _aguardiente_, we
learned that nothing more had been heard of the unfortunate Martínez,
and the opinion of the two _racionales_ was that he was being detained
at El Encanto for some underhand purpose.

Bidding _adios_ to the hospitable _racionales_, we resumed our descent
at about 3.30, and continued it without incident until about six
o'clock, when we stopped at a large _playa_ near where the river--or at
least the arm that we were following--divided into three _brazos_. Here
we saw several ducks, but they would not let us get within range. With
the darkness the gnats disappeared, but great blood-sucking mosquitoes
soon took their place; it was out of the frying-pan into the fire.

After a night of torture we resumed our journey on the following
morning, taking the left _brazo_, as the two _racionales_ had informed
us that it was the quickest. The gnats now relieving the mosquitoes, we
again put on the paraphernalia of the previous day, but found it
unendurable, for the narrow _brazo_ was like an oven, being too wide to
provide shade and too small for the breeze to enter.

Had it not been for these little wretches we should have enjoyed the
passage through the _brazo_, for on either side--almost within arm's
length--towered up in magnificent confusion the luxuriant, impenetrable
vegetation of the Amazon Valley. The calm beauty of the scene was from
time to time enlivened by the numerous bands of gaily-coloured parrots
and parroquets that, with shrill, hoarse cries, would circle about in
the sky far above us. Again, we would perceive a group of monkeys
leaping from tree to tree with the agility and quickness peculiar to
them. At other times the silence would be broken by the splash of the
large fish, which, intent on securing some delectable insect for their
lunch, would leap out of the water in their eagerness.

At about two o'clock we emerged from the _brazo_ and again entered the
main channel, which along here averaged from one to two kilometres in
width. Here there was a little wind, which served to relieve us a
trifle, but, unfortunately, it did not last long, and the stifling heat
and the clouds of gnats soon resumed their sway.

A little later, while keeping along the right bank to get the benefit of
the current, we observed a band of the large _guariba_[91] monkeys
making their way along the bank. As we were in need of some meat, we
hastily disembarked and set out in pursuit of them. Perceiving an
especially large one, I let fly at him with the shot-gun; he fell, but,
striking a branch in his descent, caught it with his tail and hung there
head downwards. Finally, after shooting him six times more and spending
over half an hour throwing sticks at him, he condescended to fall, and
we took him in triumph to the canoe. We had a fine dish of monkey-steak
for dinner that night.

The _guaribas_ are the largest and most interesting of the numerous
species of monkeys that abound in the forests of the Putumayo. They
average two feet in height, have well-developed fingers, and a heavy
beard under the chin. Their long, prehensile tail is covered with hair
on top, but the under surface is bald and horny. They are generally of a
brownish colour, but this often varies, according to the age of the
individual. The _guaribas_ have powerful voices, and when they all get
together and begin howling, the din is deafening. They feed on fruits
and nuts, and the females carry their young on their backs like some
Indian women.

The next day we got another early start; the river was high, and the
current took us along rapidly. During the morning we shot at several
splendid-looking parrots, but they were too far off for our fire to be
effective. The gnats still hen-pecked us, though not so ferociously as
on the previous days, because we now got along faster. We had intended
digging some turtle eggs, but the river was so swollen that the greater
part of the _playas_ and islands were covered.

At noon a heavy rain set in, which soaked us through and through. Then
the sun came out again in all its glory and dried us within an hour or
so, while our enemies the gnats took their toll of us; they literally
appeared around us in clouds, and we killed thousands of them at a time
by simply clapping our hands together. Finally they became so numerous
that I was compelled to make a fire in the pot in the bow, which I
rendered as smoky as possible by wetting the wood. This drove them off a
little, but was as bad for us as it was for the gnats.

During the afternoon the river went down somewhat, and the beaches and
_playas_ were once more revealed. The water, however, had obliterated
all tracks, &c., and consequently we were unable to find any nests. At
five o'clock we stopped at the mouth of a little _quebrada_, where the
fish actually swarmed. Every moment they would jump up out of the water,
for some reason or other, and two of them even went so far as to leap
into our boat. Nevertheless, our daintiest bait would not tempt them to
bite.

The next morning, December 30th, we again set out on our journey. The
river had gone down considerably, so we made rather slow progress, and,
consequently, the man-eating gnats had us more or less at their mercy,
for it was so hot that our armour was unbearable. At ten o'clock a slow,
drizzling rain set in, which was peculiarly annoying, for it was not
strong enough to dissipate the gnats, but sufficiently damp to soak us
completely.

The wet season had apparently set in, and, owing to the gnats and rain,
our trip had lost much of its charm, so we made up our minds to follow
López' advice in regard to crossing over to the Napo by the Remolino
_varadero_ without delay. Besides, we rather wished to travel by an
overland route, in order to see the country between the rivers. Above
all, we did not wish to get mixed up in any backwoods frontier
fighting.

In spite of the drizzle we got out upon reaching a promising-looking
_playa_, and, after some trailing, found a large nest of eggs, which had
apparently been laid during the previous night. We also had the luck to
shoot a small duck, so our larder, at least, was provided for.

Turning a bend, we saw a house, surrounded by a large cleared area,
perched upon the left bank. Approaching nearer, we perceived that the
river--heretofore nearly two kilometres wide--narrowed down until, when
opposite the house, it was not over a couple of hundred metres in width.
Here the banks were high and vertical, and the river, rushing between
them like a mill-race, formed an immense eddy, or _remolino_, on the
other side. Then, turning at a sharp angle, it gradually spread out and
soon attained its former width again. We had arrived at Remolino.




CHAPTER V

THE HUITOTOS


Reaching the port with some difficulty, we secured the canoe, climbed up
the steep bank, walked through the clearing, which was sown with _yuca_,
plantains, &c., and arrived at the house. Here we were received in a
friendly manner by an old, tattered-looking _racional_, who upon our
asking for Señor Ordoñez informed us that that gentleman was at La
Unión, the principal establishment of the Company, which was situated on
the banks of the Caraparaná, about three hours' march overland.

Somewhat annoyed at this _contretemps_, which made it necessary for us
to go to that region, Perkins and I held a short consultation, during
which we decided that on the following day I should cross over to La
Unión and arrange with Ordoñez to lend us the necessary _cargadores_ and
buy what effects we wanted, to be disposed of afterwards as quickly as
possible, while Perkins remained with the canoe at Remolino. The old
_racional_ did not have any authority to do business with me, but was
sure that Ordoñez--who seemed to be the principal man--would arrange
matters with us upon any reasonable terms.

During the rest of the day we stopped at Remolino to recuperate, but the
devouring gnats made such pertinacious attacks upon us that we had no
time for resting, being constantly employed in repelling their
onslaughts. The old _racional_ wrapped his feet, head, and arms up in
rags and went to sleep, probably being accustomed to wearing this
armour. On account of the excessive heat we could not endure ours.

At about four o'clock a party of six or seven _racionales_ came over
from La Unión, intending to return there on the following day with some
stores, for it seems that the establishment of Remolino is merely a sort
of receiving station and warehouse. This was a lucky circumstance for
us, as I could accompany them, and thus avoid all danger of losing my
way, for the trail, so our old host informed us, was a mere forest path,
in some places almost impassable.

The next morning at about six o'clock I set out in company with the
_racionales_ through the dense forest. The ground was rolling and cut up
into steep hillocks and precipitous valleys by numerous small
_quebradas_ on their way to join the Putumayo; as the soil was mostly
yellow clay our progress was not rapid. Presently we crossed two rather
large _quebradas_, from twelve to fifteen metres in width, over bridges
in each case formed by the large trunk of a single tree. These the
_racionales_ crossed readily, but I experienced some difficulty in doing
so on account of my slippery shoes. At about ten o'clock a torrential
rain set in, which drenched us within five minutes. Still, we pushed on,
and soon, crossing a comparatively level area, we arrived upon the
right bank of the Caraparaná. We climbed into a canoe, rowed across the
thirty-metre-wide river, and, clambering up the steep, cleared bank,
were at La Unión.

Making my way to the principal house, a large structure of split-palms,
similar to those already described, I entered the yard, ascended the
steps to the porch, and asked for Señor Ordoñez. A young man, who
introduced himself as Don Fabio Duarte, the assistant manager, then
informed me that Ordoñez was out in the forest with his Indians, but
that he was expected back on the following day; meanwhile he invited me
to stop with him until Ordoñez came. A seat near the fire soon dried my
wet clothes, and a good hot lunch braced me up considerably.

In addition to this principal house there were two or three smaller
structures, standing at some distance from each other and from the large
one. All the forest for some distance round the establishment was cut
down, and upon the fresh, green grass that took its place numerous sleek
cattle and horses grazed in peaceful quiet. Some parts of this cleared
area were, however, fenced in, and here large plantations of _yuca_,
plantains, maize, &c., were under cultivation, for which purpose the
fifteen or twenty _racionales_ that I observed about the house were
employed. Under the principal house I observed about a thousand
_arrobas_ of rubber stored away, awaiting shipment.

Duarte, who was a very affable and communicative youth, informed me that
all this rubber was collected by the Indians in the Company's service,
who came in periodically with what they had collected and exchanged it
for merchandise, &c., sold to them at rather exorbitant prices. These
aborigines, who belonged to the tribe known as the Huitotos, numbered
about two hundred, and lived in villages of their own in the heart of
the forest. Other Huitotos were employed by David Serrano, another
Colombian settler, living some distance down the Caraparaná, while the
greatest portion of them were in the service of the Peruvian Amazon
Company,[92] which, Duarte informed me, treated them very harshly,
obliging them to work night and day without the slightest remuneration.

I spent the rest of the day in getting data about the Huitotos and in
collecting from the _racionales_--many of whom spoke the language
perfectly--a short vocabulary of the most common Huitoto words. Among
other interesting facts, I learned that this whole region had first been
settled by Colombians, who had been afterwards squeezed out by the
Peruvians, until now in the whole district of the Caraparaná and
Igaraparaná there remained but three Colombian establishments--La Unión,
La Reserva (Serrano's), and El Dorado, belonging to a negro called
Ildefonso Gonzalez.

Señor Duarte informed me, in response to my inquiries regarding the
designs of the Peruvian Amazon Company against the Colombians, that the
latter had long been aware of them, the said Company having frequently
offered to buy them out; these proposals having been refused, the
autocratic Company had commenced persecuting them in many ways, such as
refusing to sell them supplies, buying their rubber only at a great
discount, kidnapping their Indian employees, &c.

In regard to the possibility of an attempt by the Peruvians to
dispossess the Colombians by force, Duarte did not consider it probable,
for, although the Prefect at Iquitos had sent a number of soldiers up,
it had only been done on the representation of the company that a large
Colombian force was descending the Putumayo; the Peruvian detachment,
seeing for themselves that this report was false, would not countenance
any raid on the three Colombian establishments, much less take part in
it, and would soon, without doubt, order the release of the unfortunate
_Corregidor_, Martínez. If, on the other hand, they did attempt any such
iniquitous proceeding, he continued, the Colombians would oppose them
until the last extremity.

The next morning I was disappointed to hear from Duarte that he had just
received a message from Ordoñez to the effect that he would not be able
to return for several days. This was disheartening, and I did not know
what to do until Duarte suggested that I should go down and see Serrano,
who, he thought, would do business with us. As this advice seemed
rational and as it was only a three-hours walk through the forest I
determined to follow it. Accordingly, taking my leave of the hospitable
Duarte, who thoughtfully provided me with a Huitoto guide, I set out on
my new journey.

The guide seemed to be a fairly intelligent fellow, and gave me a
quantity of information about the system of rubber-collection employed
in this region. He also went on to inform me that the Peruvians treated
his countrymen "very badly"; and when I asked him what he meant by this
he gave me to understand that in case the Indians did not bring in a
sufficient amount of rubber to satisfy the Peruvians they were flogged,
shot, or mutilated at the will of the man in charge. When I asked if the
Colombians also indulged in these practices he replied that they did
not, for they always treated them well. It is unnecessary to state that
I took all this information with a grain of salt, for it seemed to me
very improbable.

After getting soaked by another heavy downpour, similar to that of the
preceding day, we emerged from the forest and entered a large cleared
area, most of which was planted with maize, _yuca_, plantains, &c., the
rest being a sort of pasture-land. Passing through this for some time,
we presently came to Serrano's house, a fair-sized bungalow of the usual
type, half concealed by a small orchard of fruit-trees.

Climbing the porch, I found myself in the presence of three men, one of
them being a short, middle-aged, coffee-coloured gentleman, while the
other two were white and had the appearance of travellers. Introducing
myself, I was cordially welcomed by the dark man, who proved to be
Serrano, as I had supposed. He, in turn, made me acquainted with the
other two, who turned out to be two of the exiles brought down by
Becerra, General Miguel Antonio Acosta and Don Alfonso Sánchez. The
other exiles, it appeared, had gone down to the Peruvian establishment
of El Encanto to catch one of the launches which was about to sail for
Iquitos. These two, however, had decided to stop with Serrano a few
days on account of the illness of Sánchez, who was prostrated by a
fierce attack of malarial fever.

As Serrano was about to set out for Iquitos himself on business within a
week or so, accompanied by the exiles in case Sánchez was better, he
readily agreed to take us with him and, moreover, to buy our canoe and
anything else that we had for sale. Accordingly, I sent word to Perkins
by means of an Indian that Serrano loaned me for the purpose to descend
with the canoe from Remolino to Josa, Serrano's port on the Putumayo,
and, arriving there, to leave the canoe and our personal effects--for we
should pass Josa on our way to the _varadero_--and bring over to La
Reserva everything we had for sale, for which purpose we would send some
_cargadores_ there to meet him.

This business satisfactorily arranged at last, I felt considerably
relieved, and hoped that soon we would be on the _varadero_ to the Napo
and out of harm's way. Serrano then took me out and showed me the place.
In addition to the large plantations already mentioned he had planted
several thousand rubber-trees in the forest, which were now from two to
four years old and in a very flourishing condition. Under the house he
had 170 odd _arrobas_ of rubber, which had been collected by his Huitoto
employees, of whom he had about forty-five families, one or two of which
were then at the house.

During the course of the evening I happened to make a remark about the
Peruvians to the effect that they were probably not so bad as
represented. This somewhat aroused Serrano, who thereupon recounted to
me one of the most diabolical deeds committed by the murderous employees
of the Peruvian Amazon Company that I had ever heard of up to that time.
The following is an outline of it:--

As Serrano had owed a small sum of money to the El Encanto branch of the
Peruvian Amazon Company the manager of that establishment, one Miguel S.
Loayza, had made this fact an excuse to send up a "commission" about a
month before our arrival to abuse and intimidate him so that he would
abandon his estate. As soon as the "commission" arrived the miserable
wretches who formed it began their hellish labours by chaining Serrano
up to a tree; then these model employees of the "civilising company," as
they call themselves, forcibly entering his wife's room, dragged the
unhappy woman out on the porch, and there, before the tortured eyes of
the helpless Serrano, the chief of the "commission" outraged his unhappy
victim. Not satisfied with this, they took his entire stock of
merchandise, amounting to some 10,000 _sols_,[93] together with his
little son and the unfortunate woman who had just been so vilely
outraged, embarked them on the launch, and took them to El Encanto.
Serrano had never seen them since, but had heard that his wife was being
used as a concubine by the criminal Loayza, while his tender son acted
as servant to the same repugnant monster.

This horrible story, in conjunction with the other accounts of the
ferocity of these employees that I had been given and the treacherous
kidnapping of the unfortunate Martínez, combined to make me think that
we had stumbled upon a regular Devil's Paradise in this remote corner of
the world. Still, I reflected, I had as yet heard but one side of the
case--the Colombian--and therefore was not qualified to come to any
decision in regard to the matter.

Serrano then informed me that they were expecting the arrival of Don
Jesus Orjuela, the newly appointed Police Inspector and Government agent
from Bogotá, who, they expected, would do something to protect them
against these outrages. Although this gentleman had no forces,
nevertheless it was understood that he had authority to make some
arrangements with the Peruvians, if possible, to provide for the
protection of the Colombian settlers.

Early in the morning of the following day we dispatched three of
Serrano's Huitotos to Josa, in order to aid Perkins in bringing over the
effects we were to sell to Serrano. Our personal baggage could remain
there during the five or six days that would elapse before our departure
with Serrano and the two exiles for the _varadero_. The rest of the day
I spent in preparing a part of the following essay on the Huitotos, the
aboriginal inhabitants of the Caraparaná and Igaraparaná districts.

In the extensive area occupied by the "civilising company," between the
Caquetá and the Napo, many distinct tribes of Indians, such as the
Huitotos, the Boras, the Yurias, the Ocainas, the Yahuas, the Andoques,
and the Andoqueros are found. Of these the largest and most important
tribe is the Huitotos.

The Huitoto tribe is divided up into numerous sub-tribes, each having a
distinct name, such as the Maynanes, the Aifugas, the Recígaros, the
Yabuyanos, &c. Each of these sub-tribes has its own chief, called a
_capitán_ or _tuchaua_, and appears to be quite independent of the rest.
A sub-tribe may vary in size from twenty-five to five hundred
individuals and often more.

All these sub-tribes speak more or less the same language--Huitoto, of
which I give a few specimen words. It is a very simple language, with
but little grammar, employing neither conjunctions nor articles. The
words in a sentence are pronounced slowly, with a prolonged and
harmonious intonation.


HUITOTO VOCABULARY.

  father             _mon_
  mother             _eño_, _ei_
  daughter           _rioña_
  infant             _muguro_
  brother            _ama_, _iyo_
  woman              _riñoña_, _ag_
  friend             _cheinama_
  enemy              _igagmake_
  white (man)        _veracucha_
  wizard             _iatche_
  sleep              _cuiñacate_
  tobacco            _tue_
  monkey             _emueje_
  tiger              _jecco_
  tapir              _suruma_
  watercress         _ecco_
  sick               _tuico_
  dead               _paide_, _feode_
  white              _userede_
  red                _iarede_
  black              _ituide_
  tree               _daipa_
  maize              _pechato_
  yuca               _maica_
  meat               _chiceci_, _llucusa_
  man                _iima_
  God                _Usiñamu_
  shade              _apuehana_
  old (fem.)         _uikesero_
  old (mas.)         _uikerama_
  foreigner          _oicomue_
  much, many         _momome_
  full               _monite_, _niba_
  I                  _cué_
  thou               _O_
  we                 _naga_
  you                _naga abe_
  they               _atchue_
  this               _piee_
  my                 _cué_
  thy                _oe_
  small              _yurete_
  cold               _rosirete_
  heat               _ecaside_
  dry                _tajerede_
  yes                _jé_
  morning, to-morrow _icoíte_
  hat                _ipoíco_
  soldiers           _hudarete_
  sugar-cane         _cononoque_
  plantain           _ocoto_
  pepper             _ivico_
  rubber             _isire_
  one                _taja_
  two                _mena_
  three              _taje amani_
  four               _menajere_
  five               _tape cuiro_
  ten                _nagape cuiro_
  few, little        _chichanito_
  hen                _atava_, _atahúa_
  hog, pig           _nasi_
  paper              _rapi_
  sun                _itoma_
  devil              _taife_
  good               _mare_
  farina             _alma_
  delicious          _caimarete_
  to forget          _feide_
  to drink           _hide_
  to eat             _guna_
  to fast            _gunuñete_
  to work            _biefano_
  to go              _rairemaca_
  to come            _benebi_
  to laugh           _sateide_
  to weep            _edde_
  let us go          _maña cocoaide_
  shower             _hitoma_
  lightning          _jairo_
  thunder            _doirite_
  far                _aré_
  oar                _yapú_
  cacao              _muselle_
  egg                _nobo_
  chief              _mon_
  mouth              _juca_
  in the forest      _asicoma_
  attractive         _maranaño_
  ugly               _maruñete_
  young              _cómime_
  old, antique       _huatima_
  paint              _hidora_
  hair               _ifotire_
  head               _ifote_
  nose               _dofo_
  ear                _efo_
  teeth              _icido_, _nido_
  moon               _febuy_
  go                 _jai_
  more               _dame_
  water              _hinué_
  there is           _ite_
  there is not       _uñete_
  enough             _macavaite_
  good weather       _mare mona_
  to take            _penojo cuido_
  to be hungry       _naimede_
  to speak           _naitode_
  wind               _aifehuí_
  no                 _uñete_
  deer               _dronde_
  near               _yanoré_
  to move            _jetache_
  he comes           _matemo moito_
  to carry           _apuine_
  give me            _até_
  pine-apple         _rosille_
  case               _ojo_
  small              _muguro_
  jar                _diaré_

PHRASES.

  Let us go together               _Maña cue digo_
  Where is your brother            _Menomo O iyo_
  This is your mother              _Bei O ei_
  This is my house                 _Cue yomo_
  I have come here                 _Cue bito benoina bite_
  Hurry up                         _mayai_
  I have a pain                    _sirete_
  That's good                      _juigora_
  I don't know                     _uñe uñete_
  Come here                        _ve_
  I am coming                      _bitequé_
  I am not coming                  _bituñete_
  I want                           _ejocatequé_
  What is it ?                     _muneca_
  That's bad                       _juigoñete_
  I like you                       _O yacate cue_
  You are handsome                 _O tabo juogora_
  I don't like you                 _Inide_
  He comes at a distance           _Matemo moito ané ite_
  Where are your people            _Bucu muine_
  Where is your house              _Menomo O apa ite_
  Where is your field              _Nemono O huarayar ite_
  Have you plenty of yuca          _Allué tañoje maica_
  Show me through the forest       _Darite asicomo_
  I want to drink some water       _Haino firaia cati_
  I don't want to go               _Haini tegue_
  Show me a tree to make a canoe   _Eroi daipa juinoca amena_

  _Note._--The letters should be pronounced as in Spanish.

The Huitotos are a well-formed race, and although small are stout and
strong, with a broad chest and a prominent bust, but their limbs,
especially the lower, are but little developed. Their hair, long and
abundant, is black and coarse, and is worn long by both sexes. A
peculiar custom is that of pulling out the eyebrows, eyelashes, and the
fine hairs of the other parts of the body. That repugnant sight, a
protruding abdomen, so common among the "whites" and half-breeds on the
Amazon, is very rare among these aborigines.

Among the women the habit of carrying their young on their backs makes
them adopt an inclined position, which they conserve all their life.
Their feet are turned inwards, and when they walk their thighs generally
strike against each other as though they were afraid. Notwithstanding
these defects, it is not rare to find among these women many really
beautiful, so magnificent are their figures and so free and graceful
their movements.

[Illustration: A HUITOTO INDIAN RUBBER GATHERER.

[To face p. 152.]

The men, on the contrary, walk with their feet turned outwards; but when
crossing a log or a tree which serves as a bridge over a stream they
turn them inwards, in this way obtaining greater stability and avoiding
slipping. The big toes of their feet are endowed with great flexibility,
and they use them to pick up things from the ground.

Among the men certain physical organs are compressed and tied up, and
never reach their normal development. The women suffer few
abnormalities; their breasts are periform and always prominent, even
among the old, in which case they diminish in volume, but never hang
down.

The custom of mutilation is very common among all the male Huitotos.
Those of the Caraparaná and the Upper Igaraparaná--the two principal
tributaries of the Central Putumayo--perforate the dividing wall of the
nose, and stick through the orifice a tube of _junco_, often as thick as
a lead-pencil, while the inhabitants of the central portion of the
Igaraparaná pierce the whole lower extremity of this organ with
variously coloured tubes and feathers, sometimes vertically traversing
the lower lip with others. All have a long, thick rod, often adorned
with curious carvings, stuck through the lobe of the ear.

These Indians are humble and hospitable to a marked degree, except a few
of the more remote sub-tribes, who are still free and independent and
not yet in contact with the rubber-collectors. Indeed, Serrano informed
me that the first Colombian settlers in this region, who had arrived
here penniless, ill, and despairing, had been warmly welcomed by the
Huitotos, plied with food, given women, and made far more comfortable
than they had ever been in their own country. Serrano's Yabuyanos at La
Reserva served us splendidly, for they were always cheerful, willing,
and reliable. They called Serrano their father, and, indeed, treated him
as such.

Few matrimonial formalities are observed among the Huitotos. The
prospective bridegroom clears a small piece of land, builds a house--or
secures quarters in one already built--gives a small quantity of coca or
tobacco to the _capitán_ to obtain his approval, and cuts a supply of
firewood for his future mother-in-law. Shortly afterwards the girl is
given to him, which is an occasion of considerable festivity, and they
are man and wife.

These unions are considered binding among the Huitotos, and it is very
rarely that serious disagreements arise between husband and wife. The
women are naturally chaste, and it was not until the advent of the
rubber-collectors that they began to lose this primitive virtue, so
generally met with among people not yet in contact with white men. It is
worthy of notice that among these aborigines polygamy does not exist,
and only in extremely rare cases does the _capitán_ or _tuchaua_ have
more than one wife.

Serrano informed me that when a child is born the mother takes it to the
river, and, after washing it, covers the little new-comer with
rubber-milk in order to keep it warm, while the father makes this an
opportunity for lying in his hammock, claiming to be ill. Infant
mortality is very large among the Huitotos, owing to the prevailing
ignorance of the women and the hardships the little copper-complexioned
strangers have to put up with.

A peculiar custom, very general among these Indians, is that of giving
the name of a person who has just died to another member of the
family--as a rule, to the one who has been the especial favourite of the
deceased. The individual so honoured then drops his former name and
assumes his new one.

When any one of their _capitánes_ dies he is buried under his own house,
wrapped up in a new palm-fibre hammock, together with all his weapons,
utensils, &c. The hut is then abandoned and a new one is erected by the
survivors and their friends. Ordinary members of the tribe, including
women and children, are merely buried under the floor without more
ceremony.

Upon the occasion of a _fiesta_, or to solemnise any agreement or
contract, they have recourse to the celebrated _chupe del tabaco_, or
tobacco-drinking. A numerous group of Indians congregate about a pot
placed upon the ground, which contains a strong extract of tobacco. The
_capitán_ first introduces his forefinger into the liquid and commences
a long discourse, which is from time to time interrupted by the rest
with an emphatic yell of approval. Then they become more and more
excited, until finally the pot is gravely passed around and each one in
turn dips his finger into the liquid and then applies it to his tongue.
This is the Huitoto's most solemn oath, and is said to have never been
broken. Whenever the whites wish to enter into any important agreement
with the Indians, they always insist upon this ceremony being performed.

The houses of these aborigines are generally large and circular in form,
averaging about sixty or seventy feet in diameter. They are covered
with a well-woven thatch roof, capable of lasting for years, made from
the leaves of the _yarina_ or vegetable-ivory tree; this roof often
reaches almost to the ground. The framework, generally of _chonta_, or
some other hard, durable wood, is held together by means of stout
_bejucos_ and ropes made from the tough inner bark of a tree known as
the _sacha-huasca_. As there are no windows and only a small opening
that serves as a door, no light nor air can enter, and the smoke and
heat are generally suffocating.

As a rule, several families live in one house, each, however, having its
own particular fireplace, furniture, and domestic utensils, generally
limited to a few small bamboo stools and benches, several earthen pots,
some baskets, various kinds of paint, a quantity of gourds used as
plates, &c., a few primitive musical instruments, such as rude drums,
bamboo flutes, and bone whistles, torches made of the heart of the
_maguey_ or of _chonta_, impregnated with resin, and several similar
articles.

Overhead a few light poles are stretched, from which they hang the
articles just mentioned, their arms, &c., while a basket of dried fish
or meat to be smoked may often be seen hanging in the smoke just above
the fire. Here, too, there generally simmers a small pot of the
celebrated _casaramanú_, a peculiar sort of gravy, composed of the
blood, brains, and liver of the animals they kill, well seasoned with
the fiery _aji_. This sauce or gravy seldom gives out, for as it
diminishes day by day new portions of the ingredients are added.

Serrano's Indians generally slept in light _chambira_-palm fibre
hammocks, similar to those of the Cionis; but the unfortunates employed
by the Peruvian Amazon Company are worked so hard by their taskmasters
that the greater part of them are obliged to sleep on the ground, on
account of not having time to make their hammocks. These hammocks, as
well as most of the other interesting objects manufactured by the
Huitotos, are now becoming extremely rare for the same reason.

The principal hunting weapon used by these Indians is the blow-gun or
_bodoqueda_, known to them as the _obidique_. This is in all respects
similar to that used by the Incas, which has already been described. The
Huitotos, however, unlike the Cochas, Incas, and Cionis, manufacture
this interesting weapon themselves, which is a long and laborious
process. It is done as follows:--

From the _chonta_-palm two sticks, from two to three metres in length,
are split and gradually elaborated, so as to have the section of a
half-circle throughout their whole tapering length. Then, on the flat
surface of each stick a small semicircular groove, some three-sixteenths
of an inch in diameter, is cut, and the two pieces are cleverly joined
together. The hole is then very skilfully finished and polished
internally by means of a gummy cord, previously rolled in sand and
dried. This operation concluded, the whole length of the weapon is then
carefully wound around with strings made from the inner bark of the
_huimba-quiro_, gummed together and covered with a thick coating of the
resinous gum of the sealing-wax-tree. The mouthpiece is then attached,
and this novel arm is ready for use.

Another important weapon is the _moruco_, a light spear, with a poisoned
tip, about two metres in length. The Indians generally carry eight or
ten of them together in a bamboo case, and handle them with the greatest
skill, throwing them from the hand to a distance of twenty to
twenty-five metres. Bows are not used by the Huitotos. These spears are
equipped with different types of points, according to the purpose for
which they are to be used. Thus a spear the sides of which are provided
with barbs is for hunting large animals like the tapir; a round one with
a sharp point is for war; a spear with a sort of blade of bamboo, with
two sharp edges, is for fishing; while one having a dull, blunt point is
used to kill birds without injuring their feathers. The points of most
spears and arrows are of chonta.

The _macana_ is a stout, heavy piece of hard wood, shaped like an oar,
and is generally used only in combats at close quarters or between
individuals. A well-delivered blow with this terrible weapon will spilt
a man's head from crown to chin.

The methods of fishing employed by the Huitotos are similar to those of
the Cionis, which are described in the chapter on those aborigines of
the Upper Putumayo.

A peculiar apparatus, used by these Indians as a sort of wireless
telegraph, is the _manguaré_, which is formed by two logs of hard wood
about two metres long and about forty and seventy centimetres in
diameter respectively. These logs are pierced longitudinally by a narrow
hole of a rectangular section, burnt in by heated stones, and are then
fastened side by side. Thus, each log has two distinct sonorous
surfaces, separated by this narrow, rectangular opening, and each
surface gives out a different sound, for the longitudinal hollow is
generally a little to one side of the centre of the log. One of these
logs, being always thicker than the other, produces two grave tones,
while the smaller trunk gives out two acute ones--in all, four notes.
This instrument is generally suspended by a string from the roof timbers
or from a high tree near the house, and, in order to prevent swinging,
is tied by another string to a stick buried in the ground.

To communicate by this novel instrument the Indian steps between the two
logs and with a stout club, tipped with leather, knocks alternately upon
the sonorous surfaces of the two logs. A code is arranged, based upon
the difference of tones and the length and number of the blows struck,
so that all kinds of messages can be exchanged. I have distinctly heard
messages sent from a distance of from ten to twelve kilometres--that is,
on a calm day when there was no wind.

The dress of the men is very simple, being composed only of a broad belt
of the tough, inner bark known as _llanchama_, from which another piece
of the same material reaches down in front and, passing between the
legs, is attached to the belt again behind. This garment is called
_moggen_ by the Huitotos. The tribes of the Upper Igaraparaná have
simplified this costume, and merely suspend from the front of the belt a
small sheet of the invaluable _llanchama_. They sometimes wear, in
addition to this, several bracelets of _chambira_ fibre on their wrists
and ankles.

The garb of the women is still more primitive, for they are clothed only
in their beauty and four bracelets, two of which they wear on their
wrists and the other two on their ankles. I should state, however, that
the Indians employed by Ordoñez and Martínez and Serrano wore European
clothes. The unfortunate slaves in the service of the Peruvian Amazon
Company--except the enormous number of involuntary concubines, &c.--are,
however, clothed precisely as described above.

As those Huitotos enslaved by the "civilising company" are so constantly
employed in the extraction of rubber, the only food they get--omitting
the extremely meagre and irregular supplies furnished by the Company,
which are not worthy of consideration--is the small quantity of _yucas_
and plantains that their women have time to cultivate and a few products
of the forest, such as certain large worms they extract from the bark of
different trees, the tender tops of the _chonta_-palm, a few wild
fruits, &c. The result is that many die of starvation. Serrano and the
other Colombians, however, gave their Indians time to supply their food,
and consequently the latter did not suffer from hunger as their
unfortunate brothers do at present.

The only beverage of the Huitotos is the _cahuana_, a preparation of
_yuca_ and the pulp of a forest fruit known as the _aguaje_. It is of a
dirty, brownish colour, and has an unpleasant, bitter taste,
disagreeable in the extreme.

A custom very general, not only among the Huitotos but also among many
of the "whites," is the use of the coca. The leaves are picked from the
tree and, after being well toasted, are pulverised and mixed with the
ashes of the burnt leaves of another plant--I could not ascertain its
name--in order to take away the bitter taste observed when the coca is
used alone. The drug is then ready for use, and, inserted into the
mouth, is rolled up under the cheek, where they sometimes keep it for
half a day at a time. The juice is swallowed.

It is well known that coca is a powerful stimulant, and the Huitotos
when out in the forest collecting rubber find it very useful, especially
as they often have to carry the rubber they gather several leagues on
their backs with practically no food at all to sustain them. They claim
that it takes the place of food on these marches, and it really does
seem to enable them to perform wonderful feats of endurance. While at La
Unión, Duarte gave me several doses of the coca, which at first affected
me with a slight nausea; I soon became accustomed to it, however, and
found it very useful on different occasions.

Sometimes the Huitotos hold one of their rare dances, which is an
occasion of much festivity. It should be observed, however, that those
poor wretches in the service of the "civilising company" are now so
enslaved and oppressed that they have no time nor spirit to indulge in
these amusements, which formerly, when they were free and independent,
were, so Serrano informed us, carried out as follows:--

Preparatory to beginning the dances the Huitotos used to paint
themselves all over in various colours, some of the designs representing
branches of trees, animals, and geometrical figures, while both men and
women adorned themselves with their beautiful feather ornaments of many
different colours and various necklaces of monkey and _danta_ teeth.
Around their bodies and legs they attached long strings of rattling
shells, called _cascabeles_.

Then they began dancing with cadencious uniformity, marking time with
their right feet, and at the same time singing in chorus their ancient
songs, the peculiar and ear-splitting intonation of which was
accompanied by blows upon the _manguaré_, the beating of drums, and the
shrill whistle of their flutes. They generally imbibed during these
dances a goodly quantity of _cahuana_, and the _chupe del tabaco_ was
always an important feature. The few who possessed clothes generally
wore them on these occasions, painting those parts of the body not
covered by them. These dances used to go on from one house to another
for several days in succession, and the _manguaré_ was hardly ever
silent during this time.

The Huitotos often paint themselves on other occasions, one of the most
common colouring matters being the _huitoc_ or _jagua_, which also has
the excellent property of being offensive to gnats and mosquitoes to
such an extent that they will have nothing to do with persons painted
with it.

[Illustration: GUAMARES INDIANS, OF THE HUITOTO TRIBE, IN DANCE COSTUME.

To face p. 162.]

The religion of the Huitotos is a confused mixture of several beliefs.
Thus, they worship the sun and the moon and at the same time believe in
the existence of a Superior Being, called Usiñamu, and an inferior
potentate, named Taifeño, who is also supposed to be the Spirit of Evil.
They also appear to believe in a future life to be spent in happy
hunting-grounds, &c., but these ideas are vague and confused and
mingled with the most ridiculous superstitions.

In the days when the Colombians were paramount in this district they
used to bring down priests from Pasto and Mocoa to convert the Huitotos
and introduce them to the ways and customs of civilisation and
Christianity. Now that the Peruvian Amazon Company has monopolised the
region priests are carefully excluded, and everything that tends to the
instruction and enlightenment of the wretched aborigines is carefully
done away with. Indeed, in order to frighten people and thus prevent
them from entering that region, they have circulated most bloodcurdling
reports of the ferocity and cannibalism of these helpless Indians, whom
other travellers as well as Perkins and myself have found to be timid,
peaceful, mild, industrious, and humble.

In conclusion, it is necessary to call attention to the fact that owing
to the oppressions of the Peruvian Amazon Company--in whose service the
greater part of the Huitotos, unfortunately, are--the numbers of these
Indians are diminishing to an alarming degree, and, unless something be
done to protect them, this noble race of aborigines will, in my opinion,
soon disappear completely, as have so many others in the region of the
Upper Amazon.




CHAPTER VI

THE DEVIL'S PARADISE


The next morning, January 3rd, Serrano took me out for a stroll in the
forest, and, after considerable meditation, surprised me by proposing to
sell us a half-interest in his business. He then went on to explain his
reason, which, briefly, was that he considered that the Peruvian Amazon
Company would not dare to molest him were he not a Colombian, and that
if some foreigners were interested in his business they would have to
keep their hands off him in order to avoid complications. This point
seeming reasonable, I asked him about his profits and the price he
thought proper, both of which seemed very satisfactory. Returning to the
house, I looked over his books, which corresponded with what he had told
me, and, after some more conversation, I agreed to consider his
proposition and talk it over with Perkins upon his arrival. To tell the
truth I was greatly elated over this offer, for the price he asked was
ridiculously low in comparison with the annual profits, as revealed by
his books. His reason, too, seemed logical, for I could not believe that
the "civilising company" would dare to play any such games with Perkins
and myself.

At about 2 p.m. Orjuela, a white, handsome, determined-looking man of
about thirty-five, arrived, in company with another gentleman, who was
introduced to me as Señor Gustavo Prieto. Both seemed very decent
fellows, and we all took a liking to them at once. They had just come
from La Unión, where they had learned of the capture of Martínez and the
horrible raid on Serrano, already described. Orjuela then announced that
he had come here on his way to see Loayza, the manager of El Encanto,
the Peruvian Amazon Company's chief post on the Caraparaná, with a view
of making some arrangement with him tending to put a stop to these
occurrences.

The next morning we spent in discussing the situation. Orjuela was
confident that if he saw Loayza and had a good, friendly, man-to-man
talk with him they could come to some amicable agreement, while Serrano
took a more pessimistic view of things, declaring that the Peruvians had
for years tried to get possession of the Colombian establishments on the
Caraparaná, and that now, having a force of Peruvian soldiers to back
them, they would take more active measures to attain their ends. This
view, however, was shared by none of the others.

In the afternoon Acosta and Prieto set out for La Unión in order to
inform the Colombians there of the measures Orjuela had decided to
take--viz., to demand an interview with Loayza, while Orjuela and
Sánchez made preparations to set out on the following day for El Dorado,
the last Colombian establishment, and there invite Loayza to the
meeting. They intended going by canoe down the Caraparaná.

At about six o'clock, in the midst of a pouring rain, Perkins arrived
with the _cargadores_ carrying the effects that we were to sell Serrano.
After he had changed his clothes and got outside of some food I told him
of Serrano's proposal, which, after several gasps of amazement, he
pronounced worthy of investigation. Then, after some more talk, we
resolved that we should stop here with Serrano, look over the estate,
and, if satisfied, come to an agreement with him, while I accompanied
Orjuela to the conference with a view of informing the Peruvian Amazon
Company's agent, Loayza, that, as we were contemplating the purchase of
a part of La Reserva, we should be obliged by their keeping their hands
off it.

Assured by Orjuela that his mission was a peaceful one and that there
was no probability of any conflict with the Peruvians, I asked
permission to accompany him to the conference, which was readily
granted; so I made preparations for an early departure on the following
morning. Serrano approved of this idea, for he thought that the
Peruvians would have some respect for a foreigner.

At six o'clock the next morning Orjuela, Sánchez, myself, a _peon_ of
Orjuela's, and three of Serrano's Indian boatmen set out on the trip to
El Dorado. We made our way but slowly down the crooked, muddy course of
the Caraparaná. This river is, I believe, one of the crookedest in the
world, for it continually doubles on itself as it winds its way through
the dense vegetation that rises up on either bank. At about 10.30 we
reached Filadelfia, a deserted establishment formerly belonging to some
Colombians, who had sold it to the "civilising company," by whom it had
been abandoned some time previously.

At about four o'clock we arrived at a station, which Orjuela informed me
was Argelia, one of the chief centres of the Peruvian Amazon Company. As
Orjuela wished to see the agent we disembarked, and, climbing the long
hill that rose up from the bank, reached the house, a fairly large
structure of unpainted boards, where we were received in a friendly
manner by the man in charge, Don Ramiro de Osma y Pardo. We chatted for
about half an hour on trivial subjects, had tea, and then took our
departure.

When we had disembarked Orjuela had, somewhat to my surprise, ordered
the boatmen to go on. I now saw the reason, for I perceived that the
river wound around in the woods and formed an enormous peninsula, upon
the narrow neck of which Argelia was situated. We then descended the
opposite side of the hill and, reaching the river's bank again, waited
several minutes before the men arrived with the boat.

Embarking again, we continued for an hour or so, and then, not finding
any convenient _playa_, Orjuela, Sánchez, and myself stretched out in
the bottom of the boat, while the men slept in the brush on the bank.
The _monteria_ was small, and we were three; consequently there was not
much room, and we passed a veritable night of torture, cramped and
rolling over each other in a manner hardly conducive to a night's rest.

The next morning the trip was resumed, and, after a tedious descent of
several hours, we reached El Dorado at 4.30 p.m. Here we were cordially
received by Don Tobias Calderón, the man in charge, who informed us that
Señor Gonzalez, tired to death of the continual raids, robberies, and
other abuses of the Peruvians, had gone over on the right bank of the
Putumayo to look for some other suitable place to establish himself,
where he might be left in peace.

Immediately upon our arrival Orjuela dispatched a note to Loayza by an
Indian, who would reach El Encanto within a few hours, travelling by an
overland trail. This operation concluded, we took a look at the estate,
which was situated on a gently sloping knoll on the left bank. The house
was of good size and of the usual elevated construction. The space
around it had once been cleared, but was now grown over with bushes and
shrubs. I was informed that there were about thirty Indian families
attached to the estate; one or two of these were employed at the house,
while the rest lived out at their village in the heart of the forest.

The next morning we were surprised to see a number of canoes coming up
the river; as they approached nearer Orjuela recognised several of the
occupants as Colombian employees of the El Encanto branch of the
"civilising company." Arriving at the house, they informed us that they
had all resigned their positions on account of the ill-feeling exhibited
towards them by the Peruvians and that they were going to Guepí. Another
interesting piece of news was that sixty Peruvian soldiers had just
arrived from Iquitos on the _Liberal_, one of the Peruvian Amazon
Company's launches. These ex-employees, although naturally kept in the
dark as much as possible by their Peruvian employers, suspected some
attack was about to be made on La Unión or La Reserva before long, as a
Peruvian gunboat had also recently arrived. They had seen Martínez, the
unfortunate _Corregidor_, whom they reported as being kept in close
confinement at El Encanto.

This news was rather interesting, as it now looked as though we were in
for it sure enough. We spent the rest of the day in discussing the
different phases of this extraordinary affair and in waiting for Loayza,
who did not turn up. This looked like another portent of the approaching
storm; but, nevertheless, Orjuela decided to wait another day here. I
began to wish that we had never set out on our trip down the Putumayo,
if we were to be thus barbarously murdered by a band of half-breed
bandits, as the employees of the "civilising company" now revealed
themselves to be.

The next morning the eight ex-employees, their families, and boatmen
took their departure at about nine o'clock. We waited all day at El
Dorado for Loayza, but he never put in an appearance, so Orjuela decided
to set out early on the following morning for La Reserva.

In accordance with this resolution, at an early hour we bade _adios_ to
our hosts and set out up the river. At about eight o'clock we overtook
the ex-employees, who did not seem to be in any great hurry, and
continued along with them all day. We made but slow progress, and the
journey was tedious in the extreme. At 7 p.m. we stopped to spend
another hideous night huddled together in the canoe.

Perceiving that the ex-employees were travelling at a very leisurely
pace and wishing to reach La Reserva as soon as possible, the next
morning, Friday, the 10th, we passed on ahead of them and travelled more
rapidly. At nightfall, in order to avoid another night of torture in the
canoe, we disembarked and, clearing a small space on the bank of the
stream, went to sleep there, tying the canoe up in the brush.

At about eleven o'clock I was awakened by Orjuela shaking my arm.
Cautioning silence, he pointed with his finger at two rapidly
approaching lights ascending the river. They were two launches. Passing
us in a blaze of light, they quietly continued on upstream. Had the
contemplated raid on La Unión and La Reserva actually begun? It
certainly looked so, and we commenced to wonder if they would allow us
to pass Argelia. They certainly had the "drop" on us.

Early in the morning we again set out on our tedious journey up the
Caraparaná, and at about eleven o'clock passed without molestation the
lower port of Argelia--where we had waited for our boatmen after our
call on Señor De Osma y Pardo. There seemed to be nothing unusual taking
place at the house, and our hopes that they would let us pass began to
rise again.

Finally, at about 2.30 p.m., we reached the upper port, where we had
disembarked. Then we opened our eyes; the agent and an armed _peon_
beckoned and called us to approach. We continued on, pretending not to
notice them. Then De Osma y Pardo shouted that they would fire. The
_peon_ raised his Winchester to do so, and we started to approach.

As we slowly neared the bank I suggested to Orjuela that as there were
only two of them we might drop them when we got up at close quarters and
then get away, for we had arms, and the _peon_ as soon as he saw us come
towards the shore had let his rifle rest on the ground and was now
leaning upon it in a negligent attitude; Orjuela, however, did not seem
to think it good policy, so we pulled up at the shore and asked what was
up. The agent then informed Orjuela that he was a prisoner, and he and
the _peon_ led us--boatmen and all--up to the house. Here he stated that
he had received orders to detain Orjuela and two of the Indians; but,
having had no instructions in regard to Sánchez and myself, he announced
that we were at liberty to continue on upstream with the _peon_ of
Orjuela's--whom we passed off as my own--and the remaining Indian.

In reply to our protests and inquiries as to the reason for this
high-handed proceeding he maintained an absolute silence. Seeing that
nothing was to be done, we accordingly took our leave of the unfortunate
Orjuela and resumed our journey up the river. We continued rowing until
late that night, but were able to make but slow progress, owing to the
absence of the other two boatmen. Meanwhile we indulged in many
conjectures as to what would happen to us and the people of La Reserva
and La Unión, completely at the mercy of these latter-day pirates, who
seemed to stop at nothing in their greedy ambition to obtain possession
of the establishments of the Colombian settlers--Serrano, Gonzalez and
Ordoñez, and Martínez.

The next morning we continued the journey, and in about an hour passed
Filadelfia. At about nine o'clock we heard rifle-shots, apparently in
the vicinity of La Unión or La Reserva; these lasted nearly an hour.
Then they ceased and silence once more reigned over these vast
solitudes, so we pushed on until 8 p.m., when, hearing the whistle of a
launch coming down the river, we pulled up along the right bank to avoid
the waves caused by the propeller.

Here our Huitoto, the moment we stopped, leaped ashore, and, with a
brief remark that the "Peruvians were very wicked," disappeared in the
bushes. I suggested to Sánchez that we had better follow the aborigine's
example, but he thought that as he was an exile and I was a foreigner we
would not be molested, as at Argelia. Against my better judgment I
remained, and we sat there in the canoe, waiting for the approach of the
marauders.

Soon, turning a bend, two launches appeared, and as soon as we were
perceived we heard a voice shout out: "Fire! Fire! Sink the canoe! Sink
the canoe!" Before this order could be executed, however, the first
vessel, the _Liberal_ of the "civilising company," had passed us, but
the second, the _Iquitos_, a sort of river gunboat, in the service of
the Peruvian Government, let fly at us, one of the bullets passing just
between Sánchez and myself, and splashing into the water a little
beyond. Then, at our cries of astonishment and protest, we heard a voice
ordering us, in the most vile and obscene words, to approach the launch,
and at the same time commanding the soldiers to keep us covered with
their carbines. We approached as quickly as possible, but, handicapped
by the robbery of our Indian boatmen, were able to make but slow
progress. Then we heard once more the order, "Fire! Fire!" the click of
the hammers being cocked, and I thought all was over with us. But at
this moment an altercation arose between the two chiefs, one of them
countermanding this order, while the other insisted upon its execution.
Meanwhile, as rapidly as possible, we approached the vessel, and
perceived some twenty-five or thirty soldiers all covering us, their
rules aimed over the rail, calmly awaiting the final order to launch us
into eternity!

Fortunately, the altercation continued between the two bandits long
enough to enable us, after what seemed like a century, to reach the side
of the _Iquitos_. Here we were jerked on board, kicked, beaten,
insulted, and abused in a most cowardly manner by Captain Arce Benavides
of the Peruvian Army, Benito Lores, commander of the _Iquitos_, and a
gang of coffee-coloured soldiers, sailors, and employees of the
"civilising company," without being given a chance to speak a word.

As soon as they had finished their self-imposed task of outraging us in
this brutal and cynical manner--defenceless as we were--I told them who
we were, and demanded to be allowed to continue our journey, but all in
vain, for they merely laughed at me and my protests. Then these
conquering heroes, after searching our persons and our canoe and taking
possession of the few things we had with us, put us under a sentinel.

This operation accomplished, Captain Benavides entertained us with a
horrible account of the "victory" the Peruvians had gained at La Unión,
the sounds of which we had heard in the morning. He informed us that as
the two launches had arrived there that morning the Colombians had
treacherously opened fire upon them, and that the Peruvian forces had
gallantly repulsed the attack, under his leadership, and killed several
of the assaulting party. A peculiar feature of the "battle" was,
according to his version, that such Colombians as had not escaped had
all been killed outright, there being no wounded.

As I afterwards ascertained, the two launches, upon reaching La Unión,
had started to disembark the soldiers and employees--probably with the
intention of playing the same game as they had played on Serrano a month
or so previously--when Ordoñez ordered them off his premises. At the
same time, Prieto unfurled the Colombian flag and the unequal conflict
began. There were less than twenty Colombians against about a hundred
and forty Peruvians--employees of the criminal syndicate and soldiers
and sailors with a machine gun. The Colombians resisted bravely for
about half an hour, when, their ammunition giving out, they were
compelled to take to the woods, leaving Duarte and two _peons_ dead and
Prieto and another _peon_ severely wounded. The latter two were then
dispatched most cruelly by some of the "civilising company's"
missionaries. Then the thousand arrobas of rubber were carefully stowed
away on the _Liberal_, the houses were sacked and burned, and several
Colombian women, found hiding in the forest, were dragged aboard the
two launches as legitimate prey for the "victors."

While in my enforced state of imprisonment on the _Iquitos_, I witnessed
the cowardly and brutal violation of one of these poor women. Pilar
Gutierrez, the woman of Rafael Cano, one of the _racionales_ at La
Unión, was one of the females found in the bushes after the "battle,"
and this poor victim, already in an advanced state of pregnancy, was
allotted to Captain ---- ----.[94] This human monster, intent only on
slaking his animal thirst of lasciviousness, and regardless of the grave
state of the unhappy woman's health, dragged her to a place of privacy
and, in spite of the cries of agony of the unfortunate creature,
violated her without compunction.

A few hours later we reached Argelia, where both launches stopped for
the night side by side. Here we were transferred to the _Liberal_,
where, to my astonishment, I found Perkins and the youth Gabriel
Valderrama, one of Serrano's employees. Perkins then informed me of the
horrors committed at La Unión and of his own capture, which had been
effected upon the return of these latter-day pirates from that
sanguinary scene, when they had stopped at La Reserva, broken into and
burglarised the house--for Serrano and his men, excepting Valderrama and
Perkins, had fled to the forest--embarked the hundred and seventy
arrobas of rubber on the _Liberal_, and destroyed everything they could
not steal.

[Illustration: RUBBER-COLLECTING RIVER LAUNCH.

[To face p. 176.]

That night the four of us, Perkins, Sánchez, Valderrama, and myself,
slept--or rather feigned to sleep--on the deck of the _Liberal_,
plunged in the most gloomy reflections and expecting to be shot or
stabbed any moment, for our captors were drunk and in a most
bloodthirsty mood. However, we passed the long night without being
molested to any appreciable extent.

The next morning, Monday, the 13th, I saw Loayza, a copper-complexioned,
shifty-eyed half-breed, who spoke a little pidgin-English, and protested
against our imprisonment and demanded to be instantly set at liberty.
Loayza listened very politely, and then informed me that he was acting
for our own good, as the Colombians would certainly kill us if he did
not conduct us to a place of safety. Thinking that possibly the man
was--to use a bit of slang--up the pole, I explained that we had no fear
of the Colombians, as we had been stopping with them some time, and,
furthermore, the things we had heard about the Peruvian Amazon Company
and the recent events that had taken place had not been such as to make
us believe that this syndicate was a sort of life-saving station. Then,
favouring me with a peculiar snake-like smile, he remarked that he would
look after us all right and walked off.

At about nine o'clock Orjuela was brought on board under a heavy guard
and put down below in a little cage. We were not allowed to speak to
him, although several of the "missionaries" seemed to derive much fun by
taunting and insulting their unfortunate victim. At about the same time
De Osma y Pardo came on board, shook hands with Sánchez and myself, and
explained that he had interceded with Loayza in our behalf, but
unsuccessfully. This gentleman did not seem to be much of a favourite
with Loayza, and, as I afterwards ascertained, protested against the
raid on the Colombians, and in this way incurred that chief's
disapproval.

At about 9.30 the two pirate vessels set sail for El Encanto, and, after
descending some five hours, reached El Dorado. Here the bandits, not
content with the crimes they had already committed, stopped to execute
one more. The criminal Loayza, in company with several more of these
pirates, disembarked, entered the house, and, menacing the Colombians
with death, compelled them to surrender all their arms. Then, after
giving them a long harangue, couched in the most profane and vulgar
words, and mingled with the most terrible threats in case they did not
immediately abandon the establishment, this worthy "patriot" returned to
the launch with the arms he had robbed.

At about six o'clock we reached El Encanto, a straggling group of houses
situated upon a long, high hill, several hundred metres from the shore.
Here we were not allowed to disembark at first, but were detained on the
_Liberal_, while several of the "missionaries" who had not taken part in
the raid came down to the edge of the river and proceeded to insult and
taunt us in the most brutal and bloodthirsty terms. When they had
finished this dignified task we were disembarked, taken up the hill to
the establishment, which was composed of one large, elevated board
structure and a number of small huts--these latter grouped together and
separated from the former by a narrow courtyard--and crowded into a
small, dirty room, which possessed neither beds, chairs, nor tables. No
light was given us, and we had to undress in the dark.

Here we passed a night of torture, for we had been given no supper, and
the floor, covered with dust and mould as it was, proved to be a far
from comfortable couch. In addition to this physical discomfort, we were
plunged in the most gloomy and melancholy reflections as to the fate
that awaited us at the hands of these human beasts.

As a result of these meditations, we were convinced that they meant to
assassinate us, so I determined to have an interview with Loayza at
once. Accordingly, the next morning I insisted upon seeing him, and,
after some delay, was ushered into his presence. Without wasting time on
preliminaries, I told him that I was well aware of his intentions in
regard to us, and, in spite of his protestations to the contrary, I went
on to inform him that in murdering us he would be making a big mistake,
for we had been sent out to explore this region by a huge American
syndicate and that we were expected in Iquitos, where we were about to
open a large mercantile establishment for the said syndicate.[95]
Perceiving that this statement was having some effect on him, I went on
to assure him that we were people of importance, and that, if we
disappeared, our employers would certainly institute a most searching
investigation, and, the truth once discovered, the American Government
itself, owing to the great influence of the syndicate that employed us,
would see that those responsible received their punishment. Then I wound
up by demanding our immediate release and permission to return to Josa
to recover our baggage.

Loayza, apparently unnerved by this information, after a little more
talk, told me that we could go to Iquitos on the _Liberal_, which was
due to leave with the rubber stolen at La Unión and La Reserva in a few
days, but that we could not go to Josa to recover our effects, for he
himself would see to that. As we had but little faith in his word or
that of the military officers, his accomplices, Perkins resolved to stay
at El Encanto and see that he really did take steps to do this, while I
went on to Iquitos with the _Liberal_.

As we were allowed to walk around the houses without being
molested--although an eye was always kept on us by some one--we had the
opportunity to witness the lamentable condition of the unfortunate
_Corregidor_ Gabriel Martínez and his men, who were confined, as though
they were desperate criminals, in a small, dirty, eight-by-ten-foot room
under the main house and guarded night and day by two soldiers. These
poor wretches, in a starving condition, were insulted, taunted, and
abused daily by word and deed in a most cowardly manner. Orjuela, all
this time, was kept in close confinement on the _Liberal_.

Another edifying spectacle that we witnessed was the condition of the
poor Indians who loaded and unloaded the vessels that stopped at the
port. There were from fifty to sixty of these unfortunates, so weak,
debilitated, and scarred that many of them could hardly walk. It was a
pitiful sight to see these poor Indians, practically naked, their bones
almost protruding through their skins, and all branded with the infamous
_marca de Arana_,[96] staggering up the steep hill, carrying upon their
doubled backs enormous weights of merchandise for the consumption of
their miserable oppressors. Occasionally one of these unfortunate
victims of Peruvian "civilisation" would fall under his load, only to be
kicked up on his feet and forced to continue his stern labours by the
brutal "boss."

I noticed the food they received, which was given to them once a day, at
noon; it consisted of a handful of _fariña_ and a tin of sardines--when
there were any--for each group of four Indians, nothing more. And this
was to sustain them for twenty-four hours, sixteen of which were spent
at the hardest kind of labour!

But what was still more pitiful was to see the sick and dying lie about
the house and out in the adjacent woods, unable to move and without any
one to aid them in their agony. These poor wretches, without remedies,
without food, were exposed to the burning rays of the vertical sun and
the cold rains and heavy dews of early morning until death released them
from their sufferings. Then their companions carried their cold
corpses--many of them in an almost complete state of putrefaction--to
the river, and the yellow, turbid waters of the Caraparaná closed
silently over them.

Another sad sight was the large number of involuntary concubines who
pined--in melancholy musings over their lost liberty and their present
sufferings--in the interior of the house. This band of unfortunates was
composed of some thirteen young girls, who varied in age from nine to
sixteen years, and these poor innocents--too young to be called
women--were the helpless victims of Loayza and the other chief officials
of the Peruvian Amazon Company's El Encanto branch, who violated these
tender children without the slightest compunction, and when they tired
of them either murdered them or flogged them and sent them back to their
tribes.

Let us now take a glance at the system pursued by this "civilising
company" in the exploitation of the products of this region--that is,
the exploitation of the rubber and of the Indians. This system I
afterwards ascertained to be as follows:--

The whole region under the control of this criminal syndicate is divided
up into two departments, the chief centres of which are El Encanto and
La Chorrera. El Encanto is the headquarters of all the sections of the
Caraparaná and the right bank of the Putumayo, while La Chorrera is the
capital of the sections of the Igaraparaná and those distributed between
that river and the Caquetá. As already stated, the superintendent of El
Encanto is Loayza, while that of La Chorrera is the celebrated Victor
Macedo.

It is to these two centres that all the products are sent periodically
on the backs of Indians, by canoe, or in small launches. Once here, it
is shipped to Iquitos about every three months. At each of these centres
all books are kept and all payments to the employees are made. The
superintendents have the power of hiring and discharging all the men
employed under them, and their slightest whim is law.

These two departments, as already hinted, are subdivided into sections,
at the head of which are placed chiefs, under the instructions of the
superintendents. Each chief has under his control a number of
_racionales_, varying from five to eighty, whose business it is to
direct the Indians and force them to work. The chief of the section
keeps a list of all the Indians resident in his section, and assigns to
each worker--in some sections this term includes women and children--the
number of kilos of rubber that he must deliver every ten days.

Armed with _machetes_, the Indians penetrate the depths of the forest,
gashing frightfully every rubber-tree they can find, frequently cutting
them so much and so deep, in their frantic efforts to extract the last
drop of milk, that vast numbers of the trees die annually. The milk runs
down the trunk of the tree and dries there. A few days afterwards the
Indians return, and, gathering up the strings of rubber, place them in
baskets, which they carry to their huts on their backs.

Here, in order to remove some of the pieces of wood, dry leaves, chunks
of bark, sand, and other impurities, the Indians place the rubber in a
_quebrada_ and beat it well with clubs; in this way a few of the many
foreign matters are removed and the rubber is made more compact. It is
then wound up in big rolls, and, exposed to the air and the light, it
soon becomes of a dull, blackish colour, and is ready for delivery.

At the expiration of the ten days the slaves start out with their loads
upon their backs, accompanied by their women and children, who help
them to carry the rubber. When they reach the section-house, the rubber
is weighed in the presence of the chief of the section and his armed
subordinates. The Indians know by experience what the needle of the
balance should mark, and when it indicates that they have delivered the
full amount they leap about and laugh with pleasure. When it does not,
they throw themselves face downwards on the ground, and in this attitude
await their punishment.

As the rubber gets scarcer and scarcer the aborigines, in order to be
able to deliver the full amount of rubber demanded from them, and thus
to escape flagellations and tortures, frequently adulterate the
rubber-milk with that of various other trees, in this way still further
lowering the quality of the Putumayo rubber; for, as already remarked,
all that produced in this section is what is technically known as _jebe
débil_.

It will be easily seen that such a system--a system of organised
robbery--of collection of rubber is likely to lend itself to abuse in a
country where every man is a law unto himself, and there is absolutely
no check upon the exercise of his most brutal instincts and passions.
The probability of such abuse is increased immensely when--as in the
present case--the earnings of the employees are made dependent on
results, for Loayza, Macedo, and the chiefs of sections are paid, not
salaries but commissions on the amount of rubber produced.

Thus it is to their advantage to extract the greatest amount of rubber
in the least possible space of time, and to do this the Indians must
either be paid or punished. If paid, the payment must be great enough
to tempt a placid, indolent Indian to continuous exertion; if punished,
the punishment must be severe enough to extract from his fears what
cannot be obtained from an appeal to his cupidity. As the "civilising
company" apparently does not believe in paying for what it can obtain
otherwise, the rule of terror has been adopted throughout the company's
dominions. Those who have studied the history of the Congo will see here
precisely the same conditions which produced such lamentable results in
the Belgian companies' sphere of operations. It would be strange indeed
if, under such a system, some sort of abuse did not take place, and I am
in possession of definite documentary evidence which, I think, justifies
me in making the following statements as to the results of this
system:--

1. The pacific Indians of the Putumayo are forced to work day and night
at the extraction of rubber, without the slightest remuneration except
the food necessary to keep them alive.

2. They are kept in the most complete nakedness, many of them not even
possessing the biblical fig-leaf.

3. They are robbed of their crops, their women, and their children to
satisfy the voracity, lasciviousness, and avarice of this company and
its employees, who live on their food and violate their women.

4. They are sold wholesale and retail in Iquitos, at prices that range
from £20 to £40 each.

5. They are flogged inhumanly until their bones are laid bare, and great
raw sores cover them.

6. They are given no medical treatment, but are left to die, eaten by
maggots, when they serve as food for the chiefs' dogs.

7. They are castrated and mutilated, and their ears, fingers, arms, and
legs are cut off.

8. They are tortured by means of fire and water, and by tying them up,
crucified head down.

9. Their houses and crops are burned and destroyed wantonly and for
amusement.

10. They are cut to pieces and dismembered with knives, axes, and
_machetes_.

11. Their children are grasped by the feet and their heads are dashed
against trees and walls until their brains fly out.

12. Their old folk are killed when they are no longer able to work for
the company.

13. Men, women, and children are shot to provide amusement for the
employees or to celebrate the _sábado de gloria_, or, in preference to
this, they are burned with kerosene so that the employees may enjoy
their desperate agony.

This is indeed a horrible indictment, and may seem incredible to many.
On the other hand, we all know the inhuman atrocities of the Congo, and
it seems reasonable to suppose that the conditions that have made that
region so notorious do not fail to produce precisely similar results in
the vast and isolated region of the Putumayo. In addition to this,
during my subsequent investigations in Iquitos I obtained from a number
of eye-witnesses accounts[97] of many of the abominable outrages that
take place here hourly, and these, with my own observations, are the
basis for the indictment.

This state of affairs is intolerable. The region monopolised by this
company is a living hell--a place where unbridled cruelty and its
twin-brother, lust, run riot, with consequences too horrible to put down
in writing. It is a blot on civilisation; and the reek of its
abominations mounts to heaven in fumes of shame. Why is it not stopped?
Peru will not, because this company is settling in and occupying the
disputed territory in her name. Colombia and Ecuador cannot, for they
are not in a condition to quarrel with Peru.

And it is all for--what? Merely to fill the pockets and gratify the
passions of a handful of miserable, half-breed outlaws, who take
advantage of their autocratic authority over the helpless Huitotos to
commit the most horrible and unheard-of crimes, and to keep others, who
share the responsibility of these horrors, in luxury and fine clothes
away off across the seas.

The next morning--Wednesday, the 15th--the _Liberal_ left for Argelia,
taking three officers and about seventy men, probably to defend that
establishment against the attacks of those terrible fellows, the
Colombians. One officer and the rest of the men, about thirty, remained
at El Encanto to garrison it, while two more remained here to go to
Iquitos upon the return of the _Liberal_, in order to spread the reports
of the "victory" gained over the Colombians at La Unión.

We spent the day wandering restlessly about the establishment and the
large, rolling cleared area that surrounds it. In the afternoon we
endeavoured to speak to Martínez, but were not permitted to do so,
probably by orders of Loayza, who seemed to spend most of his time
taking Florida-water baths, drinking wine and whisky, and fooling around
with his different concubines. The other upper officials followed his
example more or less.

Early the next day the _Liberal_ returned from Argelia, and lay at the
port all day, waiting for the report that Loayza was writing up for his
chief in Iquitos. This literary labour occupied him until nightfall,
when, being concluded, it was given to the captain of the _Liberal_, the
infamous Carlos Zubiaur, otherwise "Paiche," and we were told to get on
board, as the vessel sailed early in the morning.

In accordance with these instructions, we went down and started to
embark. At the gang-plank we were met by Zubiaur, who, with an enormous
stick of firewood in his hands, demanded £17 each for our passage money.
As Loayza had informed us that he would give us free passages as a
slight compensation for what we had gone through, both Sánchez and
myself were considerably surprised at this demand, and protested loudly
against it. Zubiaur was inflexible, however, and whirled his stick of
firewood about our heads so violently while he informed us that nobody
travelled gratis on his launch, that we were finally compelled to pay
the wretch what he asked for.

Once on board, where Perkins accompanied us to say goodbye, we found
that we had been done out of our dinner, for, when we finally asked for
it, we were told that this meal had already been eaten and that we were
too late. So after a last farewell to Perkins, who, in accordance with
our decision, had decided to remain behind in order to recover our
effects, Sánchez and I again made our way to the ferocious Zubiaur and
asked to be conducted to our cabin.

The pirate stared at us in amazement for fully a minute before he
proceeded to inform us that there were no cabins for us and that we were
to sleep on the deck. Upon our remonstrance that we had paid first-class
fare and a request to pay us back the difference between that and the
third-class that he was giving us, he reached for his ever-present stick
of firewood, and, this once in his hands, took the trouble to explain to
us that he was only taking us as a favour, that the few cabins were
already occupied, and that if we did not like it we could get off his
launch. So saying, he turned clumsily on his heel and strode off.

Fortunately, when we had started for El Dorado, we had taken our
hammocks along, so we proceeded to hang them up in out-of-the-way
corners by the advice of one of the two officers. As the pirate-captain
raised no objection to this, we climbed in them and were trying to
forget our lost dinner, when the fiend came up again and told us that
they were in an inconvenient place and must be shifted. This made me so
angry--for I knew it was done only to henpeck us--that I absolutely
refused to budge an inch, and when he threatened to call up some of his
men, I was so wild that I told him that if he dared molest us again
during the trip, I should beat his brains out with a club the instant we
got off the launch at Iquitos. The pirate drew back, stared at me for
fully a minute, and then slowly retired. I imagined that perhaps he
would try some other game, but he was quite cured for all the rest of
the trip, and did not molest us once.

This affair settled, we had just got asleep, when suddenly we were
awakened by a number of loud shouts, jeers, and laughs. Thinking that
possibly it might be a midnight murder, or something of the sort, I
rushed to the side of the launch and perceived that Martínez and his men
were being escorted by a number of "missionaries" to the vessel.
Descending to the lower deck, I saw them shut him and his seven men up
in the same cage with Orjuela; here the wretches continued to insult and
abuse their unfortunate victims for more than half an hour. I observed,
before retiring to my hammock, that the cage was so small that there was
scarcely room enough for the nine prisoners to sit down together, and
dirty in the extreme.

The next morning, the 17th, we left El Encanto at about five o'clock,
and by seven we had entered the Putumayo, which was very wide and dotted
with large, heavily wooded islands. Along the banks numerous sandy
_playas_ appeared from time to time. It was like seeing an old friend
again, and I commenced to think of the time we were shipwrecked and
subsisted chiefly on turtle-eggs.

This made me think of breakfast, so awakening Sánchez, we sat down at
the table, where the pirate-captain and most of the passengers were
already beginning. The meal was execrable, being composed only of watery
tea, a quantity of extremely stale bread, and some evil-smelling butter.
We all munched this unpalatable fare in silence until we had eaten all
we could of it, when we left the table.

During the rest of the forenoon Sánchez and I got acquainted with the
other passengers. One of the officers, Lieutenant Ghiorzo, an extremely
stout, dark-complexioned man, turned out to be under arrest for refusing
to take part in the raid on La Unión, and was in charge of the other
one, a tall, blonde, cadaverous-looking man, named Lieutenant
Albarracin, who proved to be none other than the brother of the Peruvian
whom we had met in Pasto, and who had given us a letter of introduction
to his brother, whom he thought to be in Iquitos. Although the letter
had been left in our trunks with the rest of our effects, I told the
Lieutenant about it, and he was very cordial towards me during the whole
trip. Ghiorzo also seemed very affable.

Another passenger was a young, copper-coloured Colombian merchant named
Patrocinio Cuellar, who it appears had brought some merchandise down
from Colombia for the "civilising company," which had been lost or
destroyed about the time of the raid on La Unión. He was going to the
headquarters of the company at Iquitos to see if they would reimburse
him. Cuellar associated, as a rule, with an individual named Bartolomé
Guevara, a short, _carate_-covered man, to whom I took an instinctive
dislike. He was a chief of section who had recently resigned his
position at El Encanto, and was now _en route_ to Spain to spend some of
the money he had extracted from the tears, the bitter agony, the very
life-blood of the unfortunate Indians under his control. I afterwards
ascertained that he was one of the most noted of the Putumayo
"missionaries."

Another person whom I regarded with almost equal abhorrence was a
copper-complexioned rascal named César Lúrquin, the Peruvian _Comisario_
of the Putumayo. This miserable wretch was openly taking with him to
Iquitos a little Huitoto girl of some seven years, presumably to sell
her as a "servant," for it is a well-known fact that this repugnant
traffic in human beings is carried on, almost openly, there. His
position was a sinecure, for, instead of stopping on the Putumayo,
travelling about there and really making efforts to suppress crime by
punishing the criminals, he contented himself with visiting the region
four or five times a year--always on the company's launches--stopping a
week or so, collecting some children to sell, and then returning and
making his "report."

The remaining "first-class" passenger was a Brazilian custom-house
inspector, who always travelled with the company's launches in order to
see that they did not discharge any cargo while passing through
Brazilian territory. He seemed a very quiet chap, I imagine because he
did not know Spanish. This gentleman spent most of his time in his
hammock, for, like Sánchez and myself, he had no cabin.

Lunch and dinner were very similar to breakfast, for we had the same
watery tea, the same stale bread, and the same stinking butter, the only
additional dish being a repugnant preparation of codfish. The
pirate-captain and his chum, the _comisario_, however, as I ascertained
later, after eating a little of this miserable stuff, adjourned to the
former's cabin and enjoyed a magnificent spread, all by themselves.

We continued running all night, for the river was swollen and there was
no necessity to follow the main channel. At about two o'clock in the
afternoon we reached the mouth of the Igaraparaná, which is considerably
larger than the Caraparaná and also on the left. Near the junction was a
small, cleared area on the high left bank of the Putumayo, and to this
we directed our course. Anchoring close to the bank, I perceived that
the place was a military post, for, as soon as we approached a number of
soldiers--about twenty--and two officers emerged from an old tumble-down
structure that sheltered them, and came on board. They all looked ill
and emaciated, and their faces and hands were done up in rags to keep
off the gnats.

For over two hours we stopped here, fighting these little fiends, which
swarmed about us in perfect clouds, while the pirate and the _comisario_
related to the two lieutenants a full account of the "brilliant victory"
gained at La Unión. Meanwhile, I learned that the name of the place was
Arica, and that it was situated about 1° 43' 9" south of the equator and
71° 53' 36" west of Greenwich.

At last the enthralling tale of the "victory" was finished, and we set
out up the Igaraparaná, for, it seemed, the worthy Zubiaur had been so
complimented upon his bravery by the two officers that he resolved to go
and inform some other friends of his up that river of the same gallant
deed. We were all glad to set out in some direction, for the gnats did
not trouble us much when the launch was in motion.

The _Liberal_ continued the ascent until a late hour, when we retired.
The next morning when I awoke, I perceived that we were anchored off
another establishment, which I was informed by Albarracín was Santa
Julia, one of the chief sections of the "civilising company" in
Igaraparaná district. The two or three small huts were of split-palm
with a thatched roof, while the clearing around them was small and
neglected-looking. Santa Julia, Ghiorzo informed me, is the
shipping-port for the section Abisinia, some twelve hours' walk inland.

As we were taking on a quantity of firewood, another launch, the
_Cosmopolita_, appeared and came up alongside of us. Here Sánchez was
overjoyed to meet once more with his companion exiles, who had left El
Encanto about a month previously on this launch, bound for Iquitos.
Instead of going there, however, the _Cosmopolita_ had gone up to La
Chorrera, stopped there all this time, and was now about to accompany
the _Liberal_. Although we saw them only for a few moments, the meeting
cheered up Sánchez immensely, while I took an instant liking to them.

La Chorrera, the headquarters of the Igaraparaná district, they
described as being larger than El Encanto, and situated on the borders
of a little lake at the head of navigation on the Igaraparaná. They
furthermore informed me that La Chorrera was about twenty-four hours'
run above Santa Julia.

At Santa Julia, La Chorrera, and the other stations along the banks of
the Lower and Central Igaraparaná, the victims are a tribe of aborigines
known as the Boras, several of whom I saw in a practically naked
condition at Santa Julia. These Indians are distinct from the Huitotos,
and speak a dialect of their own called Bora. They are of a lighter
colour and much more intelligent and fierce than the former; thus they
do not submit so sheepishly to the persecutions and atrocities of the
"civilising company," and many of them have escaped to the left bank of
the River Caquetá, out of reach of their _verdugos_.[98]

The other sections between the Igaraparaná and Caquetá have as victims
several other tribes of aborigines, chief of which are the Andoques, the
Yurias, the Ocainas, and the Yaguas. All these tribes speak a distinct
dialect of their own, although closely resembling the Huitotos in
habits, customs, &c. The Andoques are the largest tribe, but none are so
numerous as the Huitotos.

The firewood at length on board and the gallant Zubiaur's tale of the
"victory" finally terminated, at about eight o'clock we set out down the
Igaraparaná, accompanied by the _Cosmopolita_. After a not unpleasant
journey of several hours, we again reached Arica at about 3 p.m., where
we stopped for the rest of the day. Here we were again tortured by the
gnats, which soon became so ferocious that I was obliged to don my veil
and gloves; the heat, however, was so suffocating that I had to take
them off again shortly.

After a tedious journey of several days, made in company with the
celebrated criminal Bartolomé Guevara and Lieuts. Albarracín and Ghiorzo
of the Peruvian Army, the jailers of Orjuela, Martínez, and their men,
who were confined in the small and loathsome cage, previously mentioned,
which was so diminutive that there was not sufficient space for them all
to sit down at the same time, we at last arrived at Iquitos on February
1st.

Here I informed the dentist Guy T. King, acting American Consul in this
place, of the events already narrated to the reader; but this gentleman,
considering solely and exclusively his own interests and forgetting the
duties that his position as Consul incurred upon him, contented himself
with congratulating me upon my narrow escape from death at the hands of
the assassins of Arana and informing me that, owing to various
circumstances, he could do absolutely nothing for us![99]

Towards the end of April Perkins arrived without our baggage; for the
miserable murderers of El Encanto, their cupidity aroused by the idea of
getting something for nothing, had stolen it while Perkins was held
prisoner at that place. Thus they became aware of the deception I had
practised upon them in regard to the American syndicate, and so great
was their anger that they were upon the point of murdering Perkins, but
their fears getting the better of them, they contented themselves with
keeping him a close prisoner and abusing him, as is their custom.

Although the effects we had been robbed of were of considerable value
and the hardships and perils through which we had passed while in the
hands of the employees of this syndicate were distinctly unpleasant,
nevertheless I consider that on the whole we were extremely fortunate in
making our escape from the sanguinary _selvas_ of the River Putumayo and
from the tender mercies of those human hyenas, the assassin-employees of
Arana.

From the horrors described in the following chapter the reader will be
in a position to form a faint idea of the hellish and wholesale crimes
committed upon these unfortunates; not a complete one, for in order to
do that it would be necessary for him to come here and see with his own
eyes and hear with his own ears what really takes place in these
gruesome forests; but nevertheless he will, I repeat, be able to get
some glimmering of the awful truth.

In making these exposures I have obeyed only the dictates of my
conscience and my own sense of outraged justice; and now that I have
made them and the civilised world is aware of what occurs in the vast
and tragic _selvas_ of the River Putumayo, I feel that, as an honest
man, I have done my duty before God and before society and trust that
others, who are in a position to do so, will take up the defence of
these unfortunates and the prosecution and punishment of the human
hyenas responsible for these crimes.

[Illustration: NATIVE WOMEN AND HUT AT IQUITOS.

[To face p. 196.]

As will be shown, over the whole length and breadth of this vast region
reigns one perpetual and devilish carnival of crime; in short, words
are unable to convey any idea of this gruesome field of blood and crime
and bleached skeletons, rotting under the falling leaves of the forest
trees. It is a living hell. No wonder that the vegetation is so
luxuriant here, for the soil has been deluged with the blood of so many
innocent victims of the bestial greed and rapacity of these vile
monsters that it should be the richest on earth!

Tribe after tribe of the peaceful and hospitable Indians of these
forests has disappeared before the onslaughts of Peruvian
"_civilisation_." Colombian after Colombian has been foully murdered by
these miserable criminals, until at last they were exterminated and
their establishments, so long coveted by the syndicate of crime, passed
into its unclean hands.

As we shall see in the subsequent pages of this catalogue of horrors,
the Peruvian authorities of the Department of Loreto, thanks to an
unparalleled system of wholesale bribery--for in this way only can we
explain their conduct--do absolutely nothing to put a stop to this state
of affairs. We observe a type of the _comisarios_[100] of this region;
and also the attitude of the Prefect[101] in regard to these horrors;
and we are aware that the denunciations of Saldaña were neglected,
passed over and finally pigeon-holed by the judicial authorities of
Iquitos. From this it is evident that justice cannot be looked for from
that quarter.

I venture to state that within four or five years more--if this awful
butchery is allowed to continue (which I do not believe)--these immense
forests, formerly occupied by tens of thousands of peaceful, industrious
Indians, quite capable of civilisation and Christianity, will be but
huge and silent sepulchres, sown with the unburied bones of the
unfortunate victims of an exploitation without parallel in history.

But is this to be permitted? Although we are too late to save the larger
part of these victims, who have already passed out of existence, let us
rescue the few we can and mete out punishment to the fiends who are
filling their pockets with the gold produced by the very life-blood, the
sweat, the tears, the agony of these unfortunates. Let us do what we
can, at this late hour, to release the helpless Indians of the Putumayo
from the cruel and inquisitorial yoke that these human hyenas have
riveted upon them.

Think of nine-year-old girls torn from their homes, ravished, and
afterwards tortured or flogged to death; of sucking infants snatched
from their mothers' arms and their heads smashed against a tree; of a
wife having her legs cut off merely for refusing to become one of the
concubines of these bandits; of men flogged until ...[102] or of old
fathers shot to death before their sons' eyes merely because they were
old and could work no longer!

The poor Indian, in spite of the diabolical "_civilisation_" of the
Peruvians, has never been taught to read or write, has no friends to
protect him, and, notwithstanding his _thirteen_ years of contact with
this "civilising company" of Arana, has never even heard of the
existence of God, and his untutored mind is seared and benumbed by the
long years of cruel suffering at the hands of these monsters. Heathen
and Indian they are, but they are human, just as we are; they have
souls; they have affections and love and cherish their dear ones just as
we do ours; they are our brothers. And if they are stupid, heathen,
ignorant, whose fault is it? Is it not the fault of these fiends who for
years have taken advantage of their ignorance and helplessness,
exploited their meekness and humility, and fastened upon them the iron
chains of the shocking slavery in which they are now held? And when we
see that they are ignorant, heathen, and helpless and cannot protest
against their horrible fate, is it not our duty, for that very reason,
to defend them the more energetically?

The origin and history of the Peruvian Amazon Company are as follows:--

In the latter eighties of the last century Julio César Arana arrived at
Iquitos barefooted, hawking Panama hats; but soon, by good luck and a
certain low cunning with which he is endowed, he succeeded in building
up a small business in peddling along the rivers. This business,
confined at first only to hats, &c., he afterwards extended to a variety
of articles and did fairly well at it.

Learning of the rich rubber forests of the Putumayo, which were then
being exploited by several small Colombian companies established there,
he entered the Putumayo in 1896, and soon afterwards formed a
partnership with Benjamin and Rafael Larrañaga,[103] owners of the
establishments of La Chorrera. Subsequently he also associated himself
with other Colombian companies there, and these enterprises proving
profitable, in 1898 he opened a house in Iquitos, and in 1903, together
with his brother Lizardo,[B] and his brothers-in-law, Pablo Zumaeta[B]
and Abel Alarco,[104] founded the celebrated J. C. Arana and Hermanos
Company, with a branch house in Manaos, Brazil.

In 1904 this company bought out the Larrañagas' holdings at La Chorrera,
taking advantage of their ignorance and stupidity to rob them
scandalously. Thus they remained sole masters of the whole Igaraparaná.
A little later they also acquired the establishments of Calderón
Hermanos at Encanto and that of Hipólito Pérez at Argelia, robbing them
also, according to their custom. They were now the principal company in
the whole Putumayo.

Not content with this, however, and urged on by the rapacity of Julio
César Arana and his accomplices, they forced José Cabrera, owner of
Nueva Granada, to sell out to them at an insignificant price by threats
of killing him, by shooting at him from ambush, by forcibly taking away
his Indians, and by the other methods for which this company is
known.[105]

The next step in the progress of the syndicate was the beginning of a
systematic persecution of the three remaining Colombian establishments
of Ordoñez, Serrano, and Gonzalez, with the object of making them
abandon the region and then taking possession of their properties. This
persecution took the form of robberies of their merchandise, rubber, and
Indians, murders of their employees, refusals to sell them supplies, and
all other vile expedients that cunning could suggest. The Colombians
held on, however, in spite of these persecutions, and it was not until
1908 that the black flag of this criminal company, planted over their
dead bodies, finally waved over the whole of this unfortunate region.

In 1905 Julio César went to England and succeeded in interesting some
London gentlemen in the "possessions" of the J. C. Arana and Hermanos
Company in this region. An accountant was sent out to examine the
_books_, which were apparently found to be satisfactory, and on October
1, 1907, the Peruvian Amazon Rubber Company, Ltd., was formed, with a
capital of £1,000,000 sterling, divided, according to the prospectus,
into 300,000 7 per cent. participating preference shares at £1 each and
700,000 ordinary shares, also at £1 each. In 1908 the word "Rubber" was
stricken out, and this syndicate of crime is now known as the Peruvian
Amazon Company, Ltd.

Having failed in their attempt to foist upon the public their worthless
shares, they decided to increase the assets of the company. This was
done in 1908[106] by the simple process of collecting a small army of
their assassins and murdering the already mentioned Colombians and their
employees and taking possession of their establishments. Serrano,
Gonzalez, and their employees were murdered in cold blood, their women
were added to the harems of the employees of the company, their Indians
were enslaved, their rubber and merchandise stolen, and their
establishments taken possession of. Ordoñez succeeded in escaping with
his life, but had to abandon everything else--his rubber, his house, his
Indians--to the agents of the company, who are now in full possession of
everything and are exploiting the properties of their unfortunate
victims.

Let us now take a glance at the system pursued by this "civilising
company" in the exploitation of the products of this region--that is,
the exploitation of the rubber and of the Indians.

The whole territory is divided up into sections, at the head of which
are placed chiefs, each one with a gang of bandits, varying in number
from five to eighty, to control the Indians and force them to work. The
chief of the section keeps a list of the Indians and assigns to each one
the number of kilos of rubber he must deliver every ten days. The
prettiest of the women are taken away from the Indians and become
concubines of the chief of section and his band, the chief generally
having from three to twelve and the others in proportion.

La Chorrera, the chief of which is the celebrated Victor Macedo, is the
centre to which the products of all the sections of the Igaraparaná and
those distributed between that river and the Caquetá are sent
periodically. Here all the books, &c., are kept and all payments to the
employees are made. Macedo is the chief of all the employees in this
territory, and has the power of employing or discharging men, the fixing
of salaries, &c.; and it is with the knowledge, consent, and approval of
this wretch that these incredible crimes are carried out. This torturer
and assassin is the justice of the peace of the Putumayo.

El Encanto is the chief centre of the Caraparaná, exactly as La Chorrera
is of the Igaraparaná, and its manager, Miguel S. Loayza, has similar
powers to those of Macedo. This is the individual who superintended the
murders of Serrano and Gonzalez and the other crimes committed upon
these two unfortunates, upon Ordoñez, and upon their women and children,
Indians and employees.

All the rubber produced in the whole region now being exploited by the
"civilising company" is transported upon the backs of Indians, in
canoes, or in small launches to these two centres, from whence it is
shipped to Iquitos about every three months.

Macedo, Loayza, and the chiefs of sections are paid, not salaries but
commissions upon the amount of rubber produced. Thus it is to their
interest to extract the greatest amount of rubber in the least possible
space of time, and to do this it is necessary to force the Indians to
work night and day. The best method of obliging them to do this is to
impose certain amounts which they should deliver in a fixed time. Once
this rule is made it must be enforced, and if the Indian does not
deliver as much as he has been ordered to he must be punished. The
punishment must be severe enough to strike terror into the hearts of the
other Indians, so that they will not follow the example of the culprit.

The Indians collect all this rubber gratis: the only compensation they
receive is flagellation, torture, and death if they should lack half a
kilo of the amount imposed upon them; a mirror, a handkerchief, an ounce
of beads if they deliver the full amount. They are doomed and
defenceless victims of an exploitation unparalleled in the history of
the entire world.

Should the unfortunate Indian lack even half a kilo of rubber, he is
mercilessly flogged, being given from five to two hundred lashes,
according to the enormity of his crime. As the poor wretches receive
absolutely no medical treatment, within a few days these wounds putrefy,
maggots make their appearance, and the miserable victims of this form of
Peruvian "civilisation" die a lingering and repulsive death. Their
bodies are left to rot where they fall, or else the well-trained dogs of
their "civilisers" drag them out into the forest. Indeed, in some
sections such an odour of putrefying flesh arises from the numerous
bodies of the victims that the place must be temporarily abandoned.

Often when some poor Indian, seeing that he could not deliver at the
fixed time the amount of rubber imposed upon him, has fled, they take
his tender children and torture them until they disclose the whereabouts
of their unhappy father. Their favourite mode of torture is by
suspending them from a tree and building a fire beneath them, by using
the celebrated "water cure," and by suspending them from four posts,
piling logs of wood, &c., on their tensioned bodies until they are
forced to speak. Besides the methods already mentioned they frequently
employ others,[107] so revolting that it is impossible to describe them.

Another common form of _punishment_ is that of mutilations, such as
cutting off arms, legs, noses, ears, penises, hands, feet, and even
heads. Castrations are also a popular _punishment_ for such crimes as
trying to escape, for being lazy, or for being stupid, while frequently
they employ these forms of mutilation merely to relieve the monotony of
continual floggings and murders and to provide a sort of recreation. The
victims generally die within a few days, or if they do not die they are
murdered, for it is said that in 1906 Macedo issued an order to his
subordinates advising them to kill all mutilated Indians at once for the
following reasons: first, because they consumed food although they could
not work; and second, because it looked bad to have these mutilated
wretches running about. This wise precaution of Macedo's makes it
difficult to find any mutilated Indians there, in spite of the number of
mutilations; for, obeying this order, the executioners kill all the
Indians they mutilate, after they have suffered what they consider a
sufficient space of time.

By way of amusement these employees of the company often enjoy a little
_tiro al blanco_, or target-shooting, the target being little Indian
children whose parents have been murdered. The little innocents are tied
up to trees, the murderers take their positions, and the slaughter
begins. First they shoot off an ear or hand, then another, and so on
until an unlucky bullet strikes a vital part and puts an end to their
sport.

Often on holidays and _fiestas_, in order to see the weak, starving, and
cadaverous Indians run, these people fire into a group of them, and
generally manage to bring down several before their victims have got out
of reach.

When one of these agents sees a girl he wants he takes her, and her
father or husband dare not protest, for he would be tortured to death at
once. After he is satisfied, if he still likes the woman, he adds her to
his harem; if not, he either lets her go or, as has happened, has her
flogged to death. As I have before remarked, nearly all these agents
possess a harem of two to twelve Indian girls, varying in age from eight
to fifteen years. These defenceless children are violated without the
least compassion, and when they tire of one she is either brutally
kicked out of the house and sent back to her tribe or else murdered on
the spot.

Murders and assassinations are so common here that some of the chiefs of
sections and their subordinates do not pass without killing in cold
blood from one to five, or even more, of the helpless Huitotos. Any
pretext serves, as when the Indian does not understand them or when he
is not punctual to the minute; and, indeed, they often kill them for
amusement, to fill the other Indians with a fear of the "whites," or to
practise target-shooting. These murders, let it be understood, are not
confined entirely to the slaughters of Indians, for many are the
_civilizados_, Peruvians as well as Colombians, who have incurred the
ill-will of these bandits.

Extortions are practised continually in this part of Peru by the company
and its employees. Apart from the robberies of the rubber extracted by
the Indians, the lesser employees are robbed of a part or of all their
salary balances. The profits from these thefts generally go to swell the
pockets of the chiefs of sections and those of the higher employees.

As I have before remarked, the unhappy Indians, far from getting paid
for the rubber they deliver, are not even given food to eat while they
work, and what appears more incredible is that they are given no
opportunity to cultivate food of their own; for such is the criminal
rapacity of this company that they not only compel the Indian women to
cultivate the food for their men and themselves, but also for their
oppressors, who help themselves to all they want and waste and destroy
as much as they please, the little that is left constituting, with a few
forest products, the food of the unfortunate and starving Indians.

The dress of the Huitotos has already been described, and, after
thirteen years of close contact with the company, we find these people
still stark naked.

But most remarkable are the _correrías_ which the agents of the company
carry out periodically. The crimes of the Spanish Inquisition are pale
compared with the deeds committed in this vast den of crime. Upon the
occasions of these _correrías_ the operation is as follows: The chief of
section orders his subordinates to arm themselves and set out for the
village of the Indians to receive the rubber, which, as we have
observed, should be delivered every ten days. They make their way to the
principal house, where the Indians should be assembled ready to deliver
the rubber. Once here they call the roll, on which is noted the number
of kilograms each Indian should have ready.

As each Indian's name is called he steps up and delivers the rubber he
has collected, which is weighed on the spot. Occasionally a kilogram or
two are lacking, and in this case the Indian is given from twenty-five
to one hundred lashes by the Barbados negroes, who only for this
purpose--that is, as executioners--have been brought here. At about the
tenth blow the victim generally falls unconscious from the effects of
the intense pain produced.

[Illustration: INDIANS OF THE PERUVIAN AMAZON REGION: RIVER UCAYALI.

To face p. 208.]

Sometimes two or three Indians and their families do not appear at this
assembly on account of not having been able to collect the amount of
rubber assigned to them. In this case the chief of the _correría_ orders
four or five of his agents to collect ten or twelve Indians of a tribe
hostile to the fugitives and to set out in pursuit of the poor wretches,
their _capitán_ being dragged along, tied up with chains, to act as
guide to reveal their hiding-place, and being threatened with a
painful and lingering death in case he does not find them. After some
search the hut where they have taken refuge is found, and then takes
place a horrible and repugnant scene. The hut constructed by the
refugees is of thatch, of a conical form and without doors. The chief
orders his men to surround the house, and two or three of them approach
and set fire to it. The Indians, surprised and terrified, dash out, and
the assassins discharge their carbines at the unfortunate wretches. The
men killed, the bandits turn their attention to the rest, and the old,
the sick, and the children, unable to escape, are either burned to death
or are killed with _machetes_.

Another method of exploiting these unfortunate Indians takes the form of
selling them as slaves in Iquitos, and this business in human flesh
yields excellent returns to the company or its employees, for they are
sold in that capital at from £20 to £40 each. Every steamer that goes to
Iquitos, loaded with the rubber from the Putumayo, carries from five to
fifteen little Indian boys and girls, who are torn, sobbing, from their
mothers' arms without the slightest compunction. These little innocents,
as we have already said, are sold at wholesale and retail by this
"civilising company" in Iquitos, the capital of the Department of
Loreto, the second port of a country that calls itself Christian,
republican, civilised, and, let it be well understood, with the
knowledge, consent, and approval of the authorities there.

But to relate all the crimes and infamies committed in this tragic
region by this company and its employees in its almost incredible
persecution and exploitation of the Indians, would prove an
interminable task, so many are the crimes committed in this devil's
paradise.

The following are the directors of the Peruvian Amazon Company[108]:--

HENRY M. READ, 4 Lancaster Gate Terrace, Hyde Park, London, W.

SIR JOHN LISTER KAYE, Bart., 26, Manchester Square, London, W.

JOHN RUSSEL GUBBINS, Esq., 22, Carlton Hill, London, N.W.

BARON DE SOUSA DEIRO, Chairman of Goodwin, Ferreira Company, Ltd.,
Manchester.

M. HENRI BONDUEL, Banker, Rue d'Aumale, Paris.

SEÑOR JULIO CÉSAR ARANA, Iquitos, Peru.

SEÑOR ABEL ALARCO, Salisbury House, London, E.C., managing director.

The secretary is Walter Bramall, F.C.I.S., and the registered office of
this Christian and humanitarian syndicate is at Salisbury House, London
Wall, London, E.C.

Of these seven directors, there are at least two who are well aware of
the state of affairs in their "possessions," who are far better informed
than I am of the murders, the robberies, the flagellations, the
violations of little eight and ten year old girls, the tortures, the
incredible mutilations, and the other stupendous crimes committed by
this company and its employees in the terrible Putumayo. These criminal
employees are not restrained by Julio César Arana and the manager in
Iquitos, his brother-in-law, Pablo Zumaeta, but, on the contrary, are
actually aided and encouraged by these monsters in their horrible work.

The other five directors are either dupes who have been taken in by the
slick tongues of Julio César Arana and his accomplice, Abel Alarco, and
who are not aware of the awful and appalling crimes committed in their
names by their employees in the sanguinary Putumayo, or else they are
hardened ruffians, who deliberately pocket the products of slavery,
torture, and crime.

This criminal syndicate has endeavoured to unload its million of
worthless shares upon the British public at £1 each. In their prospectus
they make such extraordinary statements, misstatements, and omissions
that they make themselves liable to the law to answer to the charges of
swindling, obtaining money under false pretences, and various others.

In a prospectus published by this company in the _Sunday Times_ of
London, December 6, 1908, I note among others, and denounce as
deliberate lies, the following statements:--

1. That they have any _legal_ rights or _legal_ titles in regard to
their gruesome "possessions" in the Putumayo.

2. That their rubber collection centres _are surrounded by cultivated
lands_.

3. That these "cultivated lands" have a population of about 40,000
Indians.

4. That these Indians are being taught to improve the crude methods that
were formerly used of treating the rubber.

5. That the "rubber-trees are the same as those which produce Para
Fine."

6. That the territory in their possession "contains valuable auriferous
quartz and gravel and deposits of coal and other minerals."

7. That "the exportation of rubber from the Putumayo is increasing."

8. That "the boundary question, even should it affect politically a
portion of the Putumayo territory, will not affect the legal rights of
the settlers."

The following statement, made by the Minister of Foreign Relations of
the Republic of Colombia, which I translate from the _Jornal do
Comercio_ of Manaos, Brazil, of June 3, 1908, gives an idea of how
Colombia views the proceedings of the "civilising company":--

"The companies that are exploiting the adjacent regions of the Putumayo
to-day have no legal existence in Colombia, but, on the contrary, are
violating many of our legal dispositions and are even committing crimes
for which our laws provide penal punishment. When the time comes, the
Government of Colombia will not only refuse them protection, but will
punish the agents of those companies that are responsible for criminal
acts with all the rigours of the law."

They also omit to state the following important and interesting facts:--

1. That their Pevas estate is practically exhausted.

2. That the Nanay estate, utterly neglected and abandoned, is now, and
has been for nearly two years, in the possession of Muniz & Co.

3. That their "large staff" of European employees in the sanguinary
Putumayo does not exceed eight or ten men at the most.

4. That the "extensive plains" are all covered with the thick, dense
forest of the tropics, and that it is a tedious and expensive task to
clear even a few acres of land there.

5. That in the short space of three or four years the Putumayo rubber
will be completely exhausted.

6. And that "they force the Pacific Indians of the Putumayo to work day
and night at the extraction of rubber, without the slightest
remuneration; that they give them nothing to eat; that they keep them in
the most complete nakedness; that they rob them of their crops, their
women, and their children to satisfy the voracity, lasciviousness and
avarice of themselves and their employees, for they live on the Indians'
food, keep harems and concubines, and sell these people at wholesale and
retail in Iquitos; that they flog them inhumanly, until their bones are
visible; that they give them no medical treatment, but let them die,
eaten up by maggots, or to serve as food for the chiefs' dogs; that they
castrate them, cut off their ears, fingers, arms, legs; that they
torture them by means of fire, of water, and by tying them up,
crucified, head down; that they burn and destroy their houses and crops;
that they cut them to pieces with _machetes_; that they grasp children
by the feet and dash their heads against walls and trees, until their
brains fly out; that they have the old folks killed when they can work
no longer; and, finally, that to amuse themselves, to practise shooting,
or to celebrate the _sábado de gloria_[109]--as Fonseca and Macedo have
done--they discharge their weapons at men, women, and children, or, in
preference to this, they souse them with kerosene and set fire to them
to enjoy their desperate agony."[110]

And all this, let us remember, is done by a gang of human beasts, who,
consulting exclusively their own evil interests, have had the audacity
to form themselves into an English company and put themselves and their
gruesome "possessions" under the protection of the English flag, in
order to carry out more conveniently their sanguinary labours in the
Putumayo and to inspire confidence here.

People of England! Just and generous people, always the advanced
sentinels of Christianity and civilisation! Consider these horrors! Put
yourselves in the place of the victims, and free these few remaining
Indians from their cruel bondage and punish the authors of the crimes!




CHAPTER VII

HARDENBURG'S INVESTIGATIONS

THE CRIMES OF THE PUTUMAYO


Following are sworn statements of those who, as agents or sufferers,
participated in the outrages on the Peruvian Amazon Company's estates,
together with translations from various Peruvian newspapers of Iquitos,
and statements of Peruvians, who, to their credit, endeavoured to expose
the conditions existing in the Putumayo region:--


             _Translation from "La Felpa," of Iquitos, of
                          December 29, 1907._

Notice is hereby given to persons who intend going to the rubber
possessions of the J. C. Arana and Hermanos Company in the Putumayo, not
to do so, for the following reasons:--

Everything is sold there at about four times the prices here. The food
consists of beans, without salt or lard, and the contents of one tin of
sardines for each twenty persons. Generally only boiled _airambo_ is
supplied, especially when they go out on _correrias_--that is, wholesale
slaughter of Indians. The Company does not pay salary balances in full;
they steal part of them and sometimes the whole! They do not permit
their employees to come here, except when the chiefs please. They beat,
put in stocks, club, and even murder employees who do not do everything
the chiefs order, and what is even worse they teach them to be
assassins, to flog, to burn Indians, to mutilate them--that is, to cut
off their fingers, arms, ears, legs, &c. As is evident, it is a horror
to go to the Putumayo. I should prefer to go to hell. If any one thinks
that I am trying to deceive him, let him come to the printing-office of
_La Sanción_, No. 49, Morona St., and I will give him details and, at
the same time, show him authentic documents, proving the truth of my
assertions. Do not forget, see me before going to the Putumayo. I do
this for the sake of humanity and to save many from crime. The Putumayo
is a school of the most refined and barbarous crimes! Honest men! Avoid
the Putumayo!

BENJAMIN SALDAÑA ROCCA.


           _Translated from "La Felpa," December 29, 1907._

                     THE INDIANS OF THE PUTUMAYO.

All the indigenous inhabitants of those selvas are of mild character,
industrious, meek, hospitable, humble, and obedient. This assertion may
seem untrue to more than one person, for we have always heard that the
natives there are ferocious, indomitable, and even cannibals, but this
is false and exaggerated.

The Indians are divided into nations, and each one of these has a chief,
whom they denominate the _capitán_. They are enemies of polygamy, and
both men and women are jealous in the extreme. The latter cultivate
fields, while the men dedicate themselves to hunting, fishing, and
rubber collection.

These poor people, "simple," not cannibal, lived there happily until
Arana and his brigands invaded them. Then began the Tantalus for all of
them--men, women, children, and aged folk.

The chiefs of sections, such as the famous bandits, Norman, Agüero, the
two Rodríguez brothers, and others, already known and enumerated, all
impose upon each Indian the task of delivering to them 5 _arrobas_[111]
of rubber every _fabrico_.[112] When the time comes to deliver the
rubber, these unhappy victims appear with their loads upon their backs,
accompanied by their women and children, who help them to carry the
rubber. When they reach the section the rubber is weighed. They know by
experience what the needle of the balance should mark, and when it
indicates that they have delivered the full amount required, they leap
about and laugh with pleasure. When it does not, they throw themselves
face downwards on the ground and, in this attitude, await the lash, the
bullet, or the _machete_. This is at the option of the chief of section,
but they are generally given fifty lashes with scourges, until the flesh
drops from their bodies in strips, or else are cut to pieces with
_machetes_. This barbarous spectacle takes place before all the rest,
among whom are their women and children.

When they deliver the full amount of rubber required from them, they
are given a mouth-organ, worth 30 centavos[113], a coloured cotton
handkerchief, worth 50 centavos, a few beads, or similar trash. This
they receive with great pleasure, for, on the contrary, they are flogged
or shot to death.

They do not worry about the Indians' food, and as to the clothes of
these unfortunates, they have none, for both men and women live in the
most complete nakedness.

All these tribes, fifteen years ago, amounted to over twenty thousand
persons; to-day they do not reach ten thousand. Desolation invaded these
selvas together with the Aranas, worse even than the _cholera morbus_
and the bubonic, terrible and awful plagues that from time to time leave
Asia to traverse other parts of the globe, sowing panic, pain, death,
and mourning.

Now, as there are but relatively few male Indians left, they have the
cruelty to oblige the women to work at the extraction of rubber. Nor
does their sex protect them from the punishments that these barbarous
bandits of Arana inflict upon them, for they flog them, torture them,
and cut them to pieces.

A certain periodical, subsidised by this criminal company, speaking of
some memoirs of the explorer Robuchon,[114] states that he mentions that
these Indians are hospitable. From this it is clear that we are not the
first to make this assertion, and persons who have been in Puerto
Bermudez can form an idea of what these Indians are like by comparing
them with the Campas, which is the fiercest tribe. Nevertheless, there
in Puerto Bermudez these Campas are in intimate contact with all who
pass there, and furnish the traveller with everything in their power.

The appearance of the unfortunate Indians of the Putumayo is ghastly and
horrible; thin, cadaverous, and attenuated, they look more like ghosts
than human beings. And nevertheless, they go out to meet the employees
when these latter pass through their villages, and give them what few
fruits they have. These gifts have been rewarded by death, on more than
one occasion.

Only very rarely have they rebelled; but this rebellion consists only in
fleeing from their villages to emigrate far off, trying to get out of
reach of their executioners. They do this only when they are murdered,
flogged, burnt, tortured, mutilated, and robbed of their wives and
children with more than usual frequency. This is the crime of the
Putumayo Indians--trying to hide themselves from their murderers. Well,
these villains, enraged beyond all bounds, collect in parties of fifty
or more and start in pursuit of the fugitives. They fall upon them at
midnight, and after surrounding the huts in which their victims are
asleep, set fire to them and shoot all who try to escape.

Is it not reasonable that these unfortunates should defend themselves
and their dear ones when attacked in their last possessions? It is here
that sometimes, not always, desperate struggles take place, the
criminals with their rifles and the Indians with clubs and _machetes_.
As is natural, the latter are always defeated and once more the victims
of their torturers, who burn them by hundreds or else again reduce them
to slavery.

We believe it right to make known that the rubber there is becoming
exhausted, and that to collect even one ounce of it means real
sacrifices. It would be well if the English purchasers who have formed a
syndicate in order to exploit that region could see that its resources
are all imaginary, for Arana & Co. sell what does not belong to them, as
slavery does not exist in Peru.

We shall treat of other points in regard to this matter later, for the
unfortunate syndicate that has embarked in this adventure should be
informed of the real state of affairs and in what difficult conditions
things are in, for certain international treaties exist with Colombia
which have, at the present time, assumed a most serious and bellicose
aspect.


             _Translated from the "Jornal do Comercio," of
                     Manaos, September 14, 1907._

In accordance with our promise to our readers, we give the following
news, as complete as possible, of a barbarous deed, the theatre of
which was a point close to one of our frontiers.

This narrative, detailed and horrible, we believe to be true, for it was
related to us by one of the victims, who is at present in this city, the
Colombian Roso España, a young man twenty-one years of age, of low
stature and agreeable features.

In the last days of 1906 Aquileo Torres, Felipe Cabrera, Feliciano
Muñoz, Pascual Rubiano, José de la Paz Gutiérrez, Bonifacio Cabrera,
Jorge Carbajal, Carlos María de Silva, Heleodoro X -- --, Crisanto
Victoria, Roso España, and two women, all employees of the firm of
Urbano Gutiérrez, set out from Florencia, Dept. of Tolima, Republic of
Colombia.

They embarked in six canoes, with a large quality of merchandise, for
the River Caquetá or Japurá, where they were going to extract rubber and
begin traffic with the Indians, so that the latter would help them in
this work. After a tedious journey of thirty-five days, they reached the
Lower Caquetá, where a tribe of Indians called the Andoques live. Here
they were well received by the indigenes of this Colombian territory. In
order to gain the friendship of these natives, the Colombians presented
them with various trifles and received from them in return manioca and
bananas. Thus the first difficulty was conquered, for within a few days
the Indians yielded themselves up completely to the new-comers.

As the construction of a house for the shelter of the _personal_[115]
and the merchandise was of urgent necessity, the chief of the party,
Felipe Cabrera, ordered some of the men to begin this operation, with
the help of the Indians, while the rest proceeded to burn the brush, in
order to make the necessary plantations.

A few days afterwards, when the clearing was finished and the
construction of the house well advanced, a group of nearly 20 Peruvian
_caucheros_,[116] all armed with rifles, appeared upon the scene. Two
Barbados negroes formed part of this band. The Peruvians first
encountered a group of eight persons--four men and one Colombian woman,
two Indian men and one Indian woman, all of whom were apart from their
companions, engaged in the fabrication of mandioca flour. Of this
inoffensive group the two Indians fell, shot dead. Then the Peruvians
sent a letter to one Señor Norman, an agent of the Arana Company, who
arrived on the scene three days later, accompanied by another group of
individuals. Norman, questioning the prisoners, learned that Felipe
Cabrera, the chief, was among them, and forced him, with threats, to
send an order to José de la Paz Gutiérrez, who was absent with the rest
of the men, to deliver up all the arms they had.

The prisoner, in fear of his life, wrote the order, which Norman took to
its destination.

The guide was the Colombian prisoner, Roso España.

Then, in possession of the arms, they began another butchery. The
Peruvians discharged their weapons at the Indians who were constructing
the roof of the house. These poor unfortunates, pierced by the bullets,
some dead, others wounded, rolled off the roof and fell to the ground.

The bandits, for it is only by that name that they can be called, not
content with these cowardly murders, for they had already killed
twenty-five, took the Indian women of advanced age, threw them into the
canoes of the Colombians and conducted them to the middle of the river
and discharged their rifles at them, killing them all.

What they did with the children was still more barbarous, for they
jammed them, head-downwards, into the holes that had been dug to receive
the posts that were to support the house.

The Peruvians, after taking possession of the merchandise, conducted the
Colombians, the _tuchaua_ of the Andoques, two Indians, and an Indian
woman, to Matanzas, the dwelling-place of the criminal Norman, the
journey taking two days. Here the prisoners were tied up with cords and
afterwards shut up in one of the houses, where they passed a night of
torture. In the morning the _tuchaua_ and the two Indians were taken out
to an adjacent knoll and clubbed to death.

At about mid-day those who had escaped with their lives were taken to La
Sabana, where the chief is Juan[117] Rodríguez, arriving there at about
10 p.m. and stopping for the night. In the morning they were sent to
Oriente, the chief of which is a Peruvian named Velarde.

Here still more barbarities were committed, the Colombians suffering
horrors, for on the day after their arrival they were chained up by the
neck and by the legs. As they were unable to endure such cruel
treatment, the unhappy prisoners appealed to their jailers, who took off
the chains, but in exchange put their legs in stocks.

In the house that these poor people were imprisoned in there were also a
large number of Indians in chains, who received daily violent
castigations, flagellations, and clubbing. Some of these Indians
suffered from awful wounds, many of them produced by firearms. Five days
afterwards the chiefs of the Colombians, Messrs. Felipe Cabrera, Aquileo
Torres, and José de la Paz Gutiérrez, were taken to the section known as
Abisinia. It is not known what fate has been meted out to them.

The other prisoners remained nearly two months in Oriente, until it was
known that the steamer _Liberal_ was in the Igaraparaná, an affluent of
the Putumayo. Here the principal branch establishment of the J. C. Arana
and Hermanos Company in the Putumayo is situated.

The Colombians were then embarked in the _Liberal_, which was to take
them prisoners to Iquitos. They remained on board this vessel four days,
but just before they reached the Brazilian fiscal port at Cotuhué the
commandant, fearing that the Brazilian officials might discover the
prisoners when they visited the vessel, disembarked the victims,
abandoning them in a canoe in midstream, with a few tins of sardines and
a little _fariña_. The victims, rowing with all their might, started for
the fiscal port, but did not reach it until after the _Liberal_ had left
for Iquitos. Here they presented themselves to Señor Nestor, the chief
of the port of Cotuhué, and narrated to him what had passed. In
Brazilian territory the unfortunates were kindly received and well
treated.

As the Colombians had to make their living, they asked Señor Nestor for
work, and the Brazilian official, taking pity on these poor men, gave
them work at fair pay. When the Governor of the State and General
Marques Porto visited that port on the _Virginia_, the Colombians were
still there.

Some days afterwards the war-launch _Amapá_, under Lieut. Olavo Machado,
while _en route_ to the frontier to relieve a sergeant and some
soldiers, stopped at Cotuhué. Then Roso España, who has given us this
narrative, approached that official of our navy and asked him for
passage to this city. Lieut. Machado, after learning of his misfortunes,
gave Roso España a passage on the _Amapá_, and the officials afterwards
employed him as servant, giving him 50 _milreis_ per month.


              _Translated from "La Sanción," of Iquitos,
                           August 22, 1907._

I certify that in one of the establishments of La Chorrera, in the
section Matanzas, the chief, Armando Norman, applies two hundred or more
lashes, which are given with rough scourges of crude leather, to the
unhappy Indians, when they--to their misfortune--do not deliver
punctually the number of rolls of rubber with the weight that Norman
desires. At other times, when the Indian, fearful of not being able to
deliver the required amount of rubber, flees, they take his tender
children, suspend them by their hands and feet, and in this position
apply fire, so that under this torture they will tell where their father
is hidden.

On more than one occasion, always for lack of weight of the rubber, the
Indians are shot, or their arms and legs are cut off with _machetes_ and
the body is thrown around the house; and more than once the repugnant
spectacle of dogs dragging about the arms or legs of one of these
unfortunates has been witnessed.

At port Tarma, four hours from La Chorrera, section Oriente, of which
Fidel Velarde is chief, the Colombian Aquileo Torres is held prisoner,
with an enormous chain around his neck. This unhappy wretch lives in a
dying condition in the cellar of the house where he was taken from the
Caquetá. When the higher employees of the company get drunk--which
occurs with great frequency--they make the unfortunate Torres the target
of their cowardly attacks, for they spit on him, beat him, and abuse him
vilely.

I have also witnessed another scene, excessively inhuman and repugnant.
Juan C. Castaños embarked in the _Liberal_ for this place, and wished to
take along with him his Indian woman Matilde, which was not permitted,
for Bartolomé Zumaeta had taken a fancy to the beauty of the unhappy
woman; Castaños, upon seeing that they refused to let him take her with
him, in spite of all Matilde's pleadings to be allowed to accompany him,
had to abandon her, and, in his presence, the unfortunate woman was
given to Zumaeta. The Indian woman fled from this repugnant and diseased
wretch, who continued his journey to El Encanto, and, upon her return
to La Chorrera, she went to sleep on board one of the vessels anchored
in that port, where, it is said, all kinds of excesses were committed
upon her, and, not content with what they had already done to the
unhappy woman, they delivered her to the company; here she was inhumanly
scourged with twenty-five lashes, and her body was almost cut to pieces
by the effects of the lash. She was shut up in a warehouse, where she
remained at the time of our departure from La Chorrera.

Finally, two well-known Colombians, who are under the orders of the
agency of El Encanto, flogged the _Capitánes_ Cuyo, Guema, and Nampí, of
the Yaquebuas tribe, and _Capitán_ Acate, of the Nuisayes; the first was
flogged to death and the others, after the flagellation, were kept
chained up for several months, all for the "crime" of their people in
not delivering the number of kilos of rubber fixed by the company. Just
before these occurrences one of the men in reference murdered three
Indians, stabbing them with his own hands.

These are the actual deeds that are carried out constantly in the
Putumayo, and for the lack of one kilogram in the weight of their quota
of rubber they murder, mutilate, and torture the people.

The relation which I have just made of some of the many crimes committed
in this tragic territory of the Putumayo is made only for the sake of
the suffering and defenceless Indians in the hope that a stop will be
put to the crimes. It is inconceivable that within two steps of Iquitos,
where there are political authorities[118] and a superior court of
justice, crimes of the class I have described are committed.

(_Signed_) JULIO F. MURIEDAS.


           _Translated from "La Sanción," August 29, 1907._

IQUITOS, _August 7, 1907_.

SEÑOR BENJAMIN SALDAÑA ROCCA,--I have heard that you are about to begin
a legal action denouncing the criminal deeds committed in the Arana
"possessions" on the tributaries of the River Putumayo, and as I was an
eye-witness of many of these tragedies I will recount to you what I have
seen.

We had scarcely arrived at La Chorrera when Señor Macedo ordered us to
the section of José Inocente Fonseca, who was then on a _correría_. The
food given us was a little _fariña_ and water, but Fonseca and his
numerous concubines ate abundant viands. We stopped at night at one of
the many _tambos_[119] in this region, the hammocks were slung, the
sentinels were posted, and those who did not mount guard lay down to
sleep. Within a few hours I heard people arriving, and three Indians
entered, each one carrying on his back several small bundles, wrapped up
in what looked like baskets. The chief was awakened, and he told them to
unroll what they had brought.

I thought they were fruits or something of that sort, but what was my
horror when on unwrapping the coverings there appeared first the head of
an Indian, second that of a woman, and third that of an infant, and so
on for the rest. The emissary as he unwrapped the heads explained, "This
is that of So-and-So, this other that of his wife, the third that of his
son," and so on. Fonseca, with the utmost unconcern, as though they were
cocoa-nuts or other fruits, took them in turn by the hair, examined
them, and then threw them away. I do not record the names of the
victims, Señor Saldaña, for they were Indian names, difficult to
remember. This took place in Ultimo Retiro, among the nation or
sub-tribe of the pacific Aifugas Indians, in March, 1906.

On the _sábado de gloria_ Fonseca observed several Indians going out of
the house to fetch water. Taking his revolver and carbine, he turned
towards them, saying to us (there were present Juan C. Castaños, Pérez,
Alfredo Cabrera, Miguel Rengifo, Ramón Granda, Sparro, Lorenzo Tello,
and many others whose names I do not recollect now), "Look, this is how
we celebrate the _sábado de gloria_ here," wantonly let fly at the
Indians, killing one man and hitting a girl of fifteen years. This girl
did not die immediately, being only wounded, but the criminal Miguel
Rengifo, _alias_ Ciegadiño, finished her with a carbine bullet.

When Fonseca returned from the _correría_ and went to his section-house,
Victoria, one of his nine concubines was accused of infidelity in his
absence. Enraged, Fonseca tied her up to a tree by her opened arms and,
raising her skirt to her neck, flogged her with an enormous lash,
continuing until he was tired out. He then put her in a hammock inside a
warehouse, and as the scars received no treatment in a few days maggots
bred in them; then by his orders the Indian girl was dragged out and
killed. Luis Silva, a Brazilian negro, who is at present in the section
Unión, is the man who executed this order. After murdering Victoria as I
have described they threw her body into the banana plantation.

The floggings of Indians were carried out daily, and from time to time
some Indians were killed.

(_Signed_) ANACLETO PORTOCARRERA.

(_Sworn before_) FEDERICO M. PIZARRO, _Notary Public_.



IQUITOS, _September 28, 1907_.

SEÑOR BENJAMIN SALDAÑA ROCCA,--By the articles published in your worthy
newspaper, _La Sanción_, I understand that you accept the voluntary
statements of those who, like myself, have witnessed some of the awful
crimes committed in the Putumayo by the brigands of Arana Hermanos. I
shall now relate to you what I have seen and what they do there to-day.

In the year and fifteen days that I have been in El Encanto in Macedo's
section--Monte Rico--and in Artemio Muñoz' section--Esmeraldas--I have
seen them flog Indians in a most barbarous manner, generally leaving
them dead or nearly so. The executioner in Monte Rico was Belisario
Suárez, the second chief; in the two months and a half that I was in his
service I have seen more than three hundred Indians flogged, each one
receiving from twenty to one hundred and fifty or two hundred lashes,
this latter number being given when they wish to kill him on the spot by
flogging. Other Indians are given one hundred or more lashes and are
then thrown out in the forest to die there, full of maggots, for even
their own companions flee from them in horror. In this section all the
employees are obliged to do the floggings: among them were Andrés
Guerra, Gonzalez, and others whom I cannot remember now, but will cite
later.

In Esmeraldas similar crimes are committed. The chief is Artemio Muñoz,
another barbarian. In this section I remained three months and a half,
and they flogged over four hundred, among men, women, children of eight
years, and even old folks, six of whom they killed in this way. There
was one Indian who endured two hundred lashes, and, seeing that he was
not yet dead on the second day, the chief ordered an Italian, named
Ernesto Acosta, to kill him with the butt of a carbine, which he did,
the unhappy Indian dying in this barbarous way.

In both sections, after the flagellation, a chain is tied around the
Indian's neck, and in this way many of them die. Señor Loayza knows all
this perfectly well, for he himself gives the order to flog all who do
not bring in the amount of rubber they impose upon them. In Esmeraldas,
Don Bartolomé Guevara, inspector of sections, killed two _capitánes_;
this is the individual who introduced the method of having men tied to
four stakes and flogging them. When he makes his _correrías_ and orders
the floggings he says that the Indians must either work or die, for he
does not wish to return to his country poor. This terrible man must have
flogged over five thousand Indians during the six years he has resided
in this region. He has also, I am told by people who have seen him, shot
many whites to death.

Don Luis Alcorta had a mistress named Carolina Diaz, who had a little
son by a German. Alcorta, the stepfather of this little boy, who was
three or four years old, could not bear the sight of him, and almost
daily this wicked wretch kicked and clubbed him; when the mother
intervened she, too, was clubbed. The poor woman has become consumptive
and lives here now, but as to her little son, this Alcorta killed him in
two months with the numerous clubbings he gave him.

When this same man killed Faustino Hernandez, shooting him to death with
the help of Belisario Suárez, they made a great feast, in which, among
others, Miguel S. Loayza, Luis Alcorta, Belisario Suárez, Olivarez, and
Dagoberto Arriarán took part, celebrating the graces, valour, and
courage of the assassins. It is worthy of note that the Barbados negro,
King, and the white, Olivarez (the one-eyed man), were the ones who shot
the unfortunate Hernandez in the head; these also took part in the
festivity, which terminated in drunkenness and scandal, all with the
consent and approval of the manager of El Encanto, Señor Loayza.

This, Señor Saldaña, is what I know and have witnessed, and I am ready
to maintain this statement anywhere.

Make any use you deem convenient of this declaration, in favour of those
sufferers.

CARLOS SOPLÍN.

HANG
(_Sworn before_) FEDERICO M. PIZARRO,
_Notary Public_.

[Illustration: A SIDE STREET AT IQUITOS.

[To face p. 232.]

          _Translated from "La Felpa" of Iquitos, January 5,
                                1908._

_Note._--For obvious reasons the author of the following letter does not
sign his name in full.

IQUITOS, _July 16, 1907_.

SEÑOR BENJAMIN SALDAÑA ROCCA,--I write you this to inform you about the
horrible crimes, such as murders, robberies, floggings, tortures, &c.,
that are committed in the possessions of Señores J. C. Arana and
Hermanos on the River Putumayo.

The principal criminals are the following chiefs of sections: Armando or
Felipe Norman, José Inocente Fonseca, Abelardo Agüero, Augusto Jiménez,
Arístides Rodríguez, Aurelio Rodríguez, Alfredo Montt, Fidel Velarde,
Carlos Miranda, and Andrés O'Donnell. With the exception of O'Donnell,
who has not killed Indians with his own hands, but who has ordered over
five hundred Indians to be killed, all the rest--every one of them--have
killed with their own hands, the least criminal, like Jiménez, ten in
two months; others, like Fonseca, more than a hundred in one year.

I have served two months in Abisinia, of which Abelardo Agüero is chief,
and during that time I have seen three Indians flogged; one of them was
a pregnant woman. After flogging her they cut her throat with _machetes_
and then burnt her up. Afterwards they flogged, during the two months I
spent here, about one hundred Indians, giving them ordinarily one
hundred and fifty lashes. This chief robbed me of one month's pay, which
amounted to S.50.

Afterwards, Señor Saldaña, I served in Matanzas, under the orders of
Norman, for the space of one month and five days. In this time I saw ten
Indians killed and burnt and three hundred were flogged who died slowly,
for their wounds are not treated, and when they are full of maggots they
kill them with bullets and _machetes_ and afterwards burn some of them.
Others are thrown aside and, as they rot, emit an insupportable stench.
This section stinks so that at times it is impossible to remain here on
account of the rotting flesh of the dead and dying Indians.

Here in Matanzas, Armando Norman ordered me to kill a little Indian
about eight or ten years old who had been cruelly flogged for running
away, and who, in consequence of this barbarous punishment, was full of
maggots and dying, his back being completely torn to pieces from the
lashes he had received. I refused, Señor Saldaña, to kill the boy, but
Norman, enraged beyond all bounds, grasped his carbine and aimed at me
to kill me, and, as I had seen him kill so many people and had nobody to
appeal to, I had to kill the little Indian.

In Ultimo Retiro I served nearly a year, and the chief was José Inocente
Fonseca. During my stay here they killed about two hundred Indians,
among men, women, and children. The bones of the victims are scattered
about over the ranches and everywhere else.

Here they made me commit one crime more. There was in this place an
Indian woman called Simona, whose lover was a boy named Simón; Argaluza,
the sub-chief, said that I had had relations with her, and for this
reason they gave Simona twenty-five lashes, which were applied by the
Barbados negroes Stanley S. Lewis and Ernest Siobers. The Indian woman
was left with her back literally torn to pieces, and in four days, when
she began to stink and had maggots in her rotten flesh, Fonseca came and
ordered me to kill her. Upon my refusal he put me in the stocks and
threatened to kill me. Then, terrified and helpless, I had to kill
Simona.

I was also in Porvenir six months, the chief being Bartolomé Guevara.
Here I saw only about ten Indians flogged.

I also wish to inform you, Señor Rocca, that they take away from the
Indians their women and children.

Every Indian is obliged to deliver to the company every three months 60
kilos of rubber, and in payment they are given a knife or a small
mirror, worth 20 centavos, or a harmonium or a string of beads, weighing
one ounce. To all who deliver 5 _pagos_--each _pago_ being composed of
100 kilos--or, in other words, to those who deliver 500 kilos or bind
themselves to do so, they give a shot-gun of the value of S.15. The
Indians are never given food; they themselves furnish it. To those who
do not deliver the 60 kilos every three months--a part of which must be
ready every ten days--and to those who lack even half a kilo five or ten
lashes are applied.

The Indian is so humble, that as soon as he sees that the needle of the
scale does not mark the ten kilos, he himself stretches out his hands
and throws himself on the ground to receive the punishment. Then the
chief or a subordinate advances, bends down, takes the Indian by his
hair, strikes him, raises his head, drops it face downwards on the
ground, and, after the face is beaten and kicked and covered with blood,
the Indian is scourged. This is when they are treated best, for often
they cut them to pieces with _machetes_.

In Matanzas I have seen Indians tied to a tree, their feet about half a
yard above the ground. Fuel is then placed below, and they are burnt
alive. This is done to pass the time.

When Señor Castaños was in Porvenir, Fonseca ordered him to kill two
Indians with the Boras, Remigio and Buchico, and to bring, tied up,
three Indian women that Fonseca wanted as his concubines: these were
Josefa, with her little child by Carlos Lemus, A---- and Z----. As
Castaños would not obey this order, he was taken to Ultimo Retiro, and
there they wished to kill him, but when Fonseca pulled out his revolver,
Castaños defended himself in an energetic attitude with his carbine.
Castaños took the Indian women to La Chorrera and Fonseca had the
Indians killed in the forest, and, to take revenge on Castaños, had his
Indians taken away, also his woman, Isabel, who was pregnant and about
to give birth, and a boy named Adolfo. I heard afterwards that Fonseca
ordered Isabel to be killed, when she was with her tribe, the Noruegas.

The Indians are tame and humble, and bring us food. Often, after these
unfortunates bring food to the chief of the section, he has them
murdered.


     _Declaration made by Señor João Baptista Braga, a Brazilian
     citizen, thirty-eight years of age, of the State of Pará, before
     Lieutenant José Rosa Brazil, Commandant of the detachment of
     Constantinopolis._

In the year 1902 I was contracted as fireman of the launch _Preciada_,
which ran from Iquitos to the River Putumayo and belonged to Messrs. J.
C. Arana and Hermanos. About one year, more or less, after this, I
resigned and began work on the launch of Mr. David Cazes, British Consul
in Iquitos, where I worked for the space of one year.

On December 6, 1904, I was again engaged by the J. C. Arana and Hermanos
Company to direct a band of sixty-five men (Peruvians), with a salary of
S.80 per month, besides a gratification of S.100. My chiefs were
Abelardo Agüero and Augusto Jiménez.

Immediately after my arrival Señor Agüero called me in order to show me
the method of proceeding with the prisoners they have there; so taking
eight Indians out of the _cepo_ where they had been barbarously
martyrised, he had them tied to eight posts in the _patio_, and, after
drinking a bottle of cognac with his partner Jiménez, they began to
murder these unfortunates, who perished, giving vent to horrible
shrieks, helpless victims of the ferocious instincts of their masters.
The crime they had committed was that of having fled to escape the
horrible treatment to which they were subjected.

About three months after this, Señor Agüero, the chief of the section,
ordered me to shoot thirty-five men, whom he had in chains for the same
crime as the others had committed. As I refused to commit such a hellish
crime, he insulted me and threatened to have me shot if I did not obey
this order.

In spite of this menace, I roundly refused to carry out this order,
telling him that I was a Brazilian citizen and would never be an
assassin.

"Well, then," he replied, "if you won't obey my orders, I have another
who will," and calling the second chief, Augusto Jiménez, ordered him to
"kill those worthless wretches at once!" Those thirty-five unfortunates,
still in chains, were thus murdered in cold blood, and from this instant
forward they began to persecute me, making me endure all kinds of
miseries. They began by refusing me food to such an extreme that I was
frequently obliged to eat _airambo_ (a leaf resembling the Brazilian
_vinagrera_), _caguana_, _palmito_, &c.--the few things that they gave
us to prevent our dying from hunger being quite insufficient for the
numerous band.

In these conditions, and seeing that at any moment I might become the
victim of the ferocity of the chiefs of the section, I resolved to
resign my position, and wrote asking for permission to return to Brazil.
This I repeated four times, always receiving the reply that, as they had
no other employee to take my place, they could not let me go.

Thus I remained without anybody to appeal to, without resources, and
without means of transportation, for there was no canoe in which I could
escape.

At last I understood that they did not mean to let me leave there, for,
naturally, they feared that I would relate the series of monstrous
crimes committed there.

During these three years and eight months of prison I had the
opportunity of seeing an infinity of atrocities, the like of which could
hardly have been committed in the Inquisition.

One day a _tuchaua_ called Iubitide, arrived with seventy Indians and
gave an Indian woman of his tribe to Jiménez, the chief of the section;
but Jiménez, not satisfied with this gift, asked the _tuchaua_ for his
own woman. The refusal of the latter was sufficient for Jiménez to order
him to be tied up and shot to death.

It would be an endless task to relate the innumerable crimes that I have
seen committed during my stay in this section. Here, recently, in the
month of July, the _tuchaua_ known as Tiracahuaca and his wife were held
prisoners in chains. When Jiménez--who had been temporarily
absent--arrived, he had them brought into his presence and told them
that if their tribe did not appear within the space of eight days, he
would show them what he would do with them.

The eight days passed, and as the tribe did not come, he ordered a can
of kerosene to be poured over them, and then, striking a match, he set
fire to these unfortunates, who fled to the forest uttering the most
desperate cries.

Naturally, upon seeing such an awful crime committed, I expressed my
horror at it to Jiménez, who replied that if there were anybody who
wished to protest against the orders he gave, he would be served in the
same manner, and that if the company kept him as chief, it was because
he knew how to do his duty.

Then I perceived that my life was in more danger every day, and I
resolved to escape at any risk.

On the 28th of July, the Peruvian Independence Day, I took advantage of
the orgy in which I found the chiefs of the section engaged, and
embarked in an Indian canoe that I found in the port, at 4 a.m.

My companions were Felipe Cabrera, a Colombian, who had been a prisoner
for eighteen months, and a Peruvian, Melchor Sajamín, who was in the
same condition as myself, having been flogged several times.

This is the truth of what passed and of what I have witnessed, and I
appeal to the authorities of my country, who will, I trust, demand an
explanation from the Government of Peru of the abuses and crimes
committed upon Brazilian citizens and those of other nations by the
employees of the J. C. Arana and Hermanos Company.

I present the person who signs this declaration with me as a witness of
my signature.

JOÃO BAPTISTA BRAGA.

CONSTANTINOPOLIS, _October 6, 1908_.

(_Signed in my presence_) JOSÉ R. BRAZIL.

                 _Letters to Hardenburg--Translation._

IQUITOS, _June 6,1908_.

SEÑOR W. E. HARDENBURG,--As you have written to me, I shall give you a
full account of all the deeds I have witnessed in the region of the
Putumayo in the year 1903.

On the 4th of August of that year I began work on _correría_ service in
the section Abisinia, where they sent us to guard the poor Indians and
see that they brought in the rubber that the chief demanded.

On the 20th of the same month Agüero committed a most savage murder,
cutting off an Indian's head. He is just the sort of man to commit all
kinds of atrocities, such as cutting Indian women's limbs off, burning
their houses, setting fire to their dead bodies, &c. On the 10th of the
same month he had some fifty Indians put in stocks, and as he gave them
neither water nor food, the poor Indians began to dry up like pieces of
wood, until they reached such an extreme as to be quite useless and
dying. Then he tied them up to a post and exterminated them by using
them as targets for his Mauser revolver.

On the 15th of this month this same man went out on a _correría_ with
eight men. At one of the houses where they stopped to rest they found
two Indian women who were ill of smallpox. The two poor sufferers begged
Agüero for some medicine to cure themselves. Agüero replied that he
would see that the fever continued no longer, and so saying, grasped a
_machete_ and cut off the heads of the two women.

On the 20th of September I began work at the section Morelia, where
Jiménez was the chief, and on the 30th a commission arrived, bringing
fifteen Indian prisoners, who were put in stocks. When on the point of
dying of hunger, one of the victims told the chief that it would be
better to kill them at once and not make them suffer such cruel agonies,
whereupon he took a _machete_, cut off the man's leg, and then ordered
him to be dragged away, killed, and burned.

On the 4th of the following month a commission of whites under Jiménez
set out on a _correría_. When they had journeyed for two days, they met
a young Indian, whom they asked as to the whereabouts of the other
Indians, and as soon as they had received a reply Jiménez cut off his
head with a _machete_.

Four days after this terrible crime they came across two Indian women,
planting _yuca_ in a _chacra_, and asked them where their men were.
Enraged at not obtaining a clear answer, they threatened the women with
death, and as the latter refused to say anything, these wretches began
to cut them to pieces. About five days after the execution of this crime
they met with a number of _infieles_, and proceeded to kill them all.
These crimes took place in the section Morelia, the chief of which was
this Jiménez, and I can vouch for them, as I saw them with my own eyes.

In the year 1904 I was employed in Santa Catalina, where lives Aurelio
Rodríguez, the chief of this section, who ordered the employees out on
_correrías_, from which they returned ill and decimated by hunger, for
the _infieles_ endeavoured to emancipate themselves from the work on
account of the cruel punishment given them, as those who unfortunately
fell into the hands of this chief were killed in a most barbarous
manner.

Finally, a commission of ten men went out on a _correría_ and committed
the most savage outrages, killing all the poor _infieles_, big and
small, that they met on their march. On their return they brought some
forty Indians as prisoners, whom they put in stocks, where an epidemic
of smallpox arose among them. Although they were in a most pitiable
condition, Rodríguez took them out, one by one, and used them as targets
to practise shooting at.

About nine days after this an Indian woman fell into his hands, but as
she became ill of the same disease, Rodríguez ordered them to kill her.
She begged for her life, but in vain, for he had her killed as he did
not care for her.

As my time is limited and the crimes I have witnessed are numerous, I
will conclude this statement by informing you that the vicinity of the
house where this man lives is sown with skeletons.

O'Donnell, the chief of Entre Ríos, compels the _infieles_ to bring him
a certain quantity of rubber, and if they do not do so, he submits them
to most cruel punishments, mutilating them and then ending by murdering
them.

For all legal purposes and for the good of the country, I give you the
present statement, which I sign in the presence of two witnesses.

                     (_Signed_)       JUAN ROSAS.
                 (_Witnesses to_    { JULIAN VÁSQUEZ.
               _the signature_)   { NICANOR DE LA MESA.

IQUITOS, _May 15, 1909_.

SR. W. E. HARDENBURG.

DEAR SIR,--I have just received your letter of yesterday asking for
information about the rubber possessions of the Peruvian Amazon Company
in the Putumayo and its tributaries, and I have pleasure in answering
it, narrating voluntarily some of the things I have witnessed in that
ghastly region, and authorising you to make any use of this letter that
you deem convenient.

On March 6, 1908, I left Iquitos on the small steamer _Liberal_, bound
for El Encanto, from where we descended to La Chorrera. Here I began
work as an employee on April 1st of the same year.

As soon as I had landed at this port I noticed the unfortunate Indians,
who loaded and unloaded the small steamers at the port--thin, hungry,
weak, and covered with great scars produced by the lash and the
_machetes_--I saw that they were the helpless victims of excessively
barbarous system of forced labour. When any of these wretched beings
fell down, overcome by weakness, or sat down to rest, their taskmasters,
the employees of the Peruvian Amazon Company, clubbed them cruelly and
brutally with sticks of firewood and huge, raw-hide scourges, laughing
at the cries and moans of agony emitted by the unfortunate victims.

I also saw Dancurt, the official executioner of La Chorrera, flog the
poor Indians almost daily for the most trivial faults: all with the
knowledge and approbation of Victor Macedo, manager of La Chorrera and
_Justice of the Peace_ of the Putumayo.

Abelardo Agüero, who had just arrived in the war-launch _Iquitos_, asked
me to go with him to Abisinia, a section he was in charge of, assuring
me that they did not flog the Indians there, that they had good food,
and that he would pay me 80 dollars per month. Believing in his good
faith, and, above all, not wishing to witness any more crimes, I
accepted his offer, and within a few days we began the journey, going in
a launch as far as Santa Julia. From here we continued the journey on
foot to a place called Araras, where I was overcome by weakness, owing
to lack of food. But Agüero and his companions, who had offered me so
much, left me in the forest without medicines or a grain of food.

In this state, and seeing that death was certain unless I got something
to eat, I started to crawl painfully about in search of herbs to eat,
and found a tree called _huava_. I picked some of its fruit and ate it,
but shortly afterwards had terrible pains in the stomach, and vomited up
all the fruit that I had eaten.

After acute sufferings I managed to reach Abisinia, without having eaten
anything during the two days and a half of the journey.

In Abisinia I saw the eight concubines of Agüero. Some of these were of
the Boras tribe, and others were Huitotos, all of different ages--for
this group of unfortunates was composed of girls from nine to sixteen
years. Agüero kept his eight women separated from each other, the Boras
on one side and the Huitotos on the other, so that they would not
quarrel, on account of the antagonisms that exist between the different
tribes.

One day I witnessed an excessively atrocious scene, the barbarous
flogging of three unfortunate Indians, who, for the mere fact of not
having brought in all the rubber that Agüero had required, were scourged
with such fury that their backs and hips were completely cut to pieces,
the blood rushing from their wounds. Upon seeing this barbarity, I
withdrew, for I could not endure it nor the diabolical jokes and
laughter of those fiends upon seeing the desperate agony of their
victims.

I also saw the two unfortunates, Paz Cutierrez and one Cabrera, who were
prisoners, shut up in a small, dirty room under sentinels; to these
unhappy wretches they gave almost no food at all, and abused and
insulted them vilely and cowardly. One of them at last succeeded in
escaping, but the other still remained in the hands of his jailers at my
departure from Abisinia.

In May of the same year I went to Morelia. I arrived there also after a
very tedious journey, and had hardly reached this section when I
witnessed the cruel flogging of seven Indians for the usual crime--that
of not delivering enough rubber to satisfy the ambitions of the
company's agents. Two of these victims were mere boys, and I heard their
cries of agony and saw the lash cutting into their flesh. All this I
saw, but could not defend them from their murderers, as I knew that if I
tried to do so they would kill me in an instant.

After a stay of eight days in Morelia I returned to Abisinia, in
accordance with orders. A few days afterwards the syphilitic Bartolomé
Zumaeta, the brother-in-law of Julio C. Arana, and notorious among the
criminals of the Putumayo, arrived, together with the famous Augusto
Jiménez, the author of various violations, arsons, floggings, and
homicides. The arrival of these two men was the occasion for a
drinking-bout, comparable only to the orgy of a horde of savages.

The day after this debauch Agüero ordered one of his concubines to be
flogged for having held a conversation with one Alberto Urdinibia. They
suspended the poor woman from a rafter of the roof and lashed her for
two hours without compunction, and then, regardless of her sex, they
removed her garment and exhibited her naked body, bruised and cut to
pieces by the lash. When this unfortunate woman fainted, they shut her
up in a dirty room without treating her wounds! Urdinibia also had to
receive his punishment; they put him in stocks, where he remained two
days, practically without food.

Seeing that an honest man neither could nor should remain here, I
resolved to escape in company with Urdinibia; but as those fiends
noticed our absence, they sent in pursuit and took us back to Abisinia.

Impatient at my continual complaints, Agüero at last gave me permission
to go to Santa Julia. On this journey I suffered greatly, as I made it
alone and without food, for they gave me no food whatever for my trip.
After considerable suffering I arrived at Santa Julia, where the chief,
Manuel Aponte, in spite of seeing me sick and in a state of complete
misery, began to annoy me, in accordance with the instructions he had
received from Agüero, making me labour from early morning until late at
night--all this in spite of the fact that the company had promised me
food and medicines gratis when ill. Unfortunate is the poor wretch who
lets himself be deceived by the smooth words of the "civilising"
company!

During the fifteen days that I stayed in Santa Julia I saw three Indian
women flogged most barbarously, without the slightest reason, by order
of this notorious Manuel Aponte. Here a negro who served as cook played
the rôle of executioner, and this miserable wretch, whose conscience was
as black as his skin, seemed to take pleasure in his disgusting task,
for a devilish smile distorted his blubber lips at seeing the blood
spurt out at each blow of the lash. This flogging, like all the rest I
have seen in this awful region, was excessively inhuman; but, not
content with this, these fiends, after flogging the poor women, put salt
and vinegar into their wounds so as to increase the pain.

At last I embarked in the launch for La Chorrera, where I found that
Agüero had deceived me; for instead of paying 80 _soles_ per month, as
had been promised me, they paid me at the rate of only 50 _soles_, and
deducted from this sum the food and the few medicines they had supplied,
so that after three months of hard work and sufferings I had only 71
_soles_ to the good.

I was badly received in La Chorrera, above all by one Delgado, who was
the accountant, for Agüero had written him a letter discrediting me
slanderously. As I was not able to continue on to Iquitos, I secured
employment in the so-called apothecary-shop from Dr. Rodríguez, where I
remained some months. Here I had the opportunity to observe that the
free medicines that this company so generously offers to its employees
are reduced to a little Epsom salt. They also occasionally dole out a
few grains of quinine.

During the time I was employed here I saw many gruesome cases. The
criminal Dancurt, during all the time that I remained in La Chorrera,
continued his work of scourging and other excesses upon the helpless
Indians, with the full knowledge and authorisation of Macedo, who thinks
of nothing more than his bottle of whisky.

Now that I have mentioned drink, I will say that in La Chorrera, as well
as in the other sections, the vice that dominates the employees of this
company is drunkenness, which, added to their criminal instincts, turns
them into regular human panthers and the Putumayo into a veritable hell.

With regard to the pay they give the Indians for the rubber that these
poor wretches extract, this is the most shameless system that can be
imagined. In La Chorrera, which is the principal branch of this company
in the Putumayo, I saw them give some Indians a few caps, matches,
mirrors, and other trifles, the value of which did not amount to five
_soles_, in return for a large quantity of rubber that they had
delivered. The Indians, humble and resigned, took this trash and
disappeared into the forest, seeing, reflected in the mirrors they
received in exchange for their labour, the scars that the infamous hands
of the Peruvian Amazon Company's employees had made all over their weak
bodies.

The Indians of the Putumayo are more than slaves of the "civilising"
company, as this syndicate of crime has the barefacedness to call
itself, for it exploits them in all ways, and the poor Indians can
reckon neither with their lives, their women, nor their children: the
company is the absolute owner of life and property.

My belief is that the slavery of these Indians will terminate only when
the rubber is exhausted here, which will not be very distant; for even
now the Indians, in their desire to collect all the rubber demanded by
their owners, and not finding it near, mix the juices of other trees
with it, and it is for this reason that the rubber extracted in the
Putumayo at present is of such a poor quality. When the rubber gives
out, the detestable slavery of the Indians will end. But which will be
exterminated first, the Indians or the rubber-trees, it is hard to say.

In conclusion, I will state that if there were no Indians in the region
of the Putumayo to work free, the company would have nothing to deal in,
and consequently would fall to the ground, for its assets are acquired
by pillage.

Trusting that this will help you somewhat in the task you have
undertaken of unmasking these wolves.

CELESTINO LÓPEZ.

(_Sworn before_) FEDERICO M. PIZARRO,
_Notary Public_.

IQUITOS, _May 17, 1909_.

SR. W. E. HARDENBURG,--In reply to your letter of the 16th inst., I give
you the following exact and reliable information of what I have
witnessed during my stay on the River Putumayo, to be used for any
purpose that you deem proper:--

[Illustration: RIVER ITAYA, NEAR IQUITOS.

To face p. 250.]

On the 15th of June, 1907, I arrived at the section Matanzas, which is
under the orders of the sanguinary and criminal Armando Norman, the
chief of this section. As soon as I arrived he ordered a commission,
composed of twenty-five men, to go out on a _correría_ and to bring
in chained up, all the Indians they might find, together with their
women and children. The bandit Norman furnished to this commission, as
food for the twenty days they would be absent, fifteen tins of sardines,
at the same time ordering that nobody should carry any more clothes than
he wore on his back, in order to avoid the extra weight, for in this way
they would be better able to carry out the orders he imparted to them.

At the end of about twenty days the commission returned, bringing in,
among men, women, and children, about thirty Indians, all in chains,
who, as soon as they arrived at the house, were delivered to Norman.
Then Norman stepped up and asked three old Indians and two young women,
their daughters, where the rest of the Indians were. They replied that
they did not know, as several days before they had all dispersed in the
forest, owing to the fear they had of him. Norman then grasped his
_machete_ and murdered these five unfortunate victims in cold blood.
Their bodies were left stretched out near the house and Norman's dogs
took charge of them, for he has them well trained; so well trained are
these animals that the morning is rare that they do not appear with an
arm or a leg of a victim at the bedside of this monster.

The rest of the Indians brought by this commission were, by the orders
of Norman, secured in the _cepo_, which, as a rule, exists in all the
sections. As Norman had given the order not to give the poor wretches
any food, it was not long before they began to fall ill and utter cries
of pain and desperation; whenever this occurred, Norman grasped his
_machete_ and cut them to pieces, leaving the remains of these victims,
for the space of from four to six days, at the side of their companions,
who were doomed to a similar fate. Whenever these remains--already in a
state of putrefaction--became offensive to this bandit, he compelled the
Indian prisoners to put them in heaps and set fire to them.

About twenty days after this event Norman ordered another commission of
ten criminals to go out and bring in a _capitán_, with all his family.
This order was strictly carried out, the criminals returning in five
days, bringing the _capitán_, his wife, and two children, all in chains.
As soon as they arrived Norman submitted them to a cross-examination,
asking them why they did not bring in the amount of rubber that he
required from them and that his superiors had ordered him to get, to
which the _capitán_ replied that as the quantity he demanded was very
large, sometimes it was impossible to collect it all. This answer was
sufficient to cause Norman to tie up his hands and feet with a chain and
to order three armfuls of wood to be placed about the unfortunate
victim, he himself bringing half a tin of kerosene and, with his own
hands, setting fire thereto. When the poor wretch's wife saw this
horrible act of cruelty, she implored Norman not to murder her husband
in such a barbarous manner; this sufficed for Norman to cut off her head
and throw her on the funeral pile of her husband. After this he took the
two children and, after dismembering them with his _machete_, threw
their remains on the same fire.

To terminate with this repugnant criminal, whom I have seen commit
crimes so horrible that perhaps they are unequalled in the history of
the entire world, it is sufficient to say that I have seen him
repeatedly snatch tender children from their mothers' arms, and,
grasping them by the feet, smash their heads to pieces against the
trunks of trees.

I have also seen him commit another most barbarous crime. This was on
the 11th of July, 1907, at about 4 p.m. The victim was a poor Indian
woman whom he had ordered to serve as a concubine for one of his
adjutants. The woman refused to obey this order as she already had an
Indian husband. This was sufficient for Norman to cut off her legs and
leave her in a field near the house, where she remained a night and a
day, until he himself went out to finish her with his Mauser revolver.

For the same reason Norman suspended another Indian woman from four
stakes by her hands and feet, and, after giving her one hundred lashes,
he took a Peruvian flag, which happened to be handy, and tearing it to
pieces and sousing it with kerosene he wound it around her feet and set
fire to it. As soon as the woman started to run off, crazed with the
awful agony, he grasped his Mauser and practised target-shooting with
her until he brought her down.

To convince oneself of the truth of these statements, it is sufficient
to approach the neighbourhood of Matanzas, for on all sides one sees the
ground sown with skulls and other human remains. If I were to relate all
the crimes I have seen committed in this devilish Putumayo, it would be
nothing less than writing a whole book. I will, however, give
particulars of the doings of some other chiefs, no less criminal than
the bloodthirsty Norman.

After three months I applied for a transfer from this horrible depot.
This application was granted, and they sent me to the depot known as La
Sabana, where I found as chief Arístides Rodríguez. About two weeks
after my arrival at this place Rodríguez had four Indians of the
Recígaros tribe brought in. As soon as they arrived he asked them why
they had not brought any rubber, and the unfortunates, fearful of what
awaited them, lowered their humble glances to the ground and did not
answer a word. Then Arístides ordered one of his secretaries, who to-day
walks freely with him about the streets of Iquitos, to take four more
employees and to cut off the heads of those Indians and burn them, which
order was at once carried out at the side of the house.

Shortly after this Rodríguez went out in charge of a commission of fifty
men to a point called Cahuinarí. Once there, he proceeded to murder a
hundred and fifty Indians, men, women, and children. These murders were
carried out with rifles and _machetes_. Afterwards they arrived at some
Indian houses and fired them by order of Rodríguez. In these houses
there were at least forty families, according to an individual who
accompanied Rodríguez, who went in first to ascertain what Indians there
were inside. Here a most horrible spectacle was witnessed, and it was
appalling to hear the groans and laments of the Indians enwrapped in the
devouring flames of the fire.

About twenty days after this occurrence Rodríguez started for Santa
Catalina, and on the journey, he met four Indians of the Maynanes tribe,
who were _en route_ to put themselves at his service. Rodríguez, instead
of receiving them, placed his carbine to his shoulder and shot them to
death.

This infamous agent has a brother[120], who is chief of Santa Catalina,
called Aurelio Rodríguez, a wretch no less criminal than his brother,
for in the month of March of the year 1908, when I was at Santa
Catalina, a commission arrived, bringing four Indians in chains. This
Aurelio Rodríguez then remarked that he felt anxious to test his
shooting, and, without more ado, took his carbine and began to shoot at
those poor Indians, with the result that in a few minutes they fell shot
to death; afterwards he had them burned.

After all these events I made all possible exertions to get away from
this awful region, and, after some work, I succeeded in getting
transferred to El Encanto, where another monster, Miguel S. Loayza, is
chief. On one occasion this other repugnant criminal gave orders to his
confidential secretary, the negro, King, to go with several other
employees and take a poor Colombian, whose name I do not now recall,
prisoner. As soon as they brought him to El Encanto, Loayza had him
assassinated by the negro, King, and afterwards thrown into the river.

All these deeds occur with great frequency in the Putumayo. Would to God
that the weight of justice would fall over this awful region!

_For_ GENARO CAPORO,
JOSÉ ANTONIO.

(_Sworn before_) FEDERICO M. PIZARRO,
_Notary Public_.

IQUITOS, _May 17, 1909_.

SEÑOR W. E. HARDENBURG,--I have just received your letter of yesterday,
in which you ask me for information about my residence on the River
Putumayo, and especially concerning the things that I have witnessed. I
will inform you that during a stay of seven years up there I have
witnessed crimes, floggings, mutilations, and other outrages.

In 1902 I went to the Señores Arana of this city and asked them for work
in the rubber business which I was told they had in the Putumayo. My
application was at once accepted by Julio C. Arana, who promised me S.40
per month good food, medicines, and passage there and back. I will state
that these promises were not carried out, but were disregarded to such
an extreme that I became almost a slave of this company.

When I arrived at La Chorrera they gave me a position as fireman on the
launch _Mazán_, where I remained seven months. At the end of this time
Victor Macedo ordered me to leave my position on this launch, for he
wished me to start on a journey through the forest to enter the service
of Elías Martenegui; but as I was already aware of the crimes that they
carried out in the centre of the forest I refused.

This was sufficient for them to treat me brutally. For this reason I was
tied up with an enormous chain around my waist and put in solitary
confinement in one of the cells of La Chorrera. Here I remained ten
days, guarded by the sentries, who had orders to shoot me if I attempted
to protest against this imprisonment. Once I tried in my agony to speak
to this Victor Macedo, but upon hearing my complaints he ordered them to
give me a hundred lashes and to cover my mouth so that I could not cry
out.

Thanks to some of those who were aware of my innocence and who
protested, I was enabled to obtain my release at the end of ten days,
but with the condition that I should leave at once to enter the service
of the criminal chief of the section Atenas, Elías Martinengui.

The day after being released I set out for the section, accompanied by
the chief Martinengui and his colleague O'Donnell. After a journey of
two days we arrived at Atenas, and as Martinengui was aware that I would
not serve as an instrument for the commission of crimes he ordered me to
serve in the house. On the second day I became ill with rheumatism,
which was probably caused by the imprisonment I had suffered in a damp
and dirty cell of La Chorrera a few days before. This disease kept me
prostrate for seven months, and had it not been for two Colombian
employees who took pity on me and gave me something to eat whenever they
could, I should have died for lack of food.

During my stay in this section I have seen them murder some sixty
Indians, among men, women, and children. These poor wretches they killed
by shooting them to death, by cutting them to pieces with _machetes_ and
on great _barbacoas_ (piles of wood), upon which they secured the
victims and then set fire to them. These crimes were committed by
Martinengui himself and various of his confidential employees. I have
repeatedly heard this monster say that every Indian who did not bring in
all the rubber that he had been ordered to was sentenced to this fate.

About eight days after this occurrence Martinengui ordered a commission
to set out for the houses of some neighbouring Indians and exterminate
them, with their women and children, as they had not brought in the
amount of rubber that he had ordered. This order was strictly carried
out, for the commission returned in four days, bringing along with them
fingers, ears, and several heads of the unfortunate victims to prove to
the chief that they had carried out his orders.

After all these events I succeeded in getting permission to leave this
section and return to La Chorrera, which I reached after a painful
journey of four days. As I arrived completely disabled, owing to my
illness and the journey, they ordered me to occupy one of the cells
there.

About three days after my arrival some forty Ocaina Indians arrived as
prisoners, who were shut up and enchained in another large cell. About 4
a.m. on the next day Victor Macedo, the chief of La Chorrera, had about
eighteen employees brought in from La Sabana, and when they arrived he
ordered them to flog the unfortunate Ocainas, who were imprisoned and in
chains, to death. This order was at once carried out, but as many of
these unhappy Indians did not succumb to the lash and the club, Macedo
renewed the order, telling them to take the Indians out of the cell
where they were, drag them to the bank of the river, shoot them there,
and then set fire to them. These orders were strictly obeyed.

At about 9 a.m. they began carrying the fuel--wood and kerosene--that
was to be used for the cremation, and at about 12 a.m. one Londoño, by
order of the criminal Macedo, set fire to the unfortunate victims of the
Ocainas tribe. This smouldering pile of human flesh remained there until
about 10 a.m. on the next day. It was on one of the days of carnival in
1903 that this repugnant act of cruelty was committed, and the place was
at some 150 metres from La Chorrera, almost exactly where the building
of the "club" of La Chorrera is situated to-day. The higher employees of
this company when they get drunk toast with glasses of champagne the one
who can count the greatest number of murders.

A few days after this event I went up to the chief and manager of this
establishment, Victor Macedo, and asked him for my account, telling him
that I did not wish to work for this company any longer and that I
wanted to return to Iquitos. The reply this miserable criminal gave me
was to threaten me with more chains and imprisonment, telling me that he
was the only one who gave orders in this region and that all who lived
here were subject to his commands.

In accordance with this I had to leave La Chorrera for Santa Julia, the
chief of which was the criminal Jiménez, who ordered me to set out at
once for Providencia, where I again met Macedo. Macedo ordered me to
begin work at Ultimo Retiro, where I found as chief José Inocente
Fonseca. A few days after my arrival this chief had the Chontadura,
Ocainama, and Utiguene Indians called, and about twenty-four hours later
hundreds of Indians began to appear about the house in accordance with
this order. Then this man Inocente Fonseca grasped his carbine and
_machete_ and began the slaughter of these defenceless Indians, leaving
the ground covered with over 150 corpses, among men, women, and
children. This operation he carried out in company with six of his
confidential secretaries, some of whom used their carbines, while others
used their _machetes_. Fonseca, with his extra large chief's _machete_,
massacred right and left the defenceless wretches, who, bathed in blood,
dragged themselves over the ground, appealing in vain for mercy.

This tragedy over, Fonseca ordered all the bodies to be piled up and
burned. This scene was still more horrible, for as soon as this order
was obeyed and they were being burned cries of agony and desperation
proceeded from those victims who were still alive. Meanwhile the monster
Fonseca shouted out, "_I want to exterminate all the Indians who do not
obey my orders about the rubber that I require them to bring in!_"

Some time after this Fonseca organised a commission of twenty men (by
order of Macedo), under the command of one of his criminal confidential
secretaries[121] called Miguel Rengifo, with orders to go to the Caquetá
and to kill all the Colombians they found there. He also told them to
bring the fingers, ears, and some of the heads of the victims, preserved
in salt, as a proof that they had carried out these orders. After some
seven days the said commission returned, bringing the remains that had
been asked for. These were sent to the celebrated chiefs of this
company, Victor Macedo and Miguel S. Loayza, so that they could see for
themselves the success that the commission had met with.

The secretary, Rengifo, also informed Fonseca that one of the Indian
guides whom he had taken along with him to discover the whereabouts of
the Colombians had not behaved well. This sufficed for Fonseca to have
him hung up by one leg, together with his little son, a boy about ten
years of age. In this position they were given fifty lashes each, after
which he had the chains by which they were suspended loosened at the top
so that they would fall to the ground, striking their faces against the
floor. As soon as this was concluded Fonseca ordered one of his
employees to take his rifle, drag the unfortunate victims to the bank in
front of the house, and to shoot them there, which was done immediately.

While this was being done an Indian woman arrived from Urania to put
herself at the orders of Fonseca, but, horrified at this shocking
spectacle, she started to run away. Fonseca then ordered four of his
employees to arm themselves rapidly and kill her. When the woman had run
about fifty metres, fleeing from the danger, she fell dead, pierced by
the discharge that the four marksmen fired at her, the bullets burying
themselves in the head of the innocent victim.

To terminate my already long narration of the great crimes of the
Putumayo that I have witnessed during the seven years that I stayed
there, I shall give you the names of some of the other monsters who
dwell there, as I am ready to do if called before a court of justice.
These diabolical criminals are: Arístides Rodríguez, Aurelio Rodríguez,
Armando Norman, O'Donnell, Miguel Flores, Francisco Semanario, Alfredo
Montt, Fidel Velarde, Carlos Miranda, Abelardo Agüero, Augusto Jiménez,
Bartolomé Zumaeta, Luis Alcorta, Miguel S. Loayza, and the negro, King.

For lack of time, it is impossible for me to relate all the crimes that
these criminals have committed. But I think that if I were called some
day before a tribunal of justice I could tell the places, days, and
hours in which they deluged the region of the Putumayo with these
crimes, unequalled in the history of the entire world and committed upon
men, women, and children of all ages and of all conditions.

To bring this narrative to a close I will mention some of the crimes
committed in Santa Catalina by the chief of that section, Aurelio
Rodríguez. On the 24th of May of last year this man ordered a _compadre_
of his, called Alejandro Vásquez, to take nine men and go to the village
of the Tiracahuaca Indians and make prisoner an Indian woman who had
formerly been in his service; as soon as they had captured her they were
to kill her in the cruellest way possible.

Having received these orders, the commission set out at once and,
arriving at the village, took the Indian woman prisoner. After
proceeding a few minutes on the return journey, they tied her to a tree
alongside the road, where Vásquez had three sticks of wood, with sharp
points, prepared ...then they killed her by strangling her with a rope
around the neck.[122]

Such are the crimes constantly committed on the Putumayo by the chiefs
of sections and their assistants whose names I have mentioned. Trusting
that this account may help you in drawing the attention of justice to
this region.

DANIEL COLLANTES.

(_Sworn before_) ARNOLD GUICHARD,
_Notary Public_.

A number of documents of a similar character complete Hardenburg's
account, not included in this book, with a description of the Peruvian
attack on the Colombian rubber station of La Unión and the destruction
of its people, the Peruvians believing, or professing to believe, that
the Colombians were descending the river to attack them.




CHAPTER VIII

CONSUL CASEMENT'S REPORT


The history of the Putumayo occurrences after the exposure by Messrs.
Hardenburg and Perkins, due to the persistence of the Anti-Slavery
Society and the courage of the editor of _Truth_, who alone incurred the
risk of libel proceedings attaching to such exposures, so performing a
notable service to humanity,[123] is contained in the Blue Book, or
Foreign Office Report, already quoted. The proceedings leading to the
sending of Consul Casement to the Putumayo by Sir Edward Grey and the
Report itself are worthy of wider notice than that received by an
official pamphlet. The Report itself is of much geographical and
ethnological value and of general interest as a work of travel, apart
from its purpose of confirming the existence of the terrible and almost
incredible abuses.

Mr. Casement went to Peru in July, 1910, and transmitted his Report in
January, 1911.[124] The result was transmitted by the Foreign Office to
the British Consul in Lima, with instructions to lay particulars before
the Peruvian Government, and to the British Minister at Washington in
order that the United States Government should be informed of the action
of the British Government. The British Foreign Office repeatedly urged
upon the Lima Government that the criminals, whose names had been
immediately transmitted by cable, should be arrested. The Peruvian
Government promised to take action and sent a commission to Iquitos, but
failed to arrest the criminals. In July, 1911, they were informed that
the Report would be made public, but the chief criminals were not
arrested. Further promises to the same effect made by the Peruvian
Government were unfulfilled, and the British Government asked for the
support of the United States Minister at Lima, which was accorded in
October, 1911. After repeated communications had passed, during which
the Peruvian Government had not prevented the escape of several of the
criminals, or taken adequate steps to protect the Indians, the British
Foreign Office laid the correspondence before Parliament in July, 1912,
and published the Report.

In the preliminary Report received in January, 1911, by Sir Edward Grey
at the Foreign Office, Consul Casement said:--

"My conclusions are chiefly based on the direct testimony of Barbados
men in the company's service, who brought their accusations on the spot,
who were prepared to submit them to investigation, and to make them in
the presence of those they accused, and whose testimony, thus given to
me, was accepted without further investigation by Señor Juan Tizon, the
Peruvian Amazon company's representative at La Chorrera, on the ground
that it was sufficient or could not be controverted. It was equally
potent with the members of the Peruvian Amazon Company's commission, who
expressed themselves as fully convinced of the truth of the charges
preferred, they themselves being often present when I interrogated the
British witnesses. There was, moreover, the evidence of our own eyes and
senses, for the Indians almost everywhere bore evidence of being
flogged, in many cases of being brutally flogged, and the marks of the
lash were not confined to men nor adults. Women, and even little
children, were more than once found, their limbs scarred with weals left
by the thong of twisted tapir-hide, which is the chief implement used
for coercing and terrorising the native population of the region
traversed. The crimes charged against many men now in the employ of the
Peruvian Amazon Company are of the most atrocious kind, including
murder, violation, and constant flogging. The condition of things
revealed is entirely disgraceful, and fully warrants the worst charges
brought against the agents of the Peruvian Amazon Company and its
methods of administration on the Putumayo. I append to my Report a list
of those agents of the company against whom the worst charges were
preferred and against whom the evidence in my possession is
overwhelmingly strong. The prefect of Loreto again and again assured me
that his Government was determined to deal with the criminals and
protect the Indians. The charges brought by the Barbados men were of the
most atrocious kind, and, added to the accumulating weight of evidence
that we had gathered from station to station, and the condition of the
Indian population as we had opportunity to observe it in passing, they
left no doubt in our minds that the worst charges against the company's
agents were true. Many of the acts charged against agents whom we met
were of the most revolting description, and the Barbados men bringing
these charges did not omit, in several cases, to also accuse themselves
of shocking crimes, committed, they averred, under compulsion."


             "_Names of some of the worst Criminals on the
             Putumayo, all of them charged with atrocious
                    Offences against the Indians._

"Fidel Velarde: a Peruvian, chief of Occidente. Alfredo Montt: a
Peruvian, chief of Atenas. Charged with atrocious crimes. Augusto
Jiménez: a Peruvian. Is a half-caste. Age about 26. Has been for years
the lieutenant of Agüero, under whom he has committed appalling crimes
upon the Boras Indians in the section Abisinia. He was sub-chief of
Morelia, and is often mentioned in the _Truth_ charges. He begged me to
listen to his statement, and said he could prove that _one_ of the
charges against him in _Truth_ was not true. On the other hand, the
evidence against him is overwhelming. Armando Normand: a Bolivian, I
believe of foreign parentage. Largely educated in England. A man of whom
nothing good can be said. The crimes committed by this man are
innumerable, and even Peruvian white men said to me that Normand had
done things none of the others had done. If any one on the Putumayo
deserves punishment this man should be made an example of. He was under
sentence of dismissal, and would have left Chorrera by the _Liberal_
with me only I objected to travel with him, and begged Señor Tizon to
send him by another vessel. José Inocente Fonseca: a Peruvian, about 28
years old. Has committed innumerable crimes upon the Indians. Abelardo
Agüero: about 35 or 36 years of age. Chief of Abisinia, of which section
he has had charge for years. Has committed innumerable crimes. Elias
Martinengui: The charges against him are many. Aurelio Rodríguez: a
Peruvian, whose crimes were vouched for by many and are widely known. A.
Vasquez Torres, or Alejandro Vasquez. Rodolfo Rodríguez: a Colombian,
charged with many murders. Miguel Flores: a Peruvian. Armando Blondel.
Aquiléo Torres: a Colombian. Innumerable crimes against this man. He was
made prisoner by Normand in January, 1907, and kept chained up for a
year by Velarde and others, and then released on condition he joined
them, and was first employed in flogging Indians. He improved on his
masters, and has killed scores, and cut ears off, and done things that
even some of the worst Peruvians say they could not tolerate. He was
once a Colombian magistrate, and was captured by Macedo's orders along
with a lot of other Colombians because they were 'poaching' on the
company's territory, and trying to get Indians to work for them. Jermin,
or Filomene, Vasquez. This man is charged with many crimes. The latest
of them only in August, 1910, when he had thirteen Indians--men, women,
and children--murdered on the road between the Caquetá and Morelia. He
boasted on his return to Abisinia 'he had left the road pretty.' Simon
Angúlo: a Colombian black man. Is the flogger or executioner of Abisinia
under Agüero. Has flogged many to death. There is also a Barbados man
named King, calls himself Armando King, who is at Encanto under Loayza.
I believe King to be as bad as any of the others almost. There are a
great many others charged with crimes whose names will be submitted."

In his detailed Report, submitted in January, 1911, Consul Casement
says:--

"The true attraction from the first to Colombian or Peruvian _caucheros_
was not so much the presence of the scattered Hevea braziliensis trees
throughout this remote forest as the existence of fairly numerous tribes
of docile, or at any rate of easily subdued, Indians. The largest
gathering of these people was a tribe termed the Huitotos, a mild and
inoffensive people subdivided into many sub-tribes or families, each
dwelling apart from its neighbour, and ruled by its own hereditary
cacique or _capitán_.

"The Huitotos chiefly dwelt along the courses of the Caraparaná and
Upper and Middle Igaraparaná, and occupied all the country between these
two rivers. On the north of the Igaraparaná they extended some distance,
in various settlements, into the thick forest towards the great Japurá
(or Caquetá) River until they merged in the Andokes, Ricigaros, and
Boras, tribes doubtless of a kindred far-off origin, but wholly
differing to-day in speech from the Huitotos, as also from each other.
While these tribes were in each case of one family, speaking the same
language, little or no cohesion existed among the scattered sub-tribes
into which they were split. On the contrary, enmity more often than
friendship ruled the relations between neighbours.

"Thus the 30,000 Huitotos, instead of uniting as one people, were split
up into an infinity of 'families' or clans and inter-clan fighting and
raids perpetuated for generations disputes of obscure and often trivial
origin. So with the Boras, the Andokes, or other agglomerations
inhabiting the neighbouring regions. While, collectively, each of these
tribes might have put large numbers of men into the field, they were so
divided by family quarrels that no one cacique probably could ever count
on more than 200 men, and in the majority of cases on very many less.

"They were therefore an easy enough prey to the 'civilised' intruders,
who brought to their conquest arms of precision against which the Indian
blow-pipes or throwing-spears could offer but a paltry resistance.

"The object of the 'civilised' intruders, in the first instance, was not
to annihilate the Indians, but to _conquistar_--_i.e._, to subjugate
them, and put them to what was termed civilised, or at any rate
profitable, occupation to their subduers.

"These subduers formed themselves into bands and parties, dubbed
'commercial associations,' and, having overcome the resistance of the
Indians, they appropriated them to their own exclusive use along with
the rubber-trees that might be in the region they inhabited. Henceforth
to the chief of the band they became 'my Indians,' and any attempt by
one of his civilised neighbours to steal, wheedle, or entice away his
Indians became a capital offence.

"Thus where the primitive savage raided his savage neighbour for reasons
that seemed good to him, the white man who came on an alleged mission of
civilisation to end this primal savagery himself raided his fellow white
man for reasons that seemed to the Indian altogether wrong, viz., his
surer enslavement. Constant thefts of Indians by one _cauchero_ from
another led to reprisals more bloody and murderous than anything the
Indian had ever wrought upon his fellow-Indian. The primary aim of
rubber-getting, which could only be obtained from the labour of the
Indian, was often lost sight of in these desperate conflicts.

"When the first contingent of Barbados men reached the Putumayo at the
end of 1904 the firm of Arana Brothers had not complete control of the
region in which it carried on its dealings with the Indian dwellers in
the forest. The majority of those who then exploited the Indians and
obtained rubber from them were Colombians, men who had come down the
Putumayo from that republic and established themselves on different
sites along the banks of these two tributaries. In some cases these
Colombian settlers appear to have held concessions from their
Government. As it was not easy to obtain supplies from Colombia owing to
the mountainous nature of the country in which the Putumayo rises, and
as the market for the rubber obtained lay down-stream, where the Amazon
forms the natural outlet, it was more profitable to open up relations
with traders in Brazil or Peru, and to obtain from them what was
required, than to seek supplies over the distant and difficult route
from Pasto, in Colombia. The Iquitos house of Arana Brothers had at an
early date entered into relations with these Colombian settlers, and, by
means of steamers between Iquitos and the two tributaries of the
Putumayo named, had supplied their wants and brought their rubber to be
disposed of in the Iquitos market. Little by little these relations
changed, and from being merely intermediaries the firm of Arana Brothers
acquired possession of the majority of the Colombian undertakings in
these regions. These transfers were sometimes effected by sale and
purchase and sometimes by other means.

"Throughout the greater part of the Amazon region, where the rubber
trade flourishes, a system of dealing prevails which is not tolerated in
civilised communities. In so far as it affects a labouring man or an
individual who sells his labour, it is termed _peonage_, and is
repressed by drastic measures in some parts of the New World. It
consists in getting the person working for you into your debt and
keeping him there; and in lieu of other means of discharging this
obligation he is forced to work for his creditor upon what are
practically the latter's terms, and under varying forms of bodily
constraint. In the Amazon Valley this method of dealing has been
expanded until it embraces, not only the Indian workman, but is often
made to apply to those who are themselves the employers of this kind of
labour. By accumulated obligations contracted in this way, one trader
will pledge his business until it and himself become practically the
property of the creditor. His business is merged, and he himself becomes
an employee, and often finds it very hard to escape from the
responsibilities he has thus contracted. At the date when the Barbados
men were first brought to the Putumayo, the methods of exploiting the
Indian population in the interests of the Colombian or Peruvian settlers
were mainly confined to the river banks. They were more or less
haphazard methods. An individual with two or three associates squatted
at some point on the river-side, and entered into what he called
friendly relations with the neighbouring Indian tribes. These friendly
relations could not obviously long continue, since it was to the
interest of the squatter to get more from the Indian than he was willing
to pay for. The goods he had brought with him in the first case were
limited in quantity, and had to go far. The Indian, who may correctly be
termed 'a grown-up child,' was at first delighted to have a white man
with attractive articles to give away settling in his neighbourhood, and
to bring in exchange india-rubber for these tempting trifles seemed
easy. Moreover, the Amazon Indian is by nature docile and obedient. His
weakness of character and docility of temperament are no match for the
dominating ability of those with European blood in their veins. Yielding
himself, first, perhaps, voluntarily, to the domination of these
uninvited guests, he soon finds that he has entered into relations which
can only be described as those of a slave to a master, and a master, be
it observed, who can appeal to no law that recognises his rights. The
system is not merely illegal in civilised parts of the world, but is
equally illegal in the Amazon forests, since those regions are all
claimed by civilised Governments which absolutely prohibit any form of
slavery in their territories. The Barbados men on being brought into
these regions found themselves face to face with quite unexpected
conditions and duties. Already at Manaos, on their way up the river,
some of them had been warned by outsiders that in the countries to which
they were going they would not be employed as labourers, but would be
armed and used to force the Indians to work for their employers; they
were further told that the Indians, being savages, would kill them.
Several of them, taking alarm, had protested at Manaos, and had even
appealed to the British Vice-Consul to interfere so that they might be
released from their engagement. This was not done. They were assured
that their contracts, having been lawfully entered into in a British
colony, would be faithfully observed in Peru, and that they must fulfil
them. In some cases the men were not reassured, and had to be taken on
board the river steamer waiting to convey them to the Putumayo under
police supervision.[125]

"The first party to disembark in the Putumayo consisted of thirty men
with five women. They were landed at La Chorrera, on the Igaraparaná,
the headquarters station of the Arana Brothers, in November, 1904. Here
they were armed with Winchester rifles and a large supply of cartridges
for these weapons, and, headed by a Colombian named Ramón Sanchez, with
a man called Armando Normand, who served as interpreter, and several
other white men, Colombians or Peruvians, they were dispatched on a long
journey through the forest to open up what were styled trade relations
with an Indian tribe called the Andokes. This tribe inhabits a district
between the Igaraparaná and the Japurá, but lying closer to the latter
river. On arrival in this region the men were employed at first in
building a house, and then on raids through the surrounding forests in
order to capture Indians and compel them to come in and work for Señor
Sanchez. They were also used on what were termed 'punitive expeditions'
sent out to capture or kill Indians who had killed not long before some
Colombians who had settled in the Andokes country with a view to
enslaving that tribe and forcing it to work rubber for them. These men
had been killed by the Andokes Indians and their rifles captured, and it
was to recover these rifles that many of the first raids of the Barbados
men were directed by Sanchez and Normand. In this way the station of
Matanzas was founded, and the man Normand soon afterwards, on the
retirement of Sanchez, became its chief. At the date of my visit to the
Putumayo he was still in charge of this district as representative of
the Peruvian Amazon Company. The station at Matanzas was founded at the
very end of 1904. I visited it on foot in October, 1910. It lies some
seventy miles by land from La Chorrera, and the route followed by the
Barbados men would occupy some four to five days of hard marching. The
forest tracks in the Putumayo present innumerable obstacles. Owing to
the very heavy rainfall, water and mud accumulate, many streams--some
of them even rivers--have to be crossed either by fording or upon a
fallen tree, roots of trees and fallen tree-trunks innumerable bar the
path, and the walker either knocks his shins against these or has to
climb over obstacles sometimes breast high. No food is to be obtained on
these routes except from the few Indians who may be dwelling in the
neighbourhood, and these poor people now have little enough for
themselves. For several years after its foundation all the rubber
collected at Matanzas was carried down this route by Indian carriers to
La Chorrera. The Indians were not supplied with food for this journey.
They were guarded by armed men both going and returning, and Barbados
men frequently were employed for this work, just as they were used, in
the first instance, in forcing the Indians to collect the rubber in the
forest and bring it into Matanzas. During the last three years the
journey from Matanzas to Chorrera has been shortened by the placing of a
small launch on the river above the cataract which blocks river
navigation at Chorrera. Rubber from Matanzas still goes under armed
escort a distance of forty-five or fifty miles through the forest to be
shipped in this launch at a place called Puerto Peruano for conveyance
thence to Chorrera by water. The duties fulfilled by Barbados men at
Matanzas were those that they performed elsewhere throughout the
district, and in citing this station as an instance I am illustrating
what took place at a dozen or more different centres of rubber
collection.

"At the date of my visit there were only two Barbados men left in
Matanzas, one of whom had been there six years from the foundation of
that station. I found the twenty men still remaining in the company's
service when I was on the Putumayo scattered at various points. With the
exception of three men at La Chorrera itself, whose duties were those of
ordinary labour, all the men still remaining at the time of my visit
were employed in guarding or coercing, or in actively maltreating,
Indians to force them to work and bring in india-rubber to the various
sections. The men so employed at the time of my visit were two men at
Matanzas, one man at Ultimo Retiro, four men at Santa Catalina, three at
Sabana, one at Oriente, and three at Abisinia, and two others
temporarily employed on the river launches who had just come in from
forest duties. Another man was employed at the headquarters station of
the Caraparaná at the place called El Encanto. This man was sent for to
Chorrera while I was there, and I interrogated him. In addition to La
Chorrera, the headquarters station, I visited in succession the
following among its dependent stations, or _succursales_: Occidente,
Ultimo Retiro, Entre Ríos, Matanzas, Atenas, and Sur, the latter
practically an outpost of La Chorrera, being situated less than two
hours' march away. With the exception of La Matanzas, which is situated
in the Andokes country, all these stations are in the country inhabited
by the Huitoto tribe. This tribe, formerly the most numerous of those
inhabiting the so-called Putumayo region, at the date of my visit was
said to have considerably diminished in numbers. One informant assured
me that there were now not more than 10,000 Huitotos, if, indeed, so
many. This decrease in population is attributed to many causes. By some
it is stated to be largely due to smallpox and other diseases introduced
by white settlers. The Indians themselves in their native state are
singularly free from disease. From trustworthy evidence placed before me
during my visit I have no doubt that, however high the deaths from
imported diseases may have been, the deaths from violence and hardship
consequent upon the enforced tribute of rubber required from these
people have been much higher.

"Statements made to me by the Barbados men, and which could not be
controverted on the spot, made this abundantly clear. Many, indeed all,
of the men had been for several years in the closest contact with the
Indians, and their duties, as they averred, chiefly consisted in
compelling the Indians to work india-rubber for the white man's benefit,
and otherwise to satisfy his many wants. It would be tedious to go
through statements made by these different British witnesses, and it may
be sufficient to say that they left no doubt in my mind or in the minds
of the commission sent out by the Peruvian Amazon Company that the
method of exacting rubber from the Indians was arbitrary, illegal, and
in many cases cruel in the extreme, and the direct cause of very much of
the depopulation brought to our notice. The Barbados men themselves
complained to me that they too had frequently suffered ill-treatment at
the hands of agents of the company, whose names were given to me in
several cases, and several of whom were still employed on the Putumayo
in the service of the company at the date of my visit. On closer
investigation I found that more than once these British employees of the
company had been subjected to criminal ill-treatment."

"These men had been tortured by being put in the stocks for
misdemeanours, or for refusing to maltreat the Indians, under the orders
of Normand, Rodríguez, Sánchez, and other chiefs of sections. Normand
and others afterwards attempted to bribe them into lying or concealment
of facts in their testimony before the Consul. The stocks are described
by Consul Casement:--

"The accused man was hung up by the neck, beaten with _machetes_, and
then confined by the legs in heavy wooden stocks, called locally a
_cepo_. Each station is furnished with one of these places of detention.
The stocks consist of two long and very heavy blocks of wood, hinged
together at one end and opening at the other, with a padlock to close
upon a staple. Leg-blocks so small as just to fit the ankle of an Indian
are cut in the wood. The top beam is lifted on the hinge, the legs of
the victim are inserted in two of these holes, and it is then closed
down and padlocked at the other end. Thus imprisoned by the ankles,
which are often stretched several feet apart, the victim, lying upon his
back, or possibly being turned face downwards, remains sometimes for
hours, sometimes for days, often for weeks, and sometimes for months in
this painful confinement. Prisoners so detained are released from these
stocks only to obey the calls of nature, when for a few moments, guarded
by armed men, they enjoy a brief release. Some of these implements of
torture that I saw ready for use had nineteen leg-holes. In one case I
counted twenty-one. The stocks at Ultimo Retiro, where Dyall was
confined, were, in my opinion, the cruellest of those I actually saw.
The ankle-holes were so small that, even for an ordinarily well-built
Indian, when closed the wood would often have eaten into the flesh. For
an ordinary-sized European or negro the top beam could not close upon
the leg without being forced down upon the ankle or shinbone, and this
was what happened to Dyall. He and men who had witnessed his
imprisonment assured me that to make the top beam close down so that the
padlock could be inserted in the staple two men had to sit upon it and
force it down upon his legs. Although more than three years had passed
since he suffered his punishment, both his ankles were deeply scarred
where the wood (almost as hard as metal) had cut into the ankle flesh
and sinews. The man's feet had been placed four holes apart--a distance,
I should say, of from three to four feet--and with his legs thus
extended, suffering acute pain, he had been left all night for a space
of fully twelve hours. When released next day he was unable to stand
upright, or to walk, and had to reach his quarters crawling on his belly
propelled by his hands and arms. I have no doubt of the truth of this
man's statement. I saw the stocks just as they had been used to confine
him. I caused a man of ordinary stature, a Barbados man, to have his
legs enclosed before me. The stock did not close upon the legs, and to
have locked the two beams together at the end could only have been done
by great pressure and weight exerted upon the top beam so as to force
it down upon the leg and thereby undoubtedly to inflict much pain, and
cause lasting wounds.

"By Rodríguez' direction a special _cepo_, or stocks, for the
confinement, or torture rather, of the recalcitrant india-rubber workers
was made. Not satisfied with the ordinary stocks to detain an individual
by the legs alone, Rodríguez had designed a double _cepo_ in two parts,
so formed as to hold the neck and arms at one end and to confine the
ankles at the other. These stocks were so constructed that the leg end
could be moved up or down, so that they might fit any individual of any
size. For a full-grown man they could be extended to the length of his
figure, or contracted to fit the stature of quite a child. Small boys
were often inserted into this receptacle face downwards, and they, as
well as grown-up people, women equally with men, were flogged while
extended in this posture. Crichlow, quite an intelligent carpenter for
an ordinary labouring man, had faithfully carried out the design of his
master, and this implement of torture remained in use at the station at
Santa Catalina until the early part of 1909. In May, 1908, Crichlow had
a dispute with one of the other employees, named Pedro Torres. The
quarrel was of no importance, but Torres was a white man and Crichlow
was a black man. The former appealed to his chief, and Rodríguez at once
took the part of his Peruvian fellow-countryman. He struck Crichlow over
the head with a loaded revolver, and called other white employees to
seize him. Crichlow tried to defend himself with a stick, but was
overpowered, and his hands were tied behind his back. He was then
beaten by many of them and put in the _cepo_, or stocks, to spend the
night. When released next day for a few moments for an obvious reason he
was chained round the neck, one end of the chain being held in the hand
of a guard. The same day, with his hands tied and this chain padlocked
round his neck, he was dispatched under guard to the neighbouring
station of La Sabana, a full day's march. A certain Velarde was at the
time the chief of this section, and at the date of my visit I found him
chief of the section Occidente. Velarde put Crichlow in the stocks at
his station with his legs five holes apart--an almost insupportable
distance--in which posture he remained all night. Next day a Señor
Alcorta, employed at a neighbouring section, who was on a visit to La
Sabana, interceded for him and he was released from the stocks, but was
sent down to La Chorrera as a prisoner. Here he was again confined in
the stocks by the sub-agent, Señor Delgado, and was finally only
released through the friendly intervention of the captain of the port of
Iquitos, who happened to be on a visit to the Putumayo at the time. No
compensation of any kind was ever offered to these injured men. On the
contrary, they had been forced to buy at their own expense medicines, in
addition to many other things required (when ill from this bad
treatment), that, by the terms of the original contract, should have
been supplied free by their employers. Not only were they not
compensated, but no reproof or punishment of any kind had been inflicted
upon the agents so grossly maltreating them. With one exception, that of
Rodríguez, these agents were still in the service of the company at the
time I was on the Putumayo, and I met all three of them. I have dealt at
length with these cases of assault upon the British employees because
they are typical of the manner of dealing of so-called white men with
inferiors placed under their orders in that region. The Barbados men
were not savages. With few exceptions they could read and write, some of
them well. They were much more civilised than the great majority of
those placed over them--they were certainly far more humane.

"The man Dyall, who had completed nearly six years' service when I met
him at Chorrera on the 24th of September, appeared to be in debt to the
company to the sum of 440 _soles_ (say, £44) for goods nominally
purchased from its stores. Some of this indebtedness was for
indispensable articles of food or clothing, things that the working-man
could not do without. These are all sold at prices representing often, I
am convinced, 1,000 per cent. over their cost prices or prime value.
Much of the men's indebtedness to the company was also due to the fact
that they were married--that is to say, that every so-called civilised
employee receives from the agent of the company, on arrival, an Indian
woman to be his temporary wife. Sometimes the women are asked;
sometimes, I should say from what I observed, their wishes would not be
consulted--they certainly would not be consulted in the case of a white
man who desired a certain Indian woman. With the Barbados men it was, no
doubt, a more or less voluntary contract on each side--that is to say,
the agent of the company would ask one of the numerous Indian women
kept in stock at each station whether she wished to live with the new
arrival. This man Dyall told me, in the presence of the chief agent of
the Peruvian Amazon Company at La Chorrera, that he had had nine
different Indian women given to him as 'wives' at different times and at
the various stations at which he had served. When an employee so
'married' leaves the station at which he is working to be transferred to
some other district, he is sometimes allowed to take his Indian wife
with him, but often not. It would depend entirely upon the goodwill or
caprice of the agent in charge of that station. As a rule, if a man had
a child by his Indian partner he would be allowed to take her and the
child to his next post, but even this has been more than once refused.
In Dyall's case he had changed his wives as often as he had changed his
stations, and always with the active approval of the white man in
charge, since each new wife was the direct gift or loan of this local
authority. These wives had to be fed and clothed, and if there were
children, then all had to be provided for. To this source much of the
prevailing indebtedness of the Barbados men was due. Another fruitful
cause of debt was the unrestricted gambling that was openly carried on
up to the period at which I visited the district. The employees at all
the stations passed their time, when not hunting the Indians, either
lying in their hammocks or in gambling. As there is no money in
circulation, gambling debts can only be paid by writing an I O U, which
the winner passes on to the chief agency at La Chorrera, where it is
carried to the debit of the loser in the company's books.

"The wild forest Indians of the Upper Amazon are very skilful builders
with the materials that lie to their hands in their forest surroundings.
Their own dwellings are very ably constructed. Several Indian families
congregate together, all of them united by close ties of blood; and this
assembly of relatives, called a tribe or 'nation,' may number anything
from 20 to 150 human beings. In many cases such a tribe would live
practically in one large dwelling-house. A clearing is made in the
forest, and with the very straight trees that abound in the Amazon woods
it is easy to obtain suitable timber for house-building. The uprights
are as straight as the mast of a ship. The ridge-pole will often be from
thirty to forty feet from the ground, and considerable skill is
displayed in balancing the rough beams and adjusting the weight of the
thatch. This thatch is composed of the dried and twisted fronds of a
small swamp palm, which admirably excludes both rain and the rays of the
sun. No tropical dwelling I have ever been in is so cool as one roofed
with this material. The roofs or thatches of Indian houses extend right
down to the ground. They are designed to keep out wet and sunlight, not
to bar against intruders. They afford no protection against attack, and
are not designed for defence, except against climatic conditions. The
white settlers in the forest, from the first, compelled the Indians to
build houses for them. The plan of the house would be the work of the
white man, but the labour involved and all the materials would be
supplied by the neighbouring Indian tribe or tribes he had reduced to
work for him. All the houses that I visited outside the chief station
of La Chorrera in which the company's agents lived, and where their
goods were stored, were and are so constructed by the surrounding
Indians, acting under the direct supervision of the agent and his white
or half-caste employees. This labour of the Indians goes unremunerated.
Not only do they build the houses and the stores for the white men, but
they have to keep them in repair and supply labour for this purpose
whenever called upon. The Indian in his native surroundings is satisfied
with quite a small clearing in the forest around his own dwelling, but
not so the white man who has come to live upon the Indian. These decree
that their dwelling-houses shall stand in the midst of a very extensive
clearing, and the labour of felling the forest trees, and clearing the
ground over an area of often two hundred acres, or even more, falls upon
the surrounding Indian population. Here, again, neither pay nor food is
supplied. The Indians are brought in from their homes, men and women,
and while the men fell the trees and undertake the heavier duties, women
are put to clearing the ground and planting a certain area of it. Those
of the stations I visited outside La Chorrera--viz., Occidente, Ultimo
Retiro, Entre Ríos, Matanzas, Atenas, and Sur, in addition to a large
and extremely well-built dwelling-house for the white man and his
assistants, as well as suitable dependencies for servants, women, &c.,
were each surrounded by immense clearings, which represented a
considerable labour in the first case, and one which had fallen wholly
upon the Indian families in the vicinity. Sometimes these clearances
were put to economic use--notably that at Entre Ríos, where quite a
large area was well planted with cassava, maize, and sugar-cane; but
this was the only station which can be said to maintain itself, and all
the work of clearing and of planting here had fallen, not upon the
employees of the company but upon the surrounding Indian population. At
other stations one found the dwelling-houses standing in the midst of a
very extensive clearing, which apparently served no other purpose beyond
giving light and air. At Atenas, for instance, the station houses are
built on a slope above the River Cahuinari, and an area of fully two
hundred acres has been cleared of its original forest trees, which lie
in all stages of decay encumbering the ground, but scarcely one acre is
under any form of cultivation. At Matanzas a somewhat similar state of
neglect existed, and the same might be said in varying degree of the
stations of Ultimo Retiro and Occidente. Large areas of fairly fertile
cleared ground are lying waste and serve no useful purpose. Food which
might easily be raised locally is brought literally from thousands of
miles away at great expense, and often in insufficient quantity.

[Illustration: HUITOTOS AT ENTRE RIOS AND BARBADOS NEGRO OVERSEER.

[To face p. 296.]

"The regular station hands--that is to say, the employees in receipt of
salaries--do no work. Their duties consist in seeing that the
surrounding forest Indians work rubber and supply them so far as may be
with what they need. For this purpose the principal requisite is a rifle
and a sufficiency of cartridges, and of these there are always plenty."

       *       *       *       *       *

A further Report was transmitted by Consul Casement to Sir Edward Grey
in March, 1911, giving a general description of methods of
rubber-collecting and treatment of Indians on the Putumayo by the
Peruvian Amazon Company, containing the following information:--

"The region termed 'the Putumayo,' consisting principally of the area
drained by two tributaries of the Iça or Putumayo River, the Igaraparaná
and the Caraparaná, lies far from the main stream of the Amazon, and is
rarely visited by any vessels save those belonging to the Peruvian
Amazon Company. The only other craft that penetrate that district are
steamers of the Peruvian Government sent occasionally from Iquitos.
Brazilian vessels may ascend the Japurá, known in Peru and Colombia as
the Caquetá, until they draw near to the mouth of the Cahuinari, a river
which flows into the Japurá, flowing in a north-easterly direction
largely parallel with the Igaraparaná, which empties into the Putumayo
after a south-easterly course. The region drained by these three
waterways, the Caraparaná, the Igaraparaná, and the Cahuinari,
represents the area in part of which the operations of the Peruvian
Amazon Company are carried on. It is impossible to say what the Indian
population of this region may be. Generally speaking, the upper and
middle courses of these rivers are, or were, the most populous regions.
This is accounted for by the greater absence of insect pests, due to the
higher nature of the ground, which rises at La Chorrera to a level of
about 600 feet above the sea, with neighbouring heights fully 1,000 feet
above sea-level. The lower course of the Igaraparaná, as well as of the
Putumayo itself, below the junction of the Igaraparaná down to the
Amazon, is through a thick forest region of lower elevation, subject
largely to annual overflow from the flooded rivers. Mosquitoes and sand
flies and the swampy soil doubtless account for the restriction of the
Indians to those higher and drier levels which begin after the
Igaraparaná has been ascended for about one hundred miles of its course.
In this more elevated region there are no mosquitoes and far fewer
insect plagues, while permanent habitations and the cultivation of the
soil are more easily secured than in the regions liable to annual
inundation.

"In a work officially issued by the Peruvian Government at Lima in 1907,
entitled 'En el Putumayo y sus Afluentes,' by Eugenio Robuchon, a French
explorer who was engaged in 1903 by Señor Julio C. Arana in the name of
the Government to conduct an exploring mission in the region claimed by
the firm of Arana Brothers, the Indian population of that firm's
possessions is given at 50,000 souls. M. Robuchon lost his life near the
mouth of the Cahuinari in 1906, and the work in question was edited from
his diaries by Señor Carlos Rey de Castro, Peruvian Consul-General for
Northern Brazil. The figure of 50,000 Indians is that given by this
official as 'not a chance one.'

"In the prospectus issued at the formation of the Peruvian Amazon Rubber
Company in 1908, Señor Arana is represented as claiming that there were
then 40,000 Indian 'labourers' dwelling within the area of his Putumayo
enterprise.

"Whatever the true figures may have been, it is certain that the region
laying between the Putumayo and the Japurá (or Caquetá) was for many
years known to be prolific in native life, and furnished therefore the
most attractive field for slave-raiding in the earlier years of the last
century. No civilised settlements would seem to have arisen in this
region until towards the close of the nineteenth century, and the Indian
tribes continued to dwell in their primitive state, subject only to
visits from slave-searching white or half-breed bands until a quite
recent period.

"The four principal tribes were the Huitotos (pronounced _Witotos_), the
Boras, the Andokes, and the Ocainas, with certain smaller tribes, of
which the Ricigaros and the Muinanes are frequently mentioned. These
tribes were all of kindred origin and identical in habits and customs,
although differing in language and to some extent in feature,
complexion, and stature. The Huitotos are said to have been the most
numerous, and may at one time recently have numbered 30,000 individuals,
although to-day they amount to nothing like that figure.

"The Huitotos, although the most numerous, were physically the least
sturdy of the four chief tribes named. The name 'Huitotos' is said to
signify 'Mosquito,' I know not with what truth, and to have been applied
to these people by their stouter neighbours in derision of their
attenuated extremities, for neither their arms nor legs are shapely or
muscular. The Boras are physically a much finer race than the Huitotos,
and, generally speaking, are of a lighter hue. While some of the
Huitotos are of a dark bronze or chocolate complexion, I have seen Boras
little, if at all, of darker skin than a Japanese or Chinese. The
Mongolian resemblance was not alone confined to similarity of colour,
but was often strikingly apparent in features as well as in stature,
and in a singular approximation of gait to what may be termed 'the
Asiatic walk.' So, too, with the hair and eyes. Both are singularly
Mongolian, or at least Asiatic, in shape, colour, and, the former, in
texture, although the Indian hair is somewhat less coarse and more
abundant than either Chinese or Japanese.

"A picture of a Sea Dyak of Borneo using his _sumpitan_, or blow-pipe,
might very well stand for an actual presentment of a Boras Indian with
his _cerbatana_. The weapons, too, are identical in structure and use,
and in several other respects a striking similarity prevails between two
races so widely sundered.

"These Putumayo Indians were not only divided tribe from tribe, but
within each tribe more or less constant bickerings and disunion
prevailed between the various 'families' or _naciones_ into which each
great branch was split up. Thus, while Huitotos had a hereditary feud
with Boras, or Ocainas, or Andokes, the numerous subdivisions of the
Huitotos themselves were continually at war with one another. Robuchon
enumerates thirty-three sub-tribes or families among the Huitotos, and
he by no means exhausts the list. Each of these, while intermarriage was
common and a common sense of origin, kinship, and language prevailed as
against all outsiders, would have their internal causes of quarrel that
often sharply divided neighbour from neighbour clan.

"Such conflicts led to frequent 'wars,' kidnappings and thefts of women
being, doubtless, at the bottom of many disputes, while family
grievances and accusations of misuse of occult powers, involving
charges of witchcraft and sorcery, made up the tale of wrong. As a rule,
each family or clan has its great central dwelling-house, capable often
of housing two hundred individuals; and around this, in the region
recognised by tribal law as belonging to that particular clan,
individual members of it, with their families, would have smaller
dwellings scattered at different cultivated spots through the
neighbouring forest. The wars of those clans one with another were never
bloodthirsty, for I believe it is a fact that the Amazon Indian is
averse to bloodshed, and is thoughtless rather than cruel. Prisoners
taken in these wars may have been, and no doubt were, eaten, or in part
eaten, for the Amazon cannibals do not seem to have killed to eat, as is
the case with many primitive races, but to have sometimes, possibly
frequently, in part eaten those they killed. More than one traveller in
tropical South America records his impression that the victims were not
terrified at the prospect of being eaten, and in some cases regarded it
as an honourable end. Lieutenant Maw mentions the case of a girl on the
Brazilian Amazon in 1827 who refused to escape, to become the slave of a
Portuguese 'trader,' preferring to be eaten by her own kind.

"The weapons of the Putumayo Indians were almost entirely confined to
the blow-pipe, with its poisoned darts, and small throwing-spears with
poor wooden tips, three or more of which, grasped between the fingers,
were thrown at one time. The forest must have been fairly full of game
up to quite recently, for the Indians seem to have had a sufficiency of
meat diet; and, with their plantations of cassava, maize, and the
numerous fruits and edible leaves their forest furnished, they were not
so short of food that cannibalism could be accounted for as a necessity.
They were also skilled fishermen, and as the forests are everywhere
channelled with streams of clear water, there must have been a frequent
addition of fish diet to their daily fare.

"No missions or missionaries would seem to have ever penetrated to the
regions here in question. On the upper waters of the Putumayo itself
religious instruction and Christian worship appear to have been
established by Colombian settlers, but these civilising influences had
not journeyed sufficiently far downstream to reach the Huitotos or their
neighbours. Save for the raids of slavers coming up the Japurá or
Putumayo, their contact with white men had been a distant and far-off
story that in little affected their home life, save possibly to add an
element of demoralisation in the inducements offered for the sale of
human beings.

"Lieutenant Maw, an officer of the British Navy who crossed from the
Pacific to the Atlantic by way of the Amazon early in the last century,
in his work speaks of the Putumayo in the vaguest terms, and it is clear
that then, in 1827, and later on in 1851, when Lieutenant Herndon, of
the United States Navy, went down the Amazon in a canoe, nothing was
really known either of the river or of its inhabitants. They were
practically an untouched, primitive people when the first Colombian
_caucheros_, coming down the Putumayo from the settled regions on its
upper waters, located themselves at different points along the head
waters of the Caraparaná and Igaraparaná, and entered into what are
termed trade dealings with those unsophisticated tribes.

"This first Colombian invasion of the Putumayo regions took place, I am
informed, in the early eighties, some of my informants stated about
1886. The earliest of these _conquistadores_ were Crisóstomo Hernandez
and Benjamin Larrañaga, who entered the region in search of the inferior
kind of rubber there produced, known as _sernambi_ or _jebe debil_
(weak, fine rubber). The banks of these two rivers, and the whole of the
region inhabited by the Huitotos, the Andokes, and the Boras Indians,
are fairly well stocked with trees that furnish the milk out of which an
inferior rubber is elaborated. The Putumayo Indians merely gash the tree
with a knife or _machete_, and, catching the milk as it exudes in little
baskets made of leaves, they wash it in their streams of running water
and pound it with wooden pestles into long sausage-shaped rolls, termed
in Peruvian rubber parlance _chorizos_, which ultimately are put upon
the market just as the Indian carries them in to whoever may be locally
exploiting him and his neighbourhood. That these wild Indians welcomed
the coming into their country of Hernandez, Larrañaga, and the other
Colombians who succeeded these earliest of the modern _conquistadores_
it would be absurd to assert. They were, doubtless, glad to get
_machetes_, and powder and caps for the few trade guns they possessed,
with the prospect even of acquiring more of these priceless weapons
themselves, along with such trifles as beads, mirrors, tin bowls,
fish-hooks, and tempting tins of sardines or potted meats--all of them
articles of little intrinsic value, but of very attractive character to
the Indian dwelling in so inaccessible a region. Had any form of
administrative authority accompanied the early settlers or searchers for
Indians, as they should rightly be termed, their relations with these
wild inhabitants of the forest might have been controlled and directed
to some mutually useful end. But the _caucheros_ came as filibusters,
not as civilisers, and were unaccompanied by any executive officers
representing a civilised control. The region was practically a no-man's
land, lying remote from any restraining authority or civilising
influence, and figuring on maps of South America as claimed by three
separate republics.

"Those who came in search of rubber had no intention of dwelling longer
in the forest than the accumulation of the wealth they hoped to amass
necessitated. They wanted to get rich quickly, not to stay and civilise
the Indians or make their homes among them. The rubber-trees of
themselves were of no value; it was Indians who could be made or induced
to tap them and to bring in the rubber on the white man's terms that all
the invading _conquistadores_ were in search of. Generally a leading man
fitted out an expedition with a few companions, partners in effort and
initial expenditure; and with a gang of hired _peons_, or, as they are
called in that region, _racionales_ (half-breeds mostly who can read and
write to distinguish them from the _Indios_, who are ignorant of all
save forest lore), he journeyed to some part of the forest in search of
tribes of wild Indians--_infieles_ or "infidels"--who could be easily
subdued and reduced to work the wild rubber-trees in the territory they
inhabited. An Indian would promise anything for a gun, or for some of
the other tempting things offered as inducements to him to work rubber.
Many Indians submitted to the alluring offer only to find that once in
the _conquistadores_' books they had lost all liberty, and were reduced
to unending demands for more rubber and more varied tasks. A cacique or
_capitán_ might be bought over to dispose of the labour of all his clan,
and as the cacique's influence was very great and the natural docility
of the Indian a remarkable characteristic of the Upper Amazon tribes,
the work of conquering a primitive people and reducing them to a
continual strain of rubber-finding was less difficult than might at
first be supposed. Their arms of defence were puerile weapons as opposed
to the rifles of the _blancos_."

The terrible floggings practised upon the Indians are lengthily
described by Consul Casement, and it is said that 90 per cent, of them,
men and women, bear scars therefrom.

Further describing the outrages committed, Mr. Casement quotes from the
Annual Report of the Minister of Justice, presented to the Peruvian
Congress in 1907:--

"Coming to more distant regions, where executive authority is
necessarily weaker, the missionary brother informs the Minister of
Justice of the state of things on the Putumayo itself:--

"'River Putumayo. In this river it is not possible to establish any
mission owing to the abuses of the _caucheros_ against the Indians
(_los infieles_), whom they maltreat and murder for no reason (_por
motivos frivolos_), seizing their women and children.' (P. 782 of the
Ministerial Report.)

"Lest this may be thought a vague indictment, I append a further extract
from the same Report, this time directed by the Apostolic Prefect of the
district of San Francisco de Ucayali to the Minister of Justice. It is
dated from Contamana, on the Ucayali, the chief place of the province,
on the 27th August, 1907, and deals at some length with the condition of
religion and education on that great river, the main feeder and source
of the Amazon, and one that has been largely occupied and in civilised
hands for the better part of the last century:--

"'Before speaking of the region of the Ucayali I wish to draw the
attention of the Supreme Government to the infamous trade in buying and
selling boys and girls which for years has been practised in these parts
of the montaña (_i.e._, the forest region), in spite of the repeated
prohibitions of the Government, just as if these poor savages were
irrational beings (_seres irracionales_), or, to be still more clear,
just as if they were sheep or horses. This is intolerable in such an
illustrious country as Peru. This trade excites and foments the hunting
(_correrías_, literally "chasings") so frequently indulged in of these
poor savages, so as to seize them in their houses in the moment when
they least expect it. This is done by different traders (_comerciantes_)
by means of their _peóns_, particularly some of those of the Upper
Ucayali. I could cite many examples in confirmation of this, but I will
cite one alone which took place last year (1906). Here it is:--

"'The Campas Indians of the River Ubiriqui were dwelling peacefully in
their houses when suddenly, as is reported, there fell upon them men
sent on a _correría_ by one of the traders of the Upper Ucayali, who
lives near Unini. These, without warning, attacked the innocent Campas,
seizing those whom they could, killing many of them so that few escaped
their cruelties, so that even up to now the number of their victims is
not known. It is certain that many bodies have been found in a state of
putrefaction, and that all the houses of the Ubiriqui are burnt. These
deeds have exasperated the Indians (_los infieles_), and if no effective
remedy is applied, later on we shall not be safe even in the mission
villages (_pueblocitos de la misión_), nor shall we be able to spread
our winning over and civilising of the savages who dwell in our
forests.' (P. 783 and following of the Report.)

"I do not know what steps were taken to deal with this state of things
on the Upper Ucayali, but no steps of any kind followed on the Putumayo
the notification, as quoted, made to the Minister of Justice by Frei
Prat. That the representations of these Peruvian missionaries had not
escaped the eyes of the Minister himself is clear from his own remarks.
In his prefatory address to the members of Congress the Minister of
Justice states in his Report (p. 48 of the Part _Instrucción y Culto_)
as follows:--

"'The apostolic prefectures have continued their work of civilisation
and evangelisation of the Indians of the Oriente, and in their reports,
which are inserted as an annex, will be found detailed accounts of its
progress.'"

Consul Casement continues:--

"Before my visit ended more than one Peruvian agent admitted to me that
he had continually flogged Indians, and accused more than one of his
fellow-agents by name of far greater crimes. In many cases the Indian
rubber-worker--who knew roughly what quantity of rubber was expected of
him--when he brought his load to be weighed, seeing that the needle of
the balance did not touch the required spot, would throw himself face
downwards on the ground, and in that posture await the inevitable blows.
An individual who had often taken part in these floggings and who
charged himself with two murders of Indians has thus left on record the
manner of flogging the Indians at stations where he served. I quote this
testimony, as this man's evidence, which was in my possession when I
visited the region, was amply confirmed by one of the British subjects I
examined, who had himself been charged in that evidence with flogging an
Indian girl whom the man in question had then shot, when her back after
that flogging had putrefied, so that it became 'full of maggots.' He
states in his evidence--and the assertion was frequently borne out by
others I met and questioned:--

"'The Indian is so humble that as soon as he sees that the needle of the
scale does not mark the 10 kilos he himself stretches out his hands and
throws himself on the ground to receive the punishment. Then the chief
or a subordinate advances, bends down, takes the Indian by the hair,
strikes him, raises his head, drops it face downwards on the ground, and
after the face is beaten and kicked and covered with blood the Indian is
scourged.'

"This picture is true; detailed descriptions of floggings of this kind
were again and again made to me by men who had been employed in the
work. Indians were flogged, not only for shortage in rubber, but still
more grievously if they dared to run away from their houses, and, by
flight to a distant region, to escape altogether from the tasks laid
upon them. Such flight as this was counted a capital offence, and the
fugitives, if captured, were as often tortured and put to death as
brutally flogged. Expeditions were fitted out and carefully planned to
track down and recover the fugitives, however far the flight might have
been. The undisputed territory of the neighbouring Republic of Colombia,
lying to the north of the River Japurá (or Caquetá), was again and again
violated in these pursuits, and the individuals captured were not always
only Indians.

"The crimes alleged against Armando Normand, dating from the end of the
year 1904 up to the month of October, 1910, when I found him in charge
of this station of Matanzas or Andokes, seem wellnigh incredible. They
included innumerable murders and tortures of defenceless
Indians--pouring kerosene oil on men and women and then setting fire to
them, burning men at the stake, dashing the brains out of children, and
again and again cutting off the arms and legs of Indians and leaving
them to speedy death in this agony. These charges were not made to me
alone by Barbados men who had served under Normand, but by some of his
fellow-_racionales_. A Peruvian engineer in the company's service
vouched to me for the dashing out of the brains of children, and the
chief representative of the company, Señor Tizon, told me he believed
Normand had committed 'innumerable murders' of the Indians.

"Westerman Leavine, whom Normand sought to bribe to withhold testimony
from me, finally declared that he had again and again been an
eye-witness of these deeds--that he had seen Indians burned alive more
than once, and often their limbs eaten by the dogs kept by Normand at
Matanzas. It was alleged, and I am convinced with truth, that during the
period of close on six years Normand had controlled the Andokes Indians
he had directly killed 'many hundreds' of those Indians--men, women, and
children. The indirect deaths due to starvation, floggings, exposure,
and hardship of various kinds in collecting rubber or transferring it
from Andokes down to Chorrera must have accounted for a still larger
number. Señor Tizon told me that 'hundreds' of Indians perished in the
compulsory carriage of the rubber from the more distant sections down to
La Chorrera. No food is given by the company to these unfortunate people
on these forced marches, which, on an average, take place three times a
year. I witnessed one such march, on a small scale, when I accompanied a
caravan of some two hundred Andokes and Boras Indians (men, women, and
children) that left Matanzas station on the 19th of October to carry
their rubber that had been collected by them during the four or five
preceding months down to a place on the banks of the Igaraparaná, named
Puerto Peruano (Peruvian Port), whence it was to be conveyed in lighters
towed by a steam launch down to La Chorrera. The distance from Matanzas
to Puerto Peruano is one of some forty miles, or possibly more. The
rubber had already been carried into Matanzas from different parts of
the forest lying often ten or twelve hours' march away, so that the
total journey forced upon each carrier was not less than sixty miles,
and in some cases probably a longer one. The path to be followed was one
of the worst imaginable--a fatiguing route for a good walker quite
unburdened.

"For two days--that is to say, from Matanzas to Entre Rios--I marched
along with this caravan of very unhappy individuals, men with huge loads
of rubber weighing, I believe, sometimes up to 70 kilos each,
accompanied by their wives, also loaded with rubber, and their sons and
daughters, down to quite tiny things that could do no more than carry a
little cassava-bread (prepared by the mothers before leaving their
forest home), to serve as food for parents and children on this trying
march. Armed _muchachos_, with Winchesters, were scattered through the
long column, and at the rear one of the _racionales_ of Matanzas, a man
named Adan Negrete, beat up the stragglers. Behind all, following a day
later, came Señor Normand himself, with more armed _racionales_, to see
that none fell out or slipped home, having shed their burdens of rubber
on the way. On the second day I reached Entre Rios in the early
afternoon, the bulk of the Indians having that morning started at 5.15
from the place where we had slept together in the forest. At 5.15 that
evening they arrived with Negrete and the armed _muchachos_ at Entre
Rios, where I had determined to stay for some days. Instead of allowing
these half-starved and weary people, after twelve hours' march,
staggering under crushing loads, to rest in this comparatively
comfortable station of the company, where a large rest-house and even
food were available, Negrete drove them on into the forest beyond, where
they were ordered to spend the night under guard of the _muchachos_.
This was done in order that a member of the company's commission (Mr.
Walter Fox), who was at Entre Rios at the time along with myself, should
not have an opportunity of seeing too closely the condition of these
people--particularly, I believe, that we should not be able to weigh the
loads of rubber they were carrying. I had, however, seen enough on the
road during the two days I accompanied the party alone to convince me of
the cruelty they were subjected to, and I had even taken several
photographs of those among them who were more deeply scarred with the
lash.

"Several of the women had fallen out sick on the way, and five of them I
had left provided for with food in a deserted Indian house in the
forest, and had left an armed Barbados man to guard them until Señor
Tizon, to whom I wrote, could reach the spot, following me from Matanzas
a day later. An opportunity arose the next day to weigh one of these
loads of rubber. A straggler, who had either fallen out or left Matanzas
after the main party, came into Entre Rios, staggering under a load of
rubber, about mid-day on the 21st October, when Mr. Fox and I were about
to sit down to lunch. The man came through the hot sun across the
station compound, and fell before our eyes at the foot of the ladder
leading up to the veranda, where, with the chief of the section (Señor
O'Donnell), we were sitting. He had collapsed, and we got him carried
into the shade and revived with whisky, and later on some soup and food
from our own table. He was a young man, of slight build, with very thin
arms and legs, and his load of rubber by no means one of the largest I
had seen actually being carried. I had it weighed there and then, and
its weight was just 50 kilos.[126]

"This man had not a scrap of food with him. Owing to our intervention he
was not forced to carry on his load, but was permitted the next day to
go on to Puerto Peruano empty-handed in company with Señor Normand. I
saw many of these people on their way back to their homes some days
later after their loads had been put into the lighters at Puerto
Peruano. They were returning, footsore and utterly worn out, through the
station of Entre Rios on their way back to their scattered houses in the
Andokes or Boras country. They had no food with them, and none was given
to them at Entre Rios. I stopped many of them, and inspected the little
woven string or skin bags they carry, and neither man nor woman had any
food left. All that they had started with a week before had been already
eaten, and for the last day or two they had been subsisting on roots and
leaves and the berries of wild trees they had pulled down on the way. We
found, on our subsequent journey down to Puerto Peruano, a few days
later, many traces of where they had pulled down branches and even trees
themselves in their search for something to stay the craving of hunger.
In some places the path was blocked with the branches and creepers they
had torn down in their search for food, and it was only when Señors
Tizon and O'Donnell assured me that this was done by 'Señor Normand's
Indians' in their hungry desperation that I could believe it was not the
work of wild animals.

"Indians were frequently flogged to death. Cases were reported to me
where men or women had died actually under the lash, but this seems to
have been infrequent. Deaths due to flogging generally ensued some days
afterwards, and not always in the station itself where the lash had been
applied, but on the way home to the unfortunate's dwelling-place. In
many cases where men or women had been so cruelly flogged that the
wounds putrefied the victims were shot by one of the _racionales_ acting
under the orders of the chief of the section, or even by this individual
himself. Salt and water would be sometimes applied to these wounds, but
in many cases a fatal flogging was not attended even by this poor effort
at healing, and the victim, 'with maggots in the flesh,' was turned
adrift to die in the forest or was shot and the corpse burned or
buried--or often enough thrown into the 'bush' near the station-houses.
At one station--that of Abisinia (which I did not visit)--I was informed
by a British subject who had himself often flogged the Indians that he
had seen mothers flogged, on account of shortage of rubber by their
little sons. These boys were held to be too small to chastise, and so,
while the little boy stood terrified and crying at the sight, his mother
would be beaten 'just a few strokes' to make him into a better worker.

"Men and women would be suspended by the arms, often twisted behind
their backs and tied together at the wrists, and in this agonising
posture, their feet hanging high above the ground, they were scourged on
the nether limbs and lower back. The implement used for flogging was
invariably a twisted strip, or several strips plaited together, of dried
tapir-hide, a skin not so thick as the hippopotamus-hide I have seen
used in Africa for flagellation, but still sufficiently stout to cut a
human body to pieces. One flogger told me the weapon he used was 'as
thick as your thumb.'

"After the prohibition of flogging by circular I have referred to, at
some of the less brutal or more cautious centres of rubber-collection
defaulting Indians were no longer, during the months of 1910, flogged
with tapir-hide, but were merely chastised with strokes of a _machete_.
These _machetes_ are almost swords, and shaped something like a cutlass.
They are used for gashing the trees in tapping them for rubber milk, and
they also serve as weapons in the hands of the Indians. Blows with these
laid across the shoulder-blades or back might be excessively painful,
but would be unlikely to leave any permanent scar or traces of the
beating. At the station of Occidente this form of beating had in June,
1910, been varied with a very cowardly torture instituted by the chief
of that section, a Peruvian named Fidel Velarde. This man, who was found
in charge of that section when I visited it in October, 1910, in order
to still inspire terror and yet leave no trace on the bodies of his
victims, since Occidente lay close to La Chorrera and might be visited
unexpectedly by Señor Tizon, had devised a new method of punishment for
those who did not bring in enough rubber to satisfy him. Their arms were
tied behind their backs, and thus pinioned they were taken down to the
river (the Igaraparaná), and forcibly held under water until they became
insensible and half-drowned. One of the Barbados men related
circumstantially how on the 20th of June, 1910, only a few hours after
Señor Tizon had quitted Occidente on a visit of inspection proceeding
upriver to Ultimo Retiro, four Indian youths had been ordered by Velarde
to be taken down to the river, their arms tied together, and to be then
held under water until they filled--or, as James Mapp, the Barbados man
put it, until 'their bowels filled with water.' Mapp had been ordered to
perform this task, and had point-blank refused to obey, declaring he
would not lay a finger on the Indians, whereupon a _racional_ employee,
by name Eugenio Acosta (whom I had met at Occidente), had carried out
Señor Velarde's orders. The four Indians, with their arms tied, had been
thrust into the river by Acosta and an Indian he forced to help him and
held forcibly under water. The whole station and the kinsmen of the four
Indians were gathered on the high bank to witness this degrading
spectacle, the Indian women weeping and crying out. One of the young men
in his struggles had kicked free from the grasp of the man holding him
down, and as his arms were fastened he had been unable to save himself
by swimming, and had sunk in the deep, strong current at the spot
described.

"Indians were often flogged while confined in the _cepo_, this notably
in the special flogging _cepo_, with movable extremities, made by order
of Aurelio Rodríguez at Santa Catalina, and referred to by its maker,
Edward Crichlow, in his testimony to me. Sometimes the most abominable
offences were committed upon Indians while held by the legs or leg in
this defenceless position (see particularly the statement of James
Chase, borne out by Stanley Lewis, as to the crime committed by José
Inocente Fonseca at Ultimo Retiro upon a young Indian man). Some of the
British subjects I questioned declared to me that they had known Indian
women to be publicly violated by the _racionales_ while in this state of
detention. As an added punishment, the legs of a man or woman would be
distended and confined several holes apart in the stocks--some of the
Barbados men asserted that they themselves had been confined with their
legs 'five holes apart,' a distance, I should say, intolerable to be
borne for any length of time. The Ultimo Retiro stocks were the worst I
saw, for the leg-holes were smaller, and the beams to have locked on any
ordinary sized leg must have forced down into the flesh.

"An individual confined with his legs 'five holes apart' would have had
them extended almost a yard at the extremities, and if confined for a
few hours in this posture, he must have been in acute pain. Indians who
spent long periods in the stocks were sometimes confined by only one
leg. Whole families were so imprisoned--fathers, mothers, and children,
and many cases were reported of parents dying thus, either from
starvation or from wounds caused by flogging, while their offspring were
attached alongside of them to watch in misery themselves the dying
agonies of their parents. One man at Ultimo Retiro, himself a living
witness to the enforced starvation he denounced, in the presence of
Señor Jiménez and his subordinates, related before me and the members of
the commission on the 8th of October how, in Señor Montt's time, a year
previously, many of his countrymen and women had been so starved to
death or flogged to death in the station _cepo_ that we were then
inspecting and experimenting with.

"Some of these agents drew fully £1,000 a year from the rubber they
forced by this means and by other lawless methods from the surrounding
native population.

"Flogging was varied with other tortures designed, like the
semi-drownings of Velarde, to just stop short of taking life while
inspiring the acute mental fear and inflicting much of the physical
agony of death. Thus, men and lads, rubber defaulters or fugitives from
its collection, were suspended by a chain fastened round the neck to one
of the beams of the house or store. Sometimes with the feet scarcely
touching the ground and the chain hauled taut they were left in this
half-strangled position until life was almost extinct. More than one
eye-witness assured me that he had seen Indians actually suspended by
the neck until when let down they fell a senseless mass upon the floor
of the house with their tongues protruding.

"Several informants declared they had witnessed Indians, chained round
the arms, hauled up to the ceilings of the houses or to trees, and the
chain then suddenly loosed so that the victim fell violently to the
ground. One case of this kind was circumstantially related to me where
the Indian, a young man, dropped suddenly like this from a height of
several feet, fell backwards, and his head hit the ground so violently
that his tongue was bitten through and his mouth full of blood.

"Deliberate starvation was again and again resorted to, but this not
where it was desired merely to frighten, but where the intention was to
kill. Men and women were kept prisoners in the station stocks until they
died of hunger.

"These starvations, as specifically related to me by men who witnessed
them and were aware of the gravity of the charge they brought, had not
been due to chance neglect, but to design. No food was given to the
Indians, and none could be given save by the chief of the section. One
man related how he had seen Indians thus being starved to death in the
stocks 'scraping up the dirt with their fingers and eating it'; another
declared he had actually seen Indians who had been flogged and were in
extremity of hunger in the stocks 'eating the maggots from their
wounds.'

"Wholesale murder and torture endured up to the end of Aurelio
Rodríguez' service, and the wonder is that any Indians were left in the
district at all to continue the tale of rubber-working on to 1910. This
aspect of such continuous criminality is pointed to by those who, not
having encountered the demoralisation that attends the methods
described, happily infrequent, assert that no man will deliberately kill
the goose that lays the golden eggs. This argument would have force if
applied to a settled country or an estate it was designed to profitably
develop. None of the freebooters on the Putumayo had any such
limitations in his view, or care for the hereafter to restrain him. His
first object was to get rubber, and the Indians would always last his
time. He hunted, killed, and tortured to-day in order to terrify fresh
victims for to-morrow. Just as the appetite comes in eating so each
crime led on to fresh crimes, and many of the worst men on the Putumayo
fell to comparing their battues and boasting of the numbers they had
killed.

"Every one of these criminals kept a large staff of unfortunate Indian
women for immoral purposes--termed by a euphemism their 'wives.' Even
_péons_ had sometimes more than one Indian wife. The gratification of
this appetite to excess went hand in hand with the murderous instinct
which led these men to torture and kill the very parents and kinsmen of
those they cohabited with.

"The Indian communities had been everywhere deprived of their native
weapons. Perhaps a greater defence than their spears and blow-pipes even
had been more ruthlessly destroyed. Their old people, both women and
men, respected for character and ability to wisely advise, had been
marked from the first as dangerous, and in the early stages of the
occupation were done to death. Their crime had been the giving of 'bad
advice.' To warn the more credulous or less experienced against the
white enslaver and to exhort the Indian to flee or to resist rather than
consent to work rubber for the new-comers had brought about their doom.
I met no old Indian man or woman, and few had got beyond middle age. The
Barbados men assured me that when they first came to the region in the
beginning of 1905 old people were still to be found, vigorous and highly
respected, but these had all disappeared, so far as I could gather,
before my coming. At Entre Rios I learned of an Indian chief named
Chingamui, who at Señor O'Donnell's arrival in 1903 had exercised a
widespread influence over all the Huitotos in that district. This man
had fallen at the hands of a Colombian named Calderon, who then directed
the neighbouring district of Atenas, but not before he had shot at and
wounded his murderer. So, too, I learned of an 'old woman' who was
beheaded in the station of Sur by order of its chief, and whose crime
had been the giving of 'bad advice.' Her head had been held up by the
hair in the presence of my informant as a warning to the assembled
Indians of the fate they too would incur if they did not obey the white
man.

"Perhaps the bravest and most resolute opponent the murderers had
encountered had met his death only a few months, or even weeks, before
my arrival in the district. This was a Boras cacique, or
_capitán_--often referred to in the depositions of those I
examined--named Katenere. This man, who was not an old man, but young
and strong, lived on the upper waters of the Pamá, a small stream that
empties into the Cahuinari not far from its mouth in the Japurá. My
interpreter, Bishop, had seen this chief in 1907, when Normand had gone
to find him in order to induce him to work rubber. He had, from
necessity no doubt, consented to bring in rubber, and for some time had
worked voluntarily for Normand, until, through bad treatment, he, like
so many others, had fled. He had been captured later on, along with his
wife and some of his people, and confined in the stocks of the Abisinia
district, to undergo the taming process. While thus himself a prisoner,
his wife, so I was informed by a Peruvian white man holding a well-paid
post in the company's service, had been publicly violated before his
eyes by one of the highest agents of the Syndicate, a Peruvian whose
name and record was frequently brought forward in the course of my
inquiry. This man had been obliged to fly from the Caraparaná agency on
account of his crimes in that region in 1908.

"As a rule, the criminals who controlled the Indian population of the
Putumayo were chary of robbing an Indian husband of his wife. The harems
were maintained mainly by orphans, generally girls whose parents were
'dead.' Asking once why it was that the wives of the Indians seemed
usually to be spared this contamination, a reliable witness answered me:
'Because, sir, if they takes an Indian's wife, that Indian don't work
rubber.' I urged that since these men stuck at no act of terrorisation
to make Indians work rubber, a husband could be forced, even if robbed
of his wife, to go and get rubber. 'No, sir,' my informant said, 'the
Indians loves their wives, and if she is taken they won't work rubber.
They can kill them, do anything they like to them, but the Indian won't
work rubber.'

"This assertion was made more than once by men who, like this man, had
taken an active part in making Indians work rubber, and I believe that
this obstinate prejudice of the Indian preserved a native marriage from
invasion more surely than any respect the _cauchero_ has for its
sanctity. An Indian marriage is not a ceremony, but a choice sanctioned
by the parents of the bride, and once a child or children result from
the union there is rarely infidelity or separation. The very conditions
of Indian life, open and above board, and every act of every day known
to wellnigh every neighbour, precluded, I should say, very widespread
sexual immorality before the coming of the white man. Certain it is that
immoral intercourse among Indians, leading their natural lives, is rare,
and as polygamy scarcely existed, only a few of the bigger men having
more than one wife, the affection that grew up between an Indian man and
his wife was very often sincere and deep-rooted, just as the love of
parents for their children was.

"The Indians often displayed a fortitude in the face of impending
torture and death that speaks for itself of the excellence of some of
their qualities. Thus, it will be seen in the depositions accompanying
this Report how, on more than one occasion, men had refused to betray
the hiding-place of fugitives under terrible threats of torture if they
did not point out the retreat of the runaways. Normand is charged with
having cut the arms and legs off a chief he captured and questioned, who
preferred to suffer such a death to betraying the refuge of those who
had fled. I learned of more than one case of the kind, and have no doubt
of the truth of the accusation against the white man as of the fortitude
of the Indian. The tribes of the Putumayo in the hands of good men could
be made into good men and women, useful and intelligent workers under an
honest administration. Trained to be murderers, with the worst example
men ever gave to men daily held up for imitation, with lust and greed
and cruelty so often appealed to, I daily wondered that so much goodness
still survived among the remnant we encountered. That that remnant
itself would soon be gone I became convinced. A Peruvian who spoke good
English, having spent some years in England, confessed as much to me two
days before I left Chorrera. I said to this man that under the actual
régime I feared the entire Indian population would be gone in ten years,
and he answered, 'I give it six years--not ten.'

"The unrelieved barbarity of this Report does not rest alone on the
testimony of the Barbados men whose depositions accompany it. I had
other evidence to go by at the outset, and this was found to be in more
than one instance amply confirmed by the independent statements of the
British witnesses and again and again borne out by the evidence of our
own eyes and the general conditions of the Indians. Could these people
have been themselves fully interrogated, the weight of testimony would
have been far greater, but could not have been more convincing.

"A magistrate was said to be residing at one of the company's stations
on that river, but I never heard him once referred to, and when
peculiarly atrocious crimes were dragged to light, admitted, and
deplored, the criminal charged with them would be sitting at table with
us, and the members of the company's commission and myself were appealed
to to give no indication of our disgust lest this man 'might do worse
things' to the Indians or provoke an impossible situation with the armed
bandits under his orders. The apology for this extraordinary situation
was that there was 'no authority, no administration, no one near to whom
any appeal could be made,' and that Iquitos was 1,200 miles away. Every
chief of section was a law unto himself, and many of the principal
agents of this British company were branded by the representative of
that company, holding its power of attorney, in conversation with me as
'murderers, pirates, and bandits.'"

       *       *       *       *       *

A considerable part of Consul Casement's Report is taken up with the
depositions, sworn before him, of the Barbados men; one of these, by
name Stanley Lewis, stated:--

"I have seen Indians killed for sport, tied up to trees and shot at by
Fonseca and the others. After they were drinking they would sometimes do
this. They would take a man out of the _cepo_ and tie him to a tree, and
shoot him for a target. I have often seen Indians killed thus, and also
shot after they had been flogged and their flesh was rotten through
maggots."

This man also described terrible barbarities committed on and murder of
two Indian girls by Fonseca. James Chase, another Barbados man, gave a
long account of Indians being flogged to death, starved, or shot, and
describes the terrible occurrence connected with the murdering of the
family of Katerene as follows:--

"They were also to hunt for a Boras Indian named Katenere, a former
rubber-worker of the district of Abisinia, who had escaped, and, having
captured some rifles, had raised a band of his fellow-Indians, and had
successfully resisted all attempts at his recapture. Katenere had shot
Bartolemé Zupaeta, the brother-in-law of Julio C. Arana, and was counted
a brave man and a terror to the Peruvian rubber-workers. The expedition
set out from Morelia, and at the first Indian 'house' they reached in
the forest they caught eight Indians, five men and three women. They
were all tied up with ropes, their hands tied behind their backs, and
marched on farther. At the next house they reached they caught four
Indians, one woman and three men. Vasquez, who was in charge, ordered
one of the _muchachos_ to cut this woman's head off. He ordered this for
no apparent reason that James Chase knows of, simply because 'he was in
command, and could do what he liked.' The _muchacho_ cut the woman's
head off; he held her by the hair of her head, and, flinging her down,
hacked her head off with a machete. It took more than one blow to sever
the head--three or four blows. The remains were left there on the path,
and the expedition went on with the three fresh male prisoners tied up
with the others. The date would be about May, 1910.

"They were then approaching the house where they believed Katenere to be
living. He was the chief of the Indians in whose direction they were
going--the fugitives from the rubber-work. At a point about half an
hour's walk from this Indian house Vasquez ordered him, Ocampo, and two
of the _muchachos_ to remain there to guard the prisoners, while he
himself (Vasquez) went on with the rest of the expedition. This party,
so Vasquez told them when he had returned, reached the house of Katenere
about six in the evening. Katenere and his wife, or one of his wives,
were in the house--only these two persons. Vasquez caught the woman, but
Katenere got away. Vasquez stayed there and sent four of the _muchachos_
into the forest to find and capture the rifles that Katenere had got.
When the _muchachos_ got to this other house in the forest they found
several Indians in it, whom they captured, and four rifles. The Indians
were tied up with their hands behind them, but after a time the head
_muchacho_, a Boras Indian, nicknamed Henrique, ordered them to be
released. He then sent on his three _muchachos_ to another house to
bring in some Indians whilst he stayed with the men whom he had just
released. These Indians, it should be noted, were all Boras Indians,
Henrique as well as the rest of the _muchachos_. Whilst Henrique was
with these men he found amongst them an Indian girl of whom he was very
fond and who had probably joined them in their flight. He endeavoured to
seize this girl, and in a quarrel that followed he was killed. The three
_muchachos_, on their return with two prisoners, found their leader
killed and his rifle in the hands of the released Indians, with the four
guns they already had belonging to Katenere. Each party fired at the
other, the forest Indians without effect. The three _muchachos_ killed
two of the Boras Indians and then returned to the house where Vasquez
was spending the night and where he held the wife of Katenere prisoner.
In the morning Vasquez returned to Ocampo and Chase, bringing only this
woman with them. It was then that Chase learned from Vasquez' own lips
what had happened. They had then, Chase states, twelve Indians as
prisoners, who included Katenere's wife, and also of the original party
that left Abisinia two Indians, who were in chains, who had been brought
as guides to point out where Katenere and his fugitive people were
living. These were some of Katenere's men who had not succeeded in
escaping when he got away. The whole party set out to return to Morelia
through the forest, having lost Henrique and his rifle. Soon after they
began their march in the morning they met in the path a child--a little
girl--who was said to be a daughter of Katenere by another wife he had
once had, not the woman they now held as prisoner. This child, Chase
states, was quite a young girl, some six or eight years of age. She was
frightened at the sight of the armed men, the Indians in chains and tied
up, and began to cry as they approached. Vasquez at once ordered her
head to be cut off. He knew it was Katenere's child because Katenere's
wife, in their hands, told them so. There was no reason that Chase knew
for their crime, save that the child was crying. Her head was cut off by
a _muchacho_ named Cherey, a Recigiro Indian boy. He was quite a young
boy. They came on about half an hour's march past that, leaving the
decapitated body in the path, and as one of the women prisoners they
had was not walking as fast as the rest Vasquez ordered a _muchacho_ to
cut her head off. This was done by the same boy Cherey in the same way,
he flinging the woman on the ground and chopping her head off with
several blows of his _machete_. They left this body and severed head
right in the path and went on again towards Morelia. They were walking
very fast because they were a bit frightened, thinking the Indians were
pursuing them. One of the male Indian prisoners, a boy, about fifteen or
sixteen [Chase indicated the boy's height with his hand], a lad who
could work rubber, was lagging behind and could not keep up with them as
they were going very fast. The Indian was hungry and probably weak.
Vasquez ordered his head to be cut off. This execution took place there
and then in the same way and was performed by the same boy Cherey. The
Indian's hands were tied behind him. Cherey took hold of the lad's long
hair, threw him on the ground, and cut his head off. They came on after
this towards Morelia, walking as fast as they could, and when they were
getting near it in the evening-time and perhaps three-quarters of an
hour's distance Vasquez was in a great hurry to reach the station. Three
of the Indian men who were weak through hunger and not able to walk fast
could not keep up with them, so Vasquez himself shot one and he ordered
Cherey, the _muchacho_, to shoot the other two. These were all grown-up
men, Boras Indians, and belonging to Gavilanes, and were part of
Katenere's people. The three bodies were left lying there on the path,
and the place where they were killed was so near Morelia that when they
reached it they learned that the station hands had heard the shots of
the rifles that had killed the men.

"They reached Morelia in the evening, and of their five prisoners three
were put with their feet in the _cepo_, while the fourth was hung up by
his neck with a chain round it. The chain was pulled taut over a beam in
the roof of the house, so that the man's toes rested on the ground, but
he could not budge or even move his head. He had to stand like this with
his head and neck stretched up all night. Those in the _cepo_, two men
and a woman, also had chains round their necks. They got no food."

Evidence confirmatory of James Chase's statement with regard to this
expedition of Vasquez was subsequently obtained by the Consul-General
from other quarters. The Report continues:--

"Allan Davis, a Barbados man who was in Abisinia when Vasquez arrived
there, stated in his examination that Vasquez declared on arrival 'he
had left the road pretty.' Davis saw him arrive with the emaciated
prisoners, who were put in stocks, and all of whom subsequently met
their deaths in Abisinia, as averred by Davis and Evelyn Baston, another
Barbados man, whose testimony was subsequently taken. One of them was
murdered by being shot, and the others were deliberately starved to
death while confined in the stocks.

"Asked if he had seen women thus killed, he replied, 'Yes. They were
shot and died from blows' (from floggings). They were cut to pieces
sometimes and smelt dreadfully. Once he himself was put in _cepo_
alongside some of these rotting human beings who had been inhumanly
flogged, and the smell was so bad he begged and implored to be taken
out--he could not stand it--but Fonseca kept him in all night. He saw
these people die from these floggings; their bodies would sometimes be
dragged away and thrown in the bush around the station or burned. He has
seen the _muchachos_ shoot Indians under the order of Fonseca. Continual
floggings went on at that time among women and children.

"Further statements were from time to time received from James Chase in
the course of the journey made by Mr. Casement in the company of the
commission, and finally on the 5th of November at La Chorrera he gave
still further testimony in the presence of several of his countrymen. He
states that amongst other things he saw Fonseca do was to kill an Indian
man who was at the time confined in the stocks, or _cepo_, at Ultimo
Retiro. The Indian in question had run away from working rubber, but had
been caught and brought in a prisoner. Fonseca said to him, 'I am going
to kill you.' The man protested, and said he had done no harm. He had
not killed a white man, he had not injured any one or killed any one,
and could not be killed for running away. Fonseca laughed at him, and
had him hung up by the neck first with a chain drawn tight, and then
when let down from this torture he had him put in the _cepo_ with one
foot only, the other leg being free. Fonseca came up to the _cepo_ with
a stick with a club head much bigger than the handle of the stick. He
put one of his legs against the Indian's free leg and stretched it apart
from the confined leg. He then pulled off the man's _fono_, or
loin-cloth made of beaten bark, so that he was quite naked, and then
struck the man many times with the club-end of the stick on his exposed
parts. These were 'smashed,' and the man died in a short time. Deponent
described the occurrence fully, declaring that he was an eye-witness.

"This statement was confirmed by the Barbados man, Stanley S. Lewis, who
stated he also saw Fonseca commit this deed.

"Chase states that Fonseca at Ultimo Retiro would shoot Indians with a
long rifle which he had. He thinks it was a Mannlicher. Sometimes he
shot at them whilst they were actually prisoners in the stocks, and
others were taken out in the open ground round the house, and he shot at
them from the veranda. The last case of this kind that Chase witnessed
was that of a young girl. Fonseca bandaged her eyes and face so that
even her mouth and nose were covered. She was then made to walk away,
and whilst she was thus blindfolded Fonseca shot her 'as a sport for his
friends.'

"Chase further states that he has seen Aquiléo Torres cut the ears off
living Indians for sport. Torres took deponent's own knife from him. It
was an open knife, and he used this knife for the purpose. He saw him do
this several times. Once he cut off a man's ears and then burned his
wife alive before his eyes. This was done by Torres.

"In the summer of 1909 Chase accompanied Torico on a journey. Asked what
they were doing, he states that Torico, he thinks, was going round on a
sort of inspection for Macedo, or else to give warning to all the
sections that things must be put straight, because an Englishman,
Captain Whiffen, was then in the country and visiting the company's
territories. He remembers Torico taking the names of the Indians at each
station, and talking to the agents about Captain Whiffen's coming. Chase
states that he was with Sealey in the expedition under Jiménez, later
described."

Stanley Sealey, another Barbados, described to the Consul a rubber raid
and its results in the following terrible story:--

"A party of armed employees is sent out to collect the Indians of a
certain division on the day when their _puesta_ of rubber is due, and to
march them into the station with their loads of rubber, after this has
been weighed and found sufficient. The man in charge of the expedition
will have a list of the Indians he is to collect, and the amount of
rubber each is to bring in, and he proceeds to summon or find them. They
call the chief, or _capitán_, of these Indians, and if all his people do
not appear with him he may be put in the _cepo_, made out in the forest,
and kept guarded there. Sometimes he, deponent, and others of the
expedition would be sent to look for the missing Indians. If the Indians
do not all come in, the _capitán_ will be treated in a variety of ways.
Sometimes they tie his hands behind his back, and then by a rope through
his bound wrists he will be hauled up off the ground, the rope passing
over a tree-branch. Sometimes his feet would be three or four feet off
the ground. They kept him in this position for sometimes an hour or an
hour and a half, he screaming out with pain. This is to make him
confess where the missing Indians are. When he admits this, and says he
will go for the truants, they let him down, and, keeping him tied, they
go with him to where the people are hiding. If they find his people,
they may still keep him tied up. They do not then flog the Indians. They
collect all they can, those with the rubber, and those who have failed
to get it, and march them all down to the station. The arms of the
_capitán_ will be loosed on reaching the station, but his legs put in
the _cepo_. Then they weigh the rubber, and if any man has not brought
the right weight he is flogged. The severity of the flogging depends on
the amount of rubber the man is short. The deponent has not seen more
than two dozen stripes thus given. With regard to the Indians who had
not appeared in the first instance, and had to be collected, they would
be flogged and put in the _cepo_; they would get 'a good flogging.'
Sometimes the _capitán_ himself would be flogged in the station. Whole
families would be marched down in these gatherings, men with their wives
and children who would help the men with their rubber. On all these
marches the Indians would have to carry their own food too; they get no
food except what they bring themselves. They would only get food from
the white men during the time they are actually kept in the station. The
station would have a big pot of rice and beans boiled. This would be the
food. He has seen sometimes one hundred and fifty people thus marched
in. Those who have brought the fixed amount of rubber are allowed to go
back after this meal. The others are punished by being kept in _cepo_.
Some are put in a hole in the cellars of the house. There is such a
hole at Ultimo Retiro which the Consul can see when he gets there.

"The Indians are not paid at all on these occasions for such rubber as
they bring in. They only get payment when the full _fabrico_--say,
seventy-five days--is completed. These commissions take place sometimes
every ten days, sometimes every fifteen days, according to the period
fixed for each _puesta_, depending on the neighbourhood. Sealey gives
this as a general indication of the manner in which he has been employed
on 'commissions' and collecting the Indians from the forest. He next
states he wishes to describe what took place on a certain occasion when
he with other Barbados men went on a commission from Abisinia under
Jiménez. They were stationed at Morelia at the time, and went under
Jiménez to the Caquetá. It was a journey to catch fugitive Indians who
had fled from the rubber-working, and was soon after Sealey had gone to
Abisinia; he thinks it was in June, 1908. On the first day's march from
Morelia, about five o'clock in the afternoon, when they were some one
and a half day's distance from the Caquetá, they caught an old Indian
woman in the path. Jiménez asked the old woman where the rest of the
Indians were. Sealey states she was a bit frightened. She told him that
the next day at eleven o'clock he would get to the house where some
Indians were. She was an old woman, not able to run. They did not tie
her up. They went on with her, keeping her all night in camp until about
two o'clock of the next day, and then Jiménez asked her, 'Where is the
house; where are the Indians?' The old woman stood up, and said
nothing. She could not speak; she kept her eyes on the ground. Jiménez
said to her: 'You were telling me lies yesterday, but now you have got
to speak the truth.' With that he called his wife--he had an Indian
woman, the woman who is still with him--and he said to his wife: 'Bring
me that rope off my hammock.' She took the rope off and gave it to him,
and with that he tied the old woman's hands behind her back. There were
two trees standing just like that--one there and one there. He made an
Indian cut a post to stretch across between the two trees. Then he
hauled the old woman up, her feet were not touching the ground at all.
He said to one of the boys, a _muchacho_: 'Bring me some leaves--some
dry leaves,' he said, and he put these under the feet of the old woman
as she hung there, her feet about a foot or so above the ground; and he
then take a box of matches out of his pocket and he light the dry
leaves, and the old lady start to burn. Big bladders [blisters] I see on
her skin up here' (he pointed to his thighs). "All was burned; she was
calling out. Well, sir, when I see that, sir, I said, 'Lord, have
mercy!' and I run ahead that I could not see her no more."

"You did not go back?"

"I stayed a little ways off to where she was. I could hear him speaking.
He say to one of the boys, 'Loose her down now,' and they loose her but
she was not dead. She lay on the ground--she was still calling out. He
tell one of the Indians: 'Now, if this old woman is not able to walk,
cut her head off,' and the Indian did so--he cut her head off."

"You saw that?"

"Yes, sir, he leave her there in the same place. We left her there,
going a little ways into the forest; it was about four hours' walk;
after we left the old woman we met two women. They had no house--they
had run away. One had a child. Jiménez axed the one that had the child:
'Where is these Indians that has run away?' she tell him that she don't
know where they were. He tell her after she tell him that she don't know
that she was a liar."

"Did he tell her this himself in her own language?"

"He tell his wife to tell her. His wife speaks Spanish, too. His wife is
up there with him now at Ultimo Retiro. He tell his wife that she was a
liar. He took the child from the woman and he gave it to an Indian, one
of the Indians who had been collected to work rubber. 'Cut this child's
head off!' he say, and he did so."

"How did the Indian cut the child's head off?"

"He held it by the hair and chop its head off with a _machete_. It was a
little child walking behind its mother."

"Was it a boy or a girl?"

"It was a boy. He left the child and the head in the same place,
everything there, on the path. He went on then; he take the two women
with him, but the woman was crying for her child. Well, sir, we got a
little ways more inside the wood; walking, we met an Indian man--a
strong young fellow he was, too. That is, after we gets over to near
the Caguetá. Jiménez say he wanted to go to the next side--the other
side--of the Caquetá, but he do not know where he would get a boat, a
canoe, to go over. So this time he tell his woman, his wife, to ax the
Indian to tell where the boat is. Well, sir, the Indian say he do not
know where it is. By that time Jiménez say the Indian lie--he was a
liar, and he got a rope and he tie the Indian's hands like that behind
his back. It was in the same way with the post across between two trees.
He made the Indians tie a post across between two trees, and he haul the
Indian, like that, up to the post. His feet could not touch the ground,
and he call for some dry leaves, and tell the boys to bring some dry
leaves, same as the old woman. He put the leaves under his feet, and he
take a box of matches out of his pocket. The man was there shouting out,
greeting. Jiménez draw a match and light the leaves, and this time, sir,
the Indian start to burn, big bladders going out from his skin. The
Indian was there burning, with his head hanging like that--moaning, he
was. Jiménez say: 'Well, you will not tell me where the canoe, where the
boat is,' he says, 'so you must bear with that.' Well, the Indian was
not quite dead, but was there with his head hanging, and Jiménez he tell
the _capitán_, by name José Maria, a Boras Indian [he is chief _capitán_
of the Abisinia _muchachos_]; he says, 'Give him a ball!' he says, and
the Indian took his carbine and give him a ball here, shooting him in
the chest. Well, sir, after I saw how the blood started, I ran. It was
awful to see, and he left the Indian hanging up there with the rope and
everything on him."

"Was the Indian dead?"

"Yes, sir, he was dead with the ball, and we left him there in the same
place. That's all."

"Sealey states that he had reported these things to his
fellow-countryman, John Brown, who when he had reached Chorrera had
become the servant of a Captain Whiffen, an English officer who had
arrived there. He hoped that Captain Whiffen, hearing of it, might be
able to do something and so told John Brown.[127] Sealey states that
Chase was with him on the expedition."

Another Barbados man's (Westerman Leavine's) examination includes the
following:--

"He confirms the statement made by Genaro Caporo, in the _Truth_ charges
read out to him, who had declared what he saw in the middle of 1907. The
statement made by Caporo, that three old Indians and two young women,
their daughters, were murdered by Normand in cold blood and their bodies
eaten by the dogs, was corroborated by Leavine. He saw this take place,
and saw the dogs eating them. As to the starving to death of Indians in
the _cepo_, it was a common occurrence, and the dead and stinking bodies
left there alongside still living prisoners he declares he more than
once witnessed. The statement made by Caporo as to an Indian chief who
was burnt alive in the presence of his wife and two children, and the
wife then beheaded and the children dismembered, and all thrown on the
fire, Leavine says he remembers, and was a witness to it. He also
remembers the occurrence narrated by Caparo of an Indian woman who was
cut to pieces by Normand himself, because she refused to live with one
of his employees as he directed her to do. He was a witness to the woman
being set fire to with the Peruvian flag soaked in kerosene wrapped
round her, and of her then being shot. The statement made by Caporo as
to the ground round Andokes being sown with skulls was then read out by
the Consul-General to Leavine. He (Leavine) of himself stated that there
were days in 1906 and 1907 'when you could not eat your food on account
of the dead Indians lying around the house.' He frequently saw the dogs
eating them, and dragging the limbs about. The bodies and arms were
thrown all round and were not buried.

"With regard to the statement of Roso España, read over to him from the
_Truth_ charges, he saw one child rammed head first down one of the
holes being dug for the house timbers.

"The statement of Julio Muriedas, made in the same quarter, who stated
that he had been at Matanzas, was then read over to Leavine. He
remembers Muriedas. With regard to the statement that two hundred lashes
were given to Indians, Leavine says this often took place, also the
burning alive of children to make them reveal where their parents were
hidden. This he declares he has seen Señor Normand do more than once.
The eating of the limbs of the dead people by the house-dogs attested by
Muriedas he again confirms, and says it was 'a common occurrence.' The
statement of 'M. G.,' from the _Truth_ accusations, was then read to
Leavine. He recalls this man, named Marcial, being a short time at
Matanzas when Señor Normand wished to make him a station cook, and this
man had refused and they had quarrelled. This man's statement that he
had seen in one month and five days 'ten Indians killed and burnt'
Leavine declares is in no wise remarkable. He has himself seen twenty
Indians killed in five days in Matanzas. As to the 'stinking' of this
section referred to by 'M. G.' he affirms that this was often the case
to a revolting degree. He recalls 'M. G.,' or Marcial, shooting the
little Indian boy by Señor Normand's orders as he, 'M. G.,' accuses
himself of doing.

"Leavine finally declares that Señor Normand killed many hundreds of
Indians during his six years at Matanzas, during all which time he
(Leavine) served under him, and by many kinds of torture, cutting off
their heads and limbs and burning them alive. He more than once saw
Normand have Indians' hands and legs tied together, and the men or women
thus bound thrown alive on a fire. The employees on the station would
look on or assist at this. The station boys, or _muchachos_, would get
the firewood ready, acting under Señor Normand's orders. He saw Normand
on one occasion take three native men and tie them together in a line,
and then with his Mauser rifle shoot all of them with one bullet, the
ball going right through. He would fire more than one shot into them
like this."

On arriving in London, in January, 1912, Consul Casement gave in a
further Report to the Foreign Office, of which the following are
extracts:--

"The managing director of the company at Iquitos, Señor Pablo Zumaeta,
against whom had been issued a warrant of arrest, had, I found, not
been arrested, but, with the connivance of the police, had merely
remained in his private residence at Iquitos during the hearing of an
appeal he was permitted to lodge. This appeal being considered by the
Superior Court of Iquitos during my stay there, resulted in the court
annulling the warrant issued by the Criminal Court below, and the return
to public life of the accused man without trial or public investigation
of the charges against him."[128]

"Following my return to Iquitos in the 16th of October, an effort was
apparently made to arrest some twenty of those still employed by the
company on the Putumayo towards the very end of October and in the early
days of November. Although the localities where all of them were at work
were well known, the _comisario_ or commissioner of the Putumayo, one
Amadéo Burga, a paid employee of the company, and a brother-in-law of
its managing director, in each case took action just too late, so that
all those incriminated were either absent in the forest or said to have
gone away only a few hours before the officer's arrival. The vessel
reporting this unsatisfactory ending to this, the latest attempt[129] to
bring to justice the authors of so many crimes, returned to Iquitos on
the 25th of November, bringing only one man in custody, a subordinate
named Portocarrero, who was among those implicated. All the rest of the
accused were stated to have 'escaped,' in some cases, it was reported,
taking with them large numbers of captive Indians, either for sale or
for continued forced labour in other regions of the rubber-bearing
forests.

"Some of those wanted, however, I learned subsequently, had returned to
their stations when the officer, who had failed to find them, had left
the neighbourhood, and were at work again in the service of the company
at the date of my departure from the Amazon. Others of the individuals
charged by the judge, I found, were, or had been, actually in Iquitos at
the time the police there held warrants for their arrest, and no attempt
had been made to put these warrants into execution.

"The evidence that I obtained during my stay in Iquitos, coming as it
did from many quarters and much of it from the Putumayo itself, induced
in me the conviction that the punishment of the wrongdoers was a thing
not to be expected, and, from a variety of causes I need not dwell upon
here, possibly a matter beyond the ability of the local executive to
ensure. Suffice it to say I saw no reason to modify the opinion
expressed in my Report of the 17th of March last, that 'custom
sanctioned by long tradition, and an evil usage whose maxim is that "the
Indian has no rights," are far stronger than a distant law that rarely
emerges into practice.'

"In the Amazon territories of Peru--the great region termed the
Montaña--the entire population, it may be said, consists of native
Indians, some brought into close touch, as at Iquitos and in the
settled mission centres of the Ucayali, with white civilisation, but a
great proportion of them, like those on the Putumayo, still dwelling in
the forest, a rude and extremely primitive existence. To these remote
people civilisation has come, not in the guise of settled occupation by
men of European descent, accompanied by executive control to assert the
supremacy of law, but by individuals in search of Indian labour--a thing
to be mercilessly used, and driven to the most profitable of tasks,
rubber-getting, by terror and oppression. That the Indian has
disappeared and is disappearing rapidly under this process is nothing to
these individuals. Enough Indians may remain to constitute, in the end,
the nucleus of what is euphemistically termed 'a civilised centre.'

"The entire absence of government, which has not kept pace with the
extension of revenue-yielding communities, has left the weaker members
of those communities exposed to the ruthless greed of the stronger. The
crimes of the Putumayo, horrible as they are, have their counterpart, I
am assured, in other remote regions of the same lawless forest--although
possibly not to the same terrifying extent.

"In this instance the force of circumstance has brought to light what
was being done under British auspices--that is to say, through an
enterprise with headquarters in London, and employing both British
capital and British labour--to ravage and depopulate the wilderness. The
fact that this British company should possibly cease to direct the
original families of Peruvian origin who first brought their forest
wares (50,000 slaves) to the English market will not, I apprehend,
materially affect the situation on the Putumayo. The Arana Syndicate
still termed itself the Peruvian Amazon Company (Limited) up to the date
of my leaving Iquitos on the 7th of December last. The whole of the
rubber output of the region, it should be borne in mind, is placed upon
the English market, and is conveyed from Iquitos in British bottoms.
Some few of the employees in its service are, or were when I left the
Amazon, still British subjects, and the commercial future of the
Putumayo (if any commercial future be possible to a region so wasted and
mishandled) must largely depend on the amount of foreign, chiefly
British, support those exploiting the remnant of the Indians may be able
to secure.

"A population officially put at 50,000 should in ten years have grown by
natural increase to certainly 52,000 or 53,000 souls, seeing that every
Indian marries--a bachelor or spinster Indian is unknown--and that
respect for marriage is ingrained in uncivilised Indian nature and love
of children, probably the strongest affection these people display. By
computations made last year and the year before, by officials and by
those interested in the prosperity of the Peruvian Amazon Company, the
existing population of the entire region is now put at from 7,000
Indians, the lowest calculation, to 10,000, the highest. Around some of
the sections or rubber centres whence this drain of rubber has been
forced, the human sacrifices attained such proportions that human bones,
the remains of lost tribes of Indians, are so scattered through the
forests that, as one informant stated, these spots 'resemble
battlefields.' A Peruvian officer, who had been through the Putumayo
since the date of my visit in 1910, said that the neighbourhood of one
particular section he had visited recalled to him the battlefield of
Miraflores--the bloodiest battle of the Chilean War. Moreover, these
unarmed and defenceless people, termed, indeed, in the language of
prospectuses, the 'labourers' of this particular company, were killed
for no crime or offence, and were murdered by the men who drew the
highest profits from that company. They comprised women and
children--very often babies in arms--as well as men and boys. Neither
age nor sex was spared; all had to work rubber, to perform impossible
tasks, to abandon home and cultivation of their forest clearings, and to
search week by week and month by month for the juice of rubber-yielding
trees, until death came as sudden penalty for failing strength and
non-compliance, or more gently overtook them by the way in the form of
starvation or disease. With all that it has given to the Amazon Valley
of prosperity, of flourishing steamship communications, of port works,
of growing towns and centres of civilisation, with electric light and
tramways, of well-kept hospitals and drainage schemes, it may well be
asked whether the rubber-tree has not, perhaps, taken more away.

"However this be, it is certainly in the best interests of commercial
civilisation itself, and of the vital needs of the trading communities
upon the Amazon River, that the system of ruthless and destructive human
exploitation which has been permitted to grow up on the Putumayo should
be sternly repressed. Peru herself can only greatly benefit from the
establishment of a civilised and humane administration--a task of no
great magnitude--in those regions hitherto abandoned to the _cauchero_
and the vegetable filibuster. The healthy development of the Amazon
rubber industry, one of the foremost of Brazilian needs, calls for that
humanity of intercourse civilisation seeks to spread by commerce, not
for its degradation by the most cruel forms of slavery and greed.

"All that is sensible of this among those interested in the rubber
industry, whether of Europe, the United States, or Brazil, should
heartily unite in assisting the best elements of Peruvian life to
strengthen the arm of justice, and to establish upon the Putumayo and
throughout the Montaña, wherever the rubber-seeker seeks his profits, a
rule of right dealing and legality. It may be long before a
demoralisation drawing its sanction from so many centuries of
indifference and oppression can be uprooted, but Christianity owns
schools and missions as well as _Dreadnoughts_ and dividends. In
bringing to that neglected region and to those terrorised people
something of the suavity of life, the gentleness of mind, the equity of
intercourse between man and man that Christianity seeks to extend, the
former implements of her authority should be more potent than the
latter.

"I have, &c.,
"ROGER CASEMENT."




CONCLUSION


The foregoing are but a few portions of the accounts published in Consul
Casement's Report given by the Barbados men whose statements were taken.
They have been here selected to show that the worst stories of almost
incredible barbarity were more than confirmed. No apology is needed for
setting them forth in this book. It is in the interests of truth and
justice that one half of the world should know how another, remoter half
lives. The history of the affair throws a light on the curious character
of people of various nationalities connected with it. The Latin
Americans, even those who committed the most appalling deeds, are such
people as would under ordinary circumstances receive the traveller with
high-sounding phrases of hospitality. Away from the restraining power of
civilisation and public opinion, it is seen that men of certain
character easily revert to primitive instincts of cruelty and
oppression, and hold human life the cheapest thing on earth. The
terrible indictment that has been made of Peruvian methods away from the
influence of their cities shows how far from the principle of
self-government the people of Latin America still are. It is to be
recollected, moreover, that these poor forest Indians differ very little
from the people who have formed the basis of Peruvian and Latin
American nationality generally: whilst the Indians and Cholos of the
uplands, who are still subjected to oppression and civic negligence, are
those from whom Peru and others of the Andine republics draw, and always
will draw, unless a strong tide of immigration sets in, the bulk of
their citizens. The governing Peruvians and Bolivians of to-day are
formed from that race. They bear its stamp upon their faces and cuticle.
This brown race, which has, in Mexico and Peru, produced statesmen and
law-givers, is nothing to be ashamed of, yet the _mestizos_, or people
of mixed race, forming the bulk of the Latin American nations, are
harsher in their conduct towards the Indian than are white men.
Comparatively few women from Spain have entered the New World. The
Indians have formed the mothers of the Peruvians and their neighbours,
from Presidents and Cabinet Ministers downwards. These poor women, who
have been outraged, starved, murdered, or burnt alive, are of their own
flesh. What reparation will Peru make to expiate these terrible outrages
against man and Nature? How will it compensate the relatives of the
murdered, or the scarred and ruined survivors? Furthermore, what
reparation will the European shareholders of the now liquidated company
make?

The pressing necessity for Peru--as for every other land and nation--is
to awaken to the necessity for a new doctrine and science regarding the
disposal of the resources of the earth and the enjoyments of its fruits
by those who have their being upon it. Until this is done, commercialism
and oppression will continue to go hand in hand.

EDITOR.




INDEX


ABISINIA, rubber station, 245

Aborigines, _see_ Indians

Aborigines Protection Society, 31-2

Absentee capitalism, evils of, 49

Abuses, first mention of, 21-2, 24

Acosta, Eugenio, agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 307

Acosta, General, 146

Agent, confession of an, 233-6

Agents of the Peruvian Amazon Company, _see_ Acosta, Agüero,
   Alcorta, Calderon, Delgado, Esmeralda, Fonseca, Jiménez,
   Loayza, Lúrquin, Macedo, Martinengui, Montt, Muñz, Negrete,
   Norman, Normand, O'Donnell, Rengifo, Rodríguez, Torres, Velarde, Zumaeta

Aguarunas, native tribe, 16

Agüero, agent of Peruvian Amazon Company, 217;
  crimes of, 237-8, 241, 244, 255, 257

Alarco, Abel, 200, 210

Albarracin, Lieutenant, 190

Alcorta, agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 232

Alligators, 112-3, 115;
  escape from, 122

_Amapá_, Brazilian war launch, 225;
  forests of, 17

Amazon, the, 12-13;
  discovery and history of, 13-14;
  difficulties of governing, 35;
  value of, 37;
  forests of, 74

"Amazons," origin of legend, 14

America, North, _see_ United States

America, South, 13

American Consul at Iquitos, 45

Americans, oppressive treatment of Indians by, 49

Andes, 17
  extinction of native labour in, 26-7

Andoques, native tribe, 194

Anti-Slavery Society, _see_ Aborigines Protection Society

Apostolic Prefect, Report of the, 297

Atrocities, Hardenburg's first account of, 28;
  publication of, in London, 29;
  denial of, by Peruvian Government and the Peruvian Amazon Company, 29

Arana, J. C., charges against, 32, 180;
  rise of, 199, 200;
  visits London, 201;
  founds London syndicate, 201, 210, 211, 217-19

Arana Bros., import negroes, 40, 200;
  charges against, 215, 271-2

Arana, Lizardo, 200

Argelia, 167; trouble at, 170-1

Arrests, attempted, 333

Arrows, poisoned, 36, 59

Authorities, guilt of, 26

Aztecs, 20


BARBADOS men, employed by Peruvian Amazon Company, 33;
  crimes committed by, 39;
  protests of, 40;
  themselves tortured, 40, 45, 208;
  charges against, 266-7, 270-8, 280, 312, 315

Bearers, starvation of, 304-5

Becerra, Don Rogero, 129

Benavides, Captain, brutal treatment of writer by, 173

Beni River, 23

Birth customs, 154

Bishop, interpreter, 312

Blackmail, alleged, 32

Blow-pipe, 36, 59, 157

Blue Book, 264

Boa constrictor, 101

_Board of Trade Journal_, 47

Bodoqueda, _see_ Blow-pipe

Bolivia, 18

Bonduel, M. Henri, Director of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 210

Boras, native tribe, 194;
  at Abisinia, 245, 318

Braga, J. B., witness, 237-40;
  escapes, 240

Bramall, W., Secretary Peruvian Amazon Company, 210

Brazil, 13, 39

Bribery, 19

British Consul at Iquitos, 41, 45;
  at Manaos, 40, 45

British hypocrisy, 30-31

British subjects in the Putumayo, 33

Burial, 155

Burning alive, 29, 205, 214, 234, 252-3, 260, 300, 323, 327, 329

Buzzards, 128


CABRERA, José, forced to sell by Arana, 200

Calderon, Colombian rubber collector, 312

Calderon Bros., 200

Campas, native tribe, 298

Campucana, River, 65

Candirú, extraordinary and dangerous fish, 121

Cannibals, tales of, 73

Canoes, 76-7;
  author's canoe stranded, 111-25

Capivara, 105

Caporo, Genaro, witness, 256, 330

Casement Reports, the, 20, 32-3, 40, 264-87;
  further Report, 287-332;
  last Report, 332-8

Casement, Sir Roger, 33, 46, 264;
  nature of testimony, 265-6

Castaños, woman stolen from, 226-7, 236

Castration, 205

Castro, Carlos Rey de, Peruvian Consul-General for Brazil, 289

Catfish, 115, 121

Cauca Railway, 55

Cazes, David, British Consul at Iquitos, 41

Chase, witness, 317-21

Chicha, native beer, 66

Children, murder of, 223, 252-3, 319, 328, 331

Chunchos, native tribe, 24

Cionis, native tribe, 78;
  habits, 80, 86, 99-100, 103

Coca, 160-1

Collantes, Daniel, 263

Colombia, 13, 17

Colombians, 39;
  oppressed and massacred by Peruvians, 144-5, 220-5;
  flogged, 227;
  murdered, 261;
  discover the Putumayo, 293-4

Commercialism, policy of, 12-13

Commission, the Consular, 33, 40

Commission of the Peruvian Company, 266

Commission of the Anti-Slavery Society, 33

Commission of the Peruvian Government, 41

Community houses, 16, 56-7, 80, 156

Concubinage, 180-1, 206-7, 245

Congo, the, 12, 32, 185

_Cosmopolita_, launch, 193-4

Cremation, 259

Crichlow, carpenter, 281;
  put in his own stocks, 282

Crimes, variety of, _see_ Torture, Murder, Flogging, Burning alive, &c.

Criminal proceedings, 41

Criminals, names of, 233, 262, 267

Cruelty, a Spanish and Portuguese trait, 37

Cuellar, P., 190

Curare, 59;
  its effect, 60


DANCES, 161-2

Dancurt, executioner, 44, 248-9

Davis, A., witness, 321-3

Delgado, agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 248, 282

Denial, an Oriental trait of Spanish Americans, 29

Development, checked by slaughter of Indians, 27

"Devil's Paradise," the, 28-9, 164-214

Diversion, murder and torture as a, 29

Dogfish, so-called, 105

Dogs fed on human flesh, 29, 226, 301, 330-1

Drink traffic, 55

Drunkenness, 246

Duarte, 143-5

Dyall, 283


EARS cut off, 323

Economy of humanity not understood, 27

Ecuador, 13, 17

_El Comercio_, journal, 23-7

El Dorado rubber station, piracy at, 177

El Encanto rubber station, 15, 168, 177;
  writer imprisoned at, 178;
  treatment of Indians at, 179-80, 203, 255

_El Oriente_, journal, 41

"Englishmen," so-called, _see_ Barbados negroes

English Rubber Company, blamed, 41

Enock, C. Reginald, work and protests of, 20-2;
  accuses the Peruvians of slave traffic, 24-5, 33, 49-50, 339

Esmeralda, criminal, 230-2

España, Roso, victim and witness, 221-5, 331


FAUNA of the Amazon, 91, 93

Fever, 131

Fire, child tortured by, 226;
  Indians burned with kerosene and loosed, 239

Flogging, 29, 180, 204, 217, 227, 229-30, 238, 296, 299, 305;
  tapir-hide whip used, 306;
  with machete, 306, 325, 331

Fonseca, agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 214;
  crimes of, 228-33, 260-1, 322-3

Forced labour, early, 37

Foreign Office, 32;
  suppresses Casement Report, 34;
  publishes it, 34, 46

Forests, 17, 18

Fox, W., 303

Fritz, Padre, 51


GARCILASO DE LA VEGA, 11

Ghiorzo, Lieut., 190, 193

Gold, 54

Gonzalez, Señor, 93, 95-100

Grey, Sir Edward, 32-3, 264

Gubbins, J. R., Director of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 210

Gulpi, 108

Guevara, B., 190, 195, 231-2

Guineo River, 76

Guineo village, 77-8

Gutierrez, Pilar, victim, 175

HARDENBURG, W.E., travels of, 28;
  suffering at hands of agents of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 28;
  publication of his narrative refused, 31, 44;
  his narrative, 154-263;
  taken prisoner, 173-4;
  "bluffs" his captives, 178-9;
  "bluff" discovered, 195;
  investigation of crimes, 215;
  letters to, 240-63

Henson, Canon, indicts the Peruvian Amazon Company, 50

Huitoto Indians, character and weapons of, 16, 20, 32, 144-5, (149-63);
  language of, 150-2;
  habits, 152-3;
  character, 153-4;
  birth customs, 154;
  burial customs, 155;
  houses, 155-6;
  dress, 159-60;
  religion, 162-3;
  gradual extermination of, 207 to end

Humanity, economy of, 47


IBERIAN character, 17, 339-40

Igaraparaná River, 15, 192

"Imperial Commonwealth, An," 33

Inca language, 56

Incas, laws of, 11, 18, 19;
  modern, 56-60

Indians, of the Putumayo basin, decrease of, 16;
  forest tribe, 17-19, 22, 36;
  of Santiago, 56-60;
  of Mocoa, 70;
  the Cionis, 78-86;
  trading with, 92;
  extermination of, 196;
  punishment and torture of, 204-5, 218-19;
  character of Amazonian tribes, 273;
  skill of, 285;
  tribes of, 286;
  numbers, 289;
  experienced elderly individuals murdered by
    rubber-gatherers, and weapons destroyed, 311-12;
  amazing fidelity and fortitude of, 314-15

Iquitos, 15, 18;
  output of rubber firm, 47;
  arrival at, 195

_Iquitos_, Peruvian gunboat, 172;
fires on Hardenburg's party, 172-3, 244


JAGUARS, 113-4

Jesuits, missions destroyed, 14, 51

Jiménez, A., agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company,
    238, 241-2, 246, 260, 326-8

_Jornal do Comercio_ Manaos, 212;
  translation from, 220-5

Judiciary, Peruvian, independence of, 34;
  corruption of, 333


KATERENE, native chief, 312

Kaye, Sir J. Lister, Director of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 210

King, Guy T., American Consul at Iquitos, 195


LA CHORRERA, rubber station, 193, 203;
  atrocities at, 225-6, 244, 248, 257-8

_La Felpa_, journal, Iquitos, translations from, 215-20, 233-6

_La Sanción_, journal, Iquitos, translations from, 214, 225-32

La Sofia, rubber station, 94

La Union, rubber station, 15;
  massacre at, 174-5, 192

Labour, cheap native, 48

Law, not for Indians, 26

Leavine, witness, 330-2

_Liberal_, Peruvian Amazon Company's launch,
    168, 172, 175, 186, 193, 224, 244

Lima, 18, 34

Lima Geographical Society, 35

Loayza, agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 148, 165, 168-9, 176, 178;
  crimes of, 181;
  amusements, 187, 203;
  crimes, 231, 255-6

Lopez, Celestino, agent and witness, 250

Lopez, Jesus, 131-5

Lores, Benito, commanding the _Iquitos_, 173

Lúrquin, César, procuration by, 191


MACEDO, Victor, agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 203, 214, 228-9, 257-9

Madera River, 23

Madre de Dios, 23

Maggots in wounds of victims, 28, 230, 234-5, 299, 305

Magistrates, callous, 316

Manatee, 119

_Manguare_, native telegraph, 16

Mapp, James, witness, 307

Marañon, 19, 20, 25

Marble, 64

Martinengui, Elias, agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 257-8

Martinez, Gabriele, 125;
  kidnapped, 133, 135-6, 149, 165, 169, 179, 186, 189, 195

Matanzas, 234, 250-3

Materón, Don Octavio, 71, 87-97

Maw, Lieut., 293

Mines, forced labour in, 37

Minister of Justice, Peru, 296

Missions, 33; need of, 50, 52, 293, 296-7, 338

Mocoa, 67-9, 70

Mongolian type of Indian, 20, 291

Monkeys, 123, 137-8

Montaña, the, 27, 35-6

Montt, agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 309

Mosquitoes, 136, 192, 194

Muñz, A., agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 230-1

Murderers, _see_ Agents of the Peruvian Amazon Company

Murders, 206-7, 216, 233-4, 237, 251-2, 258, 260, &c.

Muriedas, J. F., witness, 228


NAHUMEDES, native tribe, 14

Napo River, 15

Negrete, Adan, agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 302-3

Negroes, selected for savagery, 39-40

Norman, agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 217, 222;
  crimes of, 225-6, 234

Normand, A., agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 275, 279, 300-2, 330-2;
  _see also_ Norman


O'DONNELL, agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 233, 243, 304, 312

Ordoñez, Señor, 141, 143;
  victimised by Peruvian Amazon Company, 202

Ordoñez y Martinez Rubber Company, 132;
  persecuted by Arana Bros., 201

Orellana, 14

Orjuela, Don Jesus, 149, 164-5, 170-1;
  taken prisoner, 171;
  treatment of, 176-7, 179, 189, 195


PAN-AMERICAN Union, the, 50

Panama, Barbados men at, 40

Paredes, Judge, 41;
  attempts to blame English, 41-2

Pardo, Don Ramiro, 167, 170-1

Paris, feeling against Peru in, 43

Peccaries, 120-1

Pedro, 70, 71

Perkins, 28, 44, 55, 64, 71, 95, 97, 103, 104;
  lost, 123, 129, 130, 131, 149, 164, 166, 175, 179;
  remains at El Encanto, 187;
  arrives minus baggage, 195

Peru, under the Incas, 11;
  under capitalism, 12

Peruvian Amazon Company, indictment of, 50, 132;
  attacks Colombian estates, 132;
  piracy of, 133, 144;
  outrage by, 148;
  treatment of Indians by agents of, 161-3;
  capture of Hardenburg's party by troops acting under, 173, 179-80;
  system of, 181-4;
  charges against, 134-5;
  atrocious crimes of agents of, 198-9;
  origin of the company, 199;
  founded by Arana, 201;
  murder and piracy carried on by, 202;
  labour system of, 204;
  "punishments," 204;
  atrocities committed by agents of, 196 to end;
  slave traffic carried on by, 209;
  directors of, 210;
  charges against, 215, 222-3.

Peruvian Consul, denies atrocities, 29

Peruvian Corporation, the, 43

Peruvian Government, compensates author, 28;
  hypocrisy or ignorance of, 30;
  exposed, 44;
  protests against the British attitude, 53;
  fails to arrest criminals, 265

Peruvian officials, Hardenburg's indictment of, 38-3

Pizarro, 14

Plantation rubber, the only remedy, 47

Plata Cecilia, victim, 200

Plaza de Oro, 93

Police of the Caraparaná, 125, 133-4

Political exiles, 109

Pongo de Manseriche, 19, 20

Porpoises, fresh-water, 105

Portuguese, cruelty of, 51

Port Maldonado, 23

Portocarrera, A., witness, 230

Prat, Frei, 298

Press, timidity of, 31

Prieto, Señor Gustavo, 165

Putumayo River, 17;
  sources of, 54, 63;
  warning to intending labourers on, 216;
  Indians of the, 216;
  Sir Roger Casement on, 288

Putumayo Rubber Company, 12


QUEBRADA, San Miguel, 102

Quichua language, 56

Quinine, 93-4


RAPE, 28

Read, H. M., Director of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 210

Remolino, 141-2

Rengifo, Miguel, agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 261

Reyes, President, 68, 93-4

Robuchon, French explorer, disappears, 218-19, 289

Rocca, action by, 228

Rodriguez, A., agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 242-3;
  wholesale murders by, 254-5, 262, 276, 310

Rodriguez Bros., agents of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 217, 223

Rodriguez, Dr., 248

Roman Church in Peru, 52

Rosas, J., witness, 243

Rubber, cost of, in human lives, 46-7;
  output of, 47;
  varieties of, and method of gathering, 94-5, 294-5

Rubber companies, fraudulent, 48


SANCHEZ, DON ALFONSO, 146-7

Sanchez, Ramon, rubber agent, 274-5, 279

San Antonio, 55

San Francisco, 55, 62-3

Santa Julia, 153, 260

Santiago, 55; Indians of, 56-60

Savagery, tales of Indian, 36

Sealey, Stanley, witness, 324

"Secret of the Pacific, The," 20

Serrano, Señor, 166-8;
  atrocious treatment by the Peruvians, 148-9, 164-6, 201

Shareholders, ignorance of, 48

Sibundoy, 55;
  Indians of, 61

Skulls, at Matanzas, 253

Slave raids, 14

Slave trade, in Peru, 21, 51, 209, 297

Smallpox sufferers killed, 241, 243

Spears, 158

Soplín, Carlos, witness, 232

Sorcery, belief in, 71

Sousa, Deiro, Baron de, Director of Peruvian Amazon Company, 210, 241

State Socialism of Incas, 11

Starvation, 304-5, 310

Stench of murdered Indians, 234, 252, 332

Stocks, Indians starved in, 241, 279, 280-1;
  flogged in, 308

Suárez, executioner, 230

Sugar, phenomenal growth of, 36

_Sunday Times_, statements in, denied, 211-12


TAMBOPATA, 23

Tapirs, 114, 117-18

Target, Indians as living, 38, 206

Telegraphy, native, 16, 158-9

Texeira, explorer, 14

Tizon, Señor, 303, 307

Torres, Colombian prisoner, 226

Torres, agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 323

Torture, as a diversion, 38;
  varieties of, in use, 184-5, 204-7, 213 to end.
  _See_ Burning, Flogging, Stocks, Target, Water, &c.

Toucan, 123-4

_Truth_, 30-31, 44, 185, 204, 330-31

Turkey, 127

Turtles, 115-16, 119;
  eggs, 124, 127

_Tunday_, _see_ Telegraph

Tyranny, a matter of opportunity, 39


UNITED STATES, 28, 42-3;
  action of, tardily follows British, 46;
  apathy of Consul and Government, 195

Urdaneta, General, 67


VAMPIRES, 98-9

Vasquez, A., agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 262-3, 317-21

Vasquez, Julian, witness, 243, 317-8

Vegetation, 93

Velarde, agent of the Peruvian Amazon Company, 223-4, 309

Venezuela, 13

Victims, names of some, 221

_Virginia_, Brazilian launch, 225


WATER, torture by, 205, 307

Whiffen, Captain, 324, 330

Witchcraft, belief in, 71

Women, trade in, 21;
  treatment of, 180-81, 184-5, 198,
    206, 218, 220, 226-7, 229, 230-35,
    242, 247-8, 253, 261-2, 283-4, 306, 311, 313-14, 316


ZAPATA, Prefect, 197

Zubiaur, Carlos, 187, 192

Zumaeta, Bartolomé, agent of the Peruvian
    Amazon Company, 200, 211, 226-7, 246

Zumaeta, Pablo, managing director of
    the Peruvian Amazon Company released, 332-3


The Gresham Press,

UNWIN BROTHERS, LIMITED

WOKING AND LONDON.

       *       *       *       *       *


FOOTNOTES:

 [1] Garcilaso was born in 1540.

 [2] Pronounced _Put-oo-my-o_.

 [3] See "Peru" by the present writer, London, 1909.

 [4] The present writer travelled extensively in this region, which he
 described in an address to the Royal Geographical Society, and in his
 book, "The Andes and the Amazon." London, 1907: T. Fisher Unwin (4th
 edition).

 [5] Foreign Office Reports, Miscellaneous, No. 8, 1912.

 [6] "The Secret of the Pacific." London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1912.

 [7] Documentos oficiales del Departmento de Loreto, Lima, 1905, of
 which extracts were published in "The Andes and the Amazon."

 [8] Jorge von Hassel.

 [9] Name given to the Indians.

 [10] Slave raids.

 [11] See Consul Casement's Reports.

 [12] These abuses of the Upland Indians are constantly being carried
 out. Whilst this book was in press accounts were received of
 systematic ill-treatment, murder, and slavery of the natives in the
 Montaña of Cuzco and elsewhere, published in _El Comercio_ of Lima
 under date of June and July, 1912. These districts are by no means
 remote from centres of government.

 [13] The ignorance or hypocrisy of the Peruvian Legation in this
 connection was fully brought forward in _Truth_.

 [14] The general public are insufficiently aware of the extensive and
 valuable work carried on by this society (Denison House, London), in
 the protection of native races against slavery all over the world, nor
 of the public support it merits.

 [15] The most serious charge was one brought by the Peruvian director
 of the Company, Julio Cesar Arana, against an English army officer who
 had travelled on the Putumayo and witnessed the atrocities committed
 upon the Indians. According to this charge, which was supported by a
 document, recorded in a minute upon the Company's books and issued in
 a printed circular to the shareholders in December, 1909, this officer
 called upon Arana in London, entertained him at the United Service
 Club and Café Royal, and offered to suppress a Report he had made for
 the British Foreign Office upon the subject, which was, he stated,
 of a nature such as would ruin the Company, if Arana and the other
 directors would pay him £1,000 to cover his expenses on the Putumayo.
 The directors refused and the officer sent in the Report. The travels
 of this officer are mentioned in Mr. Casement's Report. The matter is
 mentioned here in the interests of common fairness.

 [16] The present writer had been asked by the Company's directors in
 October, 1909, to head this commission, and was prepared to go, but
 no action was taken: and again in May, 1910, but being engaged on the
 publication of his book, "An Imperial Commonwealth," at that time,
 regretted he was unable to do so.

 [17] In this connection it is to be recollected that the English
 directors of the company disclaimed previous knowledge of the subject,
 as they were deceived by their Peruvian colleagues.

 [18] The present writer has, in his books, endeavoured to show forth
 the possibilities of Peru, and the good points of its people, towards
 whom as a nation he retains feelings of friendship. But no service is
 performed by attempting to conceal the serious defects of character
 displayed in Peruvian individuals and governance.

 [19] See Consul Casement's Report.

 [20] The present writer has, in South America, been hailed as a
 "fellow-countryman," by chance Barbadoes men, with that singular
 cordiality which is one of their characteristics. "How do you do, sir!
 I'm an Englishman too," they will say, with outstretched hand.

 [21] American _Review of Reviews_, September, 1912.

 [22] The two American travellers were left without resources in
 Iquitos, and came to London under considerable difficulties.
 Hardenburg was accused by the company of attempted blackmail, in
 the laying of his evidence before the editor of _Truth_ and the
 Anti-Slavery Society. By a fortunate coincidence there arrived at
 that moment a letter, announcing that the Peruvian Government, due to
 representation made by the United States, had agreed to pay over to
 the two travellers an indemnity of £500. The Peruvian Legation at the
 same time was publishing letters in the London Press actually denying
 that such occurrences had taken place.

 [23] See _Board of Trade Journal_, September, 1912.

 [24] The present writer has proposed at various times, in letters to
 the Press and to the Chambers of Commerce, the establishment of a
 strong Latin American Bureau in London, for the purpose of fostering
 trade with those lands, of bringing forward their geographical
 possibilities and natural resources, and of insisting upon attention
 being paid to the condition of Latin American labour. In the United
 States a strong organisation exists in the Pan-American Union at
 Washington for dealing with the first two items here proposed, and due
 to its exertions the United States are securing a much larger share of
 Latin American trade than formerly.

 [25] Mistress.

 [26] After the ancient Incas of Peru.--EDITOR.

 [27] Food for the journey.

 [28] Porters.

 [29] Packages.

 [30] Ravine.

 [31] Hut.

 [32] Shambles.

 [33] Slippery Stone.

 [34] Native maize beer.

 [35] Tropical lands.

 [36] Bixa orellana.

 [37] A skin disease.

 [38] Blow-pipe.

 [39] Native alcohol or rum.

 [40] Cedrela odorata.

 [41] Swietenia mahogani.

 [42] Nectandra.

 [43] Callophilum brasiliense.

 [44] Hura.

 [45] Acrodiclidium itauba.

 [46] Atrocarium.

 [47] Abrus precatorius.

 [48] Bactris ciliata.

 [49] Iriartea deltoida.

 [50] Iriartea ventricosa.

 [51] Phitelephas macrocarpa.

 [52] Crescentia cuyete.

 [53] Carica papaya.

 [54] Citrus limonum.

 [55] Lucuma caimita.

 [56] Anacardium occidentale.

 [57] Guilielma speciosa.

 [58] Artocarpus incisa.

 [59] Tapirus americanus.

 [60] Dicotyles labiatus.

 [61] Hydrochoerus capibara.

 [62] Cervus.

 [63] Bradypus.

 [64] Dasypus.

 [65] Cecropia peltata.

 [66] Yacquinia armillaris.

 [67] Musa paradisiaca.

 [68] Zea maiz.

 [69] Manihot utilissima.

 [70] Manihot aypi.

 [71] Cerveza peruviana.

 [72] Vine or creeper.

 [73] Genipa oblongifolia.

 [74] Boatmen.

 [75] _Chimbada._

 [76] Rhea Americana.

 [77] The Golden Beach.

 [78] Gynerium segitatum.

 [79] Phoeæna brasiliensis.

 [80] Hydrochoerus capibara.

 [81] Felis onca.

 [82] Felis onca nigra.

 [83] Felis concolor.

 [84] Felis pardalis.

 [85] Felis tigrina.

 [86] framework of unseasoned wood built over an open fire to suspend
 meat, &c., from.

 [87] The travellers seem to have encountered a numerous
 _fauna_.--EDITOR.

 [88] Ramphastas discolorus.

 [89] Portage.--EDITOR.

 [90] American slang term for a drinking bout.--EDITOR.

 [91] Simia mycetes.

 [92] This concern was, before October 1, 1907, a Peruvian Company, the
 J. C. Arana and Hermanos Company.

 [93] One sol (S.) is equivalent to about two shillings.

 [94] The full name appears in the manuscript.

 [95] This, of course, was all a gigantic deception, but I firmly
 believe that it saved our lives, for at the time it was rumoured that
 a big American syndicate was going to begin operations on the Upper
 Putumayo.

 [96] The scars on their backs from floggings, called so after Julio
 C. Arana, the organiser and chief stock-holder of the Peruvian Amazon
 Company.

 [97] Many of these have recently been published in
 _Truth_.--AUTHOR.

 [98] Executioners, torturers.

 [99] It is to be noted that, although a year and a half has elapsed
 since these outrages were committed, the American Government, in
 accordance with its immemorial custom and in spite of our appeals, has
 so far done absolutely nothing on our behalf.--AUTHOR. [Later
 on the two travellers received £500.--EDITOR.]

 [100] The bandit Burga.

 [101] The celebrated Zapata.

 [102] This account cannot be printed.--EDITOR.

 [103] The first settlers in the Igaraparaná.

 [104] These three monsters are jointly responsible with Julio César
 Arana for the hellish crimes of the Putumayo to be described later.
 Alarco is now managing director of this syndicate of crime, and at
 present is busily engaged in swindling the public.--AUTHOR.

 [105] It was in this epoch that Cecilio Plata and his employees
 were murdered on the banks of the Caquetá for having dared to enter
 into relations with the Indians of that region, who were afterwards
 enslaved by the criminal syndicate.--AUTHOR.

 [106] About this time Matías Pérez on the River Napo was forcibly
 ejected from his estate, which, with all its appurtenances, passed
 into the possession of the company.

 [107] A _hint_ regarding these methods is given subsequently.

 [108] It is difficult to think that the European directors of the
 company were really cognisant of the crimes. As to the charge of
 culpability of negligence, and of their liability to shareholders
 under company law, these matters are being investigated, both
 before the Courts and by a special Commission in the House of
 Commons.--EDITOR.

 [109] _Sábado de gloria_, literally _Saturday of Glory_, is the day
 following Good Friday.

 [110] From _La Sanción_ of Iquitos, Peru.

 [111] One _arroba_ is equivalent to 15 kilos or just over 30 lbs.

 [112] _Fabrico_, a period of a little over three months.

 [113] One centavo is equal to one farthing in English money.

 [114] Robuchon was a French explorer, commissioned in 1904 by the
 Peruvian Government to make explorations, maps sketches, &c., and
 take photographs of the region of the Putumayo. He spent about two
 years there, traversing nearly the whole of the district occupied
 by the "civilising company," when in 1906 he suddenly disappeared
 in the vicinity of a point called El Retiro. As he is known to have
 taken several photographs of the horrible crimes committed there, it
 is thought by many that he was victimised by the employees of Arana.
 Considering the character of these miserable criminals and certain
 other peculiar circumstances that are said to have taken place, it
 would not be strange if such were really the case.--AUTHOR.

 [115] _Personal_, a gang of men.

 [116] _Cauchero_, rubber-collector.

 [117] An error of España's. _Aristides_, not _Juan_ Rodriguez.

 [118] We shall see later how the Iquitos authorities proceeded in this
 matter.--AUTHOR.

 [119] _Tambo_, small, empty hut of thatch.

 [120] Both of these copper-complexioned monsters were formerly
 barefooted _peons_ of Chachapoyas, Peru. Going to the Putumayo, they
 began their career of butchery, and by dint of continual crime have
 succeeded in amassing a small fortune. Arístides has since retired and
 now lives in Iquitos, a proud member of the _aristocracia_ of that
 place, but Aurelio still continues his sanguinary labours in Santa
 Catalina.--AUTHOR.

 [121] The chiefs of section call their criminal assistants
 _secretaries_.--AUTHOR.

 [122] It is impossible to print the whole of this
 description.--EDITOR.

 [123] Although full accounts appeared in _Truth_ in 1909, it was not
 until long afterwards, when the accounts had been confirmed, that the
 London daily Press took the matter up.

 [124] Mr. Casement received the honour of knighthood after his return.

 [125] This has been commented upon in the
 Introduction.--EDITOR.

 [126] Equal to about 105 lbs.--EDITOR.

 [127] See p. 32.

 [128] In outlying places in Peru and other Latin American countries
 it is extremely difficult to obtain the conviction of or even to
 sustain a process against wealthy or influential persons, as in small
 localities the "justices" are completely overawed or influenced by
 them. There is, moreover, a strong element of police-court methods in
 Latin America such as has been rendered familiar by occurrences in New
 York.--EDITOR.

 [129] Some further arrests have been made since.--EDITOR.

       *       *       *       *       *

Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:

Peruvian Governmant=> Peruvian Government {pg 41}

Materon=> Materón {pg 105}

Folis pardalis=> Felis pardalis {pg 114 n.}

Loyaza=> Loayza {pg 165 & 166}

Rubber from Matanza=> Rubber from Matanzas {pg 267}

Jiminéz=> Jiménez {pg 324 & 326}

Ghiorgo, Lieut., 190, 193=> Ghiorzo, Lieut., 190, 193 {pg 343}